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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL

HISTORY OF AMERICA

^original
America

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL

HISTORY OF AMERICA

EDITED

By JUSTIN WINSOR

LIBRARIAN OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Vol. I

BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

2Dtje Ktoersfoe pres&, Cambridge

The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.
Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.

CHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT, LL. D.

President of Harvard University.

Dear Eliot :

Forty years ago, you and I, having made preparation together, entered college
on the same day. We later found different spheres in the world; and you came
back to Cambridge in due time to assume your high office. Twelve years ago9
sought by you, I likewise came, to discharge a duty under you.

You took me away from many cares, and transferred me to the more con-
genial service of the University. The change has conduced to the progress of
those studies in which I hardly remember to have had a lack of interest.

So I owe much to you ; and it is not, I trust, surprising that I desire to con-
nect, in this work, your name with that of your

Obliged friend.

Cambridge, 1889.

CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

[The cut on the title represents a mask, which forms the centre of the Mexican Calendar Stone, as engraved
in D. Wilson"1 s Prehistoric Man, i. jjj, from a cast now in the Collection of the Society of Antiquaries
of Scotland^

INTRODUCTION.

Part I. Americana in Libraries and Bibliographies. The Editor i

Illustrations : Portrait of Professor Ebeling, iii ; of James Carson Brevoort, x ; of
Charles Deane, xi.

Part II. Early Descriptions of America, and Collective Accounts of the Early

Voyages thereto. The Editor xix

Illustrations : Title of the Newe Unbekanthe Landte, xxi ; of Peter Martyr's De Nuper
sub D. Carolo repertis insulis (1521), xxii ; Portrait of Grynaeus, xxiv ; of Sebastian
MUnster, xxvi, xxvii ; of Monardes, xxix ; of De Bry, xxx ; of Feyerabend, xxxi.

CHAPTER I.

The Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients considered in Relation to the

Discovery of America. William H. Tillinghast 1

Illustrations: Maps by Macrobius, 10, 11, 12; Carli's Traces of Atlantis, 17; Sanson's
Atlantis Insula, 18 ; Bory de St. Vincent's Carte Conjecturale de PAtlantide, 19 ; Con-
tour Chart of the Bottom of the Atlantic Ocean, 20 ; The Rectangular Earth, 30.

Critical Essay 33

Notes 38

A. The Form of the Earth, 38; B. Homer's Geography, 39; C. Supposed References to
America, 40 ; D. Atlantis, 41 ; E. Fabulous Islands of the Atlantic in the Middle Ages,
46; F. Toscanelli;s Atlantic Ocean, 51. G. {By the Editor?) Early Maps of the At-
lantic Ocean, 53.

Illustrations: Map of the Fifteenth Century, 53 ; Map of Fr. Pizigani (a. d. 1367), and
of Andreas Bianco (1436), 54; Catalan Map (1375), 55; Map of Andreas Benincasa
(1476), 56 ; Laon Globe, 56; Maps of Bordone (1547), 57, 58; Map made at the End of
the Fifteenth Century, 57 ; Ortelius's Atlantic Ocean (1587), 58.

CHAPTER II.

Pre-Columbian Explorations. Justin Winsor 59

Illustrations : Norse Ship, 62 ; Plan of a Viking Ship, and her Rowlock, 63 ; Norse
Boat used as a Habitation, 64 ; Norman Ship from the Bayeux Tapestry, 64 ; Scandinavian

viii CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Flags, 64 ; Scandinavian Weapons, 65 ; Runes, 66, 67 ; Fac-simile of the Title of the
Zeno Narrative, 70 \ Its Section on Frisland, 71 ; Ship of the Fifteenth Century, j^\
The Sea of Darkness, 74.

Critical Notes . 76

A. Early Connection of Asiatic Peoples with the Western Coast of America, 76; B. Ireland
the Great, or White Man's Land, 82 ; C. The Norse in Iceland, St, ; D. Greenland and its
Ruins, S5 ; E. The Vinland Voyages, 87; F. The Lost Greenland Colonies, 107; G.
Madoc and the Welsh, 109; H. The Zeni and their Map, 11 1 ; I. Alleged Jewish Migra-
tion, 115 ; J. Possible Early African Migrations, 116.

Illustrations : Behring's Sea and Adjacent Waters, 77 ; Buache's Map of the North
Pacific and Fusang, 79 ; Ruins of the Church at Kakortok, 86 ; Fac-simile of a Saga
Manuscript and Autograph of C. C. Rafn, 87 ; Ruin at Kakortok, 88 ; Map of Juliane-
haab, S9 ; Portrait of Rafn, 90 ; Title-page of Historia Vinlanditz Antiques per Thor-
modum Torfceum, 91 ; Rafn's Map of Norse America, 95 ; Rafn's Map of Vinland (New
England), 100 ; View of Dighton Rock, 101 ; Copies of its Inscription, 103 ; Henrik Rink,
106; Fac-simile of the Title-page of Hans Egede's Det gamle Gronlands nye Perlus-
tration, 108; A British Ship of the Time of Edward I, no; Richard H. Major, 112;
Baron Nordenskjold, 113.

The Cartography of Greenland. The Editor 117

Illustrations: The Maps of Claudius Clavus (1427), 118,119; of Fra Mauro (1459), 120;
Tabula Regionum Sep tentrionalium (1467), 121 ; Map of Donis (1482), 122; of Henricus
Martellus (1489-90), 122; of Olaus Magnus (1539), 123 ; (1555), 124; (1567), 125; of
Bordone (1547), 126 ; The Zeno Map, 127 ; as altered in the Ptolemy of 1561, 128; The
Map of Phillipus Gallaeus (1585), 129; of Sigurd Stephanus (1570), 130; The Greenland
of Paul Egede, 131 ; of Isaac de la Peyrere (1647), 132.

CHAPTER III.

Mexico and Central America. Justin Winsor 133

Illustrations: Clavigero's Plan of Mexico, 143; his Map of Anahuac, 144; Environs du
Lac de Mexique, 145 ; Brasseur de Bourbourg's Map of Central America, 151.

Critical Essay 153

Illustrations: Manuscript of Bernal Diaz, 154; Sahagun, 156; Clavigero, 159 ; Lorenzo
Boturini, 160; Frontispiece of his Idea, with his Portrait, 161 ; Icazbalceta, 163 ; Daniel
G. Brinton, 165 ; Brasseur de Bourbourg, 170.

Notes 173

I. The Authorities on the so-called Civilization of Ancient Mexico and Adjacent Lands, and
the Interpretation of such Authorities, 173; II. Bibliographical Notes upon the Ruins
and Archaeological Remains of Mexico and Central America, 176; III. Bibliographical
Notes on the Picture-Writing of the Nahuas and Mayas, 197.

Illustrations: The Pyramid of Cholula, 177; The Great Mound of Cholula, 178; Mex-
ican Calendar Stone, 179; Court of the Mexico Museum, i8t ; Old Mexican Bridge near
Tezcuco, 182; The Indio Triste, 183 ; General Plan of Mitla, 184: Sacrificial Stone, 185 ;
Waldeck, 186; Desire Charnay, 187; Charnay's Map of Yucatan, 188; Ruined Temple
at Uxmal, 189; Ring and Head from Chichen-Itza, 190; Viollet-le-Duc's Restoration of
a Pale.nqu6 Building, 192 ; Sculptures from the Temple of the Cross at Palenqu6, 193 ;
Plan of Copan, 194 ; Yucatan Types of Heads, 195 ; Plan of Quirigua, 196 ; Fac-simile
of Landa's Manuscript, 198 ; A Sculptured Column, 199 ; Palenque Hieroglyphics, 201 ;
L6on de Rosny, 202 ; The Dresden Codex, 204 ; Codex Cortesianus, 206 ; Codex Perezi-
anus, 207, 208.

CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. ix

- CHAPTER IV.

The Inca Civilization in Peru. Clements R. Markham 209

Illustrations: Brasseur de Bourbourg's Map of Northwestern South America, 210;
Early Spanish Map of Peru, 211 ; Llamas, 213 ; Architectural Details at Tiahuanaca, 214;
Bas-Reliefs, 215 ; Doorway and other Parts, 216; Image, 217; Broken Doorway, 218 ;
Tiahuanaca Restored, 219; Ruins of Sacsahuaman, 220; Inca Manco Ccapac, 228; Inca
Yupanqui, 228 ; Cuzco, 229 ; Warriors of the Inca Period, 230 ; Plan of the Temple of
the Sun, 234 ; Zodiac of Gold, 235 ; Quipus, 243 ; Inca Skull, 244 ; Ruins at Chucuito,
245 ; Lake Titicaca, 246, 247 ; Map of the Lake, 248 ; Primeval Tomb, Acora, 249 ; Ruins
at Quellenata, 249 ; Ruins at Escoma, 250 ; Sillustani, 250 ; Ruins of an Incarial Village,
251 ; Map of the Inca Road, 254; Peruvian Metal-Workers, 256 ; Peruvian Pottery, 256,
257 ; Unfinished Peruvian Cloth, 258.

Critical Essay .' 259

Illustrations : House in Cuzco in which Garcilasso was born, 265 ; Portraits of the Incas
in the Title-page of Herrera, 267 ; William Robertson, 269 ; Clements R. Markham, 272 ;
Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, 274.

Notes 275

I. Ancient People of the Peruvian Coast, 275 ; II. The Quichua Language and Literature,

278.

Illustrations : Mummy from Ancon, 276 ; Mummy from a Huaca at Pisco, 277; Tapestry
from the Graves of Ancon, 278 ; Idol from Timanci, 281.

CHAPTER V.

The Red Indian of North America in Contact with the French and English.

George E. Ellis 283

Critical Essay. George E. Ellis and the Editor 316

CHAPTER VI.

The Prehistoric Archaeology of North America. Henry W. Haynes 329

Illustrations : Palaeolithic Implement from the Trenton Gravels, 331 ; The Trenton Gravel
Bluff, 335 ; Section of Bluff near Trenton, 338 ; Obsidian Spear Point from the Lahontan
Lake, 349.

The Progress of Opinion respecting the Origin and Antiquity of Man in

America. Justin Winsor 369

Illustrations: Benjamin Smith Barton, 371; Louis Agassiz, 373; Samuel Foster Haven,
374; Sir Daniel Wilson, 375 ; Professor Edward B. Tylor, 376; Hochelagan and Cro-
magnon Skulls, 377 ; Theodor Waitz, 378 ; Sir John Lubbock, 379 ; Sir John William
Dawson, 380; Map of Aboriginal Migrations, 381 ; Calaveras Skull, 385; Ancient Foot-
print from Nicaragua, 386 ; Cromagnon, Enghis, Neanderthal, and Hochelagan Skulls,
389 ; Oscar Peschel, 391 ; Jeffries Wyman, 392 ; Map of Cape Cod, showing Shell Heaps,
393 ; Maps of the Pueblo Region, 394, 397 ; Col. Charles Whittlesey, 399 ; Increase A.
Lapham, 400 ; Plan of the Great Serpent Mound, 401 ; Cincinnati Tablet, 404 ; Old View
of the Mounds on the Muskingum (Marietta), 405 ; Map of the Scioto Valley, showing
Sites of Mounds, 406; Works at Newark, Ohio, 407 ; Major J. W. Powell, 411.

CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
APPENDIX.

Justifi Winsor.

I. Bibliography of Aboriginal America 413

11. Tl bensive Treatises on American Antiquities 415

III. graphical Notes on the I ndustri::; and Trade of the American Aborigines 416

IV. j hical Notes on American Linguistics 421

Y. raphical Notes on the Myths and Religions of America 429

VI. Arch.i'ological Museums and Periodicals 437

ILLUSTRATIONS: Mexican Clay Mask, 4r9 x Ouetzalcoatl, 432 ; The Mexican Temple, 433 ;
The Temple of Mexico, 434 ; Teoyaomiqui, 435 ; Ancient Teocalli, Oaxaca, Mexico, 436.

Index 445

INTRODUCTION.

By the Editor.

Part I. AMERICANA IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

HARRISSE, in the Introduction of his Bibli-
otheca Americana Vetustissima, enumerates
and characterizes many of the bibliographies of
Americana, beginning with the chapter, "De
Scriptoribus rerum Americanarum," in the Bib-
liotheca Classica of Draudius, in 1622.1 De Laet,
in his Nieawe Wereldt (1625), gives a list of
about thirty-seven authorities, which he in-
creased somewhat in later editions.2 The earli-
est American catalogue of any moment, however,
came from a native Peruvian, Leon y Pinelo,
who is usually cited by the latter name only.
He had prepared an extensive list ; but he
published at Madrid, in 1629, a selection of
titles only, under the designation of Epitome
de la biblioteca oriental i occidental," which in-
cluded manuscripts as well as books. He had
exceptional advantages as chronicler of the
Indies.

In 167 1, in Montanus's Nieuwe weereld, and
in Ogilby's America, about 167 authorities are
enumerated.

Sabin 4 refers to Cornelius van Beughem's
Bibliographia Historica, 1685, published at Am-
sterdam, as having the titles of books on America.

The earliest exclusively American catalogue
is the Bibliotkecce Americans Primordia of White
Kennett,5 Bishop of Peterborough, published in
London in 17 13. The arrangement of its sixteen
hundred entries is chronological ; and it enters
under their respective dates the sections of such
collections as Hakluyt and Ramusio.6 It par-
ticularly pertains to the English colonies, and
more especially to New England, where, in the
eighteenth century, three distinctively valuable
American libraries are known to have existed,
— that of the Mather family, which was in large
part destroyed during the battle of Bunker Hill,
in 1775; tnat °f Thomas Prince, still in large
part existing in the Boston Public Library; and
that of Governor Hutchinson, scattered by the
mob which attacked his house in Boston in
176s.7

In 1716 Lenglet du Fresnoy inserted a brief
list (sixty titles) in his Methode pour etudier la
geographie. Garcia's Origen de los Indias de el
nuevo mnndo, Madrid, 1729, shows a list of about
seventeen hundred authors.8

In 1 737-1 738 Barcia enlarged Pinelo's work,
translating all his titles into Spanish, and added

1 Herrera failed to add a list of authors to the original edition of his Historia (1601-1615), but one of about
thirty-three entries is found in later editions.

2 See Vol. IV. p. 417.

3 Sabin, vol. x. no. 40,053; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 347; Rich (1832), no. 188; Triibner, Bibliograph-
ical Guide to American Literature, p. viii ; Murphy, no. 1,471.

4 Dictionary, vol. ii. no. 5,102.

6 For an account of a likeness, see J. C. Smith's British Mezzotint Portraits, iv. no. 1,694.

6 The book, of which 250 copies only were printed, is rare, and Quaritch prices it at £3 (Sabin, vol. ix. no.
37,447). It preserves some titles which are not otherwise known ; and represents a library which Kennett had
gathered for presentation to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Rich (Bibl.
Amer. nova, i. 21) says the index was made by Robert Watts. Although Stevens {Historical Collections,
i. 142) says that the books were dispersed, the library is still in existence in London, though it lacks many
titles given in the printed catalogue, and shows others not in that volume. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xx.
274; Allibone, ii. 1020; James Jackson's Bibliographies geographiques (Paris, 1881), no. 606; Triibner's
Bibliographical Guide, p. ix ; Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. Ixxxvii.

7 Memorial History 0/ Boston, vol. i. pp. xviii, xix ; vol. ii. pp. 221, 426.

8 The original edition was Valencia, 1607. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 52.

vol. I. — a

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

numerous other entries which Rich1 says were

" clumsily thrown together."

Charlevoix prefixed to his NouvelU France,
744, a list with useful comments, which the

! ish reader can readily approach in Dr.
ation. x\ price-list which has been
preserved of the sale in Paris in 1764, Catalogue
. devant soi-disans Jesuites du College
rmont, indicates the lack of competition at
that time for those choicer Americana, now so
costlv.- The Regio patronatu Indiarum of Fras-
sus (1775) gives about 1505 authorities. There
is a chronological catalogue of books issued in
the American colonies previous to 1775, pre-
pared by S. F. Haven, Jr., and appended to the
edition of Thomas's History of Printing, pub-
lished by the American Antiquarian Society.
Though by no means perfect, it is a convenient
key to most publications illustrative of American
history during the colonial period of the Eng-
lish possessions, and printed in America. Dr.
Robertson's America (1777) shows only 250
works, and it indicates how far short he was of
the present advantages in the study of this sub-
ject. Clavigero surpassed all his predecessors
in the lists accompanying his Storia del Messico,
published in 1780, — but the special bibliography
of Mexico is examined elsewhere. Equally spe-
cial, and confined to the English colonies, is the
documentary register which Jefferson inserted
in his Notes on Virginia ; but it serves to show
how scanty the records were a hundred years ago
compared with the calendars of such material
now. Meuzel, in 1782, had published enough of
his Bibliotheca Historica to cover the American
field, though he never completed the work as
planned.

In 1789 an anonymous Bibliotheca Americana
of nearly sixteen hundred entries was published
in London. It is not of much value. Harrisse
and others attribute it to Reid ; but by some the
author's name is differently given as Homer,
Dalrymple, and Long.3

An enumeration of the documentary sources
(about 152 entries) used by Munoz in his Historia
del nuevo mundo (1793) 1S g'ven in Fuster's Bibli-

otcca Valenciana (ii. 202-234) published at Va-
lencia in 1827-1830.4

There is in the Library of Congress (Force
Collection) a copy of an Indice de la Coleccion de
manuscritos pertinecientes a la historia de las In-
dias, by Fraggia, Abella, and others, dated at
Madrid, 1799.5

In the Sparks collection at Cornell are two
other manuscript bibliographies worthy of no-
tice. One is a Biblioteca Americana, by Antonio
de Alcedo, dated in 1807. Sparks says his copy
was made in 1843 fr°m an original which Oba-
diah Rich had found in Madrid.6

Harrisse says that another copy is in the
Carter-Brown Library; and he asserts that, ex-
cepting some additions of modern American
authors, it is not much improved over Barcia's
edition of Pinelo. H. H. Bancroft7 mentions
having a third copy, which had formerly belonged
to Prescott.

The other manuscript at Cornell is a Bibli-
otheca Americana, prepared in twelve volumes
by Arthur Homer, who had intended, but never
accomplished, the publication of it. Sparks
found it in Sir Thomas Phillipps's library at
Middlehill, and caused the copy of it to be
made, which is now at Ithaca.8

In 1808 Boucher de la Richarderie pub-
lished at Paris his Bibliotheque tiniverselle
des voyages? which has in the fifth part a
critical list of all voyages to American wa-
ters. Harrisse disagrees with Peignot in his
favorable estimate of Richarderie, and traces
to him the errors of Faribault and later
bibliographers.

The Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana of Dr.
Jose Mariano Beristain de Souza was pub-
lished in Mexico in 1816-1821, in three vol-
umes. Quaritch, pricing it at ^96 in 1880,
calls it the rarest and most valuable of all
American bibliographical works. It is a notice
of writers who were born, educated, or flourished
in Spanish America, and naturally covers much
of interest to the historical student. The author
did not live to complete it, and his nephew
finished it.

1 Catalogue (1832), no. 188. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 568; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. ix ;
Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,349. The portion on America is in vol. ii.

2 For example, the Champlain of 1613, 3 fr. ; that of 1632, 4 fr. ; 21 volumes of the Relations of the
Jesuits, 18 fr.

8 Sabin, Dictionary, vol. ii. no. 5,198 ; and Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. xviii ; Hist. Mag., i. 575 and
Allibone, ii. 1764, who calls him Reid, an American resident in London, and says he issued the bibliography
as preparatory to a history of America. Jackson's Bibliographies gcographiques, no. 611, and Triibner,
Bibliographical Guide, p x, call it by the name of the publisher, Debrett.

4 Jackson's Bibliographies gcographiques, no 621.

6 Jackson, Bibliographies gcographiques, no. 612; Serapeum (1845), p. 223; Triibner, Bibliographical
iyuide, p. xxv

6 Sparks, Catalogue, no. 1,635 5 Jackson's Bibliographies geographiqucs, no. 613 ; Triibner, p. xxv.

' History of Mexico, iii. 512, where is an account of Alcedo's historical labors.

8 Sparks, Catalogue, no. 1,635 a, and p. 230.

8 Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. xxiv ; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 700, 760.

AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

ill

In 1818 Colonel Israel Thorndike, of Boston,
bought for $6,500 the American library of Pro-
fessor Ebeling, of Germany, estimated to contain
over thirty-two hundred volumes, besides
an extraordinary collection of ten thousand
maps.1 The library was given by the pur-
chaser to Harvard College, and its posses-
sion at once put the library of that insti-
tution at the head of all libraries in the
United States for the illustration of Amer-
ican history. No catalogue of it was ever
printed, except as a part of the General
Catalogue of the College Library issued
in 1 830-1834, in five volumes.

Another useful collection of Americana*
added to the same library was that formed
by David B. Warden, for forty years
United States Consul at Paris, who printed
a catalogue of its twelve hundred volumes
at Paris, in 1820, called Bibliotheca Americo-
Septentrionalis. The collection in 1823
found a purchaser at $5,000, in Mr. Samuel
A. Eliot, who gave it to the College.'2

The Harvard library, however, as well
as several of the best collections of Amer-
icana in the United States, owes more,
perhaps, to Obadiah Rich than to any
other. This gentleman, a native of Boston,
was born in 1783. He went as consul of
the United States to Valencia in 18 15, and
there began his study of early Spanish-
American history, and undertook the gath-
ering of a remarkable collection of books,3 which
he threw open generously, with his own kindly
assistance, to every investigator who visited
Spain for purposes of study. Here he won the

respect of Alexander H. Everett, then American
minister to rhe court of Spain. He captivated
Irving by his helpful nature, who says of him :

EBELING.4

" Rich was one of the most indefatigable, intelli-
gent, and successful bibliographers in Europe.
His house at Madrid was a literary wilderness,
abounding with curious works and rare editions.

1 Quincy's Harvard University, ii. 413, 596. It is noteworthy, in view of so rich an accession coming
from Germany, that Grahame, the historian of our colonial period, says that in 1825 he found the University
Library at Gottingen richer in books for his purpose than all the libraries of Britain joined together.

2 This collection is also embraced in the Catalogue of the College Library already referred to. Mr. Warden
began the collection of another library, which he used while writing the American part (10 vols.) of the Art de
verifier des Dates, Paris, i826-i844,and which (1,118 works) was afterward sold to the State Library at Albany
for $4,000. Dr. Henry A. Homes, the librarian at Albany, informs me that when arranged it made twenty-one
hundred and twenty-three volumes. Warden's Bibliotheca Americana, Paris, 1831, reprinted at Paris in 1840,
is a catalogue of this collection. Mr. Warden died in 1845, aged 67. Cf. Ludewig in the Serapeum, 1845, p.
209; Muller, Books on America (1872), no. 1734; Allibone, iii. 2,579; S. G. Goodrich, Recollections , ii. 243;
Jackson's Bibl. Geog., nos. 617, 618 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xiv. There was a final sale of Mr.
Warden's books by Horatio Hill, in New York, in 1846.

3 This collection was offered to Congress for purchase through Edward Everett in December, 1827. The
printed list, with nearly a hundred entries for manuscripts and three hundred and eighty-nine for printed books,
covering the years 1 506-1 825, was printed as Document 37 of the 1st session of the 20th Congress. The sale
was not effected. Rich had been able to gather the books at moderate cost because of the troubled political
state of the peninsula. Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xv.

4 This portrait of one of the earliest contributors to the bibliography of American history follows an en-
graving in the Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden, May, 1800, p. 395. Ebeling was born Nov. 20, 1741,
and died June 30, 1817, and his own contributions to American History were —

(a) Amcrikanische Bibliothek (Zwei Stiicke), Leipzig, 1777.

(b) Erdbescreibung und Geschichte von America, Hamburg, 1795-18 16, in seven vols. ; the author's inter-
leaved copy, with manuscript notes, is in Harvard College Library.

There are other likenesses, — one a large lithograph published at Hamburgh; the other a small profile by
C. H. Kniep. Both are in the collection of the American Antiquarian Society.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

... IK wafl withal a man of great truthfulness
and simplicity r, of an amiable and

obliging d ind strict integrity." Sim-

ilar \\ stimation in which he was held by

Tick: scott, George Bancroft, and many

. - Allibone has recorded.1 In 182S he re-
London, where he established himself
r. From this period, as Harrisse 2
. it was under his influence, acting upon
vers of books among his compatriots, that
ission for forming collections of books ex-
clusively American grew up.3 In those days the
cost of books now esteemed rare was trifling
compared with the prices demanded at present.
Rich had a prescience in his calling, and the
beginnings of the great libraries of Colonel
Aspinwall, Peter Force, James Lenox, and John
Carter Brown were made under his fostering
eye ; which was just as kindly vigilant for Gren-
villt, who was then forming out of the income
of his sinecure office the great collection which
he gave to the British nation in recompense for
his support.4 In London, watching the book-
markets, and making his catalogue, Rich con-
tinued to live for the rest of his life (he died in
February, 1850), except for a period when he
was the United States consul at Port Mahon in
the Balearic Islands. His bibliographies are still
valuable, his annotations in them are trustworthy,
and their records are the starting-points of the
growth of prices. His issues and reissues of
them are somewhat complicated by supplements
and combinations, but collectors and bibliog-
raphers place them on their shelves in the
following order :

I. A Catalogue 0/ books relating principally to Amer-
ica, arranged 7inder the years in which they -were printed
(1500-1700), London, 1832. This included four hundred
and eighty-six numbers, those designated by a star without
price being understood to be in Colonel Aspinwall's col-
lection. Two small supplements were added to this.

2. Bibliotheca Americana Nova, printed since 1700
(to 1800), London, 1835. Two hundred and fifty copies
were printed. A supplement appeared in 1841, and this
became again a part of his

3. Bibliotheca Americana Nova, vol. i. (1701-1800);
vol. ii. (1801-1844), which was printed (250 copies) in Lon-
don in 1846. 5

It was in 1833 that Colonel Thomas Aspin-
wall, of Boston, who was for thirty-eight years
the American consul at London, printed at Paris
a catalogue of his collection of Americana,
where seven hundred and seventy-one lots in-
cluded, beside much that was ordinarily useful,
a great number of the rarest of books on Ameri-
can history. Harrisse has called Colonel Aspin-
wall, not without justice, "a bibliophile of great
tact and activity." All but the rarest part of
his collection was subsequently burned in 1863,
when it had passed into the hands of Mr. Sam-
uel L. M. Barlow,6 of New York.

M. Ternaux-Compans, who had collected —
as Mr. Brevoort thinks" — the most extensive
library of books on America ever brought to-
gether, printed his Bibliotheque Americaine* in
1837 at Paris. It embraced 1,154 works, arranged
chronologically, and all of them of a date before
1700. The titles were abridged, and accom-
panied by French translations. His annota-
tions were scant ; and other students besides Rich
have regretted that so learned a man had not
more benefited his fellow-students by ampler
notes.9

Also in 1837 appeared the Catalogue d'ou«
wages sur Phistoire de PAmerique, of G. B. Fari-
bault, which was published at Quebec, and was
more specially devoted to books on New
France.10

With the works of Rich and Ternaux the
bibliography of Americana may be considered
to have acquired a distinct recognition ; and
the succeeding survey of this field may be

1 Dictionary, ii. 1788.

2 Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxix.

3 Dibdin {Library Companion, edition 1825, p. 467) refers to this spirit, hoping it would lead to a new
edition of White Kennett, perfected to date.

4 Bibliotheca Grenvilliana (London, 1842), now a part of the British Museum.

6 Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. exxi ; Allibone, Dictionary, p. 1787 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide to
American Literature, Introduction, p. xiv ; Jackson's Bibl. Gcog., no. 623, etc. ; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proe.,
i. 395 ; Historical Magazine, iii. 75 ; Menzies Catalogue, no. 1,690; Ternaux-Compans, Bibliotheque Ameri-
caine, Preface. Puttick and Simpson's Catalogues, London, June 25, 1850, and March, April, and May,
1872, note some of his books, besides manuscript bibliographies.

After Mr. Rich's death Mr. Edward G. Allen took the business, and issued various catalogues of books
on America in 1857-1871. Cf. Jackson's Bibliog. Gcog., nos. 677-682.

G See Vol. III. p. 159. The catalogue, being without date, is sometimes given later than 1833. Cf. Jack-
son, Bibliog. Gcog., no. 636 ; and no. 690. A new Rough List of the Barlow Collection was printed in 1885.

7 Magazine of American History, iii. 177. This library was sold in November, 1836, as Raetzel's ; the
numbers 908-2,117 concerned America. Triibner {Bibliographical Guide, p. xviii) says the collection was
formed by Ternaux probably with an ultimate view to sale. Ternaux did not die till December, 1864.

8 Now worth 40 or 50 francs.

9 Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xvi.

10 See Vol. IV. p. 367. Cf. also Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xviii ; and Daniel's Nos Gloirei
Nationales, where will be found a portrait of Faribault.

AMERICANA,. IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

more conveniently made if we group the con-
tributors by some broad discriminations of the
motives influencing them, though such distinc-
tions sometimes become confluent.

First, as regards what may be termed pro-
fessional bibliography. One of the earliest
workers in the new spirit was a Dresden jurist,
Hermann E. Ludewig, who came to the United
States in 1844, and prepared an account of the
Literature of American local history, which was
published in 1846. This was followed by a
supplement, pertaining wholly to New York
State, which appeared in The Literary World,
February 19, 1848. He had previously pub-
lished in the Serapeum at Leipsic ( 1845, pp. 309)
accounts of American libraries and bibliogra-
phy, which were the first contributions to this
subject.1 Some years later, in 1858, there was
published in London a monograph on The Lit-
erature of the American Aboriginal Linguistics?
which had been undertaken by Mr. Ludewig
but had not been carried through the press,
when he died, Dec. 12, 1856. 3

We owe to a Franco-American citizen the
most important bibliography which we have
respecting the first half century of American
history; for the Bibliotheca Americana Vetus-
tissima only comes down to 15 51 in its chrono-
logical arrangement. Mr. Brevoort 4 very
properly characterizes it as "a work which
lightens the labors of such as have to investi-
gate early American history." 5

It was under the hospitable roof of Mr. Bar-
low's library in New York that, "having gloated
for years over second-hand compilations," Har-
risse says that he found himself "for the first
time within reach of the fountain-heads of his-
tory." Here he gathered the materials for his
Notes on Columbus, which were, as he says, like
" pencil marks varnished over." These first
appeared less perfectly than later, in the Nezv
York Commercial Advertiser, under the title of
" Columbus in a Nut-shell." Mr. Harrisse had
also prepared (four copies only printed) for Mr.
Barlow in 1864 the Bibliotheca Barlowiana,
which is a descriptive catalogue of the rarest
books in the Barlow-Aspinwall Collection, touch-
ing especially the books on Virginian and New
England history between 1602 and 1680.

Mr. Barlow now (1864) sumptuously printed
the Notes on Columbus in a volume (ninety-nine
copies) for private distribution. For some rea-
son not apparent, there were expressions in this
admirable treatise which offended some ; as
when, for instance (p. vii), he spoke of being
debarred the privileges of a much-vaunted pub-
lic library, referring to the Astor Library. Simi-
lar inadvertences again brought him hostile
criticism, when two years later (1866) he printed
with considerable typographical luxury his
Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, which was
published in New York. It embraces some-
thing over three hundred entries.6 The work
is not without errors ; and Mr. Henry Stevens,
who claims that he was wrongly accused in the
book, gave it a bad name in the London Athe-
naeum of Oct. 6, 1866, where an unfortunate
slip, in making " Ander Schiffahrt"7 a person-
age, is unmercifully ridiculed. A committee of
the Societe de Geographie in Paris, of which
M. Ernest Desjardins was spokesman, came to
the rescue, and printed a Rapport sur les deux
ouvrages de bibliographic Americaine de M. Henri
Harrisse, Paris, 1867. In this document the
claim is unguardedly made that Harrisse 's book
was the earliest piece of solid erudition which
America had produced, — a phrase qualified later
as applying to works of American bibliography
only. It was pointed out that while for the
period of 1492-1551 Rich had given twenty
titles, and Ternaux fifty-eight, Harrisse had
enumerated three hundred and eight.8

Harrisse prepared, while shut up in Paris
during the siege of 1870, his Notes sur la Nou-
velle France, a valuable bibliographical essay
referred to elsewhere.9 He later put in shape
the material which he had gathered for a supple-
mental volume to his Bibliotheca Americana
Vetustissima, which he called Additions^ and
published it in Paris in 1872. In his intro-
duction to this latter volume he shows how
thoroughly he has searched the libraries of
Europe for new evidences of interest in America
during the first half century after its discovery.
He notes the depredations upon the older
libraries which have been made in recent years,
since the prices for rare Americana have ruled
so high. He finds11 that the Biblioteca Colom-

1 Sabin, x. nos. 42,644-42,645.

2 Sabin, x. 42,643 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xxi.

8 Historical Magazine, xii. 145 ; Allibone, ii. p. 1142. The sale of Mr. Ludewig's library (1,380 entries)
took place in New York in 1858.
■* In his Verrazano, p. 5.

5 Cf. also D'Avezac in his Waltzemiiller, p. 4.

6 Sabin, viii. p. 107 ; Jackson, Bibliog. Geog., no. 696. The edition was four hundred copies.

7 An error traced to the proof-reader, it is said in Sabin's Bibliog. 0/ Bibliog., p. lxxiv.

8 Stevens noticed this defence by reiterating his charges in a note in his Bibliotheca Historica, 1870,
no. 860.

9 Vol. IV. p. 366. 10 Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. lxxv.
11 Grandeur et decadence de la Colotnbine, Paris, 1885.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

bina at Seville, as compared with a catalogue of
it made bv Ferdinand Columbus himself, has
suffered immense losses. " It is curious to no-
tice," he finally says, "how few of the original
books relating to the early history of the New
World can be found in the public libraries of
Europe. There is not a literary institution,
however rich and ancient, which in this respect
could compare with three or four private
libraries in America. The Marciana at Venice
is probably the richest. The Trivulgiana at
Milan can boast of several great rarities."

For the third contributor to the recent bibli-
ography of Americana, we must still turn to an
adopted citizen, Joseph Sabin, an Englishman
by birth. Various publishing enterprises of
interest to the historical student are associated
with Mr. Sabin's name. He published a quarto
series of reprints of early American tracts,
eleven in number, and an octavo series, seven
in number.1 He published for several years,
beginning in 1869, the American Bibliopolist, a
record of new books, with literary miscellanies,
largely upon Americana. In 1867 he began the
publication (five hundred copies) of the most
extensive American bibliography yet made, A
Dictionary of books relating to America, front its
discovery to the present time. The author's death,
in 1 88 1,2 left the work somewhat more than half
done, and it has been continued since his death
by his sons.3

In the Notas para tma bibliografia de obras
anonimas i seudonimas of Diego Barros Arana,
published at Santiago de Chile in 1882, five hun-
dred and seven books on America (1493-1876),
without authors, are traced to their writers.

As a second class of contributors to the
bibliographical records of America, we must

reckon the students who have gathered libraries
for use in pursuing their historical studies.
Foremost among such, and entitled to be
esteemed a pioneer in the modern spirit of
research, is Alexander von Humboldt. He
published his Examen critique de I'histoire de la
geographic du nouveau continent* in five volumes,
between 1836 and 1839.5 " It is," says Brevoort,6
" a guide which all must consult. With a master
hand the author combines and collates all
attainable materials, and draws light from
sources which he first brings to bear in his
exhaustive investigations." Harrisse calls it
" the greatest monument ever erected to the
early history of this continent."

Humboldt's library was bought by Henry
Stevens, who printed in 1863, in London, a
catalogue of it, showing 11,164 entries; but this
was not published till 1870. It included a set
of the Examen critique, with corrections, and the
notes for a new sixth volume.7 Harrisse, who
it is believed contemplated at one time a new
edition of this book, alleges that through the
remissness of the purchaser of the library the
world has lost sight of these precious memorials
of Humboldt's unperfected labors. Stevens, in
the London Athencetim, October, 1866, rebuts the
charge.8

Of the collection of books and manuscripts
formed by Col. Peter Force we have no sepa-
rate record, apart from their making a por-
tion of the general catalogue of the Library
of Congress, the Government having bought
the collection in 1867 .9

The library which Jared Sparks formed
during the progress of his historical labors was
sold about 1872 to Cornell University, and is
now at Ithaca. Mr. Sparks left behind him
" imperfect but not unfaithful lists of his books,"

1 J.J. Cooke Catalogue, no. 2,214; Griswold Catalogue, nos. 730, 731. The editions were fifty copies
on large paper, two hundred on small. It may be worth record that Gowan, a publisher in New i'ork, was
the earliest (1846) to instigate a taste for large paper copies among American collectors, by printing in that
style Furman's edition of Denton's Description of New York, after the manner of the English purveyors to
book-fancying.

2 See Proceedings of 'the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society, Philadelphia, 1881, p. 28.

3 Mr. Wilberforce Eames is the new editor. A list of the catalogues prepared by Mr. Sabin is given in his
Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. exxiv, etc.

4 The German translation, Kritische Untersuchungen, was made by J. I. Ideler, Berlin, 1852, in 3 vols.
It has an index, which the French edition lacks.

5 Sabin, viii. 539. The edition of Paris, without date, called Histoire de la geographie du nouveau
continent, is the same, with a new title and an introduction of four pages, La Cosa's map being omitted.

6 Verrazano, p. 4.

' In his Cosmos Humboldt gives results, which he says are reached in his unpublished sixth volume of the
Exa)nen critique.

8 The HumboWt Library was burned in London in June, 1865. Nearly all of the catalogues were destroyed
at the same time ; but a few large paper copies were saved, which, being perfected with a new title (London,
1878), have since been offered by Stevens for sale. Portions of the introduction to it are also used in an article
by Stevens on Humboldt, in the Journal of Sciences and Arts January, 1870. Various of Humboldt's
manuscripts on American matters are advertised in Stargardt's Amerika und Orient, no. 135, p. 3 (Berlin,
1881).

9 Cf. Historical Magazine, vol. ix. no. 335 ; Magazine of American History, vol. u. pp. 193, 221, 565;
Amcr. Aniiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1868. Colonel Force died in January, 1868.

AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. vii

which, after some supervision by Dr. Cogswell In 1849 Mr- H- R- Schoolcraft2 printed, at

and others, were put in shape for the pTess by the expense of the United States Government,

Mr. Charles A. Cutter of the Boston Athenaeum, a Bibliographical Catalogue of books, etc., in the

and were printed, in 187 1, as Catalogue of the Indian tongues of the United States, — a list later

Library of Jared Sparks. In the appendix was reprinted with additions in his Indian Tribes (in

a list of the historical manuscripts, originals and 1851), vol. iv.3

copies, which are now on deposit in Harvard In 1861 Mr. Ephraim George Squier pub-
College Library.1 lished at New York a monograph on authors

1 Mr. Sparks died March 14, 1866. Tributes were paid to his memory by distinguished associates in the
Massachusetts Historical Society {Proceedings, ix. 157), and Dr. George E. Ellis reported to them a full and
appreciative memoir {Proceedings, x. 211). Cf. also Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, March, 1866; Historical
Magazine, May, 1866 ; Brantz Mayer before the Maryland Historical Society, 1867, etc.

2 Cf. Historical Magazine, vol. ix. p. 137.

8 The principal interpreter of the Indian languages of the temperate parts of North America has been
Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, for whose labor in the bibliography of the subject see a chapter in
vol i. of the Memorial History of Boston. There is also a collection edited by him, of books in and upon the
Indian languages, in the Brinley Catalogue, iii. 123-145. He gave in the Proceedings of the American
Antiquarian Society, and also separately in 1874, a list of books in the Indian languages, printed at Cambridge
and Boston, 1653-1721 (Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,571). Cf. also Ludewig's Literature of American
Aboriginal Languages, mentioned on an earlier page. It was edited and corrected by William W. Turner.
(Cf. Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 565 ; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 959).

Icazbalceta published in 1866, at Mexico, a list of the writers on the languages of America; and Romero
made a similar enumeration of those of Mexico, in 1862, in the Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia,
vol. viii. Dr. Daniel G. Brinton has made a good introduction to the literary history of the native Americans
in his Aboriginal American Authors, published by him at Philadelphia in 1883. For his own linguistic con-
tributions, see Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 187, etc. One of the earliest enumerations of linguistic titles
can be picked out of the list which Boturini Benaduci, in 1746, appended to his Idea de una nueva historia
general de la America septe?itrional.

The most extensive enumeration of the literature of all the North American tongues is doubtless to be the
Bibliography of North American Linguistics, which is preparing by Mr. James C. Pilling of the Bureau of
Ethnology in Washington, and which will be published in due time by that bureau. A preliminary issue (100
copies) for corrections is called Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the Indian Languages of North America
(pp. xl, 1135).

The Bibliotheca Americana of Leclerc (Paris, 1879) affords many titles to which a preliminary " Table
des Divisions" affords an index, and most of them are grouped under the heading " Linguistique," p. 537, etc.
The third volume of H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, particularly in its notes, is a necessary aid in this study;
and a convenient summary of the whole subject will be found in chapter x. of John T. Short's North Americans
of Antiquity. J. C. E. Buschmann has been an ardent laborer in this field; the bibliographies give his printed
works (Field's Indian Bibliography, p. 208, etc.), and Stargardt's Catalogue (no. 135, p. 6) shows some of
his manuscripts. The Comte Hyacinthe de Charencey has for some years, from time to time, printed various
minor monographs on these subjects ; and in 1883 he collected his views in a volume of Melanges de philologie
et de paleographie Americaines.

The Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his Bibliotheque Mexico-Guaiemalienm (Leclerc, nos. 81, 1,084),
has given for Central America a very excellent list of the works on the linguistics of the natives, which are
all contained also in the Catalogue of the Pinart-Brasseur sale, which took place in Paris in January and
February, 1884. Cf. the paper on Brasseur by Dr. Brinton, in Lippincotf s Magazine, vol. i. ; and the
enumeration of his numerous writings in Sabin's Dictionary, ii. 7,420; also Leclerc, Field, and Bancroft.

Dr. Felix C. Y. Sobron's Los I diomas de la America Latina, — Estudios Biografico-bibliograficos, pub-
lished a few years since at Madrid, gives, according to Dr. Brinton, extended notices of several rare volumes ;•
but on the whole the book is neither exhaustive nor very accurate.

Julius Platzmann's Verzeichniss einer Auswahl Amerikanischer Grammatiken, etc. (Leipsic, 1876), is
a small but excellent list, with proper notes. These bibliographies will show the now numerous works upon
the aboriginal tongues, their construction and their fruits.

There are several important series interesting to the student, which are found in the catalogues. Such
are the Bibliotheque linguistique Amcricaine, published in seven volumes by Maisonneuve in Paris (Le-
clerc, no. 2,674) 5 the Coleccion de linguistica y etnografia Americanas , or Bibliotheque de linguistique et
d' Ethnographic Americaines, 1875, etc., edited by A. L. Pinart ; the Library of American Linguistics, in
thirteen volumes, edited by Dr. John G. Shea (Cf. Brinley Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 5,631 ; Field, no. 1,396);
Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature, published by Dr. D. G. Brinton in Philadelphia ; and
Brasseur de Bourbourg's Collection de documents dans les langues indigenes, Paris, 1861-1864, in four
volumes (cf. Field, p. 175).

The earliest work printed exclusively in a native language was the Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana
en lengua Timuiquana, published at Mexico in 1617 (cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 58,580; Finotti, p. 14). This is
the statement often made ; but Mr. Pilling refers me to references in Icazbalceta's Zumarraga (vol. i. p. 290)

VI11

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

who had written in the languages of Central
America, enumerating one hundred and ten, with
a list" of the books and manuscripts on the
history, the aborigines, and the antiquities of
Central America, borrowed from other sources
in part. At the sale of Mr. Squier's library in
1S76, the catalogue1 of which was made by Mr.
Sabin, the entire collection of ' his manuscripts
fell, as mentioned elsewhere,'2 into the hands of
Mr. Hubert Howe Bancroft of San Francisco.

Probably the largest collection of books and
manuscripts 3 which any American has formed
for use in writing is that which belongs to Mr.
Bancroft. He is the organizer of an extensive
series of books on the antiquities and history
of the Pacific coast. To accomplish an examina-
tion of the aboriginal and civilized history of
so large a field 4 as thoroughly as he has un-
questionably made it, within a lifetime, was
a bold undertaking, to be carried out in a centre
of material rather than of literary enterprise.
The task involved the gathering of a library
of printed books, at a distance from the purely
intellectual activity of the country, and where
no other collection of moment existed to supple-
ment it. It required the seeking and making
of manuscripts, from the labor of which one
might well shrink. It was fortunate that during
the gathering of this collection some notable col-
lections— like those of Maximilian,5 Ramirez,

and Squier, not to name others — were oppor-
tunely brought to the hammer, a chance by
which Mr. Bancroft naturally profited.

Mr. Bancroft had been trained in the busi-
ness habits of the book trade, in which he had
established himself in San Francisco as early as
1856.6 He was at this time twenty-four years
old, having been born of New England stock
in Ohio in 1832, and having had already four
years residence — since 1852 — in San Francisco
as the agent of an eastern bookseller. It was
not till 1869 that he set seriously to work on his
history, and organized a staff of assistants.7
They indexed his library, which was now large
(12,000 volumes) and was kept on an upper floor
of his business quarters, and they classified the
references in paper bags.8 His first idea was to
make an encyclopaedia of the antiquities and his-
tory of the Pacific Coast; and it is on the whole
unfortunate that he abandoned the scheme, for
his methods were admirably adapted to that end,
but of questionable application to a sustained
plan of historical treatment. It is the encyclo-
pedic quality of his work, as the user eliminates
what he wishes, which makes and will continue
to make the books that pass under his name of
the first importance to historical students.

In 1875 the first five volumes of the series,
denominated by themselves The ATative Races of
the Pacific States, made their appearance. It was

to an earlier edition of about 1547; and in the same author's Bibliografia Mexicana (p. 32), to one of 1553.
Molina's Vocabnlario de la lengna Castellana y Mexicana, placing the Nahuatl and Castilian in connection,
was printed at Mexico in 1555. The book is very rare, five or six copies only being known ; and Quaritch has
priced an imperfect copy at £72 (Quaritch, Bibliog. Geog. linguistica, 1879, no. 12,616 ; Carter-Brown,
vol. i. no. 206 ; Brbiley Catalogue, vol. iii. no, 5,771). The edition of 1571 is also rare {Pin art-Bras senr Cata-
logue, no. 630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 285, 286; Quaritch, 1879, no- l2M7)- The first edition of Molina's
Aztec grammar, Arte de la lengua Mexicana y Castellana, was published the same year (1571). Quaritch
(1879, no- 12,615) prices this at £52 \os. Cf. also Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 284. One of the chief of the
more recent studies of the linguistics of Mexico is Francisco Pimentel's Ctiadro descriptivo y comfiarativo de
las lenguas indigenas de Mexico, Mexico, 1 862-1 865 ; and second edition in 1 874-1 875.
This subject has other treatment later in the present volume.

1 It included two thousand and thirty-lour items, ninety-four of which were Mr. Squier's own works.

2 Vol. II. p. 578.

3 He says that up to 1881 he had gathered 35,000 volumes, at a cost of $300,000, exclusive of time and
travelling expenses. His manuscripts embraced 1,200 volumes. The annual growth of his library is still
1,000 volumes.

4 One twelfth of the earth's surface, as he says.

5 Cf. account of Maximilian's library in the Bookworm (1869), p. 14.

6 These biographical data are derived from a tract given out by himself which he calls A brief account of
the literary undertakings of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco, A. L. Bancroft & Co. [his own business
house], 1882, 8vo, pp. 12). Other accounts of his library will be found in the American Bibliofolist, vii. 44 ;
and in Apponyi's Libraries of California, 1878. Descriptions of the library and of the brick building (built in
1 881) which holds it, and of his organized methods, have occasionally appeared in the Overland Monthly and
in other serial issues of California, as well as in those of the Atlantic cities. He has been free to make public
the most which is known regarding his work. He says that the grouping and separating of his material has
been clone mostly by others, who have also written fully one half of the text of what he does not hesitate to call
The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft ; and he leaves the reader to derive a correct understanding of the case
from his prefaces and illustrative tracts. Cf. J. C. Derby's Fifty Years among authors, books, and publishers
(New York, 1884), p. 31.

7 Averaging twelve from that time to this ; a hundred persons were tried for every oae ultimately retained
as a valuable assistant, — is his own statement.

8 At a cost, as he says, of $So,ooo to 1882.

AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

clear that a new force had been brought to bear
upon historical research, — the force of organ-
ized labor from many hands ; and this implied
competent administrative direction and uh-
grudged expenditure of money. The work
showed the faults of such a method, in a want
of uniform discrimination, and in that promis-
cuous avidity of search, which marks rather an
eagerness to amass than a judgment to select,
and give literary perspective. The book, how-
ever, was accepted as extremely useful and
promising to the future inquirer. Despite a
certain callowness of manner, the Native Races
was extremely creditable, with comparatively
little of the patronizing and flippant air which
its flattering reception has since begotten in its
author or his staff. An unfamiliarity with the
amenities of literary life seems unexpectedly to
have been more apparent also in his later work.
In April, 1876, Mr. Lewis H. Morgan printed
in the North American Review, under the title
of " Montezuma's Dinner," a paper in which he
controverted the views expressed in the Native
Races regarding the kind of aboriginal civiliza-
tion belonging to the Mexican and Central
American table-lands. A writer of Mr. Mor-
gan's reputation commanded respect in all but
Mr. Bancroft, who has been unwise enough
to charge him with seeking " to gain notoriety
by attacking " his (Mr. B.'s) views or supposed
views. He dares also to characterize so well-
known an authority as " a person going about
from one reviewer to another begging condem-
nation for my Native Races." It was this ungra-
cious tone which produced a divided reception
for his new venture. This, after an interval
of seven years, began to make its appearance in
vol. vi. of the " Works," or vol. i. of the History
of Central America, appearing in the autumn of
1882.

The changed tone of the new series, its
rhetoric, ambitious in parts, but mixed with
passages which are often forceful and exact,

suggestive of an ill-assorted conjoint produc-
tion ; the interlarding of classic allusions by
some retained reviser who served this purpose
for one volume at least ; a certain cheap reason-
ing and ranting philosophy, which gives place at
times to conceptions of grasp ; flippancy and
egotism, which induce a patronizing air under
the guise of a constrained adulation of others ;
a want of knowledge on points where the system
of indexing employed by his staff had been
deficient, — these traits served to separate the
criticism of students from the ordinary laudation
of such as were dazed by the magnitude of the
scheme.

Two reviews challenging his merits on these
grounds 1 induced Mr. Bancroft to reply in a
tract 2 called The Early American Chroniclers.
The manner of this rejoinder is more offensive
than that of the volumes which it defends ; and
with bitter language he charges the reviewers
with being " men of Morgan," working in con-
cert to prejudice his success.

But the controversy of which record is here
made is unworthy of the principal party to it.
His important work needs no such adventitious
support; and the occasion for it might have
been avoided by ordinary prudence. The extent
of the library upon which the work a is based,
and the full citation of the authorities followed
in his notes, and the more general enumeration
of them in his preliminary lists, make the work
pre-eminent for its bibliographical extent, how-
ever insufficient, and at times careless, is the
bibliographical record.4

The library formed by the late Henry C.
Murphy of Brooklyn to assist him in his pro-
jected history of maritime discovery in America,
of which only the chapter on Verrazano 5 has
been printed, was the creation of diligent search
for many years, part of which was spent in
Holland as minister of the United States. The
earliest record of it is a Catalogue of an Ameri-
can library chronologically arranged, which was

1 They appeared in The Nation and in the New York Independent early in 1883. The first aimed to
show that there were substantial grounds for dissent from Mr. Bancroft's views regarding the Aztec civilization.
The second ignored that point in controversy, and merely proposed, as was stated, to test the "bibliographic
value '; which Mr. Bancroft had claimed for his book, and to point out the failures of the index plan and the
vicarious system as employed by him.

2 Seemingly intended to make part ot one of the later volumes of his series, to be called Essays and
Miscellanies.

3 With a general title (as following his Native Races) of The History of the Pacific States, we are to have
in twenty-eight volumes the history of Central America, Mexico, North Mexico, New Mexico, Arizona, Cali-
fornia, Nevada, Utah, Northwest Coast, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, British Columbia, and Alaska,
— to be followed by six volumes of allied subjects, not easily interwoven in the general narrative, making
thirty-nine volumes for the entire work. The volumes are now appearing at the rate of three or four a year.

■ * The list which is prefixed to .the first volume of the History of California, forming vol. xiii. of his
Pacific States series, is particularly indicative of the rich stores of his library, and greatly eclipses the previous
lists of Mr. A. S. Taylor, which appeared in the Sacramento Daily Union, June 25, 1863. and March 13,
1866. Cf. Harrisse, Biol. Amer. Vet., p. xxxix. A copy of Taylor's pioneer work, with his own corrections.
is in Harvard College Library. Mr. Bancroft speaks very ungraciously of it.
5 See Vol. IV., chap. i. p. 19.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

JAMES CARSON BREVOORT.

privately printed in a few copies, about 1850, and
showed five hundred and eighty-nine entries
between the years 1480 and 1800.1

There has been no catalogue printed of the
library of Mr. James Carson Brevoort, so well
known as a historical student and bibliographer,
to whom Mr. Sabin dedicated the first volume of
his Dictionary. Some of the choicer portions
of his collection are understood to have become
a part of the Astor Library, of which Mr. Bre-
voort was for a few years the superintendent, as
well as a trustee.2

The useful and choice collection of Mr.
Charles Deane, of Cambridge, Mass., to which,
as the reader will discover, the Editor has often
had recourse, has never been catalogued. Mr.
Deane has made excellent use of it, as his tracts
and papers abundantly show.3

A distinct class of helpers in the field of
American bibliography has been those gatherers
of libraries who are included under the some-
what indefinite term of collectors, — owners of
books, but who make no considerable dependence

1 Jackson, Bibl. Gcog., no. 639; Menzies Catafog7ie, nos. 1,459, 1,460; Wynne's Private Libraries
of New York, p. 335. Mr. Murphy died Dec. I, 1882, aged seventy-two; and his collection, then very much
enlarged, was sold in March, 1S84. Its Catalogue, edited by Mr. John Russell Bartlett, shows one of the
richest libraries of Americana which has been given to public sale in America. It is accompanied by a biograph-
ical sketch of its collector. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 22.

a Cf. Wynne's Private Libraries of New York, p. 106. Mr. Brevoort died December 7, 18S7.

3 Cf. Sabin, v. 2S3 ; Farnham's Private Libraries of Boston.

AMERICANA IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

CHARLES DEANE.

upon them for studies which lead to publica-
tion. From such, however, in some instances,
bibliography has notably gained, — as in the
careful knowledge which Mr. James Lenox some-
times dispensed to scholars either in privately
printed issues or in the pages of periodicals.

Harrisse in 1866 pointed to five Americana
libraries in the United States as surpassing all
of their kind in Europe, — the Carter-Brown,
Barlow, Force, Murphy, and Lenox collections.
Of the Barlow, Force (now in the Library of
Congress), and Murphy collections mention has
already been made.

The Lenox Library is no longer private,
haviug been given to a board of trustees by Mr.

Lenox previous to his death,1 and handsomely
housed, by whom it is held for a restricted pub-
lic use, when fully catalogued and arranged. Its
character, as containing only rare or unusual
books, will necessarily withdraw it from the
use of all but scholars engaged in recondite
studies. It is very rich in other directions than
American history; but in this department the
partial access which Harrisse had to it while
in Mr. Lenox's house led him to infer that it
would hold the first rank. The wealth of its
alcoves, with their twenty-eight thousand vol-
umes, is becoming known gradually in a series
of bibliographical monographs, printed as con-
tributions to its catalogue, of which six have

1 February, 1880, aged eighty years. His father was Robert Lenox, a Scotchman, who began business in
New York in 1783, and retired in 181 2 with a large fortune, including a farm of thirty acres, worth then about
$6,000, and to-day §10,000,000, — if such figures can be made accurate. Cf. also Charles Deane in Amer. A?itiq.
Soc. Free, April, 1SS0. Henry Stevens's Recoil, of Le7iox is conspicuous for what it does not reveal.

xii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

thus far appeared, some of them clearly and its value. A second and similarly extended edi-

mainly the work of Mr. Lenox, himself. tion of vol. ii. (1600-1700) was printed in 1882,

Of these only three have illustrated Amer- showing 1.642 entries. The Carter-Br&wn Cata-

ican history in any degree, — those devoted to logue, as it is ordinarily cited, is the most exten-

the voyages of Hulsius and The* venot, and to the sive printed list of all Americana previous to

Jesuit Relations (Canada).1 1800, more especially anterior to 1700, which now

The only rival of the Lenox is the library of exists.7
the late John Carter Brown, of Providence, gath- Of the other important American catalogues,
ered largely under the supervision of John Rus- the first place is to be assigned to that of the
sell Bartlett; and since Mr. Brown's death it collection formed at Hartford by Mr. George
has been more particularly under the same over- Brinley, the sale of which since his death8 has
sight.'2 It differs from the Lenox Library in that been undertaken under the direction of Dr. J.
it is exclusively American, or nearly so,3 and Hammond Trumbull,9 who has prepared the cat-
still more in that we have access to a thorough alogue, and who claims — not without warrant —
catalogue of its resources, made by Mr. Bartlett that it embraces l< a greater number of volumes
himself, and sumptuously printed.4 It was origi- remarkable for their rarity, value, and interest
nally issued as Bibliotheca Americana: A Cata- to special collectors and to book-lovers in gen-
logue of books relating to North and South Amer- eral, than were ever before brought together in
ica in the Library of John Carter Bj'own of Prov- an American sale-room." 10

idence, with notes by John Russell Bartlett, in three The library of William Menzies, of New York,

volumes, — vol. i., 1493-1600, in 1865 (302 en- was sold in 1875, from a catalogue made by

tries) ; vol. ii., 1601-1700,111 1866 (1,160 entries) ; Joseph Sabin,11 The library of Edward A.

vol. iii., 1701-1800, in two parts, in 1870-1871 Crowninshield, of Boston, was catalogued in Bos-

(4,173 entries). ton in 1859, but withdrawn from public sale,

In 1875 v°k i- was reprinted with fuller titles, and sold to Henry Stevens, who took a portion

covering the years 1482 s-! 601, with 600 entries, of it to London. It was not large, — the cata-

doubling the extent of that portion.6 Numer- logue shows less than 1,200 titles, — and was

ous fac-similes of titles and maps add much to not exclusively American ; but it was rich in

1 The Lenox Library is now under the direction of the distinguished American historical student, Dr. George
H. Moore, so long in charge of the New York Historical Society's library. Cf. an account of Dr. Moore by
Howard Crosby in the Historical Magazine, vol. xvii. (January, 1870). The officer in immediate charge of the
library is Dr. S. Austin Allibone, well known for his Dictionary of Authors.

2 Mr. Bartlett was early in life a dealer in books in New York ; and the Americana catalogues of
Bartlett and Welford, forty years ago, were among the best of dealers' lists. Jackson's Bill. Geog.,
no. 641.

8 The field of Americana before 1S00 has been so nearly exhausted in its composition, that recent purchases
have been made in other departments, particularly of costly books on the fine arts.

4 Cf. Vol. III. p. 380.

5 Because Greenland in the map of the Ptolemy of this year is laid down. The slightest reference to
America in books of the sixteenth century have entitled them to admission.

6 The book purports to have been printed in one hundred copies ; but not more than half that number, it
is said, have been distributed. Some copies have a title reading, Bibliographical notices of rare and curious
books relating to America, printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in the library of the late John Carter
Brown, by Joint Russell Bartlett.

7 Sir Arthur Helps, in referring to the assistance he had got from books sent to him from America, and
from this library in particular, says: "As far as I have been able to judge, the American collectors of books
are exceedingly liberal and courteous in the use of them, and seem really to understand what the object should
be in forming a great library." Spanish Conquest, American edition, p. 122.

8 Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, October, 1S75.

9 Dr. Trumbull himself has been a keen collector of books on American history, particularly in illustration
of his special study of aboriginal linguistics ; while his influence has not been unfelt in the forming of the
Watkinson Library, and of that of the Connecticut Historical Society, both at Hartford.

10 The first sale — there are to be four — took place in March, 1S7S, and illustrated a new device in testa-
mentary bequests. Mr. Brinley devised to certain libraries the sum of several thousand dollars each, to be used
to their credit for purchases made at the public sale of his books. The result was a competition that carried
the aggregate of the sales, it is computed, as much beyond the sum which might otherwise have been obtained,
as was the amount devised, — thus impairing in no degree the estate for the heirs, and securing credit for
public bequests. The scheme has been followed in the sale of the library (the third part of which was Americana,
largely from the Menzies library) of the late J. J. Cooke, of Providence, with an equivalent appreciation of the
prices of the books. It is a question if the interests of the libraries benefited are advanced by such artificial
stimulation of prices, which a factitious competition helps to make permanent.

11 American Bibliopolist, viii. 128; Wynne's Private Libraries of New York, p. 318. The collection was
not exclusively American.

AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

Xlll

some of the rarest of such books, particularly in
regard to the English Colonies.1

The stile of John Allan's collection in New
York, in 1864, was a noteworthy one. Americana,
however, were but a portion of the collection.2
An English-American flavor of far less fineness,
but represented in a catalogue showing a very
large collection of books and pamphlets,3 was
sold in New York in May, 1870, as the property
of Mr. E. P. Boon.

Mr. Thomas W. Field issued in 1873 An
Essay tozvards an Indian Bibliography, being a
Catalogue of books relating to the American In-
dians, in his own library, with a few others
which he did not possess, distinguished by art
asterisk. Mr. Field added many bibliographical
and historical notes, and gave synopses, so that
the catalogue is generally useful to the student
of Americana, as he did not confine his survey
to works dealing exclusively with the aborigines.
The library upon which this bibliography was
based was sold at public auction in New York,
in two parts, in May, 1875 (3>324 titles), accord-
ing to a catalogue which is a distinct publication
from the Essay.*

The collection of Mr. Almon W. Griswold
was dispersed by printed catalogues in 1876 and
1880, the former containing the American por-
tion, rich in many of the rarer books.

Of the various private collections elsewhere
than in the United States, more or less rich in
Americana, mention may be made of the Biblio-
theca Mejicana 5 of Augustin Fischer, London,
1869 ; of the Spanish-American libraries of Gre-
gorio Beeche, whose catalogue was printed at
Valparaiso in 1879; and that of Benjamin Vi-
cuna Mackenna, printed at the same place in
j86i.6

In Leipsic, the catalogue of Serge Sobo-
lewski (1873) 7 was particularly helpful in the
bibliography of Ptolemy, and in the voyages of

De Bry and others. Some of the rarest of
Americana were sold in the Sunderland sale8
in London in 1881-1883 ; and remarkably rich
collections were those of Pinart and Bourbourg,9
sold in Paris in 1883, and that of Dr. J. Court,1 )
the first part of which was sold in Paris in May,
1884. The second part had little of interest.

Still another distinctive kind of bibliogra-
phies is found in the catalogues of the better
class of dealers ; and among the best of such is to
be placed the various lists printed by Henry Ste-
vens, a native of Vermont, who has spent most
of his manhood in London. In the dedication
to John Carter Brown of his Schedule of Nuggets
(1870), he gives some account of his early bibli-
ographical quests.11 Two years after graduating
at Yale, he says, he had passed " at Cambridge,
reading passively with legal Story, and actively
with historical Sparks, all the while sifting and
digesting the treasures of the Harvard Library.
For five years previously he had scouted through
several States during his vacations, prospecting
in out-of-the-way places for historical nuggets,
mousing through town libraries and country gar-
rets in search of anything old that was histor-
ically new for Peter Force and his American
Archives. . . . From Vermont to Delaware many
an antiquated churn, sequestered hen-coop, and
dilapidated flour-barrel had yielded to him rich
harvests of old papers, musty books, and golden
pamphlets. Finally, in 1845, an irrefragable
desire impelled him to visit the Old World, its
libraries and book-stalls. Mr. Brown's enlight-
ened liberality in those primitive years of his
bibliographical pupilage contributed largely to-
wards the boiling of his kettle. ... In acquiring
con anwre these American Historiadores Prim-
itives, he . . . travelled far and near. In this
labor of love, this journey of life, his tracks often
become your tracks, his labors your works, his

1 Memoir of Mr. Crowninshielcl, by Charles Deane, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xvii. 356. Mr. Stevens is
said to have given about $9,500 for the library. It was sold in various parts, the more extensive portion
in July, i860. Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2,248.

2 This collection — which Mr. Allan is said to have held at $15,000 — brought $39,000 at auction after
his death.

3 Another catalogue rich in pamphlets relating to America is that of Albert G. Greene, New York, 1869.

4 The Catalogue is more correctly printed than the Essay. Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. exxv.

5 Bibliotheca Mejicana, a collection of books relating to Mexico, and North and South America ; sold by
Puttick & Simpson in London, June, 1869. (About 3,000 titles.)

6 Jackson, Bibl. Geog., nos. 844, 845.

7 Catalogue de la collection prccieuse de livres anciens et modemes formant la Bibliothcque de feit M.
Serge Sobolewski {de Moscou) Leipsic, 1873.

8 Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana. Sale Catalogue of the Sunderland or Blenheim Library. Five Parts.
London, 1881-1883. (13,858 nos.)

9 Catalogue de livres rares et precieux, manuscrits et imprimes, principalement stir V Amcriqtie et stir les
langues du monde entier, compos ant la bibliothcque de Alphonse L. Pinart, ct comprcnant en totalite la biblio-
theque Mcxico-Guatemalienne de M. I'abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg. Paris, 1883. viii. 248 pp. 8°.

1° Catalogue de la precieuse bibliothcque de feu M. le Docteur f. Court, comprcnant tine collection unique
de voyageurs et d'historiens relati/s a lAmeriquc. Premiere partie. Paris, 1884. (458 nos.)

11 There is an account of his family antecedents, well spiced as his wont is, in the introduction to his
Bibliotheca Historica, 1870.

XIV

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Ubri your //Av;'," he adds, in addressing Mr.
Brown.

In 1S4S Mr. Stevens proposed the publica-
tion, through the Smithsonian Institution, of a
general Bibliographic! Americana, illustrating the
sources of early American history ; x but the pro-
ject failed, and one or more attempts later made
to begin the work also stopped' short of a be-
ginning. While working as a literary agent of
the Smithsonian Institution and other libraries,
in these years, and beginning that systematic
selection of American books, for the British
Museum and Bodleian, which has made these
libraries so nearly, if not quite, the equal of any
collection of Americana in the United States, he
also made the transcriptions and indexes of the
documents in the State Paper Office which re-
spectively concern the States of New Jersey,
Rhode Island, Maryland, and Virginia. These
labors are now preserved in the archives of those
States.2 Perhaps the earliest of his sale cat-
alogues was that of a pseudo " Count Mondi-
dier," embracing Americana, which were sold in
London in December, 1851.3 His English Li-
brary in 1853 was without any distinctive Amer-
ican flavor; but in 1854 he began, but suspended
after two numbers, the American Bibliographer
(100 copies).4 In 1856 he prepared a Catalogue
of American Books and Maps in the British Mu-
seum (20,000 titles), wrhich, however, was never
regularly published, but copies bear date 1859,
1862, and 1866.5 In 1858 — though most copies
are dated 1862 6 — appeared his Historical Nug%
gets ; Bibliotheca Americana, or a descriptive Ac-
count of my Collection of rare books relating to Anier-
ica. The two little volumes show about three thou-
sand titles, and Harrisse says they are printed
" with remarkable accuracy." There was begun
in 1885, in connection with his son Mr. Henry
Newton Stevens, a continuation of these Nug-
gets. In 1 86 1 a sale catalogue of his Bibliotheca
Americana (2,415 lots), issued by Puttick and
Simpson, and in part an abridgment of the Nug-
gets with similarly careful collations, was accepted

by Maisonneuve as the model of his Bibliothequt
Americaine later to be mentioned.7

In 1869-1870 Mr. Stevens visited America, and
printed at New Haven his Historical and Geo-
graphical Notes on the earliest discoveries in Amer-
tea, 1453-1530, with photo-lithographic fac-similes
of some of the earliest maps. It is a valuable
essay, much referred to, in which the author
endeavored to indicate the entanglement of the
Asiatic and American coast lines in the early
cartography.8

In 1870 he sold at Boston a collection of five
thousand volumes, catalogued as Bibliotheca His-
torical (2,545 entries), being mostly Americana,
from the library of the elder Henry Stevens of
Vermont. It has a characteristic introduction,
with an array of readable notes.10 His catalogues
have often such annotations, inserted on a prin-
ciple which he explains in the introduction to
this one : " In the course of many years of bibli-
ographical study and research, having picked up
various isolated grains of knowledge respecting
the early history, geography, and bibliography
of this western hemisphere, the writer has
thought it well to pigeon-hole the facts in notes
long and short."

In October, 1870, he printed at London a
Schedule of Two Thotisand American Historical
Nuggets taken from the Stevens Diggings in
September, 1870, and set down in Chronological
Order of Printing from 1490 to 1800 [1776], de-
scribed and recommended as a Supplement to my
printed Bibliotheca Americana. It included 1,350
titles.

In 1872 he sold another collection, largely
Americana, according to a catalogue entitled
Bibliotheca Geographica c?° Historica ; or, a Cat-
alogue <?/" [3,109 lots], illustrative of historical geog-
raphy and geographical history. Collected, used,
and described, with an Ititroductory Essay on
Catalogues, and ho7v to make them upon the Ste-
vens system of photo-bibliography . The title calls
it a first part ; but no second part ever appeared.
Ten copies were issued, with about four hundred

1 Triibner, Bibliographical Guide to American Literature (1859), p. iv. ; North American Review, July,
1850, p. 205, by George Livermore.

2 Allibone, ii. 2247-2248.

3 Sabin, vol. xii. no. 49,961.

4 Stevens, Historical Co/lections, i. 874. It was ostensibly made in preparation for his projected Bibli*
ographia Americana.

5 Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 90; Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2248.

6 Allibone, ii. 2248 ; Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 875 ; Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,974.

7 Allibone, ii. 2248 ; Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 878.

8 It was first published, less perfectly, in the American Journal of Science, vol. xcviii. p. 299; and of the
separate issue seventy-five copies only were printed. Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,976. It was also issued
as a part of a volume on the proposed Tchuantcpcc Railway, prepared by his brother, Simon Stevens, and pub-
lished by the Appletons of New York the same year. Ibid. no. 1,977; Historical Collections, vol. i. nos. 894
895; Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2348, nos. 17, 18, 19.

'•> Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 897.

10 It is a droll fancy of his to call his book-shop the " Nuggetory ;" to append to his name " G. M. B.," for
Green Mountain Boy ; and even to parade in ;i similar titular fashion his rejection at a London Club, — " Bk-
bid — Ath.-Cl."

AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. xv

photographic copies of titles inserted. Some William Gowans, of New York, was another

copies are found without the essay.1 of the early dealers in Americana.7 The cat-

The next year (1873) he issued a privately alogues of Bartlett and Welford have already been

printed list of two thousand titles of American mentioned. In 1854, while Garrigue and Chris-

" Continuations," as they are called by librari- tern were acting as agents of Mr. Lenox, they

ans, or serial publications in progress as taken at printed Livres Curieux, a list of desiderata

the British Museum, quaintly terming the list sought for by Mr. Lenox, pertaining to such rari-

American books with tails to 'em.2 ties as the letters of Columbus, Cartier, parts of

Finally, in 188 1, he printed Part I. of Ste- De Bry and Hulsius, and the Jesuit Relations.

vens's Historical Collections, a sale catalogue This list was circulated widely through Europe,

showing 1,625 titles of books, chiefly Americana, but not twenty out of the 216 titles were ever

and including his Franklin Collection of man- offered.8

uscripts, which he later privately sold to the About 1856, Charles B. Norton, of New

United States Government, an agent of the Bos- York, began to issue American catalogues ; and

ton Public Library yielding to the nation.3 in 1857 he established Norton's Literary Letter,

One of the earliest to establish an antiquarian intended to foster interest in the collection of

bookshop in the United States was the late Americana.9 A little later, Joel Munsell, of

Samuel G. Drake, who opened one in Boston in Albany, began to issue catalogues; 10 and J. W.

1830.4 His special field was that of the North Randolph, of Richmond, Virginia, more partic-

American Indians; and the history and antiqui- ularly illustrated the history of the southern

ties of the aborigines, together with the history parts of the United States.11 The most impor-

of the English Colonies, give a character to his tant Amerioana lists at present issued by Amer-

numerous catalogues.5 Mr. Drake died in 1875, ican dealers are those of Robert Clarke & Co.,

from a cold taken at a sale of the library of of Cincinnati, which are admirable specimens of

Daniel Webster ; and his final collections of such lists.12

books were scattered in two sales in the follow- In England, the catalogues of Henry Stevens

ing year.6 and E. G. Allen have been already mentioned.

1 Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 898.

2 Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 899.

3 The public is largely indebted to the efforts of Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, the librarian and keeper of the
Archives of the Department of State at Washington, for the ultimate success of the endeavor to secure these
manuscripts to the nation. Mr. Stevens had lately (1885) formed a copartnership with his son, Mr. Henry N.
Stevens, and had begun a new series of Catalogues, of which No. 1 gives his own publications, and No. 2 is a
bibliography of New Hampshire History. He died in London, February 28, 1886.

4 N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg., 1863, p. 203. Dr. Homes, of Albany, is confident Joseph Bumstead was
•earlier in Boston than Mr. Drake. The Boston Directory represents him as a printer in 1800, and as a book-
seller after 18 16.

5 His earliest catalogue appeared in 1842, as of his private library. Sabin's Bibl. of Bibl., p. xlix. A
collection announced for sale in Boston in 1845 was withdrawn after the catalogue was printed, having been
sold to the Connecticut Historical Society for $4,000. At one time he amassed a large collection of American
school-books to illustrate our educational history. They were bought (about four hundred in all) by the British
Museum.

6 Cf. Jackson's Bibl. Gcog., no. 684, and pp. 185, 199. Also see Vol. III. 361.

1 His catalogues are spiced with annotations signed " Western Memorabilia." Sabin (Dictionary, vii. 369)
quotes the saying of a rival regarding Gowans's catalogues, that their notes "were distinguished by much origi-
nality, some personality, and not a little bad grammar." His shop and its master are drawn in F. B. Perkins's
Scrope, or the Lost Library. A Novel. Mr. Gowans died in November, 1870, at sixty-seven, leaving a stock,
it is said, of 250,000 bound volumes, besides a pamphlet collection of enormous extent. Mr. W. C. Prime told
the story of his life, genially, in Harper's Magazine (1872), in an article on " Old Books in New York." Speak-
ing of his stock, Mr. Prime says : " There were many more valuable collections in the hands of booksellers, but
none so large, and probably none so wholly without arrangement." Mr. Gowans was a Scotchman by birth, and
came to America in 1821. After a varied experience on a Mississippi flat-boat, he came to New York, and in
1827 began life afresh as a bookseller's clerk. Cf. American Bibliopolist, January, 1871, p. 5.

8 Harrisse, Bibl. A7ncr. Vet., p. xxx.

9 Jackson, Bibl. Geog., nos. 670-676.

1° Jackson, no. 687. See Vol. IV. p. 435. Munsell issued privately, in 1872, a catalogue of the works
printed by him. Sabin, Bibl. of Bibl., p. cv. Cf. a Biographical Sketch of Joel Munsell, by George R.
Howell, -with a Genealogy of the Munsell Family, by Frank Munsell. Boston, 1880. This was printed
(16 pp.) for the New England Historic Genealogical Society.

11 Jackson, no. 669.

12 They have been issued in 1869, 1871, 1873, 1876, 1877, 1878, 1879, 1883. Jackson, nos. 705-711. Lesser
lists have been issued in Cincinnati by William Dodge. The chief dealer in Americana in Boston, who issues
catalogues, is, at the present time, Mr. George E. Littlefield.

XVI

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The leading English dealer at present in the
choicer books of Americana, as of all other sub-
jects— and it is not too much to say, the leading
one of the world — is Mr. Bernard Quaritch,
a Prussian by birth, who was born in 1819,
and after some service in the book-trade in
his native country came to London in 1842,
and entered the service of Henry G. Bohn,
under whose instruction, and as a fellow-em-
ploye of Lowndes the bibliographer, he laid the
foundations of a remarkable bibliographical ac-
quaintance. A short service in Paris brought
him the friendship of Brunet. Again (1845)
he returned to Mr. Bohn's shop ; but in April,
1S47, he began business in London for him-
self. He issued his catalogues at once on a
small scale ; but they took their well-known
distinctive form in 1848, which they have re-
tained, except during the interval December,
1854,-May, 1864, when, to secure favorable con-
sideration in the post-office rates, the serial
was called The Museum. It has been his habit,
at intervals, to collect his occasional catalogues
into volumes, and provide them with an index.
The first of these (7,000 entries) was issued
in i860. Others have been issued in 1864, 1868,
1870, 1874, 1877 (this with the preceding con-
stituting one work, showing nearly 45,000 entries
or 200,000 volumes), and 1880 (describing 28,-
009 books).1 In the preface to this last cata-
logue he says : " The prices of useful and
learned books are in all cases moderate ; the
prices of palaeographical and bibliographical
curiosities are no doubt in most cases high,
that indeed being a natural result of the great
rivalry between English, French, and American
collectors. ... A fine copy of any edition of
a book is, and ought to be, more than twice as
costly as any other."2 While the Quaritch
catalogues have been general, they have in-
cluded a large share of the rarest Americana,

whose titles have been illustrated with biblio-
graphical notes characterized by intimate ac-
quaintance with the secrets of the more curious
lore.

The catalogues of John Russell Smith (1849,
1853, 1865, 1867), and of his successor Alfred
Russell Smith (1871, 1874), are useful aids in
this department.3 The Bibliotheca Hispano-
Americana of Trubner, printed in 1870, offered
about thirteen hundred items.4 Occasional
reference can be usefully made to the lists of
George Bumstead, Ellis and White, John Cam-
den Hotten, all of London, and to those of
William George of Bristol. The latest exten-
sive Americana catalogue ic A catalogue of rare
and curious books, all of which relate more or less
to America, on sale by F. S. Ellis, London, 1884.
It shows three hundred and forty-two titles, in-
cluding many of the rarer books, which are held
at prices startling even to one accustomed to the
rapid rise in the cost of books of this description-
Many of them were sold by auction in 1885.

In France, since Ternaux, the most impor-
tant contribution has come from the house of
Maisonneuve et Cie., by whom the Bibliotheca
Americana : of Charles Leclerc has been succes-
sively issued to represent their extraordinary
stock. The first edition was printed in 1867
(1,647 entries), the second in 1878 5 (2,638 en-
tries, with an admirable index), besides a first
supplement in 1881 (nos. 2,639-3,029). Mr.
Quaritch characterizes it as edited "with ad-
mirable skill and knowledge."

Less important but useful lists, issued in
France, have been those of Hector Bossange,
Edwin Tross,6 and the current Americana series
of Dufosse, which was begun in 1876.7

In Holland, most admirable work has been
done by Frederik Muller, of Amsterdam, and by
Mr. Asher, Mr. Tiele, and Mr. Otto Harrasso-
witz under his patronage, of which ample ac-

1 Another is now in progress.

2 With these canons Mr. Quaritch's prices can be understood. The extent and character of his stock can
be inferred from the fact that his purchases at the Perkins sale (1873) amounted to £1 1,000; at the Tite sale
(1874), £9,500; at the Didot sales (1878-1879), £11,600 ; and at the Sunderland sales (1883), £32,650, out. of a
total of £56,851. At the recent sales of the Beckford and Hamilton collections, which produced £86,444, over
one half, or £44,105, went to Mr. Quaritch. These figures enable one to understand how, in a sense, Mr. Quar-
itch commands the world's market of choice books. A sketch, B. Q., a biographical and bibliographical Frag-
ment (1880, 25 copies), in the privately printed series of monographs issued to a club in London, of which Mr.
Quaritch is president, called "The Sette of Odd Volumes," has supplied the above data. The sketch is by C.
\V. II. Wyman, and is also reprinted in his Bibliography of Printing, and in the Antiquarian Magazine and
Bibliographer, November, 1882. One of the club's "opuscula" (no. iii.) has an excellent likeness of Mr. Quar-
itch prefixed. Cf. also the memoir and portrait in Bigmore and Wyman's Bibliography of Printing, ii. 230.

3 Jackson, nos. 643-649; Trubner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xix.

4 Mr. Trubner died in London March 30, 18S4. Cf. memorial in The Library Chronicle, April, 1S84,
p. 43, by W. E. A. Axon; also a "Nekrolog" by Karl J. Trubner in the Centralblatt fur Bibliothchswesen,
June, 1884, p. 240.

6 Cf. notice by Mr. Brevoort in Magazine of Amcrica7i History, iv. 230.

8 There is a paper on "Edwin Tross et ses publications relatives a I'Amdrique" in Miscellances biblie
graphiqurs, Paris, 1878, p. 53, giving a list of his imprints which concern America.

7 Jackson, nos. 689, 703, 717.

AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES.

xvn

counts are given in another place.1 Muller's
catalogues were begun in 1850, but did not-reach
distinctive merit till 1872.'-* Martin Nijhoff, at
the Hague, has also issued some American cata-
logues.

In 1858 Muller sold one of his collections of
Americana to Brockhaus, of Leipsic, and the
Bibliotheque Americaine issued by that publisher
in 1 861, as representing this collection, was com-
piled by one of the editors of the Serapeum,
Paul Tromel, whom Harrisse characterizes
as an "expert bibliographer and trustworthy
scholar." The list shows 435 entries by a chro-
nological arrangement (1 507-1 700).3 Brockhaus
again, in 1866, issued another American list1,
showing books since 1508, arranged topically
(nos. 7,261-8,611). Mr. Otto Harrassowitz, of
Leipsic, a pupil of Muller, of Amsterdam, has
also entered the field as a purveyor of choice
Americana. T. O. Weigel, of Leipsic, issued a
catalogue, largely American, in 1877.

So well known are the general bibliographies
of Watt, Lowndes, Brunei, Graesse, and others,
that it is not necessary to point out their distinc-
tive merits.4 Students in this field are familiar
with the catalogues of the chief American libra-
ries. The library of Harvard College has not
issued a catalogue since 1834, though it now prints
bulletins of its current accessions. An admirable
catalogue of the Boston Athenaeum brings the
record of that collection down to 187 1. The
numerous catalogues of the Boston Public Li-
brary are of much use, especially the distinct
volume given to the Prince Collection. The
Massachusetts Historical Society's library has
a catalogue printed in 1859-60. There has been
no catalogue of the American Antiquarian Society

since 1837, and the New England Historic Gene-
alogical Society has never printed any; nor has
the Congregational Library. The State Library
at Boston issued a catalogue in 1880. These li-
braries, with the Carter-Brown Library at Provi-
dence, which is courteously opened to students
properly introduced, probably make Boston
within easy distance of a larger proportion of
the books illustrating American history, than
can be reached with equal convenience from any
other literary centre. A book on the private li-
braries of Boston was compiled by Luther Farn-
ham in 1855; but many of the private collections
then existing have since been scattered.5 Gen-
eral Horatio Rogers has made a similar record
of those in Providence. After the Carter-Brown
Collection, the most valuable of these private
libraries in New England is probably that of Mr.
Charles Deane in Cambridge, of which mention
has already been made. The collection of the
Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D., of New Bedford,
is probably unexampled in this country for the
history of the Congregational movement, which
so largely affected the early history of the Eng-
lish Colonies.6

Two other centres in the United States are
of the first importance in this respect. In Wash-
ington, with the Library of Congress (of which
a general consolidated catalogue is now print-
ing), embracing as it does the collection formed
by Col. Peter Force, and supplementing the
archives of the Government, an investigator of
American history is situated extremely favora-
bly.7 In New York the Astor and Lenox libra-
ries, with those of the New York Historical
Society and American Geographical Society, give
the student great opportunities. The catalogue
of the Astor Library was printed in 1857-66,

1 Vol. IV. chap. viii. editorial note. There is an account of Muller and his bibliographical work in the
Centralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen, November, 1884.

2 Jackson, nos. 650-654; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xix; Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. cv;
Petzholdt, Bibliotheca Bibliographica.

3 This collection was subsequently, with the exception of three lots, bought of Mr. Brockhaus by Henry
Stevens. Bibliotheca Geographica, no. 343.

4 More or less help will be derived from the American portion of the Liste provisoire de bibliographies
geographiques speciales, par James Jackson, published in 1881 by the Societe de Geographie de Paris, — a
book of which use has been made in the preceding pages.

5 See the chapter on the libraries of Boston in the Memorial History of Boston, vol. iv.

6 The extent of Dr. Dexter's library is evident from the signs of possession which are so numerously scat-
tered through the 7,250 titles that constitute the exhaustive and very careful bibliography of Congregationalism
and the allied phases of religious history, which forms an appendix to his Congregationalism as seen in its
Literature, New York, 1880. He explains in the Introduction to his volume the wide scope which he intended
to give to this list; and to show how poorly off our largest public libraries in America are in the earliest books
illustrating this movement, he says that of the 1,000 earliest titles which he gives, and which bear date
between 1546 and 1644, he found only 208 in American libraries. His arrangement of titles is chronological,
but he has a full name-index.

The students of the early English colonies cannot fail to find for certain phases of their history much help
from Joseph Smith's Descriptive Catalogue of Friends' Books, London, 1867 ; his Bibliotheca Anti-Quakcriana,
1873 ; and his Bibliotheca Quakeristica, a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the Friends, of
which Part I. was issued in London in 1883.

7 The private library of George Bancroft is in Washington. It is described as it existed some years ago
in Wynne's Private Libraries of New York.

VOL. I. — h

xviii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

and that of the Historical Society in 1859. No
general catalogue of the Lenox Library has yet
been printed. An account of the private libra-
ries of New York was published by Dr. Wynne
In 1S60. The libraries of the chief importance
at the present time, in respect to American his-
torv, are those of Mr. S. L. M. Barlow in New
York, and of Mr. James Carson Brevoort in
Brooklyn. Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch of New
York has a small collection, but it embraces
some of the rarest books. The New York State
Library at Albany is the chief of the libraries of
its class, and its principal characteristic pertains
to American history.

The other chief American cities are of much
less importance, as centres for historical research.
The Philadelphia Library and the collection of
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania are hardly

of distinctive value, except in regard to the his-
tory of that State. In Baltimore the library of
the Peabody Institute, of which the first volume
of an excellent catalogue has been printed, and
that of the Maryland Historical Society are
scarcely sufficient for exhaustive research. The
private library of Mr. H. H. Bancroft consti-
tutes the only important resource of the Pacific
States ; x and the most important collection in
Canada is that represented by the catalogue of
the Library of Parliament, which was printed in
1858.

This enumeration is intended only to in-
dicate the chief places for ease of general
investigation in American history. Other lo-
calities are rich in local helps, and accounts
of such will be found elsewhere in the present
History.2

1 A book on the private libraries of San Francisco by Apponyi was issued in 1878.

2 An account of the libraries of the various historical societies in the United States is given in the Public
Libraries of the United States, issued by the Bureau of Education at Washington in 1S76.

INTRODUCTION.

By the Editor.

Part II. THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA AND COLLECTIVE
ACCOUNTS OF THE EARLY VOYAGES THERETO.

OF the earliest collection of voyages of
which we have any mention we possess
only a defective copy, which is in the Biblio-
teca Marciana, and is called Libretto de tutta
la navigazione del Re di Spagna delle isole e ter-
reni nicovamente scoperti stampato per Vercellese.
It was published at Venice in 1 504,1 and is said
to contain the first three voyages of Columbus.
This account, together with the narrative of

Cabral's voyage printed at Rome and Milan,
and an original — at present unknown — of
Vespucius' third voyage, were embodied, with
other matter, in the Paesi novamente retrovati
et novo mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentijio
intitnlato, published at Vicentia in 1507,2 and
again possibly at Vicentia in 1508, — though
the evidence is wanting to support the state-
ment, — but certainly at Milan in that year

1 The title is quoted differently by different authorities. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 32, and Additions,
no. 16 ; his Christophe Colomb, i. 89 ; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 67 ; Sabin, Dictionary of Books
relating to America, x. 327; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller , p. 79; Varnhagen, Noavelles Recherches, p. 17;
Irving' s Colnmbus, app. ix.

2 See Vol. IV. p. 12. The editorship is in dispute, — whether Zorzi or Montalboddo. The better opinion
seems to be that Humboldt erred in assigning it to Zorzi rather than to Montalboddo. Cf. Humboldt, Examen
critique; Brunet, v. 11 5 5, 1 1 5 8 : Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xii. no. 50,050; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller, p. 80;
Graesse, Tresor ; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 48, 109, app. p. 469, and Additions, no. 26; Bulletin de
la Societe de Geographie, October, 1857, p. 312 ; Santarem's Vespucius, Eng. tr., p. y^ ; Irving's Cohimbus,
app. xxx.; Navarrete, Opiiscidos, i. 101 ; Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 89. There are copies of this 1507
edition in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Grenville Library ; and one in the Beckford sale,
1882 (no. 186), brought .£270. Cf. also Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,612*, and Catalogue de la precicuse biblio-
theque de feu M. le Docteur J. Court (Paris, 1884), no. 262. The Paesi novamente retrovati is shown in the
chapter on the Cortereals in Vol. IV. to be of importance in elucidating the somewhat obscure story of that
portion of the early Portuguese discoveries in North America. Since Vol. IV. was printed, two important con-
tributions to this study have been made. One is the monograph of Henry Harrisse, Lcs Cortereal et leur
voyages an Nouveau-mondc . D'apres des documents nouveaux ou peu connus tires des archives de Lisbonne et
de Modhie. Suivi du texte incdit dhin recit de la troisieme expedition de Gasper Cortereal et d'une carte
nautique portugaise de 1502 rcproduite ici pour la premiere fois. Memoire In a PAcademie des inscriptions
et belles-lettres dans sa seance du ler juin, 1883, and published in Paris in 1883, as Vol. III. of the Recucil de
voyages et de documents pour servir a Vhistoire de la geographie depuis le XHIe jusqii'a la fin du XV le siccle.
The other is the excerpt from the Archivo des Acores, whicli was drawn from that work by the editor, Ernesto
do Canto, and printed separately at Ponta Delgarda (S. Miguel) in an edition of one hundred copies, under the
title of Os Corte-Reacs, memoria historica accompanhada de muitos dociuncntos incditos. Do Canto refers
(p. 34) to other monographs on the Portuguese discoveries in America as follows: Scbastiao Francisco Mendo
Trigoso, — Ensaio sobrc os Descobrimentos e Commcrcio dos Portuguezes cm as Terras Septcntrionacs da
America, presented to the Lisbon Academy (1813), and published in their Memorias da Litteratura, viii. 305,
Joaquim Jose Gonial ves de Mattos Correa, — Accrca da prioridade das Descobcrtas feitas pclos portuguezes
nas costas orientaes da America do norte, which was printed in Annaes maritimos e Coloniacs, Lisbon, 1841,
pp. 269-423. Luciano Cordeiro, — De la part prise par les Portugais dans le decouverte de V Amcrique,
Lisbon, 1876. This was a communication made to the Congres des Americanistcs in 1875. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 15.

xx NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

(150S). ! There were later editions in 1512,2 First Decade having been printed at Seville as

KI7,1 15194 (published at Milan), and 1521.5 early as 1500, as is sometimes stated ; but it has

There are also German,6 Low German,7 Latin,8 been held that a translation of it, — though no

and French 9 translations. copy is now known, — made by Angelo Trigvi-

While this Zor/.i-Montalboddo compilation ano into Italian was the Libretto de tutta la
was flourishing, an Italian scholar, domiciled in navigazione del Re di Spagna, already men-
Spain, was recording, largely at first hand, the tioned.13 The earliest unquestioned edition was
varied reports of the voyages which were then that of 151 1, which was printed at Seville with
opening a new existence to the w-orld. This the title Legatio Babylonica ; it contained nine
was Peter Martyr, of whom Harrisse 10 cites an books and a part of the tenth book of the First
early and quaint sketch from Hernando Alonso Decade.14 In 1516 a new edition, without map,
de Herrera's Disputatio adversus Aristotelez was printed at Alcala in Roman letter. The
(1517).11 The general historians have always part of the tenth book of the First Decade in
made due acknowledgment of his service to the 1511 edition is here annexed to the ninth,
them.1'- and a new tenth book is added, besides two other

Harrisse could find no evidence of Martyr's decades, making three in all.15

1 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 55 ; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller, p. 80 ; Wieser, Magalhaes-Strasse,
pp. 15, 17. There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Cincinnati Public libraries.
The Beckford copy brought, in 18S2, £78. Quaritch offered a copy in 1883 for £45. At the Potier sale, in
1870 (no. 1,791), a copy brought 2,015 francs; the same had brought 389 francs in 1844 at the Nodier sale.
Livres payes en vente publique 1 ,000 francs et au dessus, 1877, p. jj. Cf. also Court, no. 263.

2 Only one copy in the United States, says Sabin.

3 In Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries ; also in the Marciana and Brera libraries. Leclerc in 1878 priced
a copy at 1,000 francs. Cf. Harrisse, no. 90, also p. 463, and Additions, no. 52; Sobolewski, no. 4,130;
Brunet, v. 1158 ; Court, no. 264.

4 Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,054 ; Leclerc, no. 2,583 (500 francs). A copy was sold in London in March, 1883.
There is a copy in the Cincinnati Public Library.

5 Harrisse, no. 109 ; Sobolewski, no. 4,131 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 68 ; Murphy, no. 2,617.

6 Newe unbekanthe landte (Nuremberg, 1508), by Ruchamer ; copies are in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Con-
gress, and Cincinnati Public libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,056 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 36 ; Harrisse,
no. 57; Murphy, no. 2,613 ;' Sobolewski, no. 4,069; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller, p. 83; Rosenthal, Catalogue
(1S84), no. 67, at 1,000 marks.

"1 Nye unbekande Lande (1508), in Platt-Deutsch, by Henning Ghetel, of Lubeck, following the German.
Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,057; Harrisse, Additions, no. 29. The Carter-Brown copy {Catalogue, vol. i. no. 37)
cost about 1,000 marks at the Sobolewski (no. 4,070) sale, when it was described as an " edition absolument
inconnu jusqu'au present." Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch has since secured a copy at 3,000 marks, — probably the
copy advertised "as the second copy known," by Albert Cohn, of Berlin, in 1881, in his Katalog, vol. exxxix.
no. 27. Cf. Studi biograjici e bibliografici della Socicta Italiana, i. 219.

8 Itincrariu Portugallesiu e Lusitania in India (Milan, 1508), a Latin version by Archangelus Madri-
nanus, of Milan. Cf. D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller, p. 82 ; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,05s ; Harrisse, no. 58 ; Sobo-
lewski, no. 4,i2S; Muller (1S70), no. 1,844. There are copies in the Lenox, Barlow, Harvard College,
Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 35), and Congressional libraries. The Beckford copy (no. i,oSi) brought
.£78. Sabin quotes Bolton Corney's copy at .£137. Copies have been recently priced at £30, £36, and £45.
A copy noted in the Court Catalogue (no. 177) differs from Harrisse's collation.

9 Sensuyt le nouvcau mode, supposed to be 15 15 ; some copies vary in text. The Lenox Library has two
varieties. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 50,059, 50,061; Harrisse, no. %^, and Additions, no. 46; D'Avezac,
Waltzoniiller, p. 84. An edition of 15 16 (Le nouveau monde) is in the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries
(Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,062; Court, no. 248; Harrisse, no. 86 ; Sobolewski, no. 4,129). One placed in -1521
(Sensuyt le nouvcaii mode) is in Harvard College Library (Harrisse, no. in ; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,063). An-
other (Sensuyt le nouveau monde') is placed under 152S (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,064; Harrisse, no. 146, and
Additions, no. 87).

10 Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 50. Harrisse also gives a chapter to Peter Martyr in his Christophc Colomb, i. 85.

11 See also the reference in Joannes Tritemius" De scriptoribus ccclesiasticis (Cologne, 1546), pp. 481-4S2.
There have been within a few years two monographs upon Martyr: (1) Hermann A. Schumacher's Petrus
Martyr, der Gcschichtsschrcibcr des Wcltmecres (New York, 1879); (2) Dr- Heinrich Heidenheimer's Petrus
Martyr Anglcrius und scin Opus cpistolarum (Berlin, 18S1). This last writer gives a section to his geo-
graphical studies.

12 Humboldt, Bxamen critique, ii. 279; Irving, Columbus, app. ; Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella
(187-?), ii. 74, and Mexico, ii. 96; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 312; Helps, Spanish Conquest.
Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amcr. Vet., nos. 66 and 160.

13 Morelli's edition of Letter of Columbus, 1S10.

14 There is an examination of this edition on page 109 of Vol. 11.

I* Harrisse, Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. S8 ; Carter-Brown Cafalogue, vol. i. no. 50; Huth, p. 920; Brunet
i. 293; Murphy, no. 1,606; Leclerc, no. 2,647 (600 francs) ; Stevens, Nuggets, £ioios.', Bibliothcca Grcn
villiana. There is a copy in Charles Deane's collection. Tross priced a copy in 1873 at 900 francs.

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA.

xxi

There exists what has been called a German
version (Die Schiffung mitt dem lanndt der, Gul-
den Inset) of the First Decade, in which the
supposed author is called Johan von Angliara;
and its date is 1520, or thereabout; but Mr.
Deane, who has the book,
says that it is not Martyr's.1
Some Poemala, which had
originally been included in
the publication of the First
Decade, were separately
printed in 1520.2

At Basle in 1521 appeared
his De nuper sub D. Carolo
repertis insu/is, the title of
which is annexed in fac-
simile. Harrisse 3 has called
it an extract from the Fourth
Decade ; and a similar state-
ment is made in the Carter-
Brozun Catalogue (vol. i. no.
67). But Stevens and other
authorities define it as a sub-
stitute for the lost First Let-
ter of Cortes, touching the
expedition of Grijalva and
the invasion of Mexico ; and
it supplements, rather than
overlaps, Martyr's other nar-
ratives.4 Mr. Deane contends
that if the Fourth Decade had
then been written, this might
well be considered an abridg-
ment of it.

The first complete edition
(De orbe novo) of all the eight
decades was published in 1 530
at Complutum ; and with it is
usually found the map (" Ti-
pus orbis universalis ") of
Apianus, which originally ap-
peared in Camer's Solinus in
1520. In this new issue the
map has its date changed to

i53°-5

In 1532, at Paris, appeared
an abridgment in French of
the first three decades, to-

gether with an abstract of Martyr's De insulis
(Basle, 1 521), followed by abridgments of the
printed second and third letters of Cortes, — the
whole bearing the title, Extraict ov Recveil des
Isles nouuellemet trouuees eti la grand mer Oceane

TITLE OF THE NEWE UNBEKANTHE LANDTE (REDUCED).

1 Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 61 ; Graesse, Trcsor, i. 130; Sabin, i. 201, who says Rich put it
under 1560.

2 Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 62 ; Additions, p. 78.

3 Bibl. Amcr. Vet , no. no.

4 There are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Sabin, i. 199; Leclerc, no. 24
(150 francs) ; Court, no. 13; Murphy, no. 1,606*; Stevens, Historical Collection, i. 48; his Nuggets, £2 2s.
But recent prices have been .£20 and £25 ; Brunet, i. 294 ; Ternaux, no. 24 ; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,173.
This tract was reprinted in the Novus orbis (Basle, 1532), and was appended to the Antwerp edition (1536) of
Brocard's Descriptio terrce sanctce (Harrisse, Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 218 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 117). It is
also in the Novus orbis of Rotterdam, 1596 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 505).

5 There are copies in the Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown libraries. It is very rare ; a fair copy
was priced in London, in 1881, at .£62. Cf. Brunet, i. 293 ; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 94 ; Sabin,
i. 198 ; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 154 ; Murphy, no. 1,607 J Court, no. 14.

.\\11

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

DE NVPER

SVB D* CAROLO REPER/

tis Infulis, fimutq* incolarum

moribus, R* Petri Marry/

ris, Enchiridion, Domi/

na:Margariex,Diui

MaXcCxf.fiiiac

drcaturn

B A SILEAE* ANNO

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. xxiii

en temps die roy Despaigne Ferndd 6° Elizabeth Oviedo and others, — all under the new name,

sa fenime, faict premierement en latin par Pierre The History of Trauayle?

Martyr de Millan, 6° depuis translate en Ian- There was an edition again at Cologne in

guaige francoys.1 1 574, — the one which Robertson used.9 Three

In 1533, at Basle, in folio, we find the first decades and the De insnlis are also included in

three decades and the tract of 1521 (De insnlis) a composite folio published at Basle in 1582,

united in De rebus oceanicis et orbe novo:1 containing also Benzoni and Levinus, all in

At Venice, in 1534, the Summario de la gen- German.10 The entire eight decades, in Latin,

erale historia de f Indie occidentali was a joint which had not been printed together since the

issue of Martyr and Oviedo, under the editing Basle edition of 1530, were published in Paris

of Ramuslo.3 An edition of Martyr, published in 1587 under the editing of Richard Hakluyt,

at Paris in 1 536, sometimes mentioned,4 does with the title : De orbe novo Petri Martyr is

not apparently exist;5 but an edition of 1537 Anglerii Mediolanensis, protonotarij , et Caroli

is noted by Sabin.G In 1555 Richard Eden's qninti senatoris Decades oclo, diligenti temporum

Decades of the Arewe Worlde, or West India, ap- ( obsernatione, et vtilissimis annotationibus illus-

peared in black-letter at London. It is made up trala?, suSque nitori restitutes, labore et industria

in large part from Martyr," and was the basis Richardi Haklvyti Oxoniensis Angli. Additus

of Richard Willes' edition of Eden in 1577, est in v sum lector is accuratus totius operis index.

which included the first four decades, and an Parisiis, apud Gvillelmvm Avvray, 1587. With

abridgment of the last four, with additions from its " F. G." map, it is exceedingly rare.11

1 The book is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. A copy was priced in London at
£36 ; but Quaritch holds the Beckford copy (no. 2,275), in fine binding, at £148. Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet.,
no. 167) errs in his description. Cf. Brunet, i. 294 ; Sobolewski, no. 3,667 ; Sabin, i. T99 ; Huth, p. 920 ;
Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 4S ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 99; Murphy, no. 3,002 ; Court, no. 124.

2 Richard Eden's copy of this book, with his annotations, apparently used in making his translation of
1555, was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 40, having been earlier in the Judge Davis sale in 1847 (no. 1,352).
The first of the Stevens copies, in his sale of 1870 (nos. 75, 1,234), is now in Mr. Deane's library. There are
also copies in the Force (Library of Congress), Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 104), and Ticknor (Cata-
logue, p. 14) collections, and in Harvard College Library. Cf. Sabin, i. ; Stevens's Nuggets, £1 us. 6d.\
Ternaux, no. 47; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 176; Muller (1877), no. 2,031; Court, no. 15; Murphy,
no. 1, 60S; Leclerc (1878), no. 25 (80 francs); Quaritch, no. 11,628 (£3 \os. ; again, £5 $s.) ; Sunderland,
vol. iv. no. 8,176 (£50). Priced in Germany at 60 and 100 marks.

3 Ramusio's name does not appear, but D'Avezac thinks his editorship is probable ; cf. Bidletin de la
Societe de Geographic (1872), p. 11. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, J. C. Brevoort, H. C.
Murphy, and Lenox libraries. For an account of a map said to belong to it, see Winsor's Bibliography of
Ptolemy, sub anno 1540. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 190; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 344, and
Nuggets, vol. ii. no. 1,808 ; Murphy, no. 1,609; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,177 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 107 ;
Ternaux, no. 43 ; Court, no. 213. Ramusio also included Martyr in the third volume of his Navigationi. Cf.
the opinions of Mr. Deane and Mr. Brevoort on the Summano as given in Vol. III. p. 20.

4 Brunet, Graesse, Ternaux.

5 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 214. 6 Vol. i. p. 199.

7 See Vol. HI. p. 200 ; Murphy, no. 1,610.

8 The book is rare; the copy in the Menzies sale (no. 1,332) brought $42.50. Cf. further in Vol. III.
p. 204; also Cooke, no. 1,642.

9 It has three decades and three books of the " De Babylonica legatione." There are copies in Harvard
College and the Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832)^0. 52; Nuggets, £1 io.r. 6d. ; Sabin, i. 201; Muller,
(1877), no. 2,031; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 295; Leclerc, no. 26 (80 francs); Harrassowitz, 35 marks;
Quaritch, £1 ^s. and £1 i6i\ ; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,178 ; O'Callaghan, no. 1,479 ; Cooke, no. 1,641 ; Court,
no. 16; Murphy, no. 1,611.

10 Graesse, i. 130; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344; Stevens (187*), no. 1,235.

11 The Sunderland copy (vol. iv. no. 8,179), with the map, brought £24 ; a French catalogue advertised one
with the map for 250 francs. Without the map it is worth about $25. See further in Vol. III. p. 42 ; also Mur-
phy, no. 1,612 ; Cooke, no. 1,643; Court, no. 17. Hakluyt's text was used by Lok in making an English ver-
sion (he adopted, however, Eden's text of the first three decades), which was printed as De Novo Orbe ; or, the
Historic of the West Indies. Bibliographers differ about the editions. One without date is held by some to
have been printed in 1597 (White-Kennett; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,013; Menzies, no. 1,333, #35 5
Huth, p. 923); but others consider it the sheets of the 1612 edition with a new title (see Vol. III. p. 47,
Field, no. 1,014; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,236; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 10; O'Callaghan, no. 1,481;
Murphy, no. 1,612*; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 129, 130). There are copies of this 1612 edition in the Boston
Athenaeum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Massachusetts Historical Society libraries ; it is worth from
$30 to 340. Mr. Deane's edition of 1612 has a dedication to Julius Caesar, the English jurist of that day,
which is not in the edition without date. See Vol. III. p. 47. The same was reissued as a "second edition,"
with a title dated 1628, of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library (Field, no. 1,015; Stevens,
Nuggets, £4 I4J-. 6d. ; Menzies, no. 1,334/ Griswold, no. 475 ; Quaritch, £9 and £12).

\x IN-

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

GRYN^US.J

As illustrating in some sort his more labored
work, the Opus epistolarum Petri Martyris was
first printed at Complutum in 1530.2 The letters
were again published at Amsterdam, in 1670,3 in
an edition which had the care of Ch. Patin, to
which was appended other letters by Fernando
del Pulgar.4

The most extensive of the early collec-
tions was the Navies orbis, which was issued in
separate editions at Basle and Paris in 1532.
Simon Grynaeus, a learned professor at Basle,

signed the preface ; and it usually passes under
his name. Grynaeus was born in Swabia, was a
friend of Luther, visited England in 1531, and
died in Basle, in 1541. The compilation, how-
ever, is the work of a canon of Strasburg,
John Huttich (born about 1480; died, 1544),
but the labor of revision fell on Grynaeus.5 It
has the first three voyages of Columbus, and
those of Pinzon and Vespucius ; the rest of the
book is taken up with the travels of Marco
Polo and his successors to the East.6 It

1 Fac-simile of cut in Reusner's /cones (Strasburg, 1590), p. 107.

2 Brunet, i. 294; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 10; Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 160; Carter-Brown, vol. i.
no. 93 ; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,174, (£61). There is also a copy in Harvard College Library.

8 Sabin, i. 200. Copy in Harvard College Library; it was printed at the Elzevir Press (Harrisse, Notes
on Columbus, p. 11 ; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,036; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,175).

4 Prcscott's copy is in Harvard College Library (Ferdinand and Isabella, 1S73, u* 7^).

6 Cf. Arana, Bibliog. dc obras anon. (1S82), no. 373.

0 There are copies of this Basle edition in the Boston Public, Harvard College, Carter- Brown, Lenox,
Astor, and Barlow libraries. Minister's map, of which an account is given elsewhere, is often wanting; the
price for a copy with the map has risen from a guinea in Rich's day (1832), to .£5. Cf. Harrisse, no. 171 ;

<*c. no. 411 ; Muller (1877), no. 1,301 ; Ternaux, no. 38; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,100; Court, no. 249. The
I'aris edition has the Orontius Finxus map properly, though others are sometimes found in it. Cf. Harrisse,

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. xxv

next appeared in a German translation at Stras- the first time that Miinster significantly comes

burg in 1534, which was made by Michal Herr, before us as a describer of the geography of the

Die New Welt. It has no map, gives more from . New World. Again in 1540 and 1542 he was as-

Martyr than the other edition, and substitutes sociated with the editions of Ptolemy issued at

a preface by Herr for that of Grynaeus.1 The Basle in those years.5 It is, however, upon his

original Latin was reproduced at Basle again in Cosmographia, among his forty books, that Mun-

1537, with 1536 in the colophon.2 In 1555 ster's fame chiefly rests. The earliest editions

another edition was printed at Basle, enlarged are extremely rare, and seem not to be clearly

upon the 1537 edition by the insertion of the defined by the bibliographers. It appears to

second and third of the Cortes letters and some have been originally issued in German, probably

accounts of efforts in converting the Indians.3 in 1544 at Basle,6 under the mixed title: Cosmo-

Those portions relating to America exclusively graphia. Beschreibug aller lender Durch Sebas-

were reprinted in the Latin at Rotterdam in tinman Munstertim. Getruckt zii Basel dnrch

1616.4 Henrichum Petri, Anno MDxliiijl He says

Sebastian Miinster, who was born in 1489, * that he had been engaged upon it for eighteen

was forty-three years old when his map of the years, keeping Strabo before him as a model,

world — which is preserved in the Paris (1532) To the section devoted to Asia he adds a

edition of the Novns orbis — appeared. This is few pages "Von den neiiwen inseln " (folios

nos. 172, 173; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 102; Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,101, 34,102; Leclerc, nos. 412 (150 francs),
2,769; Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, p. 124; Cooke, no. 2,879; Court, no. 250; Sunderland, no. 263;
Mailer (1S72), no. 1,847; Quaritch (1883) .£12 i6.r. The Lenox Library has copies of different imprints, —
"apud Galeoturn " and "apud Parvum." There are other copies in the Barlow and Carter-Brown libraries.
Good copies are worth about £10.

1 Sabin (vol. ix. p. 30) says it is rarer than the original Latin. There are copies in Harvard College,
Congressional, and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), £1 is.; Ternaux, no. 45; Sabin, vol. ix.
no. 34,106; Grenville, p. 498; Harrisse, no. 188, with references; Stevens (1870), no. 1,419; Muller (1872),
no. 1,853, and (1877) no. 1,309 (40 florins), with corrections of Harrisse; Sobolewski, no. 3,857; Carter-
Brown, vol. i. no. no; Huth, vol. iii. nos 1,050-1,051. Quaritch and others of late price it at £3. It
was from this German edition of the Novus orbis that the collection, often quoted as that of Cornelis
Arbyn, and called Nietave Weerclt, was made up in 1563, with some additional matter. It is in the dialect of
Brabant, and Muller (Books on America, 1872, no. 1,854) says it is "exceedingly rare, even in Holland;" he
prices it at 50 florins. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,579 (250 francs); Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,107; Carter-Brown, vol. i.
no. 240; Huth, vol. iii. no. 1,051 ; A. R. Smith's Catalogue (1874), no. 8 (£2 2S-) ; Pinart, no. 668.

2 It has pp. 585-600 in addition to the edition of 1532. There are copies in the Cornell University {Sparks
Catalogue, wo. 1,107), Lenox, Carter- Brown, Barlow, J. C. Brevoort, and American Antiquarian Society libra-
ries. One of the two copies in Harvard College Library belonged at different times to Charles Sumner, E. A.
Crowninshield (no. 796), and the poet Thomas Gray, and has Gray's annotations, and a record that it cost him
one shilling and ninepence. The map of the 1532 Basle edition belongs to this 1537 edition; but it is often
wanting. The Hath Catalogue (vol. iii. p. 1050) calls the map of " extreme rarity ; " and Quaritch has pointed
out that the larger names in the map being set in type in the block, there is some variation in the style of these
inscriptions belonging to the different issues. Cf. Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,103 ; Harrisse, no. 223 ; Carter-Brown,
vol. i. no. 123; Leclerc, no. 413, with map (too francs); Stevens (Nuggets) does not mention the map, but
his Bibliotheca historica (1870), no. 1,455, anc^ Historical Collections, p. 66, give it; Muller (1872), no. 1,850 and
(1877) no. 1,306. Recent prices of good copies with the map are quoted at £4 4^., 57 marks, and 70 francs ;
without the map it brings about $4.00. Grolier's copy was in the Beckford sale (1882), no. 187.

3 There are copies in the Boston Public (two copies), Boston Athenaeum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown
(no. 202), and American Antiquarian Society libraries. The map is repeated from the earlier Basle editions.
Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 50; Huth Catalogue (without map), iii. 1,050; Harrisse, no. 171; Stevens,
Historical Collection, vol. i. no. 501; Cooke, no. 1,064; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,104. Rich, in 1832, priced it
with map at £2 2s. ; recent prices are .£4 4s. and £5 55-.

4 Edited by Balthazar Lydius. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 182; Graesse, iv. 699; Brunet, iv. 132;
Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,105 ; Huth, iii. 1051 ; Leclerc, no. 414 (40 francs); Stevens, Nuggets, £2 2s.; Court,
no. 251 ; Muller (1872), no. 1,870. There are copies in Harvard College Library and Boston Athenaeum.

5 The editions of Ptolemy recording or affecting the progress of geography in respect to the New World
are noted severally elsewhere in the present work ; but the whole series is viewed together in the Bibliography
of Ptolemy's Geography, by Justin Winsor, which, after appearing serially in the Harvard University Bulletin,
was issued separately by the University Library in 1884 as no. 18 of its Bibliographical Contributions.

6 H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 258. Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 237) gives the date 1541 as apparently
the first edition. His authority is the Labanoff Catalogue ; but the date therein is probably an error (Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,384). The Athence Raitrica cites a Latin edition of 1543, — it is supposed without warrant,
though it is also mentioned in Poggendorff's Biog.-litcr. Handwbrterbuch, ii. 234.

7 Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 258), describing a copy in the Lenox Library. The map of America in
this edition is given by Santarem, and much reduced in Lelewel. There are twenty-four maps in it in all (Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,385).

xxvi NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

|MMMHM|jp|iilM|M|l||i"l!l|l|!||||||j|||J^

^imenfus terras ct Jmwtnj Jydpva cd'elf ,

CcLe&am JHehr&os J^iftortcofar libros , iSZyc j (

n¥wiuH**mmMi\w**Mumr«^<»w»<^

MUNSTER.

dcxxxv-dcxlij). This account was scant; and
though it was a little enlarged in the second
edition in 1545,2 it remained of small extent

through subsequent editions, and was confined
to ten pages in that of 161 4. The last of the
German editions appeared in 1628. 3 The earliest

1 Fac-simile of the cut in the Ptolemy of 1552.

2 Also published at Basle (Harrisse, Bibl. Amcr. Vet., Additions, no. 152 ; Weigel, 1877, Catalogue ; Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,386). It has twenty-eight maps. There is a copy in the Royal Library at Munich.

8 The third and later German editions were as follows: 1546. According to the Athena Ranrica. — 1550.
Basic, 1,233 pages, woodcuts, with views of towns added for the first time, and fourteen folios of maps. Har-
risse (no. 294) quotes the description in Ebert's Dictionary, no. 14,500. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,387:
Leclerc, no. 396; Rosenthal (Munich, 1884), no. 52, at 80 marks. Harrisse (Additions, no. 179) says the
Royal Library at Munich has three different German editions of 1550. — 1553- Basle. Muller (Books on

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA.

xxvn

SEBASTIA.NVS MVNSTERVS

Cofmosraphus.

&tttngu&fueYatfonte5imhitYsJeYefanct&:
Scnberefedmundi me irniat hiftoriam.

M, D. III.

MUNSTER

undoubted Latin text 2 appeared at Basle in by Manuel Deutsch, which were given in the
1550, with the same series of new views, etc., German edition of that date.3 With nothing

America, 1872, no 1,020; 1877, no. 2,203) cites a copy, with twenty-six maps ; also Sabin (vol. xii. no. 51,388). —
1556. Cited by Sabin, vol. xii. no. 53,389. — 1561. Basle. Cf. Rosenthal, Catalogue (1884), no. 53. — 1564.
Basle. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,390; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 598. It has fourteen maps, the last being
of the New World. — 1569, 1574, 1578. Basle. All are cited by Ebert and Harrisse, who give them twenty-
six maps, and say that the cuts are poor impressions. — 1574, 1578, 1588. Undated; but cited by Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,391-51,393- — 1592, 1598. In these editions the twenty-six maps and the woodcuts are

1 Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner's Icones (Strasburg, 1590), p. 171.

2 The Athena Rauricce gives a Latin edition of 1545.

3 This 1550 Latin edition has fourteen maps, and copies are worth from $12 to $15. Cf. Bibl. Amer*
Vet., no. 300; Huth Catalogue, iii. 1,009; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,379; Strutt, Dictionary of Engravers.

xxviii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

but a change of title apparently, there were was printed at Basle in 1558, using the engraved

this edition in 1551, 1552, and 1554,1 plates of the other Basle issues; and finally, in

and again in l$S9*q The edition of 1572 has 1575, an Italian edition, according to Brunet,8

une map. M Nov* insula?," used in the 1554 appeared at Colonia.

: but new names are added, and new The best-known collection of voyages of the
plates of Cusco and Cuba are also furnished.3 sixteenth century is that of Ramusio, whose
The earliest French edition,. according to Bru- third volume — compiled probably in 1553, and
1 appeared in 1552; and other editions fob printed in 1556 — is given exclusively to Amer-
lowed in that language.5 Eden gave the fifth ican voyages.9 It contains, however, little re-
book an English dress in 1553, which was again garding Columbus not given by Peter Martyr
ed in 1572 and I574-G A Bohemian edition, and Oviedo, except the letter to Fracastoro.10
made by Jan z Puchowa, Kozmograffia Czieskd, In Ramusio the narratives of these early voy-
w.is issued in 1554J The first Italian edition ages first got a careful and considerate editor,

engraved after new drawings. That of 1592 is in the Boston Athenaeum ; that of 1598 is in Harvard College
Library. The likeness of Minister on the title is inscribed: " Seins alters lx jar." America is shown in the
general mappemonde, and in map no. xxvi., "Die Newe Welt." Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,394-51,395- — '614.
These Basle editions reproduced the engravings of the 1592 and 1598 editions, and are considered
the completest issues of the German text. They are worth from 30 to 40 marks each. Sabin, vol. xii.
no. 51.396.

1 The title of the 1554 edition as shown in the copy in the Boston Public Library reads as follows : Cosmo
I graphiac \ tiniaersalis Lib. VI. in \ quibiis inxta certwris fidei scriptorum \ traditioncm describuntur, \

Omnium habitabilis orbis parti a tn situs, pro- \priccq' dotes. \ Regionum Topographic^ effigies. \ Terra
ingenia, qaibas sit tit tarn diff creates &> ua \ rias specie res, &>animatas, &= inanimatas, ferat. \ Animalium
pcregrinorum naturae &> picture. \ Nobiliornni cinitatum icones & descriptiones. \ Regnorum initia, incrc-
menta &>translationcs. \ Regain &= principum genealogicz. \ Item omnium gentium mores, leges, religio,mn- |
tationcs : at a1 mcmorabilinm in hunc asqae an- \ nam 1554. gestarnm rerum Historia. \ Aatore Sebast. Mun-
stcro. The same edition is in the Harvard College Library ; but the title varies, and reads thus : Cosmo \
graphics \ unincrsalis Lib. VI. in \ qaibas, iuxta ccrtioris fidei scriptornm \ traditionem describantnr, |
Omnia habitabilis orbis partiu situs, propriccq'' dotes. \ Regionum Topographicce effigies. \ Term ingenia,
qaibas sit tit tarn diffcrcntes cV aarias \ specie res, & animatas &> inanimatas, ferat. \ Animalium pcregri-
nornm natures &> pictures. \ Nobiliortim ciuitatum icones & descriptiones. \ Regnorum initia, incrementa &>
translations. \ Omnium gentium mores, leges, religio, res gestae, mu- \ tationes: Item regum &> principum
^cnealogia:. \ Autore Sebast. Mttnstcro. | The colophon in both reads: | Basilcce Apvd Henrichvm Petri, \
Mens* Scptcmb. Anno Sa \ Ivtis M.D.LIIII. | This copy belonged to Dr. Mather Byles, and has his auto-
graph ; the title is mounted, and may have belonged to some other one of the several " title-editions " which
appeared about this time. Cf. Harvard University Bulletin, ii. 285; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 194; Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,380-51,381. The account of America is on pages 1,099-1,113. These editions have been bought
of late years for about £4 ; but Rosenthal (Munich, 1SS4) prices a copy of 1552 at 130 marks, and one of 1554
at 150 marks.

2 Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,382; Muller, Books on America (1872), p. 11.

8 Some copies have nineteen maps, others twenty-two in all. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 291 ; Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,383. Some passages displeasing to the Catholics are said to have been omitted in this edition.
It is worth about $12 or Si 5.

4 Supplement, col. 1,129; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,397.

5 That of Basle, 1556, has on pp. 1,353-1,374, " Des nouvelles ilsles: comment, quand et par qui elles ont
e^te trouvees," with a map and fourteen woodcuts. It is usually priced at about S20 ; the copies are commonly
worn (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,398). The same publisher, Henry Pierre, reissued it (without date) in 156S, with
twelve folding woodcut maps, the first of which pertains to America (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 271 ; Sabin,
vol. xii. no. 51,399). In 1575 a new French edition, with the cuts reduced, was issued in three volumes, folio,
edited by Belleforest and others; it gives 101 pages to America. Cf. Brunet, col. 1,945; Supplement,
col. 1,129 ; Stevens (1870), p. 121 ; Sunderland, no. 8,722 (£18 10s.); Porquet (18S4), no. 1,673, (J5° francs);
Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,400.

0 Cf. Vol. III. of the present History, pp. 200, 201.

7 Weigel (1877), p. 96; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,401.

8 Supplement, col. 1,129. Cf. also Weigel (1877), p. 96 ; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,132 ; Sabin, vol. xii.
1,402-51,403.

. volume delle navigationi et viaggi, etc., Venice, 1556. His name is, Latinized, Ramusius.

10 Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 46. A list of the Contents is given in the Cartei'-Broicn Catalogue

(vol. i. j). 18] ), and in Lcclerc (no. 484), where a set (1554, 15S3, 1565) is priced at 250 francs. Of interest in

inaction with the present History, there are in the first volume of Ramusio the voyages of Da Gama, Ves-

pu( ins, and Magellan, as well as matter of interest in connection with Cabot (see Vol. III. p. 24) ; in the second

volume (1559), the travels of Marco Polo, the voyage of the Zeni and of Cabot. The first edition of the first

volume was published in 1550; Ramusio's name does not appear. A second edition came out in 1554. Cf.

fhy (^atido^ae,\\o^,. 2,096-2,098; Cooke, no. 2,117.

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA.

xxix

who at this time was ripe in knowledge ,and
experience, for he was well beyond sixty,1 and
he had given his maturer years to historical
and geographical study. He had at one time
maintained a school for topograph-
ical studies in his own house.
Oviedo tells us of the assistance
Ramusio was to him in his work.
Locke has praised his labors with-
out stint.2

Monardes, one of the distin-
guished Spanish physicians of this
time, was busy seeking for the sim-
ples and curatives of the New
World plants, as the adventurers to
New Spain brought them back. The
original issue of his work was the
Dos Libros, published at Seville in
1 565, treating " of all things brought
from our West Indies which are
used in medicine, and of the Be-
zaar Stone, and the herb Escuer-
conera." This book is become rare,
and is priced as high as 200 francs
and £g.s The "segunda parte " is
sometimes found separately with the
date 1 57 1 ; but in 1574 a third part
was printed with the other two, —
making the complete work, Historia
medicinal de nuestras Indias, — and
these were again issued in 1580.4
An Italian version, by Annibale Bri-
ganti, appeared at Venice in 1575
and 1589,5 and a French, with Du
Jardin, in 1602.6 There were three
English editions printed under the
title of Joyfull Newes out of the newe
fonnde world, wherein is declared
the rare and singular virtues of di-
verse and sundry Herbes, Trees, Oyles, Plantes,
and Stones, by Doctor M01 tardus of Sevill, Eng-
lished by John Frampton, which first appeared
in 1 577, and was reprinted in 1580, with addi-

tions from Monardes' other tracts, and again in
1 596 J

The Spanish historians of affairs in Mexico,
Peru, and Florida are grouped in the Hispani-

MONARDES.

carum rerum scriptores, published at Frankfort
in 1 579-1 581, in three volumes.8 Of Richard
Hakluyt and his several collections, — the Divers
Voyages of 1582, the Principall Navigations of

1 Born in 1485-1486; died in 1557. There is an alleged portrait of Ramusio in the new edition of 77
viaggio di Giovan Leone, etc. (Venice, 1857), the only volume of it published. The portrait of him by Paul
Veronese in the hall of the Great Council was burned in 1557 ; and Cicogna (Bibliotcca Vcncziana, ii. 310)
says that the likeness now in the Sala dello Scudo is imaginary.

2 Cf. also Camus, Memoire sur De Bry, p. 8; Humboldt, Examcn critique; Hallam, Literature of
Europe; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 304; Brunet, vol. iv. col. 1100; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195;
Clarke's Maritime Discovery, p. x, where Tiraboschi's account of Ramusio is translated ; and H. H. Bancroft,
Mexico, i. 282. Ternaux mentions a second edition in 1564; but Harrisse could find no evidence of it {Bibl.
Amer. Vet., p. xxxiii). There was a well-known second edition of the third volume in 1565 (differing in title
only from the 1556 edition), which, with a first volume of 1588 and a second volume of 1583, is thought to make
up the most desirable copy ; though there are some qualifications in the case, since the 1606 edition of the third
volume is really more complete.

3 Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 275.

4 Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 287, 288, 299, 337; Sunderland, nos. 8,569, 8,570; Brinley, no. 44 ; Mur-
phy, no. 1,709 ; Court, no. 241.

5 Court, no. 242.

6 Carter-Brown, i. 386 ; ii. 12 ; Brinley. no. 45.

7 The different editions in the various languages are given in Sabin, xii. 2S2.

8 Sabin, vol. viii. no. 32,004.

jcxx NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

PORTRAIT OF DE BRY.1

1589, and his enlarged edition, of which the
third volume (1600) relates to America, — there
is an account in Vol. III. of the present work.2

The great undertaking of De P>ry was also
begun towards the close of the same century.

De Bry was an engraver at Frankfort, and his
professional labors had made him acquainted
with works of travel. The influence of Hakluyt
and a visit to the English editor stimulated
him to undertake a task similar to that of

1 This follows a print given in fac-simile in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 316.

- A complete reprint of all of Hakluyt' s publications, in fourteen or fifteen volumes, is announced (1SS4) by
I., and G. Goldsmid, of Edinburgh.

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA.

xxxi

FEYERABEXD.

the English compiler. He resolved to in-
clude both the Old and New World ; and
he finally produced his volumes simultaneously
in Latin and German. As he gave a larger
size to the American parts than to the others,
the commonly used title, referring to this differ-
ence, was soon established as Grands et petits
voyages?- Theodore De Bry himself died in
March, 159S ; but the work was carried forward
by his widow, by his sons John Theodore and
John Israel, and by his sons-in-law Matthew

Merian and William Fitzer. The task was not
finished till 1634, when twenty-five parts had
been printed in the Latin, of which thirteen per-
tain to America ; but the German has one more
part in the American series. His first part —
which was Hariot's Virginia — was printed not
only in Latin and German, but also in the
original English 3 and in French ; but there
seeming to be no adequate demand in these
languages, the subsequent issues were confined
to Latin and German. There was a gap in the

1 Sigmund Feyerabend was a prominent bookseller of his day in Frankfort, and was born about 1527 or
1528. He was an engraver himself, and was associated with De Bry in the publications of his Voyages.

2 The title, however, as given in catalogues generally, runs : Collcctiones pcrcgrinationum in Indiam
orientalem et Indiam occidcntalem, XXV partibns comprehensa a T/ieodoro, Joan-Theodoro De Bry,
et a Matheo Merian pnblicata. Francofurti ad Afeem/m, 1 590-1634.

3 This part is of extreme rarity, and Dibdin says that Lord Oxford bought the copy in the Grenville Library
in 1740 for £140. Cf. Vol. III. p. 123.

XXxii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

dates of publication between 1600 (when the VII. SchmidePs Brazil. In Latin, 1599, 1625; in

ninth part is called " postrema pars ") and 1619 Ger'^»; '597, ;6oo ,617

-1620, when the tenth and eleventh parts ap- ,f .VI" \Drnk\ >Cand>*h> and *«*<**• In Lat'n> '599
iu^wucu 1 1 (twice), 1625 ; in German, 1599, 1624.

pearedat Oppenheim, and a twelfth at Prank- IX. Acostn> etc. In Utinj l6o2> l633; in German>

fori ID 1624. A thirteenth and fourteenth part probably 1601; " additamentum," 1602 ; and again entire

appeared in German in 162S and 1630; and after 1620.

these, translated together into Latin, completed x' Vefuc™, Hamor, and John Smith. In Latin,

, • 1619 (twice) ; in German, 1618.

the Latin series in 1034. XL Schouten and Spilbergen. In Latin, 1619, — ap-

Without attempting any bibliographical de- pendix, 1620; in German, 1619, — appendix, 1620.
SCription,1 the succession and editions of the XII. Herrera. In Latin, 1624; in German, 1623.

American parts will be briefly enumerated : — _ XIIL Miscellaneous, — Cabot, etc. In Latin, 1634;

in German, the first seven sections in 1627 (sometimes

I. Harlot's Virginia. In Latin, English, German, 1628); and sections 8-15 in 1630.
and French, in 1590; four or more impressions of the

Latin the same year. Other editions of the German in Elenchus: Historia America sive Novus orbis, 1634

1600 and i6->o (three issues). This is a table of the Contents to the edition

II. Le h'oyne's Florida. In Latin, 1591 and 1609 ; in which Merian was sellinS in l634 under a collective title.
German, 1591, 1603. „. . . .

III. Von Stadens Brazil. In Latin, 1592, 1605, 1630; . The foregoing enumeration makes no recog-
in German, 1593 (twice). nition of the almost innumerable varieties caused

IV. BenzonVs New World. In Latin, 1594 (twice), by combination, which sometimes pass for new
1644; in German, 1594, 1613. editions. Some *of the editions of the same date

V. Continuation of Benzoni. In Latin, 1595 (twice) ; in ^ ^^ cMed M counterfeits » and there are
German, two editions without date, probably 1595 and 1613. J

VI. Continuation of Benzoni {Pem). In Latin, 1596, doubts, even, if some of those here named really
1597, 1617; in German, 1597, 1619. deserve recognition as distinct editions.2

1 The earliest description of a set of De Bry of any bibliographical moment is that of the Abbe de
Rothelin, Observations et details stir la collection des voyages, etc. (Paris, 1742), pp. 44 (Carter-Brown, vol. i.
no. 473), which is reprinted in Lenglet du Fresnoy's Mcthode pour etudier la geographic (1768), L 324.
Gabriel Martin, in his catalogue of the library of M. Cisternay du Fay, had somewhat earlier announced that
collector's triumph in calling a set in his catalogue (no. 2,825) " exemplum omni genereperfectum," when his
copy brought 450 francs. The Abbe de Rothelin aimed to exceed Cisternay du Fay, and did in the varieties
which he brought together. The next description was that of De Bure in his Bibliographic instructive (vol. i.
p. 67), printed 1 763-1 768 ; but the German editions were overlooked by De Bure, as they had been by his prede-
cessors. The Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. no. 473) shows Sobolewski's copy of De Bure with manuscript
notes. A lifetime later, in 1802, A. G. Camus printed at Paris his Memoire sur les grands et petits voyages
[de De Bry] et les voyages de Thevenot. As a careful and critical piece of work, this collation of Camus was
superior to De Bure's. A description of a copy belonging to the Duke of Bedford was printed in Paris in 1836
(6 pp.). Weigel, in the Serapeum (1845), PP* 65-89, printed his " Bibliographische Mittheilungen iiber die
deutschen Ausgaben von De Bry," which was also printed separately. It described a copy now owned in New
York. Muller, in his Catalogue (1872), p. 217, indicates some differences from Weigel's collations. The copy
formed by De Bure fell into Mr. Grenville's hands, and was largely improved by him before he left it, with
his library, to the British Museum. The Bibliotheca Grenvilliana describes it, and Bartlett ( Carter-Brown
Catalogue, i. 321) thinks it the finest in Europe. Cf. Dibdin's description, which is copied in the American
Bibliopolist (1872), p. 13. The standard collation at present is probably that of Brunet, in his Manuel
du libraire, vol. i. (i860), which was also printed separately ; in this he follows Weigel for the German texts.
This account is followed by Sabin in his Dictionary (vol. hi. p. 20), whose article, prepared by Charles A.
Cutter, of the Boston Athenaeum, has also been printed separately. The Brunet account is accompanied by a
valuable note (also in Sabin, iii. 59), by Sobolewski, whose best set (reaching one hundred and seventy parts)
was a wonderful one, though he lacked the English Hariot. This set came to this country through Muller
(cf. his Catalogue, 1875, P« 387), and is now in the Lenox Library. Sobolewski's second set went into the
Field Collection, and was sold in 1S75 '•> an<^ again in the J. J. Cooke sale (Catalogue, iii. 297) in 1883. Cf.
Catalogue de la collection de feu M. Serge Sobolewski de Moscou, prepared by Albert Cohn. The sale took
place in Leipsic in July, 1S73. Brunet and Sobolewski both point out the great difficulties of a satisfactory
collation, arising from the publisher's habit of mixing the sheets of the various editions, forming varieties
almost beyond the acquisition of the most enthusiastic collector, "so that," says Brunet, "perhaps no two
copies of this work are exactly alike." " No man ever yet," says Henry Stevens {Historical Collections, vol. i.
no. 179), "made up his De Bry perfect, if one may count on the three great De Bry witnesses, — the Right
Honorable Thomas Grenville, the Russian prince Sobolewski, and the American Mr. Lenox, — who all went
far beyond De Bure, yet fell far short of attaining all the variations they had heard of." The collector will
value various other collations now accessible, like that in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 396 (also
printed separately, twenty-five copies, in 1S75); that printed by Ouaritch, confined to the German texts; that
in the Huth Catalogue^ ii. 404 ; and that in the Sunderland Catalogue, nos. 2,052, 2,053.

- There are lists of the sets which have been sold since 1709 given in Sabin (vol. iii. p. 47), from Brunet, and
in the Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. p. 408). The Rothelin copy, then esteemed the best known, brought, in
1 746, 75 j francs. At a later day, with additions secured under better knowledge, it again changed hands at 2,551

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. xxxiii

While there is distinctive merit in De Bry's Another of De Bry's editors, Gasper Ens,

collection, which caused it to have a due effect published in 1680 his West-unnd-Ost Indischer

in its day on the progress of geographical Lustgart, which is a summary of the sources

knowledge,1 it must be confessed that a certain of American history.5

meretricious reputation has become attached There are various abridgments of De Bry.

to the work as the test of a collector's assi- The earliest is Ziegler's America, Frankfort,

cluity, and of his supply of money, quite dis- 1614,6 which is made up from the first nine

proportioned to the relative use of the collection parts of the German Grands Voyages. The

in these days to a student. This artificial ap- Historia antipodum, oder Newe Welt (163 1), is

preciation has no doubt been largely due to the first twelve parts condensed by Johann

the engravings, which form so attractive a fea- Ludwig Gottfried, otherwise known as Johann

ture in the series, and which, while they in Phillippe Abelin, who was, in Merian's day,

many cases are the honest rendering of genuine a co-laborer on the Voyages. He uses a large

sketches, are certainly in not a few the merest number of the plates from the larger work.7

fancy of some designer.2 ( The chief rival collection of De Bry is that of

There are several publications of the De Hulsius, which is described elsewhere.8

Brys sometimes found grouped with the Voyages Collections now became numerous. Conrad

as a part, though not properly so, of the series. Low's Mcer oder Seehanen Buck was published

Such are Las Casas' Narratio regiomim Indi- at Cologne in 1598.9 The Dutch Collection of

caritm ; the voyages of the " Silberne Welt," by Voyages, issued by Cornelius Claesz, appeared

Arthus von Dantzig, and of Olivier van Noort ;3 in uniform style between 1598 and 1603, but

the Rerum et tirbis Amstelodamensium historia it never had a collective title. It gives the

of Pontanus, with its Dutch voyages to the voyages of Cavendish and Drake.10

north; and the Navigations aux Indes par les It was well into the next century (' 1 6 1 3 ) when

Hollandois.^ Purchas began his publications, of which there

francs, and once more, in 1855 (described in the Bidletin du bibliophile, 1855, pp. 38-41), Mr. Lenox bought
it for 12,000 francs ; and in 1873 Mr. Lenox also bought the best Sobolewski copy (fifty-five volumes) for 5,050
thalers. With these and other parts, procured elsewhere, this library is supposed to lead all others in the facili-
ties for a De Bry bibliography. Fair copies of the Grands voyages in Latin, in first or second editions, are
usually sold for about £100, and for both voyages for .£150, and sometimes £200. Muller, in 1872, held the
fourteen parts, in German, of the Grands voyages, at 1,000 florins. Fragmentary sets are frequently in the
Catalogues, but bring proportionately much less prices. In unusually full sets the appreciation of value is
rapid with every additional part. Most large American libraries have sets of more or less completeness.
Besides those in the Carter-Brown (which took thirty years to make, besides a duplicate set from the Sobo-
lewski sale) and Lenox libraries, there are others in the Boston Public, Harvard College, Astor, and Long
Island Historical Society libraries, — all of fair proportions, and not unfrequently in duplicate and complemental
sets. The copy of the Great Voyages, in Latin (all first editions), in the Murphy Library {Catalogue, no. 379),
was gathered for Mr. Murphy by Obadiah Rich. The Murphy Library also contained the German text in first
editions. In 1884 Quaritch offered the fine set from the Hamilton Library (twenty -five parts), "presumed
to be quite perfect," for £670. The Earl of Crawford and Balcarres is about publishing his bibliography of
De Bry.

1 There are somewhat diverse views on this point expressed by Brunet and in the Grenville Catalogue.

2 Reference has been made elsewhere (Vol. III. pp. 123, 164) to sketches, now preserved as a part of the
Grenville copy of De Bry in the British Museum, which seem to have been the originals from which De Ery
engraved the pictures in Hariot's Virginia, etc. These were drawn by Wyth, or White. A collection of
twenty-four plates of such, from De Bry, were published in New York in 1841 (Field's Indian Bibliography,
no. 1,701). Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 20, 1866, for other of De Bry's drawings in the British Museum.
De Bry's engravings have been since copied by Picard in his Ceremonies et continues religieuses des feuples
idolatres (Amsterdam, 1723), and by others. Exception is taken to the fidelity of De Bry's engravings in the
parts on Columbus ; cf. Navarrete, French translation, i. 320.

3 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 453, 454, 455.

4 Rich (1832), £5 55. Cf. P. A. Tiele's Memoire bibliographiqne sur les journaux des navigatenrs
Neerlandais reimprimes dans les collections de De Bry et de Hulsius, Amsterdam, 1867.

5 Stevens (1870), no. 668 ; Sabin, vi. 211.

6 Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 456; vol. ii. no. 198 ; Muller (1875), P- 389«

7 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 457, 458; vol. ii. nos. 373, 791. There was a second edition in 1655. Cf.
Muller (1S72), no. 636; Sabin, vol. i. no. 50; iii. 59; Huth, ii. 612. Abelin also edited the first four
volumes (covering 161 7-1643) of the Theatrum Europeum (Frankfort, 1635), etc., which pertains incidentally
to American affairs (Muller, 1872, no. 1,514). Fitzer's Orientalische Indien (1628) and Arthus's Historia
Indice orientalis (1608) are abridgments of the Small Voyages.

8 Vol. IV. p. 442.

9 Sabin, vol. x. no. 42,392 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 530.
10 Muller (1872), no. 1,867.

VOL. I. — c

XXxiv NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

is an account elsewhere.1 Hieronymus Megi-

>4S was published at
.. [613. In a single volume it gave
and later accounts of the North, be-
narratives pertaining to New France and
.1.- The Journalen van de Reysen op
Michael Colijn, published at Am-
un in 1619, is called by Muller3 the first
voyages published in Dutch with a
;e title. It includes, notwithstanding the
Cavendish, Drake, and Raleigh. Another
Dutch folio, Herckmans' Der Zeevaert I of etc.
(Amsterdam, 1634), does not include any Amer-
ican voyages.4 The celebrated Dutch collection,
edited by Isaac Commelin, at Amsterdam, and
known as the Begin en Voortgangh van de Oost-
Indische Contpagnie, would seem originally to
have included, among its voyages to the East
and North,5 those of Raleigh and Cavendish;
but they were later omitted.0

The collection of Thevenot was issued in
1663; but this has been described elsewhere.7
The collection usually cited as Dapper's was
printed at Amsterdam, 1669- 17 29, in folio
(thirteen volumes). It has no collective title,
but among the volumes are two touching
America, — the Beschrijvinge of Montanus,8 and
Nienhofs Brasiliaansche Zee-en Lantreize^ A
small collection, Recueil de divers voyages faits
en Africa et en VAmirique}^ was published
in Paris by Billaine in 1674. It includes
Blome's Jamaica, Laborde on the Caribs, etc.

Some of the later American voyages were also
printed in the second edition of a Swedish
Reesa-book, printed at Wysingzborg in 1674,
1675.11 The Italian collection, // genio va-
gante, was printed at Parma in 1691-1693, in
four volumes.

An Account of 'Several Voyages (London, 1694)
gives Narborough's to Magellan's Straits, and
Marten's to Greenland.

The important English Collection of Voyages
and Travels which passes under the name of
its publisher, Churchill, took its earliest form
in 1704, appearing in four volumes; but was
afterwards increased by two additional volumes
in 1733, and by two more in 1744, — these last,
sometimes called the Oxford Voyages, being
made up from material in the library- of the
Earl of Oxford. It was reissued complete in
1752. It has an introductory discourse by
Caleb Locke ; and this, and some other of its
contents, constitutes the Histoire de la naviga-
tion, Paris, 1722.1'2

John Karris, an English divine, had com-
piled a Collection of Voyages in 1702 which was
a rival of Churchill's, differing from it in being
an historical summary of all voyages, instead
of a collection of some. Harris wrote the In-
troduction ; but it is questionable how much
else he had to do with it.13 It was revised and
reissued in 1 744-1 748 by Dr. John Campbell,
and in this form it is often regarded as a sup-
plement to Churchill.14 It was reprinted in two

1 Vol. III. p. 47. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 159, 169, 189, 223, 308, 330, 397. Sobolewski's copy
was in the Menzies sale (no. 1,649). Quaritch's price is from £75 to .£100, according to condition, which is
the price of good copies in recent sales.

2 Muller (1S72), no. 2,067.

3 Catalogue (1875), no> 3»2S4 ; (1877), no. 1,627 ; Tiele, no. 1.
* Muller (1S72), no. 1,837.

6 This collection also includes the voyages of Barentz, and of Hudson, as well as several through Magellan's
Straits, with Madriga's voyage to Peru and Chili.

6 The collection, as it is known, is sometimes dated 1644 an^ 1645, but usually 1646 (Muller, 1872,
no. 1,871 ; Tiele, Memoir e bibliographique, p. 9; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 567, 5S6; Sabin, iv. 315, 316).
A partial English translation appeared in London in 1703 (Muller, 1872, no. 1,886). The Oost-Indische
Voyagicn, issued at Amsterdam in 164S by Joost Hartgers, is a reprint of part of Commelin, with some addi-
tions. Only one volume was printed ; but Muller thinks (1S72 Catalogue, no. 1877) that some separate issues
(1649-1 651), including Vries's voyage to Virginia and New Netherland, were intended to make part of a second
volume. Cf. Sabin, viii. 118 ; Stevens, Nuggets, no. 1,339.

- Vol. IV. p. 219.

8 The original of Ogilby's America : cf. Vol. III. p. 416.

'■" Muller (1872), no. 18S4. Another Dutch publication, deserving of a passing notice, which, though not a
collection of voyages, enlarges upon the heroes of such voyages, is the Lccven en Daden der doorluchtigste
Zee-helden (Amsterdam, 1676), by Lambert van den Bos, which gives accounts of Columbus, Vespucius,
Magellan, Drake, Cavendish, the Zeni, Cabot, Cortereal, Frobisher, and Davis. There was a German trans-
lation at Nuremberg in 1681 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,149 ; Stevens, 1S70, no. 231).

10 Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,1 11. A second edition was printed by the widow Cellier in Paris in 16S3
(Muller, 1875, P* 305)f containing the same matter differently arranged.

,l An earlier edition (1667) did not have them (Muller, 1875, p. 394). Capel's Vorstellungcn des Nordcn
(Hamburg, 1676) summarizes the voyages of the Zeni, Hudson, and others to the Arctic regions.

'•- Sabin, iv. 68 ; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 50. It includes in the later editions Castell's description of
Am rica. with other of the Harleian manuscripts, and gives Ferdinand Columbus' life of his father.

1:5 Historical Magazine, i. 125.

14 Allibone ; Bonn's Lowndes, etc.

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA.

xxxv

volumes, folio, with continuations to date, in
1764.1

The well-known Dutch collection ( Voyagien)
of Vander Aa was printed at Leyden in 1706,
1707. It gives voyages to all parts of the world
made between 1246 and 1693. He borrows from
Herrera, Acosta, Purchas, De Bry, and all avail-
able sources, and illuminates the whole with
about five hundred maps and plates. In its
original form it made twenty-eight, sometimes
thirty, volumes of small size, in black-letter,
and eight volumes in folio, both editions being
issued at the same time and from the same type.
In this larger form the voyages are arranged by
nations ; and it was the unsold copies of this
edition which, with a new general title, consti-
tutes the edition of 1727. In the smaller form
the arrangement is chronological. In the folio
edition the voyages to Spanish America pre-
vious to 1540 constitute volumes three and four ;
while the English voyages, to 1696, are in vol-
umes five and six.2

In 1707 Du Perier's Histoirc universelle des
voyages had not so wide a scope as its title in-
dicated, being confined to the early Spanish
voyages to America;3 the proposed subsequent
volumes not having been printed. An English
translation, under Du Perier's name, was issued
in London in 1708 ;4 but when reissued in 1711,
with a different title, it credited the authorship
to the Abbe Bellegarde.5 In 17 11, also, Captain
John Stevens published in London his New
Collection of Voyages ; but Lawson's Carolina
and Cieza's Peru were the only American sec-
tions.6 In 17 1 5 the French collection known
as Bernard's Recueil de voiages ait Nord, was
begun at Amsterdam. A pretty wide interpre-
tation is given to the restricted designation of

the title, and voyages to California, Louisiana,
the Upper Mississippi (Hennepin), Virginia,
and Georgia are included.7 Daniel Coxe, in

' 1741, united in one volume A Collection of Voy-
ages, three of which he had already printed
separately, including Captain James's to the
Northwest. A single volume of a collection
called The American Traveller appeared in
London in 1743.8

The collection known as Astley's Voyages
was published in London in four volumes in
1 745-1 747 ; the editor was John Green, whose
name is sometimes attached to the work. It
gives the travels of Marco Polo, but has noth-

s ing of the early voyages to America,9 — these
being intended for later volumes, were never
printed. These four volumes were translated,
with some errors and omissions, into French,
and constitute the first nine volumes of the
Abbe Prevost's Histoire generate des voyages,
begun in Paris in 1746, and completed, in twenty
quarto volumes, in 1789.10 An octavo edition
was printed (1749-1770) in seventy-five vol-
umes.11 It was again reprinted at the Hague in
twenty-five volumes quarto (1747-1780), with
considerable revision, following the original Eng-
lish, and with Green's assistance ; besides show-
ing some additions. The Dutch editor was
P. de Hondt, who also issued an edition in Dutch
in twenty-one volumes quarto, — including, how-
ever, only the first seventeen volumes of his
French edition, thus omitting those chiefly con-
cerning America.12 A small collection of little
moment, A New Universal Collection of Voyages,
appeared in London in 1755.13 De Brosses' His-
toire des navigations anx terres australes depuis
1501 (Paris, 1756), two volumes quarto, covers
Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish.11

1 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,400; Sabin, viii. 92 ; Muller (1872), no. 1,901.

2 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 745, who errs somewhat in his statements; Murphy Catalogue,
no. 1,074 > Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 88, with full table of contents. The best description is in Muller (1872),
no. 1,887. Although Vander Aa says, in the title of the folio edition, that it is based on the Gottfriedt-Abelin
Newe Welt, this new collection is at least four times as extensive.

3 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 96.

4 Carter-Brown, iii. 110.

5 Carter-Brown, iii. 150.

6 The publication began in numbers in 1708, and some copies are dated 1710 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii.
no. 158).

7 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 208, in ten vols., 171 5-1 718. H. H. Bancroft (Central America, ii. 749),
cites an edition (1715-1727) in nine vols. Muller (1870, no. 2,021) cites an edition, ten vols., 1731-1738.

8 Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,250.

9 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 792; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 747.

10 Volumes xii. to xv. are given to America ; the later volumes were compiled by Querlon and De
Leyre.

11 Different sets vary in the number of volumes.

12 Muller (1872), nos. 1,895-1,900; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 831; H. H. Bancroft, Central America,
ii. 746. A German translation appeared at Leipsic in 1747 in twenty-one volumes.

13 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

14 Muller (1872), nos. 1.980, 1,981. There was a German translation, with enlargements, by J. C. Adelung,
Halle, 1767 ; an English translation is also cited. A similar range was taken in Alexander Dalrymple's
Historical Collection of Voyages in the South Pacific Ocean (London, 1770), of which there was a French
translation in 1774 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,730). The most important contribution in English on this

xxxvi NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Jish collections appeared in the
which are The World
union, 1 759-1761), twenty vols.
lich seven volumes are on Amer-
ican \ compiled from the larger collec-
.'— and A Curious Collection of Travels
. 1 761) is in eight volumes, three of
which are devoted to America.2

The Abbe de la Porte's Voyageur Francois,
rty-two volumes, 1765— 1795 (tnere are other
, may be mentioned to warn the student of
its historical warp with a fictitious woof.3 John
Harrows' Collection of Voyages (London, 1765), in
three small volumes, was translated into French
by Targe under the title of Abrege chronologique.
John Callender's Voyages to the Terra anstralis
(London, 1766-1788), three volumes, translated
for the first time a number of the narratives in De
Bry, Hulsius, and Thevenot. It gives the voy-
ages of Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, Galle,
Cavendish, Hawkins, and others.4 Dodsley's
Compendium of Voyages was published in the
same year (1766) in seven volumes.5 The JVew
Collection of Voyages, generally referred to as
Knox's, from the publisher's name, appeared in
seven volumes in 1767, the first three volumes
covering American explorations.6 In 1770 Ed-
ward Cavendish Drake's New Universal Collec-
tion of Voyages was published at London. The
narratives are concise, and of a very popular
character.7 David Henry, a magazinist of the
day, published in 1773-1774 An Historical Ac-
■on nt of all the Voyages Round the World by Eng-
lish Aravigators, beginning with Drake and Cav-
endish.8

La Harpe issued in Paris, 1780-1801, in
thirty-two volumes, — Comeyras editing the last
eleven, — his Abrege de Vhistoire generale des voy-
ages, which proved a more readable and pop-
ular book than Prevost's collection. There have
been later editions and continuations.9

Johann Reinhold Forster made a positive
contribution to this field of compilation when
he printed his Geschichte der Entdeckungen und
Schifffahrten im ATorden at Frankfort in 17S5.10
He goes back to the earliest explorations, and
considers the credibility of the Zeno narrative.

He starts with Gomez for the Spanish section.
A French collection by Berenger, Voyages fails
autonr du vionde (Paris, 178S-1789), is very scant
on Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish. A collec-
tion was published in London (1789) by Rich-
ardson on the voyages of the Portuguese and
Spaniards during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. Mavor's Voyages, Travels, and Dis-
coveries (London, 1796-1802), twenty-five vol-
umes, is a condensed treatment, which passed to
other editions in 1S10 and 1813-1815.

A standard compilation appeared in John
Pinkerton's General Collection of Voyages (London,
1808-1814), in seventeen volumes,11 with over two
hundred maps and plates, repeating the essential
English narratives of earlier collections, and
translating those from foreign languages afresh,
preserving largely the language of the explorers.
Pinkerton, as an editor, was learned, but some-
what pedantic and over-confident ; and a certain
agglutinizing habit indicates a process of amass-
ment rather than of selection and assimilation.
Volumes xii., xiii., and xiv. are given to Amer-
ica; but the operations of the Spaniards on the
main, and particularly on the Pacific coast of
North America, are rather scantily chronicled.12

In 1808 was begun, under the supervision of
Malte-Brun and others, the well-known Annales
des voyages, which was continued to 181 5, mak-
ing twenty-five volumes. A new series, ATouvelles
annales des voyages, was begun in 181 9. The
whole work is an important gathering of original
sources and learned comment, and is in consider-
able part devoted to America. A French Collec-
tion abregee des voyages, by Bancarel, appeared
in Paris in 1808-1809, in twelve volumes.

The Collection of the best Voyages and Travels,
compiled by Robert Kerr, and published in
Edinburgh in 1811-1824, in eighteen octavo vol-
umes, is a useful one, though the scheme was
not wholly carried out. It includes an historical
essay on the progress of navigation and discov-
ery by W. Stevenson. It also includes among
others the Northmen and Zeni voyages, the trav-
els of Marco Polo and Galvano, the African dis-
coveries of the Portuguese. The voyages of
Columbus and his successors begin in vol. iii.j

subject, however, is in Dr. James Barney's Chronological History of Discovery in the South Sea (1803-1817),
five volumes quarto.

1 Dr. Johnson wrote the Introduction ; there was a third edition in 1767 (Bohn's Lowndes, p. 2994).

- II. II. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

3 II. II. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 754.

4 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,494.

5 Sabin, v. 473; II. II. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

Sabin, ix. 529 ; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,602; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

1 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,733 i H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 751.

8 II. 11. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 751 ; Allibone.

' II. 11. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 749.
V' 11.11. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 752.

U There was a quarto reprint in Philadelphia of a part of it in 1810-1812.
U There is a catalogue of voyages and an index in vol. xvii. Cf Allibone's Dictionary.

THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA.

xxxvn

and the narratives of these voyages are contin-
ued through vol. vi., though those of Drake,
Cavendish, Hawkins, Davis, Magellan, and
others come later in the series.

The Histoire generate des voyages, undertaken
by C. A. Walkenaer in 1S26, was stopped in 1S31,
after twenty-one octavos had been printed, with-
out exhausting the African portion.

The early Dutch voyages are commemorated
in Bennet and Wijk's Nederlandsche Ontdekkin-
gen in America, etc., which was issued at Utrecht
in 1827, 1 and in their Nederlandsche Zcereizcn,
printed at Dordrecht in 182S-1830, in five volumes
octavo. It contains Linschoten, Hudson, etc.

Albert Montemont's Bibliotheque univcrselle
des voyages was published in Paris, 1833-1836, in
forty-six volumes.

G. A. "Wimmer's Die Enthiillnng des Erd-
kreises (Vienna, 1834), five volumes octavo, is a
general summary, which gives in the last two
volumes the voyages to America and to the
South Seas.2

In 1837 Henri Ternaux-Compans began the
publication of his Voyages, relations, et memoires
originaux pour servir a V histoire de la decouverte
de V Amerique, of which an account is given on
another page (see p. vi).

The collection of F. C. Marmocchi, Raccolta
di viaggi dalla scoperta del A'uevo Continente, was
published at Prato in 1 840-1843, in five volumes ;
it includes the Navarrete collection on Colum-

bus, Xeres on Pizarro, and other of the Spanish
narratives.3 The last volume of a collection in
twelve volumes published in Paris, Nouvelle bib-
'liotheque des voyages, is also given to America.

The Hakluyt Society in London began its
valuable series of publications in 1847, ar|d has
admirably kept up its work to the present time,
having issued its volumes generally under satis-
factory editing. Its publications are not sold
outside of its membership, except at second
hand.4

Under the editing of Jose Ferrer de Couto
and Jose March y Labores, and with the royal
patronage, a Historia de la marina real Espahola
»was published in Madrid, in two volumes, 1849
and 1S54. It relates the early voyages.5 £d-
ouard Charton's Voyageurs anciens et modernes
was published in four volumes in Paris, 1855—
1S57 ; and it passed subsequently to a new
edition.6

A summarized account of the Portuguese and
Spanish discoveries, from Prince Henry to
Pizarro, was published in German by Theodor
Vogel, and also in English in 1877.

A Nouvelle histoire des voyages, by Richard
Cortambert, is the latest and most popular pre-
sentation of the subject, opening with the explo-
rations of Columbus and his successors; and
Edouard Cat's Les grandes deconvertes maritimes
du treizieme an seizihne siecle (Paris, 1882) is
another popular book.

1 Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, no. 317.

2 Muller (1S72), no. 1,842.

3 Muller (1875), no. 3,303.

4 Complete sets are sometimes offered by dealers at £30 to .£35.

5 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 757.

6 A Spanish translation of the modern voyages by Urrabieta was published in Paris in 1 860-1 861. The
Spanish Enciclopedia de viajes modemos (Madrid, 1859), five volumes, edited by Fernandez Cuesta, refers
to the later periods (H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 758).

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL

HISTORY OF AMERICA

CHAPTER I.

THE GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS
CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO THE DISCOVERY OF
AMERICA.

BY WILLIAM H. TI1XINGHAST,

Assistant Librarian of Harvard University.

AS Columbus, in August, 1498, ran into the mouth of the Orinoco, he
little thought that before him lay, silent but irrefutable, the proof of
the futility of his long-cherished hopes. His gratification at the complete-
ness of his success, in that God had permitted the accomplishment of all
his predictions, to the confusion of those who had opposed and derided
him, never left him ; even in the fever which overtook him on the last voy-
age his strong faith cried to him, "Why dost thou falter in thy trust in
God ? He gave thee India ! " In this belief he died. The conviction that
Hayti was Cipangu, that Cuba was Cathay, did not long outlive its author ;
the discovery of the Pacific soon made it clear that a new world and another
sea lay between the landfall of Columbus and the goal of his endeavors.

The truth, when revealed and accepted, was a surprise more profound to
the learned than even the error it displaced. The possibility of a short pas-
sage westward to Cathay was important to merchants and adventurers,
startling to courtiers and ecclesiastics, but to men of classical learning it
was only a corroboration of the teaching of the ancients. That a barrier to
such passage should be detected in the very spot where the outskirts of
Asia had been imagined, was unexpected and unwelcome. The treasures
of Mexico and Peru could not satisfy the demand for the products of the
East ; Cortes gave himself, in his later years, to the search for a strait which
might yet make good the anticipations of the earlier discoverers. The new
interpretation, if economically disappointing, had yet an interest of its own.
Whence came the human population of the unveiled continent ? How had
its existence escaped the wisdom of Greece and Rome ? Had it done so ?
Clearly, since the whole human race had been renewed through Noah, the

vol. 1. — I

2 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

red men of America must have descended from the patriarch ; in some way,
at some time, the New World had been discovered and populated from the
Old. Had knowledge of this event lapsed from the minds of men before
their memories were committed to writing, or did reminiscences exist in
ancient literatures, overlooked, or misunderstood by modern ignorance ?
Scholars were not wanting, nor has their line since wholly failed, who freely
devoted their ingenuity to the solution of these questions, but with a suc-
cess so diverse in its results, that the inquiry is still pertinent, especially
since the pursuit, even though on the main point it end in reservation of
judgment, enables us to understand from what source and by what channels
the inspiration came which held Columbus so steadily to his westward
course.

Although the elder civilizations of Assyria and Egypt boasted a cultiva-
tion of astronomy long anterior to the heroic age of Greece, their cosmo-
graphical ideas appear to have been rude and undeveloped, so that whatever
the Greeks borrowed thence was of small importance compared with what
they themselves ascertained. While it may be doubted if decisive testi-
mony can be extorted from the earliest Grecian literature, represented
chiefly by the Homeric and Hesiodic poems, it is probable that the people
among whom that literature grew up had not gone, in their conception of
the universe, beyond simple acceptance of the direct evidence of their
senses. The earth they looked upon as a plane, stretching away from the
^Egean Sea, the focus of their knowledge, and ever less distinctly known,
until it ended in an horizon of pure ignorance, girdled by the deep-flowing
current of the river Oceanus. Beyond Oceanus even fancy began to fail :
there was the realm of dust and darkness, the home of the powerless spirits
of the dead ; there, too, the hemisphere of heaven joined its brother hemi-
sphere of Tartarus.1 This conception of the earth was not confined to Ho-
meric times, but remained the common belief throughout the course of
Grecian history, underlying and outlasting many of the speculations of the
philosophers.

That growing intellectual activity which was signalized by a notable de-
velopment of trade and colonization in the eighth century, in the seventh
awoke to consciousness in a series of attempts to formulate the conditions
of existence. The philosophy of nature thus originated, wherein the testi-
mony of nature in her own behalf was little sought or understood, began
with the assumption of a flat earth, variously shaped, and as variously sup-
ported. To whom belongs the honor of first propounding the theory of the
spherical form of the earth cannot be known. It was taught by the Italian
Pythagoreans of the sixth century, and was probably one of the doctrines

1 The plane earth cut the cosmic sphere like " and above

a diaphragm, shutting the light from Tartarus. Impend the roots of earth and barren sea."

{The remains of Hesiod the Ascrtzan, etc, translated by

C A. Elton, 2d ed. London, 1S15.)
avrao virtpQfv

yw Mai Tr^vao-i «ai irpvyinto 0aAao-<rr,f. Critics differ as to the age of the vivid desenp-

(Hesiod, Theog. 727.) tion of Tartarus in the Theogony.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 3

of Pythagoras himself, as it was, a -little later, of Parmenides, the founder
of the Eleatics.1

In neither case can there be a claim for scientific discovery. The earth
was a sphere because the sphere was the most perfect form ; it was at the
centre of the universe because that was the place of honor; it was motion-
less because motion was less dignified than rest.

Plato, who was familiar with the doctrines of the Pythagoreans, adopted
their view of the form of the earth, and did much to popularize it among
his countrymen.2 To the generation that succeeded him, the sphericity of
the earth was a fact as capable of logical demonstration as a geometrical
theorem. Aristotle, in his treatise *l On the Heaven," after detailing the
views of those philosophers who regarded the earth as flat, drum-shaped, or
cylindrical, gives a formal summary of the grounds which necessitate the
assumption of its sphericity, specifying the tendency of all things to seek
the centre, the unvarying circularity of the earth's shadow at eclipses of the
moon, and the proportionate change in the altitude of stars resulting from
changes in the observer's latitude. Aristotle made the doctrine orthodox ;
his successors, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy, constituted it an
inalienable possession of the race. Greece transmitted it to Rome, Rome
impressed it upon barbaric Europe ; taught by Pliny, Hyginus, Manilius,
expressed in the works of Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, it passed into the school-
books of the Middle Ages, whence, reinforced by Arabian lore, it has come
down to us.3

That the belief ever became in antiquity or in the Middle Ages widely
spread among the people is improbable ; it did not indeed escape oppo-
sition among the educated ; writers even of the Augustan age sometimes
appear in doubt.4

1 Pythagoras has left no writings ; Aristotle Alten neber Gestalt und Grosse der Erde, 16) that
speaks only of his school ; Diogenes Laertius in Plato in the Timaens (55, 56) assigns a cubical
one passage {Vitae, viii. 1 (Pythag.), 25) quotes form to the earth. The question there is not
an authority to the effect that Pythagoras as- of the shape of the earth, the planet, but of the
serted the earth to be spherical and inhabited form of the constituent atoms of the element
all over, so that there were antipodes, to whom earth.

that is over which to us is under. As all his dis- 3 Terra pilae similis, nullo fulcimine nixa,

ciples agreed on the spherical form of the earth Aere subjecto tarn grave pendet onus.

while differing as to its position and motion, it [Ipsa volubilitas libratum sustinet orbem :

is probable that they took the idea of its form Quique premit partes, angulus omnis abest.

from him. Diogenes Laertius states that Par- Cumque sit in media rerum regione locata,

menides called the earth round (<TTpoyyvAr), viii. Et tangat nullum plusve minusve latus;

48), and also that he spoke of it as spherical Ni convexa foret, parti vicinior esset,

((TQaipoeiSri, ix. 3) ; the passages are not, as has Nee medium terram mundus haberet onus.]

been sometimes assumed, contradictory. The Arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso

enunciation of the doctrine is often attributed to Stat globus, immensi parva figura poll ;

Thales and to Anaximander, on the authority Et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis

of Plutarch, De placitis philosophorum, iii. 10, and Terra. Quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit.

Diogenes Laertius, ii. 1, respectively; but the (Ovid, Fasti, vi. 269-280.)

evidence is conflicting (Simplicius, Ad Aristot., The bracketed lines are found in but a few

p. 506 b- ed. Brandis; Aristot., De caclo, ii. 13; MSS. The last lines refer to a globe said to

Plutarch, De plac. phil. iii., xv. 9). have been constructed by Archimedes.

2 Plato, Phacdo, 109. Schaefer is in error 4 Plato makes Socrates say that he took up
when he asserts {Entwicklung der Ansichten der the works of Anaxagoras, hoping to learn

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The sphericity of the earth once comprehended, there follow certain
corollaries which the Greeks were not slow to perceive. Plato, indeed,
who likened the earth to a ball covered with party-colored strips of leather,
gives no estimate of its size, although the description of the world in the
Phaedo seems to imply immense magnitude ; * but Aristotle states that
mathematicians of his day estimated the circumference at 400,000 stadia,2
and Archimedes puts the common reckoning at somewhat less than 300,000
stadia.3 How these figures were obtained we are not informed. The first
measurement of the earth which rests on a known method was that made
about the middle of the third century b. c, by Eratosthenes, the librarian
at Alexandria, who, by comparing the estimated linear distance between
Syene, under the tropic, and Alexandria with their angular distance, as
deduced from observations on the shadow of the gnomon at Alexandria,
concluded that the circumference of the earth was 250,000 or 252,000
stadia.4 This result, owing to an uncertainty as to the exact length of the
stade used in the computation, cannot be interpreted with confidence,
but if we assume that it was in truth about twelve per cent, too large, we
shall probably not be far out of the way.5 Hipparchus, in many matters

in different stadia. It is now generally agreed
that these estimates really denote different con-
ceptions of the size of the earth, but opinions
still differ widely as to the length of the stadium
used by the geographers. The value selected
by Peschel {Geschichte der Erdkunde, 2d ed., p.
46) is that likewise adopted by Hultsch (Griech-
ische iind Romische Metrologie, 2d ed., 1SS2) and
Muellenhof {Deutsche Alterthiimskunde, 2d ed.,
vol. i.). According to these writers, Eratosthe-
nes is supposed to have devised as a standard
geographical measure a stadium composed of
feet equal to one half the royal Egyptian ell.
According to Pliny {Hist. Nat., xii. 14, § t$), Era-
tosthenes allowed forty stadia to the Egyptian
schonus ; if we reckon the schonus at 12,000

12 .000
royal ells, we have stadium = - - X -525m

whether the earth was round or flat {Phaedo, 46,
Stallb. i. 176). In Plutarch's dialogue " On the
face appearing in the orb of the mooji" one of the
characters is lavish in his ridicule of the sphe-
ricity of the earth and of the theory of antipo-
des. See also Lucretius, De rerum nat., i. 1052,
etc., v. 650 ; Virgil, Georgics, i. 247 ; Tacitus,
German ia, 45.

1 That extraordinary picture could, however,
hardly have been intended for an exposition of
the actual physical geography of the globe.

2 Aristotle, De caelo, ii. 15.

3 Archimedes, Arenarius, i. 1, ed. Helbig.
Leipsic, 1881, vol. ii. p. 243.

4 The logical basis of Eratosthenes's work
was sound, but the result was vitiated by errors
of fact in his assumptions, which, however, to
some extent counterbalanced one another. The
majority of ancient writers who treat of the
matter give 252,000 stadia as the result, but Cle-
omedes (Circ. doctr. de subl., i. 10) gives 250,000.
It is surmised that the former number originated
in a desire to assign in round numbers 700
stadia to a degree. Forbiger, Handbuch der alien
Geographic, i. 180, n. 27.

5 The stadium comprised six hundred feet, but
the length of the Greek foot is uncertain ; indeed,
there were at least two varieties, the Olympic and
the Attic, as in Egypt there was a royal and a com-
mon ell, and a much larger number of suppositi-
tious feet (and, consequently, stadia) have been
discovered or invented by metrologists. Early
French scholars, like Kame de l'lsle, D'Anville,
GosseKn, supposed the true length of the earth's
circumference to be known to the Greeks, and
held that all the estimates which have come
down to us were expressions of the same value

= 157.5™. This would give a degree equal to
no,250m, the true value being, according to Pe-
schel, 1 io,8oSm. To this conclusion Lepsius {Das
Stadium und die Gradmessitng des Eratosthenes
auf Grundlage der Aegyptischen Masse, in Zeit-
schrift fur Aegypt. Sprache u. Alterthumskunde,
xv. [1877]. See also Die Zdugeumasse der A /ten.
Berlin, 1884) objects that the royal ell was never
used in composition, and that the schonus was
valued in different parts of Egypt at 12,000,
16,000, 24,000, small ells. He believes that the
schonus referred to by Pliny contained 16,000
small ells, so that Eratosthenes's stadium =

16,000

X .450m = i8om

It is possible, however, that Eratosthenes did
not devise a new stadium, but adopted that in
current use among the Greeks, the Athenian sta-
dium. (I have seen no evidence that the long

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 5

the opponent of Eratosthenes, adopted his conclusion on this point, and
was followed by Strabo,1 by Pliny, who regarded the attempt as somewhat
over-bold, but so cleverly argued that it could not be disregarded,2 and by
many others.

Fortunately, as it resulted, this over-estimate was not allowed to stand
uncontested. Posidonius of Rhodes (b. c. 135-51), by an independent
calculation based upon the difference in altitude of Canopus at Rhodes
and at Alexandria, reached a result which is reported by Cleomedes as
240,000, and by Strabo as 180,000 stadia.3 The final judgment of Posi-
donius apparently approved the smaller number ; it hit, at all events, the
fancy of the time, and was adopted ty Marinus of Tyre and by Ptolemy,4
whose authority imposed it upon the Middle Ages. Accepting it as an
independent estimate, it follows that Posidonius allowed but 500 stadia to
a degree, instead of 700, thus representing the earth as about 28 per cent,
smaller than did Eratosthenes.5

To the earliest writers the known lands constituted the earth ; they were
girdled, indeed, by the river Oceanus, but that was a narrow stream whose

Olympic stadium was in common usej This
stadium is based on the Athenian foot, which,
according to the investigations of Stuart, has
been reckoned at .308 im, being to the Roman
foot as 25 to 24. This would give a stadium of
184.8 m, and a degree of 129,500"!. Now Stra-
bo, in the passage where he says that people
commonly estimated eight stadia to the mile,
adds that Polybius allowed 8^ stadia to the
mile {Geogr., vii. 7, § 4), and in the fragment
known as the Table of Julian of Ascalon
(Hultsch, Metrolog. script, reliq., Lips., 1864, i.
201) it is distinctly stated that Eratosthenes and
Strabo reckoned 8^- stadia to the mile. In the
opinion of Hultsch, this table probably belonged
to an official compilation mads under the em-
peror Julian. Very recently W. Dorpfeld has
revised the work of Stuart, and by a series of
measurements of the smaller architectural fea-
tures in Athenian remains has made it appear
that the Athenian foot equalled .2957m (instead
of .3o8im), which is almost precisely the Roman
foot, and gives a stadium of 177.4^ which runs
8| to the Roman mile. If this revision is
trustworthy, — and it has been accepted by Lep-
sius and by Xissel (who contributes the article
on metrology to Mueller's Hand buck der klas-
sischen Allerthumswissenschafl, Nordlingen, 1886,
etc.), — it seems to me probable that we have
here the stadium used by Eratosthenes, and that
his degree has a value of i24,i8om (Dorpfeld,
Beitrage zur antiken Metrologie, in Mittheilungcn
des deutschcn Archaeolog. Instituts zu Athen, vii.
(1882), 277).

1 Strabo, Geogr., ii. 5, § 7 ; the estimate of Posi-
donius is only quoted hypothetically by Strabo
(ii. 2, § 2).

2 Pliny, Hist. Nat. ii. 112, 113. There is appar-
ently some misunderstanding, either on the part
of Pliny or his copyists, in the subsequent pro-
position to increase this estimate by 12,000
stadia. Schaefer's {Philologies, xxviii. 187) read-
justment of the text is rather audacious. Pliny's
statement that Hipparchus estimated the cir-
cumference at 275,000 stadia does not agree with
Strabo (i. 4, § 1).

3 The discrepancy is variously explained. Ric-
cioli, in his Geographia et hydrographia reformat a,
1 661, first suggested the more commonly re-
ceived solution. Posidonius, he thought, having
calculated the arc between Rhodes and Alexan-
dria at 1-48 of the circumference, at first assumed
5,000 stadia as the distance between these places :
5,000 X 48=240,000. Later he adopted a re-
vised estimate of the distance (Strabo, ii. ch. v.
§ 24), 3,750 stadia: 3,750 X 48 = 180,000. Le-
tronne {Mem. de VAcad. des Inscr. et Belles-Let-
tres, vi., 1822) prefers to regard both numbers
as merely hypothetical illustrations of the pro-
cesses. Hultsch ( Griechische u. Romische Metro-
logie, 1882, p. 63) follows Freret and Gosselin in
regarding both numbers as expressing the same
value in stadia of different length (Forbiger,
Handlnich der alien Geographie, i. 360, n. 29).
The last explanation is barred by the positive
statement of Strabo, who can hardly be thought
not to have known what he was talking about:
Kav T&p vewTepcw 8e avafAZTp-fiaeoov elaayrfrai tj
i\axi(TT7]u vroiovaa t\\v yr\v, diav 6 TloaeiSuvios
iyKplvti Trepl oKxco/coiSe/ca /AvpidSas ovaav, (Geogr.,
ii. 2, § 2.)

4 Geographia, vii. 5.

5 10=500 stadia = 88,700™, which is about
one fifth smaller than the truth.

6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

further bank lay in fable-land.1 The promulgation of the theory of the
sphericity of the earth and the approximate determination of its size drew
attention afresh to the problem of the distribution of land and water upon
its surface, and materially modified the earlier conception. The increase
of geographical knowledge along lines of trade, conquest, and colonization
had greatly extended the bounds of the known world since Homer's day,
but it was still evident that by far the larger portion of the earth, taking
the smallest estimate of its size, was still undiscovered, — a fair field for
speculation and fantasy.2

We can trace two schools of thought in respect to the configuration
of this unknown region, both represented in the primitive conception of
the earth, and both conditioned by a more fundamental postulate. It was
a near thought, if the earth was a sphere, to transfer to it the systems of
circles which had already been applied to the heavens. The suggestion
is attributed to Thales, to Pythagoras, and to Parmenides ; and it is certain
that the earth was very early conceived as divided by the polar and
solstitial circles into five zones, whereof two only, the temperate in either
sphere, so the Greeks believed, were capable of supporting life ; of the
others, the polar were uninhabitable from intense cold, as was the torrid
from its parching heat. This theory, which excluded from knowledge
the whole southern hemisphere and a large portion of the northern, was
approved by Aristotle and the Homeric school of geographers, and by
the minor physicists. As knowledge grew, its truth was doubted. Polybius
wrote a monograph, maintaining that the middle portion of the torrid zone
had a temperate climate, and his view was adopted by Posidonius and
Geminus, if not by Eratosthenes. Marinus and Ptolemy, who knew that
commerce was carried on along the east coast of Africa far below the
equator, cannot have fallen into the ancient error, but the error long
persisted ; it was always in favor with the compilers, and thus perhaps
obtained that currency in Rome which enabled it to exert a restrictive and
pernicious check upon maritime endeavor deep into the Middle Ages.3

1 Xenophanes is to be excepted, if, as M. Mar- eaters, and one could there forget the things of
tin supposes, his doctrine of the infinite extent of this life. There is little doubt that the author of
the earth applied to its extent horizontally as the Odyssey considered Greece an island, and
well as downward. Asia and Africa another, and thought the great

2 The domain of early Greek geography has ocean eddied around the north of Hellas to a
not escaped the incursions of unbalanced inves- union with the Euxine.

tigators. The Greeks themselves allowed the 3 Quinque tenent caelum zonae: quarum una

Argonauts an ocean voyage: Crates and Strabo corusco

did valiant battle for the universal wisdom of Semper sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni;

Homer ; nor are scholars lacking to-day who will Quam circum extremae dextra laevaque tra-

demonstrate that Odysseus had circumnavigat- huntur

ed Africa, floated in the shadow of Teneriffe — Caeruleae glacie concretae atque imbribus atris ;

Horace to the contrary notwithstanding, — or Has inter mediam duae mortalibus aegris

Bought and found the north pole. The evidence Munere concessae divom.

is against such vain imaginings. The world of (Virgil, Georg. i. -ZZ-)

Homer is a narrow world; to him the earth and The passage appears to be paraphrased from

the &gean Sea are alike boundless, and in his similar lines which are preserved in Achilles Ta-

thought fairy-land could begin west of the Lotos- tius (/sag. in Phccnom. Arat. ; Petavius, Uranolog,

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 7

Upon the question of the distribution of land and water, unanimity no
longer prevailed. By some it was maintained that there was one ocean,
confluent over the whole globe, so that the body of known lands, that
so-called continent, was in truth an island, and whatever other inhabitable
regions might exist were in like manner surrounded and so separated by
vast expanses of untraversed waves. Such was the view, scarcely more
than a survival of the ocean-river of the poets deprived of its further
bank by the assumption of the sphericity of the earth, held by Aristotle,1
Crates of Mallus, Strabo, Pliny, and many others. If this be called the
oceanic theory, we may speak of its opposite as the continental : according
to this view, the existing land so far exceeded the water in extent that it
formed in truth the continent, holding the seas quite separate within its
hollows. The origin of the theory is obscure, even though we recall
that Homer's ocean was itself contained. It was strikingly presented by
Plato in the Phaedo> and is implied in the Atlantis myth ; it may be re-
called, too, that Herodotus, often depicted as a monster of credulity, had
broken the bondage of the ocean-river, because he could not satisfy himself
of the existence of the ocean in the east or north ; and while reluctantly
admitting that Africa was surrounded by water, considered Gaul to ex-
tend indefinitely westward.2 Hipparchus revived the doctrine, teaching
that Africa divided the Indian Ocean from the Atlantic in the south, so
that these seas lay in separate basins. The existence of an equatorial
branch of the ocean, a favorite dogma of the other school, was also denied
by Polybius, Posidonius, and Geminus.3

The reports of traders and explorers led Marinus to a like conclusion ;
both he and Ptolemy, misinterpreting their information, believed that the
eastern coast of Asia ran south instead of north, and they united it with
the eastern trend of Africa, supposing at the same time that the two
continents met also in the west.4 The continental theory, despite its
famous disciples, made no headway at Rome, and was consequently hardly
known to the Middle Ages before its falsity was proved by the circum-
navigation of Africa.5

p. 153), and by him attributed to the Hermes of {Examen critique, ii. 373). Such an emendation

Eratosthenes. See also Tibullus, Eleg. iv., Ovid, is only justifiable by the sternest necessity, and

and among the men of science, Aristotle, Mete- it has been shown by Ruge (Der Chaldaer Seleu-

orol., ii. 5, §§ 11, 13, 15; Strabo, Gcogr., i. 2, kos, Dresden, 1865), anc^ Prantl {Werke des Aris-

§ 24 ; ii. 5, § 3 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii. ch. 68 ; Mela, toteles uebersetzt und erldutert, Bd. ii. ; Die Him-

De chorographia, i. 1 ; Cicero, Republ., vi. 16; melsgebaude, note 61), that neither sense nor

Tusc. Disp., i. 28. consistency requires the change.

1 Aristotle, Meteorol.,\\. 1, § 10 ; ii. 5, § 15; De 2 Herodotus, ii. 23; iii. 115; iv. 36, 40, 45.

caelo, ii. 14 ad fin. Letronne, finding the latter 3 Geminus, Isagoge. Polybius's work on this

passage inconvenient, reversed the meaning by question is lost, and his own expressions as we

the arbitrary insertion of a negative {Discussion have them in his history are more conservative.

de V opinion d"1 Hipparque sur le prolongcment de It is, he says, unknown, whether Africa is a con-

VAfriqjie au sud de VEquator in Journal des tinent extending toward the south, or is sur-

Savaus, 183 1, pp. 476, 545). The theory which rounded by the sea. Po^ Hist. iii. 38 ; Hamp-

he built upon this reconstructed foundation so ton's translation (London, 17 , /, i. 334.

impressed Humboldt that he changed his opin- 4- Ptolemy, Geogr., vii. 3, 5.

ion as to the views of Aristotle on this point 6 The circumnavigation of Africa by Phceni-

8 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

That portion of Europe, Asia, and Africa known to the ancients,
whether regarded as an island, or as separated from the rest of the world
by climatic conditions merely, or by ignorance, formed a distinct concept
and was known by a particular name, fj oUovfx^rj. Originally supposed to
be circular, it was later thought to be oblong and as having a length
more than double its width. Those who believed in its insularity likened
its shape to a sling, or to an outspread chlamys or military cloak, and
assumed that it lay wholly within the northern hemisphere. In absolute
figures, the length of the known world was placed by Eratosthenes at
77,800 stadia, and by Strabo at 70,000. The latter figure remained the
common estimate until Marinus of Tyre, in the second century a. d.,
receiving direct information from the silk-traders of a caravan route to
China, substituted the portentous exaggeration of 90,000 stadia on the
parallel of Rhodes, or 225 °. Ptolemy, who followed Marinus in many
things, shrank from the naivete whereby the Tyrian had interpreted a seven
months' caravan journey to represent seven months' travelling in a direct
line at the rate of twenty miles a day, and cut down his figures to 1800, or
72,000 stadia.1 It appears, therefore, that Strabo considered the known
world as occupying not much over one third of the circuit of the temperate
zone, while Marinus, who adopted 180,000 stadia as the measure of the
earth, claimed a knowledge of two thirds of that zone, and supposed that
land extended indefinitely eastward beyond the limit of knowledge.

What did the ancients picture to themselves of this unknown portion
of the globe ? The more imaginative found there a home for ancient myth
and modern fable ; the geographers, severely practical, excluded it from
the scope of their survey ; philosophers and physicists could easily supply
from theory what they did not know as. fact. Pythagoras, it is said, had
taught that the whole surface of the earth was inhabited. Aristotle de-
monstrated that the southern hemisphere must have its temperate zone,
where winds similar to our own prevailed ; his successors elaborated the
hint into a systematized nomenclature, whereby the inhabitants of the
earth were divided into four classes, according to their location upon the
surface of the earth with relation to one another.2

cians at the command of Necho, though described Uranologion of Petavius, Lond., Paris, 1630, pp.

and accepted by Herodotus, can hardly be called 56, 155.

an established fact, in spite of all that has been The classes were always divided on the same
written in its favor. The story, whether true or principle, and each contained two groups so re-
false, had, like others of its kind, little influence lated that they could apply to one another recip-
upon the belief in the impassable tropic zone, be- rocally the name by which the whole class was
cause most of those who accepted it supposed that designed. These names, however, are not always
the continent terminated north of the equator. applied to the same classes by different writers.

1 Ptolemy, Geogr., i. 11-14. Eratosthenes and 1. The first class embraced the people who lived
Strabo located their first meridian at Cape St. in the same half of the same temperate zone;
Vincent ; Marinus and Ptolemy placed it in the to them all it was day or night, summer or win-
Canary group. See Vol. II. p. 95. ter, at the same time. They were called afoot-

- Geminus, Isagoge, ch. 13; Achilles Tatius, Kot by Cleomedes, but irepioiKot by Achilles Ta-

Isagoge in Phanom. Arati, Cleomedes, De circnlis tius. 2. The second class included such peoples

tublimis, i. 2. The first two are given in the as lived in the same temperate zone, but were

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 9

This system was furthest developed by the oceanic school. The rival of
Eratosthenes, Crates of Mallus (who achieved fame by the construction of a
large globe), assumed the existence of -a southern continent, separated from
the known world by the equatorial ocean ; it is possible that he introduced
the idea of providing a distinct residence for each class of earth-dwellers, by
postulating four island continents, one in each quarter of the globe. Eratos-
thenes probably thought that there were inhabitable regions in the southern
hemisphere, and Strabo added that there might be two, or even more, hab-
itable earths in the northern temperate zone, especially near the parallel of
Rho'des.1 Crates introduced his views at Rome, and the oceanic theory
remained a favorite with the Roman physicists. It was avowed by Pliny,
who championed the existence of antipodes against the vulgar disbelief. In
the fine episode in the last book of Cicero's Republic, the younger Scipio
relates a dream, wherein the elder hero of his name, Scipio Africanus, con-
veying him to the lofty heights of the Milky Way, emphasized the futility
of fame by showing him upon the earth the regions to which his name could
never penetrate : " Thou seest in what few places the earth is inhabited, and
those how scant ; great deserts lie between them, and they who dwell upon
the earth are not only so scattered that naught can spread from one com-
munity to another, but so that some live off in an oblique direction from
you, some off toward the side, and some even dwell directly opposite to
you."2 Mela confines himself to a mention of the Antichthones, who live
in the temperate zone in the south, and are cut off from us by the inter-
vening torrid zone.3

divided by half the circumference of that zone ; up to ten ; it was located between the earth and
so that while they all had summer or winter at the central fire, and had the same period of revo-
the same time, the one group had day when the lution as the earth, from the outer, Grecian, side
other had night, and vice versa. These groups of which it was never visible. This "opposite
could call one another ireploiKoi according to Cle- earth," Gegenerde, was later confused with the
omedes, but avrixOoves according to Tatius. 3. other, western, or lower hemisphere of the earth
The third class included those who were divided itself. It was also sometimes applied to the
by the torrid zone, so that part lived in the north- inhabitants of the southern hemisphere, as by
era temperate zone and part in the southern, Cicero in the Tusciilan Disputations (i. 28), "dua-
but yet so that all were in the same half of their bus oris distantibus habitabilem et cultum ; qua-
respective zones ; i. e., all were in either the east- rum altera quam nos incolimus,
ern or western, upper or lower, hemisphere. Day Sub axe posita ad Stellas septem unde horrifer
and night were shared by the whole class at Aquiloni stridor gelidas molitur nives,
once, but not the seasons, the northern group altera austral is, ignota nobis, quam vocant Grceci
having summer when the southern had winter, fortxOova" Mela has the same usage (i. 4, 5), as
and vice versa. These groups could call one quoted below. Macrobius, Comm. in Sonin. Scip.
another 6.vtoikoi. 4. The fourth class comprised lib. ii. 5, uses the nomenclature of Cleomedes.
the groups which we know as antipodes, dwell- Reinhardt, quoted in Engelmann's Bibliotheca
ing with regard to one another in different halves classica Graca, under Geminus, I have not been
of the two temperate zones, so that they had nei- able to see.

ther seasons nor day or night in common, but 1 Strabo, i. 4, § 6, 7 ; i. 2, § 24. Geminus, Isa>

stood upon the globe diametrically opposed to goge,i$. Muellenhof, Deutsche Alterthumskunde,

one another. All writers agree in calling these i. 247-254. Berger, Geogr. Fragmente d. Eratos-

groups aj/TiVoSes. The introduction of the word thenes, 8, 84.

antichthones in place of perioeci was due, appar- 2 Cicero, Respubl., vi. 15 . . . sed partim obli-

ently, to a misunderstanding of the Pythagorean quos, partim transversos, partim etiam adversos

antichthon. This name was properly applied to stare vobis. Some MSS. read aversos. See also

the imaginary planet invented by the early Py- Tusc. Disp., i. 28 ; Acad., ii. 39.

thagoreans to bring the number of the spheres 3 Antichthones alteram [zonam], nos alteram

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Indeed, the southern continent, the other world, as it was called,1 made a
more distinct impression than the possible other continents in the northern
hemisphere. Hipparchus thought that Trapobene might be a part of this
southern world, and the idea that the Nile had its source there was wide-
spread : some supposing that it flowed beneath the equatorial ocean ; others
believing, with Ptolemy, that Africa was connected with the southern con-

MACROBIUS*

tinent. The latter doctrine was shattered by the discovery of the Cape of
Good Hope ; but the continent was revived when Tierra del Fuego, Aus-
tralia, and New Zealand were discovered, and attained gigantic size on the

incolimus. Illius situs ob ardorem interceden-
tis plagae incognitus, huius dicendus est. Haec
ergo ab ortu porrecta ad occasum, et quia sic
iacet aliquanto quam ubi latissima est longior,
ambitur omnis oceano. Mela, Chor., i. 4, 5. Be-
cause Mela says that the known world is but lit-
tle longer than its width, it has been supposed
that he was better informed than his contempo-
raries, and attributed something like its real
extent to Africa. Thomassy {Lcs papes geo-
gr<ip/u'</7ies, Paris, 1852, p. 17) finds in his work
a rival system to that of Ptolemy. The discov-
ery of America, he thinks, was due to Ptolemy;
that of the Cape of Good Hope to Mela. It
was the good fortune of Mela that his work was
widely read in the Middle Ages, and had great
influence ; but we owe him no new system of
geography, since he simply adopted the oceanic

theory as represented by Strabo and Crates.
That he slightly changed the traditional propor-
tion between the length and breadth of the
known world is of small importance. The
known world, he states, was surrounded by the
ocean, and there is nothing to show that he sup-
posed Africa to extend below the equator. In
his description of Africa he applies the terms
length and breadth not as we should, but with
contrary usage : " Africa ab orientis parte Nilo
terminata, pelago a ceteris, brevior est quidem
quam Europa, quia nee usquam Asiae et non
totis huius litoribus obtenditur, longior tamen
ipsa quam latior, et qua ad fluvium adtingit latis-
sima," etc., i. 20. (Ed. Parthey, 1867.)

1 Mela, i. 54, " Alter orbis." Cicero, Tusc
Disp., i. 28, " Ora Australis."

* From Macrobii Ambrosii Aurclii Theodosii in Somniutn Scipionis, Lib. II. (Lugduni, 1560).

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS.

maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; only within the last two
centuries has it shrunk to the present limits of the antarctic ice.

The oceanic theory, and the
doctrine of the Four Worlds,
as it has been termed,1 terra
quadrifiga,vj2LS set forth in the
greatest detail in a commen-
tary on the Dream of Scipio,
written by Macrobius, prob-
ably in the fifth century a. d.
In the concussion and repul-
sion of the ocean streams he
found a sufficient cause for
the phenomena of the tides.2

Such were the theories of
the men of science, purely
speculative, originating in
logic, not discovery, and they
give no hint of actual knowl-
edge regarding those distant

1 Hyde Clarke, Atlantis, in the Transactions aeterno afflatu continui caloris ustus, spatium

of the Royal Historical Society, London, New
Series, vol. iii. ; Reinaud, Relations politiques,
etc., de Vempire Romaine avec V Asie orientale,
etc., in the Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 140.

2 The exposition of Macrobius is so interest-
ing as illustrating the mathematical and physical
geography of the ancients, and as showing how
thoroughly the practical consequences of the
sphericity of the earth were appreciated ; it is so
important in the present connection as demon-
strating that the whole idea of inhabited lands
in other parts of the earth was based on logic
only, not on knowledge, that I have ventured to
quote from it somewhat freely.

Macrobius, Comm. in Somn. Scipionis, ii. 5. —
" Cernis autem eamdem terram quasi quibusdam
redimitam et circumdatam cingulis, e quibus
duos maxime inter se diversos, et caeli verticibus

quod et lato ambitu et prolixius occupavit, nimi-
etate fervoris facit inhabitabile victuris. Inter
extremos vero et medium duo majores ultimis,
medio minores ex utriusque vicinitatis intempe-
rie temperantur. . . . Licet igitur sint hae duae
. . . quas diximus temperatas, non tamen ambae
zonae hominibus nostri generis indultae sunt :
sed sola superior, .... incolitur ab omni, quale
scire possumus, hominum genere, Romani Grae-
cive sint, vel barbari cuj usque nationis. Ilia vero
. . . sola ratione intelligitur, quod propter simi-
lem temperiem similiter incolatur, sed a quibus,
neque licuit unquam nobis nee licebit cognoscere :
interjecta enim torrida utrique hominum generi
commercium ad se denegat commeandi . . . Nee
dubium est, nostrum quoque septentrionem [ven-
tum] ad illos qui australi adjacent, propter eam-
dem rationem calidum pervenire, et austrum cor-

.psis ex utraque parte subnixos, obriguisse pruina poribus eorum gemino aurae suae rigore blandiri.

vides ; medium autem ilium, et maximum, solis
ardore torreri. Duo sunt habitabiles : quorum
australis ille, in quo qui insistunt, adversa vobis
urgent vestigia, nihil ad vestrum genus; hie
autem alter subjectus aquiloni, quern incolitis,
cerne quam tenui vos parte contingat. Omnis
enim terra, quae colitur a vobis, angusta ver-
ticibus, lateribus latior, parva quaedam insula
est. . . ." (Cicero.) . . . Nam et septentriona-

Eadem ratio nos non permittit ambigere quin
per illam quoque superficiem terrae quae ad nos
habetur inferior, integer zonarum ambitus quae
hie temperatae sunt, eodem ductu temperatus
habeatur ; atque ideo illic quoque eaedem duae
zonae a se distantes similiter incolantur. . . .
Nam si nobis vivendifacultas est in hac terrarum
parte quam colimus, quia, calcantes humum,
caelum suspicimus super verticem, quia sol 110-

iis et australis extremitas perpetua obriguerunt bis et oritur et occidit, quia circumfuso fruimur
pruina. . . . Horum uterque habitationis impa- aere cujus spiramus haustu, cur non et illic
tiens est. . . . Medius cingulus et ideo maximus, aliquos vivere credamus ubi eadem semper in

* From Avr. Theodosii Macrobii Opera (Lipsiae, 1774).

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

regions with which they deal. From them we turn to examine the literature

of the imagination, for geogra-
phy, by right the handmaid of
history, is easily perverted to
the service of myth.

The expanding horizon of the
Greeks was always hedged with
fable : in the north was the
realm of the happy Hyperbo-
reans, beyond the blasts of Bo-
reas ; in the east, the wonder-
land of India ; in the south, Pan-
chrea and the blameless Ethio-
pians ; nor did the west lack
lingering places for romance.
Here was the floating isle of
^Eolus, brazen-walled ; here the
mysterious Ogygia, navel of the
sea ; 1 and on the earth's ex-

tremest verge were the Elysian Fields, the home of heroes exempt from

MACROBIUS*

promptu sunt ? Nam, qui ibi dicuntur morari,
eamdem credendi sunt spirare auram, quia eadera
est in ejusdcm zonalis ambitus continuatione
'emperies. Idem sol illis et obire dicitur nostro
ortu, et orietur quum nobis occidet: calcabunt
aeque ut nos humum, et supra verticem semper
caelum videbunt. Nee metus erit ne de terra in
caelum decidant, quum nihil unquam possit ruere
sursum. Si enim nobis, quod asserere genus joci
est, deorsum habitur ubi est terra, et sursum ubi
est caelum, illis quoque sursum erit quod de in-
feriore suspicient, nee aliquando in superna ca-
suri'sunt.

Hi quos separat a nobis perusta, quos Graeci
avToiKobs vocant, similiter ab illis qui inferiorem
zonae suae incolunt partem interjecta australi
gelida separantur. Rursus illos ab avroiicols suis,
id est per nostri cinguli inferiora viventibus, in-
terjectio ardentis sequestrat : et illi a nobis sep-
tentrionalis extremitatis rigore removentur. Et
quia non est una omnium affinis continuatio,
sed interjectae sunt solitudines ex calore vel
frigore mutuum negantibus commeatum, has
terrae partes quae a quattuor hominum generibus
incoluntur, maculas habitationum vocavit. . . .

9. Is enim quern solum oceanum plures opi-
nantur, de finibus ab illo originali refusis, secun-
dum ex necessitate ambitum fecit. Ceterum prior
ejus corona per zonam terrae calidam meat,
superiora tcrrarum et inferiora cingens, flexum
circi ec[uinoctialis imitata. Ab oriente vero duos

sinus refundit, unum ad extremitatem septentri-
onis, ad australis alterum: rursusque ab occi-
dente duo pariter enascuntur sinus, qui usque ad
ambas, quas supra diximus, extremitates refusi
occurrunt ab oriente demissis ; et, dum vi summa
et impetu immaniore miscentur, invicemque se
feriunt, ex ipsa aquarum collisione nascitur ilia
famosa oceani accessio pariter et recessio. . . .
Ceterum verior, ut ita dicam, ejus alveus tenet
zonam perustam ; et tarn ipse qui equinoctialem,
quam sinus ex eo nati qui horizontem circulum
ambitu suae flexionis imitantur, omnem terram
quadrifidam dividunt, et singulas, ut supra dixi-
mus, habitationes insulas faciunt . . . binas in
superiore atque inferiore terrae superficie in-
sulas. . . .

1 Mr. Gladstone {Homer and the Homeric age,
vol. iii.) transposes these Homeric localities to
the east, and a few German writers agree with
him. President Warren ( True key to ancient
cosmologies, etc., Boston, 1882) will have it that
Ogygia is neither more nor less than the north
pole. Neither of these views is likely to dis-
place the one now orthodox. Mr. Gladstone is
so much troubled by Odysseus's course on leav-
ing Ogygia that he cannot hide a suspicion of
corruption in the text. President Warren should
remember that Ogygia apparently enjoyed the
common succession of day and night. In Ho-
meric thought the western sea extended north-
ward and eastward until it joined the Euxine.

* After Santarem's Atlas, as a " mappemonde tiree d'un manuscrit de Macrobe du Xeme stecle."

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 13

death, " where life is easiest to man.. No snow is there, nor yet great storm
nor any rain, but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the shrill west to
blow cool on men." x Across the ocean river, where was the setting of the
sun, all was changed. There was the home of the Cimmerians, who dwelt
in darkness ; there the grove of Persephone and the dreary house of the
dead.2

In the Hesiodic poems the Elysian Fields are transformed into islands,
the home of the fourth race, the heroes, after death : —

" Them on earth's utmost verge the god assign'd
A life, a seat, distinct from human kind :
Beside the deepening whirlpools of the main,
In those blest isles' where Saturn holds his reign,
Apart from heaven's immortals calm they share
A rest unsullied by the clouds of care :
And yearly thrice with sweet luxuriance crown'd
Springs the ripe harvest from the teeming ground."8

" Those who have had the courage to remain stedfast thrice in each life,
and to keep their souls altogether from wrong," sang Pindar, "pursue the
road of Zeus to the castle of Cronos, where o'er the isles of the blest
ocean breezes blow, and flowers gleam with gold, some from the land on
glistering trees, while others the water feeds ; and with bracelets of these
they entwine their hands and make crowns for their heads." 4

The Islands of the Blest, [xaKapw vrjaoi, do not vanish henceforward from
the world's literature, but continue to haunt the Atlantic through the Ro-
man period and deep into the Middle Ages. In the west, too, were localized
other and wilder myths ; here were the scenes of the Perseus fable, the
island of the weird and communistic sisters, the Graeae, and the Gorgon-
ides, the homes of Medusa and her sister Gorgons, the birthplace of the
dread Chimaera.5 The importance of the far west in the myths connected

Ogygia, located northwest of Greece, would be (Leipzig, 1887). The Israelites, on the other
the centre, omphalos^ of the sea, as Delphi was hand, imagined the home of the dead as under-
later called the centre of the land-masses of the ground. Numbers, xvi. 30, 32, 33.
world. Buchholtz, Die Homerische Realien, i. 55,

1 Odyssey, iv. 561, etc. places Hades on the European shores of Ocean,

2 It is well known that whereas Odysseus but the text of the Odyssey seems plainly in
meets the spirits of the dead across Oceanus, favor of the site across the stream, as Volcker
upon the surface of the earth, there is in the and others have understood.

Iliad mention of a subterranean Hades. The 3 Hesiod, Works and Days, 166-173; Elton's

Assyrio-Babylonians had also the idea of an translation, London, 1815, p. 22. Paley marks

earth-encircling ocean stream, — the word 'H/ceo- the line T77A0G aw' aQavarwv roiaiv Kp6uos e/uL&a-

vbs the Greeks said was of foreign origin, — and crtAeuei as probably spurious. Cronos appears

on the south of it they placed the sea of the to have been originally a Phoenician deity, and

dead, which held the island homes of the de- his westward wandering played an important

parted. As in the Odyssey, it was a place given part in their mythology. We shall find further

over to dust and darkness, and the doors of it traces of this divinity in the west,

were strongly barred ; no living being save a 4 Pindar, Olymp., ii. 66-85, Paley's translation,

god or a chosen hero might come there. Schra- London, 1868, p. 12. See also Euripides, He-

der, Namen d. Meere in d. Assyrischen Inschrif- lena, 1677.

ten (Abhandl. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 5 ^schylus, in the Prometheus bound, intro-

1877, p. 169). J eremias, Die Baby lonisch- A ssyri- duced the Gorgon islands in his epitome of the

schen Vorstellungen vom Leben tiach dem Tode wanderings of Io, and certainly seems to speak

14 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

with Hercules is well known. In the traditionary twelve labors the Greek
hero is confused with his prototype the Tyrian Melkarth, and those labors
which deal with the west were doubtless borrowed from the cult which
the Greeks had found established at Gades when trade first led them
thither. In the tenth labor it is the western isle Erytheia, which Hercules
visits in the golden cup wherein Helios was wont to make his nocturnal
ocean voyage, and from which he returns with the oxen of the giant
Geryon. Even more famous was the search for the apples of the Hes-
perides, which constituted the eleventh labor. This golden fruit, the wed-
ding gift produced by Gaa for Hera, the prudent goddess, doubtful of the
security of Olympus, gave in charge to the Hesperian maids, whose island
garden lay at earth's furthest bounds, near where the mysterious Atlas,
their father or their uncle, wise in the secrets of the sea, watched over the
pillars which propped the sky, or himself bore the burden of the heavenly
vault. The poets delighted to depict these isles with their shrill-singing
nymphs, in the same glowing words which they applied to the Isles of the
Blessed. "Oh that I, like a bird, might fly from care over the Adriatic
waves ! " cries the chorus in the Crowned Hippolytus,

" Or to the famed Hesperian plains,

Whose rich trees bloom with gold,
To join the grief-attuned strains

My winged progress hold :
Beyond whose shores no passage gave
The ruler of the purple wave ;

" But Atlas stands, his stately height
The avvfull boundary of the skies :
There fountains of Ambrosia rise,
Wat'ring the seat of Jove : her stores
Luxuriant there the rich soil pours

All, which the sense of gods delights."1

When these names first became attached to some of the Atlantic islands
is uncertain. Diodorus Siculus does not apply either term to the island
discovered by the Carthaginians, and described by him in phrases appli-
cable to both. The two islands described by sailors to Sertorius about 80
b. c. were depicted in colors which reminded Plutarch of the Isles of the
Blessed, and it is certain that toward the close of the republic the name
Iusulac Fortunatae was given to certain of the Atlantic islands, including the
Canaries. In the time of Juba, king of Numidia, we seem to distinguish
at least three groups, the Insulae Fortunatae, the Pnrpurariae, and the
Hcspcridcs, but beyond the fact that the first name still designated some of
the Canaries identification is uncertain ; some have thought that different
groups among the Canaries were known by separate names, while others

of them as in the east; the passage is, however. * Euripides, Hippolytus, 742-751 ; Potter's
imperfect, and its interpretation has overtasked translation, i. p. 356. See also Hesiod, Theog.,
the ablest commentators. 215, 517-519-

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 1 5

hold that one or both of the Madeira and Cape de Verde groups were
known.1 The Canaries were soon lost out of knowledge again, but the
Happy or Fortunate Islands continued to be an enticing mirage through-
out the Middle Ages, and play a part in many legends, as iri that of St.
Brandan, and in many poems.2

Beside these ancient, widespread, popular myths, embodying the uni-
versal longing for a happier life, we find a group of stories of more recent
date, of known authorship and well-marked literary origin, which treat of
western islands and a western continent. The group comprises, it is hardly
necessary to say, the tale of Atlantis, related by Plato ; the fable of the
land of the Meropes, by Theopompus ; and the description of the Satur
nian continent attributed to Plutarch.

The story of Atlantis, by its own interest and the skill of its author, has
made by far the deepest impression. Plato, having given in the Republic
a picture of the ideal political organization, the state, sketched in the Ti-
viaeus the history of creation, and the origin and development of mankind ;
in the Critias he apparently intended to exhibit the action of two types
of political bodies involved in a life-and-death contest. The latter dialogue
was unfinished, but its purport had been sketched in the opening of the
Timaens. Critias there relates " a strange tale, but certainly true, as Solon
declared," which had come down in his family from his ancestor Dropidas,
a near relative of Solon. When Solon was in Egypt he fell into talk with
an aged priest of Sal's, who said to him : " Solon, Solon, you Greeks are
all children, — there is not an old man in Greece. You have no old tradi-
tions, and know of but one deluge, whereas there have been many destruc-
tions of mankind, both by flood and fire ; Egypt alone has escaped them,
and in Egypt alone is ancient history recorded ; you are ignorant of your
own past." For long before Deucalion, nine thousand years ago, there* was
an Athens founded, like Sai's, by Athena ; a city rich in power and wisdom,
famed for mighty deeds, the greatest of which was this. At that time there
lay opposite the columns of Hercules, in the Atlantic, which was then navi-
gable, an island larger than Libya and Asia together, from which sailors
could pass to other islands, and so to the continent. The sea in front of the
straits is indeed but a small harbor ; that which lay beyond the island, how-
ever, is worthy of the name, and the land which surrounds that greater sea
may be truly called the continent. In this island of Atlantis had grown
up a mighty power, whose kings were descended from Poseidon, and had

1 Mela, iii. ioo, 102, etc. The chief passage 2 Tzetzes [Scholia in Lycophron, 1204, ecL

is Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi. 36, 37, who took his in- Mueller, ii. 954), a grammarian of the twelfth

formation from King Juba and a writer named century, says that the Isles of the Blessed were

Statius Sebosus. Pliny, who, beside the groups located in the ocean by Homer, Hesiod, Euri-

named in the text, mentions the Gorgades, which pides, Plutarch, Dion, Procopius, Philostratus

he identifies with the place where Hanno met and others, but that to many it seems that

the gorillas, has probably misunderstood and Britain must be the true Isle of the Blessed; and

garbled his authorities ; his account is contradic- in support of this view he relates a most curious

tory and illusive. tale of the ferriage of the dead to Britain by

Breton fishermen.

16 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

extended their sway over many islands and over a portion of the great con-
tinent ; even Libya up to the gates of Egypt, and Europe as far as Tyrrhe-
nia, submitted to their sway. Ever harder they pressed upon the other
nations of the known world, seeking the subjugation of the whole. "Then,
O Solon, did the .strength of your republic become clear to all men, by
reason of her courage and force. Foremost in the arts of war, she met the
invader at the head of Greece ; abandoned by her allies, she triumphed
alone over the western foe, delivering from the yoke all the nations within
the columns. But afterwards came a day and night of great floods and
earthquakes ; the earth engulfed all the Athenians who were capable of
bearing arms, and Atlantis disappeared, swallowed by the waves : hence it is
that this sea is no longer navigable, from the vast mud-shoals formed by the
vanished island." This tale so impressed Solon that he meditated an epic
on the subject, but on his return, stress of public business prevented his
design. In the Critias the empire and chief city of Atlantis is described
with wealth of detail, and the descent of the royal family from Atlas, son
of Poseidon, and a nymph of the island, is set forth. In the midst of a
council upon Olympus, where Zeus, in true epic style, was revealing to the
gods his designs concerning the approaching war, the dialogue breaks off.
Such is the tale of Atlantis. Read in Plato, the nature and meaning of
the narrative seem clear, but the commentators, ancient and modern, have
made wild work. The voyage of Odysseus has grown marvellously in
extent since he abandoned the sea ; Io has found the pens of the learned
more potent goads than Hera's gadfly ; but the travels of Atlantis have
been even more extraordinary. No region has been so remote, no land so
opposed by location, extent, or history to the words of Plato, but that some
acute investigator has found in it the origin of the lost island. It has
been' identified with Africa, with Spitzbergen, with Palestine. The learned
Latreille convinced himself that Persia best fulfilled the conditions of the
problem ; the more than learned Rudbeck ardently supported the claims of
Sweden through three folios. In such a search America could not be
overlooked. Gomara, Guillaume de Postel, Wytfliet, are among those who
have believed that this continent was Atlantis ; Sanson in 1669, and Vau-
gondy in 1762, ventured to issue a map, upon which the division of that
island among the sons of Neptune was applied to America, and the outskirts
of the lost continent were extended even to New Zealand. Such work, of
course, needs no serious consideration. Plato is our authority, and Plato de
clares that Atlantis lay not far west from Spain, and that it disappeared som(
8,000 years before his day. An inquiry into the truth or meaning of the
record as it stands is quite justifiable, and has been several times under-
taken, with divergent results. Some, notably Paul Gaffarel 1 and Ignatius
Donnelly,2 are convinced that Plato merely adapted to his purposes a story

1 I'Atlantide, by Paul Gaffarel, in the Revue les rapports de VAmerique et de Pancien continent
de Geo^raphie, April, May, June, July, 1880 (vi. avant Christophe Colomb (Paris, 1869).
241, 331, 421 ; vii. 21). See also, in his Etude sur '2 Atlantis : the antediluvian world, New York,

■ 1882.

TRACES OF ATLANTIS.

Section of a map given in Briefe iiber Amerika aus dent Italienischen des Hn. Grafen Carlo Carli
iiberseizt, Drifter Theil (Gera, 1785), where it is called an " Auszug aus denen Karten welche der Pariser
Akademie der Wissenschaften (1737, 1752) von dem Herrn von Buache iibergeben worden sind."

VOL. I. — 2

ATLANTIS INSULA

Altcnus Continrnm lncoLn,
guirdam tempore . Ceruttffs etuur. JuaJJc
m haj >>o,1r»s Infulai traif/ire ,
Midae thu-.-avU Silenus, ctJG-iytctt
Occano *d HiTOcrboreo.j j-tn«wfi.

The annexed cut is an extract from Sanson's map of America, showing views respecting the new world as
constituting the Island of Atlantis. It is called: Atlantis insula a Nicolao Sanson, antiquitati restituta;
nunc demum maj or i forma delineata, et in decern regnajuxta decern Ncptuni filios distributa. Prceterea
insula, nostrctq. continentis regioncs quibus imperavcre Atlantici reges ; aut quas armis tentavere, ex
conatibus geographicis Gulielmi Sanson, Nicolai filii (Amstelodami apud Petrum Mortier). Uricoechea in
the Mapoteca Colombiana puts this map under 1600, and speaks of a second edition in 16S8, which must be
an error. Nicholas Sanson was born in 1600, his son William died in 1703. Beside the undated Amsterdam
print quoted above, Harvard College Library possesses a copy in which the words Novus orbis potius Altera
continent sive are prefixed to the title, while the date mdclxviiii is inserted after filii. This copy was
published by Le S. Robert at Paris in 1741.

Lonc*i(itdp Oroileul.ilo <tn Mrridicn H<- I.ttii

CARTE CONJECTURALE DE L'ATLANTIDE.

From a map in Bory de St. Vincent's Essais sur les isles Fortunees, Paris [1803]. A map in Anas-
tasius Kircher's Mundus Subterraneus (Amsterdam, 1678), i. 82, shows Atlantis as a large island midway
between the pillars of Hercules and America.

CONTOUR CHART OF THE BOTTOM OF THE ATLANTIC.

Sketched from the colored map of the United States Hydrographic office, as given in Alexander Agassiz's
Three Cruises of the Blake (Cambridge, 1888), vol. i. The outline of the continents is shown by an un-
broken line. The 500 fathom shore line is a broken one ( ). The 2,000 fathom shore

line is made by a dash and dot ( . . . ). The large areas in mid-ocean enclosed by this line,

have this or lesser depths. Of the small areas marked by this line, the depth of 2,000 fathoms or less is within
these areas in all cases except as respects the small areas on the latitude of Newfoundland, where the larger
areas of 2,000 fathoms' depth border on the small areas of greater depth. Depths varying from 1,500 to
1,000 fathoms are shown by horizontal lines ; from 1,000 to 500 by perpendicular lines ; and the crossed lines
show the shallowest spots in mid-ocean of 500 fathoms or less. The areas of greatest depth (over 3,50a
fathoms) are marked with crosses.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 21

which Solon had actually brought from Egypt, and which was in all essen-
tials true. Corroboration of the existence of such an island in the Atlantic
is found, according to these writers, in the physical conformation of the
Atlantic basin, and in marked resemblances between the flora, fauna,
civilization, and language of the old and new worlds, which demand for their
explanation the prehistoric existence of just such a bridge as Atlantis would
have supplied. The Atlantic islands are the loftiest peaks and plateaus of
the submerged island. In the widely spread deluge myths Mr. Donnelly
finds strong confirmation of the final cataclysm ; he places in Atlantis that
primitive culture which M. Bailly sought in the highlands of Asia, and
President Warren refers to the north pole. Space fails for a proper exam-
ination of the matter, but these ingenious arguments remain somewhat top-
heavy when all is said. The argument from ethnological resemblances is
of all arguments the weakest in the hands of advocates. It is of value only
when wielded by men of judicial temperament, who can weigh difference
against likeness, and allow for the narrow range of nature's moulds. The
existence of the ocean plateaus revealed by the soundings of the " Dolphin "
and the "Challenger" proves nothing as to their having been once raised
above the waves ; the most of the Atlantic islands are sharply cut off from
them. Even granting the prehistoric migration of plants and animals be-
tween America and Europe, as we grant it between America and Asia, it
does not follow that it took place across the mid-ocean, and it would still
be a long step from the botanic "bridge" and elevated "ridge" to the
island empire of Plato. In short, the conservative view advocated by Lon-
ginus, that the story was designed by Plato as a literary ornament and a
philosophic illustration, is no less probable to-day than when it was sug-
gested in the schools of Alexandria. Atlantis is a literary myth, belonging
with Utopia, the New Atlantis, and the Orbis alter et idem of Bishop Hall.

Of the same type is a narrative which has come down indirectly, among
the flotsam and jetsam of classic literature: it is a fragment from a lost
work by Theopompus of Chios, a historian of the fourth century b. c, found
in the Varia Historia of Aelian, a compiler of the third century a. d.1 The
story is told by the satyr Silenus to Midas, king of Phrygia, and is, as few
commentators have refrained from remarking, worthy the ears of its audi-
tor.2 "Selenus tolde Midas of certaine Islands, named Europa, Asia, and
Libia, which the Ocean Sea circumscribeth and compasseth round about.
And that without this worlde there is a continent or percell of dry lande,
which in greatnesse (as hee reported) was infinite and immeasurable, that it
nourished and maintained, by the benifite of the greene medowes and pas-

1 Theopomp., Fragmenta, ed. Wieters, 1829, Roman, and delivered in English by A.[braham]
no. 76, p. 72. Geographi Graec. minores, ed. F.[leming]." London, 1576, fol. 36.
Mueller, i. 289. Aeliani, Var. Hist., iii. 18. The 2 We owe this quip to Tertullian (he at least
extracts in the text are taken from " A Regislre is the earliest writer to whom I can trace it) :
of Hy stories, etc., written in Greeke by Aelianus, a "Ut Silenus penes aures Midae blattit, aptas

sane grandioribus fabidis (De pai/io, cap. 2).

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

ture plots, sundrye bigge and mighty beastes ; that the men which inhabite
the same climats, exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length of
there life is not equale to ours." Many other wonders he related of the
two cities, Machimus, the warlike, and Euseues, the city of peace, and how
the inhabitants of the former once made an attack upon Europe, and came
first upon the Hyperboreans ; but learning that they were esteemed the
most holy of the dwellers in that island, they "had them in contempte, de-
testing and abhorring them as naughty people, of preposterous properties,
and damnable behauiour, and for that cause interrupted their progresse,
supposing it an enterprise of little worthinesse or rather none at al, to tra-
uaile into such a countrey." The concluding passage relating to the strange
country inhabited by the Meropes, from whose name later writers have
called the continent Meropian, bears only indirectly upon the subject, as
characterizing the whole narrative.1

Without admitting the harsh judgment of Aelian, who brands Theopom-
pus as a " coyner of lyes and a forger of fond fables," it is clear that we are
dealing here with literature, not with history, and that the identification of
the land of the Meropes, or, as Strabo calls it, Meropis, with Atlantis or
with America is arbitrary and valueless.2

1 " Furthermore he tolde one thing among all
others, meriting admiration, that certain men
called Meropes dwelt in many cittyes there about,
and that in the borders adiacent to their coun-
trey, was a perilous place named Anostus, that is
to say, wythout retourne, being a gaping gulfe
or bottomles pit, for the ground is as it were
cleft and rent in sonder, in so much that it open-
eth like to the mouth of insatiable hell, y* it is
neither perfectly lightsome, nor absolutely dark-
some, but that the ayer hangeth ouer it, being
tempered with a certaine kinde of clowdy rednes,
that a couple of floodes set their recourse that
way, the one of pleasure the other of sorow, and
that about each of them growe plantes answear-
able in quantity and bignes to a great plaine tree.
The trees which spring by ye flood of sorow
yeldeth fruite of one nature, qualitie, and opera-
tion. For if any man taste thereof, a streame
of teares fioweth from his eyes, as out of a con-
duite pipe, or sluse in a running riuer, yea, such
effect followeth immediately after the eating of
the same, that the whole race of their life is
turned into a tragical lamentation, in so much
that weeping and wayling knitteth their carkeses
depriued of vitall mouing, in a winding sheete,
and maketh them gobbettes for the greedy graue
to swallow and deuoure. The other trees which
prosper vpon the bankes of the floode of pleas-
ure, beare fruite cleane contrary to the former,
for whosoeuer tasfceth thereof, he is presently
weined from the pappes of his auncient appetites
and inueterate desires, & if he were linked in
loue to any in time past, he is fettered in the
forgetfulnes of them, so that al remembrance is

quite abolished, by litle and litle he recouereth
the yeres of his youth, reasuming vnto him by
degrees, the times & seasons, long since, spent
and gone. For, the frowardnes and crookednes
of old age being first shaken of, the amiablenes
and louelynesse of youth beginneth to budde, in
so much as they put on ye estate of stripplings,
then become boyes, then change to children,
then reenter into infancie, & at length death
maketh a finall end of all."

Compare the story told by Mela (iii. 10) about
the Fortunate Isles : " Una singulari duorum
fontium ingenio maxime insignis : alterum qui
gustavere risu solvuntur, ita adfectis remedium
est ex altero bibere."

It should be noted that the country described
by Theopompus is called by him simply " The
Great Continent."

2 Strabo, vii. 3, § 6. Perizonius makes this pas-
sage in Aelian the peg for a long note on ancient
knowledge of America, in which he brings to-
gether the most important passages bearing on
the subject. He remarks : " Nullus tamen du-
bito, quin Veteres aliquid crediderint vel scive-
rent, sed quasi per nebulam et caliginem, de
America, partim ex antiqua traditione ab Aegyp-
tiis vel Carthaginiensibus accepta, partim ex
ratiocinatione de forma et situ orbis terrarum,
unde colligebant, superesse in hoc orbe etiam
alias terras praeter Asiam, Africam, & Euro-
pam." In my opinion their assumed knowl-
edge was based entirely on ratiocination, and
was not real knowledge at all ; but Perizonius
well expresses the other view.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 23

The same remark applies to the account of the great Saturnian continent
that closes the curious and interesting dialogue " On the Face appearing in
the Orb of the Moon," attributed to Plutarch, and printed with his Morals :

"'An isle, Ogygia, lies in Ocean's arms,'" says the narrator, "about
five days' sail west from Britain ; and before it are three others, of equal
distance from one another, and also from that, bearing northwest, where
the sun sets in summer. In one of these the barbarians feign that Saturn
is detained in prison by Zeus." The adjacent sea is termed the Saturnian,
and the continent by which the great sea is circularly environed is distant
from Ogygia about five thousand stadia, but from the other islands not so
far. A bay of this continent, in the latitude of the Caspian Sea, is inhab-
ited by Greeks. These, who had been visited by Heracles, and revived
by his followers, esteemed themselves inhabitants of the firm land, calling
all others islanders, as dwelling in land encompassed by the sea. Every
thirty years these people send forth certain of their number, who minister to
the imprisoned Saturn for thirty years. One of the men thus sent forth, at
the end of his service, paid a visit to the great island, as they called Europe.
From him the narrator learned many things about the state of men after
death, which he unfolds at length, the conclusion being that the souls of
men ultimately arrive at the moon, wherein lie the Elysian Fields of Ho-
mer. "And you, O Lamprias," he adds, "may take my relation in such
part as you please." After which hint there is, I think, but little doubt as
to the way in which it should be taken by us.1

That Plato, Theopompus, and Plutarch, covering a range of nearly five
centuries, should each have made use of the conception of a continent be-
yond the Atlantic, is noteworthy ; but it is more naturally accounted for by
supposing that all three had in mind the continental hypothesis of land dis-
tribution, than by assuming for them an acquaintance with the great west-
ern island, America. From this point of view, the result of our search into
the geographical knowledge and mythical tales of the ancients is purely
negative. We find, indeed, well-developed theories of physical geography,
one of which accords remarkably well with the truth ; but we also find that
these theories rest solely on logical deductions from the mathematical doc-
trine of the sphere, and on an aesthetic satisfaction with symmetry and
analogy. This conclusion could be invalidated were it shown that explora-
tion had already revealed the secrets of the west, and we must now consider
this branch of the subject.

The history of maritime discovery begins among the Phoenicians. The
civilization of Egypt, as self-centred as that of China, accepted only
the commerce that was brought to its gates ; but the men of Sidon and
Tyre, with their keen devotion to material interests, their almost modern
ingenuity, had early appropriated the carrying trade of the east and the
west. As they looked adventurously seaward from their narrow domain,

1 Mare Cronium was the name given to a portion of the northern ocean. Forbiger, Handbuch^
ii. 3, note 9.

24 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the dim outline of Cyprus beckoned them down a long lane of island sta-
tions to the rich shores of Spain. Even their religion betrayed their bent :
El and Cronos, their oldest deities, were wanderers, and vanished in the
west ; on their traces Melkarth led a motley swarm of colonists to the At-
lantic. These legends, filtering through Cyprus, Crete, or Rhodes, or borne
by rash adventurers from distant Gades, appeared anew in Grecian mythol-
ogy, the deeds of Melkarth mingling with the labors of Hercules. We do
not know when the Phoenicians first reached the Atlantic, nor what were
the limits of their ocean voyages. Gades, the present Cadiz, just outside
the Straits of Gibraltar, was founded a few years before uoo b. c, but not,
it is probable, without previous knowledge of the commercial importance
of the location. There were numerous other settlements along the adjacent
coast, and the gold, silver, and tin of these distant regions grew familiar in
the markets of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India. The trade with Tartessus,
the El Dorado of antiquity, gave the Phoenician merchant vessels a name
among the Jews, as well in the tenth century, when Solomon shared the
adventures of Hiram, as in the sixth, when Ezekiel depicted the glories of
Tyrian commerce. The Phoenician seamanship was wide-famed ; their ves-
sels were unmatched in speed,1 and their furniture and discipline excited
the outspoken admiration of Xenophon. Beside the large Tarshish ships,
they possessed light merchant vessels and ships of war, provided with both
sails and oars, and these, somewhat akin to steamships in their indepen-
dence of wind, were well adapted for exploration. Thus urged and thus
provided, it is improbable that the Phoenicians shunned the great ocean.
The evidence is still strong in favor of their direct trade with Britain for
tin, despite what has been urged as to tin mines in Spain and the prehis-
toric existence of the trade by land across Gaul.2

Whether the Tyrians discovered any of the Atlantic islands is unknown ;
the adventures and discoveries attributed to Hercules, who in this aspect
is but Melkarth in Grecian raiment, points toward an early knowledge of
western islands, but these myths alone are not conclusive proof. Diodorus
Siculus attributes to the Phoenicians the discovery, by accident, of a large
island, with navigable rivers and a delightful climate, many days' sail west-
ward from Africa. In the compilation De Mirabilibus Auscidtatioiiibiis,
printed with the works of Aristotle, the discovery is attributed to Cartha-

1 The average of all known rates of speed nothing answering to our log, and their contriv-
with ancient ships is about five knots an hour ; ances for time-keeping were neither trustworthy
some of the fastest runs were at the rate of seven nor adapted for use on shipboard, these esti-
knots, or a little more. Breusing, Nautik der mates are necessarily based on a few reports of
Alten, Bremen, 1886, pp. II, 12. Movers, Die the number of days spent on voyages of known
Pkanizier% ii. 3, 190. Movers estimates the rate length, — a rather uncertain method,
of a Phoenician vessel with 180 oarsmen at 2 Tin exists in some of the islands of the In-
double that of a Oreek merchantman. He com- dian Ocean, and they were worked at a later pe-
pares the sailing qualities of Phoenician vessels riod, but there is no direct evidence, as far as I
with those of Venice in the Middle Ages to the am aware, that they were known at the date
disadvantage of the latter. As the ancients had when Tyre was most flourishing.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 25

ginians. Both versions descend from one original, now lost, and it is im-
possible to give a date to the event, or to identify the locality.1 Those who
find America in the island of Diodoru's make improbabilities supply the
lack of evidence. Stories seldom lose in the telling, and while it is not
impossible that a Phoenician ship might have reached America, and even
made her way back, it is not likely that the voyage would have been tamely
described as of many days duration.

When Carthage succeeded Tyre as mistress of the Mediterranean com-
merce, interest in the West revived. In the middle of the fifth century b. c,
two expeditions of importance were dispatched into these waters. A large
fleet under Hanno sailed to colonize, or re-colonize, the western coast of
Africa, and succeeded in reaching the latitude of Sierra Leone. Himilko,
voyaging in the opposite direction, spent several months in exploring the
ocean and tracing the western shores of Europe. He appears to have
run into the Sargasso Sea, but beyond this little is known of his adven-
tures.2

Ultimately the Carthaginians discovered and colonized the Canary
Islands, and perhaps the Madeira and Cape Verde groups ; the evidence of
ethnology, the presence of Semitic inscriptions, and the occurrence in the
descriptions of Pliny, Mela, and Ptolemy of some of the modern names of
the separate islands, establishes this beyond a doubt for the Canaries.3
There is no evidence that the Phoenicians or Carthaginians penetrated
much beyond the coast islands, or that they reached any part of America,
or even the Azores.

The achievements of the Greeks and Romans were still more limited.
A certain Colaeus visited Gades towards the middle of the seventh century
b. c, and was, according to Herodotus, the first Greek who passed outside
of the columns of Hercules. His example could not have been widely

1 Diodorus Siculus, v. 18, 19; De Mirab. best known. In his Deutsche Allerthumskunde
Auscult.y 84. Miillenhof, Deutsche Alterthums- (Berlin, 1870), i. pp. 73-210, Muellenhof has de-
kunde, i., Berlin, 1870, p. 467, traces the report voted especial attention to an analysis of this
through the historian Timaeus to Punic sources, record.

2 The narration of Hanno's voyage has been 3 Pliny, Hist. Nat.}v\. 36, 37; Mela, iii. 100,
preserved, apparently in the words of the com- etc. ; Solinus, 23, 56 [ed. Mommsen, p. 117, 230] ;
mander's report. Geographi Graeci minores, Ptolemy, Geogr., iv. 6 ; Rapport sur une mission
ed. Mueller (Paris, 1855), i. pp. 1-14. Cf. also scientifiqae dans Varchipd Canarienne, par M. le
Proiegom., pp. xviii, xxiii. Our only notion of docteur Verneau ; 1877. In Archives des Mis-
the date of the expedition is derived from Pliny, sious Scientifique et Litteraires, 3e serie, torn. xiii.
Hist. Nat., v. i. § 7, who says : " Fuere et pp. 569, etc. The presence of Semites is indi-
Hannonis Carthaginiensium ducis commentarii, cated in Gran Canaria, Ferro, Palma, and the
Punicis rebus Jlorenlissimis explorare ambitum inscriptions agree in character with those found
Africae jussi." All that is known of Himilko in Numidia by Gen. Faidherbe. In Gomeraand
is derived from the statement of Pliny, Hist. Teneriffe, where the Guanche stock is purest,
Nat., ii. 67, that he was sent at about the same there have been no inscriptions found. Dr.
time as Hanno to explore the distant regions of Verneau believes that the Guanches are not de-
Europe ; and from the poems of Avienus, who scended from Atlantes or Americans, but from
wrote in the fourth century, and professed to the Quaternary men of Cro-magnon on the
give, in the Ora Maritima, many extracts from Vezere ; he found, however, traces of an un-
the writings of Himilko. The description of known brachycephalic race in Gomera.

the difficulties of navigation in the Atlantic is

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

followed, for we find Pindar and his successors referring to the Pillars as
the limit of navigation. In 600 b. c, Massilia was founded, and soon
became a rival of Carthage in the western Mediterranean. In the fourth
century we have evidence of an attempt to search out the secrets of the
ocean after the manner of Hanno and Himilko. In that century, Pytheas
made his famous voyage to the lands of tin and amber, discovering the
still mysterious Thule ; while at the same time his countryman Euthy-
menes sailed southward to the Senegal. With these exceptions we hear
of no Grecian or Roman explorations in the Atlantic, and meet with no
indication that they were aware of any other lands beyond the sea than
the Fortunate Isles or the Hesperides of the early poets.1

About 80 b. c, Sertorius, being for a time driven from Spain by the
forces of Sulla, fell in, when on an expedition to Baetica, with certain
sailors who had just returned from the "Atlantic islands," which they

1 In the second century, A. D., Pausanias
{Desc. Graec., i. 23) was told by Euphemus, a
Carian, that once, on a voyage to Italy, he had
been driven to the sea outside [is t)]v e£co QaXaa-
aav], where people no longer sailed, and where
he fell in with many desert islands, some inhab-
ited by wild men, red-haired, and with tails,
whom the sailors called Satyrs. Nothing more is
known of these islands. "E|co has here been ren-
dered simply " distant " ; but even in this sense
it could hardly apply in the time of Pausanias to
any region but the Atlantic. It is more proba-
ble that the phrase means " outside the columns."
In the first century B. c, some men of an un-
known race were cast by the sea on the German
coast. There is nothing to show that these men
were American Indians ; but since that has been
sometimes assumed, the matter should not be
passed over here. The event is mentioned by
Mela {De Chorogr.,\\\. 5, § 8), and by Pliny (Hist.
Nat., ii. 67) ; the castaways were forwarded to
the proconsul, Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (B.C.
62), by the king of the tribe within whose terri-
tory they were found. Pliny calls the tribe the
Suevi ; the reading in Mela is very uncertain.
Parthey has Botorum, the older editors Baeto-
rum, or Boiornm. The Romans took them for
inhabitants of India, who had been carried
around the north of Europe ; modern writers
have seen in them Africans, Celts, Lapps, or
Caribs. A careful study of the whole subject,
with references to the literature, will be found
in an article by F. Schiern : Un inigme ethno-
graphique de I'antiquite, contributed to the Me-
moirs of the Royal Society of Northern Antiqua-
ries, New Series, 1878-83, pp. 245-288.

In the Louvre is an antique bronze which has
been thought to represent one of the Indians of
Mela, and also to be a good reproduction of the
features of the North American Indian (Long-
perier, Notice des bronzes antiques, etc., du Mush

du Louvre, Paris, 1868, p. 143), but the supposi-
tion is purely arbitrary.

Such an event as an involuntary voyage from
the West Indies to the shores of Europe is not
an impossibility, nor is the case cited by Mela
and Pliny the only one of the kind which we find
recorded. Gomara {Hist. gen. de las Indias, 7)
says some savages were thrown upon the Ger-
man coast in the reign of Frederic Barbarossa
(11 52-1 190), and Aeneas Silvius (Pius II.) prob-
ably refers to the same event when he quotes a
certain Otho as relating the capture on the coast
of Germany, in the time of the German empe-
rors, of an Indian ship and Indian traders (mer-
catores). The identity of Otho is uncertain.
Otto of Freisingen (t n 58) is probably meant,
but the passage does not appear in his works
that have been preserved (Aeneas Silvius, His-
toria rerum, ii. 8, first edition, Venice, 1477).
The most curious story, however, is that related
by Cardinal Bembo in his history of Venice (first
published 1551), and quoted by Horn {De orig.
Amer., 14), Garcia (iv. 29), and others. It de-
serves, however, record here. " A French ship
while cruising in the ocean not far from Britain
picked up a little boat made of split oziers and
covered with bark taken whole from the tree;
in it were seven men of moderate height, rather
dark complexion, broad and open faces, marked
with a violet scar. They had a garment of fish-
skin with spots of divers shades, and wore a
headgear of painted straw, interwoven \vith seven
things like ears, as it were (coronam e culmo
pictam septem quasi auriculis intextam). They
ate raw flesh, and drank blood as we wine. Their
speech could not be understood. Six of them
died ; one, a youth, was brought alive to Roano
(so the Italian ; the Latin has Aulercos), where
the king was " (Louis XII.). Bembo, Re rum
Venetarum Hist.vW. year, 1508. [0/>ere, Venice,
1729, i. 188.]

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 2/

described as two in number, distant ' 10,000 stadia from Africa, and enjoy-
ing a wonderful climate. The account in Plutarch is quite consistent with
a previous knowledge of the islands, even on the part of Sertorius. Be
this as it may, the glowing praises of the eye-witnesses so impressed him
that only the unwillingness of his followers prevented his taking refuge
there. Within the next few years, the Canaries, at least, became well
known as the Fortunatae Insulae ; but when Horace, in the dark days of
civil war, urged his countrymen to seek a new home across the waves, it
was apparently the islands of Sertorius that he had in mind, regarding
them as unknown to other peoples.1

As we trace the increasing volume and extent of commerce from the
days of Tyre and Carthage and Alexandria to its fullest development under
the empire, and remember that as the drafts of luxury-loving Rome upon
the products of the east, even of China and farther India, increased, the
true knowledge of the form of the earth, and the underestimate of the
breadth of the western ocean, became more widely known, the question
inevitably suggests itself, Why did not the enterprise which had long since
-utilized the monsoons of the Indian Ocean for direct passage to and from
India essay the passage of the Atlantic ? The inquiry gains force as we re-
call that the possibility of such a route to India had been long ago asserted.
Aristotle suggested, if he did not express it ; Eratosthenes stated plainly
that were it not for the extent of the Atlantic it would be possible to sail
from Spain to India along the same parallel;2 and Strabo could object
nothing but the chance of there being another island-continent or two in
the way, — an objection unknown to Columbus. Seneca, the philosopher,
iterating insistence upon the smallness of the earth and the pettiness of its
affairs compared with the higher interests of the soul, exclaims : " The
earth, which you so anxiously divide by fire and sword into kingdoms, is a
point, a mere point, in the universe. . . . How far is it from the utmost
shores of Spain to those of India ? But very few days' sail with a favoring
wind." 3

1 Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus ; arva, beata had Africa rather than the west in mind, accord-

Petamus arva, divites et insulas, • tQ the comrnentators.

Redclit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotanms T . ., , , , . , , , ., ,

Et inputata floret usque vinea. Ifc 1S Possible that the islands described to

Sertorius were Madeira and Porto Santo, but

Non hue Argoo contendit remige pinus, the distance was much overestimated in this

Neque inpudica Colchis intulit pedem ; rasp

Non hue Sidonii torserunt cornua nautae, , ' . .._ , ...

Laboriosa nee cohors Ulixei. He [Eratosthenes] says that if the extent

Juppiter ilia piae secrevit Htora genti, of the Atlantic Ocean were not an obstacle, we

Ut inquinavit aere tempus aureum ; might easily pass by sea from Iberia to India,

Aere, dehinc ferro duravit saecula, quorum stilj keeping in the same parallel, the remaining
Piis secunda, vate me, datur fujra. ,. c ,. , „ ,

,„ _, , . . portion of which parallel . . . occupies more

(Horace, Epode, xvi.) *, ,.,,.,,, . , -. • .

than a third of the whole circle. . . . But it is

Virgil, in the well-known lines in the prophecy quite possible that in the temperate zone there

of Anchises may j)e tWQ Qr even mQre habjtable earths [01-

Super et Garamantes et Indos kov^vus], especially near the circle of latitude

Proferet inpenum ; iacet extra sidera tellus, , . , . , ,, , . ,, , ,, . ,,

■v , . ,. . .. ... At, which is drawn through Athens and the Atlantic

fcxtra anm sohsque vias, ubi caehfer Atlas ^ °

Axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum— ocean. (Strabo, Geogr., l. 4, § 6.)

{Mneidy vi. 795.) 3 Seneca, Naturalium Quaest. Prarfatio. The

28 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Holding these views of the possibility of the voyage, it is improbable
that the size of their ships and the lack of the compass could have long
prevented the ancients from putting them in practice had their interest so
demanded.1 Their interest in the matter was, however, purely speculative,
since, under the unity and power of the Roman empire, which succeeded
to and absorbed the commercial supremacy of the Phoenicians, international
competition in trade did not exist, nor were the routes of trade subject to
effective hostile interruption. The two causes, therefore, which worked
powerfully to induce the voyages of Da Gama and Columbus, after the rise
of individual states had given scope to national jealousy and pride, and
after the fall of Constantinople had placed the last natural gateway of the
eastern trade in the hands of Arab infidels, were non-existent under the
older civilization. It is certain, too, that the ancients had a vivid horror of
the western ocean. In the Odyssey, the western Mediterranean even is
full of peril. With knowledge of the ocean, the Greeks received tales of
" Gorgons and Chimeras dire," and the very poets who sing the beauties
of the Elysian or Hesperian isles dwell on the danger of the surround-
ing sea. Beyond Gades, declared Pindar, no man, however brave, could
pass ; only a god might voyage those waters. The same idea recurs in
the reports of travellers and the writings of men of science, but here it
is the storms, or more often the lack of wind, the viscid water or vast
shoals, that check and appall the mariner. Aristotle thought that beyond
the columns the sea was shallow and becalmed. Plato utilized the common
idea of the mud-banks and shoal water of the Atlantic in accounting for
the disappearance of Atlantis. Scylax reported the ocean not navigable
beyond Cerne in the south, and Pytheas heard that beyond Thule sea and
air became confounded. Even Tacitus believed that there was a peculiar
resistance in the waters of the northern ocean.2

Whether the Greeks owed this dread to the Phoenicians, and whether the
latter shared the feeling, or simulated and encouraged it for the purpose of
concealing their profitable adventures beyond the Straits, is doubtful. In
two cases, at least, it is possible to trace statements of this nature to Punic

passage is certainly striking, but those who, like 2 Aristotle, Meteorology ii. I, § 14 ; Plato, 77-

Baron Zach, base upon it the conclusion that maeus\ Scylax Caryandensis, Periplus, 112. T7?s

American voyagers were common in the days of Kepvtjs 5e vb\vov to. eVe'/ceji/a oukcti eVrl ttAooto. Sia

Seneca overestimate its force. It is certainly fipaxvrrjTa OaXdrnqs ko\ irr)\bv teal (pvKos (Geogr.

evident that Seneca, relying on his knowledge of Graec. mm.,ed. Mueller, i. 93 ; other references

theoretical geography, underestimated the dis- in the notes). Pytheas in Strabo, ii. 4, § 1 ; Taci-

tance to India. Had the length of the voyage to tus, Germania, 45, 1 ; Agricola, x. A gloss to

America been known, he would not have used Suidas applies the name Atlantic to all innavi-

the illustration. gable seas. Pausanias, i. ch. 3, § 6, says it con-

1 Smaller vessels even than were then afloat tained strange sea-beasts, and was not navigable

hare crossed the Atlantic, and the passage from in its more distant parts. A long list of refer-

the Canaries is hardly more difficult than the ences to similar passages is given by Ukert,

Indian navigation. The Pacific islanders make Geogr. der Griechen u. Rimer, ii. 1, p. 59. See

▼oyages of days' duration by the stars alone to also Berger, Wissetischaftliche Geographie, i. p.

goals infinitely smaller than the broadside of 27, note 3, and Grote, Hist, of Greece, iii. ch. 18,

Asia, to which the ancients would have supposed notes,
themselves addressed.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 29

sources, and antiquity agreed in giving the Phoenicians credit for discour-
aging rivalry by every art.1

To an age averse to investigation for its own sake, ignorant of scientific
curiosity, and unimpelled by economic pressure, tales like these might seem
decisive against an attempt to sail westward to India. Rome could thor-
oughly appreciate the imaginative mingling of science and legend which
vivified the famous prophecy of the poet Seneca :

Venient annis saecula seris
Ouibus Oceanus vincula rerum
Laxet, et ingens patebit tellus
Tethysque novos deteget orbes
Nee sit terris ultima Thule.2

But even were it overlooked that the prophecy suited better the reve-
lation of an unknown continent, such as the theory of Crates and Cicero
placed between Europe and Asia, than the discovery of the eastern coast of
India, mariners and merchants might be pardoned if they set the deterrent
opinions collected by the elder Seneca above the livelier fancies of his son.3

The scanty records of navigation and discovery in the western waters
confirm the conclusions drawn from the visions of the poets and the theo-
ries of the philosophers. No evidence from the classic writers justifies the
assumption that the ancients communicated with America. If they guessed
at the possibility of such a continent, it was only as we to-day imagine an
antarctic continent or an open polar sea. Evidence from ethnological com-

1 De Mirab. Auscult„ 136. The Phoenicians 2 Seneca, Medea, 376-380.
are said to have discovered beyond Gades ex- 3 In the first book of his Suasorice, M. An-

tensive shoals abounding in fish. naeus Seneca collected a number of examples

Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quatuor, illustrative of the manner in which several of

Ut ipse semet re probasse retulit the famous orators and rhetoricians of his time

Enavigantem, posse transmitti adserit : had handled the subject, Deliberat Alexander,

Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem, an 0ceanum navigCt, which appears to have been

Sic segnis humor aequons pign stupet. . . " , • » . r

Adjedt et illud, plurimum inter gurgites one °* a number of stock subjects for use in

Extare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice rhetorical training. This collection thus gives

Retinere puppim : dicit hie nihilominus, a good view of the prevalent views about the

Non in profundum terga dimitti maris, ocean, and certainly tells strongly against the idea

Parvoque aquarum vix supertexi solum : -u .. At_ . v i

~,. , . 1 • f that the western passage was then known or prac-

Obire semper hue et hue ponti feras, x ° '

Navigia lenta et languide repentia tised- " Fertiles in Oceano jacere terras, ultra-

Intematare belluas. que Oceanum rursus alia littora, alium nasci
(Avienus, Ora Maritima, 1 15-130.) orbem, . . .facile ista finguntur ; quia Oceanus

Hunc usus olim dixit Oceanum vetus, navigari non potest . . . confusa lux alta caligine,

Alterque dixit mos Atlanticum mare. et interceptus tenebris dies, ipsum veros grave et

Longo explicatur gurges hujus ambitu, devium mare, et aut nulla, aut ignota sidera. Ita
Produciturque latere prohxe vago. a 1 1 ^

Plerumque porro tenue tenditur salum, est' Alexander, rerum natura ; post omnia Ocea-

Ut vix arenas subjacentes occulat. nus-> Post Oceanum nihil. . . . Immensum, et hu-

Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens, manae intehtatum experientiae pelagus, totius

Atque impeditur aestus hie uligine : orbis vjncuiurrij terrarumque custodia, inagitata
Vis belluarum pelagus omne internatat, . . ... t- i_- j. • •*. «

w ,n, „ . t ■ u u-. . t . remigio vastitas. . . . r^abianus . . . divisit enim

Multusque terror ex fens habitat freta. °

Haec olim Himikos Poenus Oceano super lllam [quaestionem] sic, ut primum negaret ullas

Spectasse semet et probasse retulit: in Oceano, aut trans Oceanum, esse terras habi-

Haec nos, ab imis Punicorum anna'ibus tabiles : deinde si essent, perveniri tamen ad il-

Prolata longo tempore, edidimus tibi. (/*«/. 402-415.) las non posse. Hie difficultatem ignoti maris.

Whether Avienus had immediate knowledge naturam non patientem navigationis."
of these Punic sources is quite unknown.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

parisons is of course admissible, but those who are best fitted to handle
such evidence best know its dangers ; hitherto its use has brought little but
discredit to the cause in which it was invoked.

The geographical doctrines which antiquity bequeathed to the Middle
Ages were briefly these : that the earth was a sphere with a circumference
of 252,000 or 180,000 stadia; that only the temperate zones were inhabita-
ble, and the northern alone known to be inhabited ; that of the southern,
owing to the impassable heats of the torrid zone, it could not be discovered
whether it were inhabited, or whether, indeed, land existed there ; and that

pnntp^n- ^ u>ki.o\wov * n v.Knpo too K'kT^K\\jLy K<\hi>kovHoi <t#oi

/-i- . - , 7 - J^lt' (Jt-Ono, Jvy< u-ri.m.j. <Ztl J.ih<.vio jJifiVi/M <rii. uo>n.istx./

fltp&n TOV CO kl <X M OV

THE RECTANGULAR EARTH*

of the northern, it was unknown whether the intervention of another con-
tinent, or only the shoals and unknown horrors of the ocean, prevented a
westward passage from Europe to Asia. The legatee preserved, but did
not improve his inheritance. It has been supposed that the early Middle
Ages, under the influence of barbarism and Christianity, ignored the sphe-
ricity of the earth, deliberately returning to the assumption of a plane sur-
face, either wheel-shaped or rectangular. That knowledge dwindled after
the fall of the empire, that the early church included the learning as well
as the religion of the pagans in its ban, is undeniable ; but on this point
truth prevailed. It was preserved by many school-books, in many popular

* Sketched in the Bollettino dclla Socicth geografica italiana (Roma, 1882), p. 540, from the original in
the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. The representation of this sketch of the earth by Cosmas
Inclicopleustes more commonly met with is from the engraving in the edition of Cosmas in Montfaucon's
Collectio nova patrum, Paris, 1706. The article by Marinelli which contains the sketch given here has also
appeared separately in a German translation {Die Erdkundc bei den Kirchenv'dtern, Leipzig, 1S84). The
continental land beyond the ocean should be noticed.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 31

compilations from classic authors, and was accepted by many ecclesiastics.
St. Augustine did not deny the sphericity of the earth. It was assumed
by Isidor of Seville, and taught by Bede:1 The schoolmen buttressed the
doctrine by the authority of Aristotle and the living science which the Arabs
built upon the Almagest. Gerbert, Albert the Great, Roger Bacon, Dante,
were as familiar with the idea of the earth-globe as were Hipparchus and
Ptolemy. The knowledge of it came to Columbus not as an inspiration or
an invention, but by long, unbroken descent from its unknown Grecian, or
pre-Grecian, discoverer.

As to the distribution of land and water, the oceanic theory of Crates, as
expounded by Macrobius, prevailed in the west, although the existence of
antipodes fell a victim to the union, in the ecclesiastic mind, of the heathen
theory of an impassable torrid zone with the Christian teaching of the de-
scent of all men from Adam.2 The discoveries made by the ancients in the
ocean, of the Canaries and other islands known to them, were speedily for-
gotten, while their geographic myths were superseded by a ranker growth.
The Saturnian continent, Meropis, Atlantis, the Fortunate Isles, the Hes-
perides, were relegated to the dusty realm of classical learning ; but the
Atlantic was not barren of their like. Mediaeval maps swarmed with fabu-
lous islands, and wild stories of adventurous voyages divided the attention
with tales of love and war. Antillia was the largest, and perhaps the most
famous, of these islands ; it was situated in longitude 3300 east, and near
the latitude of Lisbon, so that Toscanelli regarded it as much facilitating
the plan of Columbus. Well known, too, was Bragir, or Brazil, having its
proper position west and north of Ireland, but often met with elsewhere ;
both this island and Antillia afterward gave names to portions of the new
continent.3

Antillia, otherwise called the Island of Seven Cities, was discovered and
settled by an archbishop and six bishops of Spain, who fled into the ocean
after the victory of the Moors, in 714, over Roderick; it is even reported
to have been rediscovered in 1447.4 Mayda, Danmar, Man Satanaxio, Isla
Verde, and others of these islands, of which but little is known beside the
names, appear for the first time upon the maps of the fourteenth and fif-
teenth centuries, but their origin is quite unknown. It might be thought
that they were derived from confused traditions of their classical prede-

1 Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, was accused be- the continent in the east. Paradise was more
fore Pope Zacharias by St. Boniface of teaching commonly placed in an island east of Asia.

the doctrine of antipodes ; for this, and not for 3 It has been suggested by M. Beauvois that

his belief in the sphericity of the earth (as I read), Labrador may in the same way derive its name

he was threatened by the Pope with expulsion from litis Labrada, or the Island of Labraid,

from the church. The authority for this story is which figures in an ancient Celtic romance. The

a letter from the Pope to Boniface. See Mari- conjecture has only the phonetic resemblance to

nelli, Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvatern, recommend it. Beauvois, VElysee transatlan-

P- 42- iique {Revue de V Histoire des Religions, vii. (1883),

2 Cosmas, as will be seen in the cut, adhered p. 291, n. 3).

to the continental theory, placing Paradise on 4 Gaffarel, P., Les isles fantastiques de VAtlan-

tique au moyen dge, 3.

32 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

cessors, with which they have been identified, but modern folk-lore has
shown that such fancies spring up spontaneously in every community.
To dream of a distant spot where joy is untroubled and rest unbroken by
grief or toil is a natural and inalienable bent of the human mind. Those
happy islands which abound in the romances of the heathen Celts, Mag
Moll, Field of Delight, Flath Inis, Isle of the Heroes, the Avallon of the
Arthur cycle, were but a more exuberant forth-putting of the same soil
that produced the Elysian Fields of Homer or the terrestrial paradise of the
Hebrews. The later growth is not born of the seed of the earlier, though
somewhat affected by alien grafts, as in the case of the famous island of
St. Brandan, where there is a curious commingling of Celtic, Greek, and
Christian traditions. It is dangerous, indeed, to speak of earlier or later
in reference to such myths ; one group was written before the others, but
it is quite possible that the earthly paradise of the Celt is as old as those
of the Mediterranean peoples. The idea of a phantom or vanishing is-
land, too, is very old, — as old, doubtless, as the fact of fog-banks and
mirage, — and it is well exemplified in those mysterious visions which en-
ticed the sailors of Bristol to many a fruitless quest before the discovery of
America, and for centuries tantalized the inhabitants of the Canaries with
hope of discovery. The Atlantic islands were not all isles of the blessed ;
there were many Isles of Demons, such as Ramusio places north of New-
foundland, a name of evil report which afterward attached itself with more
reason to Sable Island and even to the Bermudas :

" Kept, as suppos'd by Hel's infernal dogs ;
Our fleet found there most honest courteous hogs." l

Not until the revival of classical learning did the continental system of
Ptolemy reach the west ; the way, however, had been prepared for it. The
measurement of a degree, executed under the Calif Mamun, seemed to the
Europeans to confirm the smallest estimate of the size of the earth, which
Ptolemy also had adopted,2 while the travels of Marco Polo, revealing the
great island of Japan, exaggerated the popular idea of the extent of the
known world, until the 22 50 of Marinus seemed more probable than the
1800 of Ptolemy. If, however, time brought this shrinkage in the breadth
of the Atlantic, the temptation to navigators was opposed by the belief in
the dangers of the ocean, which shared the persistent life of the dogma
of the impassable torrid zone, and was strongly reinforced by Arab lore.
Their geographers never tire of dilating on the calms and storms, mud-
banks and fogs, and unknown dangers of the " Sea of Darkness." Never-
theless, as the turmoil of mediaeval life made gentler spirits sigh for peace
in distant homes, while the wild energy of others found the very dangers

1 Coryat's Crudities, London, 1611. Sig. h (4), schel [Geschichte der Geographie, p. 134), 4,000
verso, ells of 540.7mm., the degree equalled 122,558.6'".

2 The result of the Arabian measurements The Europeans, however, thought that Roman
gave 563 miles to a degree. Arabian miles were miles were meant, and so got but $3,866.6™. to a
meant, and as these contain, according to Pe- degree.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 33

of the sea delightful, there was opened- a double source of adventures, both
real and imaginary. Those pillars cut with inscriptions forbidding further
advance westward, which we owe to Moorish fancy, confounding Hercules
and Atlas and Alexander, were transformed into a knightly hero pointing
oceanwards, or became guide-posts to the earthly paradise.

If there be a legendary flavor in the flight of the seven bishops, we
must set down the wanderings of the Magrurin1 among the African
islands, the futile but bold attempts of the Visconti to circumnavigate Af-
rica, as real, though without the least footing in a list of claimants for the
discovery of America. The voyages of St. Brandan and St. Malo, again,
are distinctly fabulous, and but other forms of the ancient myth of the
soul-voyages ; and the same may be said of the strange tale of Maelduin.2
But what of those other Irish voyages to Irland-it-mikla and Huitramanna-
land, of the voyage of Madoc, of the explorations of the Zeni ? While
these tales merit close investigation, it is certain that whatever liftings of
the veil there may have been — that there were any is extremely doubtful
— were unheralded at the time and soon forgotten.3

It was reserved for the demands of commerce to reveal the secrets of
the west. But when the veil was finally removed it was easy for men to
see that it had never been quite opaque. The learned turned naturally to
their new-found classics, and were not slow to find the passages which
seemed prophetic of America. Seneca, Virgil, Horace, Aristotle, and Theo-
pompus, were soon pressed into the service, and the story of Atlantis
obtained at once a new importance. I have tried to show in this chapter
that these patrons of a revived learning put upon these statements an
interpretation which they will not bear.

The summing up of the whole matter cannot be better given than in the
words applied by a careful Grecian historian to another question in ancient
geography: "In some future time perhaps our pains may lead us to a
knowledge of those countries. But all that has hitherto been written or
reported of them must be considered as mere fable and invention, and not
the fruit of any real search, or genuine information."4

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

THE views of the ancient Mediterranean peoples upon geography are preserved
almost solely in the ancient classics. The poems attributed to Homer and Hesiod,
the so-called Orphic hymns, the odes of Pindar, even the dramatic works of yEschylus and
his successors, are sources for the earlier time. The writings of the earlier philosophers

1 Edrisi, Geography, Climate, iv., § i, Jau- Relig.), viil (1884), 706, etc.; Joyce, Old Celtic
bert's translation, Paris, 1836, ii. 26. Romances, 1 12-176.

2 Found in various Celtic MSS. See Beau- 3 These alleged voyages are considered in the
vois, L'Eden occidental {Rev. de I'Hist. des next chapter.

4 Polybius, Hist., iii. 38.
VOL. I. — 3

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

are lost, and their ideas are to be found in later writers, and in compilations like the Biog-
raphies of Diogenes Laertius (3d cent. A. D.), the De placitis philosophorum attributed to
Plutarch, and the like. Among the works of Plato the PJiaedo and Timaeus and the last
book of the Republic bear on the form and arrangement of the earth ; the Timaeus and
Critias contain the fable of Atlantis. The first scientific treatises preserved are the De
Caelo and Meteorologicd of Aristotle.1 It is needless to speak in detail of the geographical
writers, accounts of whom will be found in any history of Greek and Roman literature.
The minor pieces, such as the Periplus of Hanno, of Scylax of Caryanda, of Dionysius
Periegetes, the Geography of Agatharcides, and others, have been several times collected ; 2
and so have the minor historians, which may be consulted for Theopompus, Hecataeus,
and the mycologists.3 The geographical works of Pytheas (b. c. 350 ?), of Eratosthenes
(b. c. 276-126), of Polybius (b. c. 204-122), of Hipparchus (fior. circ. B. c. 125), of Posido-
nius (1st cent. B. c), are preserved only in quotations made by later writers ; they have,
however, been collected and edited in convenient form.4 The most important source of
our knowledge of Greek geography and Greek geographers is of course the great Geo-
graphy of Strabo, which a happy fortune preserved to us. The long introduction upon
the nature of geography and the size of the earth and the dimensions of the known world
is of especial interest, both for his own views and for those he criticises.5 Strabo lived
about B. c. 60 to A. d. 24.

The works of Marinus of Tyre having perished, the next important geographical work
in Greek is the world-renowned Geography of Ptolemaeus, who wrote in the second half
of the second century A. D. Despite the peculiar merits and history of this work, it is not
so important for our purpose as the work of Strabo, though it exercised infinitely more
influence on the Middle Ages and on early modern geography.6

1 The tract On the World (irepl koct/jlov, de
mundd), and the Strange Stories (7repi Bavjxualuv
aKovaiJLaTtov, de viirabilibus auscultationibns),
printed with the works of Aristotle, are held to
be spurious by critics : the former, which gives a
good summary of the oceanic theory of the dis-
tribution of land and water (ch. 3), is consider-
ably later in date ; the latter is a compilation
made from Aristotle and other writers. Muel-
lenhof has sought partially to analyze it in his
Deutsche Altcrthumskunde, i. 426, etc.

2 First in Geographica Marciani, Scylacis, Ar-
tern /dor is, Dicccarchi, Isidori. Ed. a Hoeschelio
(Aug. Vind., 1600). The great collection made
by Hudson, Gcographiae veteris scriptores Graeci
minores (4 vols., Oxon., 1698-1712; re-edited by
Gail, Paris, 1826, 6 vols.), is still useful, notwith-
standing the handy edition by C. Mueller in
the Didot classics, Geographiae Graeci minores
(Paris, 1855-61. 2 vols, and atlas).

3 Fragmenta historico7-um Graecorum. Ed. C.
et T. Mueller (Paris, Didot, 1841-68. 5 vols.).

4 Die geographischen Eragmente dcs Ilippar-
chus : H. Berger ( Leipzig, 1869); Posidonii Khodii
reliquiae doctrinae : coll. y. Bake (Lugd. Bat.,
18 10) ; Eratostheuica composuit G. Bernhardy
(Berlin, 1822) ; Die geographischen Eragmente des
Eratosthenes : H. Berger (Leipzig, 1880).

5 Strabonis Geographia (Romae, Suweynheym
et Pannartz, s. a.), in 1469 or 1470, folio.
First edition of the Latin translation which was
made by Guarini of Verona, and Lilius Grego-
rius of Tiferno ; only 275 copies were printed.

It was reprinted in 1472 (Venice), 1473 (Rome),
1480 (Tarvisii), 1494 (Venice), 1502 (Venice),
1 510 (Venice), and 151 2 (Paris). Strabo de situ
orbis (Venice. Aldus et Andr. Soc, 1516), fob,
was the first Greek edition ; a better edition ap-
peared in 1549 (Basil., fol.), with Guarini's and
Gregorius's translation revised by Glareanus
and others. Critical ed. by J. Kramer (Berlin,
1844), 3 vols. Ed. with Latin trans, by C.
Miiller and F. Dirbner (Paris, Didot, 1853, 1857).
It has since been edited by August Meineke
(Leipsic, Teubner, 1866. 3 vols. 8vo).

There was an Italian translation by Buonac-
ciuoli, in Venice and Ferrara, 1562, 1585. 2 vols.
The TecoypacpiKa has been several times trans-
lated into German, by Penzel (Lemgo, 1775—
1777, 4 Bde. 8vo), Groskund (Berlin, Stettin,
1S31-1S34. 4 Thle.), and Forbiger .(Stuttgart,
1856-1S62. 2 Bde.), and very recently into Eng-
lish by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer (Lon-
don, Bell [Bohn], 1887). 3 vols. This has a
useful index.

The great French translation of Strabo, made
by order of Napoleon, with very full notes by
Gosselin and others, is still the most usetul trans-
lation : Giographie du Strabon trad, du grec en
francaise (Paris, 1805-1S19). 5 vols. 4to.

6 The Geography was first printed, in a Latin
translation, at Vincentia, in 1475; trie date lA^>2
in the Bononia edition being recognized as a
misprint, probably for 1482. The history of the
book has been described by Lelewel in the appen-
dix to his Histoire de la Geographic, and more

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 35

The astronomical writers are also of importance. Eudoxus of Cnidus, said to have first
adduced the change in the altitude of stars accompanying a change of latitude as proof
of the sphericity of the earth, wrote works now known only in the poems of Aratus,
who flourished in the latter half of the third century B. c.1 Geminus (circ. b. c. 50),2 and
Cleomedes,3 whose work is famous for having preserved the method by which Eratos-
thenes measured the circumference of the earth, were authors of brief popular compila-
tions of astronomical science. Of vast importance in the history of learning was the
astronomical work of Ptolemy, ^ fxeydAr] avvra^is ttjs xa-rpovofjiias, which was so honored by
the Arabs that it is best known to us as the Almagest, from Tabric al Magisthri, the
title of the Arabic translation which was made in 827. It has been edited and trans-
lated by Halma (Paris, 18 13, 18 16).

Much is to be learned from the Scholia attached in early times to the works of
Hesiod, Homer, Pindar, the Argojiautica of Apollonius Rhodius (b. c. 276-193 ?), and
to the works of Aristotle, Plato, etc. In some cases these are printed with the works
commented upon ; in other cases, the Scholia have been printed separately. The com-
mentary of Proclus (a. d. 412-485) upon the Timaeus of Plato is of great importance in
the Atlantis myth.4

Much interest attaches to the dialogue entitled On the face appearing in the orb of the
moon, which appears among the Moralia of Plutarch. Really a contribution to the
question of life after death, this work also throws light upon geographical and astro-
nomical knowledge of its time.

Among the Romans we find much the same succession of sources. The poets, Virgil,
Horace, Ovid, Tibullus, Lucretius, Lucan, Seneca, touch on geographical or astronomical
points and reflect the opinion of their day.5

The first six books of the great encyclopaedia compiled by Pliny the elder (a. d. 23-7C))6
contain an account of the universe and the earth, which is of the greatest value, and was
long exploited by compilers of later times, among the earliest and best of whom was Soli-
nus.7 Equally famous with Solinus was the author of a work of more independent char-
acter, Pomponius Mela, who lived in the first century a. d. His geography, commonly

fully in Winsor's Bibliography of Ptolemy V Geog- which helped to keep Grecian learning alive in

raphy (Cambridge, Mass., 1884), and in the sec- the early Middle Ages.

tion on Ptolemy by Wilberforce Eames in Sabin's 5 The works of L. Annaeus Seneca were first

Dictionary, also printed separately. printed in Naples, 1475, ^*» ^ut *^e Questionum

1 The Phaenomena of Aratus was a poem natural ium lib. vii. were not included until the
which had great vogue both in Greece and Rome. Venice ed. of 1490, which also contained the
It was commented upon by Hipparchus and first edition of the Suasoriae and Controversariae
Achilles Tatius (both of which commentaries of M. Ann. Seneca. The Tragoediae of L. Ann.
are preserved, and are found in the Uranologion Seneca were first printed about 1484 by A. Gal-
of Petavius), and translated by Cicero. licus, probably at Ferrara.

2 Gemini elementa astronomiae, also quoted by 6 Historiae natnralis libri xxxvii. The first
the first word of the Greek title, Isagoge. First edition was the famous and rare folio of Joannes
edition, Altorph, 1590. The best edition is still de Spira, Venice, 1469. I find record of ten
that in the Uranologioti of Dionysius Petavius other editions and three issues of Landino's
(Paris, 1630). It is also found in the rare trans- Italian translation before 1492.

lation of Ptolemy by Halma (Paris, 1828). 7 C. Julii Solini Collectanea rentm memoraU-

3 KvkMkt) 6ea>pia quoted as Cleom. de sublimibns Hum sive polyhistor. Solinus lived probably in
circulis. The first edition was at Paris, 1539. the third century a. D. His book was a great
4to. It has been edited by Bake (Lugd. Bat., favorite in the Middle Ages, both in manuscript
1826), and Schmidt (Leips. 1832). Nothing is and in print, and was known by various titles, as
known of the life of Cleomedes. He wrote after Polyhistor, De situ orbis, etc. The first edition
the 1st cent. a. d., probably. appeared without place or date, at Rome, about

4 It was first printed in the Plato of Basle, 1473, and in the same year at Venice, and it was
1534. There is an English translation by Thomas often reprinted with the annotations of the most
Taylor, The Commentaries of Proclus on the Ti- famous geographers. The best edition is that
maeus of Plato, in 2 vols. (London, 1820). Pro- by Mommsen (Beilin, 1864). See Vol. II. p.
clus was also the author of astronomical works 180.

$6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

known as De situ orbis from the mediaeval title, though the proper name is De chorograpliia,
is a work of importance and merit. In the Middle Ages it had wonderful popularity.1
Cicero, who contemplated writing a history of geography, touches upon the arrangement
of the earth's surface several times in his works, as in the Tusculan Disfutatio?is, and
notably in the sixth book of the Refiublic, in the episode known as the " Dream of Scipio."
The importance of this piece is enhanced by the commentary upon it written by Macro-
bius in the fifth century A. D.'2 A peculiar interest attaches to the poems of Avienus, of
the fourth century A. D., in that they give much information about the character attributed
to the Atlantic Ocean.8 The astronomical poems of Manilius 4 and Hyginus were favorites
in early Middle Ages. The astrological character of the work of Manilius made it popular,
but it conveyed also the true doctrine of the form of the earth. The curious work of
Marcianus Capella gave a resume of science in the first half of the fifth century a. d., and
had a like popularity as a school-book and house-book which also helped maintain the
truth.5

Such in the main are the ancient writers upon which we must chiefly rely in considering
the present question. In the interpretation of these sources much has been done by the
leading modern writers on the condition of science in ancient times; like Bunbury, Ukert,
Forbiger, St. Martin, and Peschel on geography ; 6 like Zeller on philosophy, not to name
many others ;7 and like Lewis and Martin on astronomy;8 but there is no occasion to go
to much length in the enumeration of this class of books. The reader is referred to
the examination of the literature of special points of the geographical studies of the
ancients to the notes following this Essay.

Mediaeval cosmology and geography await a thorough student ; they are imbedded in
the wastes of theological discussions of the Fathers, or hidden in manuscript cosmogra-
phies in libraries of Europe. It should be noted that confusion has arisen from the use
of the word 7'otundus to express both the sphericity of the earth and the circularity of the

1 First edition, Milan, 1471. 4-to. The best Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie
is that by Parthey, Berlin, 1867. A history and (Hamburg, 1877), compiled on a peculiar meth-
bibliography of this work is given in Vol. II. p. od, which is often very sensible. He first ana-
180. lyzes and condenses the works of each writer,

2 Commentariorum in s omnium Scipionis libri and then sums up the opinions on each country
iuo. The first edition was at Venice, 1472. and phase of -the subject.

There has been an edition by Jahn (2 vols. Vivien de St. Martin, Histoire de la Geogra-

Quedlinburg, 1848, 1852), and by Eyssenhardt phie (Paris, 1873).

(Leipzig, 1868), and a French translation by va- Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde (2d ed., by

rious hands, printed in 3 vols, at Paris, 1845-47. S. Ruge, Munchen, 1877). Perhaps reference is

3 Descriptio orbis terrae ; ora maritima. The not out of place also to P. F. J. Gosselin's Geo-
first edition appeared at Venice in 1488, with graphie des Grecs analysee, ou les Systemes d'JSra-
the Phaenomena of Aratus. It is included in tosthenes, de Strabon et de Plolemee, compares eutre
the Geogr. Graec. min. of Mueller. Muellenhof eux et avec nos connaissances modernes (Paris,
has treated of the latter poem at length in his 1790) ; and his later Recherches stir la -Geographie
Deutsche Alter thumskunde, i. 73-210. systimatique et positive des anciens (1797-1813).

4 Astronomicon libri v. Manilius is an un- Cf. Hugo Berger, Geschichte der wiss. Erd-
known personality, but wrote in the first half of kunde der Griechen (Leipzig, 1887).

the first century A. D. (First ed., Nuremberg, 7 Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophic (Tii-

1472 or 1473); Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon, bingen, 1856-62).

1st or 2d cent. A. D. (Ferrara, 1475). 8 Sir George Cornwall Lewis, Historical Stir-

6 De nuptiis philologiac et Mercurii, first ed. vey of the Astronomy of the Ancients (London,

Vicent., 1499. 1862).

G F. H. Bunbury, Hist, of Anc. Geog. among Theodore Henri Martin, whose numerous pa-

the Greeks and Romans (London, 1879), in two pers are condensed in the article on " Astrono-

volumes, — a valuable, well-digested work, but mie " in Daremberg and Saglio's Dictiounairt

scant in citations. Ukert, Geog. der Griechen de VAntiquite. Some of the more important dis-

und Rbmcr (Weimar, 1816), very rich in cita- tinct papers of Martin appeared in the Mem.

tions, giving authorities for every statement, and Acad, fuscrip. et Belles Retires.
useful as a summary.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 37

known lands, and from the use of terra, or orbis terrae, to denote the inhabited lands, as
well as the globe. It has been pointed out by Ruge {Gesch. d. Zeitalters der Enldeckun-
ge?i, p. 97) that the later Middle Age adoptee} the circular form of the oekoumene in
consequence of a peculiar theory as to the relation of the land and water masses of the
earth, which were conceived as two intercepting spheres. The oekownene might easily
be spoken of as a round disk without implying that the whole earth was plane.1 That
the struggle of the Christian faith, at first for existence and then for the proper harvest-
ing of the fruits of victory, induced its earlier defenders to wage war against the learning
as well as the religion of the pagans ; that Christians were inclined to think time taken
from the contemplation of the true faith worse than wasted when given to investigations
into natural phenomena, which might better be accepted for what they professed to be ;
and that they often found in Scripture a welcome support for the evidence of the senses,
— cannot be denied. It was inevitable that St. Chrysostom, Lactantius, Orosius and
Origines rejected or declined to teach the sphericity of the earth. The curious systems
of Cosmas and Aethicus, marked by a return to the crudest conceptions of the universe,
found some favor in Europe. But the truth was not forgotten. The astronomical poems
of Aratus, Hyginus, and Manilius were still read. Solinus and other plunderers of Pliny
were popular, and kept alive the ancient knowledge. The sphericity of the earth was not
denied by St. Augustine ; it was maintained by Martianus Capella, and assumed by
Isidor of Seville. Bede 2 taught the whole system of ancient geography; and but little
later, Virgilius, bishop of Saltzburg, was threatened with papal displeasure, not for teach-
ing the sphericity of the earth, but for upholding the existence of antipodes.3 The
canons of Ptolemy were cited in the eleventh century by Hermann Contractus in his De
utilitatibus astrolabii, and in the twelfth by Hugues de Saint Victor in his Eruditio
didascalica. Strabo was not known before Pope Nicholas V., who ordered the first
translation. Not many to-day can illustrate the truth more clearly than the author of
E Image du Motide, an anonymous poem of the thirteenth century. If two men, he says,
were to start at the same time from a given point and go, the one east, the other west, —

Si que andui egaumont alassent
II convendroit qu'il s'encontrassent
Dessus le leu dont il se murent.4

In general, the mathematical and astronomical treatises were earlier known to the West
than the purely metaphysical works : this was the case in the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies ; in the thirteenth the schoolmen were familiar with the whole body of Aristotle's
works. Thus the influence of Aristotle on natural science was early important, either
through Arabian commentators or paraphrasers, or through translations made from the
Arabic, or directly from the Greek.5

Jourdain affirms that it was the influence of Aristotle and his interpreters that kept alive
in the Middle Ages the doctrine that India and Spain were not far apart. He also main-

1 See Cellarius, Notit. orb. anliq. i. ch. 2, de insect can walk all round the circumference of a
rotundilate terrae. See also Gunther, Aeltere pear. This notable poem has been lately stud-
und nenere Hypothese ueber die chronische Ver- ied by Fant, but is still unprinted. It was known
setzicng des Erdschwerpunktes durch Wassermas- to Abulfeda, that if two persons made the jour-
sen (Halle, 1878). ney described, they would on meeting differ by

2 De Natura Rcrum. two days in their calendar (Peschel, Gesch. d.

3 See ante, p. 31. In the second century St. Erdkunde, p. 132).

Clement spoke of the " Ocean impassible to 5 A. Jourdain, Recherches critique sur Idge et

man, and the worlds beyond it." 1st Episl. to r origin des traductions latines d'Aristote, et sur

Corinth, ch. 20. {Apostolic Fathers, Edinb. 1870, des commentaires Grecs et Arabes employes par les

p. 22.) docteurs scolastiques (Paris, 1843). See also De

4 Legrand d' A ussy, Image du Monde. Notices ! influence d' A r is tote et de ses interprMes sur la
et extraits de la BibliothZque dti Roi, etc., v. decouverte du nouveau-monde, par Ch. Jourdain
(1798), p. 260. It is also said that the earth is (Paris, 1861).

round, so that a man could go all round it as an

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

tains that the doctrine of the sphericity of the earth was familiar throughout the Middle
Age, and, if anything, more of a favorite than the other view.

The field of the later ecclesiastical and scholastic writers, who kept up the contentions
over the form of the earth and kindred subjects, is too large to be here minutely surveyed.
Such of them as were well known to the geographical students of the centuries next pre-
ceding Columbus have been briefly indicated in another place ; 1 and if not completely, yet
with helpful outlining, the whole subject of the mediaeval cosmology has been studied by
not a few of the geographical and cartographical students of later days.2 So far as these
.studies pertain to the theory of a Lost Atlantis and the fabulous islands of the Atlantic
Ocean, they will be particularly illustrated in the notes which follow this Essay.

^C^^^i

NOTES.

A. The Form of the Earth. — It is not easy to demonstrate that the earliest Greeks believed the earth
to be a flat disk, although that is the accepted and probably correct view of their belief. It is possible to
examine but a small part of the eailiest literature, and what we have is of uncertain date and dubious origin ;
its intent is religious or romantic, not scientific ; its form is poetic. It is difficult to interpret it accurately,
since the prevalent ideas of nature must be deduced from imagery, qualifying words and phrases, and seldom
from direct description. The interpreter, doubtful as to the proportion in which he finds mingled fancy and
honest faith, is in constant danger of overreaching himself by excess of ingenuity. In dealing with such a
literature one is peculiarly liable to abuse the always dangerous argument by which want of knowledge is
inferred from lack of mention. Other difficulties beset the use of later philosophic material, much of which is
preserved only in extracts made by antagonists or by compilers, so that we are forced to confront a lack of

1 See Vol. II., ch. i., Critical Essay.

2 Cf. a bibliographical note in St. Martin's
Histoire de Id Geographie (1873), p. 296. The
well-known Examen Critique of Humboldt, the
Recherches sur la geographie of Walckenaer, the
Geographie du moyen-dge of Lelewel, with a few
lesser monographic papers like Freville's " Me-
moire sur la Cosmographie du moyen-age," in
the Revue des Soc. Savautes, 1859, vol. ii., and
Gaffarel's " Les relations entre l'ancient monde
et l'Amerique, etaient-elles possible au moyen-
age," in the Bull, de la Soc. JVormaude de Geog,
1881, vol. iii. 209, will answer most purposes of
the general reader ; but certain special phases
will best be followed in Letronne's Des opinions
cosmographiques des Ph'es de V Eglisc, rapprochcr
des doctrines philosophiqucs de la Grece, in the
Revue des Deux Mondes, Mars, 1834, p. 601, etc.
The Vicomte Santarem's Essai sur Vhistoire de
la cosmographie et de la cartographic pendant le
moyen-dge, el sur les progrls de la geographie
aprh les grandes decouvertes du xv6 siecle (Paris,
1849-52), in 3 vols., was an introduction to the
great Atlas of mediaeval maps issued b" Santa-
rem, and had for its object the vindication of the
Portuguese to be considered the first explorers
of the African coast. He is more interested in

the burning zone doctrine than in the shape of
the earth. H. Wuttke's Ueber Erdkunde und
Ktdtur des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1853) is an ex-
tract from the Serapeum. G. Marinelli's Die
Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvdtern (Leipzig, 1884,
pp. 87) is very full on Cosmas, with drawings
from the MS. not elsewhere found ; Siegmund
Giinther's Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u.
Erdbewegung im Mittelalter bei den Occidentalen
(Halle, 1877), pp. 53, and his Die Lehre von der
Erdrundung u. Erdbezvegung bei den Arabern
und Hebrdern (Halle, 1877), pp. 127, give numer-
ous bibliographical references with exactness.
Specially interesting is Charles Jourdain's De
V influence d'Aristole et de ses inter pretes aux la
dccoiivcrtc du nouveau monde (Paris, 1S61), where
we read (p. 30) : " La pensee dominante de Co-
lomb etait l'hypothese de la proximite de l'Es-
pagne et de l'Asie, et . . . cette hypothese lui ve-
nait d'Aristote et des scolastiques ; " and again
(p. 24) : " Ce n'est pas a Ptolemee . . . que le
moyen age a emprunte l'hypothese d'une commu-
nication entre l'Europe et l'Asie par l'ocean At-
lantique. . . . Cette consequence, qui n'avait par
eschappe a Eratosthene, n'est pas enoncee par
Ptolemee tandis qu'elle retrouve de la maniere
la plus expresse chcz Aristote."

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 39

context and possible misunderstanding or misquotation. The frequent use of the word aTpoyyvAos, which has
the same ambiguity as our word " round ;' in common parlance, often leads to uncertainty. A more fruitful
cause of trouble is inherent in the Greek manner of thinking of the world. It is often difficult to know
whether a writer means the planet, or whether he means the agglomeration of known lands which later
writers called y) oi/coujueVr/. It is not impossible that when writers refer to the earth as encircled by the river
Oceanus, they mean, not the globe, but the known lands, the eastern continent, as we say, what the Romans
sometimes called orbis terrae or orbis terrarum, a term which may mean the "circle of the lands," not the
" orb of the earth." At a later time it was a well-known belief that the earth-globe and water-globe were
excentrics, so that a segment of the former projected beyond the surface of the latter in one part, and con-
stituted the known world.1

I cannot attach much importance to the line of argument with which modern writers since Voss have tried
to prove that the Homeric poems represent the earth flat. That Poseidon, from the mountains of the Solymi,
sees Odesseus on the sea to the west of Greece (Od. v. 282) ; that Helios could see his cattle in Thrinakia
both as he went toward the heavens and as he turned toward the earth again (Od. xii. 380) ; that at sunset
" all the ways are darkened ; " that the sun and the stars set in and rose from the ocean, — these and similar
proofs seem to me to have as little weight as attaches to the expressions " ends of the earth," or to the flowing
of Oceanus around the earth. There are, however, other and better reasons for assuming that the earth in
earliest thought was flat. Such is the most natural assumption from the evidence of sight, and there is
certainly nothing in the older writings inconsistent with such an idea. We know, moreover, that in the time
of Socrates it was yet a matter of debate as to whether the earth was flat or spherical, as it was in the time of
Plutarch.2 We are distinctly told by Aristotle that various forms were attributed to earth by early philoso-
phers, and the implication is that the spherical theory, whose truth he proceeds to demonstrate, was a new
thought.3 It is very unlikely, except to those who sincerely accept the theory of a primitive race of unequalled
wisdom, that the sphericity of the earth, having been known to Homer, should have been cast aside by the
Ionic philosophers and the Epicureans, and forgotten by educated people five or six centuries later, as it
must have been before the midnight voyage of Helios in his golden cup, and before similar attempts to
account for the return of the sun could have become current. Ignorance of the true shape of the earth is also
indicated by the common view that the sun appeared much larger at rising to the people of India than to the
Grecians, and at setting presented the same phenomenon in Spain.4 As we have seen, the description of
Tartarus in the Theogony of Hesiod, which Fick thinks an interpolation of much later date, likens the earth
to a lid.

The question has always been an open one. Crates of Mallos, Strabo, and other Homer-worshippers of
antiquity, could not deny to the poet any knowledge current in their day, but their reasons for assuming that
he knew the earth to be a globe are not strong. In recent years President Warren has maintained that
Homer's earth was a sphere with Oceanus flowing around the equator, that the pillars of Atlas meant the axis
of the earth, and that Ogygia was at the north pole.5 Homer, however, thought that Oceanus flowed around
the known lands, not that it merely grazed their southern border : it is met with in the east where the sun
rises, in the west (Od. iv. 567), and in the north (Od. v. 275).

That " Homer and all the ancient poets conceived the earth to be a plane " was distinctly asserted by
Geminus in the first century b. c.,6 and has been in general steadfastly maintained by moderns like Voss/
V61cker,8 Buchholtz," Gladstone,10 Martin,11 Schaefer,12 and Gruppe.13 It is therefore intrinsically probable,
commonly accepted, and not contradicted by what is known of the literature of the time itself.14

B. Homer's Geography. — There is an extensive literature on the geographic attainments of Homer, but
it is for the most part rather sad reading. The later Greeks had a local identification for every place men-

1 See also ante, p. 37. 8 Ueber H omerische Geographie und Weltkunde (Han-

2 Plato, Phaedo, 108; Plutarch, De facie. over, 1830).

3 Aristotle, De caelo, ii. 13. 9 Homerische Realien, I. 1. Homerische Cosmographie

4 Ctesias, On India, ch. v. (ed. Didot, p. 80), says the und Geographie (Leipzig, 1871).

rising sun appears ten times larger in India than in Greece. 10 Homer a7id the Homeric Age (London, 1858), ii. 334.

Strabo, Geogr. iii. 1, § 5, quotes Posidonius as denying a The question of Aeaea, " where are the dancing placesof the

similar story of the setting sun as seen from Gades. dawn" (Od. xii. 5), almost inducer, Gladstone to believe

Whether Herodotus had a similar idea when he wrote that Homer thought the earth cylindrical, but it may be

that in India the mornings were torrid, the noons temperate doubted if the expression means more than an outburst of

and the evenings cold (Herod, iii. 104), is uncertain. Also joy at returning from the darkness beyond ocean to the

see Dionysius Periegetes, Periplus, iioq-iiit, in Geographi realm of light.

Graect minores. Ed. C. Mueller (Paris, Didot, 1861), ii. n " Memoire sur la cosmographie Grecque a l'epoque

172). Rawlinson sees in it only a statement of climatic d;Homere et d'Hesiode," in Mint, da PA cad. des Inscr.

fact- et des Belles Lettres, xxviii. (1874) 1, 211-235.

6 T/ie True Key to Ancient Cosmogonies, in the Year 12 Entwicklung der Ansichten des Alterthums tieber

Book 0/ Boston University, 1882, and separately, Boston, Gestalt und Grosse der Erde. Leipzig, 1868. (Gymn. z.

1882 ; and in his Paradise Found, 4th ed. (Boston, 1885). Insterburg.)

6 Geminus, Isagoge, c. 13. « Die A'osmischeu Systeme der Griechcn (Berlin, 1851).

7 " Ueber die Gestalt der Erde nach den Begriffen der u See also Keppel, Die Ansichten der alten Griechen
Alten," in Kritische Blatter, ii. (1790) 130. und R'dmer von der Gestalt, Grosse, und Weltstellting der

Erde. (Schweinfurt, 1884.)

40 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

tinned in the Odyssey; but conservative scholars at present are chary of such, while agreed in confining the
scene of the wanderings to the western Mediterranean. Gladstone, in Homer and the Homeric Age, has
argued with ingenuity for the transfer of the scene from the West to the East, and has constructed on this
basis one of the most extraordinary maps of " the ancient world '; known. K. E. von Baer ( Wo ist der Schau-
flatz (/. Fahrten d. Odysseus zu finden? 1875), agreeing with Gladstone, " identifies " the Lastrygonian
harbor with Balaklava, and discovers the very poplar grove of Persephone. It is a favorite scheme with
others to place the wanderings outside the columns of Hercules, among the Atlantic isles,1 and to include a
circumnavigation of Africa. The better opinion seems to me that which leaves the wanderings in the western
.Mediterranean, which was considered to extend much farther north than it actually does. The maps which
represent the voyage within the actual coast lines of the sea, and indicate the vessel passing through the
Straits to the ocean, are misleading. There is not enough given in the poem to resolve the problem. The
courses are vague, the distances uncertain or conventional, — often neither are given ; and the matter is com-
plicated by the introduction of a floating island, and the mysterious voyages from the land of the Phaeacians.
It is a pleasant device adopted by Buchholtz and others to assume that where the course is not given, the
wind last mentioned must be considered to still hold, and surely no one will grudge the commentators this
amelioration of their lot.

C. Supposed References to America. — It is well known that Columbus's hopes were in part based
on passages in classical authors.2 Glareanus, quoting Virgil in 1527, after Columbus's discovery had
made the question of the ancient knowledge prominent, has been considered the earliest to open the discus-
sion ; 3 and after this we find it a common topic in the early general writers on America, like Las Casas (His-
toria General), Ramusio (introd. vol. iii.), and Acosta (book i. ch. 11, etc.)

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it was not an uncommon subject of academic and learned dis-
cussion.4 It was a part of the survey made by many of the writers who discussed the origin of the American
tribes, like Garcia,5 Lafitau,6 Samuel Mather," Robertson,8 not to name others.

It was not till Humboldt compassed the subject in his Examen Critique de Vhistoire de la geographic du
nouveau continent (Paris, 1836), that the field was fully scanned with a critical spirit, acceptable to the
modern mind. He gives two of the five volumes which comprise the work to this part of his subject, and
very little has been added by later research, while his conclusions still remain, on the whole, those of the most
careful of succeeding writers. The French original is not equipped with guides to its contents, such as a
student needs ; but this is partly supplied by the index in the German translation.9 The impediments which
the student encounters in the Exame7i Critique are a good deal removed in a book which is on the whole the
easiest guide to the sources of the subject, — Paul Gaffarel's Etude stir les rapports de VAmerique et de
Vancien covthtent avaiit CJiristophe Colomb (Paris, 1869).10

The literature of the supposed old-world communication with America shows other phases of this question
of ancient knowledge, and may be divided, apart from the Greek embraced in the previous survey, into
those of the Egyptians, Phoenicians, Tyrians, Carthaginians, and Romans.

1 For example, K. Jarz, " Wo sind die Homerischen In- In Brunn's Bibliotheca Danica are a number of titles
seln Trinakie, Scherie, etc. zu suchen ? " in Zeiischr. filr of dissertations bearing on the subject; they are mostly
wissensch. Geogr. ii. 10-18, 21. old.

2 See Vol. II. p. 26. His son Ferdinand enlarges upon 5 Even the voyage of Kolaos, mentioned in Herodotus
this. The passage in Seneca's Medea was a favorite. This (iv. 152), is supposed by Garcia a voyage to America.

is often considered rather as a lucky prophecy. Leibnitz, c Mceurs des Sauvages (Paris, 1724).

Opera Philologica (Geneva, 1708), vi. 317. Charles Sum- 7 Attempt to show that America must have been known

ner's " Prophetic Voices concerning America," in Atlantic to the Ancients (Boston, 1773).

Monthly, Sept. 1867 (also separately, Boston, 1874). Hist. 8 History 0/ America, 1775.

Mag. xiii. 176; xv. 140. 9 See Vol. II. p. 68. Humboldt (i. 191) adopts the view

3 Vol. II. 25. Harrisse, Bib. Amer. Vet. i. 262. of Ortelius that the grand continent mentioned by Plu-

4 Perizonius, in his note to the story of Silenus and tarch is America and not Atlantis. Cf. Brasseur's Lettres
Midas, quoted from Theopompus by ./Elian in his Varia a M. le Due de Valmy, p. 57.

Histories (Rome, 1545; in Latin, Basle, 1548; in English, 10 Gaffarel has since elaborated this part of the book in

1576), quotes the chief references in ancient writers. Cf. some papers, " Les Grecs et les Romains ont-ils connu

./Elian, ed. by Perizonius, Lugd. Bat. i70i,p. 217. Among l'Amerique ?" in the Revue de Geographie (Oct. 1881, et

fr the writers of the previous century quoted by this editor are seq.), ix. 241, 420; x. 21, under the heads of traditions,

Rupertus, Dissertationes mixtce ad Val. Max. (Nurem- theories, and voyages.

berg, 1663). Math. Berniggerus, Ex Taciti Germania There are references in Bancroft's Native Races, v.

et Agricola questiones (Argent. 1640). Eras. Schmidt, ch. 1; and in his Cent. America, vi. 70, etc.; in Short,

Dissert, de A me rica, which is annexed to Schmidt's ed. No. Amer. of Antiq., 146, 466, 474; in DeCosta's Pre-

of Pindar (Witelsbergae, 1616), where it is spoken of as Columbian Discovery. Brasseur touches the subject in his

" Discursus de insula Atlantica ultra columnas Herculis introduction to his Landaus Relation; Charles Jourdain, in

quae America hodie dicitur." Cluverius, Introduction in his De P influence d^ Aristote et de ses interpreies sur la

univers. geogr., vi. 21, § 2, supports this view, ist ed., decouverte du nouveaii iuo7idc (Paris, 1861), taken from

1624. In the ed. 1729 is a note by Reiskius on the same the Journal de P Instruction Publique. A recent book,

side, with references (p. 667). W. S. Blackett's Researches, etc. (Lond. 1883), may be

Of the same century is J. D. Victor's Disputatio de avoided.
America (Jcnx, 1670).

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 41

The Egyptian theory has been mainly worked out in the present century. Paul Felix Cabrera's Teatro critico
Americano, printed with Rio's Palenque (Lond., 1S22), formulates the proofs. An essay by A. Lenoir, com-
paring the Central American monuments with those of Egypt, is appended to Dupaix's Ant ignites Mcxi-
caities (1805). Delafield:s Inquiry into the Origin of the' Antiquities of America (Cincinnati, 1839), traces it
to the Cushites of Egypt, and cites Garcia y Cubas, Ensayo de an Estudio Comfarativo entre las Pirdmides
Egipdas y Mexicanas. Brasseur de Bourbourg discussed the question, S'iU existe des sources de V histoire
Primitive du Mexique dans les monuments egypticns de F histoire primitive de Vancien monde dans les
monuments amcricains? in his ed. of Landa's Relations des Choses de Yucatan (Paris, 1864). Buckle {Hist,
of Civilization, i. ch. 2) believes the Mexican civilization to have been strictly analogous to that of India and
Egypt. Tylor {Early Hist, of Mankind, 98) compares the Egyptian hieroglyphics with those of the Aztecs.
John T. C. Heaviside, A)ner. Antiquities, or the New World the Old, and the Old World the New (Lon-
don, 1868), maintains the reverse theory of the Egyptians being migrated Americans. F. de Varnhagen
works out his belief in Vorigine touranienne des amcricains tupis-caribes et des anciens egyptiens montrce
principalement par la philologie comparce ; ct notice d'une emigration en Amerique eff educe a travers
lAtlantique plusieurs siecles avant notre ere (Vienne 1876). !

Aristotle's mention of an island discovered by the Phoenicians was thought by Gomara and Oviedo to refer to
America. The elder leading writers on the origin of the Indians, like Garcia, Horn, De Laet, and at a later day
Lafitau, discuss the Phoenician theory ; as does Voss in his annotations on Pomponius Mela (1658), and Count
de Gebelin in his Monde primitif (Paris, 1781). In the present century the question has been touched by
Cabrera in Rio's Palenque (1822). R. A. Wilson, in his New Conquest of Mexico, assigns (ch. v.) the ruins
of Middle America to the Phoenicians. Morlot, in the Actes de la Societe Jurassienne d' Emulation (1863),
printed his " La decouverte de l'Amerique par les Pheniciens." Gaffarel sums up the evidences in a paper in
the Compte Rendu, Cong, des Amer. (Nancy), i. 93.2

The Tyrian theory has been mainly sustained by a foolish book, by a foolish man, An Original History of
Anc. America (London, 1843), by Geo. Jones, later known as the Count Johannes (cf. Bancroft's Native
Races, v. 73).

The Carthaginian discovery rests mainly on the statements of Diodorus Siculus.3

Baron Zach in his Correspondenz undertakes to say that Roman voyages to America were common in the
days of Seneca, and a good deal of wild speculation has been indulged in.4

D. Atlantis. — The story of Atlantis rests solely upon the authority of Plato, who sketched it in the
Timaeus, and began an elaborated version in the Critias (if that fragment be by him), which old writers often
cite as the Atlanticus. This is frequently forgotten by those who try to establish the truth of the story, who
■often write as if all statements in print were equally available as " authorities," and quote as corroborations
of the tale all mentions of it made by classical writers, regardless of the fact that all are later than Plato, and
-can no more than Ignatius Donnelly corroborate him. In fact, the ancients knew no better than we what to
make of the story, and diverse opinions prevailed then as now. Many of these opinions are collected by Pro-
clus in the first book of his commentary on the Timaeus^ and all shades of opinion are represented from
those who, like Crantor, accepted the story as simply historical, to those who regarded it as a mere fable.
Still others, with Proclus himself, accepted it as a record of actual events, while accounting for its introduction
in Plato by a variety of subtile metaphysical interpretations. Proclus reports that Crantor, the first commen-
tator upon Plato {circa b. c. 300), asserted that the Egyptian priests said that the story was written on pillars
which were still preserved,6 and he likewise quotes from the Ethiopic History of Marcellus, a writer of whom

1 Of lesser importance are these : Bancroft's Native 3 Cf. Johr. Langius, Medicinaliutn Epistolarum Miscel-
Races, iv. 364, v. 55 ; Short, 418; Stephens's Cent. Amer., lanea (Basle, 1554-60), with a chapter, " De novis Americi
ii. 438-442; M'Culloh's Researches, 171; Weise, Discov- orbis insulis, antea ab Hannone Carthaginein repertis ; "
eries of America, p. 2; Campbell in Compte Rendu, Gebelin's Monde Primitif; Bancroft's Native Races, iii.
Congres des Amer. 1875, i. W. L. Stone asks if the 313, v. 77; Short, 145, 209.

mound-builders were Egyptians {Mag. Amer. History, ii. * A specimen is in M. V. Moore's paper in the Mag. of

533)- Amer. Hist. (1884), xii. 113, 354. There are various fugi-

2 Of less importance are : Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 63- tive references to Roman coins found often many feet under
77, with references ; Short, 145 ; Baldwin's A nc. A merica, ground, in different parts of America. See for such, Or-
162, 171 ; Warden's Recherches, etc. The more general telius, Theatrum orbis terrar7tm ; Haywood's Tennes-
discussion of Humboldt, Brasseur {Nat. Civ.), Gaffarel see (1820); Hist. Mag., v. 314; Mag. Amer. Hist., xiii.
{Rapport), De Costa, etc, of course helps the investigator 457 ; Marcel de Serre, Cosmogonie de Moise, p. 32 ; and
to clues. for pretended Roman inscriptions, Brasseur de Bourbourg,

The subject is mixed up with some absurdity and deceit. Nat. Civ. Mex., preface; Journal de F Instruction Pub-

The Dighton Rock has passed for Phoenician (Stiles' lique, Juin, 1853; Humboldt, Exam. Crit.,\. 166; Gaf-

Sermon, 1783; Yates and Moulton's New York). At one farel in Rev. de Grog., ix. 427.

time a Phoenician inscription in Brazil was invented {Am. B Prodi commentarius in Platonis Timaeum. Rec.
Geog. Soc. Bull. 1886, p. 364; St. John V. Day's Pre- C.E. C. Schneider. {Vratislaviae, 1847.) The Cowmen-
historic Use of Iron, Lond. 1877, p. 62). The notorious taries of Proclus on the Timaeus of Plato. Translated
Cardiff giant, conveniently found in New York state, was by Thomas Taylor, 2 vols. 40. (London, 1820.) Proclus
presented to a credulous public as Phoenician {Am. lived a. d. 412-485. The passages of importance are found
Antiq. Soc. Proc, Ap. 1875). The history of this hoax is in the translation, vol. i. pp. 64, 70, 144, 148.
given by W. A. McKinney in the New Englander, 1875, 6 Taylor, i. 64.
P- 759-

42 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

nothing else is known, a statement that according to certain historians there were seven islands in the external
sea sacred to Proserpine ; and also three others of great size, one sacred to Pluto, one to Ammon, and another,
the middle one, a thousand stadia in size, sacred to Neptune. The inhabitants of it preserved the remem-
brance, from their ancestors, of the Atlantic island which existed there, and was truly prodigiously great,
which for many periods had dominion over ail the islands in the Atlantic sea, and was itself sacred to Nep-
tune.1 Testimony like this is of little value in such a case. What comes to us at third hand is more apt to
need support than give it; yet these two passages are the strongest evidence of knowledge of Atlantis
outside of Plato that is preserved. We do indeed find mention of it elsewhere and earlier. Thus Strabo 2
says that Posidonius (b. c. 135-51) suggested that, as the land was known to have changed in elevation,
Atlantis might not be a fiction, but that such an island-continent might actually have existed and disappeared.
Pliny8 also mentions Atlantis in treating of changes in the earth's surface, though he qualifies his quota-
tion with " si Platoni credimus." 4 A mention of the story in a similar connection is made by Ammianus
Marcellinus.5

In the Scholia to Plato's Republic it is said that at the great Panathenaea there was carried in procession a
fcplum ornamented with representations of the contest between the giants and the gods, while on the peplunt
carried in the little Panathenaea could be seen the war of the Athenians against the Atlantides. Even
Humboldt accepted this as an independent testimony in favor of the antiquity of the story; but Martin has
shown that, apart from the total inconsistency of the report with the expressions of Plato, who places the narra-
tion of this forgotten deed of his countrymen at the celebration of the festival of the little Panathenaea, the
scholiast has only misread Proclus, who states that the peplum depicted the repulse of the barbarians, i. e.
Persians, by the Greeks.6 To these passages it is customary to add references to the Meropian continent of
Theopompus," the Saturnian of Plutarch, the islands of Aristotle, Diodorus and Pausanias, — which is very
much as if one should refer to the New Atlantis of Bacon as evidence for the existence of More's Utopia*
Plutarch in his life of Solon attributes Solon's having given up the idea of an epic upon Atlantis to his advanced
age rather than to want of leisure ; but there is nothing to show that he had any evidence beyond Plato that
Solon ever thought of such a poem, and Plato does not say that Solon began the poem, though Plutarch
appears to have so understood him.9 Thus it seems more probable that all the references to Atlantis by
ancient writers are derived from the story in Plato than that they are independent and corroborative state-
ments.

With the decline of the Platonic school at Alexandria even the name of Atlantis readily vanished from
literature. It is mentioned by Tertullian,10 and found a place in the strange system of Cosmas Indico-pleustes,11
but throughout the Middle Ages little or nothing was known of it. That it was not quite forgotten appears
from its mention in the Image du Monde, a poem of the thirteenth century, still in MS., where it is assigned
a location in the Mer Betce (= coagulee).12 Plato was printed in Latin in 1483, 1484, 1491, and in Greek
in 1513, and in 1534 with the commentary of Proclus on the Timaeus.13 The Timaens was printed sepa-
rately five times in the sixteenth century, and also in a French and an Italian translation.14

The discovery of America doubtless added to the interest with which the story was perused, and the old
controversy flamed up with new ardor. It was generally assumed that the account given by Plato was not his
invention. Opinions were, however, divided as to whether he had given a correct account. Of those who
believed that he had erred as to the locality or as to the destruction of the island, some thought that America
was the true Atlantis, while others, with whose ideas we have no concern here, placed Atlantis in Africa, Asia,
or Europe, as prejudice led them. Another class of scholars, sensible of the necessity of adhering to the text
of the only extant account, accepted the whole narrative, and endeavored to find in the geography of the

1 Prod, in Tim. (Schneider), p. 126; Taylor, i. 148. Rhine (ab insulis extimis confluxisse et tractibus transrhe-
Also in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. Mueller. nanis) whence they were driven by wars and the incursions
(Paris, 1852), vol. iv. p. 443. of the sea (Timag. in Mueller, Frag. hist, of Graec., iii.

2 Geogr. ii. § 3, § 6 (p. 103). 323). It would seem incredible that this should be dragged

3 Hist. Nat., ii. 92. into the Atlantis controversy, but such has been the case.

4 The Atlantis mentioned by Pliny in Hist. Nat., vi. 36, 9 Plutarch, Solon, at end. R. Prinz, De Solouis Flu-
is apparently entirely distinct from the Atlantis of Plato. tarchifontibus (Bonnas, 1857).

5 Amm. Marc. xvii. 7, § 13. Fiunt autem terrarum mo- 10 De Pallio, 2,Apol., p. 32. Also by Arnobius, Adver-
tus modis quattuor, aut enim brasmatiae sunt, . . . aut cli- sus gentes, i. 5.

matiae . . . aut chasmatiae, qui grandiori motu patefactis n Ed. Montfaucon, i. 1 14-125, ii. 131, 136-138, iv. 186-

subito voratrinis terrarum partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico 192, xii. 340.

mare Europaeo orbe spatiosor insula, etc. (Ed. Eyssen- 12 Gaffarel in Revue de Geographie, vi.

liardt, Berlin, 1871, p. ior,). *> Platoiiis omnia opere cum comm. Proclii in Timacum,

' Martin, Etudes sur le Tin/rc (1841), i. 305, 306. The etc. (Basil. Valderus, 1534).

passage in question is in Schol. ad Remfiubl, p. 327, Plato, u Ex Platoni Timaco particula, Ciccronis libro dc u?ii-

ed. I'xkker, vol. ix. p. 67. versitatc respoiidens. . . . op. jo. Perizonii (Paris, Tileta-

7 Cited in Aelian's Varia I/istoria, \\\. ch. 18. For the nus, 1540; Basil, s. a.; Paris, Morell, 1551). Interpret.

other references see above, pp. 23, 25, 26. Cicerone ct Cbalcidio, etc. (Paris, 1579)- Le Timee de

M Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 9) quotes from Timagenes Platon, translate dn grec en frattcais, par L. Ir Roy, etc

(who wrote in the first century a history of Caul, now lost) (Paris, 1551, 1581). II dialogo di Flatotie, intttolato il Ti-

a statement that some of the Cauls had originally immi- maro trad, da Sb. Erizzo, miov. mandato en luce d. Gir.

grated from very distant islands and from lands beyond the Ruscellii (Venet. 1558).

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 43

Atlantic, or as indicated by the resemblances between the flora, fauna, and civilization of America and of the
old world, additional reasons for believing that such an island had once existed, and had disappeared after
serving as a bridge by which communication between the continents was for a time carried on. The discussion
was prolonged over centuries, and is not yet concluded. 'The wilder theories have been eliminated by time,
and the contest may now be said to be between those who accept Plato's tale as true and those who regard it
as an invention. The latter view is at present in favor with the most conservative and careful scholars, but
the other will always find advocates. That Atlantis was America was maintained by Gomara, Guillaume
de Postel, Horn, and others incidentally, and by Birchrod in a special treatise,1 which had some influence even
upon the geographer Cellarius. In 1669 ^ie Sansons published a map showing America divided among the
descendants of Neptune as Atlantis was divided, and even as late as 1762 Vaugondy reproduced it.'2 In
his edition of Plato, Stallbaum expressed his belief that the Egyptians might have had some knowledge of
America 3 Cluverius thought the story was due to a knowledge of America.4

Very lately Hyde Clark has found in the Atlantis fable evidence of a knowledge of America : he does not
believe in the connecting island Atlantis, but he holds that Plato misinterpreted some account of America
which had reached him.5 Except for completeness it is scarcely worth mentioning that Blackett, whose work
can really be characterized by no other word than absurd, sees America in Atlantis.6

Here should be mentioned a work by Berlioux, which puts Euhemerus to the blush in the manner in which
history with much detail is extorted from mythology.7 He holds that Atlantis was the northwestern coast of
Africa; that under Ouranos and Atlas, astronomers and kings, it was the seat of a great empire which had
conquered portions of America and kept a lively commercial intercourse with that country.

Ortelius in several places speaks of the belief that America was the old Atlantis, and also attributes that
belief to Mercator.8

That Atlantis might really have existed9 and disappeared, leaving the Atlantic islands as remnants, was too
evident to escape notice. Ortelius suggested that the island of Gades might be a fragment of Atlantis,10 and
the doctrine was early a favorite. Kircher, in his very curious work on the subterranean world, devotes
considerable space to Atlantis, rejecting its connection with America, while he maintains its former existence,
and holds that the Azores, Canaries, and other Atlantic islands were formerly parts thereof, and that they
showed traces of volcanic fires in his day.11

Las Casas in his history of the Indies devoted an entire chapter to Atlantis, quoting the arguments of
Proclus, in his commentary on Plato, in favor of the story, though he is himself more doubtful. He also
cites confirmative passages from Philo and St. Anselm, etc. He considers the question of the Atlantic isles,
and cites authorities for great and sudden changes in the earth's surface.12

The same view was taken by Becman,13 and Fortia D'Urban. Turnefort included America in the list of
remnants ; and De la Borde followed Sanson in extending Atlantis to the farthest Pacific islands.14 Bory
de St. Vincent,15 again, limited Atlantis to the Atlantic, and gave on a map his ideas of its contour.

D'Avezac maintains this theory in his lies africaines de VOcean Atlantique^ p. 5-8. Carli devoted a
large part of the second volume of his Lettere Americane to Atlantis, controverting Baily, who placed Atlantis

1 Birchrodii Schediasma de orbe novo non novo (Alt- 9 Bartolome de las Casas, Historia de las Indias. Ed.
dorf, 1683). De la Fuensanto de Valle and J. S. Rayon (Madrid,

2 The representation of Sanson is reproduced on p. 18. 1875), i. cap. viii. pp. 73-79.

The full title of these curious maps is given by Martin, 10 Taylor, in the introduction to the Timaeus, in his

Etudes sur le Timee, i. 270, notes. translation of Plato, regards as almost impious the doubts

3 Plato, ed. Stallbaum (Gothae, 1838), vii. p. 99, note E. as to the truth of the narrative. The Works of Plato, vol.
See also his Prolegomena de Critia, in the same volume, i. London, 1804.

for further discussion and references. XI Thes. Geogr., s. v. Gadirus.

4 Cluverius, hitrodtict., ed. 1729, p. 667. 12 Athanasii Kircheril Mundus subterraneus in xii.

6 Examination of the legend of Atlantis in reference libros digestus (Amsterd., 1678), pp. 80-83. He gives a
to proto-historic commttnications with America, in the cut illustrative of his views on p. 82.

Trans. Royal Hist. Soc. (Lond., 1885), iii. p. 1-46. 13 Historia orbis terrar7im geographica et civ His, cap. 5,

0 W. S. Blackett, Researches into the lost histories of § 2, hist, insul. I. C. Becmann, 2d ed. (Francfort on Oder,

America; or, the Zodiac shown to be an old terrestrial 1680). Title from British Museum, as I have been unable

map in which the Atlantic isle is delineated, etc. (London. to see the work. The Allg. Deutsche Biographie says the

18S3), p. 31, 32. The work is not too severely judged by first edition appeared in 1680. It was a book of considerable

W. F. Poole, in the Dial (Chicago), Sept. 84, note. The note in its day.

author's reasons for believing that Atlantis could not have 14 De la Borde, Histoire abregee de la mer du Sud

sunk are interesting in a way. The Fourth Rept. Bur. of (Paris, 1791).

Ethnology (p. 251) calls it " a curiosity of literature." X6 J. B. G. M. Bory de St. Vincent, Essais sur les isles

7 E. F. Berlioux, Les Atlantes: histoire de V Atlantis, Fortuities et V antique Atlantide (Paris, an xi. or 1803), ch.
et de V Atlas primitif (Paris, 1883). It originally made 7. Si les Canaries et les autres isles de Tocean Atlantique
part of the first Annuaire of the Faculte* des lettres de offrent les ddbris d'un continent, pp. 427, etc. His map
Lyon (Paris, 1883). is given ante, p. 19.

8 Thesaurus Geogr., 1587, under A tlantis. See also w This is the second part of his lies de PAfrtque{ Paris,
under Gades and Gadirus. On folio 2 of his Theatrum 1848), belonging to the series VUnivers. Histoire et de-
orb is terrarum he rejects the notion that the ancients scription de tous les peuples, etc. Cf. also his Les ilesfan-
knew America, but in the index, under Atlantis, he says tastiques (Paris, 1845).

forte A merica.

44 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

in Spitzbergen. Carli goes at considerable length into the topographical and geological arguments in favor of
its existence.1 The early naturalists, when the doctrine of great and sudden changes in the earth's surface
was in favor, were inclined to look with acquiescence on this belief. Even Lyell confessed a temptation to
accept the theory of an Atlantis island in the northern Atlantic, though he could not see in the Atlantic
islands trace of a mid-Atlantic bridge.'2 About the middle of this century scholars in several departments of
learning, accepting the evidences of resemblances between the product of the old and new world, were induced
to turn gladly to such a connection as would have been offered by Atlantis ; and the results obtained at about
the same time by studies in the pre-Columbian traditions and civilization of Mexico were brought forward as
supporting the same theory. That the Antilles were remnants of Atlantis; that the Toltecs were descendants
from the panic-stricken fugitives of the great catastrophe, whose terrors were recorded in their traditions, as
well as in those of the Egyptians, was ardently urged by Brasseur de Bourbourg.8

In 1S59 Retzius announced that he found a close resemblance between the skulls of the Guanches of the
Canaries and the Guaranas of Brazil, and recalled the Atlantis story to explain it.4 In 1846 Forbes declared
his belief in the former existence of a bridge of islands in the North Atlantic, and in 1856 Heer attempted to
show the necessity of a similar connection from the testimony of palaeontological botany.

In i860, Unger deliberately advocated the Atlantis hypothesis to explain the likeness between the fossil
flora of Europe and the living flora of America, enumerating over fifty similar species ; and Kuntze found in
the case of the tropical seedless banana, occurring at once in America before 1492 and in Africa, a strong
evidence of the truth of the theory.5

A condensed review of the scientific side of the question is given by A. Boue in his article Ueber die Rolle
■der Verandcrungen des unorganischen Festen im grossen Masssiabe in der Nature

The deep-sea soundings taken in the Atlantic under the auspices of the governments of the United States,
England, and Germany resulted in discoveries which gave a new impetus to the Atlantis theory. It was
shown that, starting from the Arctic plateau, a ridge runs down the middle of the Atlantic, broadening toward
the Azores, and contracting again as it trends toward the northeast coast of South America. The depth over
the ridge is less than 1,000 fathoms, while the valleys on either side average 3,000; it is known after the U. S.
vessel which took the soundings as the Dolphin ridge. A similar though more uniformly narrow ridge
was found by the " Challenger " expedition (1873-76), extending from somewhat north of Ascension Island
directly south between South America and Africa. It is known as the Challenger ridge. There is, beside,
•evidence for the existence of a ridge across the tropical Atlantic, connecting the Dolphin and Challenger
ridges. Madeira, the Canaries, and the Cape Verde Islands are cut off from these ridges by a deep valley,
but are connected by shoals with the continent. Upon the publication of the Challenger chart {Special Re-
port, vii. 1876), those who favored the theory of communication between the continents were not slow to
appropriate its disclosures in their interests {Nature, Dec. 21, 1876, xv. 158). In March, 1877, YV. Stephen
Mitchell delivered a lecture at South Kensington, wherein he placed in juxtaposition the theory of Unger
and the revelations of the deep-sea soundings, when he announced, however, that he did not mean to assert
that these ridges had ever formed a connecting link above water between the continents.'' Others were less
■cautious,8 but in general this interpretation did not commend itself as strongly to conservative men of science
as it might have done a few years before, because such men were gradually coming to doubt the fact of
•changes of great moment in the earth's surface, even those of great duration.

In 1869, M. Paul Gaffarel published his first treatise on Atlantis,9 advocating the truth of the story, and in
1880 he made it the subject of deeper research, utilizing the facts which ocean exploration had placed at
command.10 This is the best work which has appeared upon this side of the question, and can only be set against

1 G. R. Carli, Delle Lettere Americane, ii. (1780). January, 1865. Asa Gray had already called attention to
Lettere, vii. and following ; especially xiii. and following. the remarkable resemblance between the flora of Japan and

2 Lyell, Elements of Geology (Lond., 1841), p. 141; and that of eastern North America, but had not found the
his Principles 0/ Geology, 10th ed. Buffon dated the invention of a Pacific continent preferable to the hypothe-
separation of the new and old world from the catastrophe of sis of a progress of plants of the temperate zone round by
Atlantis. Epoques de la Nat., ed. Flourens, ix. 570. Behring's Strait {Memoirs of the American Academy of

3 Quatres lettres sur la Mexique ; Popid Vuh, p. xcix, Arts and Sciences, vi. 377). Unger's theory has been also
and his Sources de Vhistoire pri7nitive du Mexique, sec- more or less urged in Heer's Flora Tertiaria Helveticae
tion viii. pp. xxiv, xxxiii, xxxviii and ix, in his edition of (1854-58) and his Urwelt der Schweitz (1865), and by Otto
Diego da Landa, Relation des choses de Yucata?i (Paris, Ule in his Die Erde (1874), i. 27.

1864). H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, iii. 112,264,4^0; v. G Sitzungsberichte der Math. Phys. Classed, k. A kad. d.

127, develops Brasseur's theory. In his Hist. Nat. Civili- Wissensch. at Vienna, lvii. (1868) p. 12.

sees he compares the condition of the Colhua kingdom of 7 The "Lost Atlantis" and the "Challenger" sound-

Xihalba with Atlantis, and finds striking similarities. Le ings, Nature, 26 April, 1877, xv. 553, with sketch map.

Plongeon in his Sacred Mysteries (p. 92) accepts Bras- 8 J. Starkie Gardner, H07V were the eocenes of England

seur's theory. deposited? in Popidar Science Review (London), July,

4 A. Retzius, Present state of Ethnology in relation to 1878, xvii. 282. Edw. H. Thompson, A tlantis not a Myth,
the for in of the human skull (Smithsonian Report, 1859), in Popular Science Monthly, Oct., 1879, xv. 759; reprinted
p. 266. The resemblance is not indorsed by M. Verneau, in Journal of Science, Lond., Nov. 1879.

who has lately made a detailed study of the aborigines of 9 Etude sur les rapports de PA tlantis et de Pancien

the < anaries. continent avant Colomb (Paris, 1869).

c F. Unger, Die versunkene fusel Atlantis (Wien, 10 Revue de Geographic, Mars, Avril, 1880, torn. vi. et

1860). Translated in the Journal of Botany (London), vii.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS.

the earlier work by Martin.1 The same theory has been supported by D. P. de Novo y Colson, who went so-
far as to predict the ultimate recovery of some Atlantean manuscripts from submarine grottoes of some of the
Atlantic islands, — a hope which surpasses Mr. Donnelly.2

Winchell found the theory too useful in his scheme of ethnology to be rejected,3 but it was reserved for
Ignatius Donnelly to undertake the arrangement of the deductions of modern science and the data of old
traditions into a set argument for the truth of Plato's story. His book,4 in many ways a rather clever state-
ment of the argument, so evidently presented only the evidence in favor of his view, and that with so little
critical estimate of authorities and weight of evidence, that it attracted only uncomplimentary notice from the
scientific press.5 It was, however, the first long presentation of the case in English, and as such made an im-
pression on many laymen. In 1882 was also published the second volume of the Challenger Narrative^
containing a report by M. Renard on the geologic character of the mid-Atlantic island known as St. Paul's
rocks. The other Atlantic islands are confessedly of volcanic origin, and this, which lav men interpreted in
favor of the Atlantis theory, militated with men of science against the view that they were remnants of a
sunken continent. St. Paul's, however, was, as noted by Darwin, of doubtful character, and Renard came
to the conclusion that it was composed of crystalline schists, and had therefore probably been once overlaid
by masses since removed.6 This conclusion, which tended in favor of Atlantis, was controverted by A. Geikie "
and by M. E. Wadsworth,8 (the latter having personally inspected specimens,) on the ground that the rocks
were volcanic in origin, and that, had they been schists, the inference of denudation would not follow. Dr.
Guest declared that ethnologists have fully as good cause as the botanists to regard Atlantis as a fact.9 A. J.
Weise in treating of the Discoveries of America adopted the Atlantis fable unhesitatingly, and supposes that
America was known to the Egyptians through that channel.10

That the whole story was invented by Plato as a literary ornament or allegorical argument, or that he thus
utilized a story which he had really received from Egypt, but which was none the less a myth, was maintained
even among the early Platonists, and was the view of Longinus. Even after the discovery of America many
writers recognized the fabulous touch in it, as Acosta,11 who thought, " being well considered, they are redicu-
lous things, resembling rather to OvicVs tales then a Historie of Philosophie worthy of accompt," and "cannot
be held for true but among children and old folkes" — an opinion adopted by the judicious Cellarius.12

1 See p. 46.

2 Ultima teoria sobre la A tlantida. A paper read be-
fore the Geographical Society at Lisbon. I have seen only
the epitome in Bolletino della Societa Geografica Itali-
aua, xvi. (1879), p. 693. Apparently the paper was pub-
lished in 1881, in the proceedings of the fourth congress of
Americanists at Madrid.

3 Winchell, Preadamites, or a demonstration of the
existence of man before Adam, etc. (Chicago, 1880), pp.
378 and fol.

4 Ignatius Donnelly, Atlantis : the A ntediluvian World
(N. Y., 1882).

fi His work is much more than a defence of Plato. He
attempts to show that Atlantis was the terrestrial paradise,
the cradle of the world's civilization. I suppose it was
his book which inspired Mrs. J. Gregory Smith to write
Atla : a Story of the Lost Island (New York, 1886).

Donnelly's book was favorably reviewed by Prof. Win-
chell ("Ancient Myth and Modern Fact," Dial, Chicago,
April, 1882, ii. 284), who declared that there was no longer
serious doubt that the story was founded on fact. His
theory was enthusiastically adopted by Mrs. A. A. Knight
in Education (v. 317), and somewhat more soberly by Rev.
J. P. McLean in the Universalist Quarterly (Oct., 1882,
xxxix. 436, " The Continent of Atlantis "). I have not
seen an article in Kansas Review by Mrs. H. M. Holden,
quoted in Poole's Index {Kan. Rev., viii. 435; also, viii.
236, 640). It was more carefully examined and its claims
rejected by a writer in the Journal of Science (London),
("Atlantis once more," June, 1883; xx. 319-327). W. F.
Poole doubts whether Mr. Donnelly himself was quite seri-
ous in his theorizing ("Discoveries of America: the lost
Atlantis theory," Dial, Sept., 1884, v. 97). Lord Arundel
of Wardour controverted Donnelly in The Secret of Plato"1 s
Atlantis (London, 1885), and believes that the Atlantis
fable originated in vague reports of Hanno's voyage — a
theory hardly less remarkable than the one it aims to dis-
place. Lord Arundel's book was reviewed in the Dublin

Review (Plato's " Atlantis" and the "Periplus"of Han-
no), July, 1886, xcix. 91.

6 Renard, M., Report on the Petrology of St. Paul's-
Rocks, Challenger Report, Narrative (London, 1882), ii.
Appendix B.

7 A search for " Atlantis" -with the microscope , in Na-
ture, 9 Nov., 1882, xxvii. 25.

8 The microscopic evidence of a lost continent, in
Science, 29 June, 18S3, i. 591.

9 Origines Celticae (London, 1883), i. 119, etc.

10 The discoveries of A merica to the year /J2j (New
York, 1884), ch. 1. Cf. Poole's review of this jejune work,
quoted above, for some healthy criticism of this kind of
writing {Dial, v. 97). Also a notice in the Nation, July 31,
1884.

The scientific theory of Atlantis is, I believe, supported
by M. Jean d'Estienne in the Revue des Quest iones Scien-
tifiques, Oct., 18S5, and by M. de Marcay, Histoire des
descouvertes et conquetes de PAmerique (Limoges, 188 1),
but I have seen neither. H. H. Howorth, The Mammoth
and the Flood (London, 1887), is struggling to revive the
credit of water as the chief agent in the transformations of
the earth's surface, and relies much upon the deluge myths,
but refuses to accept Atlantis. He thinks the zoologic evi-
dence proves the existence in pleistocene times of an easy
and natural bridge between Europe and America, but sees
no need of placing it across the mid-Atlantic (p. 262).

11 The naturall and morall historie of the East and
West Indies, etc., written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta,
and translated into English by E. G{rim;ston~\ (London,.
1604), p. 72, 73 (lib. i. ch. 22).

12 Notitiae orbis antiquae (Amsterdam, 1703-6), 2 vols.
The first ed. was Cantab., 1703. "Atlantica insula Plato-
nis quae similior fabulae est quam chorographiae," lib. i.
cap. xi. p. 32. In the Additamentum de novo orbe an
cognatus fuerit veteribus (tome ii. lib. iv. pp. 164-166)
Cellarius speaks more guardedly, and quotes with approval
the judgment of Perizonius, which has been given above
(p. 22).

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Among more recent writers, D'Anville, Bartoli,1 Gosselin,2 Ukert,3 approved this view.

Humboldt threw the weight of his great influence in favor of the mythical interpretation, though he found
tlu? germ of the story in the older geographic myth of the destruction of Lyctonia in the Mediterranean (Orph.
Argonaut., 1-374, etc0 ; 4 while Martin, in his work on the Timaeus, with great learning and good sense, reduced
the story to its elements, concluding that such an island had never existed, the tale was not invented by Plato,
but had really descended to him from Solon, who had heard it in Egypt.

Prof. Jowett regards the entire narrative as " due to the imagination of Plato, who could easily invent ' Egyp-
tians or anything else,' and who has used the name of Solon . . . and the tradition of the Egyptian priest to give
verisimilitude to his story ; "5 and Bunbury is of the same opinion, regarding the story as " a mere fiction,"
and " no more intended to be taken seriously . . . than the tale of Er the Pamphylian." 6 Mr. Archer-Hind, the
editor of the only separate .edition of the Timaeus which has appeared in England, thinks it impossible to
determine " whether Plato has invented the story from beginning to end, or whether it really more or less
represents some Egyptian legend brought home by Solon," which seems to be a fitting conclusion to the
whole matter.

The literature of the subject is widely scattered, but a good deal has been done bibliographically in some
works which have been reserved for special mention here. The earliest is the Dissertation sur V Atlantide, by
Th. Henri Martin,7 wherein, beside a carefully reasoned examination of the story itself and similar geographic
myths, the opposing views of previous writers are set forth in the second section, Histoire des Systhnes sur
l' Atlantide, pp. 258-280. Gaffarel has in like manner given a resume of the literature, which comes down
later than that of Martin, in the two excellent treatises which he has devoted to the subject ; he is convinced
of the existence of such an island, but his work is marked by such care, orderliness, and fulness of citations
that it is of the greatest value.8 The references in these treatises are made with intelligence, and are, in gen-
eral, accurate and useful. That this is not the case with the work of Mr. Donnelly deprives the volume of
much of the value which it might have had.9

E. Fabulous Islands of the Atlantic in the Middle Ages. — Fabulous islands belong quite as
much to the domain of folk-lore as to that of geography. The legends about them form a part of the great
mass of superstitions connected with the sea. What has been written about these island myths is for the
most part scattered in innumerable collections of folk-tales and in out-of-the-way sources, and it does not lie
within the scope of the present sketch to track in these directions all that has been said. It will not be out of
place, however, to refer to a few recent works where much information and many references can be found.
One of the fullest collections, though not over-well sorted, is by Lieut. F. S. Bassett,10 consisting of brief notes
made in the course of wide reading, well provided with references, which are, however, often so abbreviated as

1 Essai sur Vexplicatio7i historique donnee par Platon 457). The Encyclopedia Britannica, by the way, regards
-de sa Republique et de son Atlantide (in Reflexions impar- the account, " if not entirely fictitious, as belonging to the
tiales sur le progres real ou apparent que les sciences et most nebulous region of history."

les arts ont /aits dans le xviite siecle en Europe, Paris, "A few miscellaneous references, of no great significance,

1780). The work is useful because it contains the Greek may close this list: Amer. Antiquarian, Sept., 1886; H.

text (from a MS. in the Bibl. du Roi. Cf. MSS. de la H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 123; J. S. Clarke's Progress

bibliotheque,v. 261), the Latin translations of Ficinus and of Maritime Discovery, p. ii. Geo. Catlin's Lifted and

Serr':7ius, several French translations, and the Italian of Subsided Rocks of America (Lond., 1870) illustrates " The

Frizzo and of Bembo. Cataclysm of the Antilles. "' Dr. Chil, in the Nancy Cou-

2 Recherches sur les iles de V ocean Atlantique, in the gres des Americanisles,i. 163. Foster's Prehistoric Races,
Recherches sur la geographie des anciens, i. p. 146 app. E. Haven's Archeeol. U. S. Irving's Columbus,
(Paris, 1797). Also in the French translation of Strabo (i. app. xxii. Major's Prince Henry (1868), p. 87. Nadail-
p. 268, note 3). Gosselin thought that Atlantis was noth- lac;s Les Prem. Homines, ii. 114, and his VAmerique
ing more than Fortaventure or Lancerote prehistorique, 561. John B. Newman's Origin of the Red

3 Geogr. d. Griechen u. R'omer, i. 1, p. 59; ii. 1, p. 192. Men (N. Y., 1852). Prescott's Mexico, hi. 356. C. S.
Cf. Letronne's Essai sur les idees cosmographiques qui se Rafinesque's incomplete A merican Nations (Philad.), and
rettachent au nom d' Atlas, in the Bidl. Univ. des sciences his earlier introduction to Marshall's Kentucky, and his
(Ferussac), March, 1831. Amer. Museum (1832). Two articles by L. Burke in his

4 Examen Crit., i. 167-180; ii. 192. Ethnological Journal (London), 1848: The destruction of
8 The dialogues of Plato, translated by B. Jcnvett (N. Y., Atlantis* July ; The continent of America known to the

1873), ii. p. 587 (Introduction to Critias). ancient Egyptians and other nations of remote antiquity,

6 Bunbury, History of ancient geography, i. 402. Aug. The former article is only a reprint of Taylor's

7 Etude sur le Timee de Platon (Paris, 1841), t. i. pp. trans, of Plato. RoiseFs Etudes ante-historiques (Paris,
257-3"?l- '874), devoted largely to the religion of the Atlanteans.

8 Paul Gaffarel, Etude sur les rapports de VAmerique Leon de Rosny's " L' Atlantide historique" in the Mem.
et de lancien continent avant Christophe Colomb (Paris, de la Soc. d' Ethnographie (Paris, 1875), xiii. 33, 159, or

, ch. ier; L"1 Atlantide, pp. 3-27. The same author Revue Orientate et Amer icaine. Short's No. A mericans
has more lately handled the subject more fully in a series of Antiquity, ch. 11. Daniel Wilson's Lost Atlantis (Mon-
of articles: L"1 Atlantide, in the Revue de Geographie, treal, 1886), in Proc. and Traits. Roy. Soc. of Canada.
April-July, 1SS0; vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21, — which is 1886, iv. Cf. also Poolers Index, i. 73; ii. 27; and La-
the most detailed account of the whole matter yet brought rousse's Grand Dictionnaire.

together. 10 Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and of Sailors

'■' One of the most recent resumes of the question is that in all Lands and at all Times (Chicago and New York,

by Salone in the Grande Encyclopedie (Paris, 1888, iv. p. 1885).

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 47

to inflict much trouble on those who would consult them, — an all too common fault. Of interest is a chapter
on Les ties, in a similar work by M. Paul Sebillot.1 An island home has often been assigned to the soul after
death, and many legends, some mediaeval, some of great antiquity, deal with such islands, or with voyages
to them. Some account of these will be found in Bassettf| and particularly in an article by E. Beauvois in the
Revue de I'histoire de Religion* where further references are to be found. Wm. F. Warren has also collected
many references to the literature of this subject in the course of his endeavor to show that Paradise was at the
North Pole.3 The long articles on Eden and Paradise in McClintock and Strong's Biblical Encyclopedia
should also be consulted.

In what way the fabulous islands of the Atlantic originated is not known, nor has the subject been exhaus-
tively investigated. The islands of classical times, in part actual discoveries, in part born of confused
reports of actual discoveries, and in part probably purely mythical, were very generally forgotten as ancient
civilization declined.4 The other islands which succeeded them were in part reminiscences of the islands
known to the ancients or invented by them, and in part products of a popular mythology, as old perhaps as
that of the Greeks, but until now unknown to letters. The writers who have dealt with these islands have
treated them generally from the purely geographic point of view. The islands are known principally from
maps, beginning with the fourteenth century, and are not often met with in descriptive works. Formaleoni,
in his attempt to show that the Venetians had discovered the West Indies prior to Columbus, made studies
of the older maps which naturally led him to devote considerable attention to these islands.5

They are also considered by Zurla.6 The first general account of them was given by Humboldt in the
Examen Critique"1 and to what he did little if anything has since been added. D'Avezac 8 treated the sub-
ject, giving a brief sketch of the islands known to the Arab geographers, — a curious matter which deserves
more attention.

Still more recently Paul Gaffarel has treated the matter briefly, but carefully.9 A study of old maps by H.
Wuttke, in the Jahresbericht des Vereins fiir Erdkunde zu Dresden^ gives considerable attention to the
islands ; and Theobald Fischer, in his commentary on the collection of maps reproduced by Ongania, has briefly
touched on the subject,11 as has Cornelio Desimoni in various papers in the Atti della Societa Ligure di Storia
patria, xiv., and other years, in the Atti delP Acad, dei Nuova Lincei, in the Gionale ligustico, etc. R. H.
Major's Henry the Navigator should also be consulted.1-

Strictly speaking, the term mythical islands ought to include, if not Frisland and Drogeo, at least the land
of Bus, the island of Bimini with its fountain of life, an echo of one of the oldest of folk-tales, the island of
Saxenburg, and the other non-existent islands, shoals, and rocks, with which the imagination of sailors and
cartographers have connected the Atlantic even into the present century. In fact, the name is by common
consent restricted to certain islands which occur constantly on old charts : the Island of St. Brandan, Antillia
or Isle of the Seven Cities, Satanaxio, Danmar, Brazil, Mayda, and Isla Verte. It is interesting to note that
the Arab geographers had their fabulous islands, too, though so little is known of them that it is at present
impossible to say what relation they bear to those mentioned. They say that Ptolemy assigned 25,000 islands
to the Atlantic, but they name and describe seventeen only, among which we may mention the Eternal Islands
(Canaries? Azores?),13 El-Ghanam (Madeira?), Island of the Two Sorcerers (Lancerote ?), etc.14

1 Legendes,croyances de la mer. 2 vols. (Paris, 1886.) Lyon [1883], pp. 15. This is apparently extracted from the
See ch. 9 in iere serie. Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic de Lyon for 1883.

2 L'Elysee transatlantique et PEde7t Occidental (Mai- [In Poole's Index is a reference to an article on imaginary
Juin, Nov. -Dec, 1883), vii. 273; viii. 673. islands in London Society, i. 80, 150.]

3 Paradise Found: the Cradle of the Human Race at 10 " Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Halfte
the North Pole ( Boston, 1885), 4th ed. des Mittelalters. Die Karten der seefahrenden Volker Siid-

4 Eumenius (?), in the third century a. v., is doubtful Europas bis zum ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des
about the existence even of the Fortunate Isles (i. e. the Ptolemaeus." Jahresbericht, vi. vii. (1870). Accompa-
Canaries). Eumenii panegyricus Constantino Aug., vii., nying the article are sketches of the principal mediaeval
in Valpy's Panegyrici veteres (London, 1828), iii. p. 1352. maps, which are useful if access to the more trustworthy
Baehrens credits this oration to an unknown author. Ma- reproductions cannot be had.

mertinus appears to know them from the poets only (Ibid. u Sammhmg mittelalterlicher Welt- undSeekarten ita-

p. i529)- lienischen Unprungs, etc. (Venice, 1886), especially pp.

6 Saggio sulla nautica antica dei Veneziani, n. p., n. d. 14-22, and under the notices of particular maps in the

(Venice, 1783) ; French translation (Venice, 1788). second part.

6 // mappamondo di Fra Mauro descritto ed illustrato 12 The Life of Prince Hetiry of Portugal, surnamea
(Venice, 1806). Di Marco Polo e degli altri viaggiatori the Navigator, etc. London, 1868.

venezia?ii . . . con append, sopra le antiche mappe lavorate 13 The position of these islands and the fact that the

in Ve?iezia (Venice, 1818). Arabs believed that they were following Ptolemy in placing

7 ii. 156, etc. in them the first meridian seems almost conclusive in favor

8 D'Avezac : lies d'Afrique (Paris, 1848) 2e partie ; of the Canaries; but M. D'Avezac is inclined in favor of
lies connues des Arabes, pp. 15; Les lies de Saint-Bran- the Azores, because the Arabs place in the Eternal Isles
dan, pp. 19 ; Les ties notivellement trouvees du quinzihne certain pillars and statues warning against further advance
Steele, pp. 24. The last two pieces had been previously westward, which remind liim of the equestrian statues of
published under the title Les iles fantastiques de VOcean the Azores, and because Ebn Sayd states that the Islands
occidental au moyen age, in the Nouvelles Annates des of Happiness lie between the Eternal Islands and Africa.
Voyages (Mars, Avril, 1845), 2d serie, i. 293 ; ii. 47. H D'Avezac, Iles d'Afrique, ii. 15. Geographie cPAbul-

9 Les lies fantastiques de V Atlantique au moyen age. Fada trad, par M. Reinaud et M. Guiyard (Paris,

48 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

There has been some difference of opinion as to which of the Atlantic islands answer to the ancient con-
ception of the Fortunate Islands. It is probable that the idea is at the bottom of several of these, but it may
be doubted whether the island of St. Brandan is not entirely due to the christianizing of this ancient fable.

We proceed now to examine the accounts of some of these islands.

St. Brandan. — St. Brandan, or Brendan, who died May 16, 577, was Abbot of Cluainfert, in Ireland,
according to the legend, where he was visited by a friend, Barontus, who told him that far in the ocean
lay an island which was the land promised to the saints. St. Brandan set sail for this island in company
with y*, monks, and spent seven years upon the ocean, in two voyages (according to the Irish text in the MS.
book ofLismore, which is probably the most archaic form of the legend), discovering this island and many
others equally marvellous, including one which turned out to be the back of a huge fish, upon which they cele-
brated Easter. This story cannot be traced beyond the eleventh century, its oldest form being a Latin
prose version in a MS. of that century. It is known also in French, English, and German translations, both
prose and verse, and was evidently a great favorite in the Middle Ages. Intimately connected with the St.
Brandan legend is that of St. Malo, or Maclovius, Bishop of Aleth, in Armorica,a disciple of St. Brandan, who
accompanied his superior, and whose eulogists, jealous of the fame of the Irish saint, provided for the younger
a voyage on his own account, with marvels transcending those found by Brandan. His church-day is Novem-
ber 17th. The story of St. Brandan is given by Humboldt and D'Avezac,1 and by Gaffarel.2 Further
accounts will be found in the Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists,3 and in the introductions and notes to the
numerous editions of the voyages, among which reference only need be made to the original Latin edited by
M. Jubinal,4 and to the English version edited by Thomas Wright for the Percy Society.5 A Latin text of the
fourteenth century is now to be found in the Acta Sanctorum Hibcrniac ex codice Salmanticensi nunc
premium integre edita opera C. dc Smedt ct J. de Backer (Edinb. etc., 1888), 4to, pp. m-154. As is well
known, Philoponus gives an account of the voyages of St. Brandan with a curious map, in which he places the
island N. W. of Spain and N. E. of the Canaries, or Insnlae Fortunatae.5 The island of St. Brandan was at
first apparently imagined in the north, but it afterward took a more southerly location. Honbre d'Autun
identifies it with a certain island called Perdita, once discovered and then lost in the Atlantic ; we have here,
perhaps, some reminiscence of the name " Aprositos," which Ptolemy bestows on one of the Fortunatae
Insulae." In some of the earlier maps there is an inlet on the west coast of Ireland called Lacus Fortunatus,
which is packed with islands which are called Insulae Fortunatae or Beatae, and sometimes given as 300 or
368 in number.8 But the Pizigani map of 1367 puts the hole dicte Fortunate S. Brandany in the place of
Madeira; and Beha;m's globe, in 1492, sets it down in the latitude of Cape de Verde, — a legend against it
assigning the discovery to St. Brandan in 565.

It is this island which was long supposed to be seen as a mountainous land southeast of the Canaries.
After the discovery of the Azores expeditions were fitted out to search for it, and were continued until 1721,
which are described by Viera, and have been since retold by all writers on the subject.9 The island was again
reported as seen in 1759.

Antillia, or Isle of Seven Cities. — The largest of these islands, the one most persistent in its form
and location, is Antillia, which is depicted as a large rectangular island, extending from north to south, lying

1848-83). 2 vols. The first volume contains a treatise 6 Nova typis transacta navigatio. Novi orbis India

on Arabian geographers and their systems. Geographie occidentalism etc. (1621), p. 11.

d'Edrisi trad, par M. Jaubert (Paris, 1836-40). 2 vols. 7 Honore d'Autun, Imago Mundi, lib. i. cap. 36. In

4to (Soc. de Geogr. de Paris, Recueil de Voyages, v., vi.) Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (Lugd., 1677), torn.

Cf. Cherbonneau on the Arabian geographers in the Revue xx. p. 971.

de Geographie (1881). 8 Humboldt {Examen Critique, ii. 172) quotes these

1 Humboldt, Examen Crit., ii. 163; D'Avezac, lies islands from Sanuto Torsello (1306). They appear on a
d'Afrique, ii. 19; St. Malo's voyage by Beauvois, Rev. map of about 1350, preserved in St. Mark's Library at
Hist. Relig.,vni. 986. Venice (Wuttke, in Jahresber. d. Vereins fur Erdkunde

2 Les voyages de Saint Brandan etdesPapoe dans V At- zu Dresden, xvi. 20), as " / fortunate I beate, 368," in
lantique au moyen-age, published by the Soc. de Geogr. connection with La Montague de St. Brandan, west of
de Rochefort (1881). See also his Rapports de PA mcrique Ireland. They are also in the Medicean Atlas of 1351, and
et de Vancien continent (Paris, 1869), p. 173-183. The in Fra Mauro's map and many others.

article Brenden in Stephen's Diet, of National Biography, 9 Noticias de la historia general de las islas de Cana-

vol. vi. (London, 1886), should be consulted. via, by D. Jos. de Viera y Clavijo, 4 vols. 4to (Madrid,

3 16 May; Mm, torn. ii. p. 699. 1772-83). Humboldt, Examen, ii. 167. D'Avezac, lies

4 La Irgende latine de S. Brandaines, avec une traduc- d'Afrique, ii. 22, etc. Les lies fortunecs on arch/pel des
Hon incdite, etc. (Paris, 1836). M. Jubinal gives a full Canaries [by E. Pegot-Ogier], 2 vols. (Paris, 1862), i.
account of all manuscripts. ch. 13. Saint- Korondon (Aprositus), pp. 186-198. Tene-

u St. Brandan, a medieval legend of the sea, in Eng- riff'e and its six satellites, by O. M. Stone, 2 vols.

lish prose and verse (London, 1844). The student of the (London, 1887), i. 319. This mirage probably explains the

subject will find use for Les voyages de Saint Brandan a Perdita of Honore* and the Aprositos of Ptolemy. Cf. O.

la recherche du paradis terrestre , legend en vers du Peschel's Abhattdlungen zur Erd- und Volkerkunde

XHe sieclc, aver introduction par Francisque Michel (Leipzig, 1877), i. 20. A similar story is connected with

(Paris, 1878), and " La legende Flamande de Saint Bran- Brazil,
dan ct du bibliographic " by Louis de Backer in Miscclla-
nees bibliographiques, 187S. p. 191.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 49

in the mid-Atlantic about lat. 350 N. This island first appears on the map of T424, preserved at Weimar, and
is found on the principal maps of the rest of the century, notably in the Bianco of 1436.1 On some maps of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries appears a smaller island under the name of Sette Citade, or Sete Ciuda-
des, which is properly another name for Antillia, as Toscanelli says in his famous letter, wherein he recommended
Antillia as likely to be useful as a way-station on the India voyage. We owe to Behaim the preservation on
his globe of 1492 of the legend of this island. It was discovered and settled, according to him, by refugees
from Spain in 714, after the defeat of King Roderick by the Moors. The settlers were accompanied by an
archbishop and six bishops, each of whom built him a town. There is a story that the island was rediscovered
by a Portuguese sailor in 1447.'2

In apparent connection with Antillia are the smaller islands Danmar or Tanmar, Reillo or Royllo, and
Satanaxio. The latter alone is of special interest. Formaleoni found near Antillia, on the map of Bianco of
1436, an island with a name which he read as " Yd laman Satanaxio," — a name which much perplexed him,
until he found, in an old Italian romance, a legend that in a certain part of India a great hand arose every day
from the sea and carried off the inhabitants into the ocean. Adapting this tale to the west, he translated the
name "Island of the hand of Satan,"3 in which interpretation Humboldt acquiesced. D'Avezac, how-
ever, was inclined to think that there were two islands, one called Delamar, a name which elsewhere appears
as Danmar or Tanmar, and Satanaxio, or, as it appears on a map by Beccario at Parma, Satanagio* and sug-
gests that the word is a corrupt form for S. Atanaxio or S. Atanagio, i. e. St. Athanasius, with which Gaffarel
is inclined to agree.5

Formaleoni saw in Antillia a foreknowledge of the Antilles, and Hassel believed that North and South
America were respectively represented by Satanaxio and Antillia, with a strait between, just as the American
continent was indeed represented after the discovery. It is certainly curious that Beccario designates the
group of Antillia, Satanagio. and Danmar, as Isle de novo repertc, the name afterwards applied to the dis-
coveries of Columbus ; but it is not now believed that the fifteenth-century islands were aught but geo-
graphical fancies. To transfer their names to the real discoveries was of course easy and natural.6

Brazil. — Among the islands which prefigured the Azores on fourteenth-century maps appears /. de Brazi
on the Medicean portulano of 1351, and it is apparently Terceira or San Miguel.'' On the Pizigani map of
1367 appear three islands with this name, Insula de Bracir or Bracie, two not far from the Azores, and one
off the south or southeast end of Ireland. On the Catalan map of 1375 is an Insula de Brazil 'in the southern
part of the so-called Azores group, and an Insula de Brazil (?) applied to a group of small islands enclosed
in a heavy black ring west of Ireland. The same reduplication occurs in the Solerio of 1385, in a map of 1426

1 M. Buache in his Memoire stir Piste Antillia [Mem. 2 Fernan Colomb, Historia, ch. 9; Horn, De Origi-

Inst. de France, Sciences math, et phys., vi., 1806), read nibus Amer. p. 7, quoted by Gaffarel in his Les lies fan'

on a copy of the Pizigani map of 1367, sent to him from tastiques, p. 3, note 1, 2. D'Avezac, lies d'Afrique, ii. 27,

Parma, the inscription, Ad ripas A ntilliae or Antullio. quotes a similar passage from Medina (Arte navigtiar),

Cf. Buache's article in German in Allg. Geogr. Epheme- who found it ia the Ptolemy dedicated to Pope Urban

riden, xxiv. 129. Humboldt (Examen, ii. 177) quotes Zurla (1378-1389). According to D'Avezac {lies, ii. 28), a

( Viaggi, ii. 324) as denying that such an inscription can be " geographical document " of 1455 gives the name as An-

made out on the original: but Fischer (Sammlung von tillis, and identifies it with Plato's A tlantis.
IVelt-karten, p. 19) thinks this form of the name can be 3 Formaleoni, Essai, 148.

made out on Jomard's fac-simile. Wuttke, however, thin!. 3 4 D'Avezac marks as wrong the reading Sarastagio of

that the word Antillia is not to be made out, and gives the Humboldt.

inscription as Hoc sont statua q /nit ut tenprs A cules, c D'Avezac, lies d^Afrique, ii. 29; Gaffarel, lies fan-

and reads Hoc sunt statuae quaefuerunt antea temporibus tastiques, 12. Fischer (Sammlung, 20) translates Sata-

Arcules=Hercidis (Wuttke, Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde naxio, Satanshand, but thinks the island of Dejnan,

in der letzten Haelfte des Mittelalters, p. 26, in Jahres- which appears on the Catalan chart of 1375, is meant by

bericht des Vereins fur Erdkunde zu Dresden, vi. and vii., the first half of the title. The Catalan map, fac-similed by

1870). The matter is of interest in the story of the eques- Buchon and Foster in the Notices et extraits des docu-

trian statue of Corvo. According to the researches of ments, xiv. 2, has been more exactly reproduced in the

Humboldt, this story first appears in print in the history Choix des documents giographiques conserves h la Bibl.

of Portugal by Faria y Sousa (Epitome de las historias Nat. (Paris, 1883).

Portuguezas, Madrid, 1628. Historia del Reyno de For- 6 Peter Martyr, in 1493, states that cosmographers had

tugal, 1730), who describes on the " Mountain of the determined that Hispaniola and the adjacent isles were

Crow," in the Azores, a statue of a man on horseback Antillae insulae, meaning doubtless the group surround-

pointing westward. A later version of the story mentions ing Antillia on the old maps (Decades, i. p. 11, ed. 1583);

a western promontory in Corvo which had the form of a but the name was not popularly applied to the new islands

person pointing westward. Humboldt (ii. 231), in an inter- until after Wytfliet and Ortelius had so used it (Hum.

esting sketch, connects'this story with the Greek traditions boldt, Examen, ii. 195, etc.). But Schoner, in the dedica-

of the columns of Hercules at Gades, and with the old tory letter of his globe of 1523, says that the king of Cas-

opinion that beyond no one could pass; and with the curi- tile through Columbus has discovered Antiglias Hispaniam

ous Arabic stories of numberless columns with inscriptions Cubam quoque (Stevens, Schoner, London, 1888, fac-simile

prohibiting further navigation, set up by Dhoulcarnain, an of letter). In the same way the name Seven Cities was

Arabian hero, in whose personality Hercules and Alexander applied to the pueblos of New Mexico by their first dis-

the Great are curiously compounded (see Edrisi). Hum- coverers, and Brazil passed from an island to the continent,
boldt quotes from Buache a statement that on the Pizigani 7 Humboldt identified it with Terceira , but Fischer ques-

map of 1367 there is near Brazil (Azores) a representation tions whether St. Michael does not agree better with the

of a person holding an inscription and pointing westward. easterly position constantly assigned to Brazil.

VOL. I. — 4

50 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

preserved at Regensburg. in Bianco's map of 1436, and in that of 1448 : here de Br axil is the easternmost of
the Azores group (i. e. y de Colombi, de Zorzi, etc.), while the large round island — more like a large ink-blot
than anything else — west of Ireland is y de Brazil d. binary In a map in St. Mark's Library, Venice, dated
about 1450, Brazil appears in four places. Fra Mauro puts it west of Ireland,- and it so appears in Ptolemy
of 15 19. and Ramusio in 1556; but Mercator and Ortelius inscribe it northwest of the Azores.

Humboldt has shown3 that brazil-wood, being imported into Europe from the East Indies long before the
discovery of America, gave its name to the country in the west where it was found in abundance, and he
infers that the designation of the Atlantic island was derived from the same source. The duplication of the
name, however, seems to point to a confusion of different traditions, and in the Brazil off Ireland we doubtless
have an attempt to establish the mythical island of Hy Brazil, or O'Brasilc, which plays a part as a vanishing
island in Irish legends, although it cannot be traced to its origin. In the epic literature of Ireland relating to
events of the sixth and subsequent centuries, and which was probably written down in the twelfth, there are
various stories of ocean voyages, some involuntary, some voluntary, and several, like the voyage of the sons of
Ua Corra about 540, of St. Brandan about 560, and of Mailduin in the eighth century, taking place in the Atlan-
tic, and resulting in the discovery of numerous fabulous islands.4 The name of Brazil does not appear in these
early records, but it seems to belong to the same class of legends.5 It is first mentioned, as far as I know,
by William Betoner, called William of Worcester, who calls the island Brasyle and Brasylle, and says that
July 15, 1480, his brother-in-law, John Jay, began a voyage from Bristol in search of the island, returning
Sept. 18 without having found it.6 This evidently belongs to the series of voyages made by Bristol men in
search of this island, which is mentioned by Pedro d'Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in his famous
letter of July 25, 1498, where he says that such voyages in search of Brazylle and the seven cities had been
made for seven years past, " according to the fancies of the Genoese," meaning Sebastian Cabot."

It would seem that the search for Brazil was of older date than Cabot's arrival. He probably gave an
additional impetus to the custom, adding to the stories of the fairy isles the legends of the Sette Citade or
Antillia. Hardiman,8 quoting from a MS. history of Ireland, in the library of the Royal Irish Academy,
written about 1636, mentions an " iland, which lyeth far att sea, on the west of Connaught, and some times is
perceived by the inhabitants of the Oules and Iris . . . and from Saint Helen Head. Like wise several sea-
men have discovered it, . . . one of whom, named Captain Rich, who lives about Dublin, of late years had a
view of the land, and was so neere that he discovered a harbour . . . but could never make to land " because
of " a mist which fell upon him. . . . Allsoe in many old mappes . . . you still find it by the name of O'Bra-
sile under the longitude of 030, oo', and the latitude of 500 2c/." 9 In 1675 a pretended account of a visit to
this island was published in London, which is reprinted by Hardiman.i°

An account of the island as seen from Arran given in O'Flaherty's Sketch of the Island of Arrant is quoted
by H. Halliday Sterling, Irish Minstrelsy, p. 307 (London, 1887). Mr. Marshall, in a note in Notes and

1 The Bianco map of 1436 has, on the ocean sheets, five that of the sons of Ua Corra is given. A list of the voy-
groups of small islands, from south to north : (1) Canaries; ages is given by D'Arbois de Jubainville in his Essai, under
(2) Madeira and Porto Santo; (3) luto and chapisa ; (4) d. Longeas (involuntary voyages) and Imntram (voluntary
brasil, di colonbi, d. b. nttesta, d. sanzorzi; (5) coriios and voyages), with details about MSS. and references to texts
corbo marinos; (6) de ventura ; (7) de brazil. West of and translations {Mailduin, p. 151 j. Ua Corra, 152).
the third and fourth lies Antillia, and N. W. of the fifth a See also Beauvois, Eden occidental, Rev. de I' Hist, des
corner of de laman satanaxio, while west of six and seven Relig., viii. 706, 717, for voyages of Mailduin and the sons
are numerous small islands unnamed. On the ocean sheet of Ua Corra, and of other voyages. Also Joyce, Old Cel-
of the Bianco of 1448, we have (2) Madeira and Porto tic romances (London, 1879). Is M. Beauvois in earnest
Santo ; (3) licongi and coruo marin ; (4) de braxil, zorzi, when he suggests that the talking birds discovered by Mail-
etc. ; (5) coriios and coruos marinos; (6) y. d. mam duin (and also by St. Brandan) were probably parrots, and
debe?itum ; (7) j d. brazil d. binar. There is no Antillia their island a part of South America ?

and no Satanaxio, but west of (3) and (4) are two other 5 The name is derived by Celtic scholars from breas,

groups: (1) yd. diuechi marini, y de falconi ; (2) y fortu- large, and i, island.

nat de s°. beati. blanda?i, dinfemo, de ipauion, beta '- Gulielmi de Worcester Itineraria, ed. J. Nasmyth

ixola, dexerta. There is not much to be hoped from such (Cantab., 1778), p. 223, 267. I take the quotation from

geography. Notes and Queries, Dec. 15, 1883, 6th series, viii. 475.

2 Over against Africa he has an I sola del Dragoni. On The latter passage is quoted in full in Bristol, past and
me Pizigani map of 1367 tfae Brazil which lies W. of North Present, by Nicholls and Taylor (London, 1882), iii. 292.
France is accompanied by a cut of two ships, a dragon Cf. H. Harrisse's C. Colomb., i. 317.

eating a man, and a legend stating that one cannot sail 7 Cal. State Papers, Spanish, i. p. 177.

further on account of monsters. There was a dragon in 8 Irish Minstrelsy, or bardic remains of Ireland, etc.,

the Hesperian isles, and some have connected it with the 2 vols. (London, 1831), i. 368.

famous dragon-tree of the Canaries. 9 This is very nearly its position in the Arcatw del Mare

3 Examen, ii. 216, etc. of Dudley, 1646 (Europe 28), where it is called " disabi-

4 For an account of the Irish MSS. see Eugene O'Cur- tata e incerta."

ry Lectures on the MS. material of ancient Irish his- 10 i. 369. O-Brazile, or the enchanted island, being a

tory (Dublin, 1861), lect. ix. p. 181; H. d'Arbois de Ju- perfect relation of the late discovery and wonderful dis-

bainville, Introduction a V etude de la literature Celtique, enchantment of an island on the North [sic] of Ireland,

2 vols.(Paris, 1883), i. chap. 8, p. 349, etc ; also Essa <Tun etc. (London, 1675).

catalogue de la litterature Spique dVrlande, by the same J1 John T. O'Flaherty, Sketch of the History and an-

author (Paris, 1883). For accounts of the voyages see tiquities 0/ the southern islands of Aran, etc. (Dublin,

O'Curry, p. 252, and especially p. 289, where a sketch of 1884, in Roy. Irish Acad. Trans., vol. xiv.)

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 51

Queries, Sept. 22, 1883 (6th s., viii. 224), quotes Guest, Origines Celticae (London, 1883), i. 126, and
R. O'Flaherty, Ogygia, sive rerum Hibernicarutn chronologiae (London, 1685 ; also in English transla-
tion, Dublin, 1793), as speaking of O'Brazile. The latter work I have not seen. Mr. Marshall also quotes
a familiar allusion to it by Jeremy Taylor {Dissuasive from Popery, 1667). This note was replied to in
the same periodical, Dec. 15, 1883, by Mr. Kerslake, " N." and W. Fraser. Fraser's interest had been
attracted by the entry of the island — much smaller than usual — on a map of the French Geographer Royal,
Le Sieur Tassin, 1634-1652, and he read a paper before the Geological Society of Ireland, Jan. 20, 1870, sug-
gesting that Brazil might be the present Porcupine Batik, once above water. On the same map Rockall is
laid down as two islands, where but a solitary rock is now known.1 Brasil appears oh the maps of the last
two centuries, with Mayda and Isle Verte, and even on the great Atlas by Jefferys, 1776, is inserted, although
called " imaginary island of O'Brasil." It grows constantly smaller, but within the second half of this
century has appeared on the royal Admiralty charts as Brazil Rock.'2'

It would be too tedious to enumerate the numerous other imaginary islands of the Atlantic to which clouds,
fogs, and white caps have from time to time given rise. They are marked on all charts of the last century in
profusion ; mention, however, may be made of the " land of Bus " or Busse, which Frobisher's expedition
coasted along in 1576, and which has been hunted for with the lead even as late as 1821, though in vain.

F. Toscanelli's Atlantic Ocean. — It has been shown elsewhere (Vol. II. pp. 30, 31, 38, 90, 101, 103)
that Columbus in the main accepted the view of the width of the Atlantic, on the farther side of which Asia
was supposed to be, which Toscanelli had calculated ; and it has not been quite certain what actual measure-
ment should be given to this width, but recent discoveries tend to make easier a judgment in the matter.

When Humboldt wrote the Examen Critique, Toscanelli's letter to Columbus, of unknown date,3 enclosing
a copy of the one he sent to Martinez in 1474, was known only in the Italian form in Ulloa's translation of
the Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo (Venice, 1571), and in the Spanish translation of Ulloa's version
by Barcia in the Historiades primitivos de las Indias occidentales (Madrid, 1749), i. 5 bis, which was reprinted
by Xavarrete, Coleccion de los viages y descubrimieiitos, etc., ii. p. 1. In the letter to Martinez, in this form, it
is said that there are in the map which accompanied it twenty-six spaces between Lisbon and Quisai, each
space containing 250 miles according to the Ulloa version, but. according to the re- translation of Barcia 150
miles. This, with several other changes made by Barcia, were followed by Navarrete and accepted as correct
by Humboldt, who severely censures Ximenes for adopting the Italian rendering in his Gnomone fiorent.
But the Latin copy of the letter in Columbus's handwriting, discovered by Harrisse and made public (with
fac-simile) in his D. Fernando Colon (Seville, 187 1),4 sustained the correctness of Ulloa's version, giving 250
miliaria to the space. This authoritative rendering also showed that while the translator had in general fol-
lowed the text, he had twice inserted a translation of miles into degrees, and once certainly, incorrectly, making
in one place 100 miles = 35 leagues, and in another, 2,500 miles = 225 leagues. Probably this discrepancy
led to the omissions made by Barcia ; he was wrong, however, in changing the number 250, supposing the 150
not to be a typographical error, and in omitting the phrase, " which space (from Lisbon to Quinsai) is about
the third part of the sphere." The Latin text showed, too, that this whole passage about distances was not in
the Martinez letter at all, but formed the end of the letter to Columbus, since in the Latin it follows the date
of the Martinez letter, into which it has been interpolated by a later hand. Finally the publication of Las
Casas's Historia de las Indias (Madrid, 1875) gave us another Spanish version, which differs from Barcia's
in closely agreeing with the Ulloa version, and which gives the length of a space at 250 miles.

There were then 26 X 250 = 6500 miles between Lisbon and Quinsai, and this was about one third of the cir-
cumference of the earth in this latitude, but it is not clear whether Roman or Italian miles were meant.

If the MS. in the Biblioteca Nazionale at Florence [Cod. Magliabechiano Classe xi. num. 121], described by
G. Uzielliin the Bo/lettino della Societh Geografica Italiana, x. 1 (1873), I3~2^ (" Ricerche intorno a Paolo dal
Pozzo Toscanelli, ii. Della grandezza della terra secondo Paolo Toscanelli "), actually represents the work of
Toscanelli, it is of great value in settling this point. The MS. is inscribed " Discorso di M° Paolo Puteo Tos-
canelli sopra la cometa del 1456." In it were found two papers : 1. A plain projection in rectangular form
apparently for use in sketching a map. It is divided into spaces, each subdivided into five degrees, and num-
bers 36 spaces in length. It is believed by Sig. Uzielli that this is the form used in the map sent to Martinez.
If this be so, the 26 spaces between Lisbon and Quinsai = 1300. 2. A list of the latitude and longitude of
various localities, at the end of which is inscribed this table :

Gradus continet .68 miliaria minus 3a unius.
Miliarum tria millia bracchia.
Bracchium duos palmas.
Palmus. 12. uncias. 7. filos.

The Florentine mile of 3,000 braccia da terra contains, according to Sig. Uzielli, 1653. 6m. (as against

1 On Hy Brasil, a traditional island off the west 2 In an atlas issued 1866, I observe Mayda and Green

coast of Ireland, plotted in a MS. map "written by Le Rock.

Sieur Tassin, etc., in the Journal of the Royal Geological 3 Harrisse would put it in 1482. See Vol. II. p. 90.

Society of Ireland (1879-80), vol. xv. pt. 3, pp. 128-131, * Also in his Bib. Amer. Vet., p. xvi.
fac-simile of map.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

14S1"1. to the Roman mile). Hence Toscanelli estimated a degree of the meridian at 111,927"", or only 552m.
more than the mean adopted by Bessel and Bayer. Since, according to the letter, one space = 250 miles, and by
the map one space = 5°, we have 50 miles to a degree, which would point to an estimate for a latitude of about
420, allowing 67 2-3 miles to an equatorial degree. Lisbon was entered in the table of Alphonso at 410 N. (true
lat. 3S0 41' N.) By this reckoning Quinsai would fall 1240 west of Lisbon or io° west of San Francisco. It
does not appear that the Florence MS. can be traced directly to Toscanelli, but the probability is certainly strong
that we have hefe some of the astronomer's working papers, and that Ximenes did not deserve the rebuke
administered by Humboldt for allowing 250 miles to a space, and assuming that a space contained five degrees.
Certainly Humboldt's use of 150 miles is unjustifiable, and his calculation of 520 as the angular distance
between Lisbon and Quinsai, according to Toscanelli, is very much too small, whatever standard we take for the
mile. If we follow Uzielli, the result obtained by Ruge ( Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdecktmgen, p. 230),
1040, is also too small.1

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GAFFAREL'S MAP*

1 The various versions of the letter are as follows : Ulloa
(Historie, 1571, ch. 8). Dalla citta di Lisbona per dritto
verso ponente sono in detta carta ventisei spazi, ciascun
de' quali contien dugento, & cinquanta miglia, fino alia

. . . citta di Quisai, la quale gira cento miglia, che sono
trentacinque leghe. . . . Questo spazio e quasi la terza parte
della sfera. . . . E dalla' Isola di Antilia, che voi chiamate
di sette citta, . . . fino alia . . . isola di Cipango sono dieci

* From a map by Gaffarel, " L'Oc^an Atlantique et les restes de l'Atlantide," in the Revue de Geographie, vi. p.
400, accompanying a paper by Gaffarel in the numbers for April-July, 1880, and showing such rocks and islets as have
from time to time been reported as seen, or thought to have been seen, and which Gaffarel views as vestiges of the
lost continent.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS.

G. Early Maps of the Atlantic Ocean. — By the Editor.— The cartographical history of the At-
lantic Ocean is, even down to our own day, an odd mixture of uncertain fact and positive fable. The island
of Bresil or Brazil was only left off the British Admiralty charts within twenty years (see Vol. II. p. 36),
and editions of the most popular atlases, like Colton's, within twenty-five years have shown Jacquet Island,'
the Three Chimneys, Maida, and others lying in the mid-sea. It may possibly be a fair question if some
of the reports of islands and rocks made within recent times may not have had a foundation in tempo-
rary uprisings from the bed of the sea.i We must in this country depend for the study of this sub-
ject on the great collections of fac-similes of early maps made by Santarem, Kunstmann, Jomard, and on the
Sammlung which is now in progress at Venice, under the editing of Theobald Fischer, and published by
Ongania.2

We may place the beginning of the Atlantic cartography 3 in the map of Marino Sanuto in 1306, who was
first of the nautical map-makers of that century to lay down the Canaries ; 4 but Sanuto was by no means sure
of their existence, if we may judge from his omission of them in his later maps.5

FIFTEENTH CENTURY*

spazi, che fanno due mila & cinquecento miglia, cioe du-
gento, & venticinque leghe.

Barcia. Hallareis en un mapa, que ai desde Lisboa, a.
la famosa ciudad de Quisay, tomando el camino derecho a
Poniente, 26 espacios, cada uno de 150 millas. Quisai" tiene
35 leguas de ambitu. . . . De la isla Antilla hasta la de Ci-
pango se quentan diez espacios, que hacen 225 leguas.

Las Casus : Y de la ciudad de Lisboa, en derecho por el
Poniente, son en la dicha carta 26 espacios, y en cada uno
dellos hay 250 millas hasta la . . . ciudad de Quisay, la
cual etiene al cerco 100 millas, que son 25 leguas, . . . (este
espacio es cuasi la tercera parte de la sfera) . . . e de la
isla de Antil, . . . Hasta la . . . isla de Cipango hay 10
espacios que son 2,500 millas, es a sabre, 225 leguas.

Columbus's copy : A civitate vlixiponis per occidentem
indirecto sunt .26. spacia in carta signata quorum quodlibet
habet miliaria .250. usque ad nobilisimfam]. et maxima
ciuitatem quinsay. Circuit enim centum miliaria . . . hoc
spatium est fere tercia pars tocius spere. . . . Sed ab insula
antilia vobis nota ad insulam . . . Cippangu sunt decern
spacia.

1 Cf. " Les iles Atlantique," by Jacobs- Beeckmans in
the Bull, de la Soc. geog. d'A nvers, i. 266, with map.

2 Of these collections, those of Kunstmann and Jomard
are not uncommon in the larger American libraries. A set
of the Santarem series is very difficult to secure complete,

but since the description of these collections in Vol. II.
was written, a set has been secured for Harvard College
library, and I am not aware of another set being in this
country. The same library has the Ongania series. The
maps in this last, some of which are useful in the present
study, are the following : —

1. Arabic marine map, xiiith cent. (Milan); 2. Vis«
conte, 1311 (Florence); 3. Carignano, xivth cent. (Flor-
ence); 4. Visconte, 1318 (Venice); 5. Anonymous, 1351
(Florence); 6. Pizigani, 1373 (Milan); 7. Anon., xivth
cent. (Venice); 8. Giroldi, 1426 (Venice); 9. Bianco, 143,
(Venice); 10. Anon., 1447 (Venice); 11. Bianco, 1448
(Milan); 12. Not issued; 13. Anon., Catalan, xvth cent.
(Florence); 14. Leardo, 1452; 15. Fra Mauro, 1457 (Ven-
ice); 16. Cantino, 1501-3 (Modena). This has not been
issued in this series, but Harrisse published a fac-simile in
colors in connection with his Les Corte-Real, etc., Paris,
1883. 17. Agnese, 1554 (Venice). The names on these
photographs are often illegible ; how far the condition of
the original is exactly reproduced in this respect it is of
course impossible to say without comparison.

3 The notions prevailing so far back as the first century
are seen in the map of Pomponius Mela in Vol. II. p. 180.

* Vol. II. p. 36.

c Lelewel (ii. 119) gives a long account of Sanuto and his
maps, and so does Kunstmann in the Memoires (vii. ch. 2,

* A conventional map of the older period, which is given in Santarem's Atlas as a " Mappemonde qui se trouve au
revers d*une Medaille du Commencement du XVe Siecle."

Note. — The above maps are reduced a little from the engraving in AUgemeine GeographiscJu Ephemeriden
(Weimar, 1807), vol. xxiv. p. 248. The smaller is an extract from that of Fr. Pizigani (1367), and the larger that of
Andreas Bianco (1436). There is another fac-simile of the later in F. M. Erizzo's Le Scoperte Artiche (Venice, 1855).

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS.

There are two maps of Hygden (a. d. 1350), but the abundance of islands which they present can hardly
be said to show more than a theory.1 There is more likelihood of well considered work in the Portolano
Laurenziano-Gaddiano (a. d. 135 1), preserved in the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana at Florence, of which
Ongania, of Venice, published a fac-simile in 1881.2 There- are two maps of Francisco Pizigani, which seem
to give the Canaries, Madeira, and the Azores better than any earlier one. One of these maps (1367) is in
the national library at Parma, and the other (1373) is in the Ambrosian library at Milan {Studi Hog. e
bibliog., vol. ii. pp. viii, 57, 58). The 1367 map is given by Jomard and Santarem. The most famous of all
these early maps is the Catalan Mappemonde of 1375, preserved in the great library at Paris. It gives the
Canaries and other islands further north, but does not reach to the Azores.3 These last islands are included,
however, in another Catalan planisphere of not far from the same era, which is preserved in the national library

J.CKcLLan&s ~Qj
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CATALAN MAP, 1375.*

at Florence, and has been reproduced by Ongania (1881 ).4 The student will need to compare other maps of the
fourteenth century, which can be found mentioned in the Studi, etc., with references in the Kohl Maps, sect.
1. The phototypic series of Ongania is the most important contribution to this study, though the yellow tints
of the original too often render the details obscurely. 5 So for the next century there are the same guides ; but
a number of conspicuous charts may well be mentioned. Chief among them are those of Andrea Bianco con-
tained in the Atlas (1436), in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice, published by Ongania (1871), who also pub-
lished (1881) the Carta Nautica of Bianco, in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan.o

1855) of the Royal Bavarian Academy; but a more perfect
inventory of his maps is given in the Studi biog. e bibliog.
of the Italian Geographical Society (1882, i. 80; ii. 50). Cf.
Peschel, Gesch. der Erdkunde, Ruge, ed. 1877, p. 210.
Sanuto's map of 1320 was first published in his Liber Secre-
torum fidelium crttcis (Frankfort, 181 1. Cf. reproduction
in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vi. no. 3). Further references
are in Winsor's Kohl Maps, no. 12. It is in part repro-
duced by Santarem.

1 Cf. Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal, xii. 177, and references
in the Kohl Maps, nos. 13 and 14.

2 Vol. II. p. 38.

3 Cf. references in Vol. II. 38.

4 Cf. Studi, etc., ii. no. 392.

c Cf. Desimoni's Le carte nautiche Italiane del medio
evo a proposito di un libro del Pro/. Fischer (Genoa,
1888).

0 Cf. Vol. II. 38 for references; and Lelewel and Santa
rem's Atlases.

* After a sketch in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vii.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The 1436 map lias been reproduced in colors in

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ANDREAS BENINCASA, 1476*

Pietro Amat de San Filippo's Planisferio disegnato
del 143b (Bollettino Soc. Geogra/ia, 1879, ?■ 5°o) ; and
a sketch of the Atlantic part is given in the Allgem.
Geog. Ephemeriden, xxiv. no. 248.1

During the next twenty years or more, the varying
knowledge of the Atlantic is shown in a number of
maps, a few of which may be named :— The Catalan
map " de Gabriell de Valsequa, faite a Mallorcha en
1439," which shows the Azores, and which Vespucius
is said to have owned (Santarem, pi. 54). The plani-
sphere " in lingua lamina dell' anno 1447," in the na-
tional library at Florence (Ongania, 1881). The world
maps of Giovanni Leardo (Johannes Leardus), 1448 and
1452, the former of which is given in Santarem (pi. 25,
— also Hist. Cartog. iii. 398), and the latter reproduced
by Ongania, 1880. One is in the Ambrosian library,
and the other in the Museo Civico at Vicenza (cf. Studi,
etc., ii. 72, 72). In the Biblioteca Vittorio Emanuele
at Rome there is the sea - chart of Bartolomaeus de
Pareto of 1455, on which we find laid down the Fortu-
nate Islands, St. Brandan's, Antillia, and Royllo.2 The
World of Fra Mauro 3 has been referred to elsewhere in
the present volume.

We come now to the conditions of the Atlantic car-
tography immediately preceding the voyage of Colum-
bus. The most prominent specimens of this period
are the various marine charts of Grogioso and Andreas
Benincasa from 1461 to 1490. Some of these are given
by Santarem, Lelewel, and St. Martin ; but the best
enumeration of them is given in the Studi biog. e
bib Hog. delta Soc. Geog. It at. ii. 66, 77-84, 92, 99, 100.
Of Toscanelli*s map of 1474, which influenced Colum-
bus, we have no sketch, though some attempts have

LAON GLOBE.f

1 Cf. Studi., etc., vol. ii. pp. viii, 67, 72, with references.

2 Cf. Pietro Amat in the Mem. Soc. Geografica, Roma,
187S; Studi, etc., ii. 75; Winsor's Bibliog. Ptolemy, sub
anno 1478.

* After a sketch in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vii.

t From a "projection Synoptique Cordiforme " in the Bull, de la Soc. de Gecg., 4e s^rie, xx. (i860), in connection
with a paper by D'Avezac (p. 398). Cf. Oscar Peschel in Ausland, May 12, 1861 ; also in his Abltandlt/ueen, i. 226.

3 Cf. account of inaugurating busts of Fra Mauro and
John Cabot, in Terzo Congresso Geografico internazionale
(held at Venice, Sept., 1881, and published at Rome, 18S2),
i. P- 33-

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS.

END OF FIFTEENTH CENTURY. (Santarem's Atlas.)

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

OCEANO OCCIDENTAL

STRETTO DI G I BltttKKK

OCEANO OCCIDENTAL

been made to reconstruct it from descriptions.
(Cf. Vol. II. p. 103; Harrisse's Christofhe Co-
lomb., i. 127, 129.) Brief mention may also be
made of the Laon globe of i486 (dated 1493), oi
which D'Avezac gives a projection in the Bulletin
de la Soc. de Geog. xx. 417; of the Majorcan
(Catalan) Carta nautica of about 1487 (cf. Studi,
etc., ii. no. 397 ; Bull. Soc. Geog., i. 295) ; of the
chart in the Egerton MSS., Brit. Mus., made by
Christofalo Soligo about the same time, and which
has no dearth of islands (cf. Studi, etc., i. 89) ; of
those of Nicola Fiorin, Canepa, and Giacomo
Bertran (Studi, etc., ii. 82, 86, and no. 398). The
globe of Behaim (1492) gives the very latest of
these ante-Columbian views (see Vol. II. 105).

It took, after this, a long time for the Atlantic
to be cleared, even partially, of these intrusive
islands, and to bring the proper ones into accurate
relations. How the old ideas survived may be
traced in the maps of Ruysch, 1508 (Vol.11. 115) ;
Coppo, 1528, with its riot of islands (II. 127) ;
Mercator, 1541 (II. 177); Bordone, 1547; Zaltiere,
1566 (II. 451) ; Porcacchi, 1572 (II. 453) ; Ortelius,
1575, 1587, — not to continue the series further.

°o''o 0 0

NOTE.

The upper of the annexed cuts
is from Bordone's Isolario, 1547 ;
the under one is an extract from
the " World " of Ortelius, 1587.

CHAPTER II.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

BY JUSTIN WINSOR, THE EDITOR.

IN the previous chapter, in attempting to trace the possible connection
of the new world with the old in the dimmest past, it was hard, if not
hopeless, to find among the entangled myths a path that we could follow
with any confidence into the field of demonstrable history. It is still a
doubt how far we exchange myths for assured records, when we enter upon
the problems of pre-Columbian explorations, which it is the object of the
present chapter to discuss. We are to deal with supposable colonizations,
from which the indigenous population of America, as the Spaniards found
it, was sprung, wholly or in part ; and we are to follow the venturesome
habits of navigators, who sought experience and commerce in a strange
country, and only incidentally left possible traces of their blood in the peo-
ples they surprised. If Spain, Italy, and England gained consequence by
the discoveries of Columbus and Cabot, there were other national prides to
be gratified by the priority which the Basques, the Normans, the Welsh, the
Irish, and the Scandinavians, to say nothing of Asiatic peoples, claimed as
their share in the gift of a new world to the old. The records which these
peoples present as evidences of their right to be considered the forerunners
of the Spanish and English expeditions have in every case been questioned
by those who are destitute of the sympathetic credence of a common kin-
ship. The claims which Columbus and Cabot fastened upon Spain and
England, to the disadvantage of Italy, who gave to those rival countries
their maritime leaders, were only too readily rejected by Italy herself, when
the opportunity was given to her of paling such borrowed glories before
the trust which she placed in the stories of the Zeni brothers.

There is not a race of eastern Asia — Siberian, Tartar, Chinese, Japa-
nese, Malay, with the Polynesians — which has not been claimed as discov-
erers, intending or accidental, of American shores, or as progenitors, more
or less perfect or remote, of American peoples ; and there is no good reason
why any one of them may not have done all that is claimed. The histor-
ical evidence, however, is not such as is based on documentary proofs of
indisputable character, and the recitals advanced are often far from precise
enough to be convincing in details, if their general authenticity is allowed.

60 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Nevertheless, it is much more than barely probable that the ice of Behring
Straits or the line of the Aleutian Islands was the pathway of successive
immigrations, on occasions perhaps far apart, or may be near together ; and
there is hardly a stronger demonstration of such a connection between the
two continents than the physical resemblances of the peoples now living on
opposite sides of the Pacific Ocean in these upper latitudes, with the simi-
larity of the flora which environs them on either shore.1 It is quite as con-
ceivable that the great northern current, setting east athwart the Pacific,
should from time to time have carried along disabled vessels, and stranded
them on the shores of California and farther north, leading to the infusion
of Asiatic blood among whatever there may have been antecedent or au-
tochthonous in the coast peoples. It is certainly in this way possible that
the Chinese or Japanese may have helped populate the western slopes of
the American continent. There is no improbability even in the Malays of
southeastern Asia extending step by step to the Polynesian islands, and
among them and beyond them, till the shores of a new world finally received
the impress of their footsteps and of their ethnic characteristics. We may
very likely recognize not proofs, but indications, along the shores of South
America, that its original people constituted such a stock, or were increased
by it.

As respects the possible early connections of America on the side of
Europe, there is an equally extensive array of claims, and they have been
set forth, first and last, with more persistency than effect.2

Leaving the old world by the northern passage, Iceland lies at the thresh-
old of America. It is nearer to Greenland than to Norway, and Greenland
is but one of the large islands into which the arctic currents divide the
North American continent. Thither, to Iceland, if we identify the locali-
ties in Geoffrey of Monmouth, King Arthur sailed as early as the begin-
ning of the sixth century, and overcame whatever inhabitants he may have
found there. Here too an occasional wandering pirate or adventurous Dane
had glimpsed the coast.3 Thither, among others, came the Irish, and in the
ninth century we find Irish monks and a small colony of their countrymen
in possession.4 Thither the Gulf Stream carries the southern driftwood,

1 Asa Gray, in Darwiniana, p. 203. Cf. his "Les precurseurs de Colomb " in Etudes par les
Address before Amer. Assoc. Adv. Science, 1827. Pires de la Compagnie de Jesus (Leipzig, 1876) ;

2 The subject of these pre-Columbian claims Oscar Dunn in Revue Canadienne, xii. 57, 194,
is examined in almost all the general works on 305, 871, 909, — not to name numerous other pe-
early discovery. Cf. Robertson's America ; J. riodical papers. Paul Gaffarel, in his " Les rela-
S. Vater's Untersuchungen iiber Amerikas Be- tions entre Fancier) monde et l'Amerique etaient-
vblkerung aus dem alten Continent (Leipzig, el les possibles au moyen age ? " {Soc. JVormande
1 810) ; Dr. F. X. A. Deuber's Geschichte der Schif- de Giog. Bulletin, 1881, p. 209), thinks that amid
fahrt im Atlantischen Ozean (Bamberg, 1814); the confused traditions there is enough to con-
Ruge, Gcschickte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen vince us that we have no right to determine that
(ch. 2) ; Major's Select Letters of Columbus, in- communication was impossible.

trod ; C. A. A. Zestermann's Memoir on the Col- 3 MSS. de la bibliothequc royale (Paris, 1787),

onization of America in antehistoric times, with i. 462.

critical observations by E. G. Squier (London, 4 De Costa in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc. xii.

1851) ; Nouvelles Annates des Voyages (ii. 404) ; (1880) p. 159, etc., with references.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 6l

suggesting sunnier lands to whatever race had been allurea or driven to its
shelter.1 Here Columbus, when, as he tells us,2 he visited the island in
1477, found no ice. So that, if we may place reliance on the appreciable
change of climate by the precession of the equinoxes, a thousand years ago
and more, when the Norwegians crossed from Scandinavia and found these
Christian Irish there,3 the island was not the forbidding spot that it seems
with the lapse of centuries to be becoming.

It was in a. d. 875 that Ingolf, a jarl4 of Norway, came to Iceland with
Norse settlers. They built their habitation at first where a pleasant head-
land seemed attractive, the present Ingolfshofdi, and later founded Reik-
javik, where the signs had directed them ; for certain carved posts, which
they had thrown overboard as they approached the island, were found to
have drifted to that spot. The Christian Irish preferred to leave their
asylum rather than consort with the new-comers, and so the island was
left to be occupied by successive immigrations of the Norse, which their
king could not prevent. In the end, and within half a century, a hardy
little republic — as for a while it was — of near seventy thousand inhab-
itants was established almost under the arctic circle. The very next year
(a. d. 876) after Ingolf had come to Iceland, a sea-rover, Gunnbiorn,
driven in his ship westerly, sighted a strange land, and the report that he
made was not forgotten.5 Fifty years later, more or less, for we must treat
the dates of the Icelandic sagas with some reservation, we learn that a
wind-tossed vessel was thrown upon a coast far away, which was called Ire-
land the Great. Then again we read of a young Norwegian, Eric the Red,
not apparently averse to a brawl, who killed his man in Norway and fled to
Iceland, where he kept his dubious character ; and again outraging the
laws, he was sent into temporary banishment, — this time in a ship which
he fitted out for discovery ; and so he sailed away in the direction of Gunn-
biorn's land, and found it. He whiled away three years on its coast, and as
soon as he was allowed ventured back with the tidings, while, to propitiate
intending settlers, he said he had been to Greenland, and so the land got a
sunny name. The next year, which seems to have been a. d. 985, he
started on his return with thirty-five ships, but only fourteen of them

1 Humboldt, Views of Nature, p. 1 24. He also 6 It has sometimes been contended that a
notes the drifting of Eskimo boats to Europe. bull of Gregory IV, in a. d. 770, referred to

2 Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables. Greenland, but Spitzbergen was more likely in-
a Respecting these Christian Irish see the sup- tended, though its known discovery is much

plemental chapters of Mallet's Northern Anti- later. A bull of a. d. 835, in Pontanus's Re-

quities (London, 1847) '■> Dasent's Burnt N/al, i. rum Daniarum Htstoria, is also held to indicate

p. vii. ; Moore's History of Ireland ; Forster's that there were earlier peoples in Greenland

Northern Voyages ; Worsaae's Danes and Nor- than those from Iceland. Sabin (vi. no. 22,854)

wegians in England, 332. Cf. on the contact of gives as published at Godthaab, 1859-61, in 3

the two races H. H. Howorth on u The Irish vols., the Eskimo text of Greenland Folk Lore,

monks and the Norsemen" in the Roy. Hist, collected and edited by natives of Greenland,

Soc. Trans, viii. 281. with a Danish translation, and showing, as the

4 Conybeare remarks that jarl, naturalized in notice says, the traditions of the first descent of

England as earl, has been displaced in its na- the Northmen in the eighth century,
tive north by graf.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

reached the land. Wherever there was a habitable fiord, a settlement grew
up, and the stream of immigrants was for a while constant and considerable.
Just at the end of the century (a. d. 999), Leif, a son of Eric, sailed back to
Norway, and found the country in the early fervor of a new religion ; for
King Olaf Tryggvesson had embraced Christianity, and was imposing it on
his people. Leif accepted the new faith, and a priest was assigned to him
to take back to Greenland ; and thus Christianity was introduced into arctic

NORSE SHIP*

* This cut is copied from one in Nordenskiold's Voyage of the Vega (London, 1881), vol. i. p. 50, where it
is given as representing the vessel found at Sai.defjord in 1880. It is drawn from the restoration given in The
Viking ship discovered at Gokstad in Norway (Langshibet fra Gokstad ved Sandefjord) described by N.
Nicholaysen (Christiania, 1882). The original vessel owed its preservation to being used as a receptacle for
the body of a Viking chief, when he was buried under a mound. When exhumed, its form, with the sepulchral
chamber midships, could be made out, excepting that the prow and stern in their extremities had to be restored.
In the ship and about it were found, beside some of the bones of a man, various appurtenances of the vessel,
and the remains of horses buried with him. They are all described in the book above cited, from which the
other cuts herewith given of the plan of the vessel and one of its rowlocks are taken. The Popular Science
Monthly, May, 1881, borrowing from La Nature, gives a view of the ship as when found in situ. There are
other accounts in The Antiquary, Aug., 1880; Dec, j88i ; 1882, p. 87; Scribner's Magazine, Nov., 1887, by
John S. White; Potter's American Monthly, Mar., 1882. Cf. the illustrated paper, " Les navires des peuples
du nord," by Otto Jorell, in Congres Intemat. des Sciences geographiques (Paris, 1875 ; pub. 1878), i. 318.

Of an earlier discovery in 1872 there is an account in The ancient vessel found in the parish of Tunet
Norway (Christiania, 1872). This is a translation by Mr. Gerhard Gade of a Report in the Proceedings of the
Society for preserving Norwegian Antiquities. (Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xiii. p. 10.) This vessel was
also buried under a mound, and she was 43] feet long and four feet deep.

There is in the Nicholaysen volume a detailed account of the naval architecture of the Viking period, and
other references may be made to Otto Jorell's Les navires des peuples du Nord, in the Congres intemat. des
sciences gcog., compte rendu, 1875 (1878, i. 318) ; Me moires de la Soc. royal des Antiquaires du Nord (1887,
p. 280); Preble, in United Service (May, 1883, p. 463), and in his Amer. Flag, p. 159; De Costa's Pre-Co-
lumbian Discovery of America, p. xxxvii ; Fox's Landfall of Columbus, p. 3; Pop. Science Monthly, xix.
80; Van Nostrand's Eclectic Engineering Mag., xxiii. 320; Good Words, xxii. 759; Higginson's Larger
History U. S. for cuts; and J. J. A. Worsaae's Prehistory of the North (Eng. transl., London, 1886) for the
burial in ships.

There is a paper on the daring of the Norsemen as navigators by G. Brynjalfson (Compte Rendu, Congres
des Americanistes, Copenhagen, p. 140), entitled " Jusqu'oii les anciens Scandinaves ont-ils p6netre" vers le
pole arctique dans leurs expeditions a la mer glaciale?"

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

America. So they began to build churches 1 in Greenland, the considerable
ruins of one of which stand to this day.2 The winning of Iceland to the
Church was accomplished at the same timek

There were two centres of settlement on the Greenland coast, not where
they were long suspected to be, on the coast opposite Iceland, nor as sup-
posed after the explorations of Baffin's Bay, on both the east and west side
of the country ; but the settlers seem to have reached and doubled Cape
Farewell, and so formed what was called their eastern settlement (Eystri-
bygd), near the cape, while farther to the north they formed their western
colony (Westribygd).3 Their relative positions are still involved in doubt

PLAN OF VIKING SHIP.

In the next year after the second vovage of Eric the Red, one of the
ships which were sailing from Iceland to the new settlement, was driven
far off her course, according to the sagas, and Bjarni Herjulfson, who com-
manded the vessel, reported that he had come upon a land, away to the
southwest, where the coast country was level ; and he added that when he
turned north it took him nine days to reach Greenland.4 Fourteen years
later than this voyage of Bjarni, which is said to have been in a. d. 986, —
that is, in the year 1000 or thereabouts, — Leif, the same who had brought
the Christian priest to Greenland, taking
with him thirty-five companions, sailed
from Greenland in quest of the land seen
by Bjarni, which Leif first found, where
a barren shore stretched back to ice-
covered mountains, and because of the
stones there he called th e region Hellu
land. Proceeding farther south, he found
a sandy shore, with a level forest-country
back of it, and because 'of the woods it
was named Markland. Two days later
they came upon other land, and tasting the dew upon the grass they found

ROWLOCK OF THE VIKING SHIP.

1 Known as the Katortuk church.

2 An apocryphal story goes that one of these
churches was built near a boiling spring, the water
from which was conducted through the building
in pipes for heating it ! The Zeno narrative is the
authority for this. Cf. Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. i. 79.

3 The Westribygd, or western colony, had in
the fourteenth century 90 settlements and 4

churches; the Eystribygd had 190 settlements, a
cathedral and eleven churches, with two large
towns and three or four monasteries.

4 R. G. Haliburton, in the Popular Science
Monthly, May, 1885, p. 40, gives a map in which
Bjarni's course is marked as entering the St.
Lawrence Gulf by the south, and emerging by
the Straits of Belle Isle.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

it sweet. Farther south and westerly they went, and going up a river came
into an expanse of water, where on the shores they built huts to lodge in

NORSE BOAT USED AS A HABITATION*

for the winter, and sent out exploring parties. In one of these, Tyrker, a
native of a part of Europe where grapes grew, found vines hung with their
fruit, which induced Leif to call the country Vinland.

NORMAN SHIP FROM THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.f

SCANDINAVIAN FLAGS.f

* From Viollet-le-Duc's Habitatio?t humaine (Paris, 1875).

t From Worsaae's Danes and Norjvcgians in England, etc. u With the exception of very imperfect rep-
resentation carved on rocks and runic stones [see Higginson's Larger History,^. 27], there are no images
left in the countries of Scandinavia of ships of the olden times ; but the tapestry at Bayeux, in Normandy, is
a contemporary evidence of the appearance of the Normanic ships."

\ This group from Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, etc., p. 64, shows the transition from
the raven to the cross.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

Attempts have been made to identify these various regions by the inexact
accounts of the direction of their sailing, by the very general descriptions
of the country, by the number of days occupied in going from one point to
another, with the uncertainty if the ship sailed at night, and by the length
of the shortest clay in Vinland, — the last a statement that might help us,
if it could be interpreted with a reasonable concurrence of opinion, and if it
were not confused with other inexplicable statements. The next year Leif's
brother, Thorvald, went to Vinland with a single ship, and passed three win-
ters there, making explorations meanwhile, south and north. Thorfinn Karl-
sefne, arriving in Greenland in a. d. 1006, married a courageous widow
named Gudrid, who induced him to sail with his ships to Vinland and make
there a permanent settlement, taking with him livestock and other neces-
saries for colonization. Their first winter in the place was a severe one ; but

FROM OLAUS MAGNUS*

Gudrid gave birth to a son, Snorre, from whom it is claimed Thorwaldsen,
the Danish sculptor, was descended. The next season they removed to the
spot where Leif had wintered, and called the bay Hop. Having spent a
third winter in the country, Karlsefne, with a part of the colony, returned
to Greenland.

The saga then goes on to say that trading voyages to the settlement
which had been formed by Karlsefne now became frequent, and that the
chief lading of the return voyages was timber, which was much needed in
Greenland. A bishop of Greenland, Eric Upsi, is also said to have gone to
Vinland in A. d. 1121. In 1347 the last ship of which we have any record
in these sagas went to Vinland after timber. After this all is oblivion.

There are in all these narratives many details beyond this outline, and
those who have sought to identify localities have made the most they could
of the mention of a rock here or a bluff there, of an island where they
killed a bear, of others where they found eggs, of a headland where they
buried a leader who had been killed, of a cape shaped like a keel, of broad-

* Fac-simile of Norse weapons from the Historia of Olaus Magnus (b. 1490; d. 1568), Rome, t 5 5 5 , p. 222.
VOL. I. — 5

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

faced natives who offered furs for red cloths, of beaches where they hauled
up their ships, and of tides that were strong ; but the more these details
are scanned in the different sagas the more they confuse the investigator,
and the more successive relators try to enlighten us the more our doubts
are strengthened, till we end with the conviction that all attempts at con-
sistent unravelment leave nothing but a vague sense of something some-
where done.

Everywhere else where the Northmen went they left proofs of their occu-

full-size facsimile of thf tablet, engraved by Prof. Magnus
Petersen, ivith the Runes as he sees them.

V£S

1 1 m Ivfcw,

mw\

D53S

vhw

T33ES1

(transliteration of the leaden tablet.)

-f (at) p(e)r kuen(e) sine prinsined (b)ad (m)0TO LAN-
ana KRISTI DONAVIST1 GARDIAR IARDIAR
IBODIAR KRISTUS UINKIT KRISTUS REG-
NAT KRISTUS IMPERAT KRISTUS AB OMNI
MALO ME ASAM LIPERET KRUX KRISTI
SIT SUPER ME ASAM HIK ET UBIQUE
-4- KHORDA + IN KHORDA -f- KHORDAE

(t) (MjAGLA -+- SANGUIS KRISTI SIGNET ME

RUNES, A. D. iooo.*

* This cut is of some of the oldest runes known, giving two lines in Danish and the rest in Latin, as the
transliteration shows. It is copied from The oldest yet found Document in Danish, by Prof. Dr. George Ste-
phens (Copenhagen, 1888, — from the Me moires des Antiquaires du Nord, 18S7). The author says that the
leaden tablet on which the runes were cut was found in Odense, Fyn, Denmark, in 1883, and he places the
date of it about the year A. D. 1000. «

George Stephens's Handbook of the old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia and England is a
condensation, preserving all the cuts, and making some additions to his larger folio work in 3 vols., The
old-northern Runic monuments of Scandinavia and England, now first collected and deciphered (London,
etc., 1866-68). It does not contain either Icelandic or Greenland runes. He says that by the time of the col-
onization of Iceland " the old northern runes as a system had died out on the Scandinavian main, and were
followed by the later runic alphabet. But even this modern Icelandic of the tenth century has not come
down to us. If it had, it would be very different from what is now vulgarly so called, which is the greatly
altered Icelandic of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. . . . The oldest written Icelandic known to us is
said to date from about the year 1200. . . . The whole modern doctrine of one uniform Icelandic language
all over the immense north in the first one thousand winters after Christ is an impossible absurdity. ... It is
very seldom that any of the Scandinavian runic stones bear a date. . . . No Christian runic gravestone is
older than the fourteenth century."

On runes in general, see Mallet, Bohn's ed., pp. 227, 248, following the cut of the Kingektorsoak stone, in
Rafn's Antiq. Americana ; Wilson's Prchist. Man, ii. 88 ; Wollheim's Nat. Lit. der Scandinavier (Ber-
lin, 1875), vol. i. pp. 2-15 ; Legis-Glueckselig's Die Runen und ihre Dcnkmdler (Leipzig, 1829) ; De Costa's
Prc-Columb. Disc, pp. xxx ; Revue /olit. et lit., Jan. 10, 1880.

It is held that runes are an outgrowth of the Latin alphabet. (L. F. A. Wimmer's Runeskriftens O/rin
dchc og Udvikling i norden, Copenhagen, 1S74.)

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

pation on the soil, but nowhere in America, except on an island on the east
shore of Baffin's Bay,1 has any authentic runic inscription been found out-
side of Greenland. Not a single indisputable grave has been discovered to
attest their alleged centuries of fitful occupation. The consistent and natu-
ral proof of any occupation of America south of Davis Straits is therefore
lacking ; and there is not sufficient particularity in the descriptions 2 to
remove the suspicion that the story-telling of the fireside has overlaid the
reports of the explorer. Our historic sense is accordingly left to consider,
as respects the most general interpretation, what weight of confidence
should be yielded to the sagas, pre-Columbian as they doubtless are. But
beyond this is perhaps, what is after all the most satisfactory way of solving
the problem, a dependence on the geographical and ethnical probabilities
of the case. The Norsemen have passed into credible history as the most

Kl t t> c f $ h \ k 1 ffl

UBXfri YY%\ Y £ Yl

Y%X 5k i

It. I B 4 KVVMAM?

VMSiX.

.ALPHABETS tf OTHlCV

FROM OLAUS MAGNUS*

hardy and venturesome of races. That they colonized Iceland and Green-
land is indisputable. That their eager and daring nature should have de-
serted them at this point is hardly conceivable. Skirting the Greenland
shores and inuring themselves to the hardships and excitements of northern
voyaging, there was not a long stretch of open sea before they could strike
the Labrador coast. It was a voyage for which their ships, with courageous
crews, were not unfitted. Nothing is more likely than that some ship of
theirs may have been blown westerly and unwillingly in the first instance,
just as Greenland was in like manner first made known to the Icelanders.
The coast once found, to follow it to the south would have been their most
consistent action.

We may consider, then, that the weight of probability3 is in favor of a
Northman descent upon the coast of the American mainland at some point,

1 Dated 1135, and discovered in 1824. 8 On the probabilities of the Vinland voyages,

2 Distinctly shown in the diverse identifications see Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in Eng-
of these landmarks which have been made. land, etc., p. 109.

* Fac-simile of a cut to the chapter " De Alphabeto Gothorum " in the Historia de Gentibus Septentrionali-
bus (Romae, M.D.LV.).

68 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

or at several, somewhere to the south of Greenland ; but the evidence is
hardly that which attaches to well-established historical records.

The archaeological traces, which are lacking farther south, are abundant
in Greenland, and confirm in the most positive way the Norse occupation.
The ruins of churches and baptisteries give a color of truth to the ecclesi-
astical annals which have come down to us, and which indicate that after
having been for more than a century under the Bishop of Iceland, a succes-
sion of bishops of its own was established there early in the twelfth cen-
tury. The names of seventeen prelates are given by Torfaeus, though it is
not quite certain that the bishops invariably visited their see. The last
known to have filled the office went thither in the early years of the fif-
teenth century. The last trace of him is in the celebration of a marriage
at Gardar in 1409.

The Greenland colonists were equipped with all the necessities of a perma-
nent life. They had horses, sheep, and oxen, and beef is said to have been
a regular article of export to Norway. They had buildings of stone, of which
the remains still exist. They doubtless brought timber from the south, and
we have in runic records evidence of their explorations far to the north.
They maintained as late as the thirteenth century a regular commercial in-
tercourse with the mother country,1 but this trade fell into disuse when
a royal mandate constituted such ventures a monopoly of the throne ; and
probably nothing so much conduced to the decadence and final extinction
of the colonies as this usurped and exclusive trade, which cut off all per-
sonal or conjoined intercourse.

The direct cause of the final extinction of the Greenland colonies is in-
volved in obscurity, though a variety of causes, easily presumable, would
have been sufficient, when we take into consideration the moribund con-
dition into which they naturally fell after commercial restriction had put a
stop to free intercourse with the home government.

The Eskimos are said to have appeared in Greenland about the middle
of the fourteenth century, and to have manifested hostility to such a de-
gree that about 1342 the imperilled western colony was abandoned. The
eastern colony survived perhaps seventy years longer, or possibly to a still
later period. We know they had a new bishop in 1387, but before the end
of that century the voyages to their relief were conducted only after long
intervals.

Before communication was wholly cut off, the attacks of the Skraelings,
and possibly famine and the black death, had carried the struggling colo-
nists to the verge of destruction. Bergen, in Norway, upon which they de-
pended for succor, had at one time been almost depopulated by the same
virulent disease, and again had been ravaged by a Hanseatic fleet. Thus
such intercourse as the royal monopoly permitted had become precarious,
and the marauding of freebooters, then prevalent in northern waters, still
further served to impede the communications, till at last they wholly ceased,
during the early years of the fifteenth century.

1 Gr (inland's Hist. Mindesmaeker, iii. 9.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

It has sometimes been maintained that the closing in of ice-packs was
the final stroke which extinguished the last hopes of the expiring colonists.1
This view, however, meets with little favor among the more enlightened
students of climatic changes, like Humboldt.2

There has been published what purports to be a bull of Pope Nicholas V,3
directing the Bishop of Iceland to learn what he could of the condition
of the Greenland colonies, and in this document it is stated that part of
the colonists had been destroyed by barbarians thirty years before, — the
bull bearing date in 1448. There is no record that any expedition followed
upon this urging, and there is some question as to the authenticity of the
document.4 In the Relation of La Peyrere there is a story of some sailors
visiting Greenland so late as 1484; but it is open to question.

Early in the sixteenth century fitful efforts to learn the fate of the colonies
began, and these were continued, without result, well into the seventeenth
century; but nothing explicable was ascertained till, in 1721, Hans Egede,
a Norwegian priest, prevailed upon the Danish government to send him on
a mission to the Eskimos. He went, accompanied by wife and children ;
and the colony of Godthaab, and the later history of the missions, and the
revival of trade with Europe, attest the constancy of his purpose and the
fruits of his earnestness. In a year he began to report upon certain
remains which indicated the former occupation of the country by people
who built such buildings as was the habit in Europe. He and his son Paul
Egede, and their successors in the missions, gathered for us, first among

1 The popular confidence in this view is doubt-
less helped by Montgomery, who has made it a
point in his poem on Greenland, canto v. De
Courcy {Hist, of the Church in America,^. 12)
is cited by Howley [Newfoundland) as assert-
ing that the eastern colony was destroyed by
"a physical cataclysm, which accumulated the
ice." On the question of a change of climate in
Greenland, see J. D. Whitney's Climatic Changes
(Mus. Comp. Zool. Mem., 1882, vii. 238).

2 Rink (Danish Greenland, 22) is not inclined
to believe that there has been any material cli-
matic change in Greenland since the Norse days,
and favors the supposition that some portion of
the finally remaining Norse became amalgamated
with the Eskimo and disappeared. If the reader
wants circumstantial details of the misfortunes
of their " last man," he can see how they can be
made out of what are held to be Eskimo tradi-
tions in a chapter of Dr. Hayes's Land of Deso-
lation.

Xordenskjold ( Voyage of the Vega) holds, such
is the rapid assimilation of a foreign stock by a
native stock, that it is not unlikely that what
descendants may exist of the lost colonists of
Greenland may be now indistinguishable from
the Eskimo.

Tylor [Early Hist. Mankind, p. 208), speaking
of the Eskimo, says : " It is indeed very strange
that there should be no traces found among them
of knowledge of metal -work and of other arts,
which one would expect a race so receptive of
foreign knowledge would have got from contact
with the Northmen."

Prof. Edward S. Morse, in his very curious
study of Ancient and Modern Methods of Arrow
Release (Salem, 1885, — Bull. Essex Inst., xvii.)
p. 52, notes that the Eskimo are the only North
American tribe practising what he calls the
" Mediterranean release," common to all civil-
ized Europe, and he ventures to accept a sur-
mise that it may have been derived from the
Scandinavians.

3 Given by Schlegel, Egede (citing Pontanus),
and Rafn ; and a French version is in the Bull.
de la Soc. de Ge'og., 2d series, iii. 348. It is said
to be preserved in a copy in the Vatican. M.
F. Howley, Ecclesiastical Hist, of Newfottndland
(Boston, 1S88), p. 43, however, says: "Abbe
Gamier mentions a bull of Pope Nicholas V, of
date about 1447, concerning the church of Green-
land; but on searching the liullarium in the
Propaganda library, Rome, in 1S85, I could not
find it."

4 Laing's Heimskringla, i. 146.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

modern searchers, the threads of the history of this former people ; and,
as time went on, the researches of Graah, Nordenskjold, and other ex-
plorers, and the studious habits of Major, Rink, and the rest among the in-

DEI COMMENTARII DEL

ViaggioinPerfia di M. Catering Ztno il K.

tyaelle guerre fatte neWlmpeno'perfiano,

dal tempo di VjJtmcaJJano in qua •

LIBRI DVE.

ET DELIO SCOPRIM.ENTO

deWlfoleFrtslandajEsUnda.En^rouetdrida^Eflo
tilanda, & Icanajattofotto il Polo ^frtico.dd
duefratelli zem, M. Nicolbil K.e M.^sfntonio.

LIfiRO VNO.
CON VN DISEGNO PA B.TI C O L AR. E DI

tutte le dette parte di iramontana da lorfeoperte*

CON GRATJA, ET P.MVILEGIO.

VERI

TAS.

Nil

IN V E N E T I A
FerTmjcefco Mnrcolini. M D L V I 1 1.

vestigators, have enabled us to read the old sagas of the colonization of
Greenland with renewed interest and with the light of corroborating
evidence.1

We are told that it was one result of these Northman voyages that the

1 E. B. Tylor on " Old Scandinavian Civiliza-
tion among the modern Esquimaux," in the
Journal of the Anthropological Inst. (1884), xiii.
348, shows that the Greenlanders still preserve
some of the Norse customs, arising in part, as
he thinks, from some of the lost Scandinavian
survivors being merged in the savage tribes.

Their recollection of the Northmen seems evi-
dent from the traditions collected among them
by Dr. Rink in his Eskimoiske Evcntyr og Sagn
(Copenhagen, 1866) ; and their dress, and some
of their utensils and games, as it existed in the
days of Egede and Crantz, seem to indicate the
survival of customs.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

fame of them spread to other countries, and became known among the
Welsh, at a time when, upon the death of Owen Gwynedd, who ruled in
the northern parts of that country, the people were embroiled in civil strife.
That chieftain's son, Prince Madoc, a man bred to the sea, was discontented
with the unstable state of society, and resolved to lead a colony to these

DELLO SCOPRI MENTO DEL

l* I file Frislanda, EsUndd,EngYQUeland Eflo*

tdanddjO* Icariajfattoper due fratd*

li ZeniM. Nicolb it Cdualiere ><&

M. sA'ntonio Libro Vno, col di-

fegno di dette ifole *

E' M I I L E, &

dugento dnni del
U noflra fdlute
fi molto famofo
in Venetia M%
udYin zeno chid
mdto per la Jut
gran uirtu^tde
ftrezjzd d'inge
rno podefta in
dlcune Heptibli. d'ltdlid j tie' gouerm dellequM (1
poYtbJempYe cofi bene, che CYd dmato > & ^>rf»-
demente riueYito d fuo nome dd quell i dnco , che
tionl'hdueHdno mdiperpYefen^d conoftiuto;etr<t
I'dltre fue belle opwe pdrticoUrmente fi vdYrdj

western lands, where they could live more in peace. Accordingly, in a. d.
1 1 70, going seaward on a preliminary exploration by the south of Ireland,
he steered west, and established a pioneer colony in a fertile land. Leaving
here 120 persons, he returned to Wales, and fitted out a larger expedition
of ten ships, with which he again sailed, and passed out of view forever.
The evidence in support of this story is that it is mentioned in early

Note. — The cuts above are fac-similes of the title and of the first page of the section on Frisland, etc., from
the Harvard College copy. The book is rare. The Beckford copy brought £50; the Hamilton, £38; the
Tross catalogue (1882) price one at 150 francs; the Tweitmeyer, Leipzig, 1888, at 250 marks; Quaritch
(18S5), at £25. Cf. Court Catalogue, no. 378 ; Leclerc, no. 3002; Dufosse, no. 4965; Carter-Brown, i. 226;
Murphy, nos. 2798-99. The map is often in fac-simile, as in the Harvard College copy.

72 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Welsh annals, and that sundry persons have discovered traces of the Welsh
tongue among the lighter-colored American Indians, to say nothing of
manifold legends among the Indians of an original people, white in color,
coming from afar towards the northeast, — proofs not sufficient to attract
the confidence of those who look for historical tests, though, as Humboldt
contends,1 there may be no impossibility in the story.

There seems to be a general agreement that a crew of Arabs, somewhere
about the eleventh or twelfth century, explored the Atlantic westward,
with the adventurous purpose of finding its further limits, and that they
reached land, which may have been the Canaries, or possibly the Azores,
though the theory that they succeeded in reaching America is not without
advocates. The main source of the belief is the historical treatise of the
Arab geographer Edrisi, whose work was composed about the middle of
the twelfth century.2

In the latter part of the fourteenth century,3 as the story goes, two
brothers of Venice, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, being on a voyage in the
North Atlantic were wrecked there, and lived for some years at Frislanda,
and visited Engroneland. During this northern sojourn they encountered
a sailor, who, after twenty-six years of absence, had returned, and reported
that the ship in which he wras had been driven west in a gale to an island,
where he found civilized people, who possessed books in Latin and could
not speak Norse, and whose country was called Estotiland ; while a region
on the mainland, farther south, to which he had also gone, was called
Drogeo, and that here he had encountered cannibals. Still farther south
was a great country with towns and temples. This information, picked up
by these exiled Zeni, was finally conveyed to another brother in Venice,
accompanied by a map of these distant regions. These documents long

1 Cosmos, Bohn's ed., ii. 610; Examen Crit., del Nuevo Mondo, Madrid, 1793). Hugh Murray
ii, j^S, [Discoveries and Travels in No. Amer., Lond.,

2 Cf. Geographie de Edrisi, tradnite de Tar abe 1829, i. p. 11) and W. D. Cooley {Maritime
en francais oTaprls deux manuscrits de la bib- Discovery, 1830, i. 172) limit the explorations
liotheque du Roi, et accompagn'ee de notes, par respectively to the Azores and the Canaries.
G. Amedee Jaubert (Paris, 1836-40), vol. i. 200; Humboldt [Examen Crit., 1837, ii. 137) thinks
ii. 26. Cf. Recneil des Voyages et Memoires de they may possibly have reached the Canaries ;
la Soctite de Geographie de Paris, vols, v., vi. but Malte Brun [Geog. Universelle, 1S41, i. 186)
The world-map by Edrisi does not indicate any is more positive. Major [Select Letters of Co-
knowledge of this unknown world. Cf. copies lumbus, 1847) discredits the American theory,
of it in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vi ; Lelewel, Atlas, and in his Prince Henry agrees with D'Avezac
pi. x-xii; Peschel's Gesch. der Erdkunde, ed. that they reached Madeira. Lelewel [Geog. du
by Ruge, 1877, p. 144; Amer. Geog. Soc. Jour- Moycn Age, ii. 78) seems likewise incredulous.
nal, xii. 181 ; Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, ix. 292; S. F. Haven [Archceol. U. S.) gives the theory
Gerard Stein's Die Entdeckuugsreisen in alter and enumerates some of its supporters. Pe-
und neuer Zeit (1883). schel ( Gcschichte des Zcitaltcrs der Entdeckungen,

Guignes [Mem. Acad, des Inscriptions, 1761, 1S5S) is very sceptical. Gaffarel [Etudes, etc.,

xxviii. 524) limits the Arab voyage to the Cana- p. 209) fails to find proof of the American

ries, and in Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la theory. Gay {Pop. History U. S., i. 64) limits

bihliotheque du Roi, ii. 24, he describes a MS. their voyage to the Azores,
which makes him believe the Arabs reached 3 Given as A. D. 1380 ; but Major says, 139a

America ; and he is followed by Munoz {Hist. Journal Royal Geog. Soc, 1873, p. 1S0.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

remained in the family palace in Venice, and were finally neglected and
became obscured, until at last a descendant of the family compiled from
them, as best he could, a book, which was printed in Venice in 1558 as
Dei Commcntarii del Viaggio, which was accompanied by a map drawn
with difficulty from the half obliterated original which had been sent from
Frislanda.1 The original documents were never produced, and the publica-
tion took place opportunely to satisfy current curiosity, continually incited

SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.*

1 De Costa, Verrazano the Explorer (N. Y.,
1880), pp. 47, 63, contends that Benedetto Bor-
done, writing his /sole del Mondo in 1 521, and
printing it in 1528, had access to the Zeno map
thirty years and more earlier than its publica-
tion. This, he thinks, is evident from the way
in which he made and filled in his outline, and
from his drawing of " Islanda," even to a like way
of engraving the name, which is in a style of
letter used by Bordone nowhere else. Hum-
boldt (Cosmos, Bonn's ed., ii. 611) has also re-
marked it as singular that the name Frislanda,
which, as he supposed, was not known on the
maps before the Zeni publication in 1538, should
have been applied by Columbus to an island
southerly from Iceland, in his Tratado de las

cinco zonas habitables. Cf. De Costa's Columbus
and the Geographers of the North (1872), p. 19.
Of course, Columbus might have used the name
simply descriptively, — cold land ; but it is now
known that in a sea chart of perhaps the fifteenth
century, preserved in the Ambrosian library at
Milan, the name " Fixlanda " is applied to an
island in the position of Frislanda in the Zeno
chart, while in a Catalan chart of the end of the
fifteenth century the same island is apparently
called " Frixlanda " (Sludi biog. e bibliog. delta
soc. geog. ital., ii. nos. 400, 404). "Frixanda"
is also on a chart, A. D. 1471-83, given in fac-
simile to accompany Wuttke's " Geschichte der
Erdkunde " in the Jahrbuch des Vercins fur
Erdkunde (Dresden, 1870, tab. vi.).

* From the Isolario (Venice, 1547).

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

by the Spanish discoveries. It was also calculated to appeal to the national
pride of Italy, which had seen Spain gain the glory of her own sons, Colum-
bus and Vespucius, if it could be established that these distant regions, of
which the Zeni brothers so early reported tidings, were really the great
new world.1 The cartography of the sixteenth century shows that the
narrative and its accompanying map made an impression on the public
mind, but from that day to this it has been apparent that there can be no
concurrence of opinion as to what island the Frislanda of the Zeni was, if
it existed at all except in some disordered or audacious mind ; and, as a
matter of course, the distant regions of Estotiland and Drogeo have been
equally the subject of belief and derision. No one can be said wholly to
have taken the story out of the category of the uncertain.

THE SEA OF DARKNESS.
(From Olaus Magnus.)

The presence of the Basques on the coasts of North America long be-
fore the voyage of Columbus is often asserted,2 and there is no improba-
bility in a daring race of seamen, in search of whales, finding a way to
the American waters. There are some indications in the early cartography
which can perhaps be easily explained on this hypothesis ; 3 there are said
to be unusual linguistic correspondences in the American tongues with
those of this strange people.4 There are the reports of the earliest navi-

1 Irving's Columbus takes this view.

2 J. P. Leslie's Mail's Origin and Destiny, p.
114, for instance.

3 Brevoort {Hist. Mag., xiii. 45) thinks that
the " Isola Verde " and " Isle de Mai " of the
fifteenth-century maps, lying in lat. 460 north,
was Newfoundland with its adjacent bank, which
he finds in one case represented. Samuel Rob-
ertson {Lit. &° Hist. Soc. Quebec, Trans. Jan. 16)
goes so far as to say that certain relics found in
Canada may be Basque, and that it was a Basque
whaler, named Labrador, who gave the name

to the coast, which the early Portuguese found
attached to it ! We find occasional stories indi-
cating knowledge of distant fishing coasts at a
very early date, like the following : —

" In the yeere 1 1 53 it is written that there came
to Lubec, a citie of Germanie, one canoa with
certaine indians, like unto a long barge, which
seemed to have come from the coast of Bacca-
laos, which standeth in the same latitude that
Germanie doth" (Galvano, Bethune's edition,
p. 56).

4 W. D. Whitney, Life and Growth of Lan-

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

gators, who have left indisputable records that earlier visitors from Europe
had been before them, and Cabot may have found some reminders of such ; l
and it is even asserted that it was a Basque mariner, who had been on the
Newfoundland banks, and gave to Columbus some premonitions of the New
World.2

Certain claims of the Dutch have also been advanced;3 and one for an
early discovery of Newfoundland, in 1463-64, by John Vas Costa Corte-
real was set forth by Barrow in his Chronological Hist, of Voyages into the
Arctic Regions (London, 18 18) ; but he stands almost alone in his belief.4
Biddle in his Cabot has shown its great improbability.

In the years while Columbus was nourishing his purpose of a western voy-
age, there were two adventurous navigators, as alleged, who were breasting
the dangers of the Sea of Darkness both to the north and to the south. It

guage, p. 258, says : " No other dialect of the old
world so much resembles in structure the Amer-
ican languages." Cf. Farrar's Families of Speech,
p. 132; Nott and Gliddon's Indigenous Races,
48 ; H. de Charencey's Des affinites de la lahgue
Basque avec les idiomes du Nouveau Monde
(Paris and Caen, 1867) ; and Julien Vinson's " La
langue basque et les langues Americaines " in
the Compte Rendu, Congres des Americanistes
(Nancy, 1875), ii. 46. ^n tne other hand, Joly
{Man before Metals, 316) says: " Whatever may
be said to the contrary, Basque offers no analogy
with the American dialects."

These linguistic peculiarities enter into all the
studies of this remarkable stock. Cf. J. F.
Blade's Etude sur lorigine des Basques (Paris,
1869) ; W. B. Dawkins in the Fortnightly Re-
vieiu, Sept., 1874, and his Cave Hunting, ch. 6,
with Brabrook's critique in the "Journal Anthro-
pological Institute, v. 5 ; and Julien Vinson on
" L'Ethnographie des Basques " in Man. de la
Soc. d' 'Ethnographic, Session de i8j2, p. 49, with
a map.

1 But see Vol. III. 45 ; IV. 3. Forster {North-
ern Voyages, book iii. ch. 3 and 4) contends for
these pre-Columbian visits of the European fish-
ermen. Cf. Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub
anno 1508. The same currents and easterly
trade-winds which helped Columbus might ea-
sily have carried chance vessels to the American
coasts, as we have evidence, apparently, in the
stern-post of a European vessel which Colum-
bus saw at Guadaloupe. Haven cites Gumilla
{Hist. Orinoco, ii. 208) as stating that in 173 1 a
bateau from Teneriffe was thrown upon the
South American coast. Cf. J. P. Casselius, De
Navigationibus fortuitis in Americam, ante Colum-
bian fact is (Magdeburg, 1742); Brasseur's Popiu
Vuh, introd. ; Hunt's Merchants' Mag. xxv. 275.

2 Francisque- Michel, Le Pays Basque, 189,
who says that the Basques were acquainted with
the coasts of Newfoundland a century before
Columbus (ch. 9).

Humboldt {Cosmos, Eng. ed. ii. 142) is not
prepared to deny such early visits of the Basques
to the northern fishing grounds. Cf. Gaffarel's
Rapport, p. 212. Harrisse {Notes on Columbus,
80) goes back very far : " The Basques and
Northmen, we feel confident, visited these shores
as early as the seventh century."

There are some recent studies on these early
fishing experiences in Ferd. Duro's Disquisi-
ciones nauticas (1881), and in E. Gelcich's " Der
Fischgang des Gascogner und die Entdeckung
von Neuf midland," in the ZeitscJirift der Ge-
sellschaft fur Erdkicnde zu Berlin (1883), vol.
xviii. pp. 249-287.

3 Cf. M. Hamconius' Frisia: seu de viris er-
busque Frisia? illustribus (Franckerae, 1620), and
L. Ph. C. v. d. Bergh's Nederlauds annspraak op
de ontdekking van Amerika voor Columbus (Arn-
heim, 1850). Cf. M tiller's Catalogue (1877), nos-

3°3> J343-

4 Watson's bibliog. in Anderson, p. 158.

A Biscayan merchant, a subject of Navarre, is
also said to have discovered the western lands
in 1444. Cf. Andre Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, p.
564 ; and G. de Henao's Averignaciones de las
Antigiiedades de Cantabria, p. 25.

Galvano (Hakluyt Soc. ed., p. 72) recounts
the story of a Portuguese ship in 1447 being
driven westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to
an island with seven cities, where they found the
people speaking Portuguese ; who said they had
deserted their country on the death of King
Roderigo. " All these reasons seem to agree,"
adds Galvano, " that this should be that country
which is called Nova Spagna."

It was the year ( 1491 ) before Columbus' voyage
that the English began to send out from Bristol
expeditions to discover these islands of the seven
cities, and others having the same legendary ex-
istence. Cf. Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to
England, in Spanish State Papers, i. 177. Cf.
also Irving's Columbus, app. xxiv., and Gaf-
farel's Etude sur la rapports, etc., p. 185.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

cannot be said that either the Pole Skolno, in his skirting the Labrador coasts
in 1476,1 or the Norman Cousin, who is thought to have traversed a part of
the South American coast in 148S-89,2 have passed with their exploits
into the accepted truths of history ; but there was nothing improbable in
what was said of them, and they flourish as counter-rumors always survive
when attendant upon some great revelation like that of Columbus.

1 See Vol. II. p. 34.

-' ^ce Vol. II. p. 34, where is a list of refer-
ences, which may be increased as follows : Ba-
chiller y Morales, Antigiiedades Americanas (Ha-
vana, 1845). E. de Freville's Memoire sur le Com-
merce maritime de Rouen (1857), i. 328, and his

La CosmograpJiie du moyen age, et les decouvertes
maritimes des Normands (Paris, 1S60), taken
from the Revue des Societes Savantes. Gabriel
Gravier's Les Normands snr la route des dudes,
(Rouen, 1SS0). Cf. Cougres des Americanistes in
Compte Rendu (1875), i. 397.

CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

A. Early Connection of Asiatic Peoples
with the Western Coast of America. —
The question of the origin of the Americans,
whether an autochthonous one or associated
with the continents beyond either ocean, is more
properly discussed in another place of the pres-
ent volume. We can only indicate here in
brief such of the phases of the question as sup-
pose an Asiatic connection, and the particular
lines of communication.

The ethnic unity of the American races, as
urged by Morton and others, hardly meets the
requirements of the problem in the opinion of
most later students, like Sir Daniel Wilson, for
instance ; and yet, if A. II. Keane represents, as
he claims, the latest ethnological beliefs, the
connection with Asia, of the kind that forms
ethnic traces, must have been before the history
of the present Asiatic races, since the corre-
spondence of customs, etc. is not sufficient for
more recent affiliation.1 It should be remem-
bered also, that if this is true, and if there is

the strong physical resemblance between Asi-
atics and the indigenous tribes of the northwest
coast which early travellers and physiologists
have dwelt on, we have in such a correspondence
strong evidence of the persistency of types.2

The Asiatic theory was long a favorite one.
So popular a book as Lafitau's Mceurs des Sal-
vages (Paris, 1724) advocated it. J. B. Sche-
rer's Recherches historiques et geographiques sur
le nouveau monde (Paris, 1777) was on the
same side. One of the earliest in this country,
Benj. Smith Barton, to give expression to Amer-
ican scholarship in this field held like opinions
in his Nezv Views of the Origin of the Tribes oj
America (Philad., 1797).3 Twenty years later
(1S16) one of the most active of the American
men of letters advocated the same views, —
Samuel L. Mitchell in the Archaologia Ameri-
cana (i. 325, 338, 346). The weightiest author-
ity of his time, Alex, von Humboldt, formu-
lated his belief in several of his books : Vues
des Cordilleres ; Ausichleji der Natter ; Cosmos.^

^ " Ethnography and Philology of America," in H. W. Bates, Central America, West Indies, and South
America (Loncl., 1882). This was the opinion of Prescott {Mexico, Kirk's ed., iii. 39S), and he based his
judgment on the investigations of Waldeck, Voyage dans la Yticatan, and Dupaix, Antiquites Mexicaines.
Stephens {Central America) holds similar views. Cf. Wilson, Prehistoric Man, i. 327 ; ii. 43. Dall {Third
Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 146) says : " There can be no doubt that America was populated in some way by people
of an extremely low grade of culture at a period even geologically remote. There is no reason for supposing,
however, that immigration ceased with these original people."

- Cf. references in H. II. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 39; Amerika' s Nordwest Kiistc; Neueste Ergcbnisse
cthnologischcr Rciscn (Berlin, 1883), and the English version, The Northwest Coast of America. Being
Results of Recent Ethnological Researches from the collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin. Pub-
lished by the Directors of the Ethnological Department (New York, 18S3).

;; Cf. his Observations on some remains of antiquity (1796).

4 Different shades of belief arc abundant: F. Xavier de Orrio's Solucion del gran problcma (Mexico,

j ) : Fischer's Conjecture sur I'originc des Amcricaines ; Adair's Amcr. Indians ; G. A. Thompson's New

theory of the two hemispheres (London, [815); Adam Hodgson's Letters from No. Amer. (Lond., 1S24) ;

J. H. McCulloh's Researches (Bait., 1 829), ch. 10; D. B. Warden's "Recherches sur les Antiquites de

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

Of the northern routes, that by Behring's have not far from the same dimensions, he saw
Straits is the most apparent, and Lyell says both the English and French shores at the
that when half-way over Dover Straits, which same( time, he was easily convinced that the

BEHRIXG SEA

AETD -ADJACENT WATERS

Itenl Barrow- .

-zs:

C2-

eo°

SIXawrencel* v jj

JT&MCITATZA

^EnnnrG sz&

A LtepTPxi,

NnnivsQcT.

l'Amerique" in the Antiqziitcs Mexicaincs (Paris, 1834), vol. ii. ; E. G. Squier's Serpent Symbol (N. Y.
1 851) ; Brasseur de Bourbourg's Hist, des Nations Civilisees, i. 7 ; Jose Perez in Revue Orientate ct A?ncri-
caine (Paris, 1862), vol. viii. ; Bancroft's Native Races, v. 30, 31, with references; YVinchell's Preadamitcs,
397; a paper on Asiatic tribes in North America, in Canadian Institute Proceedings (1881), i. 171. Dabry
de Thiersant, in his Origine des Indiens du nouv. vionde (Paris, 1883), reopens the question, and Quatrefages
even brings the story of Moncacht-Ape (see post, Vol. V. p. yy) to support a theory of frequent Asiatic
communication. Tylor (Early Hist. Mankind, 209) says that the Asiatics must have taught the Mexicans
to make bronze and smelt iron ; and (p. 339) he finds additional testimony in the correspondence of myths,
but Max Miiller (Chips,\\. 168) demurs. Nadaillac, in his L'Amerique prcliistorique, discussed this with the
other supposable connections of the American people, and generally disbelieved in them ; but Dall, in the Eng-
lish translation, summarily dismisses all consideration of them as unworthy a scientific mind ; but points out
what the early Indian traditions are (p. 526).

A good deal of stress has been laid at times on certain linguistic affiliations. Barton, in his New Vieivs,
sought to strengthen the case by various comparative vocabularies. Charles Farcy went over the proofs in his
A?itiquitcs de l Amerique : Discutcr la valeur des documents rclatifs a Vhistoire de P Amcriqtic avant la
conqucte des Europeens, et determiner s'il existe des rapports cntre les la?igucs de I 'Amerique ct ccllcs
des tribas de I'Afriquc ct de I'Asic (Paris, 1836). H. H. Bancroft {Native Races, v. 39) enumerates the
sources of the controversy. Roehrig (Smitlisonian Report, 1872) finds affinities in the languages of the
Dakota or Sioux Indians. Pilling (Bibliog. of Siouan languages, p. 11) gives John Campbell's contribu-
tions to this comparative study. In the Canadian Institute Proceedings (1881), vol. i. p. 171, Campbell
points out the affinities of the Tinneh with the Tungus, and of the Choctaws and Cherokees with the Ko-

Note. — Sketch map from the U. S. Geodetic Survey, 1880, App. xvi ; also in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc,
xv. p. 114. Cf. Bancroft's Nat. Races, i. 35.

JS NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

passage by Behring's Straits solved many of tive of one Hoei-Shin, who is reported to have

the difficulties of the American problem.1 returned to China in a. d. 499. Beside much

The problem as to the passage by the Aleu- in the story that is ridiculous and impossible,

tian Islands is converted into the question there are certain features which have led some

whether primitive people could have success- commentators to believe that the coast of Mex-

fully crossed an interval from Asia of 130 miles ico was intended, and that the Mexican maguey

to reach the island Miedna, 126 more to Beh- plant was the tree fusang, after which the

ring's Island, and then 235 to Attu, the western- country is said to have been called. The story

most of the Aleutian Islands, or nearly 500 miles was first brought to the attention of Europeans

in all, and to have crossed in such numbers as to in 1761, when De Guignes published his paper

affect the peopling of the new continent. There on the subject in the 28th volume (pp. 505-26)

are some, like Winchell, who see no difficulty in of the Academy of Inscriptions.5 It seems to

the case.'2 There are no authenticated relics, it have attracted little attention till J. H. von

is believed, to prove the Tartar occupancy of Klaproth, in 1831, discredited the American

the northwest of America.3 That there have theory in his " Recherches sur le pays de Fou-

been occasional estrays upon the coasts of sang," published in the Nouvelles Annates des

British Columbia, Oregon, and California, by Voyages (2d ser., vol. xxi.), accompanied by a

the drifting thither of Chinese and Japanese chart. In 1834 there appeared at Paris a French

junks, is certainly to be believed; but the argu- translation, Annates des Empereurs du Japon

ment against their crews peopling the country {Nipon 0 daiitsi rau), to which (vol. iv.) Klap-'

is usually based upon the probable absence of roth appended an " Apercu de l'histoire mytho-

women in them, — an argument that certainly logique du Japon," in which he returned to the

does not invalidate the belief in an infusion of subject, and convinced Humboldt at least,6 that

Asiatic blood in a previous race.4 the country visited was Japan, and not Mexico,

The easterly passage which has elicited most though he could but see striking analogies, as

interest is one alleged to have been made by he thought, in the Mexican myths and customs

some Buddhist priests to a country called Fu- to those of the Chinese.7

sang, and in proof of it there is cited the narra- In 1 841, Karl Friedrich Neumann, in the Zcit-

riaks. Cf. also Ibid., July, 18S4. Dall and Pinart pronounce against any affinity of tongues in the Contribu-
tions to Amer. Ethnology (Washington), i. 97. Cf. Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., 494 ; Leland's Fusang,
ch. 10.

1 Behring's Straits, first opened, as Wallace says, in quaternary times, are 45 miles across, and are often frozen
in winter. South of them is an island where a tribe of Eskimos live, and they keep constant communication
with the main of Asia, 50 miles distant, and with America, 120 miles away. Robertson solved the diffi-
culty by this route. Cf. Contributions to Amer. Ethnology (1877), i. 95-9S ; Warden's Recherches ; Maury,
in Revue des deux Mondes, Ap. 15, 1S58 ; Peschel's Races of Men, p. 401 ; F. von Hellwald in Smithsonian
Report, 1 866 ; Short, p. 510; Bancroft, Native Races, v. 28, 29, 54; and Chavanne's Lit. of the Polar Regions,
58, 194 — the last page shows a list of maps. Max Midler {Chips, ii. 270) considers this theory a postulate
only.

2 Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology, i. 96 ; Lyell's Principles of Geology, 8th ed., 368 ; A. Ragine's Decouvcrtc
de I'Amcrique dzi Kamtchatka ct des ties Alcouticnnes (St. Petersburg, 1868, 2d ed.) ; Pickering's Races of
Men ; Peschel's Races of Men, 397 ; Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity. Dall ( Tribes of the Northwest,
in Powell's Rocky Mountain Region, 1877, p. 96) does not believe in the Aleutian route.

On the drifting of canoes for long distances see Lyell's Principles of Geology, nth ed., ii. 472 ; Col. B.
Kennon in Leland's Fousang ; Rev. des deux Mondes, Apr., 1858; Vining, ch. 1. Cf. Alphonse Pinart's
" Les Aleoutes et leur origine," in Mem. de la Soc. d'Ethnographie, session de 1872, p. 155.

8 Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft's Nat. Races, v. 54. We have an uncorroborated story of a Tartar in-
scription being found. Cf. Kalm's Reise, iii. 416; Archceologia (London, 1787), viii. 304.

4 Gomara makes record of such floating visitors in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Horace Davis
published in the A)ner. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (Apr., 1872) a record of Japanese vessels driven upon the northwest
coast of America and its outlying islands in a paper " On the likelihood of an admixture of Japanese blood on
our northwest coast." Cf. A. W. Bradford's American Antiqicities (N. Y., 1S41) ; Whymper's Alaska. 250;
Bancroft's Nat. Races, v. 52, with references; Contributions to Amer. Ethnol., i. 97, 23S ; De Roquefeuil's
Journal du Voyage atitour du Monde (1876-79), etc. It is shown that the great Pacific current naturally
carries floating objects to the American coast. Davis, in his tract, gives a map of it. Cf. Haven, Archceol.
U. S., p. 144 ; Dull. Amer. Geog. Soc. (1883), xv. p. 101, by Thomas Antisell ; and China Review, Mar., Apr.,
1 888, by J. Edkins.

■"' Recherches sur les navigations des Chinois du cote de V Amerique et sur quelques peuples situes h. Vex-
trcmitc orientate de PAsie (Paris, 1761). It is translated in Vining, ch. 1.

0 Examen Critique, ii. 65, and Ansichten der Natur, or Views of Nature, p. 132.

7 Much depends on the distance intended by a Chinese li. Klaproth translated the version as given by an

Note. —The map of Buache, 1752, showing De Guignes' route of the Chinese emigration to Fusang.
Reduced from the copy in the Congres internationale des Americanistes, Compte Rendu, Nancy, /87s.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

schriftfur allgemeine Erdkunde (new series, vol.
jcvi.), published a paper on " Ost Asien und
West Amerika nach Chinesischen Quellen aus
dem fiinften, sechsten .und siebenten Jahrhun-
dert," in which he gave a version of the Hcei-
shin (Hcei-schin, Hui-shen) narrative, which
Chas. G. Leland, considering it a more perfect
form of the original than that given by De
Guignes, translated into English in The Knick-
erbocker Mag. (1850), xxxvi. 301, as "California
and Mexico in the fifth century." 1

The next to discuss the question, and in an
affirmative spirit, was Charles Hippolyte de
Paravey, in the Annates de Philosophic Chreti-
en >ie (Feb., 1S44), whose paper was published
separately as VAmirique sous le nom de pays de
Fou-Sang, est elle citee des le je siecle de not re 2rc,
dans L's grandes annales de la Chine, etc. Dis-
cussion on dissertation abre'gee, oil P affirmative est
prouvee (Paris, 1844); and in 1847 ne published
Nouvelles preuves que le pays dn Fousang est
PAmerique.2

The controversy as between De Guignes and
Klaproth Avas shared, in 1862, by Gustave
d'Eichthal, taking the Frenchman's side, in the
Revue Archeologique (vol. ii.), and finally in his
Etudes sur les origiues Bouddhiqucs de la civili-
sation Americaine (Paris, 1865). 3

In 1S70, E. Bretschneider, in his " Fusang, or
who discovered America ? " in the Chinese Re-
corder and Missionary yournal (Foochow, Oct.,
1870), contended that the whole story was the
fabrication of a lying priest.4

In 1 87 5 there was new activity in discussing
the question. Two French writers of consider-
able repute in such studies attracted attention :
the one, Lucien Adam, in the Congres des Ame-
ricanistes at Nancy {Compte Rendu, i. 145) ; and
the other, Leon de Rosny, entered the discus-
sions at the same session {Ibid. i. p. 131 ).5

The most conspicuous study for the English
reader was Charles Godfrey Leland's Fusang, or
The discovery of America by Chinese Buddhist
priests in the fifth century (London, 1875).°

The Marquis d'Hervey de Saint Denis pub-
lished in the Actes de la Soc. d' Ethnographie
(1869), vol. vi., and later in the Comptes Rendus
of the French Academy of Inscriptions, a Me-
moire sur le pays connu des anciens Chinois sous
le nom de Fou-sang, et sur quelques doc7i?nents
inedits poitr servir a Pideutifier, which was
afterwards published separately in Paris, 1876,
in which he assented to the American theory.
The student of the subject need hardly go, how-
ever, beyond E. P. Vining's An inglorious Co-
lumbus: or, Evidence that Hivui Shan and a
party of Buddhist monks from Afghanistan dis-
covered America in the fifth century a. D. (New
York, 1885), since the compiler has made it a
repository of all the essential contributions to
the question from De Guignes down. He gives
the geographical reasons for believing Fusang
to be Mexico (ch. 20), comparing the original
description of Fusang with the early accounts
of aboriginal Mexico, and rehearsing the tradi-
tions, as is claimed, of the Buddhists still found

early Chinese historian of the seventh century, Li Yan Tcheou, and Klaproth's version is Englished in Ban-
croft's Nat. Races, v. 33-36. Klaprotlvs memoir is also translated in Yining, ch. 3. Some have more specifi-
cally pointed to Saghalien, an island at the north end of the Japan Sea. Brooks says there is a district of
Corea called Fusang {Science, viii. 402). Brasseur says the great Chinese encyclopaedia describes Fusang as
lying east of Japan, and he thinks the descriptions correspond to the Cibola of Castaneda.

1 Again with a commentary in The Contine?ital Mag. (New York, vol. i.)- Subjected to the revision of
Neumann, it is reproduced in Leland's Fusang (Lond., 1875). cf- vininS> ch- 6; wft0 Sives also (cn< I0) the
account in Shan-Hai-king as translated by C. M. Williams in Mag. Amer. Hist., April, 1S83.

■"- The pamphlets are translated in Yining, ch. 4 and 5. Paravey held to the Mexican theory, and he at
least convinced Domenech {Seven years' residence in the great deserts of No. Amer., Lond., i860). Paravey
published several pamphlets on subjects allied to this. His Mcmoirc sur I'origine japonaise, ar'abc et basque
de la civilisation des peuples du plateau de Bogota d'aprls les travaux de Humboldt et Siebold (Paris, 1835)
is a treatise on the origin of the Muyscas or Chibchas. Jomard, in his Les Antiquites Amcricaincs an point
de vue des progres de la geographic (Paris, 1S17) in the Bull, de la Soc. Giog., had questioned the Asiatic
affiliations, and Paravey replied in a Refutation de I' opinion cmise par Jomard que les peuples de VAmcriquc
n out jamais en aucun rapport avec ccux de I'Asie (Paris, 1S49), originally in the Annales de philosophic
Chreticnne (May, 1S49).

8 Also in the Rev. Archeologique (vols. x.. xi.), and epitomized in Leland. Cf. also Dr. A. Godron on the
Buddhist mission to America in Annales des J'oyagcs (Paris, 1S64), vol. iv., and an opposing view by Yivien
de St. Martin in LAnnee gcographiquc (1865), iii. p. 253, who was in turn controverted by Brasseur in his
Monuments Anciens du Mexique.

4 This paper is reprinted in Leland.

•> Cf. also his Varietcs Orientates. 1872 : and his " L'Amerique, etait-elle connue des Chinois a l'epoque du
deluge ? " in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, n. s., iii. 191.

\V. Williams, in the. Journal of the American Oriental Soc. (vol. xi.). in controverting the views of
Leland, was inclined to find Fusang in the Loo-choo Islands. This paper was printed separately as Notices
of Fusang ami other countries lying cast of China in the Pacific ocean (New Haven, 1S81).

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 8l

by the Spaniards pervading the memories of the the relations of the Malays to the inhabitants
natives, and at last (ch. 37) summarizing all the of the Oceanic Islands and the capacity of early
grounds of his belief.1 man to traverse long distances by water.2

E. B. Tylor has pointed out the Asiatic rela-

The consideration of the Polynesian route as tions of the Polynesians in the Journal of the

a possible avenue for peopling America involves Anthropological Inst., xi. 401. Pickering, in the

1 A good deal of labor has been bestowed to prove this identity of Fusang with Mexico. It is held to be
found in the myths and legends of the two people by Charency in his Mythe de Votan, etude sur les origines
asiatiques de la civilisation americaine (Alencon, 1871), drawn from the Actes de la Soc. philologique (vol.
ii.) ; and he has enforced similar views in the Revue des questions historiques (vi. 283), and in his Djemschid
et Quetzalcohuatl. L'histoire legendaire de la Nouvelle-Espagne rapprochce de la source indo-europeenne
(Alencon, 1874). Humboldt thought it strange, considering other affinities, — as for instance in the Mexican
calendars, — that he could find no Mexican use of phallic symbols ; but Bancroft says they exist. Cf. Native
Races, iii. 501; also see v. 40, 232; Brasseur's Quatre Lettres, p. 202; and John Campbell's paper on the
traditions of Mexico and Peru as establishing such connections, in the Compte Rendu, Congres des Amer.
(Nancy, 1875), *■ 34^- Dr. Hamy saw in a monument found at Copan an inscription which he thought was
the Tae-kai of the Chinese, the symbol of the essence of all things {Bull, de la Soc. de Gcog., 1886, and
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xvi. 242, with a cut of the stone). Dall controverts this point
(Science, viii. 402).

Others have dwelt on the linguistic resemblances. B. S. Barton in his New Views pressed this side of the
question. The presence of a monosyllabic tongue like the Otomi in the midst of the polysyllabic languages
of Mexico has been thought strongly to indicate a survival. Cf. Manuel Najera's Disertacion sobre la lengua
Othomi, Mexico, 1845, anc^ m Amer. F kilos. Soc. Trans., n. s.,v. ; Ampere's Promenade en Amerique, ii.
301; Prescott's Mexico, iii. 396; Warden's Recherches (in Dupaix), p. 125; Latham's Races of Men, 408 \
Bancroft's Nat. Races, iii. "jt,j ; v. 39, with references. Others find Sanskrit roots in the Mexican. E. B.
Tylor has indicated the Asiatic origin of certain Mexican games {Journal of the Anthropol. Inst., xxiv.).
Ornaments of jade found in Nicaragua, while the stone is thought to be native only in Asia, is another indica-
tion, and they are more distinctively Asiatic than the jade ornaments found in Alaska {Peabody Mus. Re-
forts, xviii. 414 ; xx. 548 ; Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, Jan., 1886).

On the general question of the Asiatic origin of the Mexicans see Dupaix's Antiquites Mexicaines, with
included papers by Lenoir, Warden, and Farcy ; the Report on a railroad route from the Mississippi, 1853-54
(Washington) ; Whipple's and other Reports on the Indian tribes ; John Russell Bartlett's Personal Narra-
tive (1854): Brasseur's Popul Vuh, p. xxxix ; Viollet le Due's belief in a "yellow race" building the
Mexican and Central American monuments, in Charnay's Ruines Americaines, and Charnay's traces of the
Buddhists in the Popular Science Monthly, July, 1879, p. 432 ; Le Plongeon's belief in the connection of the
Maya and Asiatic races in A?ner. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr. 30, 1879, p. 113; and some papers on the ancient
Mexicans and their origin by the Abbe Jolibois, Col. Parmentier, and M. Emile Guimet, which, prepared for
the Soc. de Geog. de Lyon, were published separately as De Vorigine des Anciens Peuples du Mexique
(Lyon, 1875).

A few other incidental discussions of the Fusang question are these : R. H. Major in Select Letters of
Columbus (1847) ; J. T. Short in The Galaxy (1875) an<^ m his No. Americans of Antiquity; Nadaillac in
his L Amerique pre historique, 544 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. calls the story vague and improbable. In periodicals
we find: Gentleman 's Mag., 1869, p. 333 (reprinted in Hist. Mag., Sept., 1869, xvi. 221), and 1870, repro-
duced in Chinese Recorder, May, 1870; Nathan Brown in Amer. Philolog. Mag., Aug., 1869; Wm. Speer in
Princeton Rev., xxv. 83 ; Penn Monthly, vi. 603 ; Mag. Amer. Hist., Apr., 1883, p. 291 ; Notes and Queries,
iii. 58, 78; iv. 19; Notes and Queries hi China and Japan, Apr., May, 1869; Feb., 1870. Chas. W. Brooks
maintained on the other hand {Proc California Acad. Sciences, 1876; cf. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 51),
that the Chinese were emigrants from America. There is a map of the supposed Chinese route to America in
the Congres des Americanistes (Nancy, 1875), vol. i. ; and Winchell, Pre-Adamites, gives a chart showing
different lines of approach from Asia. Stephen Powers {Overland Monthly, Apr., 1872, and California
Acad. Sciences, 1875) treats the California Indians as descendants of the Chinese, — a view he modifies in tht
Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology, vol. iii., on " Tribes of California." It is claimed that Chinese coin of the
fifteenth century have been found in mounds on Vancouver's Island. Cf. G. P. Thurston in Mag. Amer. Hist.,
xiii. p. 457. The principal lists of authorities are those in Vining (app.), and Watson's in Anderson's Amer-
ica not discovered by Columbus.

2 From Easter Island to the Galapagos is 2,000 miles, thence to South America 600 more. On such long
migrations by water see Wraitz, Introduction to Anthropology, Eng. transl., p. 202. On early modes of
navigation see Col. A. Lane Fox in the Journal Anthropological Inst. (1875), *v- 399- Otto Caspari gives a
map of post-tertiary times in his Urgeschichte der Menschheit (Leipzig, 1873), v°l- x-i m which land is made
to stretch from the Marquesas Islands nearly to South America ; while large patches of land lie between Asia
and Mexico, to render migration practicable. Andrew Murray, in his Geographical Distribution of Mammals

VOL. 1. — 6

82 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

ethnological chart accompanying the reports of became the first Inca.3 The book hardly takes

the Wilkes Expedition, makes the original people rank as a sensible contribution to ethnology,

of Chili and Peru to be Malay, and he connects and Prescott says of it that it embodies " many

the Californians with the Polynesians.1 curious details of Oriental history and manners

The earliest elaboration of this theory was in in support of a whimsical theory." 4
John Dunmore Lang's View of the origin and

migrations of the Polynesian 7iations, demonstrat- B. Ireland the Great, or White Man's

ing their ancient discovery and progressive set- Land. — The claims of the Irish to have pre-

tlement of the continent of America (London, ceded the Norse in Iceland, and to have discov-

1S34; 2d ed., Sydney, 1877). Francis A. Allen ered America, rest on an Icelandic saga, which

has advanced similar views at the meetings of represents that in the tenth century Are Marson,

the Congres des Americanistes at Luxembourg driven off his course by a gale, found a land

and at Copenhagen.2 which became known as Huitramannaland, or

The Mongol theory of the occupation of Peru, white man's land, or otherwise as Irland it Mi-

which John Ranking so enthusiastically pressed kla.5 This region was supposed by the colonists

in his Historical researches on the conquest of of Vinland to lie farther south, which Rafn 6 in-

Peru, Mexico, Bogota, N~atchez, and Talomeco, in terprets as being along the Carolina coast,7 and

the thirteenth century, by the Mongols, accom- others have put it elsewhere, as Beauvois in

panied with elephants; and the local agreement Canada above the Great Lakes; and still others

of history and tradition, with the remains of see no more in it than the pressing of some

elepha7its and mastodontes found in the new storm-driven vessel to the Azores 8 or some

world [etc.] (London, 1827), implies that in the other Atlantic island. The story is also coupled,

thirteenth century the Mongol emperor Kublai from another source, with the romance of Bjarni

Khan sent a fleet against Japan, which, being Asbrandson, who sailed awav from Iceland and

scattered in a storm, finally in part reached the from a woman he loved, because the husband

coasts of Peru, where the son of Kublai Khan and relatives of the woman made it desirable that

(London, 1866), is almost compelled to admit (p. 25) that as complete a circuit of land formerly crossed the
southern temperate regions as now does the northern ; and Daniel Wilson, Prehistoric Man. holds much the
same opinion. The connection of the flora of Polynesia and South America is discussed by J. D. Hooker in
the Botany of the Antarctic Voyage of the Erebus and Terror, 183Q-43, and in his Flora of Tasmania.
Cf. Amer. Journal of Science and Arts, Mar., May, 1854; Jan., May, i860.

1 Races of Men.

2 Compte Rendu, 1877, p. 79; 1883, p. 246; the latter being called "Polynesian Antiquities, a link be-
tween the ancient civilizations of Asia and America." Further discussions of the Polynesian migrations will
be found as follows: A. W. Bradford's Amer. Antiquities (N. Y., 1841) ; Gallatin (A?n. Eth. Soc. Trans., i.
176) disputed any common linguistic traces, while Bradford thought he found such ; Lesson and Martinet's
Les Polynesiens, leur origine, leurs migrations, leur langage ; Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 344; Jules
Garnier's "Les migrations polynesiennes " in Bull, de la Soc. de Gcog. de Paris, Jan., June, 1870; G.
d'Eichthal's " Etudes sur l'histoire primitive des races oceaniennes et Americaines " in Mem. de la Soc. Eth-
nologique (vol. ii.) ; Marcoy's Travels in South America; C. Staniland Wake's Chapters on Man, p. 200;
a " Rapport de la Polynesie et l'Amerique " in the Memoires de la Soc. Ethnologique, ii. 223 ; A. de Ouatre-
fages de Breau's Les Polynesiens et leurs migrations (Paris, 1866), from the Revue des deux Mondes, Feb.,
1864; O. F. Peschel in Ausland, 1864, p. 348 ; W. H. Dall in Bureau of Ethnology Rept., 1881-82, p. 147.
Allen's paper, already referred to, gives references.

3 Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 44, with references, p. 48, epitomizes the story. Cf. Short, 151. There was a
tradition of giants landing on the shore (Markham's Cieza de Leon, p. 190). Cf. Forster's Voyages, 43.

4 A belief in the Asiatic connection has taken some curious forms. Montesinos in his Memorias Peruanas
held Peru to be the Ophir of Solomon. Cf. Gotfriedus Wegner's De Navigationis Solomoficeis (Frankfort,
1689). Horn held Hayti to be Ophir, and he indulges in some fantastic evidences to show that the Iroquois,
i. e. Yrcas, were Turks ! Cf. Onffroy de Thoron in Le Globe, 1869. C. Wiener in his L Empire des Incas
(ch. 2, 4) finds traces of Buddhism, and so does Hyde Clarke in his Khita-Peruvian Epoch (1877). Lopez
has written on Les Races Arye)i7ies de Pcrou (1871). Cf. Robert Ellis, Peruvia Scythica. The Quicha
Language of Peru, its derivation from Central Asia -with the American languages in general (London,
1875). Grotius held that the Peruvians were of Chinese stock. Charles Pickering's ethnological map gives a
Malay origin to the islands of the Gulf of Mexico and a part of the Pacific coast, the rest being Mongolian.

5 The story is given in English by De Costa {Pre-Columbian Disc, of America, p. 85) from the Landnama-
boh, no. 107. Cf. Saga of Thorfinn Karlscfne, ch. 13, and that of Erik the Red. Leif is said in the sagas
to have met shipwrecked white people on the coasts visited by him {Hist. Mag., xiii. 46).

6 Antiquitatcs Americans, 162, 183, 205, 210, 211, 212, 214, 319, 446-51.

7 Brinton in Hist. Mag., ix. 364 ; Rivero and Tschudi's Peru.

8 Schoning's Heimskringla. Gronlands Historiske Mindcsm<zrkcr, i. 150.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 83

he should. Thirty years later, the crew of an- followers, is easily to be adduced, if the dispos-

other ship, wrecked on a distant coast,1 found ing mind is inclined.

that the people who took them prisoners spoke There have been of late years two considera-

Irish,2 and that their chieftain was this same ren- ble attempts to establish the historical verity of

egade, who let them go apparently for the pur- some of these alleged Irish visits.5
pose of conveying some token by which he would

be remembered to the Thurid of his dreams. Of C. The Norse in Iceland. — The chief
course all theorists who have to deal with these original source for the Norse settlement of Ice-
supposed early discoveries by Europeans con- land is the famous Landnamabokp which is a
nect, each with his own pet scheme, the prevail- record by various writers, at different times, of
ing legendary belief among the American Indi- the partitioning and ownership of lands during
ans that white men at an early period made the earliest years of occupation.7 This and
their appearance on the coasts all the way from other contemporary manuscripts, including the
Central America to Labrador.3 Whether these Heimskringla of Snorre Sturleson and the great
strange comers be St. Patrick,4 St. Brandan body of Icelandic sagas, either at first hand or
even, or some other Hibernian hero, with his as filtered through the leading writers on Ice-

1 Eyrbyggja Saga, ch. 64, and given in English in De Costa's Pre-Columbian Discovery, p. 89. Cf. Sir
Walter Scott's version of this saga and the appendix of Mallet's Northern Antiquities.

2 Traces of Celtic have been discovered by some of the philologists, when put to the task, in the American
languages. Cf. Humboldt, Relation Historique, iii. 159. Lord Monboddo held such a theory.

3 Brinton's Myths of the New World, 176. One of the earliest accounts which we have of the Cherokees
is that by Henry Timberlake (London, 1765), and he remarks on their lighter complexion as indicating a pos-
sible descent from these traditionary white men.

4 Richard Broughton's Monasticon Britannicum (London, 1655), pp. 131, 187.

5 A Memoir on the European Colonization of America in ante-historic times was contributed to the Pro-
ceedings of the American Ethnological Society in 1851, to which E. G. Squier added some notes, the original
paper being by Dr. C. A. A. Zestermann of Leipzig. The aim was to prove, by the similarity of remains, the
connection of the peoples who built the mounds of the Ohio Valley with the early peoples of northwestern
Europe, a Caucasian race, which he would identify with the settlers of Irland it Mikla, and with the coming
of the white-bearded men spoken of in Mexican traditions, who established a civilization which an inundating
population from Asia subsequently buried from sight. This European immigration he places at least 1,200
years before Christ. Squier's comments are that the monumental resemblances referred to indicate similar
conditions of life rather than ethnic connections.

The other advocate was Eugene Beauvois in a paper published in the Compte Rendu du Congres des
Americanistes (Nancy, 1875, p. 4) as La decouverte du nouveau monde par les irlandais et les premieres
traces du christianisme en Amerique avant Van 1000, accompanied by a map, in which he makes Irland it
Mikla correspond to the provinces of Ontario and Quebec. Again, in the session at Luxembourg in 1877, he
endeavored to connect the Irish colony with the narrative of the seaman in the Zeno accounts, in a paper which
he called Les Colonies Europeennes du Maryland et de V Escociland au xiv. Steele, et les vestiges qui en
subsisterent jusqii'aux xvie et xviie Siecles, and in which he identifies the Estotiland of the Frislanda
mariner. M. Beauvois again, at the Copenhagen meeting of the same body, read a paper on Les Relations
precolumbiennes des Gaels avec le Mexique (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 74), in which he elicited objections from
M. Lucien Adam. Beauvois belongs to that class of enthusiasts somewhat numerous in these studies of pre-
Columbian discoveries, who have haunted these Congresses cf Americanists, and who see overmuch. Other
references to these Irish claims are to be found in living's Heimskringla, i. 186; Beamish's Discovery of
America (London, 1841); Gravier's Decouverte de V Amerique, p. 123, 137, and his Les Normands sur la
route, etc., ch. 1 ; Gaffarel's Etudes sur la rapports de I' Amerique, pp. 201, 214 ; Brasseur's introd. to his
Popul Vuh ; De Costa's Pre-Columbian Discovery, pp. xviii, xlix, lii ; Humboldt's Cosmos (Bohn), ii. 607 ;
Rask in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 21 ; Journal London Geog. Soc, viii. 125 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S., i. 53 ;
and K. Wilhelmi's Island, Hvitramannaland, Gronland und Vinland, oder Der Norrmdnner Leben auf
Island und Grb'nlajzd ttnd deren Fahrten nach Amerika schon iiber 500 Jahre vor Columbus (Heidelberg,
1842).

6 The account in the Landndmabdk is briefly rehearsed in ch. 8 of C. W. Paijkull's Summer in Iceland
(London, 1868).

" There are various editions, of which the best is called that of Copenhagen, 1843. The Islendingabok, a
sort of epitome of a lost historical narrative, is considered an introduction to the Landnamabok. Much of
the early story will be found in Latin in the Islenzkir Annaler, sive Annales Islandici ab anno Christi 803
ad anno 14.30 (Copenhagen, 1847) ; in the Scripta historica Islandorum de rebus veterum Borealium, pub-
lished by the Royal Soc. of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, 1828-46; and in Jacobus Langebek's Scrip-
tores Rerum Danicarum medii avi (Copenhagen, 1 772-1878, — the ninth volume being a recently added
index).

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

landic history, constitute the material out of
which is made up the history of Iceland, in the
days when it was sending its adventurous spirits
to Greenland and probably to the American
main.1

Respecting the body of the sagas, Laing
(Heimskringla, i. 23) says: "It does not ap-
pear that any saga manuscript now existing has
been written before the fourteenth century, how-
ever old the saga itself may be. It is known
that in the twelfth century, Are Frode, Saemund
and others began to take the sagas out of the
traditionary state and fix them in writing ; but
none of the original skins appear to have come
down to our time, but only some of the numer-
ous copies of them." Laing (p. 24) also in-
stances numerous sagas known to have existed,
but they are not now recognized ; 2 and he gives
us (p. 30) the substance of what is known re-
specting the writers and transcribers of this early
saga literature. It is held that by the beginning
of the thirteenth century the sagas of the discov-
eries and settlements had all been put in writing,
and thus the history, as it exists, of mediaeval
Iceland is, as Burton says {Ultima Thule, i. 237),
more complete than that of any European coun-
try.3

Among the secondary writers, using either at
first or second hand the early MS. sources, the
following may be mentioned : —

One of the earliest brought to the attention of
the English public was A Compendious Hist, of the

Goths, Swedes and Vandals, and other northern
powers (London, 1650 and 1658), translated in an
abridged form from the Latin of Olaus Magnus,
which had been for more than a hundred years
the leading comprehensive authority on the
northern nations. The Svearikes Historia (Stock-
holm, 1746-62) of Olof von Dalin and the sim-
ilar work of Sven Lagerbring (1 769-1 788), cov-
ering the early history of the north, are of inter-
est for the comparative study of the north, rather
than as elucidating the history of Iceland in
particular.4 More direct aid will be got from
Mallet's Northern Antiquities (London edition,
1847) and from Wheaton's Northmen. More
special is the Histoire de V Island of Xavier
Marmier ; and the German historian F. C. Dahl-
man also touches Iceland with particular atten-
tion in his Geschichte von D'dnemark bis zur
Reformation, mit Inbegriff von Norwegen und
Island (Hamburg, 1840-43).

A history of more importance than any other
yet published, and of the widest scope, was that
of Sweden by E. J. Geijer (continued by F. F.
Carlson), which for the early period (down to
1654) is accessible in English in a translation by
J. H. Turner (London, 1845 ).5

Prominent among the later school of north-
ern historians, all touching the Icelandic annals
more or less, have been Peter Andreas Munch
in his Det Nor she Folks Historie (Christiania,
1852-63) ;6 N. M. Petersen in his Danmarks
Historie i Hedenold (Copenhagen, 1854-55) ; K.

1 A convenient survey of this early literature is in chapter 1 of the History of the Literature of the Scan-
dinavian North, from the most ancient times to the present, by Frederick Winkcl Horn, revised by the
author, and translated by Rasmus B. Anderson (Chicago, 1884). The text is accompanied by useful biblio-
graphical details. Cf. B. F. De Costa in lonmal Amer. Geog. Soc. (1880), xii. 159.

2 Saxo Grammaticus acknowledges his dependence on the Icelandic sagas, and is thought to have used some
which had not been yet put into writing.

3 Baring-Gould in his Iceland, its Scenes and Sagas (London, 1863) gives in his App. D a list of thirty-
five published sagas, sixty-six local histories, twelve ecclesiastical annals, and sixty-nine Norse annals. Cf.
the eclectic list in Laing's Heimskringla, i. 17.

Konrad Maurer has given an elaborate essay on this early literature in his Ueber die Ausdriicke: altnordi-
sche, altnorwegische und islandische Sprache (Munich, 1867), which originally appeared in the Abhandlungen
of the Bavarian Academy.

G. P. Marsh translated P. E. Midler's " Origin, progress, and decline of Icelandic historical literature " in
The American Eclectic (N. Y., 1841, — vols, i., ii.). In 1781, Lindblom printed at Paris a French translation
of Bishop Troil's Lettres sur VIslande, which contained a catalogue of books on Iceland and an enumeration
of the Icelandic sagas. (Cf. Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. i.) Chavanne's Bibliography of the Polar Regions,
p. 95, has a section on Iceland.

Solberg's list of illustrative works, appended to Anderson's version of Horn's Lit. of the Scandinavian
North, is useful so far as the English language goes. Periodical contributions also appear in Poole's Index
(p. 622) and Supplement, p. 214.

Burton (Ultima Thule, i. 239) enumerates the principal writers on Iceland from Arngrimur Jonsson down,
including the travellers of this century.

4 The more general histories of Scandinavia, like Sinding's English narrative, — not a good book, but
accessible, — yield the comparisons more readily.

c There are also German (Gotha, 1844-75) and French versions (Paris). The best German version, Ge-
schichte Schwedens (Hamburg and Gotha, 1S32-1887), is in six volumes, a part of the Geschichte der euro-
paischen Staaten. Vol. 1-3, by E. G. Geijer, is translated by O. P. Leffler ; vol. 4, by F. F. Carlson, is trans-
lated by J. G. Petersen ; vol. 5, 6, by F. F. Carlson.

6 Published in German at Lubeck in 1854 as ^as heroische Zeitalter der Nordisch-Germanischen Vb'lker
und die Wikinger-Zuge.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. $5

Keyser in his Norges Historie (Christiania, 1866- patient as to the life in the early Norse days in

67) ; J. E. Sars in his Udsigt over den Norske Iceland.3

Historie (Christiania, 1873-77); but all are sur- G.-.W. Dasent's introduction to his Story of

passed by Konrad Maurer's Island von seiner Burnt Njal (Edinburgh, 1861)4 and his Norse-

ersten Entdeckung bis zum Untergange des Frei- men in Iceland (Oxford Essays, 1858) give what

staates,—A. D. 800-1262 (Munich, 1874), pub- Max Miiller {Chips from a German Workshop,

lished as commemorating the thousandth anni- n\ 19O calls "a vigorous and lively sketch of

versaryof the settlement of Iceland, and it has primitive northern life;" and are well supple-

the repute of being the best book on early Ice- mented by Sabine Baring-Gould's Iceland, its

landic history.1 scenes and sagas (London, 1863 and later), and

The change from Paganism to Christianity Richard F. Burton's Ultima Thule, with an his-

necessarily enters into all the histories covering torical introduction (London, 1S75).5
the tenth and eleventh centuries ; but it has

special treatment in C. Merivale's Conversion of D. Greenland and its Ruins. — The sagas

the Northern Nations (Boyle lectures, — London, still serve us for the colonization of Greenland,

jg66) 2 and of particular use is that of Eric the Red.6

There is a considerable body of the later liter- The earliest to use these sources in the historic

ature upon Iceland, retrospective in character, spirit was Torfaeus in his Historia Gronlandia

and affording the results of study more or less Antique {lyis)-1 The natural successor of

1 Maurer had long been a student of Icelandic lore, and his Isldndische Volkssagen der Gegenwart gesam-
melt and verdeutscht (Leipzig, i860) is greatly illustrative of the early north. Conybeare {Place of Iceland
in the History of European Institutions, preface) says : " To any one writing on Iceland the elaborate works
of the learned Maurer afford at once a help and difficulty : a help in so far as they shed the fullest light
upon the subjects ; a difficultyin that their painstaking completeness has brought together well-nigh every-
thing that can be said."

2 What is known as the Kristni Saga gives an account of this change. Cf. Eugene Beauvois, Origines et
fondation du plus ancien eveche du nouveau monde. Le diocese de Gardhs en Greenland, q8b-i*i2b
(Paris, 1878), an extract from the Memoires de la Soc. d'Histoire, etc., de Beaune ; C. A. V. Conybeare's
Place of Iceland in the history of European institutions (1877); Maurer's Beitrdge zur Rechtsgcschichte
des germanischen Nordens ; Wheaton's Northmen ; Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, p. 332 ;
Jacob Rudolph Keyser s Private Life of the Old Northmen, as translated by M. R. Barnard (London, 1868),
and his Religion of the Northmen, as translated by B. Pennock (N. Y., 1854) ; Quarterly Review, January,
1862 ; and references in McClintock and Strong's Cyclopedia, under Iceland.

3 Such are the Swedish work of A. M. Strinhold, known in the German of E. F. Frisch as Wikingziige,
Staatsverfassung tend Sitten der alten Scandinaver (Hamburg, 1839-41).

A summarized statement of life in Iceland in the early days is held to be well made out in Hans O. H.
Hildebrand's Lifvet pa Island tender Sagotiden (Stockholm, 1867), and in A. E. Holmberg's Nordbon under
Hednatiden (Stockholm). J. A. Worsaae published his Vorgeschichte des Nordens at Hamburg in 1878.
It was improved in a Danish edition in 1880, and from this H. F. Morland Simpson made the Prehistory of
the North, based on contemporary materials (London, 1886), with a memoir of Worsaae (d. 1885), the fore-
most scholar in this northern lore.

4 This book is recognized as one of the best commentaries and most informing books on Icelandic history,
and this writer's introduction to Gudbrand Vigfusson's Icelandic-English Dictionary (3 vols., Cambridge,
Eng., 1869, 1870, 1874) is of scholarly importance.

5 The millennial celebration of the settlement of Iceland in 1874 gave occasion to a variety of books and
papers, more or less suggestive of the early days, like Samuel Kneeland's American in Iceland (Boston,
1876) ; but the enumeration of this essentially descriptive literature need not be undertaken here.

6 Antiquitates Americans, pp. 1-76, with an account of the Greenland MSS. (p. 255). Muller's Sagen-
bibliothek. Arngrimur Jonsson's Gronlandia (Iceland, 1688). A fac-simile of the title is in the Carter-Brown
Catalogue, ii., no. 1356. A translation by Rev. J. Sephton is in the Proc. Lit. and Philos. Soc. of Liverpool,
vol. xxxiv. 183, and separately, Liverpool, 1880. There is a paper in the lahrcsbericht der geographischen
Gesellscha/t in Miinchen fiir 1885 (Munich, 1886), p. 71, by Oskar Brenner, on " Gronland im Mittelalter
nach einer altnorwegischen Quelle."

Some of the earliest references are : Christopherson Claus' Den Grolandske Chronica (Copenhagen, 1608),
noticed in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii., no. 64. Gerald de Veer's True and perfect description of three
voyages speaks in its title {Carter-Brown, ii. 38) of " the countrie lying under 80 degrees, which is thought to
be Greenland, where never man had been before." Antoine de la Sale wrote between 1438 and 1447 a curious
book, printed in 1527 as La Salade, in which he refers to Iceland and Greenland (Gronnellont), where white
bears abound (Harrisse. Bib. Am. Vet., no. 140).

7 This book is now rare. Dufosse prices it at 50 francs; F. S. Ellis, London, 1884, at £5.5.0. Before
Torfaeus, probably the best known book was Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation du Groenland (Paris, 1647). It

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Torfaeus and the book upon which later writers
mostly depend is David Crantz's Historie von
Gronland, enthaltend die Beschreibung des Landes
und der Einwohner% insbesonders die Geschichte7i
der dortigen Mission. Ncbst Fortsetznng ( Barby,
1765-70, 3 vols.). An English translation ap-
peared in London in 1767, and again, though in
an abridged form with some changes, in 1820.1

Crantz says of his own historic aims, referring
to Torfaeus and to the accounts given by the
Eskimos of the east coast, that he has tried to
investigate " where the savage inhabitants came
from, and how the ancient Norwegian inhabi-
tants came to be so totally extirpated," while at
the same time he looks upon the history of the
Moravian missions as his chief est theme.

The principal source for the identification of
the ruins of Greenland is the work compiled by

Rafn and Finn Magnusen, Gronlands Historiske
M hide smcer her? with original texts and Danish
versions. Useful summaries and observations
will be found in the paper by K. Steenstrup on
" Old Scandinavian ruins in South Greenland "
in the Covipte Rendu, Congres des Americanistcs
(Copenhagen, 1883, p. 108), and in one on " Les
Voyages des Danois au Greenland " in the same
(p. 196). Steenstrup's paper is accompanied by
photographs and cuts, and a map marking the
site of the ruins. The latest account of them
is by Lieut. Holm in the Meddelelser ovi Grbn-
land (Copenhagen, 1883), vol. vi. Other views
and plans showing the arrangement of their
dwellings and the curious circular ruins,3 which
seems to have usually been near their churches,
are shown in the Baron Nordenskjold's Den
andra dicksonska expeditionen till Gronland, dess
inre isoken och dess ostkust, utford ar 1883 (Stock-

RUINS OF THE CHURCH AT KATORTOK.*

is one of the earliest books to give an account of the Eskimos. It was again printed in 1674 in Recueil de
Voyages du Nord. A Dutch edition at Amsterdam in 1678 (Nauwkenrigc Beschrijvingh ran Gromland)
was considerably enlarged with other matter, and this edition was the basis of the German version published
at Nuremberg, 1679. Peyrere's description will be found in English in a volume published by the Hakluyt
Society in 1855, where it is accompanied by two maps of the early part of the seventeenth century. Cf. Carter-
Brown, ii., no. 1 192, note; Sabin, x. p. 70.

1 Pilling {Eskimo Bibliog., p. 20) gives the most careful account of editions. Cf. Sabin, v. 66. A Dutch
translation at Haarlem in 1767 was provided with better and larger maps than the original issue; and this
version was again brought out with a changed title in 1786. There was a Swedish ed. at Stockholm in 1769,
and a reprint of the original German at Leipzig in 1770, and it is included in the Bibliothck der neucstcn
Reisebcschrcibungcn (Frankfort, 1779-1797), vol. xx. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii., nos. 1443, 1576, 1577, 1671, 172S.

2 This constitutes in 3 vols, a sort of supplement to the Antiqiiitates Americana:. Cf. Dublin Review, xxvii.
35 ; Bulletin de la Soc. de Gcog. de Paris, 3d ser., vol. vi., and a synopsis of the Mindesmaker in The
Sacristy, Feb. 1, 1871 (London).

'■'- The principal ruin is that of a church, and it will be found represented in the Antiquitatcs American^
and again by Nordenskjold, Steenstrup, J. T. Smith (Discovery of America, etc.), Horsford ; and, not to name
more, in Hayes's Land of Desolation (and in the French version in Tour du Monde, xxvi.).

* After a cut in Nordenskjold's Den Andra Dicksonska Expeditionen till Gronland, p. 369, following one
in Efter Meddelelser o?n Gronland.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 8?

holm, 1885), the result of the ripest study and traditions of the Norse voyages were not put in

closest contact. the shape of records till about two centuries

We need also to scan the narratives of Hans had elapsed, and we have no earlier manuscript

Egede and Graah. Parry found in 1824, on an of swch a record than one made nearly two hun-

island on the Baltic coast, a runic stone, com- dred years later still. It is indeed claimed that

memorating the occupancy of the spot in 1135 the transmission by tradition in those days was a

(Antiquitates Americana; Mallet's Northern different matter in respect to constancy and ex-

Antiquities, 248) ; and in 1830 and 1831 other actness from what it has been known to be in

runes were found on old gravestones (Rink's later times ; but the assumption lacks proof and

Danish Greenland, app. v. ; Laing's Heims- militates against well-known and inevitable pro-

kringla, i. 151). These last are in the Museum cesses of the human mind.

at Copenhagen. Most of these imperishable In regard to the credibility of the sagas, the

relics have been found in the district of Julianes- northern writers recognize the change which

haab.1 came over the oral traditionary chronicles when

the romancing spirit was introduced from the

E. The Vinland Voyages. — What Leif more southern countries, at a time while the

and Karlsefne knew they experienced, and what copies of the sagas which we now have were

the sagas tell us they underwent, must have just making, after having been for so long a time

the difference between a crisp narrative of per- orally handed down ; but they are not so suc-

sonal adventure and the oft-repeated and em- cessful in making plain what influence this im-

bellished story of a fireside narrator, since the ported spirit had on particular sagas, which we

SAGA MANUSCRIPT*

1 Rafn in his Americas arctiske landcs G anile Geographic eftcr de Nordiske Oldskrifter (Copenhagen,
1845) gives the seals of some of the Greenland bishops, various plans of the different ruins, a view of the
Katortok church with its surroundings, engraving of the different runic inscriptions, and a map of the
Julianehaab district.

* This is a portion of one of the plates in the Antiquitates Americance, given by Rafn to Charles Sumner,
with a key in manuscript by Rafn himself. His signature is from a copy of his Memoire given by him to
Edward Everett, and now in Harvard College library.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

are asked to receive as historical records. They
seem sometimes to forget that it is not necessary
to have culture, heroes, and impossible occur-
rences to constitute a myth. A blending of his-
tory and myth prompts Horn to say "that some
of the sagas were doubtless originally based on
facts, but the telling and re-telling have changed
them into pure myths." The unsympathetic
stranger sees this in stories that the patriotic
Scandinavians are over-anxious to make appear
as genuine chronicles.1 It is certainly unfortu-
nate that the period of recording the older
sagas coincides mainly with the age of this
southern romancing influence.2 It is a some-

what anomalous condition when long-transmitted
oral stories are assigned to history, and certain
other written ones of the age of the recorded
sagas are relegated to myth. If we would be-
lieve some of the northern writers, what appears
to be difference in kind of embellishment was
in reality the sign that separated history from
fable.3 Of the interpreters of this olden lore,
Torfaeus has been long looked upon as a charac-
teristic exemplar, and Horn 4 says of his works
that they are " perceptibly lacking in criticism.
Torfaeus was upon the whole incapable of dis-
tinguishing between myth and history." 6

Erasmus Rask, in writing to Wheaton in

RUIN AT KATORTOK*

1 This tendency of the Scandinavian writers is recognized among themselves. Horn (Anderson's transla-
tion, 324) ascribes it to " an unbridled fancy and want of critical method rather than to any wilful perversion
of historical truth. This tendency owed its origin to an intense patriotism, a leading trait in the Swedish
character, which on this very account was well-nigh incorrigible."

2 Dasent translates from the preface to Egils Saga (Reikjavik, 1S56) : " The sagas show no wilful purpose
to tell untruths, but simply are proofs of the beliefs and turns of thought of men in the age when the sagas
were reduced to writing'''1 {Burnt JVfal, i. p. xiii).

3 Rink {Danish Greenland, p. 3) says of the sagas that " they exist only in a fragmentary condition, and
bear the general character of popular traditions to such a degree that they stand much in need of being cor-
roborated by collateral proofs, if we are wholly to rely upon them in such a question as an ancient colonization
of America." So he proceeds to enumerate the kind of evidence, which is sufficient in Greenland, but is
wholly wanting in other parts of America, and to point out that the trustworthiness of the sagas of the Yin-
land voyages exists only in regard to their general scope.

Dasent, in the introduction of Vigfiisson's Icelandic Dictionary, says of the sagas : " Written at various
periods by scribes more or less fitted for the task, they are evidently of very varying authority." The Scan-
dinavian authorities class the sagas as mythical histories, as those relating to Icelandic history (subdivided into
general, family, personal, ecclesiastical), and as the lives of rulers.

4 Anderson's translation, Lit. of the Scand. North, p. 81.

r> Laing (Hcimskringla,\. 23) says : " Arne Magnussen was the greatest antiquary who never wrote: his
judgments and opinions are known from notes, selections, and correspondence, and are of great authority at
this day in the saga literature. Torfams consulted him in his researches."

After a cut in Nordenskjold's Ex fed. till Grbnland, p. 371, following the Meddel. om Grb'nland, vi. 98.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

1831,1 enumerates eight of the early manu-
scripts which mention Vinland and the voyages ;
but Rafn, in 1837, counted eighteen such manu-
scripts.2 We know little or nothing about the
recorders or date of any of these copies, except-
ing the Heimskringla? nor how long they had
existed orally. Some of them were doubtless
put into writing soon after the time when such
recording was introduced, and this date is some-
times put as early as A. D. 1120, and sometimes
as late as the middle or even end of that cen-
tury. Meanwhile, Adam of Bremen, in the
latter part of the eleventh century (a. d. 1073),

prepared his Historia Ecclesiastica, an account
of the spread of Christianity in the north, in
which he says he was told by the Danish king
that his subjects had found a country to the
west, called W inland.4 A reference is also sup-
posed to be made in the Historia Ecclesiastica of
Ordericus Vitalis, written about the middle (say
A. D. 1 140) of the twelfth century. But it was
not until somewhere between A. D. 1385 and
1400 that the oldest Icelandic manuscript which
exists, touching the voyages, was compiled, —
the so-called Codex Flatoyensisf* though how
much earlier copies of it were made is not

•62-

-U-

~fa-

i&~

Tnvirons of
Julian eli a eib

THE OSTERBYGD

Eastern Settlement

SctgdlitZ*!'. \ /

Reference:

1L Norse ruins or traces of them

£ miles

I g I

%ggg^

3 r

1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 20.

2 Oswald Moosmiiller's Europder in Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, p. 4) enumerates the
manuscripts in the royal library in Copenhagen.

3 A. E. Wollheim's Die Nat. lit. der Scandinavicr (Berlin, 1875-77), p. 47. Turner's Anglo Saxons, book
iv. ch. 1. Mallet's No. Antiq. (1847), 393.

4 Cf. G. H. Pertz, Monumenta Germanics historica, 1846, vol. vii. cap. 247. Of the different manuscripts,
some call Vinland a " regio " and others an " insula."

5 Discovered in the seventeenth century in a monastery on an island close by the Icelandic coast, and now

Note. — The above is a reproduction of a corner map in the map of Danish Greenland given in Rink's
book of that name. The sea in the southwest corner of the cut is not shaded ; but shading is given to the
interior ice field on the northern and northeastern part of the map. Rink gives a similar map of the Wester-
by gd.

9°

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

known. It is in this manuscript that we find the
saga of Olaf Tryggvesson,1 wherein the voyages
of Leif Ericson are described, and it is only by
a comparison of circumstances detailed here and
in other sagas that the year A. D. iooo has been
approximately determined as the date.2 In this
same codex we find the saga of Eric the Red,
one of the chief narratives depended upon by

the advocates of the Norse discovery, and in
Rask's judgment it " appears to be somewhat
fabulous, written long after the event, and taken
from tradition." 3

The other principal saga is that of Thorfinn
Karlsefne, which with some differences and
with the same lack of authenticity, goes over the
ground covered by that of Eric the Red.4

RAFN.

in the royal library in Copenhagen. Cf. Laing's introduction to his edition of the Heimskringla, vol. L
p. 157. Horn says of this codex : " The book was written towards the end of the fourteenth century by two
Icelandic priests, and contains in strange confusion and wholly without criticism a large number of sagas,
poems, and stories. No other manuscript confuses things on so vast a scale." Anderson's translation of
Horn's Lit. of the Scandin. North, p. 60. Cf. Flateyjarbok. En Samling af Norske Konge-Sagaer tned
indskudte mi7idre fortcellingcr om Begivenheder i og Udcnfor Norge samt Annalcr (Christiania, i860) ; and
Vigfusson's and Unger's editionof 1868, also at Christiania. The best English account of the Codex Elatoy-
ensis is by Gudbrand Vigfiisson in the preface to his Icelandic Sagas, published under direction of the
Master of the Rolls, London, 1S87, vol. i. p. xxv.

1 For texts, see C. C. Rafn's edition of Kong Olaf Tryggvesons Saga (Copenhagen, 1826), and Munch's
edition of Kong Olaf Tryggi>e son's Saga (Christiania, 1S53). Cf. also P. A. Munch's Norges Konge-Sagaer
of Snorri Sturleson, Sturla Thordsson, etc. (Christiania, 1S59).

2 The Codex Flatoyensis says that it was sixteen winters after the settlement of Greenland before Leif went
to Norway, and that in the next year he sailed to V inland.

8 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 21.

4 These sagas are given in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin in Rafn's Antiqtiitates Americana: (Copenhagen,

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 91

Of all the early manuscripts, the well-known be received as an historical record, and all that

Heimskringla of Snorro Sturleson (b. 1178 ; d. it says is in these words : " Leif also found Vin-

1241), purporting to be a history of the Norse land the Good."1

kings down to A. D. 1177, is the most entitled to Saxo Grammaticus (d. about 1208) in his His-

HISTORIA

VINLAN-

DM ANTIQV.fi

feu

Partis America Septentrionalis,

Nominis ratio recenfetur>
fitus terra ex diemmbru-

malium fpatio expenditur, foil ferti-

litas & lhcolarum barbaries,per-

egrinorutn temporarius incolatus &

gefta> vicinarunt terrarum no-

niina &facies

Antiqvitatibiis Islandicis inlucem

produ&a expemuntur

per
THORMODUM TORFMJM

RerumNorvegicarum Hiftoriographum Regiiiflu

E* Typographic Regis Majeft^UruvcrfiM 70 j%

Impcnfo Autkoris.

l%37)- Versions or abstracts, more or less full, of all or of some of them are given by Beamish, in his Discov-
ery of America by the Northmen (London, 1841), whose text is reprinted by Slafter, in his Voyages of the
Northmen (Boston, 1877). J. Elliot Cabot, in the Mass. Quart. Review, March, 1849, copied in part in
Higginson's Amer. Explorers. Blackwell, in his supplementary chapters to Mallet's Northern A ntiquities
(London, Bonn's library). B. F. De Costa, in his Pre-Columbian Discovery of America (Albany, 1868).
Eben Norton Horsford, in his Discovery of America by Norsemen (Boston, 1888). Beauvois, in his Dccoir
vertes des Scandinaves en Amerique (Paris, 1859). P. E. Miiller, in his Sagabibliothek (Copenhagen'
1816-20), and a German version of part of it by Lachmann, Sagcnbibliothck des Scandinavischen Alterlhums
in Ausziigen (Berlin, 1816).

1 When, however, Peringskiold edited the Heimskringla, in 1697, he interpolated eight chapters of a more
particular account of the Vinland voyages, which drew forth some animadversions from Torfaeus in 1705, when
he published his Historia Vinlandice. It was later found that Peringskiold had drawn these eight chapters

92 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

toria Danica begins with myths, and evidently cumstances gave the account a great appearance

follows the sagas, but does not refer to them of authenticity."7 In 1755, Paul Henri Mallet

except in his preface.1 (1730-1807), in his Histoire de Danncmarc, de-

For about five hundred years after this the termines the localities to be Labrador and

stories attracted little or no attention.2 We Newfoundland.8

have seen that Peringskiold produced these In 1769, Gerhard Schoning, in his Norges

sagas in 1697. Montanus in his Nieuwe en on- Riges Historic, established the scene in America.

bekende Weereld (Amsterdam, 1671), and Cam- Robertson, in 1777, briefly mentions the voyages

panius, in 1702, in his Kort Beskrifning om in his Hist, of America (note xvii.), and, refer-

Provincien Nya Swerige uti America (Stock- ring to the accounts given by Peringskiold, calls

holm),3 gave some details. The account which them rude and confused, and says that it is

did most, however, to revive an interest in the impossible to identify the landfalls, though he

subject was that of Torfaeus in his Historia thinks Newfoundland may have been the scene

Vinlandia? Antiques (Copenhagen, 1705), but he of Vinland. This is also the belief of J. R.

was quite content to place the scene of his nar- Forster in his Geschichte der Entdeckwigen im

rative in America, without attempting to iden- Norden (Frankfurt, 1784).9 M. C. Sprengel, in

tify localities.4 The voyages were, a few years his Geschichte der Europdcr in Nordamerika

later, the subject of a dissertation at the Uni- (Leipzig, 1782), thinks they went as far south as

versity of Upsala in Sweden.5 J. P. Cassell, of Carolina. Pontoppidan's History of Norway

Bremen, discusses the Adam of Bremen story was mainly followed by Dr. Jeremy Belknap in

in another Latin essay, still later.0 his American Biography (Boston, 1794), who

About 1750, Pieter Kalm, a Swede, brought recognizes " circumstances to confirm and none

the matter to the attention of Dr. Franklin, as to disprove the relations." In 1793, Munoz, in

the latter remembered twenty-five years later, his Historia del Nuevo Mnndo, put Vinland in

when he wrote to Samuel Mather that " the cir- Greenland. In 1796 there was a brief account

from the Codex Flatoyensis, which seems to have been unknown to Torfaeus. When Laing printed his edition
of the Heimskringla, The Sea Kings of Norway (London, 1844), he translated these eight chapters in his
appendix (vol. iii. 344). Laing (Heimskringla, i. 27) says : " Snorro Sturleson has done for the history of
the Northmen what Livy did for the history of the Romans," — a rather questionable tribute to the verity of
the saga history, in the light of the most approved comments on Livy. Cf. Horn, in Anderson's translation.
Lit. of the Scandinavian North (Chicago, 1884), p. 56, with references, p. 59.

1 J. Fulford Vicary's Saga Time (Lond., 1887). Some time in the fifteenth century, a monk, Thomas
Gheysmer, made an abridgment of Saxo, alleging that he " had said much rather for the sake of adornment
than in behalf of truth." The Canon Christiern Pederson printed the first edition of Saxo at Paris in 15 14
(Anderson's Horn's Lit. Scandin. North, p. 102). This writer adds: " The entire work rests exclusively on
oral tradition, which had been gathered by Saxo, and which he repeated precisely as he had heard it, for in the
whole chronicle there is no trace of criticism proper. . . . Saxo must also undoubtedly have had Icelandic
sagamen as authorities for the legendary part of his work ; but there is not the slightest evidence to show that
he ever had a written Icelandic saga before him. ... In this part of the work he betrays no effort to separate
fact from fiction, . . . and he has in many instances consciously or unconsciously adorned the original mate-
rial." Horn adds that the last and best edition is that of P. E. Miiller and J. Velchow, Saxonis Grammatici
Historia Danica (Copenhagen, 1839).

2 Humboldt (Crit. Exam., ii. 120) represented that Ortelius referred to these voyages in 1570; but Palfrey
{Hist. New England, i. 51) shows that the language cited by Humboldt was not used by Ortelius till in his
edition of 1592, and that then he referred to the Zeno narrative.

8 See post, Vol. IV. p. 492.

4 His account is followed by Malte Brun in his Precis de la Geographie (i. 395). Cf. also Annates des
Voyages (Paris, 1810), x. 50, and his Geographie Universelle (Paris, 1841). Pinkerton, in his Voyages (Lon-
don, 1814), vol. xvii., also followed Torfaeus.

5 J. J. Wahlstedt's Iter in Americam (Upsala, 1725). Cf. Brinley Catal., i. 59.

6 Obscrvatio historica ad Frisonum navigatione fortuita in Americam sec. xi. facta (Magdeburg, 1741).

7 Franklin }s Works, Philad., 1809, vol. vi. ; Sparks's ed., viii. 69.

8 This is the book which furnished the text in an English dress (London, 1770) known as Northern Anti-
quities, and a part of his account is given in the American Museum (Philad., 1789). In the Edinburgh edition
of 1809 it is called : Northern antiquities : or a description of the manners, customs, religion and laws, oj
the ancient Danes, including those of our Saxon ancestors. With a translation of the Edda and other
pieces, from the ancient Icelandic tongue. Translated from " L'introdtiction a Vhistoire de Dannemarc,
&*c," par Mons. Mallet. With additional notes by the English translator [Bishop Percy], and Goransorts
Latin version of the Edda. In 2 vols. The chapters defining the locations are omitted, and others substi-
tuted, in the reprint of the Northern Antiquities in Bohn's library.

<J There are French and English versions.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

in Fritsch's Dispittatio historico-geographica in
qua quaritur utrum veteres Americam noverint
necne. H. Stenstrom published at Lund, in
1801, a short dissertation, De America Norvegis
ante tempora Columbi adita. Boucher de la
Richarderie, in his Bibliothtqite Universelle des
Voyages (Paris, 1808), gives a short account,
and cites some of the authorities. Some of the
earlier American histories of this century, like
Williamson's North Carolina, took advantage
of the recitals of Torfaeus and Mallet. Ebenezer
Henderson's Residence in Iceland (1814-15) 1
presented the evidence anew. Barrow, in his
Voyages to the Arctic Regions (London, 18 18),
places Vinland in Labrador or Newfoundland;
but J. W. Moulton, in his History of the State
of New York (N. Y., 1824), brings that State
within the region supposed to have been visited.

A writer more likely to cause a determinate
opinion in the public mind came in Washington
Irving, who in his Columbus (London, 1828) dis-
missed the accounts as untrustworthy ; though
later, under the influence of Wheaton and
Rafn, he was inclined to consider them of pos-
sible importance ; and finally in his condensed
edition he thinks the facts " established to the
conviction of most minds." 2 Hugh Murray, in
his Discoveries and Travels in North America
(London, 1829), regards the sagas as an author-
ity ; but he doubts the assigning of Vinland to
America. In 1830, W. D. Cooley, in his His-
tory of Maritime and Inland Discovery? thought
it impossible to shake the authenticity of the
sagas.

While Henry Wheaton was the minister of
the United States at Copenhagen, and having
access to the collections of that city, he pre-
pared his History of the Northmen, which was
published in London and Philadelphia in 183 1.4
The high character of the man gave unusual

force to his opinions, and his epitome of the
sagas in his second chapter contributed much
to increase the interest in the Northmen story.
He was the first who much impressed the New
England antiquaries with the view that Vinland
should be looked for in New England; and a
French version by Paul Guillot, issued in Paris in
1844, is stated to have been " revue et augmen-
ted par l'auteur, avec cartes, inscriptions, et al-
phabet runique."5 The opinions of Wheaton,
however, had no effect upon the leading histo-
rian of the United States, nor have any subse-
quent developments caused any change in the
opinion of Bancroft, first advanced in 1834, in
the opening volume of his United States, where
he dismissed the sagas as " mythological in
form and obscure in meaning ; ancient yet not
contemporary." He adds that "the intrepid
mariners who colonized Greenland could easily
have extended their voyage to Labrador ; but
no clear historical evidence establishes the nat-
ural probability that they accomplished the pas-
sage."6 All this is omitted by Bancroft in his
last revised edition ; but a paragraph in his
original third volume (1840), to the intent that,
though " Scandinavians may have reached the
shores of Labrador, the soil of the United
States has not one vestige of their presence," is
allowed to remain,7 and is true now as when
first written.

The chief apostle of the Norseman belief,
however, is Carl Christian Rafn, whose work
was accomplished under the auspices of the
Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at Co-
penhagen.8

Rafn was born in 1795, an(^ died at Copen-
hagen in 1864.9 At the University, as well as
later as an officer of its library, he had bent his
attention to the early Norse manuscripts and
literature,10 so that in 1825 he was the natural

1 Edinburgh, 1818; Boston, 1831.

2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, 1865, p. 184.

3 Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopcedia.

4 Allibone, iii. 2667.

5 Irving, in reviewing the book in the No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1832, avoided the question of the Norse dis-
covery. (Cf. his Spanish Papers, vol. ii., and Rice's Essays from the No. Am. Rev.) C. Robinson, in his
Discoveries in the West (ch. 1), borrows from Wheaton.

6 Octavo ed., i. pp. 5, 6.

7 Orig. ed., iii. 313; last revision, ii. 132.

8 This society, Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, since 1825, has been issuing works and periodicals
illustrating all departments of Scandinavian archaeology (cf. Webb, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 177), and
has gathered cabinets and museums, sections of which are devoted to American subjects. C. C. Rafn's Cabi-
net d'antiquites Americaines a Copenhague (Copenhagen, 1858) ; Jotirnal of the Royal Geographical
Society, xiv. 316 ; Slafter's introd. to his Voyages of the Northmen.

9 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 81 ; Am. Antiq. Soc Proc, April, 1865 ; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1865,
p. 273; Today, ii. 176.

10 Professor Willard Fiske has paid particular attention to the early forms of the Danish in the Icelandic
literature. In 1885 the British Museum issued a Catalogue of the books printed in Iceland from A. D. 1578
to 1880 in the library of the British Museum. In 1886 Mr. Fiske privately printed at Florence Bibliograph-
ical Notices, i.: Books printed in Iceland, 1578-1844, a supplement to the British Museum Catalogue,

94 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

founder of the Royal Society of Northern An- came to conclusions respecting traces of their

tiquaries; and much of the value of its long occupancy to which few will adhere to-day.

series of publications is due to his active and The effect of Rafn's volume, however, was

unflagging interest.1- The summit of his Amer- marked, and we see it in the numerous presen-

ican interest, however, was reached in the great tations of the subject which followed; and every

folio A ntiquitatcs Americana? in which he for the writer since has been greatly indebted to him.

first time put the mass of original Norse docu- Alexander von Humboldt in his Examen Cri-

ments before the student, and with a larger accu- tique (Paris, 1837) gave a synopsis of the sagas,

mulation of proofs than had ever been adduced and believed the scene of the discoveries to be

before, he commented on the narratives and between Newfoundland and New York ; and in

which enumerates 139 titles with full bibliographical detail and an index. He refers also to the principal
bibliographical authorities. Laing's introduction to the Heimskringla gives a survey.

1 Cf. list of their several issues in Scudder's Catal. of Scient. Serials, nos. 640, 654, and the Rafn bibliog-
raphy in Sabin, xvi. nos. 67,466-67,486. In addition to its Danish publications, the chief of which interesting
to the American archaeologist being the Antiquarisk Tidsskrift (1845-1864), sometimes known as the Revue
Archeologique et Bulletin, the society, under its more familiar name of Societe Royale des Antiquaires du
Nord, has issued its Memoires, the first series running from 1836 to i860, in 4 vols., and the second beginning
in 1866. These contain numerous papers involving the discussion of the Northmen voyages, including a con-
densed narrative by Rafn, " Memoire sur la decouverte de l'Amerique au ioe siecle," which was enlarged and
frequently issued separately in French and other languages ( 1838—1843), and is sometimes found in English as
a Supplement to the Antiquitates Americance, and was issued in New York (1838) as America discovered m
the tenth century. In this form {Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 187) it was widely used here and in Europe to
call attention to Rafn's folio, Antiquitates Americance.

The Memoir es also contained another paper by Rafn, Apercu de V ancienne geographie des regions
arctiques de l'Amerique, selon les rapports conte7itis dans les Sagas du Nord (Copenhagen, 1847), which
also concerns the Vinland voyages, and is repeated in the Nouvelles Annates des Voyages (1849), i. 277.

2 Antiqvitates Americana sive scriptores septentrionales rerum ante-Columbianarum in America.
Samling af de i nordens oldskrifter indeholdte efterretninger om de gamle nordboers opdagelsesreiser til
America fra det iocle til det 1 4de aarhundrede. Edidit Societas regia antiqicariorum Septentrionalium
(Hafnioe, 1837). Contents: Praefatio. — Conspectus codicum membraneorum, in quibus terrarum Ameri-
canarum mentio fit. — America discovered by the Scandinavians in the tenth century. (An abstract of the
historical evidence contained in this work.) — Paettir af Eireki Rauda ok Graenlendingum. — Saga Porfinns
Karlsefnis ok Snorra Porbrandssonar. — Breviores relationes : De inhabitatione Islandiae ; De inhabitatione
Grcenlandise ; De Ario Maris filio ; De Bjorne Breidvikensium athleta ; De Gudleivo Gudlcegi filio ; Excerpta
ex annalibus Islandorum ; Die mansione Groenlandorum in locis Borealibus ; Excerpta e geographicis scriptis
veterum Islandorum ; Carmen Faeroicum, in quo Vinlandiae mentio fit ; Adami Bremensis Relatio de Vin-
landia ; Descriptio quorumdam monumentorum Europaeorum, quae in oris Gronlandiae ocidentalibus reperta
et detecta sunt ; Descriptio vetusti monument! in regione Massachusetts reperti ; Descriptio vetustorum
quorundam monumentorum in Rhode Island. — Annotationes geographical ; Islandia et Gronlandia ; Indagatio
Arctoarum Americas regionum. — Indagatio Orientalium Americae regionum. — Addenda et emendanda. —
Indexes. The larger works are in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin.

Cf. also his Antiquites Americaines d'apres les monuments historiques des Islandais et des anciens
Scandinaves (Copenhagen, 1845). An abstract of the evidence is given in the Journal of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society (viii. 114), and it is upon this that H. H. Bancroft depends in his Native Races (v. 106).
Cf. also Ibid. v. 11 5-1 16 ; and his Cent. America, i. 74. L. Dussieux in his Les Grands Faiis de I'Histoire
de la Geographie (Paris, 1882; vol. i. 147, 165) follows Rafn and Malte-Brun. So does Brasseur de Bour-
bourg in his Hist, de Nations Civilisces, i. iS; and Bachiller y Morales in his Antigiiedades Americanas

(Havana, 1845).

Great efforts were made by Rafn and his friends to get reviews of his folio in American periodicals ; and he
relied in this matter upon Dr. Webb and others, with whom he had been in correspondence in working up his
geographical details (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, ii. 97, 107; viii. 189, etc.), and so late as 1852 he drafted in
English a new synopsis of the evidence, and sent it over for distribution in the United States {Ibid. ii. 500 ;
New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc, vi. ; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1853, p. 13). So far as weight of character went,
there was a plenty of it in his reviewers: Edward Everett in the No. Amer. Rev., Jan., 1838; Alexander

* Opposite is a section of Rafn's map in the Antiquitates Americana, giving his identification of the Norse
localities. This and the other map by Rafn is reproduced in his Cabinet d' Antiquites Americaines (Copen-
hagen, 1858). The map in the atlas of St. Martin's Hist, de la Geographie does not track them below New-
foundland. The map in J. T. Smith's Northmen in New England (Boston, 1839) shows eleven voyages to
America from Scandinavia, a. d. 861-1285. Cf. map in Wilhelmi's Island, etc. (Heidelberg, 1842).

NORSE AMERICA.

96 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

his Cosmos (1S44) he reiterated his views, hold- finds little hesitation in accepting the views of

ing to " the undoubted first discovery by the Rafn, and thinks " no room is left for disputing

Northmen as far south as 410 30'." l the main fact of discovery."

Two books which for a while were the popu- When Hildreth, in 1849, published his United

lar treatises on the subject were the immediate States, he ranged himself, with his distrusts, by

outcome of Rafn's book. The first of these the side of Bancroft but J. Elliot Cabot, in mak-

was The Northmen in New England, giving the ing a capital summary of the evidence in the

stories in the form of a dialogue, by Joshua Mass. Quarterly Review (vol. ii.), accords with

Toulmin Smith (Boston, 1839), which in a the believers, but places the locality visited

second edition (London, 1842) was called The about Labrador and Newfoundland. Haven in

Discovery of America by the Northmen in the his Archaeology of the United States (Washington,

Tenth Century. 1856) regards the discovery as well attested,

The other book was largely an English ver- and that the region was most likely that of Nar-
sion of parts of Rafn's book, translating the ragansett Bay. C. W. Elliott in his New Eng-
chief sagas, and reproducing the maps: Natha- land History (N. Y., 1857) holds the story to be
niel Ludlow Beamish's Discovery of America by "in some degree mythical." Palfrey in his Hist,
the Northmen in the Tenth Century (London, of New England (Boston, 1858) goes no farther
1841).2 Two German books owed almost as than to consider the Norse voyage as in " nowise
much to Rafn, those of K. Wilhelmi3 and K. unlikely," and Oscar F. Peschel in his Geschichte
H.Hermes.4 Prescott, at this time publishing des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (Stuttgart, 1858)
the third volume of his Mexico (1843), accords to *s on tne affirmative side. Paul K. Sinding goes
Rafn the credit of taking the matter out of the over the story with assent in his History of Scan-
category of doubt, but he hesitates to accept dinavia, — a book not much changed in his
the Dane's identifications of localities ; but R. Scandinavian Races (N. Y., 1878).5 Eugene
H. Major, in considering the question in the in- Beauvois did little more than translate from
troductionto his Select letters of Columbus (1847), Rafn in his Decouvertes des Scandinaves en

Everett in the U. S. Magazine and Democratic Review (1838) ; George Folsom in the N. Y. Review (1838);
H. R. Schoolcraft in the Amer. Biblical Repository (1839). Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 182-3 ; Poole's
Index, 28, 928.

1 Bonn's ed., English transl., ii. 603 ; Lond. ed., 1849, ii. 233-36. Humboldt expresses the opinion that
Columbus, during his visit to Iceland, got no knowledge of the stories, so little an impression had they made on
the public mind {Cosmos, Bohn, ii. 611), and that the enemies of Columbus in his famous lawsuit, when every
effort was made to discredit his enterprise, did not instance his Iceland experience, should be held to indicate
that no one in southern Europe believed in any such prompting at that time. Wheaton and Prescott (Ferdi-
nand and Isabella, orig. ed., ii. 118, 131) hold similar opinions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 33.) Dr. Webb says that Irving
held back from accepting the stories of the saga, for fear that they could be used to detract from Columbus'
fame. Rafn and his immediate sympathizers did not fail to make the most of the supposition that Columbus
had in some way profited by his Iceland experience. Laing thinks Columbus must have heard of the voyages,
and De Costa (Columbus and the Geographers of the North) thinks that the bruit of the Northmen
voyages extended sufficiently over Europe to render it unlikely that it escaped the ears of Columbus. Cf.
further an appendix in living's Columbus, and Mallet's Northern Antiquities, Bohn's ed., 267, in refutation
of the conclusions of Finn Magnusen in the Nor disk Tidsskrift. It has been left for the unwise and over-
topped advocates of a later day, like Goodrich and Marie A. Brown, to go beyond reason in an indiscriminate
denunciation of the Genoese. The latter writer, in her Icelandic Discoverers of America (Boston, 188S),
rambles over the subject in a jejune way, and easily falls into errors, while she pursues her- main purpose
of exposing what she fancies to be a deep-laid scheme of the Pope and the Catholic Church to conceal the
merits of the Northmen and to capture the sympathies of Americans in honoring the memory of Columbus in
1892. It is simply a reactionary craze from the overdone raptures of the school of Roselly de Lorgues and
the other advocates of the canonization of Columbus, in Catholic Europe.

2 This book is for the sagas the basis of the most useful book on the subject, Edmund Farwell Slafter's
Voyages of the Northmen to America. Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western
voyages by Northmen in the 10th and nth centuries in an English translation by Nathaniel Ludlow
Beamish ; with a synopsis of the historical evidence and the opinion of professor Rafn as to the places visited
by the Scandinavians on the coast of America. With an introduction (Boston, 1877), published by the
Prince Society. Slafter's opinion is that the narratives are " true in their general outlines and important
features."

3 Island, Huitramannaland, Gronland und Vinland (Heidelberg, 1842).

4 Die Entdcckung von Amerika durch die Islander im zehnten und eilften Jahrhundert (Braun-
schweig, 1844). Cf. E. G. Squier's Discovery of America by the Northmen, a critical review of the works
of Hermes, Rafn and Beamish (1849).

5 Cf. his paper in the Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1865.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

Amerique, — fragments de Sagas Islandaises
traduits pour la premiere fois enfrancais (Paris,
1859) — an extract from the Revue Orientate et
Americaine (vol. ii.).1

Professor Daniel Wilson, of Toronto, has dis-
cussed the subject at different times, and with
these conclusions : " With all reasonable doubts
as to the accuracy of details, there is the strong-
est probability in favor of the authenticity of the
American Vinland. . . . The data are the mere
vague allusions of a traveller's tale, and it is
indeed the most unsatisfactory feature of the
sagas that the later the voyages the more con-
fused and inconsistent their narratives become
in every point of detail." 2

Dr. B. F. De Costa's first book on the subject
was his Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by
the Northmen, illustrated by Translations from
the Icelandic Sagas, edited with notes and a gen~
eral introduction (Albany, 1868). It is a con-
venient gathering of the essential parts of the
sagas ; but the introduction rather opposes than
disproves some of the "feeble paragraphs,
pointed with a sneer," which he charges upon
leading opponents of the faith. Professor J. L.
Diman, in the North American Review (July,
1869), made De Costa's book the occasion of an
essay setting forth the grounds of a disbelief in
the historical value of the sagas. De Costa
replied in Arotes on a Review, etc. (Charlestown,
1869). In the same year, Dr. Kohl, following
the identifications of Rafn, rehearsed the narra-
tives in his Discovery of Maine (Portland, 1869),
and tracked Karlsefne through the gulf of
Maine. De Costa took issue with him on this
latter point in his Northmen in Maine (Albany,
1870).3 In the introduction to his Sailing Di-
rections of Henry Hudson, De Costa argues that
these mariners' guides are the same used by the

Northmen, and in his Columbus and the Geog-
raphers of the North (Hartford, 1872, — cf.
Amer. Church Review, xxiv. 418) he recapitu-
lates the sagas once more with reference to the
knowledge which he supposes Columbus to
have had of them. Paul Gaffarel, in his Etudes
stir les rapports de V Amerique et de Vancien
Continent avant Colomb (Paris, 1869), entered
more particularly into the evidence of the com-
merce of Vinland and its relations to Europe.

Gabriel Gravier, another French author, was
rather too credulous in his Decouverte de V Ame-
rique par les normands au Xe Siecle (Paris, 1874),
when he assumed with as much confidence as
Rafn ever did everything that the most ardent
advocate had sought to prove.4

There were two American writers soon to fol-
low, hardly less intemperate. These were Aaron
Goodrich, in A History of the Character and
Achievements of the so-called Christopher Colum-
bus(N. Y., 1874), who took the full complement
of Rafn's belief with no hesitancy ; and Rasmus
B. Anderson in his America not discovered by Co-
lumbus (Chicago, 1874; improved, 1877 ; again
with Watson's bibliography, 1883),5 in which
even the Skeleton in Armor is made to play a
part. Excluding such vagaries, the book is not
without use as displaying the excessive views en-
tertained in some quarters on the subject. The
author is, we believe, a Scandinavian, and shows
the tendency of his race to a facility rather than
felicity in accepting evidence on this subject.

The narratives were first detailed among our
leading general histories when the Popular
History of the United States of Bryant and Gay
appeared in 1876. The claims were presented
decidedly, and in the main in the directions in-
dicated by Rafn ; but the wildest pretensions of
that antiquary were considerately dismissed.

1 Beauvois also made at a later period other contributions to the subject : Les derniers vestiges du Chris-
tianisme preches du Xe ate XIV* siecles dans le Markland et le Grande-frlandc, les porte-croix de la
Gaspesie et de VArcadie (Paris, 1877) which appeared originally in the Annates de philosophic Chretiennes,
Apr., 1877; and Les Colonies europeennes du Markland et de V Escociland au XI Ve siecle et les vestiges qui
en subsisterent jusqti 'aux XVI* et XVIIe siecle (Luxembourg, 1878), being taken from the Cotnpte Rendu
of the Luxembourg meeting of the Congres des Americanistes.

2 Prehistoric Man, 3d ed., ii. 83, 85. Cf. also his Historic Footprints in America, extracted from the
Canadian Journal, Sept., 1864.

3 Joseph Williamson, in the Hist. Mag., Jan., 1869 (x. 30), sought to connect with the Northmen certain
ancient remains along the coast of Maine.

4 He was rather caustically taken to account by Henry Cabot Lodge, in the No. Am. Review, vol. cxix.
Cf. Michel Hardy's Les Scandinaves dans V Amerique du Nord (Dieppe, 1874). An April hoax which
appeared in a Washington paper in 1867, about some runes discovered on the Potomac, had been promptly-
exposed in this country (Hist. Mag., Mar. and Aug., 1869), but it had been accepted as true in the Annuaire de
la Societe Americaine in 1873, and Gaffarel (Etudes sur les Rapports de V Amerique avant Columbus, Paris,
1869, p. 251) and Gravier (p. 139) was drawn into the snare. (Cf. Whittlesey's Archceol. frauds in the West-
ern Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, no. 9, and H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Jan., 1888, p. 59.) In a
later monograph, Les Normands sur la route des Indes (Rouen, 1880), Gravier, while still accepting the old
exploded geographical theories, undertook further to prove that the bruits of the Norse discoveries instigated
the seamen of Normandy to similar ventures, and that they visited America in ante-Columbian days.

5 There is an authorized German version, Die erste Entdeckung von Amerika, by Mathilde Mann (Ham-
burg, 1 888).

VOL. I. — 7

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

During the last score years the subject has
been often made prominent by travellers like
Kneeland 1 and Hayes,2 who have recapitulated
the evidence ; by lecturers like Charles Kings-
ley ; 3 by monographists like Moosmiiller ; 4 by
the minor historians like Higginson,5 who has
none of the fervor of the inspired identifiers of
localities, and Weise,6 who is inclined to believe
the sea-rovers did not even pass Davis's Straits ;
and by contributors to the successive sessions
of the Congres des Americanistes 7 and to other
learned societies.8

The question was brought to a practical issue
in Massachusetts by a proposition raised — at
first in Wisconsin — by the well-known musician
Ole Bull, to erect in Boston a statue to Leif
Ericson.9 The project, though ultimately car-
ried out, was long delayed, and was discouraged
by members of the Massachusetts Historical
Society on the ground that no satisfactory evi-
dence existed to show that any spot in New
England had been reached by the Northmen.10
The sense of the society was finally expressed in
the report of their committee, Henry W. Haynes
and Abner C. Goodell, Jr., in language which
seems to be the result of the best historical criti-
cism ; for it is not a question of the fact of discov-
er)-, but to decide how far we can place reliance
on the details of the sagas. There is likely to re-
main a difference of opinion on this point. The

committee say : " There is the same sort of rea-
son for believing in the existence of Leif Eric-
son that there is for believing in the existence of
Agamemnon, — they are both traditions accepted
by later writers ; but there is no more reason for
regarding as true the details related about his
discoveries than there is for accepting as his-
toric truth the narratives contained in the Ho-
meric poems. It is antecedently probable that
the Northmen discovered America in the early
part of the eleventh century ; and this discovery
is confirmed by the same sort of historical tra-
dition, not strong enough to be called evidence,
upon which our belief in many of the accepted
facts of history rests." n

In running down the history of the literature
of the subject, the present aim has been simply
to pick out such contributions as have been in
some way significant, and reference must be made
to the bibliographies for a more perfect record.12

Irrespective of the natural probability of the
Northmen visits to the American main, other
evidence has been often adduced to support the
sagas. This proof has been linguistic, ethno-
logical, physical, geographical, and monumental.

Nothing could be slenderer than the alleged
correspondences of languages, and we can see in
Horsford's Discovery of America by Northmen to
what a fanciful extent a confident enthusiasm
can carrv it.13

1 American in Iceland (Boston, 1876).

2 Land of Desolation (New York, 1872). There is a French version in the Tonr dn Monde, xxvi.

3 Lectures delivered in America (Philad., 1S75), — third lecture.

4 Europ'der in Amcrika vor Columbus, nach Qucllen bearbeitet von P. Oswald Moosmiiller (Regensburg,

I879)-

5 Larger History of the United States (N. Y., 1886).

6 Discoveries of America (N. Y., 1884).

7 Particularly Beauvois, already mentioned, and Dr. E. Loffler, on the Vinland Excursions of the Ancient
Scandinavians, at the Copenhagen meeting, Compte Rendu (1883), p. 64. Cf. also Michel Hardy's Les
Scandinaves dans V Amerique du Nord au X* Siccle (Dieppe, 1S74).

8 R. G. Haliburton, in Roy. Geog. Soc. Proc. (Jan., 1885); Thomas Morgan, in Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans.
iii. 75.

9 E. N. Horsford's Discovery of Ai7ierica by the Northmen (Boston, 1888); Anderson's America not dis-
covered by Columbus, 3d ed., p. 30 ; N. Y. Nation, Nov. 17, 1S87 ; Mag. Amer. Hist., Mar., iSSS, p. 223.

10 Remarks of Wm. Everett and Chas. Deane in the society's Proceedings, May, 1S80.

11 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Dec, 18S7. The most incautious linguistic inferences and the most uncritical
cartological perversions are presented by Eben Norton Horsford in his Discovery of America by the North-
men— address at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen, Oct. 2Q, 1887 (Boston, 18SS). Cf. Oscar
Brenner in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Munich, Dec. 6, 1S88). A trustful reliance upon the reputa-
tions of those who have in greater or less degree accepted the details of the sagas characterizes a paper by
Mrs. Ole Bull in the Mag. of A??ier. Hist., Mar., 1888. She is naturally not inclined to make much allowance
for the patriotic zeal of the northern writers.

12 The best list is in P. B. Watson's " Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America," originally in the
Library Journal, vi. 259, but more complete in Anderson's America not discovered by Columbus (3d ed.,
Chicago, 1883). Cf. also Chavanne's Literature of the Polar Regions ; Th. Solberg's Bibliog. of Scandinavia,
in English, with magazine articles, in F. W. Horn's Hist, of the lit. of the Scandinavian North (1S84. pp.
413-500). There is a convenient brief list in Slafter's Voyages of the Northmen (pp. 127-140), and a not
very well selected one in Marie A. Brown's Icelandic Discoverers. Poole s Index indicates the considerable
amount of periodical discussions. The Scandinavian writers are mainly referred to by Miss Brown and Mrs.
Bull.

18 Forster finds a corruption of Norvegia (Norway) in Norumbega. Rafn finds the Norse elements in the

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 99

The ethnological traces are only less shadowy, kins ; " and in proof he points out resemblances

Hugo Grotius 1 contended that the people of between the Eddas and the Algonkin mythol-

Central America were of Scandinavian descent, ogy.6 It is even stated that the Micmacs have

Brasseur found remnants of Norse civilization a tradition of a people called Chenooks, who

in the same region.2 Viollet le Due3 discovers in ships visited their coast in the tenth century,

great resemblances in the northern religious The physical and geographical evidences are

ceremonials to those described in the Popul held to exist in the correspondences of the coast

Vnh. A general resemblance did not escape line to the descriptions of the sagas, including

the notice of Humboldt. Gravier4 is certain the phenomena of the tides7 and the length of

that the Aztec civilization is Norse.5 Chas. the summer day.8 Laing and others, who make

Godfrey Leland claims that the old Norse spirit no question of the main fact, readily recognize

pervades the myths and legends of the Algon- the too great generality and contradictions of

kins, and that it is impossible not to admit that the descriptions to be relied upon.9

there must have been at one time " extensive in- George Bancroft, in showing his distrust, has

tercourse between the Northmen and the Algon- said that the advocates of identification can no

words Massachusetts, Nauset, and Mount Hope (Mass. Hist. Soc Proc, viii. 194-198). The word Hole, used
as synonymous to harbor in various localities along the Vineyard Sound, has been called a relic of the Icelandic
Holl, a hill (Mag. Amer. Hist., June, 1882, p. 431 ; Jos. S. Fay in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xii. 334; and in
Anderson, America not discovered by Columbus, 3d ed.).

Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Nations civilisces du Mexique, and more emphatically in his Grammaire
Quichee, had indicated what he thought a northern incursion before Leif, in certain seeming similarities to
the northern tongues of those of Guatemala. Cf. also Nouv. Annates des Voyages, 6th ser., xvi. 263 ; N. Y.
Tribune, Nov. 21, 1855 ; Bancroft's Native Races, iii. 762.

1 De origine gentium Americanarum (1642).

2 Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, 6th ser., vols. iii. and vi.

3 In Charnay's R nines, etc. (Paris, 1867).

4 Decouverte de V America par les Normands (Paris, 1864).

5 H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Paces, v. 11 5-16, gives references on the peopling of America from the northwest of
Europe.

6 Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., xiv. 1887 ; also printed separately as Mythology, legends and Folk-lore of the
Algonquins. Cf. also his Algonquin Legends of New England (1885). Cf. D. G. Brinton in Amer. Anti-
quarian, May, 1885.

' Mr. Mitchell, of the U. S. Coast Survey, has attended to this part of the subject, and Horsford (p. 28)
quotes his MS. He rinds on the Massachusetts coast what he thinks a sufficient correspondence to the de-
scription of the sagas.

8 So plain a matter as the length of the longest summer day would indubitably point to an absolute parallel
of latitude as determining the site of Vinland, if there was no doubt in the language of the saga. Unfortu-
nately there is a wide divergence of opinion in the meaning of the words to be depended upon, even among
Icelandic scholars ; and the later writers among them assert that Rafn (Antiq. Amer. 436) and Magnusen in
interpreting the language to confirm their theory of the Rhode Island bays have misconceived. Their argu-
ment is summarized in the French version of Wheaton. John M'Caul translated Finn Magnusen's " Ancient
Scandinavian divisions of the times of day," in the Memoire de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord (1836-37).
Rask disputes Rafn's deductions (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 22). Torfaeus, who is our best commentator
after all, says it meant Newfoundland. Robertson put it at 580 north. Dahlmann in his Forschungen (vol. i.)
places it on the coast of Labrador. Horsford (p. 66) at some length admits no question that it must have
been between 41^ and 430 north. Cf. Laing's Heimskringla, i. 173; Palfrey's New England, i. 55; De
Costa's Pre-Columbian Disc, p. ^; Weise's Discoveries of America, 31 ; and particularly Vigfiisson in his
English-Icelandic Dictionary under " Eykt."

• " The discovery of America," says Laing {Heimskringla, i. 154), " rests entirely upon documentary evidence
which cannot, as in the case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to be discovered in America." Laing
and many of the commentators, by some strange process of reasoning, have determined that the proof of these
MS. records being written before Columbus' visit to Iceland in 1477 is sufficient to establish the priority of
discovery for the Northmen, as if it was nothing in the case that the sagas may or may not be good history ;
and nothing that it was the opinion entertained in Europe at that time that Greenland and the more distant
lands were not a new continent, but a prolongation of Europe by the north. It is curious, too, to observe that,
treating of events after 1492, Laing is quite willing to believe in any saga being " filled up and new invented,"
but is quite unwilling to believe anything of the kind as respects those written anterior to 1492 ; and yet he
goes on to prove conclusively that the Flatoyensis Codex is full of fable, as when the saga man makes the
eider-duck lay eggs where during the same weeks the grapes ripen and intoxicate when fresh, and the wheat
forms in the ear ! Laing nevertheless rests his case on the Flatoyensis Codex in its most general scope, and
calls poets, but not antiquaries, those who attempt to make any additional evidence out of imaginary runes or
the identification of places.

IOO

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

farther agree than to place Vinland anywhere The earliest to go so far as to establish to a
• from Greenland to Africa.1 certainty2 the sites of the sagas was Rafn, who

1 It must be remembered that this divergence was not so wide to the Northmen as it seems to us. With
them the Atlantic was sometimes held to be a great basin that was enclasped from northwestern Europe by a
prolongation of Scandinavia into Greenland, Helluland, and Markland, and it was a question if the more
distant region of Vinland did not belong rather to the corresponding prolongation of Africa on the south.
Cf. De Costa, Pre-Columbian Disc, 108; Hist. Mag., xiii. 46.

2 He wrote: " Here for the first time will be found indicated the precise spot where the ancient Northmen
held their intercourse." The committee of the Mass. Hist. Soc. objected to this extreme confidence. Pro-
ceedings, ii. 97, 107, 500, 505.

\
Note. — The above map is a fac-simile of one of C. C. Rafn's maps. Cf. the maps in Smith, Beamish
Gravier, Slafter, Preble's Amer. Flag, etc.

DIGHTON ROCK.*

* Reproduction of part of the plate in the Antiquitates Americance, after a drawing by J. R. Bartlett. The
engravings of the rock are numerous : Mem. Amer. Acad., iii. ; the works of Beamish, J. T. Smith, Gravier,
Gay, Higginson, etc. ; Laing"s Heimskringla ; the French ed. of Wheaton ; Hermes' Entdeckung von Ame-

102 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

placed them on the coast of Massachusetts and many people believe that the earthworks of

Rhode Island, wherein nearly all those have fol- Onondaga were Scandinavian. A pretended

lowed him who have thought it worth while to runic inscription on a stone said to have been

be thus particular as to headland and bay. found in the Grave Creek mound was sedulously

In applying the saga names they have, how- ascribed to the Northmen.4 What some have
ever, by no means agreed, for Krossanes is with called a runic inscription exists on a rock near
some Point Alderton, at the entrance of Boston Yarmouth in Nova Scotia, which is interpreted
Harbor, and with others the Gurnet Head ; the " Hako's son addressed the men," and is sup-
island where honey dew was found is Nantucket posed to commemorate the expedition of Thor-
with Rafn, and with De Costa an insular region, finn in a. d. 1007.* A rock on the little islet
Nauset, now under water near the elbow of Cape of Menana, close to Monhegan, on the coast of
Cod ; 1 the Vinland of Rafn is in Narragansett Maine, and usually referred to as the Monhegan
Bay, that of Dr. A. C. Hamlin is at Merry Meet- Rock, bears certain weather marks, and there
ing Bay on the coast of Maine,2 and that of Hors- have been those to call them runes.6 A similar
ford is north of Cape Cod,3 — not to mention claim is made for a rock in the Merrimac Val-
other disagreements of other disputants. ley." Rafn describes such rocks as situated in

We get something more tangible, if not more Tiverton and Portsmouth Grove, R. I., but the

decisive, when we come to the monumental evi- markings were Indian, and when Dr. S. A.

dences. DeWitt Clinton and Samuel L. Mit- Green visited the region in 1868 some of them

chell found little difficulty at one time in making had disappeared.8

1 De Costa, Pre-Col. Disc, 29 ; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., xviii. 37 ; Gay, Pop. Hist., i. 41 ; Mass. Hist.
Soc. Coll., viii. 72 ; Am. Geog. Soc. Journal, 1870, p. 50; Amer. Naturalist, Aug. and Sept., 1879.

2 Am. Ass. Adv. Science, Proc. (1856), ii. 214.

3 Cf. paper on the site of Vinland in Hist. Mag., Feb., 1874, P- 94 ! Alex. Farnum's Visit of the Northmen
to Rhode Island (R. I. Hist. Tracts, no. 2, 1877). The statement of the sagas that there was no frost in
Vinland and grass did not wither in winter compels some of the identifiers to resort to the precession of the
equinox as accounting for changes of climate (Gay's Pop. Hist., i. 50).

4 E. G. Squier in Ethnological Journal, 1848 ; Wilson's Prehist. Man, ii. 98 ; Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans.,
i. 392 ; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, iv. n8 ; Mem. de la Soc. royale des Antiq. die Nord, 1840-44, p. 12;.

5 Amer. Philos. Soc. Proc, May 2, 1884 (by Henry Phillips, Jr.) ; Numismatic and Antiq. Soc of Philad.,
Proc, 1884, p. 17; Geo. S. Brown's Yarmouth (Boston, 1888).

6 Wilson's Prehist. Man, ii. 98 ; Amer. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc, 1856, p. 214 ; Seance annuelle de la
Soc des Antiq. du Nord, May 14, 1859 ; H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc Proc, Jan., 188S, p. 56. The
Monhegan inscription, as examined by the late C. W. Tuttle and J. Wingate Thornton, was held to be natural
markings {Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 308 ; Pulpit of the Revolution, 410). Charles Rau cites a striking instance
of the way in which the lively imagination of Finn Magnusen has misled him in interpreting weather cracks on
a rock in Sweden {Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 83).

7 N E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1854, p. 185.

8 Antiquitatcs Americana, 335, 371, 401 ; Amer. Antiq. Soc Proc, Oct., 1S6S, p. 13 ; W. J. Miller's
Wampanoag Indians.

rica ; Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, i. 114, iv. 120: Drake's ed., Philad., 1884, i. p. SS ; the Copenhagen Compte
Rendu, Congres des Amcricanistes, p. 70, from a photograph. The Hitchcock Museum at Amherst, Mass.,
had a cast, and one was shown at the Albany meeting (1836) of the Am. Asso. for the Adv. of Science. The
rock was conveyed by deed in 1861 to the Roy. Soc. of Northern Antiquaries {Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, v. 226;
vi. 252), but the society subsequently relinquished their title to a Boston committee, who charged itself with
the care of the monument ; but in doing so the Danish antiquaries disclaimed all belief in its runic character
{Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 236).

Note. — The opposite plate is reduced from one in the Antiq. Americana:. They show the difficulty, even
before later weathering, of different persons in discerning the same things on the rock, and in discriminating be-
tween fissures and incisions. Col. Garrick Mallery {4th Reft. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 250) asserts that the
inscription has been " so manipulated that it is difficult now to determine the original details." The drawings
represented are enumerated in the text. Later ones are numerous. Rafn also gives that of Dr. Baylies and
Mr. Gooding in 1790, and that made for the Rhode Island Hist. Society in 1830. The last has perhaps been
more commonly copied than the others. Photographs of late years are common ; but almost invariably the
photographer has chalked what he deems to be the design, — in this they do not agree, of course, — in order
to make his picture clearer. I think Schoolcraft in making his daguerreotype was the first to do this. The
most careful drawing made of late years is that by Professor Seager of the Naval Academy, under the direc-
tion of Commodore Blake; and there is in the Cabinet of the American Antiquarian Society a MS. essay
on the rock, written at Blake's request by Chaplain Chas. R. Hale of the U. S. Navy. Haven disputes
Blake's statement that a change in the river's bed more nearly submerges the rock at high tide than was
formerly the case. Cf. Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1S64, p. 41, where a history of the rock is given ; and in
Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 93.

INSCRIPTION ON DIGHTON ROCK. (See p. 102.)

104 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The most famous of all these alleged memo- the country, and it is said to be this portion of

rials * is the Dighton Rock, lying in the tide on the inscription which modern Indians discard

the side of Taunton River, in the town of Berke- when giving their interpretations.3 That it is

ley, in Massachusetts.'2 Dr. De Costa thinks it the work of the Indian of historic times seems

possible that the central portion may be runic, now to be the opinion common to the best

This part is what has been interpreted to mean trained archaeologists.4

that Thorfinn with 151 men took possession of Rain was also the first to proclaim the stone

1 Cf. list of inscribed rocks in the Proceedings (vol. ii.) of the Davenport Acad, of Natural Sciences.
- The stone with its inscription early attracted attention, but Danforth's drawing of 1680 is the earliest
known. Cotton Mather, in a dedicatory epistle to Sir Henry Ashurst, prefixed to his Wonderful Works of
God commemorated (Boston, 1690), gave a cut of a part of the inscription ; and he communicated an account
with a drawing of the inscription to the Royal Society in 1712, which appears in their Philosophical Trans-
actions, Dr. Isaac Greenwood sent another draft to the Society of Antiquaries in London in 1730, and
their Transactiotis in 1732 has this of Greenwood. In 176S Professor Stephen Sewall of Cambridge made
a copy of the natural size, which was sent in 1774 by Professor James Winthrop to the Royal Society.
Dr. Stiles says that Sewall sent it to Gebelin, of the French Academy, whose members judged them to
be Punic characters. Stiles himself, in 1783, in an election sermon delivered at Hartford, spoke of "the
visit by the Phoenicians, who charged the Dighton Rock and other rocks in Narragansett Bay with Punic
inscriptions remaining to this day, which last I myself have repeatedly seen and taken off at large." Cf.
Thornton's Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 410. The Archceologia (London, viii. for 1786) gave various drawings,
with a paper by the Rev. Michael Lort and some notes by Charles Vallancey, in which the opinion was
expressed that the inscription was the work of a people from Siberia, driven south by hordes of Tartars.
Professor Winthrop in 1788 filled the marks, as he understood them, with printer's ink, and in this way took
an actual impression of the inscription. His copy was engraved in the Memoirs of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences (vol. ii. for 1793). ^ was triis copy by Winthrop which Washington in 1789 saw at
Cambridge, when he pronounced the inscription as similar to those made by the Indians, which he had been
accustomed to see in the western country during his life as a surveyor. Cf. Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll., ii. 76, 77,81 ; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, x. 114. In 17S9 there was also presented to the Academy a copy
made by Joseph Gooding under the direction of Francis Baylies {Belknap Papers, ii. 160). In the third
volume of the Academy's Memoirs there are papers on the inscription by John Davis and Edward A. Kendall ;
Davis (1807) thinking it a representation of an Indian deer hunt, and Kendall later, in his Travels (vol. ii.
1809), assigns it to the Indians. This description is copied in Barber's Historical Collections of Mass. (p.
117). In 1812 a drawing was made by Job Gardner, and in 1825 there was further discussion in the Mcmoires
de la Societe de Geographic de Paris, and in the Hist, of New York by Yates and Moulton. In 183 1 there
was a cut in Ira Hill's Antiquities of America cxplaijied (Hagerstown, Md.) This was in effect the history
of the interest in the rock up to the appearance of Rafn's Antiquitates Americana, in which for the first time
the inscription was represented as being the work of the Northmen. This belief is now shared by few, if
any, temperate students. The exuberant Anderson thinks that the rock removes all doubt of the Northmen
discovery {America not discovered by Cohtmbus, pp. 21, 23, 83). The credulous Gravier has not a doubt.
Cf. his Notice sur le roc de Dighton et le sejour des Scandinaves en Amerique an commencement du
X/e siecle (Nancy, 1875), reprinted from the Compte Rendu, Congres des Americanistcs, i. 166, giving Rafn's
drawing. The Rev. J. P. Bodfish accepts its evidence in the Proc. Second Pub. Meeting U. S. Cath. Hist.
Soc. (N. Y., 1886).

3 Pre-Columbian Discovery of America, p. lvii. The Brinley Catalogue, iii. 5378, gives Dammartin's Ex-
plication de la pierre de Taunston (Paris ? 1840-50) as finding in the inscription an astronomical theme by
some nation foreign to America. Buckingham Smith believed it to be a Roman Catholic invocation, around
which the Indians later put their symbols {Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr. 29, 1863, p. 32). For discussions
more or less extensive see Laing's Heimskringla, i. 175 ; Haven in Smithsonian Contributions, 1856, vni.
133, in a paper on the " Archaeology of the United States ;" Charles Rau in Mag. Amer. Hist., Feb., 1S7S;
Apr., 1879; and in Amer. Antiquarian, i. 38; Daniel Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 97 ; J. R. Bartlett in
Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Proc, 1872-73, p. 70; Haven and others in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1864, and
Oct., 1867 ; H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 74 ; Drake's N. E. Coast ; North American Rev., 1874 ; Amer.
Biblical Repository, July, 1839; Historical Mag., Dec, 1S59, and March, 1S69 ; Lelewel's Moyen Age, nl;
H. W. Williams's transl. of Humboldt's Travels, i. 157, etc.

•» Schoolcraft wavered in his opinion. (Cf. Haven, 133.) He showed Gooding's drawing to an Algonkin
chief, who found in it a record of a battle of the Indians, except that some figures near the centre did not
belong to it, and these Schoolcraft thought might be runic, as De Costa has later suggested; bitf in 1S53
Schoolcraft made no reservation in pronouncing it entirely Indian {Indian Tribes, i. 112; iv. 120; pi. 14).
Wilson (Prehist. Man, ii., ch. 19) is severe on Schoolcraft. On the general character of Indian rock
inscriptions, — some of which in the delineations accompanying these accounts closely resemble the Dighton
Rock, — see Mallery in the Bureau of Ethnology, Fourth Report, p. 19; Lieut. A. M. Wheeler's Report on
Indian tribes in Pacific Rail Road Reports, ii. ; J. G. Bruff on those of Green River in the Sierra Nevada, in

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 105

tower now standing at Newport, R. I., as a work sent such an account of it to the Royal Society

of the Northmen ; but the recent antiquaries of Northern Antiquaries that it was looked upon

without any exception worth considering, be- as another and distinct proof of the identifica-

lieve that the investigations have shown that tion of Vinland. Later antiquaries have dis-

it was erected by Governor Arnold of Rhode missed all beliefs of that nature.3

Island as a windmill, sometime between 1670 There is not a single item of all the evidence

and 1680 ; and Palfrey in his New England is thus advanced from time to time which can be

thought to have put this view beyond doubt in said to connect by archaeological traces the

showing the close correspondence in design of presence of the Northmen on the soil of North

the tower to a mill at Chesterton, in England.1 America south of Davis' Straits. Arguments

Certain hearthstones which were discovered of this kind have been abandoned except by a

over twenty-five years ago under a peat bed on few enthusiastic advocates.
Cape Cod were held at the time to be a Norse

relic.2 In 183 1 there was exhumed in Fall River, That the Northmen voyaging to Vinland en-
Mass., a skeleton, which had with it what seemed countered natives, and that they were called
to be an ornamental belt made of metal tubes, Skraelings, may be taken as a sufficiently broad
formed by rolling fragments of flat brass and an statement in the sagas to be classed with those
oblong plate of the same metal, — not of bronze, concomitants of the voyages which it is reason-
as is usually said,— with some arrow-heads, cut able to accept. Sir William Dawson {Fossil
evidently from the same material. The other Men, 49) finds it easy to believe that these na-
concomitants of the burial indicated an Indian tives were our red Indians ; and Gallatin saw
of the days since the English contact. The skel- no reason to dissociate the Eskimos with other
eton attracted notice in this country by being American tribes.4 That they were Eskimos
connected with the Norsemen in Longfellow's seems to be the more commonly accepted
ballad, The Skeleton in Armor, and Dr. Webb view.5

Smithsonian Rept. (1872); American Antiquarian, iv.259;vi. 119; Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts,
nos. 42, 44, 52, 53, 56 ; T. Ewbank's No. Amer. Rock Writing (Morrisania, 1S66) ; Brinton's Myths of the
New World, p. 10; Tylor's Early Hist. Mankind ; Dr. Richard Andree's Ethnographische Parallelcn and
Vergleiche (Stuttgard, 1878). It is Mallery's opinion that no "considerable information of value in an his-
torical point of view will be obtained directly from the interpretations of the Pictographs in North America."

1 Palfrey, i. p. 57; Higginson's Larger Hist., 44; Gay's Pop. Hist., i. 59, 60; Laing's Heimskringla,\.
183; Charles T. Brooks's Controversy touching the old stone mill in Newport (Newport, 1851); Peterson's
Rhode Island; Drake's New England Coast ; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, iv. 120; Bishop's Amer. Manu-
factures, i. 118 ; C. S. Pierce in Science, iv. 512, who endeavored by measurement to get at what was the unit
of measure used, — an effort not very successful. Cf. references in Poole's Index, p. 913.

Gaffarel accepts the Rafn view in his Etudes sur la rapports, etc., 282, as does Gravier in his Normands
sar la route, p. 168 ; and De Costa {Pre-Columbian Disc, p. lviii) intimates that " all is in a measure doubt-
ful." R. G. Hatfield {Scribner's Monthly, Mar., 1879) m an illustrated paper undertook to show by com-
parison with Scandinavian building that what is now standing is but the central part of a Vinland baptistery,
and that the projection which supported the radiating roof timbers is still to be seen. This paper was
answered by George C. Mason {Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 541, Sept., 1879, with other remarks in the Amer.
Architect, Oct. 4, 1879), who rehearsed the views of the local antiquaries as to its connection with Gov.
Arnold. Cf. Reminiscences of Newport, by Geo. C. Mason, 1884.

2 Hist. Mag., Apr., 1862, p. 123; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1865, p. 372; Abner Morse's Traces of the
Ancient Northmen in America (Aug., 1861), with a Supplement (Boston, 18S7).

3 Mcmoires de la Soc. roy. des Antiq.du Nord, 1843 5 New Jersey Hist. Soc.Proc, vi. ; Stone's Brant, ii.
593-94; Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, i. 127; Smithsonian Rept., 1883, p. 902 ; Dr. Kneeland in Peabody Mus.
Repts., no. 20, p. 543. The skeleton was destroyed by fire about 1843.

4 Dawkins in his Cave Hunters accounts them survivors of the cave dwellers of Europe. Cf. Wilson's
Prehistoric Man. A. R. Grote {Amer. Naturalist, Apr., 1877) holds them to be the survivors of the palaeo-
lithic man.

5 E. Beauvois' Les Skroelings, Ancetres des Esqitimaux (Paris, 1S79) ; B. F. DeCosta in Pop. Science
Monthly, Nov., 1884 5 A S. Packard on their former range southward, in the American Naturalist, xix. 471,
553, and his paper on the Eskimos of Labrador, in Appletoii's Journal, Dec. 9, 1871 (reprinted in Beach's
Indian Miscellany, Albany, 1877). Humboldt holds them to have been driven across America to Europe
{Views of Nature, Bonn's ed., 123). Ethnologists are not wholly agreed as to the course of their migrations.
The material for the ethnological study of the Eskimos must be looked for in the narratives of the Arctic
voyagers, like Scoresby, Parry, Ross, O'Reilly, Kane, C. F. Hall, and the rest ; in the accounts by the mission-
aries like Egede, Crantz, and others ; by students of ethnology, like Lubbock {Prehist. Times, ch. 14) ; Prichard
{Researches, v. 367) ; Waitz {Amerikaner, i. 300) ; the Abbe Morillot {Mythologie et legendes des Esquimaitx
du Groenland in the Actes de la Soc. Philologique (Paris, 1875), vo'- 'v0 ! M°rgan {Systems of Consanguinity,

io6

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

That the climate of the Atlantic coast of the
United States and the British provinces was
such as was favorable to the present Arctic
dwellers is held to be shown by such evidences
as tusks of the walrus found in phosphate beds
in South Carolina. Rude implements found in
the interglacial Jersey drift have been held by
C. C. Abbott to have been associated with a
people of the Eskimo stock, and some have
noted that palaeolithic implements found in
Pennsylvania closely resemble the work of the
modern Eskimos (Amer. Antiquarian, i. io).1
Dall remarks upon implements of Innuit origin

being found four hundred miles south of the
present range of the Eskimos of the northwest
coast ( Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, i. p. 98).
Charlevoix says that Eskimos were occasionally
seen in Newfoundland in the beginning of the
last century ; and ethnologists recognize to-day
the same stock in the Eskimos of Labrador and
Greenland.

The best authority on the Eskimos is generally
held to be Hinrich Rink, and he contends that-
they formerly occupied the interior of the con-
tinent, and have been pressed north and across
Behring's Straits.2 W. H. Dall holds similar

HENRIK RINK*

267), who excludes them from his Ganowanian family ; Irving C. Rosse on the northern inhabitants {Journal
Amer. Geog. Soc, 1883, p. 163) ; Ludwig Kumlien in his Contributions to the natural history of Arctic
America, made in connection with the Howgate polar expedition, 1877-7$, in Bull, of the U. S. Naval
Museum (Washington, 1879), no. 15 ; and his paper in the Smithsonian Report (1S7S). There are several
helpful papers in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute (London), vol. i., by Richard King, on their
intellectual character ; vol. iv. by P. C. Sutherland ; vol. vii. by John Rae on their migrations, and W. H.
Flower on their skulls ; vol. ix. by W. J. Sollars on their bone implements. For other references see Bancroft,
Native Races, i. 41, 138; Poole's Index, p. 424, and Supplement, p. 146.

1 This evidence is of course rather indicative of a geological antiquity not to be associated with the age ot
the Northmen. Cf. Murray's Distribution of Animals, 128 ; Howarth's Mammoth and Flood, 285.

2 Rink, born in 1819 in Copenhagen, spent much of the interval from 1853 to 1872 in Greenland. Pilling
[Bibl. Eskimo Language, p. 80) gives the best account of Rink's publications. His principal book is Gronland

* After a likeness given by Nordenskjold in his Exped. till Gronland, p. 121.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

107

views.1 C. R. Markham, who dates their first
appearance in Greenland in 1349, contends, on
the other hand, that they came from the west
(Siberia) along the polar regions (Wrangell
Land), and drove out the Norse settlers in Green-
land.2 The most active of the later students of
the Eskimos is Dr. Franz Boas, now of New
York, who has discussed their tribal boundaries.3

F. The Lost Greenland Colonies. —
After intercourse with the colonies in Greenland
ceased, and definite tradition in Iceland had died
out, and when the question of the re-discovery
should arise, it was natural that attention
should first be turned to that coast of Green-
land which lay opposite Iceland as the likelier
sites of the lost colonies, and in this way we find
all the settlements placed in the maps of the
sixteenth century. The Archbishop Erik Wal-
kendorf, of Lund, in the early part of that cen-
tury had failed to persuade the Danish govern-
ment to send an expedition. King Frederick II
was induced, however, to send one in 1 568 ; but
it accomplished nothing; and again in 1579 he
put another in command of an Englishman,
Jacob Allday, but the ice prevented his landing.
A Danish navigator was more successful in
1 58 1 ; but the coast opposite Iceland yielded as
yet no traces of the Norse settlers. Frobisher's
discovery of the west coast seems to have failed

of recognition among the Danes ; but they with
the rest df Europe did not escape noting the im-
portance of the explorations of John Davis in
1585—86, through the straits which bear his name.
It now became the belief that the west settle-
ment must be beyond Cape Farewell. In 1605,
Christian IV of Denmark sent a new expe-
dition under Godske Lindenow ; but there was
a Scotchman in command of one of the three
ships, and Jacob Hall, who had probably served
under Davis, went as the fleet pilot. He guided
the vessels through Davis's Straits. But it was
rather the purpose of Lindenow to find a north-
west passage than to discover a lost colony ;
and such was mainly the object which impelled
him again in 1606, and inspired Karsten Rikard-
sen in 1607. Now and for some years to come
we have the records of voyages made by the
whalers to this region, and we read their narra-
tives in Purchas and in such collections of voy-
ages as those of Harris and Churchill.4 They
yield us, however, little or no help in the prob-
lem we are discussing. In 1670 and 1671 Chris-
tian V sent expeditions with the express purpose
of discovering the lost colonies ; but Otto Ax-
elsen, who commanded, never returned from his
second voyage, and we have no account of his
first.

The mission of the priest Hans Egede gave
the first real glimmer of light.5 He was the

geographisch und statistisch beschrieben (Stuttgart, i860). The English reader has access to his Tales and
Traditions of the Eskimo, translated by Rink himself, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown (London, 1875) ; to
Danish Greenland, its people and its products, ed. by Dr. Brown (London, 1877). Rink says of this work
that in its English dress it must be considered a new book. He also published The Eskimo tribes ; their
distribution and characteristics, especially in regard to language. With a comparative vocabulary (Co-
penhagen, etc., 1887). He also considered their dialects as divulging the relationship of tribes in the Journal
of the Anthropological Institute (x.v. 239) ; and in the same journal (1872, p. 104) he has written of their descent.
Rink also furnished to the Compte Rendu, Congres des Americanistes, a paper on the traditions of Greenland
(Nancy, 1875, ii. 181 ), and (Luxembourg, 1877, ii. 327) another on " L'habitat primitif des Esquimaux. "
Dr. Brown has also considered the " Origin of the Eskimo " in the Archceological Review (1888), no. 4.

1 Alaska and its Resources, p. 374 ; and in Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, i. 93.

2 "On the origin and migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux" in the Journal Royal Geog. Soc, 1865;
"The Arctic highlanders" in the Lond. Elhnol. Soc. Trans. (1866), iv. 125, and in Arctic Geography and
Ethnology (London, 1875), published by the Royal Geog. Society.

3 American Antiquarian, Jan., 1888. Cf. other papers by him in the Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada, vol. v.
"A year among the Eskimos" in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, 1887, xix. p. t,St, ; " Reise in Bafhnland"
in the proceedings of the Berlin Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde (1885). Cf. Pilling's Eskimo Bibliog., p. 12 ; and
for linguistic evidences of tribal differences, pp. 69-72, 81-82. Cf. also H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, iii.
574, and Lucien Adam's "En quoi la langue Esquimaude, deffere-t-elle grammaticalement des autres langues
de l'Amerique du Nord? " in the Compte Rendu, Congres des Amer. (Copenhagen), p. 237-

Anton von Etzel's Grb'nland, geographisch und statistisch beschrieben aus Ddnischen Quellschriften
(Stuttgart, i860) goes cursorily over the early history, and describes the Eskimos. Cf. F. Schwatka in Amer.
Magazine, Aug., 1888.

4 There is an easy way of tracing these accounts in Joel A. Allen's List of Works and Papers relating to
the mammalian orders of Cete and Sirenia, extracted from the Bulletin of Hayden's U. S. Geol. and Geog.
Survey (Washington, 1882). It is necessary to bear in mind that Spitzbergen is often called Greenland in
these accounts.

5 His book, Det gamle Grbnla?tds nye Perlustration, etc., was first published at Copenhagen in 1729.
Pilling {Bibliog. of the Eskimo language, p. 26) was able to find only a single copy of this book, that in the
British Museum. Muller (Books on America, Amsterdam, 1872, no. 648) describes a copy. This first edition
escaped the notice of J. A. Allen, whose list is very carefully prepared (nos. 217, 220, 226, 230, 235). There

ioS

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

earliest to describe the ruins and relics observ-
able on the west coast, but he continued to re-
gard the east settlements as belonging to the
east coast, and so j>laced them on the map.
Anderson (Hamburg, 1746) went so far as to
place on his map the cathedral of Gardar in a
fixed location on the east coast, and his map
was variously copied in the following years.

In 1786 an expedition left Copenhagen to ex-
plore the east coast for traces of the colonies,
but the ice prevented the approach to the coast,

and after attempts in that year and in 17S7 the
effort was abandoned. Heinrich Peter von Eg-
gers, in his Om Gronlands osterbygds sande Belig-
genhed (1792), and Ueber die wahre Lage des
alten Ostgronlands (Kiel, 1794), a German trans-
lation, first advanced the opinion that the east-
ern colony as well as the western must have
been on the west coast, and his views were
generally accepted ; but Wormskjold in the
Skandinavisk LittcratiirsclskaW $ Skrifter, vol. x.
(Copenhagen, 1814), still adhered to the earlier

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[Harvard College Library copy.]

were two German editions of this original form of the book, Frankfort, 1730, and Hamburg, 1740, according
to the Carter-Brown Catalogue (ii. 44S, 647), but Pilling gives only the first. The 1729 edition was enlarged
in the Copenhagen edition of 1741, which has a map, " Gronlandia Antiqua," showing the east colony and
west colony, respectively, east and west of Cape Farewell. This edition is the basis of the various transla-
tions: In German, Copenhagen, 1742, using the plates of the 1741 ed. ; Berlin, 1763. In Dutch, Delft, 1746.
In French, Copenhagen, 1763. In English, London, 1745; abstracted in the Philosoph. Transactions Royal
Soc. (1744), xlii. no. 47 ; and again, London (1S18), with an historical introduction based on Torfaeus and La
Peyrere. Crantz epitomizes Egede's career in Greenland.

The bibliography in Sabin's Dictionary (vi. 22,018, etc.) confounds the Greenland journal (i77o-/S)of Hans
Egede's grandson, Hans Egede Saabye (b. 1746; d. 18x7), with the work of the grandfather. This journal is
of importance as regards the Eskimos and the missions among them. There is an English version : Green-
land: extracts frorn a journal kept in 1770 to 1778. Prefixed an introduction ; illus. by chart of Green-
land, by G. Fries. Transl. from the German [by H. E. Lloyd] (London, 181S). The map follows that of
the son of Hans, Paul Egede, whose Nachrichten von Gr'dnland aus cincm Tagebuche von Bischof Paul
■ lc (Copenhagen, 1790) must also be kept distinct. Pilling's Bibliog. of the Eskimo language affords the
best guide.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 109

opinions, and Saabye still believed it possible to G. M^doc and the Welsh. — Respecting

reach the east coast. the legends of Madoc, there are reports, which

Some years later (1828-31) W. A. Graah made, Humboldt (Cosmos, Bonn, ii. 610) failed to ve-

by order of the king of Denmark, a thorough rify, of Welsh bards rehearsing the story before

examination of the east coast, and in his Under- 1492,5 and of statements in the early Welsh

sbgelses Reise til Ostkysten of Grbnland (Copen- annals. The original printed source is in Hum-

hagen, 1832)1 he was generally thought to estab- frey Lloyd's History of Cambria, now called

lish the great improbability of any traces of a Wales, written in the British language [by Cara-

colony ever existing on that coast. Of late years doc] about 200 years past (London, 1584).°

Graah's conclusions have been questioned, for The book contained corrections and additions

there have been some sites of buildings discovered by David Powell, and it was in these that the

on the east side.2 The Reverend J. Brodbeck, passages of importance were found, and the

a missionary, described some in The Moravian supposition was that the land visited lay near

Quarterly, July and Aug., 1882. Nordenskjold the Gulf of Mexico. Richard Hakluyt, in his

has held that when the east coast is explored Principall Navigations, took the story from

from 650 to 690, there is a chance of discovering Powell, and connected the discovery with Mexi-

the site of an east colony.3 co in his edition of 1589, and with the West

R. H. Major, in a paper (Journal Roy. Geog. Indies in that of 1600 (iii. p. 1), — and there was

Soc., 1873, p. 184) on the site of the lost colony, not an entire absence of the suspicion that it

questioned Graah's conclusions, and gave a was worth while to establish some sort of a

sketch map, in which he placed its site near Cape British claim to antedate the Spanish one estab-

Farewell ; and he based his geographical data lished through Columbus.7

largely upon the chorography of Greenland and The linguistic evidences were not brought

the sailing directions of Ivan Bardsen, who was into prominence till after one Morgan Jones had

probably an Icelander living in Greenland some fallen among the Tuscaroras8 in 1660, and

time in the fifteenth century.4 found, as he asserted, that they could under-

1 An English translation by Macdougall was published in London in 1837 (Pilling, p. 38; Field, no. 619).
A French version of Graah's introduction with notes by M. de la Roquette was published in 1835. Cf.
Journal Royal Geog. Soc, i. 247. After Graah's publication Rafn placed the Osterbygden on the west coast
in his map. Graah's report (1830) is in French in the Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, 1830.

2 On the present scant, if not absence of, population on the east coast of Greenland, see J. D. Whitney's
Clwiatic Changes of later geological times (A/us. of Comp. Zo'bl. Mem., vii. p. 303, Cambridge, 1882).

3 The changes in opinion respecting the sites of the colonies and the successive explorations are followed
in the Compte Rendu, Congres des Americanistes by Steenstrup (p. 114) and by Valdemar-Schmidt, "Sur
les Voyages des Danois au Groenland" (195, 205, with references). Cf. on these lost colonies and the search
for them Westminster Review, xxvii. 139 ; Harpers Monthly, xliv. 65 (by I. I. Hayes) ; LippincoW s Mag.,
Aug., 1S78 ; Amer. Church Rev., xxi. 338 ; and in the general histories, La Peyrere (Dutch transl., Amster-
dam, 1678) ; Crantz (Eng. transl., 1767, p. 272); Egede (Eng. ed., 1818, introd.) ; and Rink's Danish Green-
land, ch. T.

4 The original of Bardsen's account has disappeared, but Rafn puts it in Latin, translating from an early
copy found in the Faroe Islands (Antiquitates Americana, p. 300). Purchas gives it in English, from a
copy which had belonged to Hudson, being translated from a Dutch version which Hudson had borrowed, the
Dutch being rendered by Barentz from a German version. Major also prints it in Voyages of the Zeni. He
recognizes in Bardsen's " Gunnbiorn's Skerries" the island which is marked in Ruysch's map (1507) as blown
up in 1456 (see Vol. III. p. 9).

5 Hakluyt, however, prints some pertinent verses by Meredith, a Welsh bard, in 1477.

6 Murphy Catal., no. 1489 ; Sabin, x. p. 322 ; Carter-Brown Catal. for eds. of 1584, 1697, 1702, 1774, 1811,
1832, etc.

7 In the seventeenth century there were a variety of symptoms of the English eagerness to get the claims of
Madoc substantiated, as in Sir Richard Hawkins's Observations (Hakluyt Soc, 1847), and James Howell's
Familiar Letters (London, 1645). Belknap (Amer. Biog., 1794, i. p. 58) takes this view of Hakluyt's purpose ;
but Pinkerton, Voyages, 1812, xii. 157, thinks such a charge an aspersion. The subject was mentioned with some
particularity or incidentally by Purchas, Abbott (Brief Description, London, 1620, 1634, 1677), Smith (Vir-
ginia), and Fox {North-West Fox). Sir Thomas Herbert in his Relation of some Travaile into Africa and
Asia (London, 1634) tracks Madoc to Newfoundland, and he also found Cymric words in Mexico, which
assured him in his search for further proofs (Bohn's Lowndes, p. 1049; Carter-Brown, ii. 413, 1166).

The Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1671) made the story more familiar. It
necessarily entered into the discussions of the learned men who, in the seventeenth century, were busied with
the question of the origin of the Americans, as in De Laet's Notce ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii (Paris,
1643), wrio is inclined to believe the story, as is Hornius in his De Originibus Americaniis (1652).

8 Cf. Catlin's No. Amer. Indians, i. 207 ; ii. 259, 262,

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

stand his Welsh. He wrote a statement of his
experience in 16S5-6, which was not printed till
1740.1

During the eighteenth century we find Cam-
panius in his Nye Swerige (1702) repeating the
story; Torfseus {Hist. Vinlandia, 1705) not re-
jecting it ; Carte {England, 1747) thinking it
probable ; while Campbell {Admirals, 1742),
Lyttleton {Henry the Second, 1767), and Robert-
son {America, 1777) thought there was no
ground, at least, for connecting the story with
America.

It was reported that in 1764 a man, Griffeth,
was taken by the Shawnees to a tribe of Indians
who spoke Welsh.2 In 1768, Charles Beatty
published his Jotimal of a two months'' Tour in
America (London), in which he repeated infor-
mation of Indians speaking Welsh in Pennsyl-

vania and beyond the Mississippi, and of the
finding of a Welsh Bible among them.

In 1772-73, David Jones wandered among the
tribes west of the Ohio, and in 1774, at Burling-
ton, published his Journal of two visits, in which
he enumerates the correspondence of words
which he found in their tongues with his native
Welsh.3

Without noting other casual mentions, some
of which will be found in Paul Barron Wat-
son's bibliography (in Anderson's America not
discovered by Columbus, p. 142), it is enough
to say that towards the end of the century the
papers of John Williams4 and George Burder6
gave more special examination to the subject
than had been applied before.

The renewed interest in the matter seems to
have prompted Southey to the writing of his

A BRITISH SHIP*

1 Gentleman 's Magazine. It is reprinted in H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 119, and in Baldwin's Anc.
America, 286. Cf. John Paul Marana, Letters writ by a Turkish Spy, 1691, and later. The story had been
told in The British Sailors'1 Directory in 1739 (Carter-Brown, iii. 599).

- Warden's Recherches, p. 157 ; Amos Stoddard's Sketches of Louisiana (Philad., 1S12), ch. 17, and Philad.
Med. and Physical Journal, 1805 ; with views pro and con by Harry Toulmin and B. S. Barton.

3 The book was reprinted by Sabin, N. Y., 1865, with an introduction by Horatio Gates Jones.

4 An inquiry into the truth of the tradition concerning the discovery of America by Prince Madog (Lond.,
1 791), and Further Observations . . . containing the account given by General Bowles, the Creek or Che-
rokee Indian, lately in London, and by several others, of a Welsh tribe of Indians now living in the western
parts of North America (Lond., 1792, — Field's hid. Bibliog., nos. 1664-65). Carey's American Museum
(April, May, 1792), xi. 152, etc., gave extracts from Williams.

5 The Welsh Indians, or a collection of papers respecting a people whose ancestors emigrated from Wales
to America with Prince Madoc, and who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side oj
the Mississippi (London, 1797). He finds these conditions in the Padoucas. Goodson, Straits of Anion
(Portsmouth, 1793), P- 7h makes Padoucahs out of " Madogwys " !

* After a cut in The Mirror of Literature, etc. (London, 1823), vol. i. p. 177, showing a vessel then recently
exhumed in Kent, and supposed to be of the time of Edward I, or the thirteenth century. The vessel was
bixty-four feet long.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

Ill

poem Madoc, though he refrained from publish-
ing it for some years. If one may judge from
his introductory note, Southey held to the his-
torical basis of the narrative. Meanwhile, re-
ports were published of this and the other tribes
being found speaking Welsh.1 In 1816, Henry
Kerr printed at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, his
Travels through the Western interior of the
United States, 1808-16, with some account of a
tribe whose customs are similar to those of the
ancient Welsh. In 1824, Yates and Moulton
(State of New York) went over the ground
rather fully, but without conviction. Hugh
Murray ( Travels in North America, London,
1829) believes the Welsh went to Spain. In
1834, the different sides of the case were dis-
cussed by Farcy and Warden in Dupaix's An-
tiquites Mexicaines. Some years later the publi-
cation of George Catlin 2 probably gave more
conviction than had been before felt,3 arising
from his statements of positive linguistic corre-
spondences in the language of the so-called
White 4 Mandans 5 on the Missouri River, the
similarity of their boats to the old Welsh cora-
cles, and other parallelisms of custom. He be-
lieved that Madoc landed at Florida, or perhaps
passed up the Mississippi River. His conclusions
were a reinforcement of those reached by Wil-
liams.6 The opinion reached by Major in his
edition of Columbus' Letters (London, 1847)
that the Welsh discovery was quite possible,
while it was by no means probable, is with little
doubt the view most generally accepted to-day ;
while the most that can be made out of the
claim is presented with the latest survey in B.
F. Bowen's America discovered by the Welsh

in 1170 a. D. (Philad., 1876). He gathers up,
as helping his proposition, such widely scattered
evidences as the Lake Superior copper mines
and the Newport tower, both of which he ap-
propriates ; and while following the discoverers
from New England south and west, he does not
hesitate to point out the resemblance of the
Ohio Valley mounds 7 to those depicted in Pen-
nant's Tour of Wales ; and he even is at no loss
for proofs among the relics of the Aztecs.8

H. The Zeni and their Map. — Some*
thing has been said elsewhere (Vol. III. p. 100)
of the influence of the Zeni narrative and its
map, in confusing Frobisher in his voyages.
The map was reproduced in the Ptolemy of
1 561, with an account of the adventures of the
brothers, but it was so far altered as to dissever
Greenland from Norway, of which the Zeni
map had made it but an extension.9

The story got further currency in Ramusio
(1574, vol. ii.), Ortelius (1575), Hakluyt (1600,
vol. iii.), Megiser's Septentrio Novantiquus ( 1613),
Purchas (1625), Pontanus' Rerum Danicarum
(1631), Luke Fox's North- West Fox (1633), and
in De Laet's Notes (1644), who, as well as Hor-
nius, De Originibus Americanis (1644), thinks
the story suspicious. It was repeated by Mon-
tanus in 167 1, and by Capel, Vorstellungen des
Nor den, in 1676. Some of the features of the
map had likewise become pretty constant in the
attendant cartographical records. But from
the close of the seventeenth century for about a
hundred years, the story was for the most part
ignored, and it was not till 1784 that the interest
in it was revived by the publications of P'orster 10

1 Chambers' Journal, vi. 411, mentioning the Asguaws.

2 Letter on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the No. Amer. Indians (N. Y., 1842).

3 He convinced, for instance, Fontaine in his How the World was Peopled, p. 142.

4 On the variety of complexion among the Indians, see Short's No. Amer. of Antiq., p. 1S9 ; McCulloh's
Researches; Haven, Archceol. U. S., 48 ; Morton in Schoolcraft, ii. 320; Ethnolog. Journal, London, July,
1848; App. 1849, commenting on Morton.

5 Pilling, Bibliog. of Siouan languages (Washington, 1887, p. 48), enumerates the authorities on the
Mandan tongue. The tribe is now extinct. Cf. Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity, p. 181.

6 See also Smithsonia7i Report, 1885, Part ii. pp. 80, 271, 349, 449. Ruxton in Life in the Far West
(N. Y., 1846) found Welsh traces in the speech of the Mowquas, and S. Y. McMaster in Smithsonian Rcpt.,
1865, heard Welsh sounds among the Navajos.

7 Filson in his Kentucke has also pointed out this possibility.

8 The bibliography of the subject can be followed in Watson's list, already referred to, and in that in the Amer.
Bibliopolist, Feb., 1869. A few additional references may help complete these lists : Stephens's Literature of
the Cymry, ch. 2 ; the Abbe Domenech's Seven Years in the Great Desert of America ; Tytler's Progress of
Discovery ; Moosmiiller's Europder in Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, cn- 21) ; Gaffarel's Rapport
etc., p. 216; Analytical Mag., ii. 409; Atlantic Monthly, xxxvii. 305 ; No. Am. Rev. (by E. E. Hale), lxxxv.
305 ; Antiquary, iv. 65 ; Southern Presbyterian Rev.. Jan., April, 1878 ; Notes and Queries, index.

9 This Ptolemy map is reproduced in Gravier's Les Normands sur la route, etc., 6th part, ch. 1 ; and in
Nordenskjold's Studien und Forschungen (Leipzig, 1805), p. 25. The Ptolemy of 1562 has the same plate.

10 J. R. Forster's Discoveries in the Northern Regions. His confidence was shared by Eggers (1794) in his
True Site of Old East Greenland (Kiel), who doubts, however, if the descriptions of Estotiland apply to
America. It was held to be a confirmation of the chart that both the east and west Greenland colonies were
on the side of Davis's Straits.

I 12

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

and Buache,1 who each expressed their belief in
the story. '

A more important inquiry in behalf of the
narrative took place at Venice in 180S, when
Cardinal Zurla republished the map in an essay,
and marked out the track of the Zeni on a
modern chart. -

In 1S10, Malte-Brun accorded his belief in
the verity of the narrative, and was inclined to
believe that the Latin books found in Estotiland
were carried there by colonists from Green-
land.3 A reactionary view was taken by Biddle

in his Sebastian Cabot, in 1831, who believed the
publication of 1558 a fraud; but the most effec-
tive denial of its authenticity came a few years
later in sundry essays by Zahrtmann.4

The story got a strong advocate, after nearly
forty years of comparative rest, when R. H.
Major, of the map department of the British
Museum, gave it an English dress and annexed
a commentary, all of which was published by
the Hakluyt Society in 1873. ^n tnis critic's
view, the good parts of the map are of the four-
teenth century, gathered on the spot, while the

RICHARD H. MAJOR*

1 Buache reproduced the map, and read in 1784, before the Academy of Inscriptions in Paris, his Mhnoire
sur la Frisland, which was printed by the Academy in 1787, p. 430.

2 Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi e scoperte settentrionali di Nicolo e Antonio Fratelli Zeni. This paper
was substantially reproduced in the same writer's Di Marco Polo e dcgli altri Viaggiatori veneziani fiu
illnstri dissertazioni (Venice, 18 18).

3 Annates des Voyages (1S10), x. 72 ; Precis de la Geographie (1817).

4 Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed (Copenhagen, 1S34), vol. i. p. 1 ; Royal Geog. Soc. Joxtrnal (Lon-
don, 1835), v- I02 ! Annates des Voyages (1S36), xi.

George Folsom, in the ATo. Amer. Rev., July, 1838, criticised Zahrtmann, and sustained an opposite view. T.
H. Bredsdorff discussed the question in the Gronlands Historiske Mindesmaker (iii. 529) ; and La Roquette
furnished the article in Michaud's Biog. Universelle.

* [After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor's request. — Ed.]

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

113

false parts arose from the misapprehensions of
the young Zeno, who put together the book of
1558.1 The method of this later Zeno was
in the same year (1873) ^e^ DY Professor Kon-
rad Maurer to be hardly removed from a fraud-
ulent compilation of other existing material.

There has been a marked display of learning, of
late year*, in some of the discussions. Cor-
nelio Desimoni, the archivist of Genoa, has
printed two elaborate papers.'2 The Danish
archivist Frederik Krarup published (1878) a
sceptical paper in the Geograjisk Tidsskrift (ii.

^^^M^^^^A

■

BARON NORDENSKJOLD*

1 Major also, in his paper {Royal Geog. Soc. Journal, 1873) on " The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland
determined, and the pre-Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century documents,"
used the Zeno account and map in connection with Ivan Bardsen's Sailing Directions in placing the missing
colony near Cape Farewell. Major epitomized his views on the question in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1874.
Sir H. C. Rawlinson commented on Major's views in his address before the Royal Geog. Society {Journal,
1873, P- clxxxvii).

Stevens {Biol. Geographica, no. 3104) said: "If the map be genuine, the most of its geography is false,
while a part of it is remarkably accurate."

2 / viaggi e la Carta dei Fratelli Zeno Veneziani (Florence, 1878), and a Studio Secondo {Estratto dall.
Archivio Storico Italiano) in 1885.

* [From a recent photograph.
VOL. I. — 8

There is another engraved likeness in the second volume of his Vega\

1'4

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

145).1 The most exhaustive examination, how-
ever, has come from a practical navigator, the
Baron A. E. Nordenskjold, who in working up
the results of his own Arctic explorations was
easily led into the intricacies of the Zeno con-
troversy. The results which he reaches are that
the Zeni narratives are substantially true ; that
there was no published material in 155S which
could have furnished so nearly an accurate ac-
count of the actual condition of those northern
waters ; that the map which Zahrtmann saw in
the University library at Copenhagen, and
which he represented to be an original from
which the young Zeno of 1558 made his pre-
tended original, was in reality nothing but the
Donis map in the Ptolemy of 1482, while the Ze-
no map is much more like the map of the north
made by Claudius Clavis in 1427, which was
discovered by Nordenskjold in a codex of Ptol-
emy at Nancy.2

Since Nordenskjold advanced his views there
have been two other examinations : the one by
Professor Japetus Steenstrup of Copenhagen,^
and the other by the secretary of the Danish
Geographical Society, Professor Ed. Erslef, who
offered some new illustrations in his Nye Oplys-
ninger om Broedrene Zenis Rejser (Copenhagen,
1885).*

Among those who accept the narratives there
is no general agreement in identifying the prin-
cipal geographical points of the Zeno map. The
main dispute is upon Frislanda, the island where
the Zeni were wrecked. That it was Iceland
has been maintained by Admiral Irminger,5 and
Steenstrup (who finds, however, the text not to
agree with the map), while the map accompany-
ing the Studi biografici e bibliografici sidla storm
delta geografia in Italia (Rome, 18S2) traces the
route of the Zeni from Iceland to Greenland,
under yo° of latitude.

On the other hand, Major has contended for
the Faroe islands, arguing that while the en-
graved Zeno map shows a single large island, it
might have been an archipelago in the original,
with outlines run together by the obscurities of
its dilapidation, and that the Faroes by their
preserved names and by their position correspond
best with the Frislanda of the Zeni.6 Major's
views have been adopted by most later writers,
perhaps, and a similar identification had earlier
been made by Lelewel," Kohl,8 and others.

The identification of Estotiland involves the
question if the returned fisherman of the nar-
rative ever reached America. It is not uncom-
mon for even believers in the story to deny
that Estotiland and Drogeo were America.
That they were parts of the New World was,

1 " Zeniernes Rejse til Norden et Tolkning Forsoeg," with a fac-simile of the Zeni map.

2 Nordenskjold* s Om broderna Z,enos resor och de didst a kartor bfner Norden was published at Stockholm
in 1883, as an address on leaving the presidency of the Swedish Academy, April 12, 1882 ; and in the same year,
at the Copenhagen meeting of the Congres des Americanistes, he presented his Trois Cartes preeolumbiennes,
representaiit line partie de V Amerique (Greenland), which included fac-similes of the Zeno (1558) and Donis
(1482) maps with that of Claudius Clavus (1427). This last represents " Islandia" lying midway alone in the
sea between " Norwegica Regio " and " Gronlandia provincia." The " Congelatum mare " is made to flow north
of Norway, so as almost to meet the northern Baltic, while north of this frozen sea is an Arctic region, of which
Greenland is but an extension south and west. The student will find these and other maps making part of
the address already referred to, which also makes part in German of his Stitdien ?ind Forsclningen veranlasst
durch meine Reisen im hohen Norden, autorisirte dcntsche Ausgabe ( Leipzig, 18S5).' The maps accompany-
ing it not already referred to are the usual Ptolemy map of the north of Europe, based on a .MS. of the
fourteenth century; the "Scandinavia" from the I solaria of Bordone, 1547; that of the world in the MS.
Insularium illustration of Henricus Martellus, of the fifteenth century, in the British Museum, copied from
the sketch in Jose de Lacerda's Examc dos Viagens do Doittor Livingstone (Lisbon, 1867) ; the " Scandinavia "
and the " Carta Marina" in the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548: the map of Olaus Magnus in 1567 ; the chart of
Andrea Bianco (1436); the map of the Basle ed. (1532) of Grynaeus' Novis Orbis : that of Laurentius Frisius
(1524). He gives these maps as the material possible to be used in 155S in compiling a map, and to show the
superiority of the Zeno chart. Cf. Nature, xxviii. 14 ; and Major in Royal Geog. Soc. Proc. 1SS3, p. 4 T3-

3 " Zeni'ernes Reiser i Norden" in the publication of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copen-
hagen, 18S3), in which he compares the Zeno Frislanda with the maps of Iceland. He also communicated to
the Copenhagen meeting of the Congres des Americanistes " Les voyages des freres Zeni dans le Nord"
{Compte Rendu, p. 150).

4 This also appeared in the Geog. Tidsslc rift, vii. 153, accompanied by fac-similes of the Zeni map, with
Ruscelli's alteration of it (i56i).andof the maps of Donis (1482), Laurentius Frisius (1525), and of the Ptolemy
of 1548.

•' Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), vol. xlix. p. 39S, " Zeno's Frisland is Iceland and not the Faroes," — and
the same views in " Nautical Remarks about the Zeni Voyages " in Compte Rendu, Cong, des Amer. (C( |
hagen, 1883), p. 183.

'■ " /.ciio's Frisland is not Iceland, but the Faroes " in Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), xlix. 412.

' Geog. tin Moyen Age, iii. 103.

8 Discovery op Maine, 92. •

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 1 15

however, the apparent belief of Mercator and of in Americans no Iewes, or Improbabilities that

many of the cartographers following the publi- the Americans are of that race (London, 1652).

cation of 1558, and of such speculators as Hugo The views of Thorowgood found sympathy with

Grotius, but there was little common consent the Apostle Eliot of Massachusetts ; and when

in their exact position.1 Thorowgood replied to L'Estrange he joined

with it an essay by Eliot, and the joint work was

I. Alleged Jewish Migration. — The entitled Iewes in America, or probabilities that

identification of the native Americans with the those Indians are Judaical, made more probable

stock of the lost tribes of Israel very soon be- by some additionals to the former conjectures : an

came a favorite theory with the early Spanish accurate discourse is premised of Mr. John Eliot

priests settled in America. Las Casas and {who preached the gospel to the natives in their

Duran adopted it, while Torquemada and own language) touching their origination, and

Acosta rejected it. Andre Thevet, of menda- his Vindication of the planters (London, 1660).

cious memory, did not help the theory by espous- What seems to have been a sort of supplement,

ing it. It was approved in J. F. Lumnius's De covering, however, in part, the same ground, ap-

extremo Dei Judicio et Indorum vocatione, libri peared as Vindicice Judcecorum, or a true account

Hi. (Venice and Antwerp, 1569) ;2 and a century of the Jews, being more accurately illustrated than

later the belief attracted new attention in the heretofore, which includes what is called " The

Origeu de los Americanos de Manasseh Ben Is- learned conjectures of Rev. Mr. John Eliot " (32

rael, published at Amsterdam in 1650.3 It was pp.). Some of the leading New England divines,

in the same year (1650) that the question re- like Mayhew and Mather,5 espoused the cause

ceived the first public discussion in English in with similar faith. Roger Williams also was of

Thomas Thorowgood's fewes in America* or, the same opinion. William Penn is said to

Probabilities that the Arnericans are of that Pace, have held like views. The belief may be said to

With the removall of some contrary reasonings, have been general, and had not died out in New

and earnest desires for effectuall endeavours to England when Samuel Sewall.in 1697, published

make them Christian (London, 1650).4 Thorow- his Phenomena quatdam Apocalyptica ad aspectum

good was answered by Sir Hamon L'Estrange Novi Orbis ConfigurataP

1 Dudley, Arcano del Mare, pi. lii, places Estotiland between Davis and Hudson's Straits; but Torfaus
doubts if it is Labrador, as is "commonly believed." Lafitau (Mceurs des Sauvages) puts it north of Hudson
Bay. Forster calls it Newfoundland. Beauvois (Les colonies Europeenes du Markland et de I Escociland)
makes it include Maine, New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada. These are the chief varieties of belief.
Steenstrup is of those who do not recognize America at all. Hornius, among the older writers, thought that
Scotland or Shetland was more likely to have been the fisherman's strange country. Santarem (Hist, de la
Cartographic, iii. 141) points out an island, " Y Stotlandia," in the Baltic, as shown on the map of Giovanni
Leardo (1448) at Venice.

In P. B. Watson's Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America there is the fullest but not a complete
list on the subject, and from this and other sources a few further references may be added : Belknap's Amer.
Biography ; Humboldt's Examen Critique, ii. 120; Asher's Henry Hudson, p. clxiv ; Gravier' s Decouverte de
r Amerique, 183 ; Gaffarel's Etude sur V Amerique avant Colomb, p. 261, and in the Revue de Geog., vii.,
Oct., Nov., 1880, with the Zeno map as changed by Ortelius ; De Costa's Northmen in Maine ; Weise's Dis~
coveries of America, p. 44 ; Goodrich's Columbus; Peschel's Gesch. des Zeitalters dcr Entdeckungen (1858),
and Ruge's work of the same title ; Guido Cora's I precursori di Cristoforo Colombo (Rome, 1886), taken
from the Bollettino delta soc. geog. italiana, Dec, 1885 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. (1. 76) ; Foster's Prehistoric
Races ; Studi biog. e bibliog. soc. geog. ital., 2d ed., 1882, p. 117 ; P. O. Moosmiiller's Europder in Amerika
vor Columbus, ch. 24 ; Das Ausland, Oct. 11, Dec. 27, 1886 ; Nature, xxviii. p. 14.

Geo. E. Emery, Lynn, Mass., issued in 1877 a series of maps, making Islandia to be Spitzbergen, with the
East Bygd of the Northmen at its southern end; Frisland, Iceland; and Estotiland, Newfoundland.

2 Sabin, x., no. 42,675.

3 There are editions with annotations by Robert Ingram, at Colchester, Eng., 1792; and by Santiago
Perez Junquera, at Madrid, 1881. Theoph. Spizelius' Elevatio relationis Montcziniance de repertis in Ame-
rica tribubus Israeliticis (Basle, 1661) is a criticism (Leclerc, 547; Field, 1473). One Montesinos had
professed to have found a colony of Jews in Peru, and had satisfied Manasseh Ben Israel of his truthfulness.

4 Cf. collations in Stevens's Nuggets, p. 728, and his Hist. Coll., ii. no. 538 ; Brinley, iii. no. 5463; Field, no.
1551, who cites a new edition in 1652, called Digitus Dei: new discovery es, with some arguments to prove
that the lews (a nation) a people . . . inhabit now in America . . . with the history of Ant: Montesinos
attested by Mannasseh Ben Israeli. A divine, John Dury, had urged Thorowgood to publish, and had
before this, in printing some of the accounts of the work of Eliot and others among the New England Indians,
announced his belief in the theory.

5 Cotton Mather (Magnalia, iii. part 2) tells how Eliot traced the resemblances to the Jews in the New
England Indians.

6 2d ed., 1727. Cf. Sibley's Harvard Graduates, ii. p. 361 ; Carter-Brown, iii. 401.

Il6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

After the middle of the last century we begin M. Noah, published in 1837 an address on the

to find new signs of the belief. Charles Beatty, subject which hardly added to the weight of

in his Journal of a two months" tour with a view testimony.7 J. B. Finlay, a mulatto missionary

of promoting religion among the frontier nihabi- among the Wyandots, was satisfied with the

hints of Pennsylvania (Lond., 1768), finds traces Hebrew traces which he observed in that tribe.8

of the lost tribes among the Delawares, and re- Geo. Catlin, working also among the Western

peats a story of the Indians long ago selling the Indians, while he could not go to the length of

same sacred book to the whites with which the believing in the lost tribes, was struck with the

missionaries in the end aimed to make them ac- many analogies which he saw.9 The most elab-

quainted. Gerard de Brahm and Richard Peters, orate of all expositions of the belief was made

both familiar with the Southern Indians, found by Lord Ringsborough in his Mexican Antiqui-

grounds for accepting the belief. The most ties (1830-48 ).10 Since this book there has been

elaborate statement drawn from this region is no pressing of the question with any claims to

that of James Adair, who for forty years had consideration.11
'been a trader among the Southern Indians.1

Jonathan Edwards in 17SS pointed out in the J. Possible Early African Migrations.

Hebrew some analogies to the native speech.- — These may have been by adventure or by

Charles Crawford in 1799 undertook the proof.3 helpless drifting, with or without the Canaries

In 18 1 6 Elias Boudinot, a man eminent in his as a halting-place. The primitive people of the

day, contributed further arguments.4 Ethan Canaries, the Guanches, are studied in Sabin

Smith based his advocacy largely on the lin- Berthelot's Antiquites Canariennes (Paris, 1879)

guistic elements.5 A few years later an English- and A. F. de Fontpertuis' Varchipel des Caua-

man, Israel Worsley, wrorked over the material ries, et ses poptdations primitives, also in the Revue

gathered by Boudinot and Smith, and added de Geographic, June, 18S2, not to mention earlier

something.6 A prominent American Jew, M. histories of the Canary Islands (see Vol. II.

I The History of the American Indians, paj'ticularly those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi, East
and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia: Coiitaining an Account of their
Origin, Language, Manners, Religious and Civil Customs, Laws, Form of Government, etc., etc., with an
Appendix, containing a Description of the Floridas, and the Missisipi Lands, with their productions
(London, 1775). His arguments are given in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., viii. Bancroft {Nat. Races, v.
91) epitomizes them. Adair's book appeared in a German translation at Breslau (1782).

- Observations on the language of the Muhhckaneew Indians, in which . . . some instances of analogy
between that and the Hebrew are pointed out (New Haven. 1788). Cf. o'n the contrary, Jarvis before the
X. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1819.

3 Essay upon the propagation of the Gospel, in which there are facts to prove that many of the indians in
America arc descended from the Ten Tribes (Philad., 1799 ; 2d ed., 1S01).

4 A Star in the West, or an attempt to discover the long lost Ten Tribes of Israel (Trenton, N. J., 1816).

5 View of the Hebrews, or the tribe of Israel in America (Poultney, Vt., 1825).

6 A view of the Amcr. Indians, shewing them to be the descendants of the Ten Tribes of Israel (Lond.,
1S28).

" Discourse on the evidences of the Amer. Indians being the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel
(N. Y., 1837). It is reprinted in Maryatt's Diary in America, vol. ii.

& Hist, of the Wyandotte Mission (Cincinnati, 1840) ; Thomson's Ohio Bibliog., 409.

9 Manners, &"C. of the N. Amer. Indians (Lond., 1S41). Cf. Smithsonian Rcpt., 1885, ii. 532.

10 Mainly in vol. vii. ; but see vi. 232, etc. Cf. Short, 143, 460, and Bancroft, Nat. Races (v. 26), with an
epitome of Kingsborough's arguments (v. 84). Mrs. Barbara Anne Simon in her Hope of Israel (Lond., 1829)
advocated the theory on biblical grounds ; but later she made the most of Kingsborough's amassment of
points in her Ten Tribes of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of the Western Hemisphere
(London, 1836).

II The recognition of the theory in the Mormon bible is well known. Bancroft (v. 97) epitomizes its recital,
following Bertrand's Mcmoircs. There is a repetition of the old arguments in a sermon, hicrcase of the King-
dom of Christ (X. Y., 1831). by the Indian William Apes ; and in An Address by J. Madison Brown (Jack-
son, Miss., i860). Senor Melgar points out resemblances between the Maya and the Hebrew in the Bol. Soc.
Mi x. Gcog., iii. Even the Western mounds have been made to yield Hebrew inscriptions (Congrcs des
Amir., Nancy, ii. 192).

Many of the general treatises on the origin of the Americans have set forth the opposing arguments,
(larcia did it fairly in his Origcn de los ludios (1607; ed. by Barcia, 1729), and Bancroft (v. 7S-S4) has con-
densed his treatment. Brasseur (Hist. Nat. Civ., i. 17) rejects the theory of the ten tribes ; but is not inclined
to abandon a belief in some scattered traces. Short (pp. 135, 144) epitomizes the claims. Gaffarel covers
tlrni in his Etude sur les rapports de V Ameriqu'e (p. 87) with references, and these last are enlarged in Ban-
crop's Nat. Races, v. 95-97.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 117

p. ^6). Retzius of Stockholm traces resem- Caribs'has had some special advocates.1 Peter

blances in the skulls of the Guanches and the Martyr, and Grotius following him, contended

Caribs {Smithsonian Kept., 1859, p. 266). Le for the people of Yucatan being Ethiopian

Plon^eon finds the sandals of the statue Chac- Christians. Stories of blackamoors being found

mool, discovered by him in Yucatan, to resemble by the early Spaniards are not without corrobo-

those of the Guanches (Salisbury's Le Plongeon ration.2 The correspondence of the African and

in Yucatan 57). South American flora has been brought into

The African and even Egyptian origin of the requisition as confirmatory.3

1 Varnha^en's Vorigine totcraitienne des Americains Tupis-Cardibes et des a?iciens Egyptiens, indiquee
principalement par la philologie comparee: traces d'une ancienne migration en Amerique, invasion dn
Bresil par les Tnpis (Vienne, 1876). Labat's Nouveau Voyage aux isles de V Amerique (Paris, 1722), vol. ii.
ch. 23. Sieur de la Borde's Relation de Vorigine, mozurs, coutumes, etc. des Caraibes (Paris, 1764). Robert-
son's America. James Kennedy's Probable origin of the Amer. Indians, with particular reference to that
of the Caribs (Lond., 1854), ox Journal of the Ethnolog. Soc. (vol. iv.). London Geog. Journal, hi. 290.

2 Cf. Peter Martyr, Torquemada, and later writers, like La Perouse, .McCulloh, Haven (p. 48), Gaffarel
(Rapport, 204), J. Perez in Rev. Orientate et Amer., viii., xii. ; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iii. 458. Brinton (Ad.
dress, 1887) takes exception to all such views. Cf. Quatrefages' Human Species (N. Y., 1879, PP- 200> 2°2)-

3 Cf. Beccari in /Cosmos, Apr., 1879; De Candolle in Geographie botanique (1855).

THE CARTOGRAPHY OF GREENLAND.

The oldest map yet discovered to show any part of Greenland, and consequently of America,! is one found
• by Baron Nordenskjold attached to a Ptolemy Codex in the Stadtbibliothek at Nancy. He presented a colored
fac-simile of it in 1883 at the Copenhagen Congres des Americanistes, in his little brochure Trois Cartes. It
was also used in illustration of his paper on the Zeni Voyages, published both in Swedish and German.
It will be seen by the fac-simile given herewith, and marked with the author's name, Claudius Clavus, that
" Gronlandia Provincia"is an extension of a great arctic region, so as to lie over against the Scandinavian
peninsula of Europe, with " Islandia," or Iceland, midway between the two lands. Up to the time of this
discovery by Nordenskjold, the map generally recognized as the oldest to show Greenland is a Genovese por-
tolano, preserved in the Pitti Palace at Florence, about which there is some doubt as to its date, which is said
to be 1417 by Santarem (Hist, de la Cartog., iii., p. xix), but Lelewel (Epilogue, p. 167) is held to be trustier
in giving it as 1447.2 It shows how little influence the Norse stories of their Greenland colonization exerted
at this time on the cartography of the north, that few of the map-makers deemed it worth while to break the
usual terminal circle of the world by including anything west or beyond Iceland. It was, further, not easy to
convince them that Greenland, when they gave it, lay in the direction which the Sagas indicated. The map of
Fra Mauro, for instance, in 1459 cuts off a part of Iceland by its incorrigible terminal circle, as will be seen
in a bit of it given herewith, the reader remembering as he looks at it that the bottom of the segment is to the
north.3 We again owe to Nordenskjold the discovery of another map of the north, Tabula Regionum Sep-
tentrionalium, which he found in a Codex of Ptolemy in Warsaw a few years since, and which he places about
1467. The accompanying partial sketch is reproduced from a fac-simile kindly furnished by the discoverer.
The peninsula of " Gronlandia," with its indicated glaciers, is placed with tolerable accuracy as the western
extremity of an arctic region, which to the north of Europe is separated from the Scandinavian peninsula by a
channel from the " Mare Gotticum " (Baltic Sea), which sweeps above Norway into the " Mare Congelatum."
The confused notions arising from an attempt by the compiler of the map to harmonize different drafts is
shown by his drawing a second Greenland (" Engronelant ") to his " Norbegia," or Norway, and placing just

1 Santarem, Hist, de la Cartog., iii. 76, refers to maps of but all agree to place it between 1457 and 1460. A copy
the fourteenth century in copies of Ranulphus Hydgen's was imde on vellum in 1804, which is now in the British
Polychronicon, in the British Museum and in the Advo- Museum. Our cut follows one corner of the reproduction
cates' library at Edinburgh, which show a land in the north, in Santarenvs Atlas. A photographic fac-simile has been
called in the one Wureland and in the other Wyhlandia. issued in Venice by Ongania, and St. Martin (Atlas, p. vii)

2 Mag. A m. Hist., April, 1883, p. 290. Cf. Vol. II. p. 28. follows this fac-simile. Ruge (Geschichte des Zeitalters der
The name used is " Grinlandia." Entdeckungen) gives a modernized and more legible repro-

3 Mauro's map was called by Ramusio, who saw it, an duction. There are other drawings in Zurla's Fra Mauro ;
improved copy of one brought from Cathay by Marco Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients
Polo. It is preserved in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. (1707, 1807); Lelewel's Moyen Age (pi. xxxiii). Cf. Studi
It was made by Mauro under the command of Don Alonso delta Soc. Geograjia Italia (1882), ii. 76, for references.
V., and Bianco assisted him. The exact date is in dispute ;

i iS

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

under it the " Thile " 1 of the ancients, which he makes a different island from " Islandia," placed in proper
relations to his larger Greenland.

A low years later, or perhaps about the same time, and before 1471, the earliest engraved map which shows
Greenland is that of Nicolas Bonis, in the Ulm edition of Ptolemy in 1482. It will be seen from the little
sketch which is annexed that the same doubling of Greenland is adhered to.2 With the usual perversion put

_.A

Qtmtrrta

<£oac\ nUm\tn

^ XysMCf-^

1 1 fcfoitfrw<yei-^tc

tfe|??j?&'i*

mjgjTw^niiv

'titijf-bctMfi*

'fyfbitx.

CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427.

1 Rafn gives a large map of Iceland with the names of
A. i). 1000. On the errors of early and late maps of Iceland
see Baring-Gould's Ultima Thule, i. 253. On the varying
application of the name Thule, Thyle, etc., to the northern
regions or to particular parts of them, see R. F. Burton's
Ultima Thule, a Summer in Iceland (London, 1K75),
ch. 1. Bunbury (F/ist.Anc. Geo?., \\. 52?) holds that the
Thule of Marinus of Tyre and of Ptolemy was the Shet-

lands. Cf. James Wallace's Description of the Orkney
islands (1693, — new ed., 18S7, by John Small) for an essay
on " the Thule of the Ancients."

2 There are other reproductions of the map in full, i"
NordenskjiJld's Vega, i. 51 ; in his Brodcrna Zcnos, and
in his Studien, p. 31. Cf. also the present History, 11 . .
p. 28, for other bibliographical detail ; Hassler, Buchdruck-
ergeschichte Ulm's ; D'Avezac's JVaitzcmutlcr, 23 ; Wi!-

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

II9

upon the Norse stories, Iceland is made to lie clue west of Greenland, though not shown in the present
sketch.

At a date not much later, say i486, it is supposed the Laon globe, dated in 1493, was actually made, or at
least it is shown that in some parts the knowledge was rather of the earlier date, and here we have " Grolan-
dia," a small island off the Norway coast.1

ptepH^W a^feS^ 4f0^mh W&&&- '^&«$&M%M -

*' i I i " t lit :

(nila^i

fefc

CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427.

We have in 1489-90 a type of configuration, which later became prevalent. It is taken from an Insularium
illustratum Henrici Martelli Germani,-*. manuscript preserved in the British Museum, and shows, as seen by
the annexed extract, a long narrow peninsula, running southwest from the northern verge of Europe. A sketch
of the whole map is given elsewhere.2

berforce Eames's Bibliography of Ptolemy, separately, * Cf. D'Avezac in Bull, dc la Soc de Geog., xx. 417.

and in Satan's 'Dictionary ; and Winsor's Bibliog. 0/ 2 See Vol. II. p. 41. There is another sketch in Nor-
Ptolemy's Geography. denskjold's Sludien, etc., p. 33, which is reduced from a

120

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

This seems to have been the prevailing notion of what and where Greenland was at the time of Columbus'

.Voyage, and it could have carried no significance to his mind that the explorations of the Norse had found the

Asiatic main, which lie started to discover. How far this notion was departed from by Behaim in his globe

of 1402 depends upon the interpretation to be given to a group of islands, northwest of Iceland and northeast

of Asia, upon the larger of which he writes among its mountains, " Hi man weise Volker." 1

As this sketch of the cartographical development goes on, it will be seen how slow the map-makers were to
perceive the real significance of the Norse discoveries, and how reluctant they were to connect them with the
discoveries that followed in the train of Columbus, though occasionally there is one who is possessed with a sort
of prevision. The Cantino map of 1502 2 does not settle the question, for a point lying northeast of the Por-
tuguese discoveries in the Newfoundland region only seems to be the southern extremity of Greenland. What
was apparently a working Portuguese chart of 1503 grasps pretty clearly the relations of Greenland to
Labrador.3

FRA MAURO, 1459.

Lelewel (pi. 43), in a map made to show the Portuguese views at this time,4 which he represents by combining
and reconciling the Ptolemy maps of 15 11 and 15 13, still places the "Gronland" peninsula in the northwest
of Europe, and if his deductions are correct, the Portuguese had as yet reached no clear conception that the
Labrador coasts upon which they fished bore any close propinquity to those which the Norse had colonized.
Ruysch, in 1508, made a bold stroke by putting "Gruenlant" down as a peninsula of Northeastern Asia,
thus trying to reconcile the discoveries of Columbus with the northern sagas.5 This view was far from accept-
able. Sylvanus, in the Ptolemy of 1 511, made " Engroneland " a small protuberance on the north shore of
Scandinavia, and east of Iceland, evidently choosing between the two theories instead of accepting both, as

fac-simile given in Jose* de Lacerda's Exame das Viagens
do Don/or Livingstone (Lissabon, 1867). The present ex-
tract is from Santarem, pi. 50. Cf. O. Peschel in Aus-
landf Feb. 13, 1X57, and his posthumous Abha7idlungen,
i. 213.

1 See references in Vol. II. p. 105.

3 See Vol. II. p. 10S.

3 See post, Vol. IV. p. 35; and Kohl's Discovery of
Maine, p. 174. Cf. Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, suh
anno 151 1.

4 He holds that the 15 13 Ptolemy map was drawn in
1501-4, and was engraved before Dec. 10, 1508.

« See Vol. II. p. 115.

TABULA REGIONUM SEPTENTRIONALIUM, 1467-

I 22

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

common, in ignorance of their complemental relations.* Waldseemiiller, in the Ptolemy of 1513. in his
" ( >rbis typus universalis." reverted to and adopted the delineation of Henricus Martellus in 1490.2

In 1520, Apian, in the map in Camer's Solinus, took the view of Sylvanus, while still another representation
was given by Laurentius Frisius in 1522. in an edition of Ptolemy.3 in which " Gronland " becomes a large

')•

DOXIS, 1482.

island on the Norway coast, in one map called " Orbis typus Universalis," while in another map, " Tabula
nova Xorbegiae et Gottiae," the " Engronelant " peninsula is a broad region, stretching from Xorthwestern
Europe.4 This Ptolemy was again issued in 1525, repeating these two methods of showing Greenland already
given, and adding a third,5 that of the long narrow European peninsula, already familiar in earlier maps — the
variety of choice indicating the prevalent cartographical indecision on the point.

HENRICUS MARTELLUS, 14S9-90.

1 Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 151 1.

2 See Vol. II. p. in. Winsor's Ptolemy, sub anno
1513. Reiscli, in 151 5, seems to have been of the same
opinion. Cf. the bibliography of Reisch's Margarita
Pkilosophia in Sabin's Dictionary, vol. xvi., and separately,
prepared by Wilberforce Eames. Reisch's map is given
post) Vol. II. p. 114. Another sketch of this map, with an
examination of the question, where the name "Zoana

Mela," applied on it to America, came from, is given by
Frank Wieser in the Zeitschrift fur Wissensch. G
phie (Carlsruhe), vol. v., a sight of which I owe to the
author, who believes Waldseemiiller made the map.

s The map is given, /W, Vol. II. 175- Cf. also Nor"
denskjold, Studied, p. 53.

4 Cf. Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1522.

B Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1525. This

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

123

Kohl, in his collection of maps,1 copies from what he calls the 'Atlas of Frisius, 1525, still another map
which apparently shows the southern extremity of Greenland, with " Terra Laboratoris," an island just west

OLAUS MAGNUS, 1539*

map is no. 49, " Gronlandias et Russias." Cf. Witsen's
Noord en Oost Tartarye (1705), vol. ii.

1 Winsnr's Kohl Collection, no. 102.
* See Note, p. 125.

124

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

aGLB

Ksthia

>ANI ""

*FRUIA,

^»^^tt i^ta^^™*^.

wtsxaj

OLAUS MAGNUS, 1555*

* Tin's map, here reproduced on a somewhat smaller scale, is called: Regnomm Aqnilonarntii description kujus
Open's subiecTum.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

125

of it, and southwest of that a bit of coast marked " Terra Nova Conterati," which may pass for Newfound-
land and the discoveries of Cortereal.

Thorne, the Englishman, in the map which he sent from Seville in 1527,1 seems to conform to the view which
made Greenland a European peninsula, which may also have been the opinion of Orontius Finaeus in 1531.2
A novel feature attaches to an Atlas, of about this date, preserved at Turin, in which an elongated Greenland
is made to stretch northerly.3 In 1532 we have the map in Ziegler's Schondia, which more nearly resembles
the earliest map of all, that of Claudius Clavus, than any other.4 The 1538 cordiform map of Mercator
makes it a peninsula of an arctic region connected with Scandinavia.5 This map is known to me only
through a fac-simile of the copy given in the Geografia of Lafreri, published at Rome about 1560, with which
I am favored by Nordenskjold in advance of its publication in his Atlas.

The great Historia of Olaus Magnus, as for a long time the leading authority on the northern geography,
as well as on the Scandinavian chronicles, gives us some distinct rendering of this northern geographical
problem. It was only recently that his earhest map of 1539 has been brought to light, and a section of it is
here reproduced from a much reduced fac-simile kindly sent to the editor by Dr. Oscar Brenner of the uni-
versity at Munich.* Nordenskjold, in giving a full fac-simile of the Olaus Magnus map of 1 567,6 of which a

Septentkio

FROM OLAUS MAGNUS' HISTORIA, 1567.

1 Given post, Vol. III. p. 17.

2 Given post, Vol. III. p. 11.

3 Jahrb. des Vereinsfiir Erdkunde hi Dresden (1870),
tab. vii. A similar feature is in the map described by Pe-
schel in the Jahresbericht des Vereins fur Erdkunde hi
Leipzig ( 1871). It is also to be seen in the Homem map of
about 1540 (given in Vol. II. p. 446), and in the map which
Major assigns to Baptista Agnese, and which was published
in Paris in 1875 as a Portulan de Charles Quint. (Cf. Vol.
II. p. 445.)

4 There is a fac-simile of Ziegler's map in Vol. II. 434;

also in Goldsmid's ed. of Hakluyt (Edinb., 1885), and in
Norden&kjo'd's Vega, i. 52.

5 The map (1551) cf Gemma Frisius in Apian is much the
same.

G In the B^sle ed. of the Historia de Gentium. Cf. Nor-
denskjold's Vega, vol. i., who says that the n ip originally
appeared in Magnus's Auslegung und Vcrklarung der
Neuen Happen von den Alien Gocitenreich (Venice, 1539) ;
and is different from the map which appeared in the inter-
mediate edition of 1555 at Rome, a part of which is also an-
nexed.

Note to Map on p. 123. — This fac-simile accompanies a paper appearing in the Vidgnskabsselskabs Forhandhtger
(1886, no. 15) and separately as Die dchte karte des Olaus Magnus vom j ahre /JSQ, nach dem exemplar der Miinchener
Staatsbibliothek (Christiania, 1886). In this Dr. Brenner traces the history of the great map of Archbishop Olaus
Magnus, pointing out how Nordenskjold is in error in supposing the map of 1567, which that scholar gives, was but a

126

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

fragment is herewith also given in fac-simile, says that it embodies the views of the northern geographers in
separating Greenland from Europe, which was in opposition to those of the geographers of the south of Europe,
who united Greenland to Scandinavia. Sebastian Minister in his 1540 edition of Ptolemy introduced a new con-
fusion. He preserved the European elongated peninsula, but called it " Islandia,'' while to what stands for
Iceland is given the old classical name of Thyle.1 This confusion is repeated in his map of 1545,^ where he
makes the coast of " Islandia " continuous with Baccalaos. This continuity of coast line seemed now to
become a common heritage of some of the map-makers,3 though in the Ulpius globe of 1542 " Groestlandia "
so far as it is shown, stands separate from either continent^but is connected with Europe according to the
early theory in the Isolario of Bordone in 1547.

We have run down the main feature of the northern cartography, up to the time of the publication of the
Zeno map in 1558. The chief argument for its authenticity is that there had been nothing drawn and pub-
lished up to that time which could have conduced, without other aid, to so accurate an outline of Greenland as
it gives. In an age when drafts of maps freely circulated over Europe, from cartographer to cartographer, in

TTMrt

pM1AtiA<kciMVA

BORDONE'S SCANDINAVIA, 1547*

1 The same is done in the Ptolemy of 154S (Venice).
There is a fac-simile :u Nordenskjold's Studien, p. 35.

2 See Vol. IV. p. 84.

3 We find it in the Nancy globe of about 1540 (see Vol.
IV. p. 81); in the Mercator gores of 1 541 (Vol. II. p. 177);
and in the Ruscelli map of 1544 (Vol. II. p. 432), where
Greenland (Grotlandia) is simply a neck connecting Europe
with America ; and in Gastaldi " Carta Marina," in the
Italian Ptolemy of 1548, where it is a protuberance on a

similar neck (see Vol. II. 435 ; IV. 43; and Nordenskjold's
Stiidioi, 43). The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be based on
the same material used by Mercator in his gores, but he
adds a new confusion in calling Greenland the " Cost of
Labrador." Cf. Winsor's Kohl Jlfa/s, no. 104. The
" Grutlandia " of the Vopellio map of 1556 is also continu-
ous with Labrador (see Vol. II. 436 ; IV. 90).
* See Vol. IV. pp. 42, 82.

reproduction of the original edition of 1539, which was not known to modern students till Brenner found it in the library
at Munich, in March, 1886, and which proves to be twelve times larger than that of 1567. Brenner adds the long Latin
address, " Olaus Gothus benigno lectori salutem,'' with annotations. The map is entitled "Carta Marina et descriptio
septentrionalium errarum ac mirabilium rerum in eis contentarum diligentissime elaborata, Anno Dni, 1539." Brenner
institutes a close comparison between it and the Zeno chart.
* Reproduced from the fac-simile given in Nordenskjold's Studien (Leipzig, 1885).

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

127

■manuscript, it does not seem necessary that the search for prototypes or prototypic features should be confined
to those which had been engraved. With these allowances the map does not seem to be very exceptional in
any feature. It is connected with northwestern Europe in just the manner appertaining to several of the
earlier maps. Its shape is no great improvement on the map of 1467, found at Warsaw. There was then

ZENO MAP. {Reduced.)*

* The original measures 12X15J inches. Fac-similes of the original size or reduced, or other reproductions, will be found
in Nordenskjold's Trots Cartes, and in his Studien ; Malte Brun's Annales des Voyages; Lelewel's Moyen Age (ii.
169); Carter-Brown Catalogtie (i. 211); Kohl's Discovery 0/ Maine, 97 ; Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters der Ent-
deck?mgen, p. 27 ; Bancroft's Central America, i. 81 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S., i. 84 ; Howley's Ecclesiast. Hist. New-
foundlaiid, p. 45 ; Erizzo's Le Scoperte A rtiche (Venice, 1855),— not to name others.

128 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF. AMERICA.

THE PTOLEMY ALTERATION (1561, etc.) OF THE ZENO MAP.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

129

no such constancy in the placing of midsea islands in maps, to interdict the random location of other islands
at the cartographer's will, without disturbing what at that day would have been deemed geographical proba-
bilities, and there was all the necessary warranty in existing maps for the most wilfully depicted archipelago.
The early Portuguese charts, not to name others, gave sufficient warrant for land where Estotiland and Drogeo
appear.

Mention has already been made of the changes in this map, which the editors of the Ptolemy of 1561 made
in severing Greenland from Europe, when they reengraved it.1 The same edition contained a map of " Schon-
landia," in which it seems to be doubtful if the land which stands for Greenland does, or does not, connect
with the Scandinavian main.'2 That Greenland was an island seems now to have become the prevalent opinion,
and it was enforced by the maps of Mercator (1569 and 1587), Ortelius (1570, 1575), and Gallaeus (1585),
which placed it lying mainly east and west between the Scandinavian north and the Labrador coast, which it
was now the fashion to call Estotiland. In its shape it closely resembled the Zeni outline. Another feature of
these maps was the placing of another but smaller island west of " Groenlant," which was called " Grocland,"
and which seems to be simply a reduplication of the larger island by some geographical confusion,8 which
once started was easily seized upon to help fill out the arctic spaces.4

SEPTENTRIONALES REGIONES*

It was just at this time (1570) that the oldest maps which display the geographical notions of the saga men
were drawn, though not brought to light for many years. We note two such of this time, and one of a date
near forty years later. One marked "Jonas, Gudmundi filius, delineavit, 1570," is given as are the two others
by Torfzeus in his Gronlandia Antigua. They all seem to recognize a passage to the Arctic seas between
Norway and Greenland, the northern parts of which last are called " Risaland," or " Riseland," and Jonas
places " Oster Bygd" and " Wester Bygd" on the opposite sides of a squarish peninsula. Beyond what must
be Davis' Straits is " America," and further south " Terra Florida " and " Albania."

If this description is compared with the key of Stephanius' map, next to be mentioned, while we remember

1 In the edition of 1562, which repeated the map, the
cartographer Moletta (Moletius) testified that its geography
had been confirmed "by letters and marine charts sent to
113 from divers parts."

2 Winsor's Bibliog. 0/ Ptolemy, sub anno 1561.

3 Lok's map of 1582 calls it " Groetland," the landfall
of " Jac. Scolvus," the Pole.- Cf. Vol. III. 40.

4 For Mercator's map, see Vol. II. 452; IV. 94, 373.
Ortelius' separate map of Scandia is much the same. It is
the same with the map of Phillipus Gallaeus, dated 1574, but
published at Antwerp in 1585 in the Theatri orbis terra-

rum Enchiridion. Gilbert's map in 1576 omits the " Groc-
land " (Vol. III. 203). Both features, however, are pre-
served in the Judaeis of 1593 (Vol. IV. 97), in the Wytfliet
of 1597 (Vol. II. 459), in Wolfe's Linschoten in 1598 (Vol.
III. 101), and in Quadus in 1600 (Vol. IV. 101). In the
Zaltiere map of 1566 (Vol. II. 451 ; IV. 93), in the Porcac-
chi map of 1572 (Vol. II. 96, 453 ; IV. 96), and in that of
Johannes Martines of 1578, the features are too indefinite
for recognition. Lelewel (i. pi. 7) gives a Spanish mappe-
monde of 1573.

From Theatri orbis Terrariun Enchiridion, per Phillipunt GalZceum, et per Hugonem Favolium (Antwerp, 1585).
VOL. I. — 9

130

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

that both represent the views prevailing in the north in 1570, it is hard to resist the conclusion that Vinland
was north even of Davis' Straits, or at least held to be so at that time.

The second map, that of Stephanius, is reproduced herewith, dating back to the same period (1570) ; but
the third, by Gudbrahdus Torlacius, was made in 1606, and is sketched in Kohl's Discovery of Maine (p. 109).
It gives better shape to " Gronlandia" than in either of the others.

It is not necessary to follow the course of the Greenland cartography farther with any minuteness. As the
sixteenth century ended we have leading maps by Hakluyt in 1587 and 1599 (see Vol. III. 42), and De Bry in
1596 (Vol. IV7. 99), and YVytfliet in 1597, all of which give Davis's Straits with more or less precision. Ba-
rentz's map of 1598 became the exemplar of the circumpolar chart in Pontanus' Rerum et Urbis Amstcloda-
mensium Historia of 161 1.1 The chart of Luke Fox, in 1635, marked progress - better than that of La Pey-

I ^ 'q " y ,yiy^)pj!| ■ ^ ^ynp

SIGURD STEPHANIUS, 1570*
1 In fac-simile in NordenskjolcTs Vega, i. 247.

2 Vol. Ill p.

* Reproduced from the Saga Time of J. Fulford Vicary (London, 1887), after the map as given in the publication of
the geographical society at Copenhagen, 1885-86, and it is supposed to have been drafted upon the narrative of the sagas.
Key : "A. This is where the English have come and has a name for barrenness, either from sun or cold. B. This is
near where Vineland lies, which from its abundance of useful things, or from the land's fruitfulness, is called Good. Our
countrymen (Icelanders) have thought that to the south it ends with the wild sea and that a sound or fjord separates it
from America. C. This land is called Riiseland or land of the giants, as they have horns and are called Skrickfinna
(Fins that frighten). D. This is more to the east, and the people are called Klofinna (Fins with claws) on account of
their large nails. E. This is Jotunheimer, or the home of the misshapen giants- F. Here is thought to be a fjord, or
sound, leading to Russia. G. A rocky land often referred to in histories. H. What island that is I do not know, unless
it be the island that a Venetian found, and the Germans call Friesland."

It will be observed under the B of the Key, the Norse of 1570 did not identify the Vinland of 1000 with the America of
later discoveries.

This map is much the same, but differs somewhat in detail, from the one called of Stephanius, as produced in Kohl's
Discovery of Maine, p. 107, professedly after a copy given in Torfasus' Gronlandia Antigua (1706). Torfasus quotes
Theodorus Torlacius, the Icelandic historian, as saying that Stephanius appears to have drawn his map from ancient Ice-
landic records. The other maps given by Torfa»us are: by Bishop Gudbrand Thorlakssen (1606); by Jonas Gudmund
(1640) ; by Theodor Thorlakssen (1666), and by Torfa-us himself. Cf. other copies of the map of Stephanius in Malte-
Brun's Anna/es des Voyages, Weise's Discoveries of Atuerica, p. 22; Geog. Tidskrift, viii. 123, and in Horsford*s
Disc, of A merica by Northmen, p. 37.

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS.

131

rere (1647), though his map was better known. 1 Even as late as 1727, Hermann Moll could not identify his
"Greenland" with " Groenland." In 1741, we have the map of Hans Egede in his " Gronland," repeated in

1 A paper by H. Rink in the Geografisk Tidskrift (viii.
139) entitled " Ostgronlanderne i deres Forhold till Vest-
gronlanderne og de ovrige Eskimostammer," is accompa-
nied by drafts of the map of G. Tholacius, 1606, and of Th.
Thorlacius, 1668-69, — the latter placing East Bygd on the
east coast near the south end. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on

Osterbygden in Geog. Tidskrift, viii. 123, gives fac-similes
of maps of Jovis Carolus in 1634 ; of Hendrick Doncker
in 1669. Sketches of maps by Johannes Meyer in 1652,
and by Hendrick Doncker in 1666, are also given in the
Geografisk Tidskrift, viii. (1885), pi. 5.

Note. — The annexed map is a reduced fac-simile of the map in the Efterretninger oj?z Gronland udd7-agne af en
Journal holden fra 1771 til 1788, by Paul Egede (Copenhagen, 1789). Paul Egede, son of Hans, was born in 1708, and
remained in Greenland till 1740. He was made Bishop of Greenland in 1770, and died in 1780. The above book gives
a portrait. There is another fac-simile of the map in Nordenskjold's Exped. till Gronland, p. 234.

I XI

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

late editions, and the old delineation of the east coast after Torfaeus was still retained in the 1788 map of
Paul Egede.

In the map of 1653, made by De la Martiniere, who was of the Danish expedition to the north, Greenland
was made to connect With Northern Asia by way of the North pole.1 Nordenskjold calls him the Miinch-
hausen of the northeast voyagers ; and by his own passage in the " Vega," along the northern verge of Europe,
from one ocean to the other, the Swedish navigator has of recent years proved for the first time that Greenland
has no such connection. It yet remains to be proved that there is no connection to the north with at least
the group of islands that are the arctic outlyers of the American continent.

S£PTENTRtON -

ERIQVE.^^V

■ ■ ■ ■ ■■-■'■ '■^■'■» ■■■■■■■■.■■■ III11I1IIIII ■■■:■■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■

GREENLAND*

1 Voyages des Pais Septentrionaux , — a very popular book.

* Extracted from the " Carte de Greenland" in Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation du Groenland (Paris, 1647). Cf. Win-
sors Kohl Maps, no. 122.

CHAPTER III.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

BY JUSTIN WINSOR.

THE traditions of the migrations of the Chichimecs, Colhuas, and Na-
huas," says Max Muller,1 "are no better than the Greek traditions
about Pelasgians, ^Eolians, and Ionians, and it would be a mere waste of
time to construct out of such elements a systematic history, only to be
destroyed again, sooner or later, by some Niebuhr, Grote, or Lewis."

" It is yet too early," says Bandelier,2 " to establish a definite chronology,
running farther back from the Conquest than two centuries,3 and even
within that period but very few dates have been satisfactorily fixed."

Such are the conditions of the story which it is the purpose of this chap-
ter to tell.

We have, to begin with, as in other history, the recognition of a race
of giants, convenient to hang legends on, and accounted on all hands to have
been occupants of the country in the dimmest past, so that there is nothing
back of them. Who they were, whence they came, and what stands for
their descendants after we get down to what in this pre-Spanish history we
rather presumptuously call historic ground, is far from clear. If we had
the easy faith of the native historian Ixtlilxochitl, we should believe that
these gigantic Quinames, or Ouinametin, were for the most part swallowed
up in a great convulsion of nature, and it was those who escaped which the
Olmecs and Tlascalans encountered in entering the country.4 If all this
means anything, which may well be doubted, it is as likely as not that these
giants were the followers of a demi-god, Votan,5 who came from over-sea to

1 Chips from a German Workshop, i. 327. tique des Rois Asteques de IJJ2 h 1522, takes

2 Archaeological Tour, p. 202. issue with Ramirez on some points.

3 The earliest fixed date for the founding 4 Bancroft (v. 199) gives references to those
of Tenochtitlan (Mexico city) is 1325. Bras- writers who have discussed this question of gi-
seur tells us that Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora ants. Bandelier's references are more in detail
made the first chronological table of ancient {Arch. Tour, p. 201). Short (p. 233) borrows
Mexican dates, which was used by Boturini, and largely the list in Bancroft. The enumeration
was improved by Leon y Gama, — the same includes nearly all the old writers. Acosta finds
which Bustamante has inserted in his edition of confirmation in bones of incredible largeness,
Gomara. Gallatin {Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans. ,i.) often found in his day, and then supposed to be
gave a composite table of events by dates be- human. Modern zoologists say they were those
fore the Conquest, which is followed in Brantz of the Mastodon. Howarth, Mammoth and the
Mayer's Mexico as it was, i. 97. Ed. Madier de Flood, 297.

Montjau, in his Chronologie hieroglyphico-phone- 5 See Native Races, ii. 117 ; v. 24, 27.

134 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

America,1 found it peopled, established a government in Xibalba, — if such
a place ever existed, — with the germs of Maya if not of other civilizations,
whence, by migrations during succeeding times, the Votanites spread north
and occupied the Mexican plateau, where they became degenerate, doubt-
less, if they deserved the extinction which we are told was in store for
them. But they had an alleged chronicler for their early days, the writer
of the Book of Votan, written either by the hero himself or by one of his
descendants, — eight or nine generations in the range of authorship mak-
ing little difference apparently. That this narrative was known to Fran-
cisco Nunez de la Vega2 would seem to imply that somebody at that time
had turned it into readable script out of the unreadable hieroglyphics, while
the disguises of the Spanish tongue, perhaps, as Bancroft3 suggests, may
have saved it from the iconoclastic zeal of the priests. When, later, Ramon
de Ordonez had the document, — perhaps the'identical manuscript, — it con-
sisted of a few folios of quarto paper, and was written in Roman script in
the Tzendal tongue, and was inspected by Cabrera, who tells us something
of its purport in his Tcatro critico Americano, while Ramon himself was at
the same time usi'ng it in his Historia del Cielo y de la Tierra. It was from
a later copy of this last essay, the first copy being unknown, that the Abbe
Brasseur de Bourbourg got his knowledge of what Ramon had derived from
the Votan narrative, and which Brasseur has given us in several of his
books.4 That there was a primitive empire — Votanic, if you please —
seems to some minds confirmed by other evidences than the story of Votan ;
and out of this empire — to adopt a European nomenclature — have come,
as such believers say, after its downfall somewhere near the Christian era,
and by divergence, the great stocks of people called Maya, Quiche, and
Nahua, inhabiting later, and respectively, Yucatan, Guatemala, and Mex-
ico. This is the view, if we accept the theory which Bancroft has prom-
inently advocated, that the migrations of the Nahuas were from the south
northward,5 and that this was the period of the divergence, eighteen cen-
turies ago or more, of the great civilizing stocks of Mexico and of Central
America.6 We fail to find so early a contact of these two races, if, on the
other hand, we accept the oM theory that the migrations which established

1 Sometimes it is said they came from the 450. Brasseur identifies the Votanites with the
Antilles, or beyond, easterly, and that an off- Colhuas, as the builders of Palenque, the found-
shoot of the same people appeared to the early ers of Xibalba, and thinks a branch of them
French explorers as the Natchez Indians. We wandered south to Peru. There are some sto-
have, of course, offered to us a choice of theories ries of even pre-Votan days, under Igh and
in the belief that the Maya civilization came Imox. Cf. H. De Charency's " Myth dTmos,"
from the westward by the island route from in the Annates de philosophie Chretienne, 1872-
Asia. This misty history is nothing without 73, and references in Bancroft, v. 164, 231.
alternatives, and there are a plenty of writers 5 Native Races, ii. 121, etc.

who dogmatize about them. 6 Bancroft (v. 236) points to Bradford, Squier,

2 Constilnciones diocesanas del obispado de Chi- Tylor, Viollet-le-Duc, Bartlett, and Muller, with
appas (Rome, 1702). Brasseur in a qualified way, as in the main agree-

3 Nat. Races, v. 160. ing in this early disjointing of the Nahua stock,

4 Hist. Nations Civilisecs, i. 37, 1 50, etc. Po- by which the Maya was formed through sepa-
put VuJi, introd., sec. v. Bancroft relates the ration from the older race.

Votan myth, with references, in Nat. Races, iii.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 135

the Toltec and Aztec powers were from 'the north southward,1 through
three several lines, as is sometimes held, one on each side of, the Rocky
Mountains, with a third following the coast. In this way such advocates
trace the course of the Olmecs, who encountered the giants, and later of the
Toltecs.

That the Votanic peoples or some other ancient tribes were then a dis-
tinct source of civilization, and that Palenque may even be Xibalba, or the
Nachan, which Votan founded, is a belief that some archaeologists find
the evidence of in certain radical differences in the Maya tongues and in
the Maya ruins.2

In the Quiche traditions, as preserved in the Popul Vuh, and in the
Annals of the Cakchiqitels, we likewise go back into mistiness and into the
inevitable myths which give the modern comparative mythologists so much
comfort and enlightenment; but Bancroft3 and the rest get from all this
nebulousness, as was gotten from the Maya traditions, that there was a
great power at Xibalba,4 — if in Central America anywhere that place may
have been, — which was overcome5 when from Tulan6 went out migrating
chiefs, who founded the Quiche-Cakchiquel peoples of Guatemala, while
others, the Yaqui, — very likely only traders, — went to Mexico, and still
others went to Yucatan, thus accounting for the subsequent great centres
of aboriginal power — if we accept this view.

As respects the traditions of the more northern races, there is the same
choice of belief and alternative demonstration. The Olmecs, the earliest
Nahua comers, are sometimes spoken of as sailing from Florida and land-
ing on the coast at what is now Panuco, whence they travelled to Guate-
mala,7 and finally settled in Tamoanchan, and offered their sacrifices farther
north at Teotihuacan.8 This is very likely the Votan legend suited to the
more northern region, and if so, it serves to show, unless we discard the
whole theory, how the Votanic people had scattered. The other principal
source of our suppositions — for we can hardly call it knowledge — of these
times is the Codex CJiimalpopoca, of which there is elsewhere an account,9

1 Enforced, for instance, by one of the best of capital, as utterly unsupported and wildly hypo-
the later Mexican writers, Orozco y Berra, in his thetical [Myths, 251).

Geografia de las lenguas y Carta Ethnografica de 5 Perhaps by Gucumatz (who is identified by

Mexico (Mexico, 1865). some with Quetzalcoatl), leading the Tzequiles,

2 Tylor, Anahuac, 189, and his Early Hist, who are said to have appeared from somewhere
Mankind, 184. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 124. Ban- during one of Votan's absences, and to have
croft, v. 169, note. The word Maya was first grown into power among the Chanes, or Votan's
heard by Columbus in his fourth voyage, 1503-4. people, till they made Tulan, where they lived,
We sometimes find it written Mayab. It is too powerful for the Votanites. Bancroft (v.
usual to class the people of Yucatan, and even 187) holds this view against Brasseur.

the Quiche-Cakchiquels of Guatemala and those 6 Perhaps Ococingo, or Copan, as Bancroft

of Nicaragua, under the comprehensive term of conjectures (v. 187).

Maya, as distinct from the Nahua people farther 7 As Sahagun calls it, meaning, as Bancroft

north. suggests, Tabasco.

3 'Nat. Races, v. 186. 8 Short (p. 248) points out that the linguistic

4 Brinton, with his view of myths, speaks of researches of Orozco y Berra [Geografia de las
the attempt of the Abbe Brasseur to make Xi- Lenguas de Mexico, 1-76) seem to confirm this,
balba an ancient kingdom, with Palenque as its 9 See p. 158.

136 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

and from it we can derive much the same impressions, if we are disposed to
sustain a preconceived notion.

The periods and succession of the races whose annals make up the his-
tory of what we now call Mexico, prior to the coming of the Spaniards, are
confused and debatable. Whether under the name of Chichimecs we are to
understand a distinct people, or a varied and conglomerate mass of people,
which, in a generic way, we might call barbarians, is a question open to
discussion.1 There is no lack of names2 to be applied to the tribes and
bands which, according to all accounts, occupied the Mexican territory pre-
vious to the sixth century. Some of them were very likely Nahua fore-
runners 3 of the subsequent great influx of that race, like the Olmecs and
Xicalancas, and may have been the people "from the direction of Florida,"
of whom mention has been made. Others', as some say, were eddies of those
populous waves which, coming by the north from Asia, overflowed the
Rocky Mountains, and became the builders of mounds and the later peoples
of the Mississippi Valley,4 passed down the trend of the Rocky Mountains,
and built cliff-houses and pueblos, or streamed into the table-land of Mex-
ico. This is all conjecture, perhaps delusion, but may be as good a suppo-
sition as any, if we agree to the northern theory, as Nadaillac 5 does, but not
so tenable, if, with the contrary Bancroft,6 we hold rather that they came
from the south. We can turn from one to the other of these theorists and
agree with both, as they cite their evidences. On the whole, a double com-
pliance is better than dogmatism. It is one thing to lose one's way in this
labyrinth of belief, and another to lose one's head.

1 Kirk says (Prescott's Mexico) : "Confusion nants provokingly, and it may be enough to give
arises from the name of Chichimec, originally alphabetically a list comprised of those in Prich-
that of a single tribe, and subsequently of its ard (Nat. Hist. Man) and Orozco y Berra (Geo-
many offshoots, being also used to designate sue- grafia), with some help from Gallatin in the
cessive hordes of whatever race." Some have American Ethno. Soc. Trans., i., and other
seen in the Waiknas of the Mosquito Coast, and groupers of the ethnological traces : Chinantecs,
in the Caribs generally, descendants of these Chi- Chatinos, Cohuixcas, Chontales, Colhuas, Coras,
chimecs who have kept to their old social level. Cuitatecs, Chichimecs, Cuextecas (Guaxtecas,
The Caribs, on other authority, came originally Huastecs), Mazetecs, Mazahuas, Michinacas,
from the stock of the Tupis and Guaranis, who Miztecs, Nonohualcas, Olmecs, Otomis, Papa-
occupied the region south of the Amazon, and bucos, Quinames, Soltecos, Totonacs, Triquis,
in Columbus's time they were scattered in Da- Tepanecs, Tarascos, Xicalancas, Zapotecs. It
rien and Honduras, along the northern regions is not unlikely the same people may be here
of South America, and in some of the Antilles mentioned under different names. The diversity
(Von Martius, Beitragc zur Ethnographie tend of opinions respecting the future of these vapory
Sprachenknnde Amerika's zntnal Brasiliens, existences is seen in Bancroft's collation (v.
Leipzig, 1867). Bancroft (ii. 126) gives the 202). Torquemada tells us about all that we
etymology of Chichimec and of other tribal des- know of the Totonacs, who claim to have been
ignations. Cf. Buschmann's Ueber die Azteki- the builders of Teotihuacan. Bancroft gives ref-
schen Ortsnamen (Berlin, 1853). Bandelier (Ar- erences (v. 204) for the Totonacs, (p. 206) for
chaol. Tour, 200; Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 393) the Otomis, (p. 207) for the Mistecs and Zapo-
says he fails to discover in the word anything tecs, and (p. 208) for the Huastecs.

more than a general term, signifying a savage, a 3 Bancroft, ii. 97. Brasseur, Nat. Civ., i. ch.

hunter, or a warrior, Chic.himecos, applied to 4, and his Palenqne, ch. 3.

roving tribes. Brasseur says that Mexican tra- 4 Called Huehue-Tlapallan, as Brasseur would

dition applies the term Chichimecs generically have it.

to the first occupants of the New World. 5 Following Motolinia and other early writers.

2 These names wander and exchange conso- c ATative Races, v. 219, 616.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 137

It was the Olmecs who found the Quinames, or giants, near Puebla and
Cholula, and in the end overcame them. The Olmecs built, according to
one story, the great pyramid of Cholula,1 and it was they who received
the great Quetzalcoatl from across the sea, a white-bearded man, as the
legends went, who was benign enough, in the stories told of him, to make
the later Spaniards think, when they heard them, that he was no other than
the Christian St. Thomas on his missions. When the Spaniards finally in-
duced the inheritors of the Olmecs' power to worship Quetzalcoatl as a
beneficent god, his temple soon topped the mound at Cholula.2 We have
seen that the great Nahua occupation of the Mexican plateau, at a period
somewhere from the fourth to the seventh century,3 was preceded by
some scattered tribal organizations of the same stock, which had at an
early date mingled with the primitive peoples of this region. We have
seen that there is a diversity of opinion as to the country from which they
came, whether from the north or south. A consideration of this question
involves the whole question of the migration of races in these pre-Colum-
bian days, since it is the coming and going of peoples that form the basis
of all its history.

In the study of these migrations, we find no more unanimity of inter-
pretation than in other questions of these early times.4 The Nahua peoples
(Toltecs, Aztecs, Mexicans, or what you will), according to the prevalent
views of the early Spanish writers, came by successive influxes from the
north or northwest, and from a remote place called Tollan, Tula, Tlapallan,
Huehue-Tlapallan, as respects the Toltec group,5 and called Aztlan as

1 Bandelier, ArchczoL Tour, 253. huas, Toltecs, or whatever designation may be

2 Kingsborough, ix. 206, 460; Veytia, i. 155, given to the beginners of this myth and history,
163. Of the Quetzalcoatl myth there are refer- placed it in California, but some later writers
ences elsewhere. P. J. J. Valentini has made think it worth while to give it a geographical
a study of the early Mexican ethnology and his- existence in the Mississippi Valley, and to asso-
tory in his " Olmecas and Tultecas," translated ciate it in some vague way with the mound-
by S. Salisbury, Jr., and printed in the Amer. builders and their works (Short, No. Amer. of
Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct. 21, 1882. On Quetzalcoatl Antiq., 251, 253). There is some confusion be-
in Cholula, see Torquemada, translated in Ban- tween Huehue-Tlapallan of this story and the
croft, iii. 258. Tlapallan noticed in the Spanish conquest time,

3 This wide difference covers intervening cen- which was somewhere in the Usumacinta region,
turies, each of which has its advocates. Short and if we accept Tollan, Tullan, or Tula as a
carries their coming back to the fourth century form of the name, the confusion is much in-
(p. 245), but Clavigero's date of A. D. 544 is more creased (Short, pp. 217-220). Bancroft (v. 214)
commonly followed. Veytia makes it the sev- says there is no sufficient data to determine the
enth century. Bancroft (v. 211, 214) notes the position of Huehue-Tlapallan, but he thinks " the
diversity of views. evidence, while not conclusive, favors the south

4 Bancroft (v. 322) in along note collates the rather than the north" (p. 216). The truth is,
different statements of the routes and sojourns about these conflicting views of a northern or
in this migration. Cf. Short, p. 259. southern origin, pretty much as Kirk puts it

5 Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 10. It must be con- (Prescott, i. 18) : " All that can be said with con-
fessed that it is rather in the domain of myth fidence is, that neither of the opposing theo-
than of history that we must place all that has ries rests on a secure and sufficient basis." The
been written about the scattering of the Toltec situation of Huehue - Tlapallan and Aztlan is
people at Babel (Bancroft, v. 19), and their very likely one and the same question, as look-
finally reaching Huehue-Tlapallan, wherever ing to what was the starting-point of all the
that may have been. The view long prevalent Nahua migrations, extending over a thousand
about this American starting-point of the Na- years.

133

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

respects the Aztec or Mexican. When, by settlement after settlement, each
migratory people pushed farther south, they finally reached Central Mexico.
This sequence of immigration seems to be agreed upon, but as to where
their cradle was and as to what direction their line of progress took, there
is a diversity of opinion as widely separated as the north is from the south.
The northern position and the southern direction is all but universally
accepted among the early Spanish writers : and their followers,2 while it is
claimed by others that the traditions as preserved point to the south
as the starting-point. Cabrera took this view. Brasseur sought to recon-
cile conflicting tradition and Spanish statement by carrying the line of
migration from the south with a northerly sweep, so that in the end Ana-
huac would be entered from the north, with which theory Bancroft 3 is
inclined to agree. Aztlan, as well as Huehue-Tlapallan, by those who
support the northern theory, has been placed anywhere from the Califor-
nia peninsula4 within a radius that sweeps through Wisconsin and strikes
the Atlantic at Florida.5

1 Bancroft, v. 217.

2 Torquemada, Boturini, Humboldt, Brasseur,
Charnay, Short, etc.

3 Nat. Races (v. 222).

4 In support of the California location, Busch-
mann, in his Ueber die Spur en der Aztekischeji
Sprache im nordlichen Mexico und hoheren Ame-
rikauischeii Norden (Berlin, 1854), finds traces of
the Mexican tongue in those of the recent Cali-
fornia Indians. Linguistic resemblances to the
Aztec, even so far north as Nootka, have been
traced, but later philologists deny the inferences
of relationship drawn from such similarity (Ban-
croft, iii. p. 612). The linguistic confusion in
aboriginal California is so great that there is a
wide field for tracing likenesses {Ibid. iii. 635).
In the California State Mining Bureau, Btilletin
no. 1 (Sacramento, 1888), Winslow Anderson
gives a description of some desiccated human
remains found in a sealed cave, which are sup-
posed to be Aztec. There are slight resem-
blances to the Aztec in the Shoshone group of
languages (Bancroft, iii. 660), and the same au-
thor arranges all that has been said to connect
the Mexican tongue with those of New Mexico
and neighboring regions (iii. 664). Buschmann,
who has given particular attention to tracing the
Aztec connections at the north, finds nothing to
warrant anything more than casual admixtures
with other stocks {Die lautverdnderung Azteki-
schcr Worter, Berlin, 1855, and Die Spuren der
Aztckischen Sprachcn, Berlin, 1859). See Short
(p. 487) for a summary.

5 Bancroft (v. 305) cites the diverse views; so
does Short to some extent (pp. 246, 258, etc.).
Cf. Brinton's Address on " Where was Aztlan ? "
p. 6; Short, 486, 490; Nadaillac, 284; Wilson's
Prehistoric Man, i. 327.

Brinton {Myths of the New World, etc., 89;
Amer. Hero. Myths, 92) holds that Aztlan is a
name wholly of mythical purport, which it would'
be vain to seek on the terrestrial globe. This
cradle region of the Nahuas sometimes appears
as the Seven Caves (Chicomoztoc), and Duran
places them "in Teoculuacan, otherwise called
Aztlan, a country toward the north and con-
nected with Florida." The Seven Caves were
explained by Sahagun as a valley, by Clavigero
as a city, by Schoolcraft and others as simply
seven boats in which the first comers came from
Asia; Brasseur makes them and Aztlan the
same ; others find them to be the seven cities of
Cibola, — so enumerates Brinton {Myths, 227),
who thinks that the seven divisions of the Na-
huas sprung from the belief in the Seven Caves,
and had in reality no existence.

Gallatin has followed out the series of migra-
tions in the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i. 162.
Dawson, Fossil Men (ch. 3), gives his compre-
hensive views of the main directions of these
early migrations. Brasseur follows the Nahuas
(Popul Vuh, introd., sect. ix.). Winchell {Pre-
Adamites) thinks the general tendency was from
north to south. Morgan finds the origin of the
Mexican tribes in New Mexico and in the San
Juan Valley {Peabody Mus. Rept., xii. 553. Cf.
his article in the North Am. Rev., Oct., 1869).
Humboldt ( Views of Nature, 207) touches the
Aztec wanderings.

There are two well-known Aztec migration
maps, first published in F. G. Carreri's Giro
del Mondo ; in English as "Voyage round the
world," in Churchill's Voyages, vol. iv., concern-
ing which see Bancroft, ii. 543; iri. 68,69; Short.
262, 431, 433; Prescott, iii. 364, 382. Orozco y
Berra (Hist. Antiq. de Mexico, iii. 61) says that

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 139

The advocates of the southern starting-point of these migrations have
been comparatively few and of recent prominence ; chief among them are
Squier and Bancroft.1

With the appearance of a people, which, for want of a better designation,
are usually termed Toltecs, on the Mexican table-land in the sixth century
or thereabouts,2 we begin the early history of Mexico, so far as we can make
any deductions from the semi-mythical records and traditions which the
Spaniards or the later aborigines have preserved for us. This story of the
Nahua occupation of Anahuac is one of strife and shifting vassalage, with
rivalries and uprisings of neighboring and kindred tribes, going on for cen-
turies. While the more advanced portion of the Nahuas in Anahuac were
making progress in the arts, that division of the same stock which was
living beyond such influence, and without the bounds of Anahuac, were
looked upon rather as barbarians than as brothers, and acquired the name
which had become a general one for such rougher natures, Chichimec.
It is this Chichimec people under some name or other who are always
starting up and overturning something. At one time they unite with the
Colhuas and found Colhuacan, and nearly subjugate the lake region.. Then
the Toltec tarriers at Huehue-Tlapallan come boldly to the neighborhood
of the Chichimecs and found Tollan ; and thus they turn a wandering com-
munity into what, for want of a better name, is called a monarchy. They
strengthened its government by an alliance with the Chichimecs,3 and
placed their seat of power at Colhuacan.

these maps follow one another, and are not dif- embourg, 1877), 'l- 325- This paper finds an
ferent records of the same progress. Humboldt identification of the Tulan Zuivaof the Quiches,
(Vues, etc., ii. 176) gives an interpretation of the Huehue-Tlapallan of the Toltecs, the Ama-
them in accordance with Siguenza's views, which quemecan of the Chichimecs, and the Oztotlan
is the one usually followed, and Bancroft (v. 324) (Aztlan) of the Aztecs in the valleys of the Rio
epitomizes it. Ramirez says that the copies Grande del Norte and Rio Colorado, as was
reproduced in Humboldt, Clavigero, and Kings- Morgan's view. Short (p. 249) summarizes his
borough are not so correct as the engraving paper. Bancroft (v. 289) shows the diversity
given in Garcia y Cubas's Atlas geografico, esta- of views respecting Amaquemecan.
distico e historico de la Republica Mejicana (April, 1 Native Races, v. 167, recapitulates the proofs
1858). Bancroft (ii. 544) gives it as reproduced against the northern theory. J. R. Bartlett, Per-
by Ramirez. It is also in the Mexican edition sonal Narrative, ii. 283, finds no evidence for it.
of Prescott, and in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes. The successive sites of their sojourns as they
C£ Delafield's Inquiry (N. Y., 1839) and Leon passed on their journeys are given as Tlapallan,
de Rosny's Les doc. ecrits de Vantiq. Ame"r. Tlacutzin, Tlapallanco, Jalisco, Atenco, Iztach-
( Paris, 1882). The original is preserved in nexuca, Tollatzinco, Tollan or Tula, — the last,
the Museo Nacional of Mexico. A palm-tree says Bancroft, apparently in Chiapas. If there
on the map, near Aztlan, has pointed some of was not such confusion respecting the old geog-
the arguments in favor of a southern position raphy, these names might decide the question,
for that place, but Ramirez says it is but a part 2 Writers usually place the beginnings of cred-
of a hieroglyphic name, and has no reference ible history at about this period. Brasseur and
to the climate of Aztlan (Short, p. 266). F. Von the class of writers who are easily lifted on their
Helhvald printed a paper on " American migra- imagination talk about traces of a settled gov-
tions," with notes by Professor Henry, in the ernment being discernible at periods which they
Smithsonian Report, 1866, pp. 328-345. Short place a thousand years before Christ,
defines as " altogether the most enlightened 3 References in Bancroft, v. 247, with Bras-
treatment of the subject " the paper of John seur for the main dependence, in his use of the
H. Becker, " Migrations des Nahuas," in the Codex Chimalpbpoca and the Memorial de Col-
Compte rendu, Congres des Americanistes (Lux- huacan.

140 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Then we read of a power springing up at Tezcuco, and of various other
events, which happened or did not happen, according as you believe this or
the other chronicle. The run of many of the stories of course produces
the inevitable and beautiful daughter, and the ^bold princess, who control
many an event. Then there is a league of Colhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan.
Suddenly appears the great king Quetzalcoatl, — though it may be we con-
found him with the divinity of that name ; and with him, to perplex mat-
ters, comes his sworn enemy Huemac. Quetzalcoatl's devoted labors to
make his people give up human sacrifice arrayed the priesthood against
him, until at last he fell before the intrigues that made Huemac succeed in
Tollan, and that drove his luckless rival to Cholula, where he reigned anew.
Huemac followed him and drove him farther; but in doing so he gave his
enemies in Tollan a chance to put another on the throne.

Then came a season of peace and development, when Tollan grew
splendid. Colhuacan flourished in political power, and Teotihuacan : and
Cholula were the religious shrines of the people. But at last the end was
near.

The closing century of the Toltec power was a frightful one for broil,
pestilence, and famine among the people, amours and revenge in the great
chieftain's household, revolt among the vassals ; with sorcery rampant
and the gods angry ; with volcanoes belching, summers like a furnace, and
winters like the pole ; with the dreaded omen of a rabbit, horned like a deer,
confronting the ruler, while rebel forces threatened the capital. There
was also civil strife within the gates, phallic worship and debauchery, — all
preceding an inundation of Chichimecan hordes. Thus the power that
had flourished for several hundred years fell, — seemingly in the latter half
of the eleventh century.2 The remnant that was left of the desolated
people went hither and thither, till the fragments were absorbed in the
conquerors, or migrated to distant regions south.3

Whether the term Toltec signified a nation, or only denoted a dynasty,
is a question for the archaeologists to determine. The general opinion
heretofore has been that they were a distinct race, of the Nahua stock, how-
ever, and that they came from the north. The story which has been thus
far told of their history is the narrative of Ixtlilxochitl, and is repeated
by Veytia, Clavigero, Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Orozco y Berra,

1 Charnay (Eng. trans., ch. 8 and 9) calls it a the greater number probably spread over the
rival city of Tula or Tollan, rebuilt by the Chi- region of Central America and the neighboring
chimecs on the ruins of a Toltec city. isles, and the traveller now speculates on the

2 If one wants the details of all this, he can majestic ruins of Mitla and Palenque as possi-
read it in Veytia, Brasseur {Nat. Civilisees and blv the work of this extraordinary people."
Palenque, ch. viii.), and Bancroft, the latter giv- Kirk, as Prescott's editor, refers to the labors
ing references (v. 285). of Orozco y Berra (Geografia de las Lenguas de

3 It is frequently stated that there was a seg- Mexico, 122), followed by Tylor, Ana/mac, 189)
regated migration to Central America. Bancroft as establishing the more recent view that this
(v. 168, 285), who collates the authorities, finds southern architecture, "though of a far higher
nothing of the kind implied. He thinks the grade, was long anterior to the Toltec domin-
mass remained in Anahuac. The old view as ion."

expressed by Prescott (i. 14) was that "much

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

141

Nadaillac, and the later compilers. Sahagun seems to have been the first
to make a distinct use of the name Toltec, and Charency in his paper on
Xibalba finds evidence that the Toltecs constituted two different migra-
tions, the one of a race that was straight-headed, which came from the
northwest, and the other of a flat-headed people, which came from Florida.
Brinton, on the contrary, finds no warrant either for this dual migration,
or indeed for considering the Toltecs to be other than a section of the
same race, that we know later as Aztecs or Mexicans. This sweeping
denial of their ethnical independence had been forestalled by Gallatin ; l
but no one before Brinton had made it a distinct issue, though some
writers before and since have verged on his views.2 Others, like Charnay,
have answered Brinton's arguments, and defended the older views.3 Ban-
delier's views connect them with the Maya rather than with the Nahua
stock,4 if, as he thinks may be the case, they were the people who landed
at Panuco and settled at Tamoanchan, the Votanites, as they are sometimes
called. He traces back to Herrera and Torquemada the identification for
the first time of the Toltecs with these people.5 Bandelier's conclusions,
however, are that "all we can gather about them with safety is, that they
were a sedentary Indian stock, which at some remote period settled in Cen-
tral Mexico," and that " nothing certain is known of their language." 6

1 Amer. Ethno. Soc. Trans., i.

2 Bancroft (v. 287) says: "It is probable that
the name Toltec, a title of distinction rather
than a national name, was never applied at all
to the common people."

3 Brinton's main statement is in his Were the
Toltecs an historic nationality ? Read before the
American Philosophical Society, Sept. 2, 1887
(Phila., 1887); published also in their Proceed-
ings, 1887, p. 229. Cf. also Brinton's Amer.
Hero. Myths (Phil., 1882), p. 86, where he throws
discredit on the existence of the alleged Toltec
king Quetzalcoatl (whom Sahagun keeps dis-
tinct from the mythical demi-god) ; and earlier,
in his Myths of the New World (p. 29), he had
suggested that the name Toltec might have " a
merely mythical signification." Charnay, who
makes the Toltecs a Nahuan tribe, had defended
their historical status in a paper on " La Civili-
sation Tolteque," in the Revue d' Ethnographie
(iv., 1885) 5 and again, two years later, in the same
periodical, he reviewed adversely Brinton's argu-
ments. (Cf. Saturday Review, lxiii. 843.) Otto
Stoll, in his Guatemala, Reisen und Schilderungen
(Leipzig, 1886), is another who rejects the old
theory.

4 Archceol. Tour, 253.

5 Archceol. Tour, 7. Sahagun identifies the
Toltecs with the " giants," and if these were the
degraded descendants of the followers of Votan,
Sahagun thus earlier established the same iden-
tity.

6 Archaol. Tour, 191. The fact that the

names which we associate with the Toltecs are
Nahua, only means that Nahua writers have
transmitted them, as Bandelier thinks. Cf. also
Bandelier's citation in the Peabody Mus. Reports,
vol. ii. 388, where he speaks of our information
regarding the Toltecs as " limited and obscure."
He thinks it beyond question that they were Na-
huas ; and the fact that their division of time
corresponds with the system found in Yucatan,
Guatemala, etc., with other evidences of myths
and legends, leads him to believe that the abo-
rigines of more southern regions were, if not de-
scendants, at least of the same stock with the
Toltecs, and that we are justified in studying
them to learn what the Toltecs were. He finds
that Veytia, in his account of the Toltecs, beside
depending on Sahagun and Torquemada, finds a
chief source in Ixtlilxochitl, and locates Huehue-
Tlapallan in the north ; and Veytia's statements
reappear in Clavigero.

The best narratives of the Toltec history are
those in Veytia, Historia Antigua de Mejico (Mex-
ico, 1806) ; Brasseur's Hist. Nations Civilisees
(vol. i.), and his introduction to his Popul Vuh;
and Bancroft (v. ch. 3 and 4) : but we must look
to Ixtlilxochitl, Torquemada, Sahagun, and the
others, if we wish to study the sources. In such
a study we shall encounter vexatious problems
enough. It is practically impossible to arrange
chronologically what Ixtlilxochitl says that he
got from the picture-writings which he inter-
preted. Bancroft (v. 209) does the best he can
to give it a forced perspicuity. Wilson (Prehis-

142 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The desolation of Anahuac as the Toltecs fell invited a foreign occupation,
and a remote people called Chichimecs l — not to be confounded with the
primitive barbarians which are often so called — poured down upon the coun-
try. Just how long after the Toltec downfall this happened, is in dispute ;2
but within a few years evidently, perhaps within not many months, came
the rush of millions, if we may believe the big stories of the migration.
They surged by the ruined capital of the Toltecs, came to the lake, founded
Xoloc and Tenayocan, and encountered, as they spread over the country,
what were left of the Toltecs, who secured peace by becoming vassals. Not
quite so humble were the Colhuas of Colhuacan, — not to be confounded
with the Acolhuas, — who were the most powerful section of the Toltecs
yet left, and the Chichimecs set about crushing them, and succeeded in
making them also vassals.3 The Chichimec monarchs, if that term does
not misrepresent them, soon formed alliances with the Tepanecs, the Oto-
mis, and the Acolhuas, who had been prominent in the overthrow of the
Toltecs, and all the invaders profited by the higher organizations and arts
which these tribes had preserved and now imparted. The Chichimecs also
sought to increase the stability of their power by marriages with the noble
Toltecs still remaining. But all was not peace. There were rebellions
from time to time to be put down ; and a new people, whose future they did
not then apprehend, had come in among them and settled at Chapultepec.
These were the Aztecs, or Mexicans, a part of the great Nahua immigra-
tion, but as a tribe they had dallied behind the others on the way, but were
now come, and the last to come.4

Tezcuco soon grew into prominence as a vassal power,5 and upon the cap-
ital city many embellishments were bestowed, so that the great lord of the
Chichimecs preferred it to his own Tenayocan, which gave opportunity for
rebellious plots to be formed in his proper capital ; and here at Tezcuco
the next succeeding ruler preferred to reign, and here he became isolated
by the uprising of rebellious nobles. The ensuing war was not simply of
side against side, but counter-revolutions led to a confusion of tumults, and
petty chieftains set themselves up against others here and there. The
result was that Quinantzin, who had lost the general headship of the coun-
try, recovered it, and finally consolidated his power to a degree surpassing
all his predecessors.

toric Man, i. 245) not inaptly says : " The history lating the evidence, that it is impossible to de-

of the Toltecs and their ruined edifices stands termine whence or how they came to Anahuac.

on the border line of romance and fable, like 2 Bancroft, v. 292, gives the different views,

that of the ruined builders of Carnac and Ave- Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 16.

bury." 3 These events are usually one thing or

1 Short (page 255) points out that Bancroft another, according to the original source which

unadvisedly looks upon these Chichimecs as of you accept, as Bancroft shows (v. 303). The

Nahua stock, according to the common belief, story of the text is as good as any, and is in the

Short thinks that Pimentel {Lenguas indigenas main borne out by the other narratives.

de Mexico, published in 1862) has conclusively 4 Bancroft, v. 308. Cf., on the arrival of the

shown that the Chichimecs did not originally Mexicans in the valley, Bandelier {Pcabody Mus.

speak the Nahua tongue, but subsequently Reports, ii. 398) and his references,

adopted it. Short (page 256) thinks, after col- 5 Prescott, i., introduction ch. 6, tells the story

of their golden age.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

143

CLAVIGERO'S MEXICO .* (Ed. of 1.780, vol. Hi.)

* Cf. the map in Lucien Biart's Les Azteques (Paris, 1885)., Prescott says the maps in Clavigero, Lopez,
and Robertson defy " equally topography and history." Cf. note on plans of the city and valley in Vol. II.
PP- 364> 369> 374> to which may be added, as showing diversified views, those in Stevens's Herrera (London,
1740), vol. ii. ; Bordone's Libro (1528) ; Icazbalceta's Coll. de docs., i. 390 ; and the Eng. translation of Cortes'
despatches, 333.

144

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Meanwhile the Aztecs at Chapultepec, growing arrogant, provoked their
neighbors, and were repressed by those who were more powerful. But they
abided their time. They were good fighters, and the Colhua ruler courted

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CLAVIGERO'S MAP.* (Ed. of 1580, vol. i.)

them to assist him in his maraudings, and thus they were becoming accus-
tomed to warfare and to conquest, and were giving favors to be repaid. This
intercourse, whether of association or rivalry, of the Colhuas and Mexicans
(Aztecs), was continued through succeeding periods, with a confusion of
dates and events which it is hard to make clear. There was mutual distrust
and confidence alternately, and it all ended in the Aztecs settling on an
island in the lake, where later they founded Tenochtitlan, or Mexico.1 Here

1 This is placed a. d. 1325. Cf. references in Bancroft (v. 346).

* Clavigero speaks of his map " per servire all storia antica del Messico." A map of the Aztec dominion
just before the Conquest is given in Ranking (London, 1827). See note in Vol. II. p. 358.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

145

they developed those bloody rites of sacrifice which had already disgusted
their allies and neighbors.

~2o-*-P'57'

THE LAKE OF MEXICO*

* A map which did service in different forms in various books about Mexico and its aboriginal localities in
the early part of the eighteenth century. It is here taken from the Voyages de Francois Coreal (Amsterdam,.
1722).

VOL. I. — IO

146 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Meanwhile the powers at Colhuacan and Azcapuzalco flourished and
repressed uprisings, and out of all the strife Tezozomoc came into promi-
nence with his Tepanecs, and amid it all the Aztecs, siding here and there,
gained territory. With all this occurring in different parts of his domin-
ions, the Chichimec potentate grew stronger and stronger, and while by his
countenance the old Toltec influences more and more predominated. And
so it was a flourishing government, with little to mar its prospects but the
ambition of Tezozomoc, the Tepanec chieftain, and the rising power of the
Aztecs, who had now become divided into Mexicans and Tlatelulcas. The
famous ruler of the Chichimecs, Techotl, died in a. d. 1357, and the young
Ixtlilxochitl took his power with all its emblems. The people of Tenochtit-
lan, or their rulers, were adepts in practising those arts of diplomacy by
which an ambitious nation places itself beside its superiors to secure a sort
of reflected consequence. Thus they pursued matrimonial alliances and
other acts of prudence. Both Tenochtitlan and its neighbor Tlatelulco grew
apace, while skilled artisans and commercial industries helped to raise them
in importance.

The young Ixtlilxochitl at Tezcuco was not so fortunate, and it soon
looked as if the Tepanec prince, Tezozomoc, was only waiting an opportu
nity to rebel. It was also pretty clear that he would have the aid of Mexico
and Tlatelulco, and that he would succeed in securing the sympathy of many
wavering vassals or allies. The plans of the Tepanec chieftain at last
ripened, and he invaded the Tezcucan territory in 141 5. In the war which
followed, Ixtlilxochitl reversed the tide and invaded the Tepanec territory,
besieging and capturing its capital, Azcapuzalco.1 The conqueror lost by
his clemency what he had gained by arms, and it was not long before he
was in turn shut up in his own capital. He did not succeed in defending it,
and was at last killed. So Tezozomoc reached his vantage of ambition, and
was now in his old age the lord paramount of the country. He tried to
harmonize the varied elements of his people ; but the Mexicans had not
fared in the general successes as they had hoped for, and were only openly
content. The death of Tezozomoc prepared the way for one of his sons,
Maxtla, to seize the command, and the vassal lords soon found that the
spirit which had murdered a brother had aims that threatened wider deso-
lation. The Mexicans were the particular object of Maxtla's oppressive
spirit, and by the choice of Itzcoatl for their ruler, who had been for many
years the Mexican war-chief, that people defied the lord of all, and in this
they were joined by the Tlatelulcas under Quauhtlatohuatzin, and by lesser
allies. Under this combination of his enemies Maxtla's capital fell, the
usurper was sacrificed, and the honors of the victory were shared by Itz-
coatl, Nezahualcoyotl (the Acolhuan prince whose imperial rights Maxtla
had usurped), and Montezuma, the first of the name, — all who had in their
several capacities led the army of three or four hundred thousand allies,

1 On the conquest of the Tecpanecas by the Mexicans, see the references in Bandelier {Pea-
body Mus. Reports, ii. 412).

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 147

if we may believe the figures, to their successes, which occurred apparently
somewhere between 1425 and 1430. The political result was a tripartite
confederacy in Anahuac, consisting of Acolhua, Mexico, and Tlacopan. In
the division of spoils, the latter was to have one fifth, and the others two
fifths each, the Acolhuan prince presiding in their councils as senior.1

The next hundred years is a record of the increasing power of this con-
federacy, with a constant tendency to give Mexico a larger influence.2 The
two capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tezcuco, looking at each other across the
lake, were uninterruptedly growing in splendor, or in what the historians call
by that word,3 with all the adjuncts of public works, — causeways, canals,
aqueducts, temples, palaces and gardens, and other evidences of wealth,
which perhaps these modern terms only approximately represent. Tezcuco
was taken possession of by Nezahualcoyotl as his ancient inheritance, and
his confederate Itzcoatl placed the crown on his head. Together they made
war north and south. Xochimilco, on the lake next south of Mexico,
yielded ; and the people of Chalco, which was on the most southern of the
string of lakes, revolted and were suppressed more than once, as opportuni-
ties offered. The confederates crossed the ridge that formed the southern
bound of the Mexican valley and sacked Quauhnahuac. The Mexican ruler
had in all this gained a certain ascendency in the valley coalition, when he
died in 1440, and his nephew, Montezuma the soldier, and first of the name,4
succeeded him. This prince soon had on his hands another war with Chalco,
and with the aid of his confederates he finally humbled its presumptuous
people. So, with or without pretence, the wars and conquests went on, if
for no other reasons, to obtain prisoners for sacrifice.5 They were diversi-
fied at times, particularly in 1449, by contests with the powers of nature,
when the rising waters of the lake threatened to drown their cities, and
when, one evil being cured, others in the shape of famine and plague suc-
ceeded.

1 For details of the period of the Chichimec that Tecpaneca, Xochimilca, Cuitlahuac, Chalco,
ascendency, see Bancroft (v. ch. 5-7), Brasseur Acolhuacan, and Quauhnahuac, were conquered.
{Nat. Civil, ii.), and the authorities plentifully Cf. Bandelier in Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 691.
cited in Bancroft. As to the tributaries, see Ibid. 695.

2 On the nature of the Mexican confederacy 3 Cf. Brasseur's Nations Civ. ii. 457, on Tez-
see Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 416). cuco in its palmy days.

He enumerates the authorities upon the point 4 Sometimes written Mochtheuzema, Mokte-

that no one of the allied tribes exercised any zema. The Aztec Montezuma must not, as is

powers over the others beyond the exclusive contended, be confounded with the hero-god of

military direction of the Mexicans proper [Pea- the New Mexicans. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 77, 171 ;

body Mus. Reports, ii. 559). Orozco y Berra Brinton's Myths, 190 ; Schoolcraft's />*</. Tribes,

(Geografia, etc.) claims that there was a tendency iv. 73 ; Tylor's Prim. Culture, ii. 384 ; Short, 333.

to assimilate the conquered people to the Mexi- 5 This has induced some historians to call

can conditions. Bandelier claims that "no at- these wars "holy wars." Bandelier discredits

tempt, either direct or implied, was made to wholly the common view, that wars were under-

assimilate or incorporate them." He urges that taken to secure victims for the sacrificial stone

nowhere on the march to Mexico did Cortes fall {Archceol. Tour, 24). But in another place [Pea-

in with Mexican rulers of subjected tribes. It body Mus. Reports, ii. 128) he says: "War was

does not seem to be clear in all cases whether it required for the purpose of obtaining human vic-

was before or after the confederation was formed, tims, their religion demanding human sacrifices

or whether it was by the Mexicans or Tezcucans at least eighteen times every year."

I48 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Sometimes in the wars the confederates over-calculated their own prowess,
as when Atonaltzin of Tilantongo sent them reeling back, only, however, to
make better preparations and to succeed at last. In another war to the
southeast they captured, as the accounts say, over six thousand victims for
the stone of sacrifice.

The first Montezuma died in 1469, and the choice for succession fell on
his grandson, the commander of the Mexican army, Axayacatl, who at once
followed the usual custom of raiding the country to the south to get the
thousands of prisoners whose sacrifice should grace his coronation. Neza-
hualcoyotl, the other principal allied chieftain, survived his associate but
two years, dying in 1472, leaving among his hundred children but one legit-
imate son, Nezahualpill'i, a minor, who succeeded. This gave the new Mex-
ican ruler the opportunity to increase his power. He made Tlatelulco
tributary, and a Mexican governor took the place there of an independent
sovereign. He annexed the Matlaltzinca provinces on the west. So Axa-
yacatl, dying in 148 1, bequeathed an enlarged kingdom to his brother and
successor, Tizoc, who has not left so warlike a record. According to some
authorities, however, he is to be credited with the completion of the great
Mexican temple of Huitzilopochtli. This did not save him from assassina-
tion, and his brother Ahuitzotl in i486 succeeded, and to him fell the lot
of dedicating that great temple. He conducted fresh wars vigorously
enough to be able within a year, if we may believe the native records, to
secure sixty or seventy thousand captives for the sacrificial stone, so essen-
tial a part of all such dedicatory exercises. It would be tedious to enumer-
ate all the succeeding conquests, though varied by some defeats, like that
which they experienced in the Tehuantepec region. Some differences grew
up, too, between the Mexican chieftain and Nezahualpilli, notwithstanding
or because of the virtues of the latter, among which doubtless, according to
the prevailing standard, we must count his taking at once three Mexican
princesses for wives, and his keeping a harem of over two thousand women,
if we may believe his descendant, the historian Ixtlilxochitl. His justice
as an arbitrary monarch is mentioned as exemplary, and his putting to death
a guilty son is recounted as proof of it.

Ahuitzotl had not as many virtues, or perhaps he had not a descendant to
record them so effectively; but when he died in 1503, what there was he-
roic in his nature was commemorated in his likeness sculptured with others
of his line on the cliff of Chapultepec.1 To him succeeded that Monte-
zuma, son of Axayacatl, with whom later this ancient history vanishes.
When he came to power, the Aztec name was never significant of more
lordly power, though the confederates had already had some reminders that
conquest near home was easier than conquest far away. The policy of the

1 As to these carvings, which have not yet sa's/frrA de Mexico (Mexico, 1862). See pictures

wholly disappeared, see Peabody Mus. Reports, of Montezuma II. in Vol. II. 361, 363, and that

ii. 677, 678. There is a series of alleged por- in Ranking, p. 313.
traits of the Mexican kings in Carbajal-Espino-

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. H9

last Aztec ruler was far from popular, and while he propitiated the higher
ranks, he estranged the people. The hopes of the disaffected within and
without Anahuac were now centred in the Tlascalans, whose territory lay
easterly towards the Gulf of Mexico, and who had thus far not felt the bur-
den of Aztec oppression. Notwithstanding that their natural allies, the Cho-
lulans, turned against the Tlascalans, the Aztec armies never succeeded in
humbling them, as they did the Mistecs and the occupants of the region
towards the Pacific. Eclipses, earthquakes, and famine soon succeeded one
another, and the forebodings grew numerous. Hardly anything happened
but the omens of disaster1 were seen in it, and superstition began to do its
work of enervation, while a breach between Montezuma and the Tezcucan
chief was a bad augury. In this condition of things the Mexican king tried
to buoy his hopes by further conquests ; but widespread as these invasions
were, Michoacan to the west, and Tlascala to the east, always kept their
independence. The Zapotecs in Oajaca had at one time succumbed, but
this was before the days of the last Montezuma.

His rival across the lake at Tezcuco was more oppressed with the tales of
the soothsayers than Montezuma was, and seems to have become inert be-
fore what he thought an impending doom some time before he died, or, as
his people believed, before he had been translated to the ancient Amaque-
mecan, the cradle of his race. This was in 15 15. His son Cacama was
chosen to succeed ; but a younger brother, Ixtlilxochitl, believed that the
choice was instigated by Montezuma for ulterior gain, and so began a revolt
in the outlying provinces, in which he received the aid of Tlascala. The
appearance of the Spaniards on the coasts of Yucatan and Tabasco, of which
exaggerated reports reached the Mexican capital, paralyzed Montezuma, so
that the northern revolt succeeded, and Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl came to an
understanding, which left the Mexicans without much exterior support.
Montezuma was in this crippled condition when his lookouts on the coast
sent him word that the dreaded Spaniards had appeared, and he could rec-
ognize their wonderful power in the pictured records which the messenger
bore to him.2 This portent was the visit in 15 18 of Juan de Grijalva to the
spot where Vera Cruz now stands ; and after the Spaniard sailed away, there
were months, of anxiety before word again reached the capital, in 15 19, of
another arrival of the white-winged vessels, and this was the coming of Cor-
tes, who was not long in discovering that the path of his conquest was made
clear by the current belief that he was the returned Quetzalcoatl,3 and by

1 Bancroft (v. 466) enumerates the great va- he says, " that a fiction built on an idea is infi-
riety of such proofs of disaster, and gives refer- nitely more tenacious of life than a story founded
ences (p. 469). Cf. Prescott, i. p. 309. on fact." Brinton {Myths, 188) gathers from

2 Tezozomoc (cap. 106) gives the description Gomara, Cogolludo, Villagutierre, and others,
of the first bringing of the news to Montezuma instances to show how prevalent in America was
of the arrival of the Spaniards on the coast. the presentiment of the arrival and domination

3 Brinton's Amer. Hero Myths, 139, etc. See, of a white race, — a belief still prevailing among
on the prevalence of the idea of the return at their descendants of the middle regions of Amer-
some time of the hero-god, Brinton's Myths of ica who watch for the coming of Montezuma
the New World, p. 160. " We must remember," {Ibid. p. 190). Brinton does not seem to recog-

150 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

his quick perception of the opportunity which presented itself of combining
and leading the enemies of Montezuma.1

Among what are usually reckoned the civilized nations of middle Amer-
ica, there are two considerable centres of a dim history that have little
relation with the story which has been thus far followed. One of these is
that of the people of what we now call Guatemala, and the other that of
Yucatan. The political society which existed in Guatemala had nothing of
the known duration assigned to the more northern people, at least not in
essential data ; but we know of it simply as a very meagre and perplexing
chronology running for the most part back two or three centuries only.
Whether the beginnings of what we suppose we know of these people have
anything to do with any Toltec migration southward is what archaeologists
dispute about, and the philologists seem to have the best of the argument
in the proof that the tongue of these southern peoples is more like Maya
than Nahua. It is claimed that the architectural remains of Guatemala in-
dicate a departure from the Maya stock and some alliance with a foreign
stock; and that this alien influence was Nahuan seems probable enough
when we consider certain similarities in myth and tradition of the Nahuas
and the Quiches. But we have not much even of tradition and myth of
the early days, except what we may read in the Popul Vuh, where we may
make out of it what we can, or even what we please,2 with some mysterious
connection with Votan and Xibalba. Among the mythical traditions of
this mythical period, there are the inevitable migration stories, beginning
with the Quiches and ending with the coming of the Cakchiquels, but no
one knows to a surety when. The new-comers found Maya-speaking peo-
ple, and called them mem or memes (stutterers), because they spoke the
Maya so differently from themselves.

It was in the twelfth or thirteenth century that we get the first traces of
any historical kind of the Quiches and of their rivals the Cakchiquels. Of
their early rulers we have the customary diversities and inconsistencies
in what purports to be their story, and it is difficult to say whether this or
the other or some other tribe revolted, conquered, or were beaten, as we read
the annals of this constant warfare. We meet something tangible, how-
ever, when we learn that Montezuma sent a messenger, who informed the

nize the view held by many that the Montezuma lows the main lines of the collated records. We

of the Aztecs was quite a different being from find good pictures of the later history of Mex-

the demigod of the Pueblas of New Mexico. ico and Tlascala, before the Spaniards came,

1 It is not easy to reconcile the conflicting in Prescott (i. book 2d, ch. vi., and book 3d, ch.

statements of the native historians respecting ii.). Bancroft (v. ch. 10) with his narrative and

the course of events during the Aztec suprem- references helps us out with the somewhat mo-

acy, such is the mutual jealousy of the Mexican notonous details of all the districts of Mexico

and Tezcucan writers. Brasseur has satisfied which were outside the dominance of the Mexi-

himself of the authenticity of a certain sequence can valley, as of Cholula, Tlascala, Michoacan,

and character of events (Nations Civilisees), and and Oajaca, with the Miztecs and Zapotecs, in-

Bancroft simply follows him (v. 401). Veytia is habiting this last province,

occupied more with the Tezcucans than with the 2 Bancroft (v. 543-553).
Aztecs. The condense4 sketch here given fol-

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

151

Quiches of the presence of the Spaniards in his capital, which set them
astir to be prepared in their turn.

CARTE

L'AMERIQOE^CENTRALE

dressee poor
1 'intelligence du Commentare

'DV UVRESACRE.

par
MVAMalteTBnm

/— .indUqiur, des rumef antiques

lojj«ta£e Ocadmtale in. Meridian <k Bm> -

MAP IN BRASSEUR'S POPUL VUH.

It is in the beginning of the sixteenth century that we encounter the
rivalries of three prominent peoples in this Guatemala country, and these

152 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

were the Quiches, the Cakchiquels, and the Zutigils ; and of these the Qui-
ches, with their main seat at Utatlan, were the most powerful, though not
so much so but the Cakchiquels could get the best of them at times in the
wager of war ; as they did also finally when the Spaniard Alvarado ap-
peared, with whom the Cakchiquels entered into an alliance that brought
the Quiches into sore straits.

A more important nationality attracts us in the Mayas of Yucatan. There
can be nothing but vague surmise as to what were the primitive inhabitants
of this region ; but it seems to be tolerably clear that a certain homogene-
ousness pervaded the people, speaking one tongue, which the Spaniards
found in possession. Whether these had come from the northern regions,
and were migrated Toltecs, as some believe, is open to discussion.1 It has
often been contended that they were originally of the Nahua and Toltec
blood ; but later writers, like Bancroft,2 have denied it. Brinton discards
the Toltec element entirely.

What by a license one may call history begins back with the semi-mythi-
cal Zamna, to whom all good things are ascribed — the introduction of the
Maya institutions and of the Maya hieroglyphics.3 Whether Zamna had
any connection, shadowy or real, with the great Votanic demigod, and with
the establishment of the Xibalban empire, if it may be so called, is a thing
to be asserted or denied, as one inclines to separate or unite the traditions
of Yucatan with those of the Tzendal, Quiche, and Toltec. Ramon de Or-
donez, in a spirit of vagary, tells us that Mayapan, the great city of the
early Mayas, was but one of the group of centres, with Palenque, Tulan,
and Copan for the rest, as is believed, which made up the Votanic empire.
Perhaps it was. If we accept Brinton's view, it certainly was not. Then
Torquemada and Landa tell us that Cukulcan, a great captain and a god,
was but another Quetzalcoatl, or Gucumatz. Perhaps he was. Possibly
also he was the bringer of Nahua influence to Mayapan, away back in a
period corresponding to the early centuries of the Christian era. It is easy
to say, in all this confusion, this is proved and that is not. The historian,
accustomed to deal with palpable evidence, feels much inclined to leave all
views in abeyance.

The Cocomes of Yucatan history were Cukulcan's descendants or follow-
ers, and had a prosperous history, as we are told; and there came to live
among them the Totul Xius, by some considered a Maya people, who like

1 It is so held by Stephens, Waldeck, Mayer, 1879. On the difficulties of the subject see Bras-
Prichard, Ternaux-Compans, not to name others, seur's Nations Civilisees (ii. ch. 1). Cf. also his

2 Vol. v. 617. Landa, section xxxix., and page 366, from the
8 The Maya calendar and astronomical sys- "Cronologia antigua de Yucatan." Cf. further,

tern, as the basis of the Maya chronology, is ex- Cyrus Thomas's MS. Troano, ch. 2, and Powell's

plained in the version which Perez gave into Third -Report Bur. of Ethn., pp. xxx and 3 ;

Spanish of a Maya manuscript (translated into Ancona's Yucatan, ch. xi. ; Bancroft's Arat. Races,

English by Stephens in his Yucatan), and which ii. ch. 24, with references; Short, ch. 9; Brin-

Valentini has used in his " Katunes of Maya ton's Maya Chronicles, introduction, p. 50.
History," in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 153

the Quiches had been subjected to Nahua influences, and who implanted
in the monuments and institutions of Yucatan those traces of Nahua char-
acter which the archaeologists discover.1 The Totul Xius are placed in
Uxmal in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, where they flourished
along with the Cocomes, and it is to them that it is claimed many of the
ruins which now interest us in Yucatan can be traced, though some of them
perhaps go back to Zamna and to the Xibalban period, or at least it would
be hard to prove otherwise.

When at last the Cocome chieftains began to oppress their subjects, the
Totul Xius gave them shelter, and finally assisted them in a revolt, which
succeeded and made Uxmal the supreme city, and Mayapan became a ruin,
or at least was much neglected. The dynasty of the Totul Xius then flour-
ished, but was in its turn overthrown, and a period of factions and revolu-
tions followed, during which Mayapan was wholly obliterated, and the Totul
Xius settled in Mani, where the Spaniards found them when they invaded
Yucatan to make an easy conquest of a divided people.2

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

Tj^ROM the conquerors of New Spain we fail to get any systematic portrayal of the char-
-*■ acter and history of the subjugated people ; but nevertheless we are not without some
help in such studies from the letters of Cortes,3 the accounts of the so-called anonymous
conqueror,4 and from what Stephens 5 calls "the hurried and imperfect observations of
an unlettered soldier," Bernal Diaz.6

We cannot neglect for this ancient period the more general writers on New Spain,
some of whom lived near enough to the Conquest to reflect current opinions upon the abo-
riginal life as it existed in the years next succeeding the fall of Mexico. Such are Peter
Martyr, Grynaeus, Miinster, and Ramusio. More in the nature of chronicles is the Histo-
ric, General of Oviedo (1535, etc.).7 The Historia General of Gomara became generally
known soon after the middle of the sixteenth century.8 The Rapport, written about 1560,
by Alonzo de Zurita, throws light on the Aztec laws and institutions.9 Benzoni about this

1 Bancroft (v. 624) epitomizes the Perez man- the Nahua; Bandelier {Peabody Mus, Repts., ii.
uscript given by Stephens, the sole source of this 446), referring to Zurita's Report, which he char-
1 otul Xiu legendary. acterizes as marked for perspicacity, deep knowl-

2 Brasseur's Nations Civilisees (i., ii.),with the edge, and honest judgment, speaks of it as em-
Perez manuscript, and Landa's Relation, are the bodying the experience of nearly twenty years, —
sufficient source of the Yucatan history. Ban- eleven of which were passed in Mexico, — and
croft's last chapter of his fifth volume summa- in which the author gave answers to inquiries
nzes it. put by the king. " If we could obtain," says

See Vol. II. p. 402. Bandelier, " all the answers given to these ques-
See Vol. II. p. 397. tions from all parts of Spanish America, and all
5 Central America, ii. 452. as elaborate and truthful as those of Zurita, Pa-
See Vol. II. p. 414. lacio, and Ondegardo, our knowledge of the ab-
See Vol. II. p. 343. original history and ethnology of Spanish Amer-
See Vol. II. p. 412. ica would be much advanced." Zurita's Report
See Vol. II. p. 417. Cf. Prescott's Mexico, in a French translation is in Ternaux-Compans'

1. 50; Bancroft {Nat. Races, ii. ch. 14) epito- Collection; the original is in Pacheco's Docs.

mizes the information on the laws and courts of ineditos, but in a mutilated text.

154

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

time traversed the country, observing the Indian customs.1 We find other descriptions
of the aboriginal customs by the missionary Didacus Valades, in his Rhetorica Chris-
tiana, of which the fourth part relates to Mexico.2 Brasseur says that Valades was well

MS. OF BERNAL DIAZ*

1 See Vol. II. p. 346. friars who on May 13, 1524, landed in Mexico to

2 It is much we owe to the twelve Franciscan convert and defend the natives. It is from their

* Fac-simile of the beginning of Capitulo LXXIV. of his Historia Verdadera, following a plate in the fourth
volume of J. M. de Heredia's French translation (Paris, 1877).

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 155

informed and appreciative of the people which he so kindly depicted.1 By the beginning
of the seventeenth century we find in Herrera's Historia the most comprehensive of the
historical surveys, in which he summarizes the earlier writers, if not always exactly.2
Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Refits., ii. 387) says of the ancient history of Mexico that "it
appears as if the twelfth century was the limit of definite tradition. What lies beyond it
is vague and uncertain, remnants of tradition being intermingled with legends and mytho-
logical fancies." He cites some of the leading writers as mainly starting in their stories
respectively as follows : Brasseur, b. c. 955 ; Clavigero, A. d. 596 ; Veytia, A. d. 697 ; Ixt-
lilxochitl, A. D. 503. Bandelier views all these dates as too mythical for historical inves-
tigations, and finds no earlier fixed date than the founding of Tenochtitlan (Mexico) in
A. d. 1325. " What lies beyond the twelfth century can occasionally be rendered of value
for ethnological purposes, but it admits of no definite historical use." Bancroft (v. 360)
speaks of the sources of disagreement in the final century of the native annals, from the
constant tendency of such writers as Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, Chimalpain, and Camargo,
to laud their own people and defame their rivals.

In the latter part of the sixteenth century the viceroy of Mexico, Don Martin Enriquez,
set on foot some measures to gather the relics and traditions of the native Mexicans.
Under this incentive it fell to Juan de Tobar, a Jesuit, and to Diego Duran, a Dominican,
to be early associated with the resuscitation of the ancient history of the country.

To Father Tobar (or Tovar) we owe what is known as the Codex Ramirez, which in the
edition of the Cronica Mexicanaz by Hernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc, issued in Mex-
ico (1878), with annotations by Orozco y Berra, is called a Relacion del origen de los Indios
que habitan esta nueva Esfiana segun sus historias (Jose M. Vigil, editor). It is an im-
portant source of our knowledge of the ancient history of Mexico, as authoritatively inter-
preted by the Aztec priests, from their picture-writings, at the bidding of Ramirez de Fu-
enleal, Bishop of Cuenca. This ecclesiastic carried the document with him to Spain, where
in Madrid it is still preserved. It was used by Herrera. Chavero and Brinton recognize
its representative value.4

To Father Duran we are indebted for an equally ardent advocacy of the rights of the
natives in his Historia de las Indias de Nueva-Esfiana y islas de Tierra-Firme (1 579—
81), which was edited in part (1867), as stated elsewhere 5 by Jose F. Ramirez, and after
an interval completed (1880) by Prof. Gumesindo Mendoza, of the Museo Nacional, — ■
the perfected work making two volumes of text and an atlas of plates. Both from Tobar
and from Duran some of the contemporary writers gathered largely their material.6

writings that we must draw a large part of our Hist. Soc. Proc, November, 1879, used a portion

knowledge respecting the Indian character, con- of the MS. as printed by Sir Thomas Phillipps

dition, and history. These Christian apostles {Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, i. 115) under the title

were Martin de Valencia, Francisco de Soto, of Historia de los Yndios Mexicanos, por Juan

Martin de Coruna, Juan Xuares, Antonio de de Tovar ; Cura et impensis Dni Thomce Phil-

Ciudad Rodrigo, Toribio de Benavente, Garcia lipps, Bart, (privately printed at Middle Hill,

de Cisneros, Luis de Fuensalida, Juan de Ribas, i860. See Squier Catalogue, no. 1417). The

P'rancisco Ximenez, Andres de Cordoba, Juan document is translated by Plenry Phillipps, Jr.,

de Palos. in the Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc. (Philad.),

From the Historia of Las Casas, particularly xxi. 616.

from that part of it called Apologetica historia, 5 Vol. II. p. 419. Brasseur de Bourbourg's

we can also derive some help. (Cf. Vol. II. p. Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 59. He used a MS. copy

340- ) in the Force collection.

1 Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 147; Leclerc, 6 This is true of Acosta and Davila Padilla.
p. 168. The bibliography of Acosta has been given else-

2 Herrera is furthermore the source of much where (Vol. II. p. 420). His books v., vi., and
that we read in later works concerning the native vii. cover the ancient history of the country,
religion and habits of life. See Vol. II. p. 67. He used the MSS. of Duran (Brasseur, Bibl.

3 Cf. Vol. II. p. 418. Mex.-Guat., p. 2), and his correspondence with

4 Anales del Museo Nacional, iii. 4, 120 ; Brin- Tobar, preserved in the Lenox library, has been
ton's Am. Hero Myths, 78. Bandelier, in N. Y. edited by Icazbalceta in his Don Fray Ztimar-

i56

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

We come to a different kind of record when we deal with the Roman script of the early
phonetic rendering of the native tongues. It has been pointed out that we have perhaps

the earliest of such renderings
in a single sentence in a publi-
cation made at Antwerp in 1 534,
where a Franciscan, Pedro de
Gante,1 under date of June 21,
1529, tells the story of his arriv-
ing in America in 1523, and his
spending the interval in Mex-
ico and Tezcuco, acquiring a
knowledge of the natives and
enough of their language to
close his epistle with a sentence
of it as a sample.2 But no
chance effort of this kind was
enough. It took systematic
endeavors on the part of the
priests to settle grammatical
principles and determine pho-
netic values, and the measure
of their success was seen in the
speedy way in which the inter-
pretation of the old idiograms
was forgotten. Mr. Brevoort
has pointed out how much the
progress of what may be called
native literature, which is to-day
so helpful to us in filling the
picture of their ancient life, is
due to the labors in this process
of linguistic transfer of Moto-
linia,3 Alonzo de Molina,4 An-
dres de Olmos,5 and, above all,
of the ablest student of the
ancient tongues in his day, as
Mendieta calls Father Sahagun,6 who, dying in 1590 at ninety, had spent a good part of
a long life so that we of this generation might profit by his records.7
rata (Mexico, 1881). Of the Provincia de San- balceta {Bib. Mex. del Sigh xvi., i. p. 33) gives

SAHAGUN*

tiago and the Varia historia of Davila Padilla,
the bibliography has been told in another place.
(Cf. Vol. II. pp. 399-400; Sabin, v. 18780-1 ;
Brasseur de Bourbourg's Bib/. Mex. -Gnat., p. 53 ;
Del Monte Library, no. 126.) Ternaux was not
wrong in ascribing great value to the books.

1 Peter of Ghent. Cf. Vol. II. p. 417.

2 Chronica Compendiosissima ab exordio mundi
per Amandum Zierixcensem, adjects sunt epis-
tola ex nova maris Oceani Hispania ad nos trans-
missce (Antwerp, 1534)- The subjoined letters
here mentioned are, beside that referred to, two
others written in Mexico (1531), by Martin of
Valencia and Bishop Zumarraga (Sabin, i. no.

a long account of Gante. There -is a French
version of the letter in Ternaux's Collection.

3 See Vol. II. p. 397- Cf. Prescott, ii. 95.
The first part of the Historia is on the religious
rites of the natives ; the second on their conver-
sion to Christianity; the third on their chronol-
ogy, etc.

* Cf. Icazbalceta's Bibl. Mexicana, p. 220,
with references ; Pilling's Proof-sheets, no. 2600,
etc.

5 Pilling, no. 2817, etc.

6 Properly, Bernardino Ribeira ; named from
his birthplace, Sahagun, in Spain. Chavero's
Sahagiin (Mexico, 1877).

7 A few data can be added to the account of

994; Quaritch, 362, no. 28583, £7 10). Icaz-

* After a lithograph in Cumplido's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

157

Coming later into the field than Duran, Acosta, and Sahagun, and profiting from the
labors of his predecessors, we find in the MonarcJiia Indiana of Torquemada 1 the most
comprehensive treatment of the ancient history given to us by any of the early Spanish
writers. The book, however, is a provoking one, from the want of plan, its chrono-
logical confusion, and the general lack of a critical spirit2 pervading it.

It is usually held that the earliest amassment of native records for historical purposes,
after the Conquest, was that made by Ixtlilxochitl of the archives of his Tezcucan line,
which he used in his writings in a way that has not satisfied some later investigators.
Charnay says that in his own studies he follows Veytia by preference ; but Prescott finds
beneath the high colors of the pictures of Ixtlilxochitl not a little to be commended.
Bandelier,3 on the other hand, expresses a distrust when he says of Ixtlilxochitl that "he
is always a very suspicious authority, not because he is more Confused than any other In-
dian writer, but because he wrote for an interested object, and with a view of sustaining
tribal claims in the eyes of the Spanish government." 4

Among the manuscripts which seem to have belonged to Ixtlilxochitl was the one
known in our day under the designation given to it by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Codex

Sahagun given in Vol. II. p. 415. J. F. Ramirez
completes the bibliography of Sahagun in the
Bole tin de la Real A cade mi a de la Historia de
Madrid, vi. 85 (1885). Icazbalceta, having told
the story of Sahagun's life in his edition of
Mendieta's Hist. Eclesiastica Indiana (Mexico,
1870), has given an extended critical and biblio-
graphical account in his Bibliografia Mcxicana
(Mexico, 1886), vol. i. 247-308. Other biblio-
graphical detail can be gleaned from Pilling's
Proof-sheets, p. 677, etc.; Icazbalceta's Apuntes ;
Beristain's Biblioteca ; the Bibliotheca Mexicana
of Ramirez. The list in Adolfo Llanos's Saha-
gun y su historia de Mexico {Museo ATac. de Mix.
Anales, iii., pt. 3, p. 71) is based chiefly on Al-
fredo Chavero's Sahagiin (Mexico, 1877). Bras-
seur de Bourbourg, in his Palenque (ch. 5), has
explained the importance of what Brevoort calls
Sahagun's "great encyclopaedia of the Mexican
Empire." Rosny (Les documents ecrits de VAn-
tiquite Americaine, p. 69) speaks of seeing a
copy of the Historia in Madrid, accompanied by
remarkable Aztec pictures. Bancroft, referring
to the defective texts of Sahagun in Kingsbor-
ough and Bustamante, says : " Fortunately what
is missing in one I have always found in the
other." He further speaks of the work of Saha-
gun as " the most complete and comprehensive,
so far as aboriginal history is concerned, furnish-
ing an immense mass of material, drawn from
native sources, very badly arranged and written."
Eleven books of Sahagun are given to the social
institutions of the natives, and but one to the
conquest. Jourdanet's edition is mentioned else-
where (Vol. II.).

1 See Vol. II. p. 421.

* Those who used him most, like Clavigero
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, complain of this.
Torquemada, says Bandelier {Peabody Mus.
Repts. ii. 119), "notwithstanding his unquestion-
able credulity, is extremely important on all ques-
tions of Mexican antiquities."

3 Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 105.

4 Cf. Vol. II. 417; Prescott, i. 13, 163, 193, 196;
Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 147 ; Wilson's Prehis-
toric Man, i. 325. It must be confessed that
with no more authority than the old Mexican
paintings, interpreted through the understand-
ing of old men and their traditions, Ixtlilxochitl
has not the firmest ground to walk on. Aubin
thinks that Ixtlilxochitl's confusion and contra-
dictions arise from his want of patience in study-
ing his documents ; and some part of it may
doubtless have arisen from his habit, as Brasseur
says {Annales de Philosophic Chretienne, May,
1855, p. 329), of altering his authorities to mag-
nify the glories of his genealogic line. Max
Miiller {Chips from a German Workshop, i. 322)
says of his works : " Though we must not ex-
pect to find in them what we are accustomed to
call history, they are nevertheless of great his-
torical interest, as supplying the vague outlines
of a distant past, filled with migrations, wars,
dynasties and revolutions, such as were cherished
in the memory of the Greeks in the time of So-
lon." In addition to his, Historia Chichimeca
and his Relaciones, (both of which are given by
Kingsborough, while Ternaux has translated por-
tions,)— the MS. of the Relaciones being in the
Mexican archives, — Ixtlilxochitl left a large
mass of his manuscript studies of the antiqui-
ties, often repetitionary in substance. Some are
found in the compilation made in Mexico by
Figueroa in 1792, by order of the Spanish gov-
ernment (Prescott, i. 193). Some were in the
Ramirez collection. Quaritch {MS. Collections,
Jan., 1888, no. 136) held one from that collection,
dated about 1680, at £16, called Sumaria Re-
lation, which concerned the ancient Chichimecs.
Those which are best known are a Historia de la
Nucva Espana, or Historia del Reyno de Tezcuco,
and a Historia de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe,
if this last is bv him.

158 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Chiinalpopoca?- in honor of Faustino Chimalpopoca, a learned professor of Aztec, who
assisted Brasseur in translating it. The anonymous author had set to himself the task of
converting into the written native tongue a rendering of the ancient hieroglyphics, con-
stituting, as Brasseur says, a complete and regular history of Mexico and Colhuacan. He
describes it in his Lettres a M. le due de Valmy {lettre seconde) — the first part (in Mex-
ican) being a history of the Chichimecas ; the second (in Spanish), by another hand, eluci-
dating the antiquities — as the most rare and most precious of all the manuscripts
which escaped destruction, elucidating what was obscure in Gomara and Torquemada.

Brasseur based upon this MS. his account of the Toltec period in his Nations Ci-
vilisees du Mexique (i. p. lxxviii), treating as an historical document what in later years,
amid his vagaries, he assumed to be but the record of geological changes.2 A similar use
was made by him of another MS., sometimes called a Memorial de Colhuacan, and which
he named the Codex Gondra after the director of the Museo Nacional in Mexico.3

Brasseur says, in the Annales de Philosophie Chretienne, that the Chimalpopoca MS. is
dated in 1558, but in his Hist. Nat. Civ., i. p. lxxix, he says that it was written in 1563
and 1579, by a writer of Quauhtitlan, and not by Ixtlilxochitl, as was thought by Pichardo,
who with Gama possessed copies later owned by Aubin. The copy used by Brasseur
was, as he says, made from the MS. in the Boturini collection,4 where it was called His-
toria de los Reynos de Colhuacan y Mexico? and it is supposed to be the original, now
preserved in the Museo Nacional de Mexico. It is not all legible, and that institution
has published only the better preserved and earlier parts of it, though Aubin's copies are
said to contain the full text. This edition, which is called Anales de Cuauhtitlan, is
accompanied by two Spanish versions, the early one made for Brasseur, and a new one
executed by Mendoza and Solis, and it is begun in the Anales del Museo Nacional for
1879 (vol. i.).6

The next after Ixtlilxochitl to become conspicuous as a collector, was Sigiienza y
Gongora (b. 1645), and it was while he was the chief keeper of such records 7 that the
Italian traveller Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Carreri examined them, and made some
record of them.8 A more important student inspected the collection, which was later
gathered in the College of San Pedro and San Pablo, and this was Clavigero,9 who mani-
fested a particular interest in the picture-writing of the Mexicans,10 and has given us a.
useful account of the antecedent historians.11

1 Annales de Philosophie Chretienne, May, Carreri' s local coloring shows he must have
1855, p. 326. been in Mexico.

2 In his Quatre Lettres, p. 24, he calls it the 9 Cf. the bibliog., in Vol. II., p. 425, of his
sacred book of the Toltecs. " C'est le Livre Storia Antica del Messico.

divin lui-meme, c'est le Teoamoxtli." 10 We owe to him descriptions at this time of

8 Brasseur's Lettres a M. le due de Valmy, the collections of Mendoza, of that in the Va-

Lettre seconde. tican, and of that at Vienna. Robertson made

4 Catdlogo, pp. 17, 18. an enumeration of such manuscripts ; but his

5 Brasseur, Bibl. Mex. Guat., p. 47 ; Pinart- knowledge was defective, and he did not know
Brasseur Catal., no. 237. even of those at Oxford.

6 It has been announced that Bandelier is n Robertson was. inclined to disparage Cla-
engaged in a new translation of The Annals of vigero's work, asserting that he could find little
Quauhtitlan for Brinton's Aboriginal Literature in him beyond what he took from Acosta and
series. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 57, 63, and in vol. v., Herrera "except the improbable narratives and
where he endeavors to patch together Brasseur's fanciful conjectures of Torquemada and Botu-
fragments of it. Short, p. 241. rini." Clavigero criticised Robertson, and the

7 Humboldt says that Sigiienza inherited Ixt- English historian in his later editions replied,
lilxochitl's collection ; and that it was preserved Prescott points out (i. 70) that Clavigero only
in the College of San Pedro till 1759. knew Sahagun through the medium of Torque-

8 Giro del mondo, 1699, vol. vi. Cf. Kingsbor- mada and later writers. Bancroft {Nat. Paces, \.
ough, vol. iv. Robertson attacked Carreri's char- 149; Mexico, i. 700) thinks that Clavigero "owes
acter for honesty, and claimed it was a received his reputation much more to his systematic ar-
opinion that he had never been out of Italy, rangement and clear narration of traditions that
Clavigero defended Carreri. Humboldt thinks had before been greatly confused, and to the

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

159

The best known efforts at collecting material f6r the ante-Spanish history of Mexico
were made by Boturini,1 who had come over to New Spain in 1736, on some agency for
a descendant of Montezuma, the Countess de
Santibanez. Here he became interested in the
antiquities of the country, and spent eight years
roving about the country picking up manuscripts
and pictures, and seeking in vain for some one to
explain their hieroglyphics. Some action on his
part incurring the displeasure of the public au-
thorities, he was arrested, his collection 2 taken
from him, and he was sent to Spain. On the voy-
age an English cruiser captured the vessel in which
he was, and he thus lost whatever he chanced to
have with him.3 What he left behind remained in
the possession of the government, and became the
spoil of damp, revolutionists, and curiosity-seekers.
Once again in Spain, Boturini sought redress of the
Council of the Indies, and was sustained by it in
his petition ; but neither he nor his heirs succeeded
in recovering his collection. He also prepared a

book setting forth how he proposed, by the aid of these old manuscripts and pictures, to re-
suscitate the forgotten history of the Mexicans. The book 4 is a jumble of notions ; but
appended to it was what gives it its chief value, a " Catalogo del Museo historico Indiano,"
which tells us what the collection was. While it was thus denied to its collector, Mariano
Veytia,5 who had sympathized with Boturini in Madrid, had possession, for a while at
least, of a part of it, and made use of it in his Historia Antigua de Mejico, but it is
denied, as usually stated, that the authorities upon his death (1778) prevented the publi-
cation of his book. The student was deprived of Veytia's results till his MS. was ably
edited, with notes and an appendix, by C. F. Ortega (Mexico, 1836). 6 Another, who was
connected at a later day with the Boturini collection, and who was a more accurate writer
than Veytia, was Antonio de Leon y Gama, born in Mexico in 1735. His Description
historicay Cronologica de las Dos Piedras (Mexico, 1832) 7 was occasioned by the finding,
in 1790, of the great Mexican Calendar Stone and other sculptures in the Square of
Mexico. This work brought to bear Gama's great learning to the interpretation of these
relics, and to an exposition of the astronomy and mythology of the ancient Mexicans,
in a way that secured the commendation of Humboldt.8

CLAV1GERO.*

omission of the most perplexing and contradic-
tory points, than to deep research or new dis-
coveries."

1 See Vol. II. p. 418. Brasseur de Bour-
bourg's Hist, des Nations Civilisees, p. xxxii.
Clavigero had described it.

2 He had collected nearly 500 Mexican paint-
ings in all. Aubin {Notices, etc., p. 21) says
that Boturini nearly exhausted the field in his
searches, and with the collection of Sigiienza he
secured all those cited by Ixtlilxochitl and the
most of those concealed by the Indians, — of
which mention is made by Torquemada, Saha-
giin, Valades, Zurita, and others ; and that the
researches of Bustamante, Cubas, Gondra, and
others, up to 185 1, had not been able to add
much of importance to what Boturini possessed.

3 This portion of his collection has not been
traced. The fact is indeed denied.

4 Idea de una nueva historia general de la
America septentrional (Madrid, 1746) ; Carter-
Brown, iii. 817 ; Brasseur's Bibl. Mex.-Guat.,
p. 26; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 159 ; Pinart, Cata-
logue, no. 134; Prescott, i. 160.

5 Brasseur, Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 152.

6 Prescott, i. 24. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., calls
Veytia's the best history of the ancient period
yet (1866) written.

7 A second ed. (Mexico, 1832) was augmented
with notes and a life of the author, by Carlos
Maria de Bustamante ; Field, Ind. Bibliog, no.
909 ; Brasseur's Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 68.

8 Prescott, i. 133. Gama and others collected
another class of hieroglyphics, of less importance,

* After a lithograph in Cumplido's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico, vol. iii.

i6o

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

During these years of uncertainty respecting the Boturini collection, a certain hold
upon it seems to have" been shared successively by Pichardo and Sanchez, by which in the
end some part came to the Museo Nacional, in Mexico.1 It was also the subject of law-
suits, which finally resulted in the dispersion of what was left by public auction, at a time
when Humboldt was passing through Mexico, and some of its treasures were secured by
him and placed in the Berlin Museum. Others passed hither and thither (a few to Kings-
borough), but not in a way to obscure their paths, so that when, in 1830, Aubin was sent
to Mexico by the French government, he was able to secure a considerable portion of
them, as the result of searches during the next ten years. It was with the purpose, some

LORENZO BOTURINI*

but still interesting as illustrating legal and ad-
ministrative processes used in later times, in the
relations of the Spaniards with the natives ; and
still others embracing Christian prayers, cate-
chisms, etc., employed by the missionaries in the
religious instruction (Aubin, Notice, etc., 21).
Humboldt (vol. xiii., pi. p. 141) gives "a law-
suit in hieroglyphics."

There was published (100 copies) at Madrid,

in 1878, Pintura del Gobemador, Alcaldes y Regi-
dores de Mexico, Codicc en geroglijicos Mexican os
y e?i lengua Castellana y Azteca, Existente en la
Biblioteca del Excmo Seizor Duquc de Osnna, —
a legal record of the later Spanish courts affect-
ing the natives.

1 Humboldt describes these collections which
he knew at the beginning of the century, speaking
of Jose Antonio Pichardo's as the finest.

* After a lithograph in Cumplido's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico. There is an etched portrait m
the Archives de la Soc. Americaine de France, nonvclle scrie, i., which is accompanied by an essay on this
de l'Americanisme," and " les sources aux quelles il a puise son precis d'histoire Americaine," by
Leon Cahun.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

161

years later, of assisting in the elucidation and publication of Aubin's collection that the
Socie'te' Americaine de France was established. The collection of historical records, as

FRONTISPIECE OF BOTURINI'S IDEA.

VOL. I. — ii

1 62

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Aubin held it. was described, in 1881, by himself,1 when he divided his Mexican picture-
writings into two classes, —those which had belonged to Boturini, and those which had
not.- Aubin at the same time described his collection of the Spanish MSS. of Ixtlilxo-
chitl,3 while he congratulated himself that he had secured the old picture-writings upon
which that native writer depended in the early part of his Historia Chichimeca. These
Spanish MSS. bear the signature and annotations of Veytia.

We have another description of the Aubin collection by Brasseur de Bourbounr.*

1 Notice sur u?ie collection d' antiquites Mexi-
caines, being an extract from a Memoire sur la
pei/iture didactique et VEcriture figurative des
Anciens Mexicains (Paris, 1851 ; again, 1859-
1861 ). Cf. papers in Revue Americaine et Ori-
entale, 1st ser., iii., iv., and v. Aubin says that
Humboldt found that part of the Boturini collec-
tion which had been given over to the Mexi-
can archivists diminished by seven eighths. He
also shows how Ternaux-Compans (Crauates
Horribles, p. 275-289), Rafael Isidro Gondra (in
Veytia, Hist. Ant. de Mex., 1836, i. 49), and Bus-
tamante have related the long contentions over
the disposition of these relics, and how the Acad-
emy of History at Madrid had even secured the
suppression of a similar academy among the
antiquaries in Mexico, which had been formed
to develop the study of their antiquities. It was
as a sort of peace-offering that the Spanish
king now caused Veytia to be empowered to
proceed with the work which Boturini had be-
gun. This allayed the irritation for a while, but
on Veytia's death (1769) it broke out again, when
Gama was given possession of the collection,
which he further increased. It was at Gama's
death sold at auction, when Humboldt bought
the specimens which are now in Berlin, and
Waldeck secured others which he took to Eu-
rope. It was from Waldeck that Aubin ac-
quired the Boturini part of his collection. The
rest of the collection remained in Mexico, and
in the main makes a part at present of the Museo
Nacional. But Aubin is a doubtful witness.

Aubin says that he now proposed to refashion
the Boturini collection by copies where he could
not procure the originals; to add others, em-
bracing whatever he could still find in the hands
of the native population, and what had been
collected by Veytia, Gama, and Pichardo. In
1851, when he wrote, Aubin had given twenty
years to this task, and with what results the list
of his MSS., which he appends to the account
we have quoted, will show.

These include in the native tongue : —

a. History of Mexico from A. D. 1064 to 1521,
in fragments, from Tezozomoc and from Alonso
Franco, annotated by Domingo Chimalpain (a
copy).

b. Annals of Mexico, written apparently in
1 528 by one who had taken part in the defence
of Mexico (an original).

c. Several historical narratives on European
paper, by Domingo Chimalpain, coming down

to a. d. 1 591, which have in great part been
translated by Aubin, who considers them the
most important documents which we possess.

d. A history of Colhuacan and Mexico, lack-
ing the first leaf. This is described as being
in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl, and Aubin
gives the dates of its composition as 1563 and
1570. It is what has later been known as the
Codex Chimalpopoca.

e. Zapata's history of Tlaxcalla.

/. A copy by Loaysa of an original, from
which Torquemada has copied several chapters.

2 The chief of the Boturini acquisition he
enumerates as follows : —

a. Toltec annals on fifty leaves of European
paper, cited by Gama in his Descripcion histo-
rica. Cf. Brasseur, Nations Civilisees, p. lxxvi.

b. Chichimec annals, on Indian paper, six
leaves, of which ten pages consist of pictures,
the original so-called Codex C/iimalpopoca, of
which Gama made a copy, also in the Aubin col-
lection, as well as Ixtlilxochitl's explanation of
it. Aubin says that he has used this account of
Ixtlilxochitl to rectify that historian's blunders.

c. Codex on Indian paper, having a picture of
the Emperor Xolotl.

d. A painting on prepared skin, giving the
genealogy of the Chichimecan chiefs, accom-
panied by the copies made by Pichardo and
Boturini. Cf. Archives de la Soc. Amir, de
France, 2d ser., i. 283.

e. A synchronical history of Tepechpan and of
Mexico, on Indian paper, accompanied by a
copy made by Pichardo and an outline sketch
of that in the Museo Nacional.

Without specifying others which Aubin enu-
merates, he gives as other acquisitions the fol-
lowing in particular : —

a. Pichardo's copy of a Codex Mexicanus,
giving the history of the Mexicans from their
leaving Aztlan to 1590.

b. An original Mexican history from the de-
parture from Aztlan to 1569.

c. Fragments which had belonged to Sigii-
enza.

8 Notice sur une Collection, etc., p. 12.

4 Hist, des Nations Civilisees (i. pp. xxxi, lxxvi,
etc. ; cf. Miiller's Chips, i. 317, 320, 323). Bras-
seur in the same place describes his own collec-
tion ; and it may be further followed in his Bibl.
Mex.- Guat., and in the Pinart Catalogue. Dr.
Brinton says that we owe much for the preserva-
tion during late years of Maya MSS. to Don

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

1^3

If we allow the first place among native writers, using the Spanish tongue, to Ixtlilxo-
chitl, we find several others of considerable service : Diego Mufloz Camargo, a Tlaxcallan
Mestizo, wrote (1585) a Historia de Tlaxcallan.1 Tezozomoc's Cronica Mexicana is
probably best known through Ternaux's version,2 and there is an Italian abridgment in
F. C. Marmocchi's Raccolta di Viaggi (vol. x.). The catalogue of Boturini discloses a

ICAZBALCETA.*

Juan Pio Perez, and that the best existing col-
lection of them is that of Canon Crescencio
Carrillo y Ancona. Jose F. Ramirez (see Vol.
II. p. 398) is another recent Mexican collector,
and his MSS. have been in one place and another
in the market of late years. Quaritch's recent
catalogues reveal a number of them, includ-
ing his own MS. Catdlogo de Colecciones (Jan.,
1888, no. 171), and some of his unpublished
notes on Prescott, not included in those "notas y
ecclarecimientos " appended to Navarro's trans-
lation of the Conquest of Mexico (Catal., 1885,
no. 28,502). The several publications of Leon
de Rosny point us to scattered specimens. In
his Doc. ecrits de V Anti quite Amer. he gives the
fac-simile of a colored Aztec map. A MS. in
the collection of the Corps Legislatif, in Paris,
and that of the Codex Indiae Meridionalis are
figured in his Essai sur le dechiffrement, etc. (pi.

ix, x). In the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France,
n. j-., vol. i., etc., we find plates of the Mappe
Tlotzin, and a paper of Madier de Montjau,
" sur quelques manuscrits figuratifs de l'Ancien
Mexique." Cf. also Anales del Museo, viii.

Cf. for further mention of collections the Re*
vue Orientale et Americaine ; Cyrus Thomas in
the Am. Antiquarian, May, 1884 (vol. vi.) ; and
the more comprehensive enumeration in the in-
troduction to Domenech's Manuscrit pictogra-
phique. Orozco y Berra, in the introduction to
his Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnogrdfica
(Mexico, 1864), speaks of the assistance he ob-
tained from the collections of Ramirez and of
Icazbalceta.

1 See Vol. II. p. 418.

2 See Vol. II. p. 418. Bandelier calls this
French version "utterly unreliable."

* [After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor's request. — Ed.]

164 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

MS. by a Cacique of Quiahuiztlan, Juan Ventura Zapata y Mendoza, which brings the
Cronica de la ?nuy noble y real Ciudad de Tlaxcallan from the earliest times down to
1689; but it is hot now known. Torquemada and others cite two native Tezcucan writers,
— Juan Bautista Pomar, whose Relacion de las Antigiiedades de los Indios 1 treats of the
manners of his ancestors, and Antonio Pimentel, whose Relaciones are well known. The
MS. Cronica Mexicana of Anton Mufion Chimalpain (b. 1579), tracing the annals from
the eleventh century, is or was among the Aubin MSS.2 There was collected before 1536,
under the orders of Bishop Zumarraga, a number of aboriginal tales and traditions, which
under the title of Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas was printed by Icazbalceta,
who owns the MS., in the A?iales del Museo Nacional (ii. no. 2).3

As regards Yucatan, Brasseur 4 speaks of the scantiness of the historical material, and
Brinton 5 does not know a single case where a Maya author has written in the Spanish
tongue, as the Aztecs did, under Spanish influence. We owe more to Dr. Daniel Gar-
rison Brinton than to any one else for the elucidation of the native records, and he had
had the advantage of the collection of Yucatan MSS. formed by Dr. C. H. Berendt,6
which, after that gentleman's death, passed into Brinton's hands.

After the destruction of the ancient records by Landa, considerable efforts were made
throughout Yucatan, in a sort of reactionary spirit, to recall the lingering recollections
of what these manuscripts contained. The grouping of such recovered material became
known as Chilan Balam.7 It is from local collections of this kind that Brinton selected the
narratives which he has published as The Maya Chronicles, being the first volume of his
Library of Aboriginal American Literature. The original texts 8 are accompanied by an
English translation. One of the books, the Chilan Balam of Mani, had been earlier printed
by Stephens, in his Yucatan? The only early Spanish chronicle is Bishop Landa's Rela-
tion des choses de Yucatan,™ which follows not an original, but a copy of the bishop's
text, written, as Brasseur thinks, thirty years after Landa's death, or about 1610, and
which Brasseur first brought to the world's attention when he published his edition, with
both Spanish and French texts, at Paris, in 1864. The MS. seems to have been incom-

1 This is Beristain's title. Torquemada, Ve- Maya chief, Nakuk Pech, in 1562^0 recount the
tancurt, and Sigiienza cite it as Mcmorias his- story of the Spanish conquest of Yucatan.
toricas ; Brasseur, Bid. Mexico-Guat., p. 122. 9 This was in 1843, when Stephens made his

2 Cf. " Les Annales Mexicaines," by Remi English translation from Pio Perez's Spanish
Simeon in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de version, Antigua Chronologia Yucateca ; and
France, n. s., vol. ii. from Stephens's text, Brasseur gave it a French

8 It is cited by Chavero as Codex Zumarraga. rendering in his edition of Landa. (Cf. also his

4 Hist. Nat. Civ., ii. 577. Nat. Civilisees, ii. p. 2.) Perez, who in Stephens's

5 Aboriginal Amer. Authors, p. 29. Cf. Ban- opinion {Yucatan, ii. 117) was the best Maya
delier's Bibliography of Yucatan in Am. Antiq. scholar in that country, made notes, which Valen-
Soc. Proc, n. s., vol. i. p. 82. Cf. the references tini published in his " Katunes of Maya History,"
in Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., and in Bancroft, in the Pro. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc, Oct., 1879
Nat. Races, v. (Worcester, 1880), but they had earlier been

6 Cf. Mem. of Berendt, by Brinton (Worcester, printed in Carrillo's Hist, y Geog. de Yucatan
1884). (Merida, 1881). Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 624)

7 Cf. Brinton on the MSS. in the languages of reprints Stephens's text with notes from Bras-
Cent. America, in Amer. your, of Science, xcvii. seur.

222 ; and his Books of Chilan Balam, the pro- The books of Chilan Balam were used both

phetic and historical records of the Mayas of by Cogolludo and Lizana ; and Brasseur printed

Yucatan (Philad., 1882), reprinted from the Penn some of them in the Mission Scientifquc an

Monthly, March, 1882. Cf. also the Transac- Mexique. They are described in Carrillo's Di-

tions of the Philad. Numismatic and Antiqua- sertacion sobre la historia de lengua Maya 6 1 u-

rian Soc. cateca (Merida, 1870).

8 This is in the alphabet adopted by the early 10 Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 30. See Vol.
missionaries. The volume contains the " Books II. p. 429. The Spanish title is Relacion de las
of Chilan Balam," written " not later than 1595," Cosas de Yucatan.

and also the " Chac Xulub Chen," written by a

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

I6S

plete, and was perhaps inaccurately copied at the time. At this date (1864) Brasseur had
become an enthusiast for his theory of the personification of the forces of nature in the old
recitals, and there was some distrust how far his zeal had affected his text ; and more-
over he had not published the entire text, but had omitted about one sixth. Brasseur's
method of editing became apparent when, in 1884, at Madrid, Juan de Dios de la Rada y
Delgado published literally the whole Spanish text, as an appendix to the Spanish transla-
tion of Rosny's essay on the hieratic writing. The Spanish editor pointed out some but
not all the differences between his text and Brasseur's, — a scrutiny which Brinton has
perfected in his Critical Remarks on the Editions of Landa1 s Writings (Philad., 1887).1

PROFESSOR DANIEL G. BRINTON.

Landa gives extracts from a work by Bernardo Lizana, relating to Yucatan, of which it
is difficult to get other information.2 The earliest published historical narrative was
Cogolludo's Historia de Yncathan (Madrid, 1688). 3 Stephens, in his study of the subject,

1 From the Proc. of the Amer. Philos. Soc,
xxiv.

2 Cf. Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s.,
vol. i. p. 88.

8 The second edition was called Los tres Sig-
los de la Dominacion Espanola en Yucatan (Cam-
peche and Merida, 2 vols., 1842, 1845). I* was
edited unsatisfactorily by Justo Sierra. Cf. Vol.
II. p. 429; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 47.

This, like Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor's
Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el
Itza, reduction, y progresses de la de el Lacandon,
y otras naciones de Indios Barbaros, de la media-

tion de el Reyno de Gautimala, a las Provincial
de Yiicatan, en la America Septentrional (Madrid,
1701), (which, says Bandelier, is of importance
for that part of Yucatan which has remained un-
explored), has mostly to do with the Indians
under the Spanish rule, but the books are not
devoid of usefulness in the study of the early
tribes.

Of the modern comments on the Yucatan an-
cient history, those of Brasseur in his Nations
Civilisees are more to be trusted than his in-
troduction to his edition of Landa, which needs
to be taken with due recognition of his later

1 66 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

speaks of it as "voluminous, confused, and ill-digested," and says "it might almost be
called a history of the Franciscan friars, to which order Cogolludo belonged." l

The native sources of the aboriginal history of Guatemala, and of what is sometimes
called the Quiche-Cakchiquel Empire, are not abundant,2 but the most important are the
Popul Vuh, a traditional book of the Quiches, and the Memorial de Tecpa?i-Atitlati.

The Popnl Vuh was discovered in the library of the university at Guatemala, probably
not far from 1700,3 by Francisco Ximenez, a missionary in a mountain village of the
country. Ximenez did not find the original Quiche book, but a copy of it, made after it
was lost, and later than the Conquest, which we may infer was reproduced from memory
to replace the lost text, and in this way it may have received some admixture of Christian
thought.4 It was this sort of a text that Ximenez turned into Spanish ; and this version,
with the copy of the Quiche', which Ximenez also made, is what has come down to us.
Karl Scherzer, a German traveller5 in the country, found Ximenez' work, which had
seemingly passed into the university library on the suppression of the monasteries, and
which, as he supposes, had not been printed because of some disagreeable things in
it about the Spanish treatment of the natives. Scherzer edited the MS., which was
published as Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de Esta Provincia de Guate7nala 6
(Vienna, 1857).

Brasseur, who had seen the Ximenez MSS. in 1855, considered the Spanish version
untrustworthy, and so with the aid of some natives he gave it a French rendering, and
republished it a few years later as Popol Vuh. Le Livre sacre et les Mythes de Vantiquiti
a?nericaine, avec les livres heroiques et historiques des Qitiches. Ouvrage original des
indigenes de Gttate'mala, texte Quiche et trad, francaise en regard, accompagnee de notes
philologiques et d'un co?n?ne7itaire sur la mythologie et les migrations des peuples anciens
de VAme?~ique, etc., compose sur des documents originaux et inedits (Paris, 1861).

Brasseurs introduction bears the special title : Dissertation sur les mythes de Vantiquiti
Amej'icaine sur la probabiliti des Communications existant ancienneme?itd''un Continent
a V autre, et sur les 7nigrations des peuples indigenes de VAmerique, — in which he took
occasion to elucidate his theory of cataclysms and Atlantis. He speaks of his annota-
tions as the results of his observations among the Quiches and of his prolonged studies.
He calls the Popul Vuh rather a national than a sacred book,7 and thinks it the original in

vagaries ; and Brinton has studied their history 2 See C. H. Berendt on the hist. docs, of Gua-

at some length in the introduction to his Maya temala in Smithsonian Report, 1876. There is a

Chronicles. The first volume of Eligio Ancona's partial bibliography of Guatemala in W. T.

Hist, de Yucatan covers the early period. See Brigham's Guatemala the land of the Quetzal

Vol. II. p. 429. Brinton calls it "disappoint- (N. Y., 1887), and another by Bandelier in the

ingly superficial." There is much that is popu- Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., vol. i. p. 101. The

larly retrospective in the various and not always references in Brasseur's Hist. Nations Civilis'ees,

stable contributions of Dr. Le Plongeon and and in Bancroft's Native Races /vol. v., will be a

his wife. The last of Mrs. Le Plongeon's pa- ready means for collating the early sources,

pers is one on " The Mayas, their customs, 3 Scherzer and Brasseur are somewhat at vari-

laws, religion," in the Mag. Amer. Hist., Aug., ance here.

1887. Bancroft's second volume groups the ne- 4 " There are some coincidences between the

cessary references to every phase of Maya his- Old Testament and the Quiche MS. which are

tory. Cf. Charnay, English translation, ch. 15; certainly startling." Muller's Chips, i. 328.

and Geronimo Castillo's Diccionario Historico, 5 Wanderuugen durch die mittel - Amenkant'

biogrdfico y monumental de Yucatan (Merida, schen Freistaatcn (Braunschweig, 1857 — an Eng-

1866). Of Crescencio Carrillo and his Historia lish translation, London, 1857).

Antigua de Yucatan (Merida, 1881), Brinton 6 Leclerc, no. 1305.

says: "I know of no other Yucatecan who has 7 H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii. 115; Hi., ch.

equal enthusiasm or so just an estimate of the 2, and v. 170, 547, gives a convenient condensa-

antiquarian riches of his native land" (Amer. tion of the book, and says that Muller miscon-

Hero Myths, 147). Bastian summarizes the his- ceives in some parts of his summary, and that

tory of Yucatan and Guatemala in the second Baldwin in his Ancient America, p. 191, follows

volume of his Culturldnder des alten Amertka. Muller. Helps, Spanish Conquest, iv. App., gives

1 Yucatan, ii. 79. a brief synopsis, — the first one done in English*

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 1 67

some part of the " Livre divin des Tolteques," the Teo-Amoxtli.1 Brinton avers that
neither Ximenez nor Brasseur has adequately translated the Quiche text,2 and sees no
reason to think that the matter has been in any way influenced by the Spanish contact,
emanating indeed long before that event ; and he has based some studies upon it.3 In
this opinion Bandelier is at variance, at least as regards the first portion, for he believes
it to have been written after the Conquest and under Christian influences.4 Brasseur in
some of his other writings has further discussed the matter.5

The Memorial of Tecpan- Atittan, to use Brasseur's title, is an incomplete MS.,6
found in 1844 by Juan Gavarrete in rearranging the MSS. of the convent of San Fran-
cisco, of Guatemala, and it was by Gavarrete that a Spanish version of Brasseur's ren-
dering was printed in 1873 m tne Boletin de la Sociedad economica de Guatemala (nos.
29-43). This translation by Brasseur, made in 1856, was never printed by him, but, pass-
ing into Pinart's hands with Brasseur's collections,7 it was entrusted by that collector to
Dr. Brinton, who selected the parts of interest (46 out of 96 pp.), and included it as vol. vi.
in his Library of Aboriginal Ainerican Literature, under the title of The annals of the
Cakchiquels. The origi?ial text, with a translation, notes, and introduction (Philadel-
phia, 1885).

Brinton disagrees with Brasseur in placing the date of its beginning towards the open-
ing of the eleventh century, and puts it rather at about A. d. 1380. Brasseur says he
received the original from Gavarrete, and it would seem to have been a copy made be-
tween 1620 and 1650, though it bears internal evidence of having been written by one
who was of adult age at the time of the Conquest.

Brinton's introduction discusses the ethnological position of the Cakchiquels, who he
thinks had been separated from the Mayas for a long period.

The next in importance of the Guatemalan books is the work of Francisco Antonio de
Fuentes y Guzman, Historia de Guatemala, 6 Recordacion florida escrita el siglo xvii., que
Publica por prim era vez con notas e ilustraciones J. Zaragoza (Madrid, 1882-83), being
vols. 1 and 2 of the Biblioteca de los americanistas. The original MS., dated 1690, is in
the archives of the city of Guatemala. Owing to a tendency of the author to laud the

1 Max Miiller dissents from this. Chips, i. 5 Hist. Nat. Civ., i. 47. S' it existe des sources de
326. Miiller reminds us, if we are suspicious of Vhistoire primitive du Mexique dans les monu-
the disjointed manner of what has comedown ments egyptiens et de T histoire primitive de Vancien
to us as the Popul Vz(h, that "consecutive his- monde dans les monuments Americains ? (1864),
tory is altogether a modern idea, of which few which is an extract from his Landd's Relation.
only of the ancient nations had any conception. Cf. Bollaert, in the Royal Soc. of Lit. Trans.,
If we had the exact words of the Popul Vuh, we 1863. Brasseur {Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 45; Pinart,
should probably find no more history there than no. 231) also speaks of another Quiche docu-
we find in the Quiche MS. as it now stands." ment, of which his MS. copy is entitled Titulo

2 Cf. Aborig. Amer. Authors, p. 23- de los Senores de Totonicapan, escrito en lengua
8 The names of the gods in the Kiche Myths Quiche, el aho de IJJ4, y traducido at Castellano

of Central America (Philad., 1881), from the el anode 1834, por el Padre Dionisio Jose Chonay,

Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc. He gives his reasons indigena, which tells the story of the Quiche

(p. 4) for the spelling Kiche. race somewhat differently from the Popul Vuh.

4 Cf. Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., vol. i. 109; 6 See Vol. II. p. 419.

and his paper, "On the Sources of the Aborig- 7 It stands in Brasseur's Bib. Mex.-Guat., p.

inal Hist, of Spanish America," in the Am. 13, as Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan (Solola), his-

Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc, xxvii. 328 (Aug., 1878). toire des deux families royaies du royaume des

In the Peabody Mus. Eleveitth Report, p. 391, he Cakchiquels d'lximche ou Guatemala, redige en

says of it that "it appears to be for the first langue Cakchiquele par le prince Don Francisco

chapters an evident fabrication, or at least ac- Ernantez Arana-Xahila, des rois Ahpozotziles,

commodation of Indian mythology to Christian where Brasseur speaks of it as analogous to the

notions, — a pious fraud ; but the bulk is an Popul Vuh, but with numerous and remarkable

equally evident collection of original traditions variations. The MS. remained in the keeping

of the Indians of Guatemala, and as such the of Xahila till 1562, when Francisco Gebuta

most valuable work for the aboriginal history Queh received it and continued it {Pinart Cata-

and ethnology of Central America." logue, no. 35).

1 68 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

natives, modern historians have looked with some suspicion on his authority, and have
pointed out inconsistencies and suspected errors.1 Of a later writer, Ramon de Ordonez
(died about 1840), we have only the rough draught of a Historia de la creation del Cielo y
delatie?-ra, conforme al siste?na de la gentilidad A mericana, which is of importance for
traditions.2 This manuscript, preserved in the Museo Nacional in Mexico, is all that now
exists, representing the perfected work. Brasseur (Bib. Afex.-Guat., 113) had a copy of
this draught (made in 1848-49). The original fair copy was sent to Madrid for the press,
and it is suspected that the Council for the Indies suppressed it in 1805. Ramon cites a
manuscript Hist, de la Prov. de San Vicente de Chiappas y Goathemala, which is perhaps
the same as the Cronica de la Prov. de Chiapas y Guatemala, of which the seventh book
is in the Museo Nacional (Am. A?itiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 97; Brasseur, Bid. Afex.-Guat.,

157)-

The work of Antonio de Remesal is sometimes cited as Historia general de las Indias
occidentals, y particular de la gobernacion de Chiapas y Guatemala, and sometimes as
Historia de la provincia de San Vicente de Chyapa y Guatemala (Madrid, 161 9, 1620).8

Bandelier (A?ner. Antiq. Soc. Proc, i. 95) has indicated the leading sources of the his-
tory of Chiapas, so closely associated with Guatemala. To round the study of the abo-
riginal period of this Pacific region, we may find something in Alvarado's letters on the
Conquest;4 in Las Casas for the interior parts, and in Alonso de Zurita's Relation, 1560,5
as respects the Quiche tribes, which is the source of much in Herrera.6 For Oajaca (Oa-
xaca, Guaxaca) the special source is Francisco de Burgoa's Geogrdfica description de la
parte septentrio?ial del Polo Artico de la America, etc. (Mexico, 1674), m two quarto vol-
umes, — or at least it is generally so regarded. Bandelier, who traces the works on Oajaca
(Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 115), says there is a book of a modern writer, Juan B.
Carriedo, which follows Burgoa largely. Brasseur (Bib. Afex.-Guat., p. 33) speaks of
Burgoa as the only source which remains of the native history of Oajaca. He says it is a
very rare book, even in Mexico. He largely depends upon its full details in some parts
of his Nations Civilisees (iii. livre 9). Alonso de la Rea's Cronica de Mechoacan (Mexico,
1648) and Basalenque's Cronica de San Augustin de Afechoacan (Mexico, 1673) are books
which Brinton complains he could find in no library in the United States.

1 See Vol. II. 419; Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 2 See note in Bancroft, iii. 451.

564; Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, i. 105. 3 Vol. II. 419. Helps (iii. 300), speaking of

Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 391) says Remesal, says : " He had access to the archives

that it is now acknowledged that the Recordacion of Guatemala early in the seventeenth century,

fiorida of Fuentes y Guzman is "full of exag- and he is one of those excellent writers so dear

gerations and misstatements." Brasseur {Bib. to the students of history, who is not prone to

Afex.-Guat., pp. 65, 87), in speaking of Fuentes' declamation, or rhetoric, or picturesque writing,

Noticia historica de los indios de Guatemala (of but indulges us largely by the introduction every-

which manuscript he had a copy), says that he where of most important historical documents,

had access to a great number of native docu- copied boldly into the text."

ments, but profited little by them, either because 4 Vol. II. 419.

he could not read them, or his translators de- 5 Vol. II. 417.

ceived him. Brasseur adds that Fuentes' account 6 E. G. Squier printed in i860 (see Vol. II. p.

of the Quiche rulers is "un mauvais roman qui vii.) Diego Garcia de Palacio's Carta dirigida al

n'a pas le sens commun." This last is a manu- Rey de Espaha, ano 1576, under the English title

script used by Domingo Juarros in his Compcn- of Description of tJie ancient Provinces of Guaza-

dio de la historia de la ciudad de Guatemala cupan, fzalco, Cuscatlan, and Chiquimula in Gua~

(Guatemala, 1808-1818, in two vols. — become tern ala, which is also included in Pacheco's Co-

rare), but reprinted in the Museo Guatema/teco, leccion, vol. vi. Bandelier refers to Estevan

1857. The English translation, by John Baily, Aviles' Historia de Guatemala desde los tievipos

a merchant living in Guatemala, was published de los Indios (Guatemala, 1663). A good repu-

as a Statistical and Commercial History of Guate- tation belongs to a modern work, Francisco de

mala (Lond., 1S23). Cf. Vol. II. p. 419. Fran- Paula Garcia Pelaez's Alemorias para la Historia

cisco Vazquez depended largely on native writ- del antiguo rey no de Guatemala (Guatemala,

ers in his Cronica de la Provincia de Guatemala 1851-53, in three vols.).
(Guatemala, 1714-16). (See Vol. II. p. 419.)

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

169

We trace the aboriginal condition of Nicaragua in Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Torquemada,
and Ixtlilxochitl.1

The earliest general account of all these ancient peoples which we have in English is
in the History of America, by William Robertson, who describes the condition of Mexico
at the time of the Conquest, and epitomizes the early Spanish accounts of the natives.
Prescott and Helps followed in his steps, with new facilities. Albert Gallatin brought the
powers of a vigorous intellect to bear, though but cursorily, upon the subject, in his
11 Notes on the semi-civilized nations of Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America," in the
Amer. Ethnological Society 's Transactions (N. Y., 1845, vol. i.), and he was about the
first to recognize the dangerous pitfalls of the pseudo-historical narratives of these peo-
ples. The ATative Races'1 of H. H. Bancroft was the first very general sifting and massing
in English of the great confusion of material upon their condition, myths, languages, an-
tiquities, and history.3 The archaeological remains are treated by Stephens for Yucatan
and Central America, by Ur. Le Plongeon 4 for Yucatan, by Ephraim G. Squier for Nica-
ragua and Central America in general,5 by Adolphe F. A. Bandelier in his communica-
tions to the Peabody Museum and to the Archaeological Institute of America,6 and by
Professor Daniel G. Brinton in his editing of ancient records7 and in his mythological
and linguistic studies, referred to elsewhere. To these may be added, as completing the
English references, various records of personal observations.8

1 For details follow the references in Bras-
seur's Nat. Civil.; Bancroft's Nat. Races; Ste-
phens's Nicaragua, ii. 305, etc. See the introd.
of Brinton's Giiegiience (Philad., 1883), for the
Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua.

2 Leclerc, no. 1070. Bancroft summarized the
history of these ancient peoples in his vol. ii.
ch. 2, and goes into detail in his vol. v.

3 He condenses the early Mexican history in
his Mexico, i. ch. 7. There are recent condensed
narratives, in which avail has been had of the
latest developments, in Baldwin's Ancient Amer-
ica, ch. 4, and Short's North Americans of An-
tiquity.

4 Mrs. Alice D. Le Plongeon has printed vari-
ous summarized popular papers, like the "Con-
quest of the Mayas," in the Mag. Amer. Hist.,
April and June, 1888.

5 A list of Squier's published writings was ap-
pended to the Catalogue of Squier's Library,
prepared by Joseph Sabin (N. Y., 1876), as sold
at that time. By this it appears that his earliest
study of these subjects was a review of Buxton's
Migrations of the Ancient Mexicans, read before
the London Ethnolog. Soc, and printed in 1848
in the Edinb. New Philosoph. Mag., vol. xlvi.
His first considerable contribution was his Trav-
els in Cent. America, particularly in Nicaragua,
ivith a descriptio7i of its aboriginal monuments
(London and N. Y., 1852-53). He supple-
mented this by some popular papers in Harper's
Mag., 1854, 1855. (Cf. Hist. Mag., iv. 65 ; Put-
Hani's Mag., xii. 549.) A year or two later he
communicated papers on " Les Indiens Guatu-
sos du Nicaragua," and " Les indiens Xicaques
du Honduras," to the Nouvelles Annates des
Voyages (1856, 1858), and "A Visit to the Gua-
jiquero Indians " to Harper's Mag., 1859. In

i860, Squier projected the publication of a Col-
lection of documents, but only a letter (1576) of
Palacio was printed (Icazbalceta, Bibl. Mex., i.
p. 326). He had intended to make the series
more correct and with fewer omissions than Ter-
naux had allowed himself. His material, then
the result of ten years' gathering, had been
largely secured through the instrumentality of
Buckingham Smith. (See Vol. II. p. vii.)

6 " Art of war and mode of warfare of the An-
cient Mexicans " {Peabody Mus. Rept., no. x.).

" Distribution and tenure of lands, and the cus-
toms with respect to inheritance among the an-
cient Mexicans" {Ibid. no. xi.)-

" Special organizations and mode of govern-
ment of the ancient Mexicans " {Ibid. no. xii.).

These papers reveal much thorough study
of the earlier writers on the general condition of
the ancient people of Mexico, and the student
finds much help in their full references. It was
this manifestation of his learning that led to his
appointment by the Archaeological Institute, —
the fruit of his labor in their behalf appearing
in his Report of an Archceological Tour in Mex-
ico, 1881, which constitutes the second volume
(1884) of the Papers of that body. In his third
section he enlarges upon the condition of Mex-
ico at the time of the Conquest. His explora-
tions covered the region from Tampico to Mex-
ico city.

7 Library of Aboriginal American Literature,
(Philadelphia.)

8 James H. McCulloh, an officer of the U. S.
army, published Researches on America (Bait.,
1816), expanded later into Researches, philosophi-
cal and antiquarian, co?uerning the original His-
tory of America (Baltimore, 1829). His fifth and
sixth parts concern the " Institutions of the Mex-

170

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

During the American Civil War, when there were hopes of some permanence for French
influence in Mexico, the French government made some organized efforts to further the
study of the antiquities of the country, and the results were published in the Archives

de la Commission Scientijique du Mex-
ique (Paris, 1S64-69, in 3 vols.).1 The
Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, who took
a conspicuous part in this labor, has
probably done more than any other
Frenchman to bring into order the stu-
dies upon these ancient races, and in
some directions he is our ultimate
source. Unfortunately his character as
an archaeological expounder did not im-
prove as he went on, and he grew to be
the expositor of some wild notions that
have proved acceptable to few. He
tells us that he first had his attention
turned to American archaeology by the
report, which had a short run in Euro-
pean circles, of the discovery of a Ma-
cedonian helmet and weapons in Brazil
in 1832, and by a review of Rio's report
on Palenque, which he read in the
Jotirnal des Savants. Upon coming
to America, fresh from his studies in
Rome, he was made professor of history
in the seminary at Quebec in 1845-46, writing at that time a Histoire du Canada, of little
value. Later, in Boston, he perfected his English and read Prescott. Then we find him
at Rome poring over the Codex Vaticanus, and studying the Codex Borgianus in the
library of the Propaganda. In 1848 he returned to the United States, and, embarking at
New Orleans for Mexico, he found himself on shipboard in the company of the new French
minister, whom he accompanied, on landing, to the city of Mexico, being made almoner to
the legation. This official station gave him some advantage in beginning his researches,
in which Rafael Isidro Gondra, the director of the Museo, with the curators of the vice-
regal archives, and Jose Maria Andrade, the librarian of the university, assisted him.

BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG*

ican Empire," and " The nations inhabiting Gua-
temala" (Field, no. 987).

G. F. Lyon's Journal of a residence and tour in
the Republic of Mexico (Lond., 1826, 1828).

Brantz Mayer's Mexico as it was and as it is,
and his more comprehensive Mexico, Aztec,
Spanish and Republican (Hartford, 1853), which
includes an essay on the ancient civilization.
Mayer had good opportunities while attached to
the United States legation in Mexico, but of
course he wrote earlier than the later develop-
ments (Field, no. 1038).

The distinguished English anthropologist, E.
B. Tylor's Anahuac ; or, Mexico and the Mexi-
cans, ancient and modern (London, 1861), is a
readable rendering of the outlines of the ancient
history, and he describes such of the archaeolog-
ical remains as fell in his way.

H. C. R. Becher's Trip to Mexico (London,
1880) has an appendix on the ancient races.

F. A. Ober's Travels in Mexico (1884).

1 The important papers are: — Tome I. Bras-
seur de Bourbourg. Esquisses d'histoire, d'ar-
cheologie, d^ethnographie ct de linguistique. Gros.
Renseignements stir les monuments anciens situes
dans les environs de Mexico. — Tome II. Br. de
Bourbourg. Rapport sur les mines de Mayapan
et d'Uxmal au Yucatan. Hay. Renseignements
sur Texcoco. Dolf us, Montserrat et Pavie. Mi-
moires et notes geologiques. — Tome III. Doutre-
laine. Rapports sur les ruines de Mitla, sur la
picrre de Tlalnepantla, sur un mss. mexicain
{avec facsimile). Guillemin Tarayre. Rapport
sur Vexploration mine'ralogique des regions wexi-
caines. Simeon. Note sur la numeration des
anciens Mexicains.

* Follows an etching published in the Annuaire de la Societe Amcricaine de France, 1875.
Nice, Jan. 8, 1874, aged 59 years.

He died at

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 171

Later he gave himself to the study of the Nahua tongue, under the guidance of Faustino
Chimalpopoca Galicia, a descendant of a brother of Montezuma, then a professor in the
college of San Gregorio. In 1851 he was ready to print at Mexico, in French and Span-
ish, his Lettres pour servir d'' introduction d Vhistoire primitive des anciennes nations civi-
lisees du Mexique, addressed (October, 1850) to the Due de Valmy, in which he sketched
the progress of his studies up to that time. He speaks of it as "le premier fruit de mes
travaux d'arche'ologie et d'histoire mexicaines."1 It was this brochure which introduced
him to the attention of Squier and Aubin, and from the latter, during his residence in
Paris (1851-54), he received great assistance. Pressed in his circumstances, he was
obliged at this time to eke out his living by popular writing, which helped also to enable
him to publish his successive works.2 To complete his Central American studies, he
went again to America in 1854, and in Washington he saw for the first time the texts of
Las Casas and Duran, in the collection of Peter Force, who had got copies from Madrid.
He has given us3 an account of his successful search for old manuscripts in Central Amer-
ica. Finally, as the result of all these studies, he published his most important work, —
Histoire des nations civilisees du Mexique et de V A?nerique centrale durant les siecles an-
terieurs a C. Colo?nb,ecrite sur des docs, origin, et entiere7nent inedits, pulses aux anciennes
archives des indigenes (Paris, 1857-58).4 This was the first orderly and extensive effort
to combine out of all available material, native and Spanish, a divisionary and consecutive
history of ante-Columbian times in these regions, to which he added from the native
sources a new account of the conquest by the Spaniards. His purpose to separate the
historic from the mythical may incite criticism, but his views are the result of more labor
and more knowledge than any one before him had brought to the subject.5 In his later
publications there is less reason to be satisfied with his results, and Brinton6 even thinks
that "he had a weakness to throw designedly considerable obscurity about his authorities
and the sources of his knowledge." His fellow-students almost invariably yield praise to
his successful research and to his great learning, surpassing perhaps that of any of them,
but they are one and all chary of adopting his later theories.7 These were expressed at
length in his Quatre lettres sur le Mexique. Exposition du systeme hieroglyphique mexi-
cain. La fin de Page de pierre. £poque glaciaire temporaire. Commencement de Page
de bronze. Origines de la civilisation et des religions de Pantiquite. D'apres le Teo-

1 He says the work is very rare. A copy Sahagun, Remesal, Gomara (in Barcia), Loren-
given by him is in Harvard College library, zana's Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Vetancurt's Teatro
Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 26. Mexicano (1698), Valades' Rhetorica Christiana

2 His Palenque, at a later day, was published (1579), Juarros, Pelaez, Leon y Gama, etc.

by the French government (Quatre Lettres, avant- 5 Kirk's Prescott, i. 10. There are lists of

propos). Brasseur's works in his own Bibliotheque Mex.-

3 Introduction of his Hist. Nations Civilisees. Guatimalienue, p. 25 ; in the Pinart Catalogue, no.

4 Tome I. xcii. et 440 pp. Les temps herdiques 141, etc.; Field, p. 43; Sabin, ii. 7420. Cf. no-
et Vhistoire de P empire des Tolteques. — Tome II. tices of his labors by Haven in Am. Antiq. Soc.
616 pp. Vhistoire du Yucatan et du Guatemala, Proc, Oct., 1870, p. 47; by Brinton in Lippin-
avec celle de PAnahuac durant le moyen dge az- cotl's Mag., i. 79. There is a Sommaire des voy-
teque, jusqiPd la fondation de la royaute a Mex- ages scientifiques et des travaux de geograthie,
iC0- — Tome III. 692 pp. V histoire des Etats du d'histoire, d'archeologie et de Philologie ameri-
Michoacan et d'Oaxaca et de P empire de P Ana- caines, publies par P abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg
huac jusqu'd Parrivee des Espagnols. Astrono- (St. Cloud, 1862).

mie, religion, sciences et arts des Azteques, etc. — 6 Abor. Amer. Authors, 57.

Tome IV. vi. et 851 pp. Conquete du Mexique, 7 Cf. Bandelier, Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s.,

du Michoacan et du Guatemala, etc. Etablisse- i. 93; Field, no. 176; H. H. Bancroft's Nat.

ment des Espagnols et fondation de PEglise catho- Races, ii. 116, 780; v. 126, 153, 236, 241, — who

lique. Ritine de Pidoldtrie, declin et abaissement says of Brasseur that " he rejects nothing, and

de la race indigene, jusqu'd la fin du xvie siecle. transforms everything into historic fact ; " but

In his introduction (p. lxxiv) Brasseur gives a Bancroft looks to Brasseur for the main drift of

list of the manuscript and printed books on his chapter on pre-Toltec history. Cf. Brinton's

which he has mainly depended, the chief of Myths of the New World, p. 41.
which are: Burgoa, Cogolludo, Torquemada,

172 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Amoxtli [etc.] (Paris, 1868), wherein he accounted as mere symbolism what he had earlier
elucidated as historical records, and connected the recital of the Codex Chimalpopoca with
the story of Atlantis, making that lost land the original seat of all old-world and new-world
civilization, and finding in that sacred history of Colhuacan and Mexico the secret evi-
dence of a mighty cataclysm that sunk the continent from Honduras (subsequently with
Yucatan elevated) to perhaps the Canaries.1 Two years later, in his elucidation of the
MS. Troano (1869-70), this same theory governed all his study. Brasseur was quite
aware of the loss of estimation which followed upon his erratic change of opinion, as the
introduction to his Bill. Mex.-Guatemalienne shows. No other French writer, however,
has so associated his name with the history of these early peoples.2

In Mexico itself the earliest general narrative was not cast in the usual historical form,
but in the guise of a dialogue, held night after night, between a Spaniard and an Indian,
the ancient history of the country was recounted. The author, Joseph Joaquin Granados
y Galvez, published it in 1778, as Tardes A?ne'ricanas : gobierno gentil y catdlico : breve y
particular noticia de toda la historia hidiana : sucesos, casos notables, y cosas ignoradas,
desde la entrada de la Graft nation Tulteca d esta tierra de Anahuac, hasta los presentes
tiempos.9.

The most comprehensive grouping of historical material is in the Diccionario Universal
de historia y de Geografia (Mexico, 1853-56),4 of which Manuel Orozco y Berra was one
of the chief collaborators. This last author has in two other works added very much to
our knowledge of the racial and ancient history of the indigenous peoples. These are his
Geografia de las lenguas y Carta Etnogrdfica de Mexico (Mexico, 1864),6 and his His-
toria antigua y de la Conquista de Mexico (Mexico, 1880, in four volumes).6 Perhaps
the most important of all the Mexican publications is Manuel Larrainzar's Estudios sobre
la historia de America, sus rtiinas y antigiiedades, coniparadas con lo ?nds notable del otro
Continente (Mexico, 1875 -1878, in five volumes).

In German the most important of recent books is Hermann Strebel's Alt-Mexico (Ham-
burg, 1885); but Waitz's Amerikaner{\Z(y\, vol. ii.) has a section on the Mexicans. Adolph
Bastian's " Zur Geschichte des Alten Mexico " is contained in the second volume of his
Culturlander des Alten America (Berlin, 1878), in which he considers the subject of Ouet-
zalcoatl, the religious ceremonial, administrative and social life, as well as the different
stocks of the native tribes.

1 Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 176; Baldwin, Anc. tory, etc., translated by J. L. Gamier (Chicago,
America. 1887).

2 Reference may be made to H. T. Moke's 3 Leclerc, no. 1147; Field, no. 620; Squier,
Histoire des peuples Americains (Bruxelles, 1847) ; no. 427; Sabin, vii. 28,255; Bandelier in Am.
Michel Chevalier's "Du Mexique avant et pen- Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 116. It has never yet
dant la Conquete," in the Revue des deux Mondes, been reprinted. The early date, as well as its
1845, and his Le Mexique ancien et moderne rarity, have contributed to give it, perhaps, un-
( Paris, 1863); and some parts of tho Marquis due reputation. It is worth from ^3 to £\.

de Nadaillac's V Amerique prehistorique (Paris, * Leclerc, no. 1119. See Vol. II. p. 415.

1883). A recent popular summary, without ref- 5 Leclerc, no. 2079; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat.,

erences, of the condition and history of ancient p. 113.

Mexico, is Lucien Biart's Les Aztiques, histoire, 6 For the Historia de Mexico of Carbajal Es-

mceurs, coutumes (Paris, 1885), of which there is pinosa, see Vol. II. p. 428. Cf. Alfred Cha-

an English translation, The Aztecs, their his- vero's Mexico a travis de los Siglos.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 173

NOTES.

I. The Authorities on the so-called Civilization of Ancient Mexico and Adjacent Lands,
and the Interpretation of such Authorities.

The ancient so-called civilization which the Spaniards found in Mexico and Central America is the subject
of much controversy : in the first place as regards its origin, whether indigenous, or allied to and derived from
the civilizations of the Old World ; and in the second place as regards its character, whether it was something
more than a kind of grotesque barbarism, or of a nature that makes even the Spanish culture, which supplanted
it, inferior in some respects by comparison.1 The first of these problems, as regards its origin, is considered
in another place. As respects the second, or its character, it is proposed here to follow the history of opinions.

In a book published at Seville in 15 19, Martin Fernandez d'Enciso's Sumade geographia que trata de todas
las partidas y provincias del micndo: en especial de las Indias,2 the European reader is supposed to have
received the earliest hints of the degree of civilization — if it be so termed — of which the succeeding Spanish
writers made so much. A brief sentence was thus the shadowy beginning of the stories of grandeur and mag-
nificence3 which we find later in Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Las Casas, Torquemada, Sahagiin, Ramusio, Gomara,
Oviedo, Zurita, Tezozomoc, and Ixtlilxochitl, and which is repeated often with accumulating effect in Acosta,
Herrera, Lorenzana, Solis, Clavigero, and their successors.4 Bandelier 5 points out how Robertson, in his views
of Mexican civilization as in " the infancy of civil life," 6 really opened the view for the first time of the exag-
gerated and uncritical estimates of the older writers, which Morgan has carried in our day to the highest
pitch, and, as it would seem, without sufficient recognition of some of the contrary evidence.

It has usually been held that the creation among the Mexicans about thirty years after the founding of Mex-
ico of a chief-of-men (Tlacatecuhtli) instituted a feudal monarchy, Bandelier/ speaking of the application of
feudal terms by the old writers to Mexican institutions, says : " What in their first process of thinking was
merely a comparative, became very soon a positive terminology for the purpose of describing institutions to
which this foreign terminology never was adapted." He instances that the so-called " king " of these early
writers was a translation of the native term, which in fact only meant " one of those who spoke ; " that is, a
prominent member of the council.8 Bandelier traces the beginning of the feudal ideas as a graft upon the
native systems, in the oldest document issued by Europeans on Mexican soil, when Cortes (May 20, 15 19) con-
ferred land on his allies, the chiefs of Axapusco and Tepeyahualco, and for the first time made their offices
hereditary. It is Bandelier's opinion that "the grantees had no conception of the true import of what they
accepted ; neither did Cortes conceive the nature of their ideas." This was followed after the Spanish occupa-

1 Discrediting Gomara's statement that De Ayllon found had a direct interest, or thought to have one, in advancing
tribes near Cape Hatteras who had tame deer and made the claims of the Tezcucan tribe to an original supremacy."
cheese from their milk, Dr. Brinton says: "Throughout Bandelier again {Ibid. ii. 385) points out the early state-
the continent there is not a single authentic instance of a ments of the conquerors, and of their annalists, which have
pastoral tribe, not one of an animal raised for its milk, nor prompted the inference of a feudal condition of society ;
for the transportation of persons, and very few for their but he refers to Ixtlilxochitl as " the chief originator of the
flesh. It was essentially a hunting race." {Myths of the feudal view;" and from him Torquemada draws his inspi-
New World, 21.) He adds: "The one mollifying ele- ration. Wilson {Prehist. Man, i. 242) holds much the same
ment was agriculture, substituting a sedentary for a wander- views.

ing life, supplying a fixed dependence for an uncertain con- 5 Peabody Mus. Tenth Rept. vol. ii. 114.

tingency." 0 Bandelier ("Art of War, etc.," in Peabody Mus. Rept.

2 See Vol. II. p, 98. x. 113) again says of De Pauw's Recherches philosophises

3 It was two years earlier, in 1517, that Hernandez de sur les Americaines, that it is "a very injudicious book,
Cordova had first noticed the ruins of the Yucatan coast, which by its extravagance and audacity created a great deal
though Columbus, in 1502, near Yucatan had met a Maya of harm. It permitted Clavigero to attack even Robertson,
vessel, which with its navigators had astonished him. because the latter had also applied sound criticism to the

* " No writer," says Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. study of American aboriginal history, and by artfully plac-

674), "has been more prolific in pictures of pomp, regal ing both as upon the same platform, to counteract much of

wealth and magnificence, than Bernal Diaz. Most of the the good effects of Robertson's work."

later writers have placed undue reliance on his statements, 7 Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 114.

assuming that the truthfulness of his own individual feelings 8 In regard to the nature of the chief-of-men we find,

was the result of cool observation. Any one who has read among much else of the first importance in the study of the

attentively his Memoirs will become convinced that he is Mexican government, an exposition in Sahagiin (lib. vi. cap.

in fact one of the most unreliable eye-witnesses, so far as 20), which seems to establish the elective and non-heredi-

general principles are concerned. . . . Cortes had personal tary character of the office. It was " this office and its at-

and political motives to magnify and embellish the picture. tributes," says Bandelier [Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 670),

If his statements fall far below those of his troopers in " which have been the main stays of the notion that a high

thrilling and highly-colored details, there is every reason to degree of civilization prevailed in aboriginal Mexico, in so

believe that they are the more trustworthy. ... In the de- far as its people were ruled after the manner of eastern des-

scriptions by Cortes we find, on the whole, nothing but a potisms." Bandelier {Ibid. ii. 133) says: " It is not impos-

barbarous display common to other Indian celebrations of a sible that the so-called empire of Mexico may yet prove to

similar character." have been but a confederacy of the Nahuatlac tribe of the

Bandelier's further comment is {Ibid. ii. 397) : " A feudal valley, with the Mexicans as military leaders." His argu-

empire at Tezcuco was an invention of the chroniclers, who ment on the word translated " king " is not convincing.

174 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

tion of Mexico by the institution of " repartimientos," through which the natives became serfs of the soil to the
conquerors.1

The story about this unknown splendor of a strange civilization fascinated the world nearly half a century ago
in the kindly recital of Prescott ; - but it was observed that he quoted too often the somewhat illusory and
exaggerated statements of Ixtlilxochitl, and was not a little attracted by the gorgeous pictures of Waldeck and
Dupaix. With such a charming depicter, the barbaric gorgeousness of this ancient empire, as it became the
fashion to call it, gathered a new interest, which has never waned, and Morgan 3 is probably correct in affirming
that it " has called into existence a larger number of works than were ever before written upon any people of
the same number and of the same importance." 4 Even those who, like Tylor, had gone to Mexico sceptics, had
been forced to the conclusion that Prescott's pictures were substantially correct, and setting aside what he felt
to be the monstrous exaggerations of Solis, Gomara, and the rest, he could not find the history much less trust-
worthy than European history of the same period.5 It has been told in another place 6 how the derogatory
view, as opposed to the views of Prescott, were expressed by R. A. Wilson in his New Congttest of Mexico, in
assuming that all the conquerors said was baseless fabrication, the European Montezuma becoming a petty
Indian chief, and the great city of Mexico a collection of hovels in an everglade, — the ruins of the country
being accounted for by supposing them the relics of an ancient Phoenician civilization, which had been stamped
out by the inroads of barbarians, whose equally barbarious descendants the Spaniards were in turn to over-
come. It cannot be said that such iconoclastic opinions obtained any marked acceptance ; but it was apparent
that the notion of the exaggeration of the Spanish accounts was becoming sensibly fixed in the world's opinion.
We see this reaction in a far less excessive way in Daniel Wilson's Prehistoric Man (i. 325, etc.), and he was
struck, among other things, with the utter obliteration of the architectural traces of the conquered race in the
city of Mexico itself." When, in 1875, Hubert H. Bancroft published the second volume of his Native Races,
he confessed <; that much concerning the Aztec civilization had been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish
writers, and for obvious reasons ; " but he contended that the stories of their magnificence must in the main be
accepted, because of the unanimity of witnesses, notwithstanding their copying from one another, and because
of the evidence of the ruins.8 He strikes his key-note in his chapter on the " Government of the Nahua Nations,"
in speaking of it as " monarchical and nearly absolute ; " 9 but it was perhaps in his chapter on the " Palaces
and Households of the Nahua Kings," where he fortifies his statement by numerous references, that he carried
his descriptions to the extent that allied his opinions to those who most unhesitatingly accepted the old stories.10

The most serious arraignment of these long-accepted views was by Lewis H. Morgan, who speaks of them
as having " caught the imagination and overcome the critical judgment of Prescott, ravaged the sprightly brain
of Brasseur de Bourbourg, and carried up in a whirlwind our author at the Golden Gate." U

Morgan's studies had been primarily among the Iroquois, and by analogy he had applied his reasoning to the
aboriginal conditions of Mexico and Central America, thus degrading their so-called civilization to the level of
the Indian tribal organization, as it was understood in the North.12 Morgan's confidence in its deductions was
perfect, and he was not very gracious in alluding to the views of his opponents. He looked upon " the fabric of
Aztec romance as the most deadly encumbrance upon American ethnology." 13 The Spanish chroniclers, as he
contended, " inaugurated American aboriginal history upon a misconception of Indian life, which has remained

1 Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 435. conquerors implied. Morgan instances as a proof of the

2 Introd. to Conquest of Mexico. See Vol. II. p. 426. flimsy character of their masonry, that Cortes in seventeen
In the Appendix to his third volume, Prescott, relying days levelled three fourths of the city of Mexico. But, adds
mainly on the works of Dupaix and Waldeck, arrived at Wilson, " so far as an indigenous American civilization is
conclusions as respects the origin of the Mexican civiliza- concerned, no doubt can be entertained, and there is little
tion, and its analogies with the Old World, which accord room for questioning, that among races who had carried civ-
with those of Stephens, whose work had not appeared at ilization so far, there existed the capacity for its further de-
the time when Prescott wrote. velopment, independently of all borrowed aid " (p. 336).

3 Houses and House Life, p. 222. The Baron Nordenskjold informs me that there is in the

4 Bancroft (ii. 92) says: "What is known of the Aztecs library at Upsala a MS. map of Mexico by Santa Cruz
has furnished material for nine tenths of all that has been (d. 1572) which contains numerous ethnographical details,
written on the American civilized nations in general." not to be found in printed maps of that day.

c Anahuac, or Mexico and the Mexicans, Ancient and 8 Native Races, ii. 159.

Modern (London, 1861). Tylor enlarges upon what he 9 Ibid. ii. 133.

considers the evidences of immense populations ; and re- 10 Bancroft has recently epitomized his views afresh in

specting some of their arts he adds, from inspection of spec- the Amer. Antiquarian, Jan., 1888.

imens of their handicraft, that " the Spanish conquerors n Bancroft wrote in San Francisco, it will be remem-

were not romancing in the wonderful stories they told of bered

the skill of the native goldsmiths." On the other hand, 12 It was for Bandelier, in his " Social organization and

Morgan {Houses and House Lifet 223) thinks the figures of mode of government of the ancient Mexicans" {Peabody

population grossly exaggerated. Mus. Repts. ii. 557), to demonstrate the proposition that

8 Vol. II. p. 427. tribal society based, according to Morgan, upon kin, and

7 When we consider that Rome, Constantinople, and Je- not political society, which rests upon territory and prop-

rusalem, in spite of rapine, siege and fire, still retain numer- erty, must be looked for among the ancient Mexicans,

ous traces of their earliest times, and that not a vestige of 13 Morgan's Houses, etc., 225. Bandelier {Peabody Mus.

the Aztec capital remains to us except its site, we must Rept., vol. ii. 114) speaks of the views advanced by Morgan

assume, in Wilson's opinion {Prehistoric Man, i. 331), in his "Montezuma's Dinner," as "a bold stroke for the

ihat its edifices and causeways must have been for the most establishment of American ethnology on a new basis." It

part more slight and fragile than the descriptions of the must be remembered that Bandelier was Morgan's pupil.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 175

substantially unquestioned till recently." 1 He charges upon ignorance of the structure and principles of Indian
society, the perversion of all the writers,2 from Cortes to Bancroft, who, as he says, unable to comprehend its
peculiarities, invoked the imagination to supply whatever was necessary to fill out the picture.3 The actual
condition to which the Indians of Spanish America had reached was, according to his schedule, the upper status
of barbarism, between which and the beginning of civilization he reckoned an entire ethnical period. " In the
art of government they had not been able to rise above gentile institutions and establish political society.
This fact," Morgan continues, " demonstrates the impossibility of privileged classes and of potentates, under
their institutions, with power to enforce the labor of the people for the erection of palaces for their use, and
explains the absence of such structures."4

This is the essence of the variance of the two schools of interpretation of the Aztec and Maya life. The
reader of Bancroft will find, on the other hand, due recognition of an imperial system, with its monarch and
nobles and classes of slaves, and innumerable palaces, of which we see to-day the ruins. The studies of Ban-
delier are appealed to by Morgan as substantiating his view.5 Mrs. Zelia Nuttall (Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci.,
Aug., 1886) claims to be able to show that the true interpretation of the Borgian and other codices points in
part at least to details of a communal life.

The special issues which for a test Morgan takes with Bancroft are in regard to the character of the house
in which Montezuma lived, and of the dinner which is represented by Bernal Diaz and the rest as the daily
banquet of an imperial potentate. Morgan's criticism is in his Houses and House Life of the American Abo-
rigines (Washington, 1881).6 The basis of this book had been intended for a fifth Part of his Ancient Society,
but was not used in that publication. He printed the material, however, in papers on " Montezuma's Din-
ner" (No. Am. Rev., Ap. 1876), " Houses of the Moundbuilders " (Ibid., July, 1876), and " Study of the Houses
and House Life of the Indian Tribes" (Archceol. Inst, of Amer. Publ.). These papers amalgamated now
make the work called Houses and House Life J

' Morgan argues that a communal mode of living accords with the usages of aboriginal hospitality, as well as
with their tenure of lands,8 and with the large buildings, which others call palaces, and he calls joint tenement
houses. He instances, as evidence of the size of such houses, that at Cnolula four hundred Spaniards and one
thousand allied Indians found lodging in such a house ; and he points to Stephens's description of similar com-
munal establishments which he found in our day near Uxmal.9 He holds that the inference of communal
living from such data as these is sufficient to warrant a belief in it, although none of the early Spanish writers
mention such communism as existing ; while they actually describe a communal feast in what is known as
Montezuma's dinner ; 10 and while the plans of the large buildings now seen in ruins are exactly in accord with
the demands of separate families united in joint occupancy. In such groups, he holds, there is usually one build-
ing devoted to the purpose of a Tecpan, or official house of the tribe.11 Under the pressure to labor, which the

1 Ibid. 222. 6 Being vol. iv. of the Contributions to No. Amer. Eth-

2 Morgan says of his predecessors, " they learned noth- nol. in Powell's Survey of the Rocky Mt. Region. Some
ing and knew nothing" of Indian society. of Morgan's cognate studies relating to the aboriginal sys-

3 Ibid. 223. tem of consanguinity and laws of descent are in the Smith-

4 In this he of course assumes that the ruins in Spanish sonian Contributions, xvii., the Smithsonian Misc. Coll.
America are of communal edifices. ii., Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci. Trans, vii., and Am.

6 Bandelier's papers are in the second volume of the Re- Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc, 1857.

Ports of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. He contends 7 Morgan in this, his last work, condenses in his first

in his " Art of Warfare among the Ancient Mexicans," that chapter those which were numbered 1 to 4 in his Ancient

he has shown the non-existence of a military despotism, Society, and in succeeding sections he discusses the laws of

and proved their government to be " a military democracy, hospitality, communism, usages of land and food, and the

originally based upon communism in living." A similar houses of the northern tribes, of those of New Mexico, San

understanding pervades his other essay "On the social or- Juan River, the moundbuilders, the Aztecs, and those in

ganization and mode of government of the ancient Mexi- Yucatan and Central America. Among these he finds three

cans." Morgan and Bandelier profess great admiration for distinct ethnical stages, as shown in the northern Indian,

each other, — Morgan citing his friend as " our most emi- higher in the sedentary tribes of New Mexico, and highest

nent scholar in Spanish American history" (Houses, etc., among those of Mexico and Central America. S. F. Ha-

84), and Bandelier expresses his deep feeling of gratitude, ven commemorated Morgan's death in the Am. Antiq. Soc.

etc. (Archceolog. Tour, 32). This affectionate relation has Proc, Apr., 1880.

very likely done something in unifying their intellectual 8 Cf. Bandelier on " the tenure of lands " in Peabody

sympathies. The Ancient Society, or researches in the Mus. Repts. (1878), no. xi., and Bancroft in Nat. Races, ii.

lines of human progress from savagery through barbarism ch. 6, p. 223.

to civilization (N. Y. 1877), of Morgan is reflected very pal- 9 Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 391) points out that

pably in these papers of Bandelier. The accounts of the when Martin Ursua captured Tayasal on Lake Petin, the

war of the conquest, as detailed in Bancroft's Mexico (vol. last pueblo inhabited by Maya Indians, he found " all the

i.), and the views of their war customs (Native Races, ii. inhabitants living brutally together, an entire relationship

ch. 13), contrasted with Bandelier's ideas, — who finds in together in one single house," and Bandelier refers further

Parkman's books "the natural parallelism between the to Morgan's Ancient Society, Part 2, p. 181.

forays of the Iroquois and the so-called conquests of the 10 Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 673) accepts the

Mexican confederacy" (Archceol. Tour, 32), and who re- views of Morgan, calling it " a rude clannish feast," given

duces the battle of Otumba to an affair like that of Custer by the official household of the tribe as a part of its daily

and the Sioux (Art of IVarfare), — give us in the military duties and obligations.

aspects of the ancient life the opposed views of the two n On the character of the Tecpan (council house, or offi-

schools of interpreters cial house) of the Mexicans, which the early writers trans-

176

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Spaniards inflicted on their occupants, these communal dwellers were driven, to escape such servitude, into the
forest, and thus their houses fell into decay. Morgan's views attracted the adhesion of not a few archaeolo-
gists, like Bandetier and Dawson ; but in Bancroft, as contravening the spirit of his Native Races, they begat
feelings that substituted disdain for convincing arguments.1 The less passionate controversialists point out,
with more effect, how hazardous it is, in coming to conclusions on the quality of the Xahua, Maya, or Quiche
conditions of life, to ignore such evidences as those of the hieroglyphics, the calendars, the architecture and
carvings, the literature and the industries, as evincing quite another kind, rather than degree, of progress,
from that of the northern Indians.2

II. Bibliographical Notes upon the Ruins and Archaeological Remains of Mexico and

Central America.

Elsewhere in this work some account is given of the comprehensive treatment of American antiquities. It
is the purpose of this note to characterize such other descriptions as have been specially confined to the
antiquities of Mexico, Central America, and adjacent parts ; together with noting occasionally those more
comprehensive works which have sections on these regions. The earliest and most distinguished of all such
treatises are the writings of Alexander von Humboldt,3 to whom may be ascribed the paternity of what the
French define as the Science of Americanism, which, however, took more definite shape and invited disciple-
ship when the Societe Americaine de France was formed, and Aubin in his Memoire sur la peinture didac-
tique et V ecriture figurative des Anciens Mexicains furnished a standard of scholarship. How new this
science was may be deduced from the fact that Robertson, the most distinguished authority on early American
history, who wrote in English, in the last part of the preceding century, had ventured to say that in all New
Spain there was not "a single monument or vestige of any building more ancient than the Conquest." After
Humboldt, the most famous of what may be called the pioneers of this art were Kingsborough, Dupaix, and
Waldeck, whose publications are sufficiently described elsewhere. The most startling developments came from
the expeditions of Stephens and Catherwood, the former mingling both in his Central America and Yucatan
the charms of a personal narrative with his archaeological studies, while the draughtsman, beside furnishing the
sketches for Stephens's book, embodied his drawings on a larger scale in the publication which passes under
his own name.4 The explorations of Charnay are those which have excited the most interest of late years,
though equally significant results have been produced by such special explorers as Squier in Nicaragua, Le
Plongeon in Yucatan, and Bandelier in Mexico.

The labors of the French archaeologist, which began in 1858, resulted in the work Cites et rubies Ameri-

late "palace," with its sense of magnificence, see Bande- Overland Monthly, xiv. 468; De Charency's Hist, du CU

Her {Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 406, 671, etc.), with his refer- vilisation du M'exique {Revue des Questions historiques),

ences. Morgan holds that Stephens is largely responsible vi. 283 ; Dabry de Thiersant's Origine des iudiens du Nou~

for the prevalence of erroneous notions regarding the veau Monde (Paris, 1883); Peschel's Races 0/ Men, 441;

Mayas, by reason of using the words "palaces" and "great Nadaillac's Les premiers hommes et les temps prehisto~

cities " for defining what were really the pueblos of these riques, ii. ch. 9, etc.

southern Indians. Bancroft (ii. 84), referring to the ruins, 3 For the bibliography of his works see Brunet, Sabin,

says : They have " the highest value as confirming the truth Field, etc. The octavo edition of his Vues has 19 of the

of the reports made by Spanish writers, very many, or per- 69 plates which constitute the Atlas of the large edition,

haps most, of whose statements respecting the wonderful See the chapter on Peru for further detail,

phenomena of the New World, without this incontroverti- 4 John Lloyd Stephens, Incidents of travel in Central

ble material proof, would find few believers among the America, Chiapas, and Yucatan, Lond. and N. Y. 1841,

skeptical students of the present day." Bancroft had little — various later eds., that of London, 1854, being "revised

prescience respecting what the communal theorists were from the latest Amer. ed., with additions by Frederick

going to say of these ruins. Catherwood." Stephens started on this expedition in

1 Cf. Bancroft's Cent. America, i. 317. Sir J. William 1839, and he was armed with credentials from President
Dawson, in his Fossil Men (p. 83), contends that Morgan has Van Buren. He travelled 3000 miles, and visited eight
proved his point, and he calls the ruins of Spanish America ruined cities, as shown by his route given on the map in
"communistic barracks" (p. 50). Higginson, in the first vol. i. Cf. references in Allibone, ii. p. 2240; Poole's In-
chapter of his Larger History, which is a very excellent, dex, p. 212; his Incidents of Travel in Yucatan will be
condensed popular statement of the new views which Mor- mentioned later.

gan inaugurated, says of him very truly, that he lacked mod- Frederick Catherwood's Views of Ancient Monuments

eration, and that there is " something almost exasperating in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (Lond. 1844)

in the positiveness with which he sometimes assumes as has a brief text (pp. 24) and 25 lithographed plates. Some

proved that which is only probable." of the original drawings used in making these plates were

2 Bancroft in his footnotes (vol. ii.) embodies the best included in the Squier Catalogue, p. 229. (Sabin's Diet.
bibliography of this ancient civilization. Cf. Wilson's Pre- iii. no. 11520.) Captain Lindesay Brine, in his paper on
historic Man, i. ch. 14; C. Hermann Berendt's "Centres the "Ruined Cities of Central America " {Journal Roy.
of ancient civilization and their geographical distribution," Geog. Soc. 1872, p. 354; Proc. xvii. 67), testifies to the
an Address before the Amer. Geog. Soc. (N. Y. 1876); accuracy of Stephens and Catherwood. These new devel-
Draper's Intellectual Development of Europe ; Brasseur's opments furnished the material for numerous purveyors to
Ms. Troano ; Humboldt's Cosmos (English transl. ii. 674); the popular mind, some of them of the slightest value, like
Michel Chevalier in the Revue de deux Mondes, Mar.- July, Asahel Davis, whose Antiquities of Central America,
1845, embraced later in his Du Mexique avant et pendant with some slight changes of title, and with the parade of
la Conquete (Paris, 1845); Brantz Mayer's Mexico as it new editions, were common enough between 1S40 and
was; The Galaxy, March, 1876; Scribner's Mag. v. 724; 1850.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

177

caines: Mitla, Palenque, Izamal, Chichen-Itza, Uxmal, recueillies et photographiees par Desire Charnay,
avec un Texte par M. Viollet le Due. (Paris, 1863.) Charnay contributed to this joint publication, beside
the photographs, a paper called " Le Mexique, 1858-61, — souvenirs et impressions de Voyage." The Ar-
chitect Viollet le Due gives us in the same book an essay by an active, well-equipped, and ingenious mind,
but his speculations about the origin of this Southern civilization and its remains are rather curious than con-
vincing.1

The public began to learn better what Charnay's full and hearty confidence in his own sweeping assertions
was, when he again entered the field in a series of papers on the ruins of Central America which he contributed

THE PYRAMID OF CHOLULA.*

(1879-81) to the North American Review (vols, exxxi.-exxxiii.), and which for the most part reached the
public newly dressed in some of the papers contributed by L. P. Gratacap to the American Antiqziarian?
and in a paper by F. A. Ober on " The Ancient Cities of America," in the Amer. Geog. Soc. Bulletin, Mar.,
1888. Charnay took moulds of various sculptures found among the ruins, which were placed in the Trocadero
Museum in Paris.3 What Charnay communicated in English to the No. Amer. Review appeared in better
shape in French in the Tour du Monde (1886-87), and in a still riper condition in his latest work, Les anciens
villes du Nouveau Monde: voyages d ''explorations au Mexique et dans V Amerique Centrale. 1837-1882.
Ouvrage contenant 214 gravures et iq cartes ou plans. (Paris, 1885.) 4

1 Viollet le Due, in his Histoire de V habitation humaine
depuis les temps prehistoriques (Paris, 1875), has given a
chapter (no. xxii.) to the " Nahuas and Toltecs.'' Views
more or less studied, comprehensive, and restricted are
given in R. Cary Long's A ncient A rchitecture of A merica,
its historic value and parallelis7n of development with the
architecture of the Old World (N. Y. 1849), an address
from the N. V. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1849, p. 117; R. P. Greg
on "the Fret or Key Ornament in Mexico and Peru," in
the Arch&ologia (London), vol. xlvii. 157; and a popular
summary on " the pyramid in America," by S. D. Peet, in
the American Antiquarian, July, 1888, comparing the
mounds of Cholula, Uxmal, Palenque, Teotihuacan, Co-
pan, Quemada, Cohokia, St. Louis, etc. John T. Short
summarizes the characteristics of the Nahua and Maya
styles {No. Amer. of Antiquity, 340, 359). There are chap-
ters on their architecture in Bancroft, Mat. Races, ii. ; but
the references in his vol. iv. are most helpful.

2 Vols. v. vi. vii. on " Ancient Mexican Civilization,"
" Pyramid of Teotihuacan," " Sacrificial Calendar Stone,"
" Central America at time of Conquest," " Ruins at Pa-
lenque and Copan," " Ruins of Uxmal," etc.

3 Duplicates were placed in the Nat. Museum at Wash-
ington by the liberality of Pierre Lorillard.

4 The English translation is condensed in parts: The-
ancient cities of the Neiu World: being travels and ex
plorations in Mexico and Central A merica from 1857-
1882. Translated from the French by J. Gonino and
Helen S. Co?ia?it. (London, 1887.) Some of his notable
results were the discovery of stucco ornaments in the prov-
ince of Iturbide, among ruins which he unfortunately
named Lorillard City (Eng. tr. ch. 22). The palace at Tula
is also figured in Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day, ch. 25. The
discovery of what Charnay calls glass and porcelain is
looked upon as doubtful by most archaeologists, who be-
lieve the specimens to be rather traces of Spanish contact.

* After a drawing in Cumplido's Spanish translation of Prescott's Mexico, vol. iii. (Mexico, 1846.)
VOL. I. — 12

1 73

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

We proceed now to note geographically some of the principal ruins. In the vicinity of Vera Cruz the pyra-
mid of Papantla is the conspicuous monument,1 but there is little else thereabouts needing particular mention.
Among the ruins of the central plateau of Mexico, the famous pyramid of Cholula is best known. The time
of its construction is a matter about which archaeologists are not agreed, though it is perhaps to be connected
with the earliest period of the Nahua power. Duran, on the other hand, has told a story of its erection by
the giants, overcome by the Nahuas.- Its purpose is equally debatable, whether intended for a memorial, a
refuge, a defence, or a spot of worship — very likely the truth may be divided among them all.3 It is a similar
problem for divided opinion whether it was built by a great display of human energy, in accordance with the
tradition that the bricks which composed its surface were passed from hand to hand by a line of men, extend-
ing to the spot where they were made leagues away, or constructed by a slower process of accretion, spread
over successive generations, which might not have required any marvellous array of workmen.4 The fierce
conflict which — as some hold — Cortes had with the natives around the mound and on its slopes settled its
fate ; and the demolition begun thereupon, and continued by the furious desolaters of the Church, has been
aided by the erosions of time and the hand of progress, till the great monument has become a ragged and cor-
roded hill, which might to the casual observer stand for the natural base, given by the Creator, to the modern

GREAT MOUND OF CHOLULA*

1 Bancroft, iv. 453, and references.

2 Bandelier(p. 235) is confident that it was built by an
earlier people than the Nahuas.

3 Cf . Bandelier, p. 247. Short, p. 236.

4 Bancroft (v. 200) gives references on these points, and

Brasseur, Hist. Nations Civ. iv. 182, Cf. also Nadaillac,
p. 351. Bandelier {Archceolog. Tour, 248, 249) favors the
gradual growth theory, and collates early sources (p. 250).
Bancroft (iv. 474) holds that we may feel very sure its erec-
tion dates back of the tenth, and perhaps of the seventh,

particular note may be taken of Veytia, i. 18, 155, 199; and century.

* After a sketch in Bandelier's Archceological Tour, p. 233, who also gives a plan of the mound. The modern Churoh
of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios is on the summit, where there are no traces of aboriginal works. A paved road leads
to the top. A suburban road skirts its base, and fields of maguey surround it. The circuit of the base is 3859 feet, and
the mound covers nearly twenty acres. Estimates of its height are variously given from 165 to 208 feet, according as one
or another base line is chosen. It is built of adobe brick laid in clay, and it has suffered from erosion, slides, and other
effects of time. There are some traces of steps up the side. Bandelier (pi. xv.) also gives a fac-simile of an old map of
Cholula. The earliest picture which we have of the mound, evidently thought by the first Spaniards to be a natural one,
is in the arms of Cholula (1540). There are other modern cuts in Carbajal-Espinosa's Mexico (i. 105); Arcliceologui
Americana (i. 12); Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day, 182. The degree of restoration which draughtsmen allow to themselves,
accounts in large measure for the great diversity of appearance which the mound makes in the different drawings of it.
There is a professed restoration by Mothes in Armin's Heutige Mexico, 63, 68, 72. The engraving in Humboldt is
really a restoration ( Vnes, etc, pi. vii., or pi. viii. of the folio ed.). Bandelier gives a slight sketch of a restoration (p.
246, pi. viii.).

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

179

chapel that now crowns its summit ; but if Bandelier's view (p. 249) is correct, that none of the conquerors
mention it, then the conflict which is recorded took place, not here, but on the vanished mound of Quetzal-

MEXICAN CALENDAR STONE*

* After a cut in Harper's Magazine. An enlarged engraving of the central head is given on the title-page of the pres-
ent volume. A photographic reproduction, as the " Stone of the Sun," is given in Bandelier's A rcheeological Tour, p. 54,
where he summarizes the history of it, with references, including a paper by Alfredo Chavero, in the Anales del Museo
national de Mexico, and another, with a cut, by P. J. J. Valentini, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1878, and in
The Nation, Aug. 8 and Sept. 19, 1878. Chavero's explanation is translated in Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day, p. 186.
The stone is dated in a year corresponding to a. d. 1479, and it was early described in Duran's Historia de las Indias,
and in Tezozomoc's Cronica mexicana. Tylor {Anahuac, 238) says that of the drawings made before the days of pho-
tography, that in Carlos Nebel's Viaje pititoresco y Arqueologico sobre la Republica Mejicana, 1829-1834 (Paris, 1839),
is the best, while the engravings given by Humboldt (pi. xxiii.) and others are more or less erroneous. Cf. other cuts in
Carbajal's Mexico, i. 528 ; Bustamante's Mahanas de la Alameda (Mexico, 1835-36); Short's No. Amer. 0/ Antiq., 408,
451, with references ; Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 520 ; iv. 506 ; Stevens's Flint Chips, 309.

Various calendar disks are figured in Clavigero (Casena, 1780); a colored calendar on agave paper is reproduced in the
Archives de la Commission Scientifique du Mexique, iii. 120. (Quaritch held the original document in Aug., 1888, at
^25, which had belonged to M. Boban.)

For elucidations of the Mexican astronomical and calendar system see Acosta, vi. cap. 2 ; Granados y Galvez's Tardes
Americanas (177S) ; Humboldt's essay in connection with pi. xxiii. of his Atlas; Prescott's Mexico, i. 117; Bollaert in
Memoirs read before the Anthropol. Soc. of London, i. 210; E. G. Squier's Some new discoveries respecting the dates
on the great calendar stone of the ancient Mexicans, with observations on the Mexican cycle of fifty-two years, in the
American Journal of Science and Arts, 2d ser., March, 1849, PP- 153-157 ', Abbe J. Pipart's A stronomie, Chronologie
et riles des Mexicaines in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France (n. ser. i.); Brasseur's Nat. Civ., iii. livre ii. ;
Bancroft's Nat. Races, ii. ch. 16 ; Short, ch. 9, with ref., p. 445 ; Cyrus Thomas in Powell's Rept. Ethn. Bureau, iii. 7.
Cf. Brinton's Abor. Amer. Authors, p. 38 ; Brasseur's " Chronologie historique de« Mexicaines " in the Actes de la Soc.
d1 Ethnographie (1872), vol. vi. ; Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. 355, for the Toltecs as the source of astronomical ideas,
with which compare Bancroft, v. 192; the Bulletin de la Soc. royale Beige de Geog., Sept., Oct., 1886; and Bancklier
in the Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 572, for a comparison of calendars.

Wilson in his Prehistoric Man (i. 246) says : " By the unaided results of native science, the dwellers on the Mexican
plateau had effected an adjustment of civil to solar time so nearly correct that when the Spaniards landed on their coast,
their own reckoning, according to the unreformed Julian calendar, was really eleven days in error, compared with that of
the barbarian nation whose civilization they so speedily effaced."

See what Wilson {Prehistoric Man, i. 333) says of the native veneration for this calendar stonr, %vhen it was exhumed.
Mrs. Xiittall(/,r<7c. Am. Asso. Adv. Sci., Aug., 1886) claims to be able to show that this monolith is really a stone which
stood in the Mexican market-place, and was used in regulating tha stated market-days.

i So

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

coat], which in Bandelier's opinion was a different structure from this more famous mound, while other writers
pronounce it the shrine itself of Quetzalcoatl.1

We have reference to a Cholula mound in some of the earliest writers. Bernal Diaz counted the steps on its
side.'- Motolinia saw it within ten years of the Conquest,„when it was overgrown and much ruined. Sahagun
says it was built for defensive purposes. Rojas, in his Relacion de Cholula, 1581, calls it a fortress, and says the
Spaniards levelled its convex top to plant there a cross, where later, in 1594, they built a chapel. Torquemada
following Motolinia and the later Mendieta, says it was never finished, and was decayed in his time, though he
traced the different levels. Its interest as a relic thus dates almost from the beginnings of the modern history
of the region. Boturini mentions its four terraces. Clavigero, in 1744, rode up its sides on horseback, impelled
by curiosity, and found it hard work even then to look upon it as other than a natural hill.3 The earliest of
the critical accounts of it, however, is Humboldt's, made from examinations in 1803, when much more than
now of its original construction was observable, and his account is the one from which most travellers have
drawn, — the result of close scrutiny in his text and of considerable license in his plate, in which he aimed at
something like a restoration.4 The latest critical examination is in Bandelier's " Studies about Cholula and
its vicinity,'' making part hi. of his Arcluzological Tour hi Mexico in i8Sifi

What are called the finest ruins in Mexico are those of Xochicalco, seventy-five miles southwest of the capital,
consisting of a mound of five terraces supported by masonry, with a walled area on the summit. Of late years
a cornfield surrounds what is left of the pyramidal structure, which was its crowning edifice, and which up to
the middle of the last century had five receding stories, though only one now appears. It owes its destruction
to the needs which the proprietors of the neighboring sugar-works have had for its stones. The earliest
account of the ruins appeared in the " Descripcion (1791) de los antiqiiedades de Xochicalco " of Jose Antonio
Alzate y Ramirez, in the Gacetas de Literatura (Mexico, 1790-94, in 3 vols.; reprinted Puebla, 1831, in 4
vols.), accompanied by plates, which were again used in Pietro Marquez's Due Antichi Monumenti de Archi-
tcttura Messicana (Roma, 1804),6 with an Italian version of Alzate, from which the French translation in

1 Bandelier's idea (p. 254) is that as the Indians never Recoil, of Mexico (N. Y., 1847). E. B. Tylor, Anahuac
repair a ruin, they abandoned this remaining mound after (Lond., 1861), p. 274. A. S. Evans, Our Sister Republic
its disaster, and transplanted the worship of Quetzalcoatl (Hartford, 1870). Summaries later than Bancroft's will be
to the new mound, since destroyed, while the old shrine found in Short, p. 369, and Nadaillac, p. 350. Bancroft
was in time given to the new cult of the Rain-god. adds (iv. 471-2) a long list of second-hand describers.

2 As Bancroft thinks; but Bandelier says that it was not 5 It is illustrated with a map of the district of Cholula (p.
of this mound, but of the temple which stood where the 158), a detailed plan of the pyramid or mound (Humboldt
modern convent stands, that this count was made. Arch. is responsible for the former term) as it stands amid roads
Tour, 242. and fields (p. 230), and a fac-simile of an old map of the

3 Storia Ant. del Messico, ii. 33. pueblo of Cholula (1581).

4 Viies, i. 96 ; pi. hi., or pi. vii., viii. in folio ed. ; Essai Bandelier speaks of the conservative tendencies of the
polit., 239. The later observers are : Dupaix (Antiq. Mex.y native population of this region, giving a report that old
and in Kingsborough, v. 218 ; with iv. pi. viii.). Bancroft native idols are still preserved and worshipped in caves, to
remarks on the totally different aspects of Castafieda's two which he could not induce the Indians to conduct him (p.
drawings. Nebel, in his Viaje pintoresco y Arqueolojico 156); and that when he went to see the Mapa de Cuauht-
sobre la republica Mejicana, 1829-34 (Paris, 1839, folio), lantzinco, or some native pictures of the 16th century, rep-
gave a description and a large colored drawing. Of the resenting the Conquest, and of the highest importance for
other visitors whose accounts add something to our knowl- its history, he was jealously allowed but one glance at
edge, Bancroft (iv. 471) notes the following : J. R. Poinsett, them, and could not get another (Arch/zol. Tour, p. 123).
Notes on Mexico (London, 1825). W. H. Bullock, Six He adds: "The difficulty attending the consultation of
Months in Mexico (Lond., 1825). H. G. Ward, Mexico in any documents in the hands of Indians is universal, and
JS27 (Lond., 1828). Mark Beaufoy, Mex. Illustrations results from their superstitious regard for writings on paper.
(Lond., 1828), with cuts. Charles Jos. Latrobe, Rambles The bulk of the people watch with the utmost jealousy over
in Mexico (Lond., 1836). Brantz Mayer, Mexico as it was their old papers . . . They have a fear lest the power vested
(N. Y., 1854) ; Mexico, Aztec, etc. (Hartford, 1S53) ; and in in an original may be transferred to a copy " (pp. 155-6).
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vi. 582. Waddy Thompson, 6 Pinart, no. 590.

Note. — The opposite view of the court of the Museum is from Charnay, p. 57. He says: "The Museum cannot be
called rich, in so far that there is nothing remarkable in what the visitor is allowed to see." The vases, which had so
much deceived Charnay, earlier, as to cause him to make casts of them for the Paris Museum, he at a later day pro-
nounced forgeries; and he says that they, with many others which are seen in public and private museums, were man-
ufactured at Tlatiloco, a Mexican suburb, between 1820 and 1828. See Holmes on the trade in Mexican spurious relics
in Science, 1886.

The reclining statue in the foreground is balanced by one similar to it at an opposite part of the court-yard. One is the
Chac-mool, as Le Plongeon called it, unearthed by him at Chichen-Itza, and appropriated by the Mexican governmei.t ;
the other was discovered at Tlaxcala.

The round stone in the centre is the sacrificial stone dug up in the great square in Mexico, of which an enlarged view
is given on another page.

The museum is described in Bancroft, iv. 554 ; in Mayer's Mexico as it was, etc., and his Mexico, Aztec, etc. ; Fossey's
Mexique.

On Le Plongeon's discovery of the Chac-mool see Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr., 1877 ; Oct., 1878, and new series, 1.
280; Nadaillac, Eng. tr., 346; Short, 400; Le Plongeon's Sacred Mysteries, 88, and his paper in the Amer. Gcog. Soc.
Journal, ix. 142(1877). Hamy calls it the Toltec god Tlaloc, the rain-god; and Charnay agrees with him, giving (pp.
366-7) cuts of his and of the one found at Tlaxcala.

182

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Dupaix was made. Alzate furnished the basis of the account in Humboldt's Vices (i. 129; pi. ix. of folio ed.),
and Waldeck [Voyage pitt., 69) regrets that Humboldt adopted so inexact a description as that of Alzate.
From Nebel (Viage pintoresco) we get our best graphic representations, for Tylor (Anahuac) says that Cas-
teneda's drawings, accompanying Dupaix, are very incorrect. Bancroft says that one, at least, of these draw-
ings in Kingsborough bears not the slightest resemblance to the one given in Dupaix. In 1835 there were
explorations made under orders of the Mexican government, which were published in the Revista Mexicana
(i. ;39, — reprinted in the Diccionario Universal, x. 938). Other accounts, more or less helpful, are given by
Latrobe, Mayer,1 and in Isador Lowenstern's Le Mexique (Paris, 1843).2

The ancient Anahuac corresponds mainly to the valley of Mexico city. 3 Bancroft (iv. 497) shows in a
summary way the extent of our knowledge of the scant archaeological remains within this central area.4

In the city of Mexico not a single relic of the architecture of the earlier peoples remains,6 though a few
movable sculptured objects are preserved.6

Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake from Mex-
ico, affords some traces of the ante-Conquest archi-
tecture, but has revealed no such interesting mov-
able relics as have been found in the capital city.7
Twenty-five miles north of Mexico are the ruins
of Teotihuacan, which have been abundantly de-
scribed by early writers and modern explorers.
Bancroft (iv. 530) makes up his summary mainly
from a Mexican official account, Ramon Almaraz's
Memoria de los trabajos ejecntados por la comi-
sion cientifica de Pachuca (Mexico, 1865), adding
what was needed to fill out details from Clavigero,
OLD MEXICAN BRIDGE NEAR TEZCUCO.* Humboldt, and the later writers.8

1 He repeats Alzate's plate of the restoration of the
ruins.

2 Bancroft refers (iv. 483) to various compiled accounts,
to which may be added his own and Short's (p. 371). Cf.
F. Boncourt in the Revue d' 'Ethnographie (1887).

3 Prescott, Kirk ed., i. 12. See the map of the plateau
of Anahuac in Ruge, Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeck.,
i. 363.

4 Cf. Gros in the Archives de la Com. Scient. du M'ex~
ique, vol. i. ; H. de Saussure on the Decouverte des ruines
d'une ancienne ville Mexicaine situee sur I e plateau de
r Anahuac (Paris, 1858, — Bull. Soc Geog. de Paris).

5 The same is true of the earliest Spanish buildings.
Icazbalceta {Mexico en 1334, p. 74) says that the soil is
constantly accumulating, and the whole city gradually
sinks.

6 Bancroft (iv. 505, 516, with references) says that such
objects, when brought to light by excavations, have not
always been removed from their hiding-places ; and he ar-
gues that beneath the city there may yet be " thousands of
interesting monuments." Cf. B. Mayer's Mexico as it
was, vol. ii.

Bandelier {Archa>ol. Tour, Part ii. p. 49) gives us
valuable "Archaeological Notes about the City of Mexico,"
in which he says that Alfredo Chavero owns a very large
oil painting, said to have been executed in 1523, giving a
view of the aboriginal city and the principal events of the
Conquest. It shows that the ancient city was about one
quarter the size of the modern town.

We find descriptions of the city before the conquerors
transformed it, in Brasseur's Hist. Nations Civ. iii. 187;
iv. line 13; and in Bancroft (ii. ch. 18) there is a collation
of authorities on Nahua buildings, with specific references
on the city of Mexico (ii. p. 567). Bandelier describes with
citations its military aspects at the time of the Conquest
(Peabody M?is. Reports, x. 151).

The movable relics found in Mexico are the following : —

1. The calendar stone. See annexed cut.

2. Teoyamique. See cut in the appendix of this vol-
ume.

3. Sacrificial stone. See annexed cut.

4. Indio triste. See annexed cut.

5. Head of a serpent, discovered in 188 1. Cf. Bande-
lier 's Archceol. Tour, p. 69.

6. Human head. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 518. All of the
above, except the calendar stone, are in the Museo Na-
cional.

7. Gladiatorial stone, discovered in 1792, but left buried.
Cf. B. Mayers Mexico, 123; Bancroft, iv. 516; Kings-
borough, vii. 94; Sahagiin, lib. ii.

8. A few other less important objects. Cf. Bandelier,
Arcluzol. Tour, 52.

Antonio de Leon y Gama, who unfortunately had no
knowledge of the writings of Sahagiin, has discussed most of
these relics in his Descripcion historico y Cronologico de
las dos Piedras &>. (2d ed. Bustamante, 1832.)

7 Bancroft, iv. 520, with authorities, p. 523. Cf. Amer-
ican Antiquarian, May, 1888.

8 Bancroft's numerous references make a foot-note (iv.
530). He adds a plan from Almaraz, and says that the
description of Linares {Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 30, i.
103) is mainly drawn from Almaraz. It is believed, but not
absolutely proven, that the mounds were natural ones, arti-
ficially shaped (Bandelier, 44). The extent of the ruins is
very great, and it is a current belief that the city in its
prime must have been very large. The whole region is ex-
ceptionally rich in fragmentary and small relics, like pot-
tery, obsidian implements, and terra-cotta heads. Cf. for
these last, Lond. Geog. Soc. Journal, vii. 10; Thompson's
Mexico, 140; Nebel, Viaje ; Mayer's Mexico as it was,
227 (as cited in Bancroft, iv. 542); and later publications
like T. U. Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day (Lond., 1883), and
Zelia Nuttall's "Terra Cotta Heads from Teotihuacan," in
the A mer. Journal 0/ Arch&olog-y (June and Sept. 1S86),
ii. 157, 318.

Bancroft judges that the ruins date back to the sixth cen-
tury, and says that these mounds served for models of the
Aztec teocallis. On the commission already referred to
was Antonio Garcfa y Cubas, who conducted some personal
explorations, and in describing these in a separate publica-

* After a sketch in Tylor's Anahuac, who thinks it the original Pucitc dc las Bcrgantinas, where Cortes had his
brigantines launched. The span is about 20 feet, and this Tylor thinks " an immense span for such a construction." Cf.
H. II. Bancroft, Native Races, iv. 479, 528. Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 696) doubts its antiquity.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

183

Bancroft (iv. ch. 10), in describing what is known of the remains in the northern parts of Mexico, gives a
summary of what has been written regarding the most famous of these ruins, Quemada in Zacatecas.1

THE INDIO TRISTE*

tion, Ensayo de un Estudio Comparativo entre las Pird-
mides Egipcias y Mexicanas (Mexico, 1871), he points out
certain analogies of the American and Egyptian structures,
which will be found in epitome in Bancroft (iv. 543). In
discussing the monoliths of the ruins, Amos W. Butler
(Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1885), inapaperon "The Sac-
rificial Stone of San Juan Teotihuacan," advanced some
views that are controverted by W. H. Holmes in the
Amer. Journal of Archceology (i. 361), from whose foot-
notes a good bibliography of the subject can be derived.
Bandelier {Archceol. Tour, 42) thinks that because no spe-
cific mention is made of them in Mexican tradition, it is
safe to infer that these monuments antedate the Mexicans,
and were in ruins at the time of the Conquest.

1 The early writers make little mention of the place ex-
cept as one of the halting-places of the Aztec migration.
Torquemada has something to say (quoted in Soc. Mex.
Geog. BoL, 20, iii. 278, with the earliest of the modern ac-

counts by Manuel Gutierrez, in 1805). Capt. G. F. Lyon
{Journal of aresidence and tour in Mexico, London, 1828)
visited the ruins in 1828. Pedro Rivera in 1830 described
them in Marcos de Esparza's I nf or vie presentado al Go-
bierno (Zacatecas, 1830, — also in Museo Mexicano, i. 185,
1843). The plan in Nebel's Viaje (copied in Bancroft, iv.
582) was made for Governor Garcia, by Berghes, a German
engineer, in 1831, who at the time was accompanied by J.
BurkaYt(Aufent/iall und Reisen in Mexico, Stuttgart, 1836),
who gives a plan of fewer details. Bancroft (iv. 579) thinks
Nebel's views of the ruins the only ones ever published,
and he enumerates various second-hand writers (iv. 579).

Cf. Fegeux, " Les mines de la Quemada," in the Revue
d'Ethnologie, i. 119. The noticeable features of these ru-
ins are their massiveness and height of walls, their absence
of decoration and carved idols, and the lack of pottery and
the smaller relics. Their history, notwithstanding much
search, is a blank.

* After a photograph in Bandelier's Archaeological Tour, p.
and has no symbolical meaning.

He thinks it was intended to be a bearer of a torch,

1 84

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Bancroft (iv. ch. 7) has given a separate chapter to the antiquities of Oajaca (Oaxaca) and Guerrero, as the

most southern of what he terms the Nahua people, including
and lying westerly of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and he
speaks of it as a region but little known to travellers, except
as they pass through a part of it lying on the commercial
route from Acapulco to the capital city of Mexico. Ban-
croft's summary, with his references, must suffice for the in-
quirer for all except the principal group of ruins in this
region, that of Mitla (or Ly6-Baa), of which a full recapitula-
tion of authorities may be made, most of which are also to
be referred to for the lesser ruins, though, as Bancroft points
out, the information respecting Monte Alban and Zachila is
far from satisfactory. Of Monte Alban, Dupaix and Char-
nay are the most important witnesses, and the latter says
that he considers Monte Alban " one of the most precious
remains, and very surely the most ancient of the American
civilizations.'' 1 On Dupaix alone we must depend for what
we know of Zachila.

It is, however, of Mitla (sometime Miquitlan, Mictlan) that
more considerable mention must be made, and its ruins,
about thirty miles southerly from Mexico, have been oftenest
visited, as they deserve to be ; and we have to regret that
Stephens never took them within the range of his observa-
tions. Their demolition had begun during a century or two
previous to the Spanish Conquest, and was not complete
even then. Nature is gloomy, and even repulsive in its des-
olation about the ruins ; 2 but a small village still exists
among them. The place is mentioned by Duran3 as inhab-
ited about 1450 ; Motolinia describes it as still lived in,4 and
in 1565-74 it had a gobernador of its own. Burgoa speaks
of it in 1644.5

The earliest of the modern explorers were Luis Martin, a
Mexican architect, and Colonel de la Laguna, who examined the ruins in 1802; and it was from Martin and his
drawings that Humboldt drew the information with which, in 18 10, he first engaged the attention of the gen-
eral public upon Mitla, in his Vues des Cordilleres. Dupaix's visit was in 1806. The architect Eduard L.
Muhlenpfordt, in his Verstich einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mejico (Hannover, 1844, in 2 vols.),
says that he made plans and drawings in 1830,6 which, passing into the hands of Juan B. Carriedo, were used
by him to illustrate a paper, " Los palacios antiguos de Mitla," in the Ilustracion Mexica?ia (vol. ii.), in
which he set forth the condition of the ruins in 1852. Meanwhile, in 1837, some drawings had been made,
which were twenty years later reproduced in the ninth volume of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowl-
edge, as Brantz Mayer's Observations on Mexican history and archceology, with a special notice of Zapotec,
remains as delineated in Mr. J. G. Sawkifts's drawings of Mitla, etc. (Washington, 1857). Bancroft points
out (iv. 406) that the inaccuracies and impossibilities of Sawkins' drawings are such as to lead to the conclu-
sion that he pretended to explorations which he never made, and probably drafted his views from some indefinite
information ; and that Mayer was deceived, having no more precise statements than Humboldt's by which to
test the drawings. Matthieu Fossey visited the ruins in 1838; but his account in his Le Me xique (Paris,
1857) is found by Bancroft to be mainly a borrowed one. G. F. von Tempsky's Mitla, a narrative of inci-
dents and personal adventure on a journey in Mexico, Guatemala and Salvador, 1833-1835, edited by J. S.
Bell (London, 1858), deceives us by the title into supposing that considerable attention is given in the book to
Mitla, but we find him spending but a part of a day there in February, 1854 (p. 250). The book is not prized ;
Bandelier calls it of small scientific value, and Bancroft says his plates must have been made up from other
sources than his own observations." Charnay, here, as well as elsewhere, made for us some important photo-
graphs in 1859.8 This kind of illustration received new accessions of value when Emilio Herbruger issued a

GENERAL PLAN OF MITLA.*

1 Cf. Bandelier, p. 320.

2 Bandelier, p. 276.

3 Ramirez, ed. 1867.

4 His brief account is copied by Mendieta and Torque-
mada, and is cited in Bandelier, p. 324.

c Geog. Description, ii. cited in Bandelier, 324. Cf. Soc.
Mex. Geog. Boletin, vii. 170.

6 Bandelier says (p. 279) that he saw them in the library
of the Institute of Oaxaca, and that, though admirable,
they have a certain tendency to over-restoration, — the be-
setting sin of all explorers who make drawings.

7 Cf. Field, no. 1612.

8 Ruines, etc., 261, and Viollet le Due, p. 74; Anciens
Villes, ch. 24.

* After Bandelier's sketch [Archceological Tour, p. 276). Key : A, the ruins on the highest ground, with a church
and curacy built into the walls. B, C, E, are ruins outside the village. D is within the modern village. F is beyond
the river.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

185

series of thirty-four fine plates as Album de Vistas fotograficas de las Antiguas Ruinas de los palacios de
Mitla (Oaxaca, 1874). In 1864, J. W. von Miiller, in his Keisen in den Vereinigten Staaten, Canada und
Mexico (Leipzig, in 3 vols.), included an account of a visit.1 The most careful examination made since Ban-
croft summarized existing knowledge is that of Bandelier in his Archceological Tour in Mexico in r88i
(Boston, 1885), published as no. ii. of the American series of the Papers of the Archceological Institute of
America, which is illustrated with heliotypes and sketch plans of the ruins and architectural details in all
their geometrical symmetry. Bancroft (iv. 392, etc.) could only give a plan of the ruins based on the sketches
of Miihlenpfordt as published by Carriedo, but the student will find a more careful one 2 in Bandelier, who
also gives detailed ones of the several buildings (pi. xvii.. xviii.)

There is no part of Spanish America richer in architectural remains than the northern section of Yucatan,
and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5) has occasion to enumerate and to describe with more or less fullness between fifty and
sixty independent groups of ruins.3 Stephens explored forty-four of these abandoned towns, and such was
the native ignorance that of only a few of them could anything be learned in Merida. And yet that this

SACRIFICIAL STONE*

1 There is a Rapport sur les ruines, by Doutrelaine, in
the Archives de la Commission Scientifique d:i Mexique
(vol. iii.); Nadaillac (p. 364) and Short (p. 361) have epit-
omized results, and Louis H. Ayme gives some Notes on
Mitla in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1882, p. 82 ;
Bancroft (iv. 391) enumerates various second-hand descrip-
tions.

2 I do not understand Bandelier's statement (p. 277) that
it is taken from Bancroft's plan, which it only resembles in
a general way.

3 Bancroft classifies their architectural peculiarities (iv.
pp. 267-279).

* After a photograph in Bandelier's Archceological Tcncr, p. 67. See on another page, cut of the court-yard of the
Museum, where this stone is preserved. Cf. Humboldt, pi. xxi. ; Bandelier in Amer. Antiq., 187S; Bancroft, iv. 509;
Stevens's Flint Chips, 311. There is a discussion of the stone in Orozco y Berra's El Cuauhxicalli de Tizoc, in the
Anales del Museo Nacional, i. no. 1 ; ii. no. 1. On the sacrificial stone of San Juan Teotihuacan, see paper by Amos
W. Butler in the Amer. Antiq.. vii. 148. A cut in Clavigero (ii.) shows how the stone was used in sacrifices; the engrav-
ing has been often copied. In Mrs. Nuttall's view this stone simply records the periodical tribute days {Am. Ass. Adv.
Sci. Proc, Aug. 1886).

1 86

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

country was the land of a peculiar architecture was known to the earliest explorers. Francisco Hernandez de
Cordova in 1 5 17, Juan de Grijalva in 1518, Cortes himself in 1519, and Francisco de Montejo in 1527 observed
the ruins in Cozumel, an island off the northwest coast of the peninsula, and at other points of the shore.1 It

is only, however, within the present century that
we have had any critical notices. Rio heard re-
ports of them merely. Lorenzo de Zavala saw
only Uxmal, as his account given in Dupaix
shows. The earliest detailed descriptions were
those of Waldeck in his Voyage pittoresque et ar-
cheologique dans la province d' Yucatan (Paris,
1838, folio, with steel plates and lithographs), but
he also saw little more than the ruins of Uxmal,
in the expedition in which he had received pecu-
niary support from Lord Kingsborough.2 It is to
John L. Stephens and his accompanying draughts-
man, Frederic Catherwood, that we owe by far the
most essential part of our knowledge of the Yu-
catan remains. He had begun a survey of Uxmal
in 1840, but had made little progress when the ill-
ness of his artist broke up his plans. Accordingly
he gave the world but partial results in his Inci-
dents of Travel in Central America. Not satis-
fied with his imperfect examination, he returned to
Yucatan in 1841, and in 1843 published at New
York the book which has become the main source
of information for all compilers ever since, his In-
cidents of Travel in Yucatan (N. Y., 1842; Lon-
don, 1843; again, N. Y., 1856, 1858). It was in
the early days of the Daguerrean process, and
Catherwood took with him a camera, from which
his excellent drawings derive some of their fidelity. They appeared in his own Views of Ancient Monuments
in Central America (N. Y., 1844), on a larger scale than in Stephens's smaller pages.

Stephens's earlier book had had an almost immediate success. The reviewers were unanimous in commenda-
tion, as they might well be.3 It has been asserted that it was in order to avail of this new interest that a resi-
dent of New Orleans, Mr. B. M. Norman, hastened to Yucatan, while Stephens was there a second time, and
during the winter of 184.1-42 made the trip among the ruins, which is recorded in his Rambles in Yztcatan, or
Notes of Travel through the peninsula, including a Visit to the Remarkable Ruins of Chi-chen, Kabah
Zayi, and Uxtnal (New York, 1843).4

The Daguerrean camera was also used by the Baron von Friederichsthal in his studies at Uxmal and
Chichen-Itza, and his exploration seems to have taken place between the two visits of Stephens, as Bancroft
determines from a letter (April 21, 1841) written after the baron had started on his return voyage to Europe.5
In Paris, in October, 1841, under the introduction of Humboldt, Friederichsthal addressed the Academy, and
his paper was printed in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (xcii. 297) as " Les Monuments de l'Yucatan."&
The camera was not, however, brought to the aid of the student with the most satisfactory results till
Charnay, in 1858, visited Izamal, Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal. He gave a foretaste of his results in the Bul-
letin de la Soc. de Geog. (1861, vol. ii. 364), and in 1863 gave not very extended descriptions, relying mostly
on his Atlas of photographs in his Cites et Rtiines Americaiftes, a part of which volume consists of the
architectural speculations of Viollet le Due. Beside the farther studies of Charnay in his Ancicns Villcs du
Nouveau Monde (Paris, 1885), there have been recent explorations in Yucatan by Dr. Augustus Le Plon
geon and his wife, mainly at Chichen-Itza, in which for awhile he had the aid and countenance of Mr. Stephen
Salisbury, Jr.," of Worcester, Mass. Le Plongeon's results are decidedly novel and helpful, but they were

WALDECK*

1 See Vol. II. ch. 3. Bancroft (ii. p. 784) collates the
early accounts of the habitations of the people, and (iv. 254,
260, 261) the descriptions of the ruins and statelier edifices,
as seen by these explorers.

2 For. Q. Rev., xviii. 25T.

3 Cf. Poole's Index, p. 1439.

4 Bancroft, iv. 145; Field, no. 1138; Leclerc, no. 1217;
Pilling, p. 2767; Dem. Review, xi. 529. Cf. Poole's Index,
p. 1439.

c Regis tro Yucateco, ii. 437 ; Diccionario Universal
(Mexico, 1853), x. 290.

c Bandelier, Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 92, calls the
paper " not very valuable."

7 This gentleman, since the death of his father, of the
same name, succeeded, after an interval, the elder anti-
quary in the president's chair of the American Antiquarian
Society.

After an etching published in the Antiuaire de la Soc. Afncr. de France. Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, October,

i875-

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

187

expressed with more license of explication than satisfied the committee of that society, when his papers were
referred to them for publication, and than has proved acceptable to other examiners.1 Nearly all other
descriptions of the Yucatan ruins have been derived substantially from these chief authorities.2

DESIRE CHARNAY.*

1 Cf . Short, p. 396. Le Plongeon retorts (A mer. A ntiq.
Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 282) by telling his critic that he had
never been in Yucatan. Considering the effect of contact in
many of those who have written of the ruins, it may be a
question if the implication is valuable as a piece of criticism.
Mr. Salisbury and Dr. Le Plongeon reported from time to
time in the Amer. A ntiq. Soc. Proc. the results of the
latter's investigations, and the researches to which they
gave rise. Those in April, 1876, and April, 1877, of these
Proceedings, were privately printed by Mr. Salisbury, as
The Mayas, etc. In April, 1878, Mr. Salisbury reported
upon the " Terra-cotta figures from Isla Mujeres." In Oct.,
1878, there were communications from Dr. Le Plongeon,
and from Alice D. Le Plongeon, his wife. In April, 1879,
Dr. Le Plongeon communicated a letter on the affinities of
Central America and the East. Since this the Le Plon-
geons have found other channels of communication. Dr.
Le Plongeon expanded his somewhat extravagant notions
of Oriental affinities in his Sacred mysteries among the
Mayas and tJie Quiches, 11,500 years ago ; their relation
to the sacred mysteries of Egypt, Greece, Chaldea, and

India. Freemasoiiry in times anterior to the temple of
Solomon (New York, 1886).

His preface is largely made up with a rehearsal of his
rebuffs and in complaints of the want of public apprecia-
tion of his labors. He is, however, as confident as ever, and
deciphers the bas-reliefs and mural inscriptions of Chichen-
Itza by " the ancient hieratic Maya alphabet " which he
claims to have discovered, and shows this alphabet in par-
allel columns with that of Egypt as displayed by Cham-
pollion and Bunsen. Mrs. Le Plongeon published her
Vestiges of the Mayas in New York, in 1881, and gath-
ered some of her periodical writings in her Here and There
in Yttcatan (N. Y., 1886). Cf. her letter on the ancient
records of Yucatan in The Nation, xxix. 224.

2 Baldwin (p. 125), in a condensed way, and likewise
Short (ch. 8) and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5), more at length, have
mainly depended on Stephens. Cf. references in Ban-
croft; iv. 147, and Bandelier's list in the Amer. Antiq. Soc.
Proc, n. s., i. 82, 95. E. H. Thompson has contributed pa-
pers in Ibid. Oct., 1886, p. 248, and April, 1887, p. 379,
and on the ruins of Kich-Moo and Chun-Kal-Cin in April,

* Reproduced from an engraving in the London edition, li
New World.

7, of the English translation of his Ancient Cities of the

188

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The principal ruins of Yucatan are those of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza, and references to the literature of
each will suffice. Those at Uxmal are in some respects distinct in character from the remains of Honduras
and of Chiapas. There are no idols as at Copan. There are no extensive stucco-work and no tablets as at
I'alonque. The. general type is Cyclopean masonry, faced with dressed stones. The Casa de Monjas, or
nunnery (so called), is often considered the most remarkable ruin in Central America ; and no architectural

JOURNEY

TO YUCATAN

and to the country of

THE LACANDONS
byD.Charnay

1882

Scale of.Engfish Miles

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Ruins Explored in 1882

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r reirtt.ich

FROM CHARXAY*

1888, p. 162. Brasseur, beside his Hist. Nat. Civ., ii.
20, has something in his introduction to his Relation de
Landa.

The description of the ruins at Zayi, which Stephens
gives, shows that some of the rooms were filled solid with
masonry, and he leaves it as an unaccountable fact ; but

Morgan {Houses and House Life, p. 267) thinks it shows
that the builders constructed a core of masonry, over which
they reared the walls and ceilings, which last, after harden-
ing, were able to support themselves, when the cores were
removed ; and that in the ruins at Zayi we see the cores
unremoved.

* Also in the Bull. Soc. de Geog. de Paris, 1882 (p. 542). The best large (36X28 in.) topographical and historical map
of Yucatan, showing the site of ruins, is that of Huebbe and Azuar, 1878. The Pla?io de Yucatan, of Santiago Nigra de
San Martin, also showing the ruins, 1848, is reduced in Stephen Salisbury's Mayas (Worcester, 1S77), or in the Amer.
Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1876, and April, 1877. V. A. Malte-Brun's map, likewise marking the ruins, is in Brasseur de
Bourbourg's Palenque (1866). There are maps in C. G. Fancourt's Hist. Yucatan (London, 1854) ; Dupnix's Antiquith
Mrxicaines \ Waldeck's Voyage dans la Yucatan (his MS. map was used by Malte-Brun). Cf. the map of Yucatan and
Chiapas, in Brasseur and Waldeck's Monuments Anciens du Mexique (1866). Perhaps the most convenient map to use
in the study of Maya antiquities is that in Bancroft's Nat. Races, iv. Cf. Crescentio Carrillo's " Geografia Maya " in
the Anales del Muse o nacional de Mexico, ii. 435.

The map in Stephens's Yucatan, vol. i., shows his route among the ruins, but does not pretend to be accurate for
regions off his course.

The Journal of the Royal Geog. Soc, vol. xi., has a map showing the ruins in Central America.

The best map to show at a glance the location of the ruins in the larger field of Spanish America is in Bancroft's Nat.
Races, iv.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

1 80

feature of any of them has been the subject of more inquiry than the protuberant ornaments in the cornices,
which are usually called elephants' trunks.1 It has been contended that the place was inhabited in the days
of Cortes.^

The earliest printed account of Uxmal is in Cogolludo's Yucathan (Madrid, 1688), pp. 176, 193, 197; but
it was well into this century before others were written. Lorenzo de Zavala gave but an outline account in his
Notice, printed in Dupaix in 1834. Waldeck {Voyage Pitt. 67, 93) spent eight days there in May, 1835, and
Stephens gives him the credit of being the earliest describer to attract attention. Stephens's first visit in 1840
was hasty {Cent. Amer., ii. 413),. but on his second visit (1842) he took with him Waldeck's Voyage, and his

RUINED TEMPLE AT UXMAL*

description and the drawings of Catherwood were made with the advantage of having these earlier drawings
to compare. Stephens {Yucatan, i. 297) says that their plans and drawings differ materially from Waldeck's;
but Bancroft, who compares the two, says that Stephens exaggerated the differences, which are not material,
except in a few plates (Stephens's Yucatan, i. 163; ii. 264 — ch. 24, 25). About the same time Norman and
Friederichsthal made their visits. Bancroft (iv. 150) refers to the lesser narratives of Carillo (1845), anc*
another, recorded in the Registro Yucateco (i. 273, 361), with Carl Bartholomaeus Heller (April, 1847) in his
Reisen in Mexico (Leipzig, 1853). Charnay's Ruines (p. 362), and his Anciens Villes (ch. 19, 20), record
visits in 1858 and later. Brasseur reported upon Uxmal in 1865 in the Archives de la Com. Scientifique du
Mexique (ii. 234, 254), and he had already made mention of them in his Hist. Nations Civ., ii. ch. 1.3

1 Cf. the Pros and cons in Waldeck and Charnay. Wal-
deck first named the ornaments as " Elephants' trunks "
{Voy. Pitt. p. 74). There are cuts in Stephens, reproduced
in Bancroft. There is also a cut in Norman. Cf. E. H.
Thompson in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1887, p. 382.

2 Stephens, Yucatan, ii. 263, gives an ancient Indian
map (1557), and extracts from the archives of Mani, which
lead him to infer that at that time it was an inhabited In-
dian town.

3 Bancroft (iv. 151) gives various references to second-

* After a cut in Ruge's Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 357.

190

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The ruins of Chichen-Itza make part of the eastern group of the Yucatan remains. As was not the case
with some of the other principal ruins, the city in its prime has a record in Maya tradition ; it was known
in the clays of the Conquest, and has not been lost sight of since,i though its ruins were not visited by explorers
till well within the present century, the first of whom, according to Stephens, was John Burke, in 1838.
Stephens had heard of them and mentioned them to Friederichsthal, who was there in 1S40 {Nouv. Annates
des Voydges} xcii. 300-306). Norman was there
in February, 1S42 (Rambles, 104), and did not
seem aware that any one had been there before
him ; and Stephens himself, during the next
month ( Yucatan, ii. 282), made the best record
which we have. Charnay made his observa-
tions in 185S (Ruines, 339, — cf. Anciens
Viltes, ch. 18), and gives us nine good photo-

2T-

FROM CHICHEN-ITZA*

FROM CHICHEN-ITZA.f

graphs. The latest discoverer is Le Plongeon, whose investigations were signalized by the finding (1876) of
the statue of Chackmool, and by other notable researches (Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1877 ; October, 1878).2
It seems hardly to admit of doubt that the cities — if that be their proper designation — of Yucatan were
the work of the Maya people, whose descendants were found by the Spaniards in possession of the peninsula,
and that in some cases, like those of Uxmal and Toloom, their sacred edifices did not cease to be used till
some time after the Spaniards had possessed the country. Such were the conclusions of Stephens,3 the sanest
mind that has spent its action upon these remains ; and he tells us that a deed of the region where Uxmal is
sihiated, which passed in 1673, mentions the daily religious rites which the natives were then celebrating there,
and speaks of the swinging doors and cisterns then in use. The abandonment of one of the buildings, at least,
is brought down to within about two centuries, and comparisons of Catherwood's drawings with the descrip-
tions of more recent explorers, by showing a very marked deterioration within a comparatively few years,
enable us easily to understand how the piercing roots of a rapidly growing vegetation can make a greater havoc

hand descriptions, noted before 1875, to which may be
added those in Short, p. 347; Nadaillac, 334; Amer. An-
tiquarian, vii. 257, and again, July, 1888.

Probably the most accurate of the plans of the ruins is
that of Stephens (Yucatan, i. 165), which is followed by
Bancroft (iv. 153). Brasseur's report has a plan, and others,
all differing, are given by Waldeck (pi. viii.), Norman (p.
155), and Charnay (Rnities, p. 62). Views and cuts of de-
tails are found in Waldeck, Stephens, Charnay, — whence
later summarizers like Bancroft, Baldwin, and Short have
drawn their copies; while special cuts are copied in Armin
(Das Heutige Mexico) ; Larenaudiere (Mexique et Gua-
temala, Paris, 1847) ; Le Plongeon (Sacred Jlfysteries) ;
Ruge (Zeitalter der Entdeckwigen, p. 357); Morgan
(I/ouses, etc., ch. xi.), and in various others. One can best
trace the varieties and contrasts of the different accounts
of the various edifices in Bancroft's collations of their
statements. His constant citation, even to scorn thejn, of
the impertinencies of George Jones's Hist, of Anc. Amer-

ica (London, 1842), — the later notorious Count Johannes,
— was hardly worth while.

1 Landa described the ruins. Relation, p. 340.

2 All other accounts are based on these. Bancroft, who
gives the best summary (iv. 221), enumerates many of the
second-hand writers, to whom Short (p. 396) must be added.
Stephens gives a plan (ii. 290) which Bancroft (iv. 222) fol-
lows ; and it apparently is worthy of reasonable confidence,
which cannot be said of Norman's. The ruins present
some features not found in others, and the most interesting
of such may be considered the wall paiutings, one repre-
senting a boat with occupants, which Stephens found on
the walls of the building called by him the Gymnasium, be-
cause of stone rings projecting from the walls (see annexed
cut), which were supposed by him to have been used in
ball games. Norman calls the same building the Temple ;
Charnay, the Cirque; but the native designation is Iglesia.

8 Yucatan, i. 94. Cf. Bancroft, Native Races,\\. 117; v.
164, 342.

* After a cut in Squier's Serpent Symbol. There are two of these rings in the walls of one of the buildings twenty or
thirty feet from the ground. They are four feet in diameter. Cf. Stephens's Yucatan, ii. 304; Bancroft, iv. 230.

t A bas-relief, one of the best preserved at Chichen-Itza, after a sketch in Charnay and Viollet-le-Duc's Cites et Ruines
Amrricain-'s (Paris 1863), p. 53, of which Viollet-le-Duc says: " Le profil du guerrier se rapproche sensiblement les
typ«« du Nord de I' Europe."

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 191

in a century than will occur in temperate climates. The preservation of paint on the walls, and of wooden lin-
tels in some places, also induce a belief that no great time, such as would imply an extinct race of builders, is
necessary to account for the present condition of the ruins, and we must always remember how the Spaniards
used them as quarries for building their neighboring towns. How long these habitations and shrines stood in
their perfection is a question about which archaeologists have had many and diverse estimates, ranging from
hundreds to thousands of years. There is nothing in the ruins themselves to settle the question, beyond a
study of their construction. So far as the traditionary history of the Mayas can determine, some of them may
have been built between the third and the tenth century.!

We come now to Chiapas. The age of the ruins of Palenque 2 can only be conjectured, and very indefinitely,
though perhaps there is not much risk in saying that they represent some of the oldest architectural structures
known in the New World, and were very likely abandoned three or four centuries before the coming of the
Spaniards. Still, any confident statement is unwise. Perhaps there may be some fitness in Brasseur's belief
that the stucco additions and roofs were the work of a later people than those who laid the foundations.3 Ban-
croft (iv. 289) has given the fullest account of the literature describing these ruins. They seem to have been
first found in 1750, or a few years before. The report reaching Ramon de Ordonez, then a boy, was not for-
gotten by him, and prompted him to send his brother in 1773 to explore them. Among the manuscripts in
the Brasseur Collection (Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 113; Pinart, no. 695) are a Memoria relativa a las ruinas . . .
de Palenque, and Notas de Chiapas y Palenque, which are supposed to be the record of this exploration writ-
ten by Ramon, as copied from the original in the Museo Nacional, and which, in part at least, constituted the
report which Ramon made in 1784 to the president of the Audiencia Real. Ramon's view was that he had hit
upon the land of Ophir, and the country visited by the Phoenicians. This same president now directed Jose
Antonio Calderon to visit the ruins, and we have his " Informe " translated in Brasseur's Palenque (introd.
p. 5). From February to June of 1785, Antonio Benasconi, the royal architect of Guatemala, inspected the
ruins under similar orders. His report, as well as the preceding one, with the accompanying drawings, were
dispatched to Spain, where J. B. Munoz made a summary of them for the king. I do not find any of them
have been printed. The result of the royal interest in the matter was, that Antonio del Rio was next commis-
sioned to make a more thorough survey, which he accomplished (May-June, 1787) with the aid of a band of
natives to fell the trees and fire the rubbish. He broke through the walls in a reckless way, that added greatly
to the devastation of years. Rio's report, dated at Palenque June 24, 1787, was published first in 1855, in the
Diccionario Univ. de Geog., viii. 528.4 Meanwhile, beside the copy of the manuscript sent to Spain, other
manuscripts were kept in Guatemala and Mexico ; and one of these falling into the hands of a Dr. M'Quy, was
taken to England and translated under the title Description of the Ruins of an Ancient City discovered near
Palenque in Guatemala, Spanish America, translated from the Original MS. Report of Capt. Don A. Del
Rio; followed by Teatro Critico Americaiio, or a Critical Investigation and Research into the History of
the Americans, by Doctor Felix Cabrera (London, i822).5

1 Bancroft collates the views of different writers (iv. 285). (iv. 362) collates these statements. Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in
He himself holds that these buildings are more ancient Amer. Antiquarian, iv. 289. Morelet identifies them with
than those of Anahuac ; consequently he rejects the argu- the Toltec remains, supposing them to be the work of that
ments of Stephens, that it was by the Toltecs, after they mi- people after their emigration, and to be of about the same
grated south from Anahuac, that these constructions were age as Mitla. Charnay (Anc. Cities of the New World, p.
raised (Native Rates, v. 165, and for references, p. 169). 260) claims that Cortes knew the place as the religious me-
Charnay (Bull, de la Soc. de Geog., Nov., 1881) believes tropolis of the Acaltecs. On the question of Cortes' knowl-
they were erected between the twelfth and fourteenth cen- edge see Science, Feb. 27, 1885, p. 171 ; and Ibid, (by Brin-
turies. ton) March 27, 18S5, p. 248.

It is well known now that the concentric rings are a use- 4 The original is in the Roy. Acad, of Hist, at Madrid

less guide in tropical regions to determine the age of trees, (Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 125), and is called Descrip-

though in the past, the immense size of trees as well as the cion del terreizo publacion antigua.

deposition of soil have been used to determine the supposed 5 Field, no. 231 ; Sabin, xvii. p. 292. The report of Rio

ages of ruins. Waldeck counted a ring a year in getting was brief, and as we would judge now, superficial. Dupaix

two thousand years for the time since the abandonment of treats him disparagingly. The appended essay by Cabrera,

Palenque; but Charnay (Eng. tr. Ancie?it Cities, p. 260) an Italian, is said to have been largely filched from Ramon's

says that these rings are often formed monthly. Cf. Na- paper, which had been confidentially placed in his hands

daillac, p. 323. (Short, 207). A Spanish text of Cabrera is in the Museo

2 So called because near a modern village of that name, Nacional. Cf. Brasseur (Bib. Mex.-Guat.'), p. 30; Pinart,
founded by the Spaniards about 1564. Bancroft (iv. 296) no. 186. It is a question if the plates, which constituted the
says the ruins are ordinarily called by the natives Casas de most interesting part of the English book, be Rio's after
Piedra. Ordonez calls them Nachan, but without giving all ; for though they profess to be engraved after his draw-
any authority, and some adopt the Aztec equivalent Cal- ings, they are suspiciously like those made by Castaneda,
huacan, city of the serpents. Because Xibalba is keld by twenty years after Rio's visit (Bancroft, iv. 290). David
some to be the name of the great city of this region in the B. Warden translated Rio's report in the Recueil de voy-
shadowy days of Votan, that name has also been applied to ages et de Mhnoires, par la Soc. de la Geog. de Paris
tlie ruins. Otolum, or the ruined place, is a common des- (vol. ii.), and gave some of the plates. (Cf. Warden's Re-
ignation thereabouts, but Palenque is the appellation in use ckerches sur les antiguites de PA mrrique Se/>tentriouale,
by most travellers and writers. Paris, 1827, in Mem. de la Soc. de Geog.) There is a Ger-

3 Th« fact is, that widely distinct estimates have been man version, Besckreibung ei7ier a/ten Stadt (Berlin, 1S32),
held, some dating them back into the remotest antiquity, by J. H. von Minutoli, which is provided with an intro-
and others making them later than the Conquest. Bancroft ductory essay.

IQ2

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The results of the explorations of Dupaix, made early in the present century by order of Carlos IV. of Spain
long remained unpublished. His report and the drawings of Castaneda lay uncared for in the Mexican ar*
chives during the period of the Revolution. Latour Allard, of Paris, obtained copies of some of the drawings,
and from these'Kingsborough got copies, which he engraved for his Mexican Antiquities, in which Dupaix's
report was also printed in Spanish and English (vols, iv., v., vi.). It is not quite certain whether the originals
or copies were delivered (1S28) by the Mexican authorities to Baradere, who a few years later secured their
publication with additional matter as Antiquites mexicaines. Relation des trois expeditions du capitaine

A RESTORATION BY VIOLLET-LE-DUC .*

Dupaix, ordonnces en 1803, 1806 et 1807, pour la recherche des antiquites du pays, notammcnt celles de
Mitla et de Palenque ; accompagnce des dessins dc Castaiieda, et d'une carte du pays explore ; suivie d'un
parallele de ces monuments avec ceux de V£gyptc, de V Indostan, et du reste de Vancicn tnondc par Alex-
andre Lenoir; d'une dissertation stir Vorigine de Pancienne population des deux Amcriqucs par [D. B.]
Wardc?i ; avec un discours prcliminaire par M. Charles Farcy, et des notes explicativcs, et autres docu-
ments par MM. Baradere, de St. Priest [etc.]. (Paris: 1834, texte et atlas.)1 The plates of this edition

1 Sabin, x. 209, 213. Cf. Annates de Philos. Chretienne, xi.

* From Ilistoire de V Habitation Ihanainc, par Viollet-le-Duc (Paris, 1875). There is a restoration of the Palenqu^
palace — so called — in Armin's Das heutige Mexico (copied in Short, 342, and Bancroft, iv. 323).

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

193

are superior to those in Kingsborough and in Rio ; and are indeed improved in the engraving over Castaneda's
drawings. The book as a whole is one of the most important on Palenque which we have. The investiga-
tions were made on his third expedition (1807-8). A tablet taken from the ruins by him is in the Museo
Nacional, and a cast of it is figured in the Numis. and Antiq. Soc. of Philad. Proc, Dec. 4, 1884.

During the twenty-five years next following Dupaix, we find two correspondents of the French and English
Geographical Societies supplying their publications with occasional accounts of their observations among the
ruins. One of them, Dr. F. Corroy,1 was then living at Tabasco ; the other, Col. Juan Gallindo,2 was resident
in the country as an administrative officer.

SCULPTURES, TEMPLE OF THE CROSS, PALENQUE.*

1 Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, ix. (1828) 198. Du-
paix, i. 2d div. 76.

2 " Palenque et autres lieux circonvoisins," in Dupaix, i.
2d div. 67 (in English in Literary Gazette, London, 183 1,

no. 769, and in Lond. Geog. Soc. "Journal, iii. 60). Cf.
Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, 1832. He is over-
enthusiastic, as Bandelier thinks (Amer. Ant. Soc. Proc,
n. s., i. p. in).

* These slabs, six feet high, were taken from Palenque*, and when Stephens saw them they were in private hands at
San Domingo, near by, but later they were placed in the church front in the same town, and here Charnay took impres-
sions of them, from which they were engraved in The Ancient Cities, etc., p. 217, and copied thence in the above cuts.
This same type of head is considered by Rosny the Aztec head of Palenque (Doc. ecrits de la Antiq. Amer., 73), and as
belonging to the superior classes. In order to secure the convex curve of the nose and forehead an ornament was some-
times added, as shown in a head of the second tablet at Palenque, and in the photograph of a bas-relief, preserved in the
Museo Archeogico at Madrid, given by Rosny (vol. 3), and hypothetically called by him a statue of Cuculkan. This
ornament is not infrequently seen in other images of this region.

Bandelier [Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 126), speaking of the tablet of the Cross of Palenque', says: "These tablets and
figures show in dress such a striking analogy of what we know of the military accoutrements of the Mexicans, that it is a
strong approach to identity."

VOL. I. — [3

194

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Fr6deric de Waldeck, the artist who some years before had familiarized himself with the character of the
ruins in the preparation of the engravings for Rio's work, was employed in 1832-34. He was now consid-
erably over sixty years of age, and under the pay of a committee, which had raised a subscription, in which the
Mexican government shared. He made the most thorough examination of Palenque which has yet been made.
Waldeck was a skilful artist, and his drawings are exquisite ; but he was not free from a tendency to improve
or restore, where the conditions gave a hint, and so as we have them in the final publication they have not been
accepted as wholly trustworthy. He made more than 200 drawings, and either the originals or copies —
Stephens says "copies," the originals being confiscated — were taken to Europe. Waldeck announced his
book in Paris, and the public had already had a taste of his not very sober views in some communications
which he had sent in Aug. and Nov., 1832, to the Societe de Geographie de Paris. Long years of delay fol-
lowed, and Waldeck had lived to be over ninety, when the French government bought his collection1 (in i860),
and made preparations for its publication. Out of the 18S drawings thus secured, 56 were selected and were

PLAN OF COPAN (RUINS AND VILLAGE).*

admirably engraved, and only that portion of Waldeck's text was preserved which was purely descriptive,
and not all of that. Selection was made of Brasseur de Bourbourg, who at that time had never visited the
ruins,2 to furnish some introductory matter. This he prepared in an Avant-propos, recapitulating the progress
of such studies ; and this was followed by an Introduction aux Ruines de Palenque, narrating the course of
explorations up to that time ; a section also published separately as Recherches sur les Ruines de Palenque
et sur les origines de la civilisation du Mexique (Paris, 1886), and finally Waldeck's own Description des
Ruines, followed by the plates, most of which relate to Palenque\ Thus composed, a large volume was pub-
lished under the general title of Monuments anciens du Mexique. Palenque et autres ruines de Vancicnne
civilisation du Mexique. Collection de vues [etc.], cartes et plans dessines d'apres nature et releves par M.
de Waldeck. Texte redige par M. Brasseur de Bourbourg. (Paris, 1864-1866.) * While Waldeck's results
were still unpublished the ruins of Palenqu6 were brought most effectively to the attention of the English
reader in the Travels in Central America (vol. ii. ch. 17) of Stephens, which was illustrated by the drawings
of Catherwood,4 since famous. These better cover the field, and are more exact than those of Dupaix.

Bancroft refers to an anonymous account in the Registro Yucateco (i. 318). One of the most intelligent of
the later travellers is Arthur Morelet, who privately printed his Voyage dans VAmerique Central, Cuba et le
Yucatan, which includes an account of a fortnight's stay at Palenque\ His results would be difficult of access

1 The report by Angrand, which induced this purchase,
is in the work as published.

2 He had described them in his Hist. Nat. Civ., i. ch. 3.

3 The book usually sells for about 150 francs.
* Given, also enlarged, in the folio known as Cather
wood's Views.

* From The Stone Sculptures 0/ Co/dn and Quirigud (N. Y., 1883) of Meye and Schmidt.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

195

except that Mrs. M. F. Squier, with an introduction by E. G. Squier, published a translation of that part of it
relating to the main land as Travels in Central America, including accounts of regions unexplored since the
Conquest (N. Y., 1871).!

Desire Charnay was the first to bring photography to the aid of the student when he visited Palenque in
1858, and his plates forming the folio atlas accompanying his Cites et Ruines Americaines (1863), PP- 72> 4IX>
are, as Bancroft (iv. 293) points out, of interest to enable us to test the drawings of preceding delineators, and
to show how time had acted on the ruins since the visit of Stephens. His later results are recorded in his
Les anciennes villes du Nouveau Monde (Paris, i885).2

YUCATAN TYPES*

1 The German version was made from this (Jena, 1872).

2 Particularly ch. 13, 14. Charnay is the last of the ex-
plorers of Palenque. All the other accounts of the ruins
found here and there are based on the descriptions of
those who have been named, or at least nothing is added
of material value by other actual visitors like Norman
{Rambles in Yucatan, p. 284). Bancroft (iv. 294) enumer-
ates a number of such second-hand describers. The most
important work since Bancroft's summary is Manuel Lar-
rainzar's Estudios sobre la historia de A merica, sus ruinas
y antigiledades, y sobre elorigen de sus habitantes (Mexico,
1875-78), in five vols., all of whose plates are illustrations
from the ruins of Palenque, which are described and com-
pared with other ancient remains throughout the world.
Cf. Briihl, Culturvolker d. alt. Amerikas. Plans of the
ruins will be found in Waldeck ( pi. vii., followed mainly
by Bancroft, iv. 298, 307), Stephens (ii. 310), Dupaix (pi.
xi.), Kingsborough (iv. pi. 13), and Charnay (ch. 13 and
14). The views of the ruins given by these authorities
mainly make up the stock of cuts in all the popular narra-
tives.

The most interesting of the carvings is what is known as
the Tablet of the Cross, which was taken from one of the
minor buildings, and is now in the National Museum at
Washington. It has often been engraved, but such repre-
sentations never satisfied the student till they could be
tested by the best of Charnay's photographs. (Engravings
in Rrasseur and Waldeck, pi. 21, 22; Rosny's Essai sur
U dechiffremeni.tic ; Minutoli's Beschreibung eineralten
Stadt in Guatimala (Berlin, 1832); Stephens's Cent.
Amer., ii. ; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 333; Charnay, Les
anciens Villes, and Eng. transl. p. 255 ; Nadaillac, 325 ;
Powell's Rept., i. 221 ; cf. p. 234 ; Amer. Antiquarian, vii.
200.) The most important discussion of the tablet is
Charles Rail's Palenque Tablet in the U. S. National
Museum (Washington, 1879), being the Smithsonian Coniri.

to Knowledge, no. 331, or vol. xxii. It contains an account
of the explorations that have been made at Palenque, and
a chapter on the " Aboriginal writing in Mexico, Central
America, and Yucatan, with some account of the attempted
translations of Maya hieroglyphics." Rau's conclusion is
that it is a Phallic symbol. Cf. a summary in Amer. An-
tiquarian, vi., Jan., 1884, and in Amer. Art Review, 1880,
p. 217. Rau's paper was translated into Spanish and
French : Tablero del Palenque en el Museo nacional de los
Estados-Unidos [traducido por Joaquin Davis y Miguel
Perez], in the Anales del Museo nacional. Tomo 2, pp.
131-203. (Mexico, 1880.) La Stele de Palenque du Mu-
see national des Etats-Unis, a Washington. Traduit de
V Anglais avec autorisation de Pauteur. In the Annates
du Musee Guimet, vol. x. (Paris, 1887.) Rau's views were
criticised by Morgan.

There are papers by Charencyon the interpretation of the
hieroglyphs in Le Museon (Paris, 1882, 1883).

The significance of the cross among the Nahuas and
Mayas has been the subject of much controversy, some con-
necting it with a possible early association with Christians in
ante-Columbian days (Bancroft, iii. 468). On this later point
see Bamps, Les traditions relatives a Vhomme blanc et au
signe de la cruz en Amerique a VEpoque firecolumbienne,
in the Compte rendu, Congres des Americanistes (Copen-
hagen, 1883), p. 125; and "Supposed vestiges of early
Christian teaching in America," in the Catholic Historical
Researclies (vol. i., Oct., 1885). The symbolism is vari-
ously conceived. Bandelier (Archceol. your.) holds it to
be the emblem of fire, indeed an ornamented fire-drill,
which later got mixed up with the Spanish crucifix. Brin-
ton (Myths of the New World, 95) sees in it the four cardi-
nal points, the rain-bringers, the symbol of life and health,
and cites (p. 96) various of the early writers in proof. Brin-
\.ox\(Am. Hero Myths, 155) claims to have been the first
to connect the Palenque cross with the four cardinal points.

* Given by Rosny, Doc. Ecrits de la Antiq. Amer., p. 73, as types of the short-headed race which preceded the Aztec
occupation. They are from sculptures at Copan. Cf. Stephens's Cent. America, i. 139; Bancroft, iv. 101.

196 NARRATIVE AxND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

There have been only two statues found at Palenqu6, in connection with the Temple of the Cross,i but the
considerable number of carved figures discovered at Copan,2 as well as the general impression that these latter

ruins are the oldest on the American conti-
nent^ have made in some respects these most
celebrated of the Honduras remains more in-
teresting than those of Chiapas. It is now
generally agreed that the ruins of Copan * do
not represent the town called Copan, assaulted
and captured by Hernando de Choves in 1530,
though the identity of names has induced
some writers to claim that these ruins were
inhabited when the Spaniards came.5 The
earliest account of them which we have is that
in Palacio's letter to Felipe II., written (1576)
hardly more than a generation after the Con-
quest, and showing that the ruins then were
much in the same condition as later described.^
The next account is that of Fuentes y Guz-
man's Historia de Guatemala (1689), now
accessible in the Madrid edition of 1882; but
for a long time only known in the citation in
Juarros: Guatemala (p. 56), and through those
who had copied from Juarros." His account
is brief, speaks of Castilian costumes, and is
otherwise so enigmatical that Brasseur calls
it mendacious. Colonel Galindo, in visiting
the ruins in 1836, confounded them with the
Copan of the Conquest.8 The ruins also came
under the scrutiny of Stephens in 1839, and
they were described by him, and drawn by
Catherwood, for the first time with any full-
ness and care, in their respective works.9

Sacrificial stone. 0 I
t

X.B.-
% = Platform, 5 feet high, on
top of the mound.

Z^Pv Large deciduous tree*
JijSff1 and palm*.

Sacrificial stone ■ 0 ?

m4m

Arched

Embankment.

PLAN OF THE RUINS OF QUIRIGUA*

The bird and serpent — the last shown better in Charnay's
photograph than in Stephens's cut — is (Myths, 119) simply
a rebus of the air-god, the ruler of the winds. Brinton
says that Waldeck, in a paper on the tablet in the Revue
A mericaine (ii. 69), came to a similar conclusion. Squier
(Nicaragua, ii. 337) speaks of the common error of mis-
taking the tree of life of the Mexicans for the Christian
symbol. Cf. Powell's Second Rept., Bur. of Ethnol., p.
208 ; the Fourth Rept., p. 252, where discredit is thrown
upon Gabriel de Mortillet's Le Signe de la cross avant le
Christianisme (Paris, 1866); Joly's Man before Metals,
339; and Charnay's Les Anciens Villes (or Eng. transl. p.
85). Cf. for various applications the references in Ban-
croft's index (v. p. 671).

1 Both were alike, and one was broken in two. There
are engravings in Waldeck, pi. 25; Stephens, ii. 344, 349;
Squiers Nicaragua, 1856, ii. 337; Bancroft, iv. 337.

2 These have been the subject of an elaborate folio,
thought, however, to be of questionable value, Die Stein-
bildiverke von Copan uftd Quirigua, aufgenomtnen von
Heinrich Meye ; historisch erlautert und besckrieben von
Dr. Julhis Schmidt (Berlin, 1883), of which there is an
English translation, The stone sculptures of Copan and
Quirigua ; translated from the German by A. D. Savage
(New York, 1883). It gives twenty plates, Catherwood's
plates, and the cuts in Stephens, with reproductions in ac-
cessible books (Bancroft, iv. ch. 3; Powell's First Rept.
Bur. Film. 224; Ruge's Gesch. des Zeitalters : Avicr. An-
tiquarian, viii. 204-6), will serve, however, all purposes.

Always associated with Copan, and perhaps
even older, if the lower relief of the carvings
can bear that interpretation, are the ruins near
the village of Quirigui, in Guatemala, and

3 Squier says : " There are various reasons for believing
that both Copan and Quirigua antedate Olosingo and Pa-
lenque, precisely as the latter antedate the ruins of Quiche,
Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal, and that all of them were the
work of the same people, or of nations of the same race,
dating from a high antiquity, and in blood and language
precisely the same that was found in occupation of the coun-
try by the Spaniards."

4 Named apparently from a neighboring village.

5 Ref. in Bancroft, iv. 79.
c This account can be found in Pacheco's Col. Doc. inid.

vi. 37, in Spanish; in Ternaux's Coll. (1840), imperfect,
and in the Now. Annates des Voyages, 1843, v. xcvii. p. 18,
in French ; in Squier's Cent. A merica, 242, and in his ed.
of Palacio (N. Y. i860), in English; and in Alexander von
Frantzius's San Salvador und Honduras i>n 'Jahre 1576,
with notes by the translator and by C. H. Berendt.

7 Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 131, 144; Warden, 71; Now
velles A finales des Voyages, xxxy. 329; Bancroft, iv. S2 ;
Bull, de la Soc de Geog. de Paris, 1836, v. 267; Short, 56,
82, — not to name others.

8 His account is in the A mer. Antiq. Soc. Trans., ii. ;
Bull. Soc. de Geog. 1835; Dupaix, a summary, i. div. 2,
p. 73 ; Bradford's^ mer. Antiq. in part. Galindo's draw-
ings are unknown. Stephens calls his account " unsatisfac-
tory and imperfect.''

9 Central A merica, i. ch. 5-7; Views of A nc. Mis. It
is Stephens's account which has furnished the basis of those
given by Bancroft (iv. ch. 3); Baldwin, p. m ; Short, 356;

From Meye and Schmidt's Stone Sculptures of Copan and Quirigua (N. Y., 1883).

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

197

known by that name. Catherwood first brought them into notice ; * but the visit of Karl Scherzer in 1854 pro-
duced the most extensive account of them which we have, in his Ein Bisuch bei den Ruinen von Quirigud
(Wien, 1855).2

The principal explorers of Nicaragua have been Ephraim George Squier, in his Nicaragua? and Frederick
Boyle, in his Ride across a Continent (Lond. 1868),4 and their results, as well as the scattered data of others,5
are best epitomized in Bancroft (iv. ch. 2), who gives other references to second-hand descriptions (p. 29).
Since Bancroft's survey there have been a few important contributions.6

III. Bibliographical Notes on the Picture-Writing of the Nahuas and Mayas.

In considering the methods of record and communication used by these peoples, we must keep in mind
the two distinct systems of the Aztecs and the Mayas ; " and further, particularly as regards the former, we
must not forget that some of these writings were made after the Conquest, and were influenced in some
degree by Spanish associations. Of this last class were land titles and catechisms, for the native system
obtained for some time as a useful method with the conquerors for recording the transmission of lands and
helping the instruction by the priests.8

It is usual in tracing the development of a hieroglyphic system to advance from a purely figurative one —
in which pictures of objects are used — through a symbolic phase; in which such pictures are interpreted con-
ventionally instead of realistically. It was to this last stage that the Aztecs had advanced ; but they mingled
the two methods, and apparently varied in the order of reading, whether by lines or columns, forwards, up-
wards, or backwards. The difficulty of understanding them is further increased by the same object holding
different meanings in different connections, and still more by the personal element, or writer's style, as we
should call it, which was impressed on his choice of objects and emblems.9 This rendered interpretation by no
means easy to the aborigines themselves, and we have statements that when native documents were referred

Nadaillac, 328, and all others. Bancroft in his bibliog.
note (iv. pp. 79-81), which has been collated with my own
notes, mentions others of less importance, particularly the
report of Center and Hardcastle to the Amer. Ethnol. Soc.
in i860 and 1862, and the photographs made by Ellerley,
which Brasseur {Hist. Nat. Civ. i. 96 ; ii. 493 ; Pale7ique,
8, 17) found to confirm the drawings and descriptions of
Catherwood and Stephens.

Stephens {Cent. Am., i. 133) made a plan of the ruins re-
produced in Annates des Voyages (1841, p. 57), which is
the basis of that given by Bancroft (iv. 85). Dr. Julius
Schmidt, who was a member of the Squier expedition in
1852-53, furnished the historical and descriptive text to a
work which in the English translation by A. D. Savage
is known as Stone Sculptures of Copd?i and Quirigud,
drawn by Heinrich Meye (N. Y., 1883). What Stephens
calls the Copan idols and altars are considered by Morgan
(Houses and House Life, 257), following the analogy of the
customs of the northern Indians, to be the grave-posts and
graves of Copan chiefs. Bancroft (iv. ch. 3) covers the
other ruins of Honduras and San Salvador ; and Squier has
a paper on those of Tenampua in the N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Proc, 1853.

1 Stephens's Central America, ii. ch. 7; and Nouvelles
Annates des Voyages, vol. lxxxviii. 376, derived from Cath-
erwood.

2 Other travellers who have visited them are John Baily,
Central America (Lond. 1850); A. P. Maudsley, Explo-
rations in Guatemala (Lond. 1883), 'with map and plans
of ruins, in the Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. p. 185; W. T. Brig-
ham's Guatemala (N. Y., 1886). Bancroft (iv. 109) epito-
mizes the existing knowledge ; but the remains seem to be
less known than any other of the considerable ruins. There
are a few later papers : G. Williams on the Antiquities of
Guatemala, in the Smithsonian Report. 1876; Simeon Ha-
bel's " Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guate-
mala" in the Smithson. Contrib. xxii. (Washington, 1878),
or "Sculptures de Santa (Lucia) Cosumalwhuapa dans le
Guatemala, avec une relation de voyages dans l'Amerique
Centrale etsurles cotes occidentales de l'Amerique du Sud,
par S. Habel. Traduit de l'anglais, par J. Pointet,'' with
eight plates, in the Annates du Musee Guimel, vol. x. pp.
"9-259 (Paris, 1887); Philipp Wilhelm Adolf Bastian's

' Stein Sculpturen aus Guatemala," in the Jahrbuch derk.

Museenzu Berlin, 1882, or " Notice surles pierres sculptees
du Guatemala recemment acquises par le Musee royal d'eth-
nographie de Berlin. Traduit avec autorisation de l'auteur
par J. Pointet,'' in the Annates du Musee Guimet, vol. x.
pp. 261-305 (Paris, 1887); and C. E. Vreeland and J. F.
Bransford, on the Antiquities at Pantaleon, Guatemala
(Washington, 1885), from the Smithsonian Report for
1884.

3 Nicaragua ; its people, scenery, monuments, and the
proposed interoceanic canal (N. Y., 1856; revised i860), a
portion (pp. 303-362) referring to the modern Indian occu-
pants. Squier was helped by his official station as U- S.
charge d'affaires ; and the archaeological objects brought
away by him are now in the National Museum at Washing-
ton. He published separate papers in the A mer. Ethnol.
Soc. Trans, ii. ; Smithsonian Ann. Rept. v. (1850); Har-
pers Monthly, x. and xi. Cf. list in Pilling, nos. 3717, etc.

* His explorations were in 1865-66. He carried off what
he could to the British Museum.

5 Like Bedford Pirn and Berthold Seemann's Dottings
on the Roadside in Panama, Nicaragua, and Mosquito
(Lond., 1869).

G J. F. Bransford's " Archaeological Researches in Nica-
ragua," in the Smithsonian Contrib. (Washington, 1881).
Karl Bovallius's Nicaraguafi Antiquities, with plates
(Stockholm, 1886), published by the Swedish Society of An-
thropology and Geography, figures various statues and
other relics found by the author in Nicaragua, and he says
that his drawings are in some instances more exact than
those given by Squier before the days of photography. In
his introduction he describes the different Indian stocks of
Nicaragua, and disagrees with Squier. He gives a useful
map of Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

7 It is only of late years that they have been kept apart,
for the elder writers like Kingsborough, Stephens, and
Brantz Mayer, confounded them.

8 The Father Alonzo Ponce, who travelled through Yu-
catan in 1586, is the only writer, according to Brinton
(Books of Chilan Balam, p. 5), who tells us distinctly that
the early missionaries made use of aboriginal characters in
giving religious instruction to the natives (Relacion Breve
y Verdadera).

0 Leon y Gama tells us that color as well as form seems
to have been representative.

iqS

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

to them it required sometimes long consultations to reach a common understanding.! The additional step
by which objects stand for sounds, the Aztecs seem not to have taken, except in the names of persons and
places, in which they understood the modern child's art of the rebus, where such symbol more or less clearly
stands for a syllable, and the representation was usually of conventionalized forms, somewhat like the art
of the European herald. Thus the Aztec system was what Daniel Wilson 2 calls " the pictorial suggestion of
associated ideas." 3 The phonetic scale, if not comprehended in the Aztec system, made an essential part of

ll^l*> y***** tirvo ,-y mM*

tft*a« <b-y' t*A£^y t«^e*U ^* (*A*vi*^ <*~*~^p ^* e^ <£*v'

Ar*»-wi^tj w

<fi~^<?,C&*i

C*>*A j \*J> (^ s*A*+*£\*n^ ,y -p^ ^jC, "v<*^ y>ivzA. -+^ci*. JuL*T$~t

FAC-SIMILE OF A PART OF LANDA'S MS.*

1 See references on the accepted difficulties in Native
Races, ii. 531. Mrs. Nuttall claims to have observed certain
complemental signs in the Mexican graphic system, "which
renders a misinterpretation of the Nahuatl picture-writings
impossible " {Am. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc, xxxv. (Aug.,
1886) ; Peabody Mus. Papers, i. App.

2 Prehist. Man, ii. 57, 64, for his views.

3 Bancroft, Native Paces, ii. ch. 17 (pp. 542, 552) gives
a good description of the Aztec system, with numerous
references; but on this system, and on the hieroglyphic
element in general, see Gomara ; Bernal Diaz ; Motolinfa

in Icazbalceta's Collection, i. 186, 209 ; Ternaux's Col-
lection, x. 250; Kingsborough, vi. 87; viii. 190; ix. 201,
235> 2S7, 325; Acosta, lib. vi. cap. 7; Sahagiin, i. p. iv. ;
Torquemada, i. 29, 30, 36, 149, 253; ii. 263, 544; Las
Casas's Hist. Apologctica ; Purchas's Pilgrimes, iii. 1069 ;
iv. 1 135; Clavigero, ii. 187; Robertson's America; Botu-
rini's Idea, pp. 5, 77, 87, 96, 112, 116; Humboldt's J'i«s,
i. 177, 192; Veytia, i. 6, 250; Gallatin in Am. Ethn. Soc.
Trans, i. 126, 165; Prescott's Mexico, i. ch. 4; Brasseur's
Nat. Civ., i. pp. xv, xvii ; Domenech's Afatntscrit picto-
graphiqne, introd. ; Mendoza, in the Boletin Soc. Mex.

* After a fac-simile in the Archives de la Soc. A mer. de France, nouv. ser., ii. 34. (Cf. pi. xix. of Rosny's Essai sur
Ic drchiffrement, etc.) It is a copy, not the original, of Landa's text, but a nearly contemporary one (made thirty years
after Landa's death), and the only one known.

Note to opposite Cut. — This representation of Yucatan hieroglyphics is a reduction of pi. i. in Leon de Rosny s
Essai sur le ddchiffremcjit de I'ecritnre hieratique de VA mtrique Centrale, Paris, 1876. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 92 ; Short, 405.

200

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the Maya hieroglyphics, and this was the great distinctive feature of the latter, as we learn from the early
descriptions,1 and from the alphabet which Landa has preserved for us. It is not only in the codices or
books of the Mayas that their writing is preserved to us, but in the inscriptions of their carved architectural
remains.'2

When the Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg found, in 1863, in the library of the Royal Academy of History at
Madrid, the MS. of Landa's Relation, and discovered in it what purported to be a key to the Maya alphabet,
there were hopes that the interpretation of the Maya books and inscriptions was not far off. Twenty-five
years, however, has not seen the progress that was wished for ; and if we may believe Valentini, the alphabet
of Landa is a pure fabrication of the bishop himself;3 and even some of those who account it genuine, like Le
Plongeon, hold that it is inadequate in dealing with the older Maya inscriptions.4 Cyrus Thomas speaks of
this alphabet as simply an attempt of the bishop to pick out of compound characters their simple elements
on the supposition that something like phonetic representations would be the result. 5 Landa's own descrip-
tion 6 of the alphabet accompanying his graphic key " is very unsatisfactory, not to say incomprehensible.
Brasseur has tried to render it in French, and Bancroft in English ; but it remains a difficult problem to in-
terpret it intelligibly.

Brasseur very soon set himself the task of interpreting the Troano manuscript by the aid of this key, and
he soon had the opportunity of giving his interpretation to the public when the Emperor Napoleon III. or-
dered that codex to be printed in the sumptuous manner of the imperial press.8 The efforts of Brasseur met

Geog., 2de ed. i. 896; Madier de Montjau's Chronologie
hieroglyphico-phonetic des rois Azteques, de 1322 a 1322,
with an introduction " sur l'Ecriture Mexicaine ;" Lubbock's
Prehistoric Times, 279, and his Origin of Civilization,
ch. 2 ; E. B. Tylor's Researches into the Early Hist, oj
Mankind, 89; Short's No. Amer. of Antiq., ch. 8; Miil-
ler's Chips, i. 317; The Abbe Jules Pipart in Compte-
rendn, Congres des Amer. 1877, ii. 346; Isaac Taylor's
Alphabets ; Foster's Prehistoric Races, 322; Nadaillac,
376, not to cite others. Bandelier has discussed the Mex-
ican paintings in his paper " On the sources for aboriginal
history of Spanish America " in Am. Asso. Adv. Science,
Proc, xxvii. (1878). See also Peabody Mus. Reports, ii.
631; and Orozco y Berra's " Codice Mendozino " in the
Anales del Museo National, vol. i. Mrs. Nuttall's views
are in the Peabody Miis., Twentieth Report, p. 567. Qua-
ritch (Catal. 1885, nos. 29040, etc.) advertised some original
Mexican pictures; a native MS. pictorial record of apart
of the Tezcuco domain (supposed a. d. 1530), and perhaps
one of the " pinturas " mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl ; a colored
Mexican calendar on a single leaf of the same supposed
date and origin ; with other MSS. of the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries. (Cf. also his Catal., Jan., Feb., 1888.)

The most important studies upon the Aztec system have
been those of Aubin. Cf. his Memoire sur la pei?iture
didactique et Vecriture figurative des A nciens Mexicains,
in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, iii. 225
(Revue Orient, et Amer.), in which he contended for the
rebus-like character of the writings. He made further con-
tributions to vols. iv. and v. (1859-1861). Cf. his " Examen
des anciennes peintures figuratives de l'ancien Mexique,''
in the new series of Archives, etc, vol. i. ; and the introd.
to Brasseur's Nations Civilisees, p. xliv.

1 Bancroft (Nat. Races, ii. ch. 24) tran=lates these from
Landa, Peter Martyr, Cogulludo, Villagutierre, Mendieta,
Acosta, Benzoni, and Herrera, and thinks all the modern
writers (whom he names, p. 770) have drawn from these
earlier ones, except, perhaps, Medel in Nouv. Annales des
Voyages, xcvii. 49. Cf. Wilson, Prehistoric Man, ii. 61.
It will be seen later that Holden discredits the belief in any
phonetic value of the Maya system. But compare on the
phonetic value of the Mexican and Maya systems, Brinton
in Amer. Antiquarian (Nov. 1886); Lazarus Geiger's
Conirib. to the Hist, of the Developme?it of the Human
Race (Eng. tr. by David Asher). London, 1880, p. 75;
and Zelia Nuttall in Am. Ass. Adv. Set. Proc, Aug. 1886.

2 Dr. Bernoulli, who died at San Francisco, in Califor-
nia, in 1878, and whose labors are commemorated in a no-
tice in the Vcrhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesell-
schaft (vi. 710) at Basle, found at Tikal, in Guatemala, some
fragments of sculptured panels of wood, bearing hiero-
glyphics as well as designs, which he succeeded in purchas-
ing, and they were finally deposited in 1879 in the Ethno-

logical Museum in Basle, where Rosny saw them, and de-
scribes them, with excellent photographic representations,
in his Doc. Ecrits de V A ntiq. A mer. (p. 97). These tablets
are the latest additions to be made to the store already pos-
sessed from Palenque, as given by Stephens in his Central
America, Chiapas, and Yucatan; those of the Temple of
the Cross at Palenque, after Waldeck's drawings in the
Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France (ii., 1864); that
from Kabah in Yucatan, given by Rosny in his Archives
P allograph iques (i. p. 178; Atlas, pi. xx.), and one from
Chichen-Itza, figured by Le Plongeon in L' Illustration,
Feb. 10, 1882 ; not to name other engravings. Rosny holds
that Rau's Palenque Tablet (Washington, 1879) gives the
first really serviceably accurate reproduction of that in-
scription. Cf. on Maya inscriptions, Bancroft, ii. 775 ; iv.
91,97,234; Morelet's Travels; and Le Plongeon in A m.
Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 246. This last writer has been
thought to let his enthusiasm — not to say dogmatism —
turn his head, under which imputation he is not content,
naturally ( Ibid. p. 282).

3 " Landa's alphabet a Spanish fabrication,'' appeared
in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1880. In this, Phi-
lipp J. J. Valentini interprets all that the old writers say of
the ancient writings to mean that they were pictorial and not
phonetic ; and that Landa's purpose was to devise a vehicle
which seemed familiar to the natives, through which he
could communicate religious instruction. His views have
been controverted by Leon de Rosny (Doc. Ecrits de la
Antiq. Amer. p. 91) ; and Brinton (Maya Chronicles, 61),
calls them an entire misconception of Landa's purpose.

4 Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 251.
c Troa7io MS., p. viii

6 Relation, Brasseur's ed., section xli.

7 This is given in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de
France, ii. pi. iv. ; in Brasseur's ed. of Landa; in Ban-
croft's Nat. Races, ii. 779 ; in Short, 425 ; Rosny (Essai
sur le dechiff. etc., pi. xiii.) gives a " Tableau des carac-
teres phonetique Mayas d'apres Diego de Landa et Bras-
seur de Bourbourg."

8 Manuscrit Troano Etudes sur le systeme graphique et
la langue des Mayas (Paris, 1869-70) — the first volume
containing a fac-simile of the Codex in seventy plates,
with Brasseur's explications and partial interpretation.
In the second volume there is a translation of Gabriel de
Saint Bonaventure's Grammaire Maya, a " Chrestoma-
thie'" of Maya extracts, and a Maya lexicon of more than
10,000 words. Brasseur published at the same time (1869)
in the Memoires de la Soc d"1 Ethnographic a Lettrc a M.
Leon de Rosny sur la decouvcrte dc documents rclatifsa la
haute antiquite autericaine, et sur le dechiffrcment et V in-
terpretation de Vecriture phonetique et figurative de la
langue Maya (Paris, 1869). He explained his application
of Landa's alphabet in the introduction to the MS. Troano,

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

201

with hardly a sign of approval. Leon de Rosny criticised him,1 and Dr. Brinton found in his results nothing
to commend.2

No one has approached the question of interpreting these Maya writings with more careful scrutiny than
Leon de Rosny, who first attracted attention with his
comparative study, Les ecritures figuratives et hierogly-
phiques des differens peuples anciens et moderns (Paris,
i860; again, 1S70, augmentee). From 1869 to 1871 he
published at Paris four parts of Archives paleographiques
de VOrient et de VAmerique, publiees avec des notices
historiques et philologiques, in which he included several
studies of the native writings, and gave a bibliography
(pp. 101-115) of American paleography up to that time.
His L } interpretation des anciens textes Mayas made part
of the first volume of the Archives de la Soc. Ameri-
caine de France (new series). His chief work, making
the second volume of the same, is his Essai sur le de-
chiffrement de Vecriture hieratique de VAmerique Cen-
tral (Paris, 1876), and it is the most thorough examina-
tion of the problem yet made.3 The last part (4th) was
published in 1878, and a Spanish translation appeared in
1881.

Wm. Bollaert, who had paid some attention to the pa-
leugiaphy of America,4 was one of the earliest in Eng-
land to examine Brasseur's work on Landa, which he did
in a memoir read before the Anthropological Society,5 and
later in an " Examination of the Central American hiero-
glyphs by the recently discovered Maya alphabet." 6 Brin-
ton " calls his conclusions fanciful, and Le Plongeon
claims that the inscription in Stephens, which Bollaert
worked upon, is inaccurately given, and that Bollaert's re-
sults were nonsense.8 Hyacinthe de Charency's efforts
have hardly been more successful, though he attempted
the use of Landa's alphabet with something like scientific

care. He examined a small part of the inscription of the Palenque tablet of the Cross in his Essai de
dechiffrement d "tin fragment d? inscription palenqueeneP

Dr. Brinton translated Charency's results, and, adding Landa's alphabet, published his Ancient phonetic
alphabet of Yucatan (N. Y., 1870), a small tract.10 His continued studies were manifest in the introduction
on " The graphic system and the ancient records of the Mayas " to Cyrus Thomas's Mamiscript Troano.11
In this paper Dr. Brinton traces the history of the attempts which have thus far been made in solving this
perplexing problem.12 The latest application of the scientific spirit is that of the astronomer E. S. Holden,

PALENOUE HIEROGLYPHICS*

i. p. 36. Brasseur later confessed he had begun at the
wrong end of the MS. (Bid. Mex.-Guat., introd.)- The
pebble-shape form of the characters induced Brasseur to call
them calculiform ; and Julien Duchateau adopted the
term in his paper " Sur l'ecriture calculiforme des Mayas "
in the Annuaire de la Soc. Amer. (Paris, 1874), iii. p. 31.

1 Uecriture hieratique, and Archives de la Soc. Am.
de France, n. s., ii. 35.

2 Ancient Phonetic Alphabets of Yucatan (N. Y., 1870),
p. 7.

3 It is the development of a paper given at the Nancy
session of the Congres des Am^ricanistes (1875). Landa's
alphabet with the variations make 262 of the 700 signs
which Rosny catalogues. He printed his " Nouvelles Re-
cherches pour ^interpretation des caracteres de 1'Amerique
Centrale" in the Archives, etc., iii. 118. There is a paper on
Rosny's studies by De la Rada in the Compte-rendu of the
Copenhagen session (p. 355) of the Congres des America-
nistes. Rosny's Documents ecrits de Pantiquitc A mericaine
(Paris, 1882), from the Memoires de la Societe d"1 Ethno-
graphic (1881), covers his researches in Spain and Portugal
for material illustrative of the pre-Columbian history of
America. Cf. also his " Les sources de 1'histoire ante"

columbienne du nouveau monde," in the Memoires de la
Soc. d"1 Etivnographie (1877). For the titles in full of Ros-
ny's linguistic studies, see Pilling's Proof-sheets, p. 663.

* Anthropol. Review, May, 1S64; Memoirs of the An-
thropol. Soc, i.

5 Memoirs, etc., ii. 298.

6 Memoirs, etc., 1870, iii. 288 ; Trans. Anthrop. Inst. Gt.
Britain.

7 Introd. to Cyrus Thomas's MS. Troano.

8 Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc.,n. s., i. 250.

9 Actes de la Soc. philologique , March, 1870. Cf. Revue
de Philologie,\. 380 ; Recherchessur le CodexTroano (Paris,
1S76); Actes, etc., March, 1878; Baldwin's A nc. America,
App.

10 Cf. Sabins Amer. Bibliopolist, ii. 143.

11 Contributions to N. A. Ethnohgy, PoiuelPs Survey,
vol. v. Cf also his Phonetic elements in the graphic sys-
tem of the Mayas and Mexicans in the A mer. A ntiquarian
(Nov., 1886'), and separately (Chicago, 1886), and his Iko-
nomic method of phonetic writing (Phila., 1886). Thomas
in The Amer. Antiquarian (March, 1886) points out the
course of his own studies in this direction.

12 Cf. Short, p. 425. Dr. Harrison Allen in 1875, in the

* After a cut in Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. p. 63.
Tablet of the Cross.

It is also given in Bancroft (iv. 355), and others. It is from the

202

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

who sought to eliminate the probabilities of recurrent signs by the usual mathematical methods of resolving
systems of modern cipher.1

There are few examples of the aboriginal ideographic writings left to us. Their fewness is usually charged
to the destruction which was publicly made of them under the domination of the Church in the years following

LEON DE ROSNY*

Amer. Philosophical Society 's Transactio?ts, made an anal-
ysis of Landa's alphabet and the published codices. Rau,
in his Palenque Tablet of the U. S. Nat. Museum (ch. 5),
examines what had been clone up to 1879. In the same
year Dr. Carl Schultz - Sellack wrote on " Die Amerika-
nischen Gotter der vier Weltgegenden und ihre Tempel in
Palenque," touching also the question of interpretation (Zeit-
schri/t fiir Ethnologies vol. xi.) ; and in 1880 Dr. Forste-
mann examined the matter in his introduction to his repro-
duction of the Dresden Codex.

1 Studies in Central A merican picture-writing (Wash-
ington, 1881), extracted from the First Report of the Bu-
reau of Ethnology. His method is epitomized in The Cen-
tury, Dec, 1881. He finds Stephens's drawings the most
trustworthy of all, Waldeck's being beautiful, but they em-
body "singular liberties." His examination was confined
to the 1500 separate hieroglyphs in Stephens's Central
America. Some of Holden's conclusions are worth not-
ing: "The Maya manuscripts do not possess to me the
same interest as the stones, and I think it may be certainly
said that all of them are younger than the Palenque tablets,
and far younger than the inscriptions at Copan." " I dis-

trust the methods of Brasseur and others who start from
the misleading and unlucky alphabet handed down by
Lancia," by forming variants, which are made " to satisfy
the necessities of the interpreter in carrying out some pre-
conceived idea." He finds a rigid adherence to the stand-
ard form of a character prevailing throughout the same in-
scription. At Palenque the inscriptions read as an English
inscription would read, beginning at the left and proceeding
line by line downward. " The system employed at Pa-
lenque and Copan was the same in its general characu r,
and almost identical even in details." He deciphers three
proper names: " all of them have been pure picture-writ-
ing, except in so far as their rebus character may make
them in a sense phonetic." Referring to Valentini's
Landa Alphabet a Spanish Fabrication, he agrees in that
critic's conclusions. "While my own," he adds, "were
reached by a study of the stones and in the course of a
general examination, Dr. Valentini has addressed himself
successfully to the solution of a special problem." Holden
thinks his own solution of the three proper names points
of departure for subsequent decipherers. The Maya meth-
od was " pure picture-writing. At Copan this is found in

* After a photogravure in Lcs Documents ecrils de Panliquite Americaine (Paris, 1SS2). Cf. cut in Mem. de la Soc.
d^Ethnographie (1887), xiii. p. 71.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 203

the Conquest.1 The alleged agents in this demolition were Bishop Landa, in 1562, at Mani, in Yucatan,2
and Bishop Zumdrraga at Tlatelalco, or, as some say, at Tezcuco, jin Mexico.3 Peter Martyr * has told us
something of the records as he saw them, and we know also from him, and from their subsequent discovery in
European collections, that some examples of them were early taken to the Old World. We have further
knowledge of them from Las Casas and from Landa himself.5 There have been efforts made of late years by
Icazbalceta and Canon Carrillo to mitigate the severity of judgment, particularly as respects Zumarraga.6
The first, and indeed the only attempt that has been made to bring together for mutual illustration all that
was known of these manuscripts which escaped the fire," was in the great work of the Viscount Kingsborough
(b. 1795. d* I^37)- I* was while, as Edward King, he was a student at Oxford that this nobleman's passion for
Mexican antiquities was first roused by seeing an original Aztec pictograph, described by Purchas (Pi/grimes,
vol. hi.), and preserved in the Bodleian. In the studies to which this led he was assisted by some special
scholars, including Obadiah Rich, who searched for him in Spain in 1830 and 1832, and who after Kingsbor-
ough's death obtained a large part of the manuscript collections which that nobleman had amassed {Catalogue
of the Sale, Dublin, 1842). Many of the Kingsborough manuscripts passed into the collection of Sir Thomas
Phillipps {Catalogue, no. 404), but the correspondence pertaining to Kingsborough's life-work seems to have
disappeared. Phillipps had been one of the main encouragers of Kingsborough in his undertaking.8 Kings-
borough, who had spent £30,000 on his undertaking, had a business dispute with the merchants who furnished
the printing-paper, and he was by them thrown into jail as a debtor, and died in confinement.9

Kingsborough's great work, the most sumptuous yet bestowed upon Mexican archaeology, was published
between 1830 and 1848, there being an interval of seventeen years between the seventh and eighth volumes.
The original intention seems to have embraced ten volumes, for the final section of the ninth volume is signa-
tured as for a tenth.10 The work is called: Antiquities of Mexico ; comprising facsimiles of Ancient Mexi-
can Paintings and Hieroglyphics, preserved in the Royal Libraries of Paris, Berlin, and Dresden ; in the
Imperial Library of Vienna ; in the Vatican Library; in the Borgian Museum at Rome; in the Library
of the Institute of Bologna ; and in the Bodleian Library at Oxford ; together with the Monuments of New
Spain, by M. Dupaix ; illustrated by many valuable inedited MSS. With the theory maintained by Kings-
borough throughout the work, that the Jews were the first colonizers of the country, we have nothing to do here ;
but as the earliest and as yet the largest repository of hieroglyphic material, the book needs to be examined.
The compiler states where he found his MSS., but he gives nothing of their history, though something more
is now known of their descent. Peter Martyr speaks of the number of Mexican MSS. which had in his day
been taken to Spain, and Prescott remarks it as strange that not a single one given by Kingsborough was
found in that country. There are, however, some to be seen there now.11 Comparisons which have been made
of Kingsborough's plates show that they are not inexact ; but they almost necessarily lack the validity that
the modern photographic processes give to fac-similes.

Kingsborough's first volume opens with a fac-simile of what is usually called the Codex Mendoza, preserved in
the Bodleian. It is, however, a contemporary copy on European paper of an original now lost, which was sent
by the Viceroy Mendoza to Charles V. Another copy made part of the Boturini collection, and from this
Lorenzana 12 engraved that portion of it which consists of tribute-rolls. The story told of the fate of the orig-

its earliest state ; at Palenque it was already highly conven- Sahagun relates that earlier than Zumarraga, the fourth

tionalized." ruler of his race, Itzcohuatl, had caused a large destruction

1 See references in Bancroft's Nat. Races, ii. 576. of native writings, in order to remove souvenirs of the na-

2 Cogulludo's Hist, de Yucatan, 3d ed., i. 604. tional humiliation.

3 Prescott, i. 104, and references. * Humboldt was one of the earliest to describe some of

4 Dec. iv., lib. 8. these manuscripts in connection with his Atlas, pi. xiii.

6 Brasseur de Bourbourg's Troano MS., i. 9. Cf. on 8 Cf. Catal. of the Phillipps Coll., no. 404. An original

the Aztec books Kirk's Prescott, i. 103 ; Brinton's Myths, colored copy of the Antiquities of Mexico, given by Kings-

10; his Aborig. Amer. Authors, 17; and on the Mexican borough to Phillipps, was offered of late years by Quaritch

paper, Valentini in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, 2d s., i. 58. at ;£ 70-^100; it was published at ^175. The usual colored

6 Cf. Icazbalceta's Don Fray Juan de Zumarraga, pri- copies sell now for about ^40-^60 ; the uncolored for about

mer Obispo y Arzobispo de Mexico {152^48). Estudio ^30-^35. It is usually stated that two copies were printed

bwgrdfico y bibligrafico. Con tin apendice de doaimentos on vellum (British Museum, Bodleian), and ten on large

tneditoi ; 0 raros (Mexico, 1881). A part of this work was paper, which were given to crowned heads, except one,

also printed separately (fifty copies) under the title of De which was given to Obadiah Rich. Squier, in the London

la destruccion de antigiiedades mexicanas atribnida a los Atheneeum, Dec. 13, 1856 (Allibone, p. 1033), drew atten-

misioueros en general, y par ticularmente al Illmo. Sr. D. tion to the omission of the last signature of the Hist. Chi-

Fr. Juan de Zumdrraga, primer Obispo y Arzobispo de chimeca in vol. ix.

Mexico (Mexico, 1881). In this he exhausts pretty much 9 Rich, Bibl. Amer. Nova, ii. 233; Gentleman's Mag.,

all that has been said on the subject by the bishop himself, May, 1837, which varies in some particulars. Cf. for other

by Pedro de Gante, Motolini'a, Sahagun, Duran, Acosta, details Sabin's Dictionary, ix. 485; De Rosny in the Rev.

Davila Padilla, Herrera, Torquemada, Ixtlilxochitl, Rob- Orient et Amer., xii. 387. R. A. Wilson {New Conquest

ertson, Clavigero, Humboldt, Bustamante, Ternaux, Pres- of Mexico, p. 68) gives the violent skeptical view of the

cott, Alaman, etc. Brasseur {Nat. Civil., ii. 4)saysof Landa material,

that we must not forget that he was oftener the agent of *» Sabin, ix., no. 37,800.

the council for the Indies than of the Church. Helps (iii. » Leon de Rosny {Doc. ecrits de V Antiq. Amer., p. 71)

374) is inclined to be charitable towards a man in a skeptical speaks of those in the Museo Archaeologico at Madrid,

age, so intensely believing as Zumarraga was. 12 Hist. Nueva Espana.

204

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

inal is, that on its passage to Europe it was captured by a French cruiser and taken to Paris, where it was
bought by the chaplain of the English embassy, the antiquary Purchas, who has engraved it.1 It was then lost

— «^« — •■v^v^* . .**»--rs»--

FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXV OF THE DRESDEN CODEX*

1 PHgrimes,\o\. iii. (1625). It is also included in The- CEdipus A£gyptic7is ; Humboldt's plates, xiii., lviii., lix.,
venot's Coll. de Voyages (1696), vol. ii., in a translation. with his text, in which he quotes Du Palin's Study of Hie*
Clavigero (i. 23) calls this copy faulty. See also Kircher's roglyphics, vol. i. See the account in Bancroft, ii. 241.

* From Cyrus Thomases Manuscript Troano.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 205

sight of, and if Prescott's inference is correct it was not the original, but the Bodleian copy, which came into
Purchas' hands.1

Beside the tribute-rolls,2 which make one part of it, the MS. covers the civil history of the Mexicans, with a
third part on the discipline and economy of the people, which renders it of so much importance in an archaeo-
logical sense.3 The second reproduction in Kingsborough's first volume is what he calls the Codex Telleriano-
Remensis, preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, and formerly owned by M. Le Tellier.4 The rest
of this initial volume is made up of fac-similes of Mexican hieroglyphics and paintings, from the Boturini and
Selden collections, which last is in the Bodleian.

The second Kingsborough volume opens with a reproduction of the Codex Vaticanus (the explanation 5 is
in volume vi.), which is in the library of the Vatican, and it is known to have been copied in Mexico by Pedro
de los Rios in 1566. It is partly historical and partly mythological.6 The rest of this volume is made up
of fac-similes of other manuscripts, — one given to the Bodleian by Archbishop Laud, others at Bologna,"
Vienna,8 and Berlin.

The third volume reproduces one belonging to the Borgian Museum at Rome, written on skin, and thought
to be a ritual and astrological almanac. This is accompanied by a commentary by Frabega.9 Kingsborough
gives but a single Maya MS., and this is in his third volume, and stands with him as an Aztec production.
This is the Dresden Codex, not very exactly rendered, which is preserved in the royal library in that city, for
which it was bought by Gotz,10 at Vienna, in 1739. Prescott (i. 107) seemed to recognize its difference from
the Aztec MSS., without knowing precisely how to class it.11 Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it a religious and
astrological ritual. It is in two sections, and it is not certain that they belong together. In 1880 it was re-
produced at Dresden by polychromatic photography (Chromo-Lichtdruck), as the process is called, under the
editing of Dr. E. Forstemann, who in an introduction describes it as composed of thirty-nine oblong sheets
folded together like a fan. They are made of the bark of a tree, and covered with varnish. Thirty-five have
drawings and hieroglyphics on both sides ; the other four on one side only. It is now preserved between glass
to prevent handling, and both sides can be examined. Some progress has been made, it is professed, in deci-
phering its meaning, and it is supposed to contain " records of a mythic, historic, and ritualistic character." 12

Another script in Kingsborough, perhaps a Tezcucan MS., though having some Maya affinities, is the
Fejervary Codex, then preserved in Hungary, and lately owned by Mayer, of Liverpool.13

Three other Maya manuscripts have been brought to light since Kingsborough's day, to say nothing of three
others said to be in private hands, and not described.14 Of these, the Codex Troano has been the subject of
much study. It is the property of a Madrid gentleman, Don Juan Tro y Ortolano, and the title given to the
manuscript has been somewhat fantastically formed from his name by the Abbe Etifcnne Charles Brasseur

1 Prescott, i. 106. He thinks that a copy mentioned in 9 Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, p. 89; pi. 15, 27, 37;
Spineto's Lectures on tJie Elements of Hieroglyphics, and Prescott, i. 106. There is a single leaf of it reproduced in
then in the Escurial, may perhaps be the original. Hum- Powell's Third Rept. Bur. of Eth., p. 33.

boldt calls it a copy. 10 Cf. his Denkwiirdigkeitcn der Dresdener Bibliothek

2 Humboldt placed some tribute-rolls in the Berlin (1744)^.4.

library, and gave an account of them. See his pi. xxxvi. n Stephens {Central America, ii. 342, 453 ; Yucatan, ii.

3 Cf. references in Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 529. The 292, 453) was in the same way at a loss respecting the con-
" Explicacion " of the MS. is given in Kingsborough/s vol- ditions of the knowledge of such things in his time. Cf.
ume v., and an " interpretation " in vol. vi. also Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de Mexico,

4 Kingsborough's " explicacion " and " explanation " are p. 101. .

given in his vols. v. and vi. Rosny has given an " explica- 12 Die Mayahandschrift der koniglichen offentlichen

tion avec notes par Brasseur de Bourbourg" in his Ar- Bibliothek zu Dresden; herausgegebenvon E. Forstemann

chives paleographiques (Paris, 1870-71), p. 190, with an (Leipzig, 1880). Only thirty copies were offered for sale at

atlas of plates. Cf. references in Bancroft, ii. 530 ; and in two hundred marks. There is a copy in Harvard College

another place (hi. 191) this same writer cautions the reader library. Parts of the manuscript are found figured in dif-

against the translation in Kingsborough, and says that it ferent publications: Humboldt's Vues des Cordilleres, ii.

has every error that can vitiate a translation. Humboldt 268, and pi. 16 and 45 ; Wuttke's Gesch. der Schrift. At-

thinks his own plates, lv. and lvi., of the codex carefully las, pi. 22, 23 (Leipzig, 1872); Archives de la Soc. Amer.

made. de France, n. s., vol. i. and ii. ; Silvestre's Paliographie

5 Prescott says (i. 108) of this that it bears evident marks Universelle ; Rosny's Les Ecritures figuratives et hiero-
of recent origin, when " the hieroglyphics were read with glyphiques des peuples anciens et modernes (Paris, i860,
the eye of faith rather than of reason." Cf. Bancroft, Nat. pi. v.), and in his Essai sur le dechiffreme?it , etc. ; Ruge,
Races, ii. 527. Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 559. Cf. also Le Noir in

6 Portions of it are also reproduced in the Archives de la Antiquites Mexicaines, ii. introd. ; Forstemann's separate
Soc. A mer. de France ; in Rosny's Essai sur le dechiffre- monographs, Der Maya apparat in Dresden {Centralblatt
ment de VEcriture Hieratique ; and in Powell's Third fur Bibliothekswesen, 1885, p. 182), and Erlduterungen
Rept. Bur.of Eth7iology, p. 56. Cf. also Humboldt's^/- zur Mayahandschrift der koniglichen offentlicJien Biblio-
las, pi. xiii. ; and H. M. Williams's translation of hhAues, thek zu Dresden (Dresden, 1886); Schellhas' Die Maya-
i. I45. Handschrift zu Dresden (Berlin, 1886); C. Thomas on

7 It is known to have been given in 1665 by the Marquis the numerical signs in Arch, de la Soc. Am. de France,
de Caspi by Count Valerio Zani. There is a copy in the n. s., iii. 207.

museum of Cardinal Borgia at Veletri. 13 Cf. Powell's Third Rept. Eth. Bureau, p. 32.

8 Known to have been given in 1677 by the Duke of Saxe- u Brinton's Maya Chronicles, 66; Brasseur de Bour-
Eisenach to the Emperor Leopold. Some parts are repro- bourg's Troano (1868).

duced in Robertson's America, Lond., 1777, ii. 482.

206 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

CODEX CORTESIANUS.*
* From a f ac-simile in the A rchives de la Sociite A mcricaine de France, ncuv. ser. , ii. 30.

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

207

de Bourbourg, who was instrumental in its recognition about 1865 or 1866, and who edited a sumptuous two-
volume folio edition with chromo-lithographic plates.1

— •«*

->v I"

- '— »»« /rr.3vr=*

-M. «»' =

While Leon de Rosny was preparing his Essai
sur le dechiffrement de VEcrititre hieratique
(1876), a Maya manuscript was offered to the
Bibliotheque Imperiale in Paris and declined, be-
cause the price demanded was too high. Photo-
graphic copies of two of its leaves had been sub-
mitted, and one of these is given by Rosny in the
Essai (pi. xi.). The Spanish government finally
bought the MS., which, because it was supposed
to have once belonged to Cortes, is now known as
the Codex Cortesianus. Rosny afterwards saw
it and studied it in the Museo Archeologico at
Madrid, as he makes known in his Doc. Ecrits
de la Antiq. Amer., p. 79, where he points out
the complementary character of one of its leaves
with another of the MS. Troano, showing them
to belong together, and gives photographs of the
two (pi. v. vi.), as well as of other leaves (pi. 8 and
9). The part of this codex of a calendar character
(Tableau des Bacab) is reproduced from Rosny's
plate by Cyrus Thomas 2 in an essay in the Third
Report of the Bureait of Ethnology, together
with an attempted restoration of the plate, which
is obscure in parts. Finally a small edition (85
copies) of the entire MS. was published at Paris
in 1883.3

The last of the Maya MSS. recently brought
to light is sometimes cited as the Codex Perezi-
anits, because the paper in which it was wrapped,
when recognized in 1859 by Rosny,4 bore the
name " Perez " ; and sometimes designated as
Codex Mexicanus, or Manuscht Yucateque No.
2, of the National Library at Paris. It was a
few years later published as Mannscrit dit
Mexicain No. 2 de la Bibliotheque Imperiale,
photographie par ordre de S. E. M. Dnruy,

ministre de V instruction publique (Paris, 1864, in folio, 50 copies). The original is a fragment of eleven
leaves, and Brasseur 5 speaks of it as the most beautiful of all the MSS. in execution, but the one which has
suffered the most from time and usage.6

CODEX PEREZIANUS.*

1 It constitutes vol. ii. and iii. of the series.

Mission scientifique au Mexique et dans PA mirique
Centrale. Ouvrages publics par ordre de V Empereur et
par les soins du Ministre de P Instruction publique ( Paris,
1868-70), under the distinctive title : Linguistique, Manus-
crit Troano. Etudes surle systeme graphique et la langue
des Mayas, par Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869-70).

Rosny, who compared Brasseurs edition with the orig-
inal, was satisfied with its exactness, except in the number-
ing of the leaves ; and Brasseur (Bibl. Mex.-Guat., 1871)
confessed that in his interpretation he had read the MS.
backwards. The work was reissued in Paris in 1872, with-
out the plates, under the following title : Dictionnaire,
Grammaire et Chrestomathie de la langue maya, precedes
d'une etude sur les systeme graphique des indigenes du
Yucatan {Mexique) (Paris, 1872).

Brasseurs Rapport, addressS a son Excellence M. Duruy,
included in the work, gives briefly the abbess exposition of
the MS. Professor Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton,
having printed some expositions in the American Natu-
ralist (vol. xv.) united in an essay making vol. v. of the Con-
tributions to North American Ethnology (Powell's survey)
under the title : A Study of the Manuscript Troano by
Cyrus Thomas, with an introduction by D G. Brinton

(Washington, 1882), which gives fac-similes of some of the
plates. Thomas calls it a kind of religious calendar, giving
dates of religious festivals through a long period, intermixed
with illustrations of the habits and employments of the
people, their houses, dress, utensils. He calls the charac-
ters in a measure phonetic, and not syllabic. Cf. Rosny
in the Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 28;
his Essai sur le dechiffrement, etc. (1876) ; Powell's Third
Kept. Bur. of Eth., xvi. ; Bancroft's Nat. Races, ii. 774;
and Brinton's Aotes on the Codex Troano and Maya
Chronology (Salem, 1881).

2 Cf. Science, iii. 458.

3 Codex Cortesianus. Manuscrit hieratique des an-
ciens Indiens de I'' A merique centrale conserve" au Musee
archeologique de Madrid. Photographie et publie pour la
premiere fois, avec une introduction, et un vocabulaire de
Vecriture hieratique yttcateque par Leon de Rosny (Paris,
1883). At the end is a list of works by De Rosny on Amer-
ican archaeology and paleography.

* Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 25.

5 Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 95.

c Cf. Rosny in Archives paleographique s (Paris, 1869-
71), pi. 117, etc. ; and his Essai sur le dechiffrement, etc.,
pi. viii., xvi.

* One of the leaves of a MS. No. 2, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, following the fac-simile (pi. 124) in Le*on
de Rosny's Archives paleographique s (Paris, 1869).

Note. — This Yucatan bas-relief follows a photograph by Rosny (1880), reproduced in the Mem. de la Soc. cTEthno*
graphie, no. 3 (Paris, 1882). %

CHAPTER IV.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B.

THE civilization of the Incas of Peru is the most important, because
it is the highest, phase in the development of progress among the
American races. It represents the combined efforts, during long periods,
of several peoples who eventually became welded into one nation. The
especial interest attaching to the study of this civilization consists in the
fact that it was self-developed, and that, so far as can be ascertained, . it
received no aid and no impulse from foreign contact.

It is necessary, however, to bear in mind that the empire of the Incas,
in its final development, was formed of several nations which had, during
long periods, worked out their destinies apart from each other ; and that
one, at least, appears to have been entirely distinct from the Incas in race
and language.1 These facts must be carefully borne in mind in pursuing
inquiries relating to the history of Inca civilization. It is also essential
that the nature and value of the evidence on which conclusions must be
based should be understood and carefully weighed. This evidence is of
several kinds. Besides the testimony of Spanish writers who witnessed the
conquest of Peru, or who lived a generation afterwards, there is the evidence
derived from a study of the characteristics of descendants of the Inca peo-
ple, of their languages and literature, and of their architectural and other
remains. These various kinds of evidence must be compared, their respec-
tive values must be considered, and thus alone, in our time, can the nearest
approximation to the truth be reached.

The testimony of writers in the sixteenth century, who had the advantage
of being able to see the workings of Inca institutions, to examine the out-
come of their civilization in all its branches, and to converse with the Incas
themselves respecting the history and the traditions of their people, is the
most important evidence. Much of this testimony has been preserved, but
unfortunately a great deal is lost. The sack of Cadiz by the Earl of Essex,
in 1595, was the occasion of the loss of Bias Valera's priceless work.2 Other
valuable writings have been left in manuscript, and have been mislaid

1 [Mr. Markham made a special study of this views of Marcoy in Travels in South America, tr.
point in the Journal of the Roy. Geog.Soc. (187 1), by Rich, London, 1875. — Ed.]
xli. p. 281, collating its authorities. Cf. the 2 Except those portions which Garcilasso de

la Vega has embodied in his Commentaries.
vol. 1. — 14

210 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

through neglect and carelessness. Authors are mentioned, or even quoted,
whose books have disappeared. The contemplation of the fallen Inca
empire excited the curiosity and interest of a great number of intelligent

MAP IN BRASSEUR'S POPUL VUH.

J ep tintri&n

To .l.Page.10,

EARLY SPANISH MAP OF PERU*

* [From the Paris (1774) edition of Zarate. The development of Peruvian cartography under the Spanish
explorations is traced in a note in Vol. II. p. 509 ; but the best map for the student is a map of the empire of
the Incas, showing all except the provinces of Quito and Chili, with the routes of the successive Inca con-
querors marked on it, given in the Journal of the Roy. Geog. Soc. (1872), vol. xlii. p. 513, compiled by Mr.
Trelawny Saunders to illustrate Mr. Markham's paper of the previous year, on the empire of the Incas. The
map was republished by the Hakluyt Society in 1880. The map of Wiener in his Pcrou ct Bolivie is also a
good one. Cf. Squier's map in his Peru. — Ed.]

212 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

men among the Spanish conquerors. Many wrote narratives of what they
saw and heard. A few studied the language and traditions of the people
with close attention. And these authors were not confined to the clerical
and legal professions ; they included several of the soldier-conquerors them-
selves.1

The nature of the country and climate was a potent agent in forming the
character of the people, and in enabling them to make advances in civiliza-
tion. In the dense forests of the Amazonian valleys, in the boundless
prairies and savannas, we only meet with wandering tribes of hunters and
fishers. It is on the lofty plateaux of the Andes, where extensive tracts of
land are adapted for tillage, or in the comparatively temperate valleys of
the western coast, that we find nations advanced in civilization.2

The region comprised in the empire of the Incas during its greatest
extension is bounded on the east by the forest-covered Amazonian plains,
on the west by the Pacific Ocean, and its length along the line of the Cor-
dilleras was upwards of 1,500 miles, from 20 N. to 200 S. This vast tract
comprises every temperature and every variety of physical feature. The in-
habitants of the plains and valleys of the Andes enjoyed a temperate and
generally bracing climate, and their energies wero called forth by the physi-
cal difficulties which had to be overcome through their skill and hardihood.
Such a region was suited for the gradual development of a vigorous race,
capable of reaching to a high state of culture. The different valleys and
plateaux are separated by lofty mountain chains or by profound gorges, so
that the inhabitants would, in the earliest period of their history, make their
own slow progress in comparative isolation, and would have little intercom-
munication. When at last they were brought together as one people, and
thus combined their efforts in forming one system, it is likely that such a
union would have a tendency to be of long duration, owing to the great
difficulties which must have been overcome in its creation. On the other
hand, if, in course of time, disintegration once began, it might last long, and
great efforts would be required to build up another united empire. The
evidence seems to point to the recurrence of these processes more than
once, in the course of ages, and to their commencement in a very remote
antiquity.

One strong piece of evidence pointing to the great length of time during
which the Inca nations had been a settled and partially civilized race, is to
be found in the plants that had been brought under cultivation, and in the
animals that had been domesticated. Maize is unknown in a wild state,3

1 It is, of course, necessary to consider the 2 [For special study, see Paz Soldan's Geogra-

weight to be attached to the statements of differ- fia del Peru ; Menendez' Manual de Geografia

ent authors ; but the most convenient method del Peru ; and Wiener's V Empire des Incas,

of placing the subject before the reader will be ch. i. — Ed.]

to deal in the present chapter with general con- 8 " Jusqu'a present on n'a pas retrouve le mais,

elusions, and to discuss the comparative merits d'une maniere certaine, a l'etat sauvage " (De

of the authorities in the Critical Essay on the Candolle's GSographie botanique raisonnee, p. 951).
sources of information.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

213

and many centuries must have elapsed before the Peruvians could have pro-
duced numerous cultivated varieties, and have brought the plant to such a
high state of perfection. The peculiar edible roots, called oca and aracacha,
also exist only as cultivated plants. There is no wild variety of the chiri-
moya> and the Peruvian spe-
cies of the cotton plant is
known only under cultiva-
tion.1 The potato is found
wild in Chile, and probably in
Peru, as a very insignificant
tuber. But the Peruvians,
after cultivating it for centu-
ries, increased its size and
produced a great number of
edible varieties.2 Another
proof of the great antiquity of
Peruvian civilization is to be
found in the llama and al-
paca, which are domesticated

animals, with individuals varying in color : the one a beast of burden yield-
ing coarse wool, and the other bearing a thick fleece of the softest silken
fibres. Their prototypes are the wild huanaco and vicuna, of uniform
color, and untameable. Many centuries must have elapsed before the wild
creatures of the Andean solitudes, with the habits of chamois, could have
been converted into the Peruvian sheep which cannot exist apart from men.3
These considerations point to so vast a period during which the existing
race had dwelt in the Peruvian Andes, that any speculation respecting its
origin would necessarily be futile in the present state of our knowledge.4
The weight of tradition indicates the south as the quarter whence the
people came whose descendants built the edifices at Tiahuanacu.

LLAMAS*

1 De Candolle, p. 983.

2 There is a wild variety in Mexico, the size
of a nut, and attempts have been made to in-
crease its size under cultivation during many
years, without any result. This seems to show
that a great length of time must have elapsed
before the ancient Peruvians could have brought
the cultivation of the potato to such a high state
of perfection as they undoubtedly did.

3 Some years ago a priest named Cabrera, the
cura of a village called Macusani, in the province
of Caravaya, succeeded in breeding a cross be-
tween the wild vicuna and the tame alpaca. He
had a flock of these beautiful animals, which
yielded long, silken, white wool ; but they re-
quired extreme care, and died out when the sus-

taining hand of Cabrera was no longer available.
There is also a cross between a llama and an
alpaca, called guariso, as large as the llama, but
with much more wool. The guanaco and llama
have also been known to form a cross ; but there
is no instance of a cross between the two wild
varieties, — the guanaco and vicuna. The ex-
tremely artificial life of the alpaca, which renders
that curious and valuable animal so absolutely
dependent on the ministrations of its human
master, and the complete domestication of the
llama, certainly indicate the lapse of many cen-
turies before such a change could have been
effected.

4 [Cf. remarks of Daniel Wilson in his Prehis-
toric Man, i. 243. — Ed.]

* [One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp edition of Cieza de Leon. Cf. Bollaert on the llama,
alpaca, huanaco, and vicuna species in the Sporting Review, Feb., 1863; the cuts in Squier, pp. 246, 250;
Dr. Van Tschudi, in the Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic, 1885. — Ed.]

214

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The most ancient remains of a primitive people in the Peruvian Andes
consist of rude cromlechs, or burial-places, which are met with in various
localities.- Don Modesto Basadre has described some by the roadside, in
the descent from Umabamba to Charasani, in Bolivia. These cromlechs are
formed of four great slabs of slate, each slab being about five feet high, four
or five in width, and more than an inch thick. The four slabs are perfectly
shaped and worked so as to fit into each other at the corners. A fifth slab
is placed over them, and over the whole a pyramid of clay and rough stones

4 3 a

I ■— —fc

■—— i

«**•*

<*>*>

DETAILS AT TIAHUANACU*

is piled. These cromlechs are the early memorials of a race which was suc-
ceeded by the people who constructed the cyclopean edifices of the Andean
plateaux.

For there is reason to believe that a powerful empire had existed in Peru
centuries before the rise of the Inca dynasty. Cyclopean ruins, quite for-
eign to the genius of Inca architecture, point to this conclusion. The wide
area over which they are found is an indication that the government which
caused them to be built ruled over an extensive empire, while their cyclo-
pean character is a proof that their projectors had an almost unlimited sup-
ply of labor. Religious myths and dynastic traditions throw some doubtful
light on that remote past, which has left its silent memorials in the huge
stones of Tiahuanacu, Sacsahuaman, and Ollantay, and in the altar of Con-
each a.

* Key : — A, Lid or cover of some aperture, of stone, with two handles neatly undercut. B, A window of
trachyte, of careful workmanship, in one piece. C, Block of masonry with carving. D, E, Two views of a
corner-piece to some stone conduit, carefully ornamented with projecting lines. F, G, H, I, Other pieces of
cut masonry lying about.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

215

The most interesting ruins in Peru are those of the palace or temple near
the village of Tiahuanacu,1 on the southern side of Lake Titicaca. They

CARVINGS AT TIAHUANACU*

BAS-RELIEFS AT TIAHUANACU.f

1 The name is of later date. One story is speed was compared with that of the " kuanaco."
that, when an Inca was encamped there, a mes- The Inca said, "Tia" (sit or rest), "O! hua-
senger reached him with unusual celerity, whose naco."

* Key: — A, Portion of the ornament which runs along the base of the rows of figures on the monolithic
doorway. B, Prostrate idol lying on its face near the ruins ; about 9 feet long.

t Key : — A, A winged human figure with the crowned head of a condor, from the central row on the mono-
lithic doorway. B, A winged human figure with human head crowned, from the upper row on the monolithic
doorway.

[There are well-executed cuts of these sculptures in Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen,
pp.430, 431. Cf. Squier's Peru, p. 292. — Ed.]

FRAGMENTS AT TIAHUANACU*

REVERSE OF THE DOORWAY AT TIAHUANACU. t

* Various curiously carved stones found scattered about the ruins.

t [Cf. view in Squier's Peru, p. 289, with other particulars of the ruins, p. 276, etc. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

21/

are 12,930 feet above the level of the sea, and 130 above that of the lake,
which is about twelve miles off. They consist of a quadrangular space, en-
tered by the famous monolithic doorway, and surrounded by large stones
standing on end ; and of a hill or mound encircled by remains of a wall,
consisting of enormous blocks of stone. The whole covers an area about
400 yards long by 350 broad. There is a lesser temple, about a quarter of

IMAGE AT TIAHUANACU*

a mile distant, containing stones 36 feet long by 7, and 26 by 16, with
recesses in them which have been compared to seats of judgment. The
weight of the two great stones has been estimated at from 140 to 200 tons
each, and the distance of the quarries whence they could have been brought
is from 15 to 40 miles.

The monolithic portal is one block of hard trachytic rock, now deeply

* [This is an enlarged drawing of the bas-relief shown in the picture of the broken doorway (p. 218). Cf.
the cuts in the article on the ruins of Tiahuanacu in the Revue cf Architecture des Travaux publics, vol.
xxiv. ; in Ch. Wiener's V Empire des Incas, pi. iii. ; in D'Orbigny's Atlas to his L' Homme Americain ; and
in Squier's Peru, p. 291. — Ed.]

2l8

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

sunk in the ground. Its height above ground is 7 ft. 2 in., width 13 ft. 5 in.,,
thickness 1 ft. 6 in., and the opening is 4 ft. 6 in. by 2 ft. 9 in. The outer
side is ornamented by accurately cut niches and rectangular mouldings. The
whole of the inner side, from a line level with the upper lintel of the door-
way to the top, is a mass of sculpture, which speaks to us, in difficult riddles,,
alas ! of the customs and art-culture, of the beliefs and traditions, of an
ancient and lost civilization.

In the centre there is a figure carved in high relief, in an oblong com-
partment, 2 ft. 2 in. long by 1 ft. 6 in.1 Squier describes this figure as

BROKEN MOxNOLITH DOORWAY AT TIAHUANACU*

angularly but boldly cut. The head is surrounded by rays, each terminat-
ing in a circle or the head of an animal. The breast is adorned with two
serpents united by a square band. Another band, divided into ornamented
compartments, passes round the neck, and the ends are brought down to
the girdle, from which hang six human heads. Human heads also hang
from the elbows, and the hands clasp sceptres which terminate in the heads
of condors. The legs are cut off near the girdle, and below there are a
series of frieze-like ornaments, each ending with a condor's head. On
either side of this central sculpture there are three tiers of figures, 16 in

1 Basadre's measurement is 32 inches by 21.

* [An enlarged drawing of the image over the arch is given in another cut. This same ruin is well repre-
sented in Ruge's Gesch. des Zcitalters der Entdeckungen ; and not so well in Wiener's Pcrou et Bolizic,
p. 419. Cf. Squier's Peru, p. 288. — En.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

219

each tier, or 48 in all, each in a kneeling posture, and facing towards the
large central figure. Each figure is in a square, the sides of which measure
eight inches. All are winged, and hold sceptres ending in condors' heads ;
but while those in the upper and lower tiers have crowned human heads, those
in the central tier have the heads of condors. There is a profusion of orna-

TIAHUANACU RESTORED*

ment on all these figures, consisting of heads of birds and fishes. An orna-
mental frieze runs along the base of the lowest tier of figures, consisting of
an elaborate pattern of angular lines ending in condors' heads, with larger
human heads surrounded by rays, in the intervals of the pattern. Cieza de
Leon and Alcobasa1 mention that, besides this sculpture over the doorway,
there were richly carved statues at Tiahuanacu, which have since been de-
stroyed, and many cylindrical pillars with capitals. The head of one statue,
with a peculiar head-dress, which is 3 ft. 6 in. long, still lies by the roadside.

The masonry of the ruins is admirably worked, according to the testi-
mony of all visitors. Squier says : " The stone itself is a dark and exceed-
ingly hard trachyte. It is faced with a precision that no skill can excel.
Its lines are perfectly drawn, and its right angles turned with an accuracy
that the most careful geometer could not surpass. I do not believe there
exists a better piece of stone-cutting, the material considered, on this or
the other continent."

It is desirable to describe these ruins, and especially the sculpture over

1 Quoted by Garcilasso de la Vega, Pte. I. lib. III. cap. I.

* After a drawing given in The Temple of the Andes by Richard Inwards (London, 1884).

220

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the monolithic doorway, with some minuteness, because, with the probable
exception of the cromlechs, they are the most ancient, and, without any
exception, the most interesting that have been met with in Peru. There is
nothing elsewhere that at all resembles the sculpture on the monolithic
doorway at Tiahuanacu.1 The central figure, with rows of kneeling wor-
shippers on either side, all covered with symbolic designs, represents, it
may be conjectured, either the sovereign and his vassals, or, more probably,
the Deity, with representatives of all the nations bowing down before him.
The sculpture and the most ancient traditions should throw light upon each
other.

Further north there are other examples of prehistoric cyclopean remains.
Such is the great wall, with its " stone of 12 corners," in the Calle del Tri-
unfo at Cuzco. Such is the famous fortress of Cuzco, on the Sacsahuaman

RUINS OF SACSAHUAMAN*

Hill. Such, too, are portions of the ruins at Ollantay-tampu. Still farther
north there are cyclopean ruins at Concacha, at Huinaque, and at Huaraz.

Tiahuanacu is interesting because it is possible that the elaborate charac-
ter of its symbolic sculpture may throw glimmerings of light on remote

1 Basadre mentions a carved stone brought
from the department of Ancachs, in Peru, which
had &ome resemblances to the stones at Tiahua-

nacu. A copy of it is in possession of Senor
Raimondi.

* [After a cut in Ruge's Gcschichte des Zeitalters der Entdecktingcn. Markham has elsewhere described
these ruins, — Cieza de Leon, 259, 324 ; 2d part, 160 ; Royal Commentaries of the /nras, ii., with a plan, repro-
duced in Vol. II. p. 521, and another plan of Cuzco, showing the position of the fortress in its relations to the
city. There are plans and views in Squier's Peril, ch. 23. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 221

history; but Sacsahuaman, the fortress overlooking the city of Cuzco, is,
without comparison, the grandest monument of an ancient civilization in
the New World. Like the Pyramids and the Coliseum, it is imperishable.
It consists of a fortified work 600 yards in length, built of gigantic stones,
in three lines, forming walls supporting terraces and parapets arranged in
salient and retiring angles. This work defends the only assailable side of a
position which is impregnable, owing to the steepness of the ascent in all
other directions. The outer wall averages a height of 26 feet. Then there
is a terrace 16 yards across, whence the second wall rises to 18 feet. The
second terrace is six yards across, and the third wall averages a height of
12 feet. The total height of the fortification is 56 feet. The stones are of
blue limestone, of enormous size and irregular in shape, but fitted into each
other with rare precision. One of the stones is 27 feet high by 14, and
stones 15 feet high by 12 are common throughout the work.

At Ollantay-tampu the ruins are of various styles, but the later works
are raised on ancient cyclopean foundations.1 There are six porphyry slabs
12 feet high by 6 or 7 ; stone beams 15 and 20 feet long; stairs and
recesses hewn out of the solid rock. Here, as at Tiahuanacu, there were,
according to Cieza de Leon,2 men and animals carved on the stones, but
they have disappeared. The same style of architecture, though only in
fragments, is met with further north.

East of the river Apurimac, and not far from the town of Abancay, there
are three groups of ancient monuments in a deep valley surrounded by
lofty spurs of the Andes. There is a great cyclopean wall, a series of seats
or thrones of various forms hewn out of the solid stone, and a huge block
carved on five sides, called the Rumi-huasi. The northern face of this
monolith is cut into the form of a staircase ; on the east there are two enor-
mous seats separated by thick partitions, and on the south there is a sort of
lookout place, with a seat. Collecting channels traverse the block, and join
trenches or grooves leading to two deep excavations on the western side.
On this western side there is also a series of steps, apparently for the fall
of a cascade of water connected with the sacrificial rites. Molina gives a
curious account of the water sacrifices of the Incas.3 The Rumi-huasi seems
to have been the centre of a great sanctuary, and to have been used as an
altar. Its surface is carved with animals amidst a labyrinth of cavities and
partition ridges. Its length is 20 feet by 14 broad, and 12 feet high. Here
we have, no doubt, a sacrificial altar of the ancient people, on which the
blood of animals and libations of chicha flowed in torrents.4

Spanish writers received statements from the Indians that one or other
of these cyclopean ruins was built by some particular Inca. Garcilasso de
la Vega even names the architects of the Cuzco fortress. But it is clear
from the evidence of the most careful investigators, such as Cieza de Leon,

1 [Cf. plans and views in Squier's Peru, ch. 4 The name of the place where these remains
24. — Ed.] are situated is Concacha, from the Quichua word

2 Cap. 94. " Cimcachay," — the act of holding down a vic-

3 See page 238. tim for sacrifice ; literally, " to take by the neck."

222 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

that there was no real knowledge of their origin, and that memory of the
builders was either quite lost, or preserved in vague, uncertain traditions.

The most ancient myth points to the region of Lake Titicaca as the
scene of the creative operations of a Deity, or miracle-working Lord.1 This
Deity is said to have created the sun, moon, and stars, or to have caused
them to rise out of Lake Titicaca. He also created men of stone at Tiahua-
nacu, or of clay; making them pass under the earth, and appear again out
of caves, tree-trunks, rocks, or fountains in the different provinces which
were to be peopled by their descendants. But this seems to be a later attempt
to reconcile the ancient Titicaca myth with the local worship of natural ob-
jects as ancestors or founders of their race, among the numerous subjugated
tribes ; as well as to account for the colossal statues of unknown origin at
Tiahuanacu. There are variations of the story, but there is general con-
currence in the main points : that the Deity created the heavenly bodies and
the human race, and that the ancient people, or their rulers, were called
Pima. Tradition also seems to point to regions south of the lake as the
quarter whence the first settlers came who worked out the earliest civiliza-
tion.2 We may, in accordance with all the indications that are left to us,
connect the great god Ilia Ticsi with the central figure of the Tiahuanacu
sculpture, and the kneeling worshippers with the rulers of all the nations and
tribes which had been subjugated by the Hatim-runa? — the great men
who had Pirua for their king, and who originally came from the distant
south. The Piruas governed a vast empire, erected imperishable Cyclo-
pean edifices, and developed a complicated civilization, which is dimly indi-
cated to us by the numerous symbolical sculptures on the monolith. They

1 The names of this god were Con-Illa-Tici- Some authors gave the meaning of Uiracocha

Uiracocha, and he was the Pachayachachic, or to be "foam of the sea:" from Uira {Hnira),

Teacher of the World. Pacha is "time," or "grease," or "foam," and Cocha, "ocean,"

" place ;" also " the universe." " Yachachic" a "sea," "lake." Garcilasso de la Vega pointed

teacher, from " Yachachini" " I teach." Con is out the error. In compound words of a nomi-

said to signify the creating Deity {Betanzos, Gar- native and genitive, the genitive is invariably

cia). According to Gomara, Con was a creative placed first in Quichua; so that the meaning

deity who came from the north, afterwards ex- would be "a sea of grease," not "grease of the

pelled by Pachacamac, and a modern authority sea." Hence he concludes that Uiracocha is not

(Lopez, p. 235) suggests that Con represented a compound word, but simply a name, the deri-

the " cult of the setting sun," because Cunti vation of which he does not attempt to explain.

means the west. Tici means a founder or foun- Bias Valera says that it means" the will and

dation, and Ilia is light, from /Hani, " I shine : " power of God ; " not that this is the signification

"The Origin of Light" (Montesinos. Anony- of the word, but that such were the godlike attri-

mous Jesuit. Lopez suggests "Ati," an evil omen, butes of the being who was known by it. Acosta

— the Moon God) ; or, according to one author- says that to Ticsi Uiracocha they assigned the

ity, "Light Eternal" {The anonymous Jesuit), chief power and command over all things. The

Vira is a corruption of Pirua, which is said by anonymous Jesuit tells us that Ilia Ticsi was the

some authorities to be the name of the first set- original name, and that Uiracocha was added

tier, or the founder of a dynasty; and by others later.

to mean a " depository," a " place of abode ; " Of these names, Ilia Ticci appears to have been

hence a "dweller," or " abider." Cocha means the most ancient.

"ocean," "abyss," "profundity," "space." Ui- 2 Cieza de Leon and Salcamayhua.

racocha, "the Dweller in Space." So that the 8 Montesinos calls the ancient people, who

whole would signify "God: the Creator of were peaceful and industrious, Ilattt-runa, or

hf." "the Dweller in Space: the Teacher "Great men." See also Matienza (MS. Brit

of the World." Mus.).

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 223

also, in a long course of years, brought wild plants under cultivation, and
domesticated the animals of the lofty Andean plateau. But it is remarkable
that the shores of Lake Titicaca, which are almost treeless, and where corn
will not ripen, should have been chosen as the centre of this most ancient
civilization. Yet the ruins of Tiahuanacu conclusively establish the fact
that the capital of the Piruas was on the loftiest site ever selected for the
seat of a great empire.

The Amautas, or learned men of the later Inca period, preserved the
names of sovereigns of the Pirua dynasty, commencing with Pirua Manco,
and continuing for sixty-five generations. Lopez conjectures that there
was a change of dynasty after the eighteenth Pirua king, because hitherto
Montesinos, who has recorded the list, had always called each successor son
and heir, but after the eighteenth only heir. Hence he thinks that a new
dynasty of Amautas, or kings of the learned caste, succeeded the Piruas.
The only deeds recorded of this long line of kings are their success in
repelling invasions and their alterations of the calendar. At length there
appears to have been a general disruption of the empire : Cuzco was nearly
deserted, rebel leaders rose up in all directions, the various tribes became
independent, and the chief who claimed to be the representative of the old
dynasties was reduced to a small territory to the south of Cuzco, in the
valley of the Vilcamayu, and was called " King of Tampu Tocco." This
state of disintegration is said to have continued for twenty-eight genera-
tions, at the end of which time a new empire began to be consolidated un-
der the Incas, which inherited the civilization and traditions of the ancient
dynasties, and succeeded to their power and dominion.

It was long believed that the lists of kings of the earlier dynasties rested
solely on the authority of Montesinos, and they consequently received little
credit. But recent research has brought to light the work of another writer,
who studied before Montesinos, and who incidentally refers to two of the
sovereigns in his lists.1 This furnishes independent evidence that the
catalogues of early kings had been preserved orally or by means of quipus,
and that they were in existence when the Spaniards conquered Peru ; thus
giving weight to the testimony of Montesinos.

The second myth of the Peruvians refers to the origin of the Incas, who
derived their descent from the kings of Tampu Tocco, and had their original
home at Paccari-tampu, in the valley of the Vilcamayu, south of Cuzco. It
is, therefore, an ancestral myth. It is related that four brothers, with their
four sisters, issued forth from apertures {Tocco) in a cave at Paccari-tampu,
a name which means " the abode of dawn." The brothers were called Ayar
Manco, Ayar Cachi, Ayar Uchu, and Ayar Sauca, names to which the
Incas, in the time of Garcilasso de la Vega, gave a fanciful meaning.2 One

1 The anonymous yesuit, p. 178. A work re- 2 Cachi ("salt") was the Inca's instruction in

ferred to by Oliva as having been written by rational life, Uchu ("pepper") was the delight

Bias Valera alsto mentions some of the early the people derived from this teaching, and Sauca

kings byname. (See S aid am an d o, Jesuitas del ("joy") means the happiness afterwards expe-

Peru, p. 22.) rienced.

224 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

of the brothers showed extraordinary prowess in hurling a stone from a
sling. The others became jealous, and, persuading Ayar Auca, the expert
slingsman/to return into the cave, they blocked the entrance with rocks.
Ayar Uchu was converted into a stone idol, on the summit of a hill near
Cuzco, called Huanacauri. Manco then advanced to Cuzco with his young-
est brother, and found that the place was occupied by a chief named Alca-
viza and his people. Here Manco established the seat of his government,
and the Alcaviza tribe appears to have submitted to him, and to have lived
side by side with the Incas for some generations. The Huanacauri hill
was considered the most sacred place in Peru ; while the Tampu-tocco, or
cave at Paccari-tampu, was, through the piety of descendants, faced with a
masonry wall, having three windows lined with plates of gold.

There is a third myth which seems to connect the ancient tradition of
Titicaca with the ancestral myth of the Incas. It is said that long after
the creation by the Deity, a great and beneficent being appeared at Tiahua-
nacu, who divided the world among four kings : Manco Ccapac, Colla, To-
cay a or Tocapo,2 and Pinahua.3 The names Tuapaca,4 Arnauan,4 Tonapa,5
and Tarapaca5 occur in connection with this being, while some authorities
tell us that his name was unknown. Betanzos says that he went from Titi-
caca to Cuzco, where he set up a chief named Alcaviza, and that he ad-
vanced through the country until he disappeared over the sea at Puerto
Viejo. It is also related that the people of Canas attacked him, but were
converted by a miracle, and that they built a great temple, with an image,
at Cacha, in honor of this being, or of his god Ilia Ticsi Uiracocha. This
temple now forms a ruin which in its structure and arrangement is unique
in Peru, and therefore deserves special attention.

The ruins of the temple of Cacha are in the valley of the Vilca-mayu,
south of Cuzco. They were described by Garcilasso de la Vega, and have
been visited and carefully examined by Squier. The main temple was 330
feet long by 87 broad, with wrought-stone walls and a steep pitched roof.
A high wall extended longitudinally through the centre of the structure,
consisting of a wrought-stone foundation, 8 feet high and 5J feet thick on
the level of the ground, supporting an adobe superstructure, the whole being
40 feet high. This wall was pierced by 12 lofty doorways, 14 feet high.
But midway there are sockets for the reception of beams, showing the
existence of a second story, as described by Garcilasso. Between the trans-
verse and outer walls there were two series of pillars, 12 on each side, built
like the transverse wall, with 8 feet of wrought stone, and completed to a
height of 22 feet with adobes. These pillars appear to have supported the
second floor, where, according to Garcilasso, there was a shrine containing
the statue of Uiracocha. At right angles to the temple, Squier discovered
the remains of a series of supplemental edifices surrounding courts, and
built upon a terrace 260 yards long.

1 G. de la Vega. 8 Pirua ? 6 Salcamayhua.

2 Molina, p. 7. 4 Cieza de Leon ; Herrera.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 225

The peculiarities of the temple of Cacha consist in the use of rows of
columns to support a second floor, and in the great height of the walls. In
these respects it is unique, and if similar edifices ever existed, they appear
.to have been destroyed previous to the rise of the Inca empire. The Cacha
temple belongs neither to the cyclopean period of the Piruas nor to the
Inca style of architecture. Connected with the strange myth of the wan-
dering prophet of Viracocha, it stands by itself, as one of those unsolved
problems which await future investigation. The statue in the shrine on
the upper story is described by Cieza de Leon, who saw it.

Both the Titicaca and the Cacha myths have, in later times, been con-
nected and more or less amalgamated with the ancestral myth of the Incas.
Thus Garcilasso de la Vega makes Manco Ccapac come direct from Titi-
caca ; while Molina refers to him as one of the beings created there, who
went down through the earth and came up at Paccari-tampu. Salcamayhua
makes the being Tonapa, of the Cacha myth, arrive at Apu Tampu, or Pac-
cari-tampu, and leave a sacred sceptre there, called tupac yanri, for Manco
Ccapac. These are later interpolations, made with the object of connecting
the family myth of the Incas with more ancient traditions. The wise men
of the Inca system, through the care of Spanish writers of the time of the
conquest, have handed down these three traditions and the catalogue of
kings. The Titicaca myth tells us of the Deity worshipped by the builders
of Tiahuanacu, and the story of the creation. The Cacha myth has refer-
ence to some great reformer of very ancient times. The Paccari-tampu
myth records the origin of the Inca dynasty. Although they are overlaid
with fables and miraculous occurrences, the main facts touching the orig-
inal home of Manco Ccapac and his march to Cuzco are probably historical.

The catalogue of kings given by Montesinos, allowing an average of twenty
years for each, would place the commencement of the Pirua dynasty in
about 470 b. c. ; in the days when the Greeks, under Cimon, were defeat-
ing the Persians, and nearly a century after the death of Sakya Muni in
India. This early empire flourished for about 1,200 years, and the disrup-
tion took place in 830 a. d., in the days of King Egbert. The disintegra-
tion continued for 500 years, and the rise of the Incas under Manco was
probably coeval with the days of St. Louis and Henry III of England.1 By
that time the country had been broken up into separate tribes for $00
years, and the work of reunion, so splendidly achieved by the Incas, was
most arduous. At the same time, the ancient civilization of the Piruas was
partially inherited by the various peoples whose ancestors composed their
empire ; so that the Inca civilization was a revival rather than a creation.

The various tribes and nations of the Andes, separated from each other
by uninhabited wildernesses and lofty mountain chains, were clearly of the
same origin, speaking dialects of the same language. Since the fall of the

1 Bias Valera allows a period of 600 years for its rise to be contemporary with Henry II of

the existence of the Inca dynasty, which throws England. But twelve generations, allowing

its origin back to the days of Alfred the Great, twenty-five years for each, would only occupy

Garcilasso allows 400 years, which would make 300 years.
VOL. I. — 15

226 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Piruas they had led an independent existence. Some had formed powerful
confederations, others were isolated in their valleys. But it was only
through much hard fighting and by consummate statesmanship that the
one small Inca lineage established, in a period of less than three centuries,
imperial dominion over the rest. It will be well, in this place, to take a
brief survey of the different nations which were to form the empire of the
Incas, and of their territories.

The central Andean region, which was the home of the imperial race of
Incas, extends from the water-parting between the sources of the Ucayali
and the basin of Lake Titicaca to the river Apurimac. It includes wild
mountain fastnesses, wide expanses of upland, grassy slopes, lofty valleys
such as that in which the city of Cuzco is built, and fertile ravines, with
the most lovely scenery. The inhabitants composed four tribes : that of the
Incas in the valley of the Vilcamayu, of the Ouichuas in the secluded ra-
vines of the Apurimac tributaries, and those of the Canas and Cauchis in the
mountains bordering on the Titicaca basin. These people average a height
of 5 ft. 4 in., and are strongly built. The nose is invariably aquiline, the
mouth rather large ; the eyes black or deep brown, bright, and generally
deep set, with long fine lashes. The hair is abundant and long, fine, and of
a deep black-brown. The men have no beards. The skin is very smooth
and soft, and of a light coppery-brown color, the neck thick, and the shoul-
ders broad, with great depth of chest. The legs are well formed, feet and
hands very small. The Incas have the build and physique of mountaineers.
To the south of this cradle of the Inca race extended the region of the
Collas 1 and allied tribes, including the whole basin of Lake Titicaca, which
is 12,000 feet above the level of the sea. The Collas dwelt in stone huts,
tended their flocks of llamas, and raised crops of ocas, quinoas, and pota-
toes. They were divided into several tribes, and were engaged in constant
feuds, their arms being slings and ayllos, or bolas. The Collas are remark-
able for great length of body compared with the thigh and leg, and they
are the only people whose thighs are shorter than their legs. Their build
fits them for excellence in mountain climbing and pedestrianism, and for
the exercise of extraordinary endurance.2 The homes of the Collas were
around the seat of ancient civilization at Tiahuanacu.

A remarkable race, apart from the Incas and Collas, of darker complexion
and more savage habits, dwelt and still dwell among the vast beds of reeds
in the southwestern angle of Lake Titicaca. They are called Urus, and
are probably descendants of an aboriginal people who occupied the Titicaca
basin before the arrival of the Hatun-runas from the south. ■ The Urus
spoke a distinct language, called Pnquina, specimens of which have been

1 Erroneously called Ay?naras by the Span- an Indian messenger, named Alejo Vilca, from
iards. The name, which really belongs to a Puno to Tacna, a distance of 84 leagues, who did
branch of the Quichua tribe, was first misap- it in 62 hours, his only sustenance being a little
plied to the Colla language by the Jesuits at dried maize and coca, — over four miles an hour
Juli, and afterwards to the whole Colla race. for 252 miles.

2 Don Modesto Basadre tells us that he sent

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 227

preserved by Bishop Ore.1 The ancestors of the Urus may have been the
cromlech builders, driven into the fastnesses of the lake when their country
was occupied by the more powerful invaders, who erected the imperishable
monuments at Tiahuanacu. These Urus are now lake-dwellers. Their
homes consist of large canoes, made of the tough reeds which cover the shal-
low parts of the lake, and they live on fish, and on quinua and potatoes,
which they obtain by barter.

North of Cuzco there were several allied tribes, resembling the Incas in
physique and language, in a similar stage of civilization, and their rivals in
power. Beyond the Apurimac, and inhabiting the valleys of the Andes
thence to the Mantaro, was the important nation of the Chancas ; and still
further north and west, in the valley of the Xauxa, was the Huanca nation.
Agricultural people and shepherds, forming ayllus, or tribes of the Chancas
and Huancas, occupied the ravines of the maritime cordillera, and extended
their settlements into several valleys of the seacoast, between the Rimac
and Nasca. These coast people of Inca race, known as Chinchas, held
their own against an entirely different nation, of distinct origin and lan-
guage, who occupied the northern coast valleys from the Rimac to Payta,
and also the great valley of Huarca (the modern Canete), where they had
Chincha enemies both to the north and south of them. These people were
called Yuncas by their Inca conquerors. Their own name was Chimu, and
the language spoken by them was called Mochica. But this question relat-
ing to the early inhabitants of the coast valleys of Peru, their origin and
civilization, is the most difficult in ancient Peruvian history, and will require
separate consideration.2

North of the Huanca nation, along the basin of the Maranon, there were
tribes which were known to the Incas by their head-dresses. These were
the Conchucus, Huamachucus, and Huacrachucus.3 Still further north, in
the region of the equator, was the powerful nation of Quitus.

All these nations of the Peruvian Andes appear to have once formed part
of the mighty prehistoric empire of the Pirhuas, and to have retained much
of the civilization of their ancestors during the subsequent centuries of
separate existence and isolation. This probably accounts for the ease with
which the Incas established their system of religion and government
throughout their new empire, after the conquests were completed. The
subjugated nations spoke dialects of the same language, and inherited many
of the usages and ideas of their conquerors. For the same reason they were
pretty equally matched as foes, and the Incas secured the mastery only by
dint of desperate fighting and great political sagacity. But finally they did
establish their superiority, and founded a second great empire in Peru.

The history of the rise and progress of Inca power, as recorded by native

Fray Ludovico Geronimo de Ore, a native cum translationibus in linguas provinciarum Pe-
of Guamanga, in Peru, was the author of Rituale ruanorum, published at Naples in 1607.
sen Manuale ac brevem formam administrandi 2 Cf. Note I, following this chapter.
facramenta juxta ordinem S. Ecclesice Romance, 3 Chucu means a head-dress ; Huaman, a fal-
con ; Huacra, a horn.

228

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

INCA MANCO CCAPAC*

historians in their quipus, and retailed to us by Spanish writers, is, on the

whole, coherent and intelligible.
Many blunders were inevitable in
conveying the information from the
mouths of natives to the Spanish in-
quirers, who understood the language
imperfectly, and whose objects often
were to reach foregone conclusions.
But certain broad historical facts are
brought out by a comparison of the
different authorities, the succession
of the last ten sovereigns is deter-
mined by a nearly complete consen-
sus of evidence, and we can now re-
late the general features of the rise
of Inca ascendency in Peru with a
certain amount of confidence.
The Inca people were divided into small ayllus, or lineages, when Manco

Ccapac advanced down the

valley of the Vilcamayu, from

Paccari-tampu, and forced the

ay Hit of Alcaviza and the ayllu

of Antasayac to submit to

his sway. He formed the nu-
cleus of his power at Cuzco,

the land of these conquered

ayllus, and from this point his

descendants slowly extended

their dominion. The chiefs of

the surrounding ayllus, called

Sinchi (literally, " strong "),

either submitted willingly to

the Incas, or were subjugated.

Sinchi Rocca, the son, and

Lloque Yupanqui, the grand-
son, of Manco, rilled up a

swamp on the site of the present cathedral of Cuzco, planned out the

INCA YUPANQUI. f

* [After a cut in Marcoy's South America, i. 210 (also in Tour dtc Monde, 1863, p. 261), purporting to be
drawn from a copy of the taffeta roll containing the pedigree of the Incas, which, in evidence of their claims,
was sent by their descendants to the Spanish king in 1603. This genealogical record contained the likenesses
of the successive Incas and their wives, and the original is said to have disappeared. Mr. Markham supposes
this roll to have been the original of the portraits given in Herrera (see cut on p. 267 of the present volume) ;
but they are not the same, if Marcoy's cuts are trustworthy. A set of likenesses appeared in Ulloa's RcLi
Historica (Madrid, 1748), iv. 604 ; and these were the originals of the series copied in the Gentleman 's Mag.,
1 751-1752, and thence are copied those in Ranking. These do not correspond with those given by Marcoy.
See post, Vol. II., for a note on different series of portraits, and in the same volume, pp. 515, 516, are portraits
of Atahualpa. A portrait of Manco Inca, killed 1546, is given in A. de Beauchamps Histoire dc la Conquetc
du Pcrou (Paris, 1808).— Ed.]

f [After a cut in Marcoy, i. 214. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

229

city,1 and their reigns were mainly occupied in consolidating the small
kingdom founded by their predecessor. Mayta Ccapac, the fourth Inca, was
also occupied in consolidating his power round Cuzco ; but his son, Ccapac
Yupanqui, subdued the Quichuas to the westward, and extended his sway as
far as the pass of Vilcafiota, overlooking the Collao, or basin of Lake Titi-
caca. Inca Rocca, the next sovereign, made few conquests, devoting his
attention to the foundation of schools, the organization of festivals and ad-
ministrative government, and to the construction of public works. His son,
named Yahuar-huaccac, appears to have been unfortunate. One authority
says that he was surprised and killed, and all agree that his reign was dis-
astrous. For seven generations the power and the admirable internal polity
of the Incarial government had been gradually organized and consolidated
within a limited area. The suc-
ceeding sovereigns were great
conquerors, and their empire was
rapidly extended to the vast area
which it had reached when the
Spaniards first appeared on the
scene.

The son of Yahuar-huaccac as-
sumed the name of the Deity,
and called himself Uira-cocha.2
Intervening in a war between the
two principal chiefs of the Collas,
named Cari and Zapana, Uira-
cocha defeated them in detail,

and annexed the whole basin of Lake Titicaca to his dominions. He also
conquered the lovely valley of Yucay, on the lower course of the Vilcamayu,
whither he retired to end his days. The eldest son of Uira-cocha, named
Urco, was incompetent or unworthy, and was either obliged to abdicate3 in
favor of his brother Yupanqui, the favorite hero of Inca history, or wag
slain.4 It was a moment when the rising empire needed the services of her
ablest sons. She was about to engage in a death-struggle with a neighbor"

cuzco*

1 [Ramusio's plan of Cuzco is given in Vol.
II. p. 554, with references (p. 556) to other plans
and descriptions ; to which may be added an
archaeological examination by Wiener, in the
Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, Oct., 1879, an<l
in his Perou et Bolivie, with an enlarged plan of
the town, showing the regions of different archi-
tecture ; accounts in Marcoy's Voyage h travers
V Amerique du Sud (Paris, 1869; or Eng. transl.
i. 174), and in Nadaillac's L' Ameriqzie prehisto-
fiquc, and by Squier in his Peru, and in his Re-
marques sur la Geographie du Perou, p. 20. —
Ld.]

2 It is related by Betanzos that one day this
Inca appeared before his people with a very joy-
ful countenance. When they asked him the
cause of his joy, he replied that Uira-cocha Pa-
chayachachic had spoken to him in a dream that
night. Then all the people rose up and saluted
him as Viracocha Inca, which is as much as to
say, — " King and God." From that time he was
so called. Garcilasso gives a different version
of the same tradition, in which he confuses Vira-
cocha with his son.

3 Cieza de Leon, ii. 138-44.

4 Salcamayhua, 91.

* [One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp editions of Cieza de Leon. There are various views in
Squier's Peru, pp. 427-445. — Ed.]

2;o

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

as powerful and as civilized as herself. The kingdom of the Chancas, com-
mencing on the banks of the Apurimac, extended far to the east and north,
including many of the richest valleys of the Andes. Their warlike king,
Uscavilca, had already subdued the Quichuas, who dwelt in the upper val-
leys of the Apurimac tributaries to the southward, and was advancing on
Cuzco, when Yupanqui pushed aside the imbecile Urco, and seized the helm.

WARRIORS OF THE INCA PERIOD*

The fate of the Incas was hanging on a thread. The story is one of thrill-
ing interest as told in the pages of Betanzos, but all authorities dwell more
or less on this famous Chanca war. The decisive battle was fought outside
the Huaca-puncu, the sacred gate of Cuzco. The result was long doubtful.
Suddenly, as the shades of evening were closing over the Yahuar-pampa, —
"the field of blood," — a fresh army fell upon the right flank of the Chanca
host, and the Incas won a great victory. So unexpected was this onslaught
that the very stones on the mountain sides were believed to have been
turned into men. It was the armed array of the insurgent Quichuas who
had come by forced marches to the help of their old masters. The mem-
ory of this great struggle was fresh in men's minds when the Spaniards
arrived, and as the new conquerors passed over the battlefield, on their way
to Cuzco, they saw the stuffed skins of the vanquished Chancas set up as
memorials by the roadside.

The subjugation of the Chancas, with their allies the Huancas, led to a
vast extension of the Inca empire, which now reached to the shores of the
Pacific ; and the last years of Yupanqui were passed in the conquest of the
alien coast nation, ruled over by a sovereign known as the Chimu. Thus
the reign of the Inca Yupanqui marks a great epoch. He beat down all
rivals, and converted the Cuzco kingdom into a vast empire. He received
the name of Pachacutec, or "he who changes the world," a name which,
according to Montesinos, had on eight previous occasions been conferred
upon sovereigns of the more ancient dynasties.

Tupac Inca Yupanqui, the son and successor of Pachacutec, completed

* [After a cut given by Ruge, and showing figures from an old Peruvian painting. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 231

the subjugation of the coast valleys, extended his conquests beyond Quito
on the north and to Chile as far as the river Maule in the south, besides
penetrating far into the eastern forests.

Huayna Ccapac, the son of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, completed and consoli-
dated the conquests of his father. He traversed the valleys of the coast,
penetrated to the southern limit of Chile, and fought a memorable battle
on the banks of the "lake of blood" (Yahuar-cocha), near the northern
frontier of Quito. After a long reign,1 the last years of which were passed
in Quito, Huayna Ccapac died in November, 1525. His eldest legitimate
son, named Huascar, succeeded him at Cuzco. But Atahualpa, his father's
favorite, was at Quito with the most experienced generals. Haughty mes-
sages passed between the brothers, which were followed by war. Huascar's
armies were defeated in detail, and eventually the generals of Atahualpa
took the legitimate Inca prisoner, entered Cuzco, and massacred the family
and adherents of Huascar.2 The successful aspirant to the throne was on
his way to Cuzco, in the wake of his generals, when he encountered Pizarro
and the Spanish invaders at Caxamarca. This war of succession would not,
it is probable, have led to any revolutionary change in the general policy of
the empire. Atahualpa would have established his power and continued to
rule, just as his ancestor Pachacutec did, after the dethronement of his
brother Urco.3

The succession of the Incas from Manco Ccapac to Atahualpa was evi-
dently well known to the Amautas, or learned men of the empire, and was
recorded in their quipus with precision, together with less certain materials
respecting the more ancient dynasties. Many blunders were committed by
the Spanish inquirers in putting down the historical information received
from the Amautas, but on the whole there is general concurrence among
them.4 Practically the Spanish authorities agree, and it is clear that the

1 Bias Valera says 42, Balboa 33, years. chacutec has already been explained. Tupac is

2 [The ruins of Atahualpa's palace are figured a word signifying royal splendor, and Huayna
in Wiener's Perou et Bolivie, and in Cte. de Ga- means "youth." Huascar is "a chain," in allu-
briac's Promenade a travers V Amerique du Snd sion to a golden chain said to have been made
(Paris, 1868), p. 196. — Ed.] in his honor, and held by the dancers at the fes-

3 The meanings of the names of these Incas tival of his birth. The meaning of Atahualpa
are significant. Manco and Rocca appear to be has been much disputed. Hualpa certainly
proper names without any clear etymology. The means any large game fowl. Hualpani is to
rest refer to mental attributes, or else to some create. Atau is " chance," or " the fortune of
personal peculiarity. Sinchi means "strong." war." Garcilasso, who is always opposed to der-
Lloque is " left-handed." Yupanqui is the sec- ivations, maintains that Atahualpa was a proper
ond person of the future tense of a verb, and name without special meaning, and that Hualpa,
signifies " you will count." Garcilasso interprets as a word for a fowl, is derived from it, because
it as one who will count as wise, virtuous, and the boys in the streets, when imitating cock-
powerful. Ccapac is rich ; that is, rich in all crowing, used the word Atahualpa. But Hu-
virtues and attributes of a prince. Mayta is an alpa formed part of the name of many scions
adverb, " where ; " and Salcamayhua says that of the Inca family long before the time of Ata-
the constant cry and prayer of this Inca was, hualpa.

" Where art thou, O God ? " because he was 4 All authorities agree that Manco Ccapac

constantly seeking his Creator. Yahuar-huaccac was the first Inca, although Montesinos places

means " weeping blood," probably in allusion him far back at the head of the Pirhua dynasty,

to some malady from which he suffered. Pa- and all agree respecting the second, Sinchi

2^2

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

native annalists possessed a single record, while the apparent discrepancies
are due to blunders of the Spanish transcribers. The twelve Incas from
Manco Ccapac to Huascar may be received as historical personages whose
deeds were had in memory at the time of the Spanish invasion, and were
narrated to those among the conquerors who sought for information from
the Amautas.

A. D.
I240
1260
I2SO
1300
1320
1340

Manco Ccapac.
Sinchi Rocca.
Lloque Yupanqui.
Mayta Ccapac.
Ccapac Yupanqui.
Inca Rocca.

A. D.
1360
1380
1400
I440
I48O
1523

Yahuar-huaccac.

Uira-cocha.

Pachacutec Yupanqui.

Tupac Yupanqui.

Huayna Ccapac.

Inti Cusi Hualpa, or Huascar.

The religion of the Incas consisted in the worship of the supreme being
of the earlier dynasties, the Ilia Ticsi Uira-cocha of the Pirhuas. This sim-
ple faith was overlaid by a vast mass of superstition, represented by the
cult of ancestors and the cult of natural objects. To this was superadded
the belief in the ideals or souls of all animated things, which ruled and
guided them, and to which men might pray for help. The exact nature of
this belief in ideals, as it presented itself to the people themselves, is not at
all clear. It prevailed among the uneducated. Probably it was the idea to
which dreams give rise, — the idea of a double nature, of a tangible and a
phantom being, the latter mysterious and powerful, and to be propitiated.
The belief in this double being was extended to all animated nature, for
even the crops had their spiritual doubles, which it was necessary to wor-
ship and propitiate.

But the religion of the Incas and of learned men, or Amautas, was a wor-
ship of the Supreme Cause of all things, the ancient God of the Titicaca
myth, combined with veneration for the sun 1 as the ancestor of the reign-
ing dynasty, for the other heavenly bodies, and for the malqui, or remains
of their forefathers. This feeling of veneration for the sun, closely con-
nected with the beneficent work of the venerated object as displayed in

Rocca. Lloque Yupanqui, with various spell-
ings, has the unanimous vote of all authorities
except Acosta, who calls him " Iaguarhuarque."
But Acosta's list is incomplete. Respecting
Mayta Ccapac and Ccapac Yupanqui, all are
agreed except Betanzos, who transposes them
by an evident slip of memory. Touching Inca
Rocca all are agreed, though Montesinos has
Sinchi for Inca, and all agree as to Yahuar-hu-
accac. It is true that Cieza de Leon and Her-
rera call him Inca Yupanqui, but this is explained
by Salcamayhua when he gives the full name, —
Yahuar-huaccac Inca Yupanqui. All agree as
to Uira-cocha. As to his successor, Betanzos,
Cieza de Leon, Fernandez, Herrera, Salcamay-
hua, and Balboa mention the short reign of the

deposed Urco. Ci^za de Leon and Betanzos give
Yupanqui as the name of Urco's brother; all
other authorities have Pachacutec. The discrep-
ancy is explained by his names having been
Yupanqui Pachacutec. This also accounts for
Garcilasso de la Yega and Santillan having
made Pachacutec and Yupanqui into two Incas,
father and son. Betanzos also interpolates a
Yamque Yupanqui. All are agreed with regard
to Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Ccapac, Hu-
ascar, and Atahualpa. [There is another compar-
ison of the different lists in Wiener, VEmpirt
dcs Incas, p. 53. — Ed.]

1 [See an early cut of this sun-worship in Vol.
II. p. 551. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 233

the course of the seasons, led to the growth of an elaborate ritual and to
the celebration of periodical festivals.

The weight of evidence is decisively in the direction of a belief on the
part of the Incas that a Supreme Being existed, which the sun must obey,
as well as all other parts of the universe. This subordination of the sun to
the Creator of all things was inculcated by successive Incas. Molina says,
"They did not know the sun as their Creator, but as created by the Crea-
tor." Salcamayhua tells us how the Inca Mayta Ccapac taught that the sun
and moon were made for the service of men, and that the chief of the Col-
las, addressing the Inca Uira-cocha, exclaimed, " Thou, O powerful lord of
Cuzco, dost worship the teacher of the universe, while I, the chief of the
Collas, worship the Sun." The evidence on the subject of the religion of
the Incas, collected by the Viceroy Toledo, showed that they worshipped
the Creator of all things, though they also venerated the sun ; and Monte-
sinos mentions an edict of the Inca Pachacutec, promulgated with the object
of enforcing the worship of the Supreme God above all other deities. The
speech of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, showing that the sun was not God, but
was obeying laws ordained by God, is recorded by Acosta, Bias Valera, and
Balboa, and was evidently deeply impressed on the minds of their Inca in-
formers. This Inca compared the sun to a tethered beast, which always
makes the same round ; or to a dart, which goes where it is sent, and not
where it wishes. The prayers from the Inca ritual, given by Molina, are
addressed to the god Ticsi Uiracocha ; the Sun, Moon, and Thunder being
occasionally invoked in conjunction with the principal deity.

The worship of this creating God, the Dweller in Space, the Teacher and
Ruler of the Universe, was, then, the religion of the Incas which had been
inherited from their distant ancestry of the cyclopean age. Around this
primitive cult had grown up a supplemental worship of creatures created by
the Deity, such as the heavenly bodies, and of objects supposed to repre-
sent the first ancestors of ay litis, or tribes, as well as of the prototypes of
things on whom man's welfare depended, such as flocks and animals of the
chase, fruit and corn. It has been asserted that the Deity, the Uira-cocha
himself, did not generally receive worship, and that there was only one tem-
ple in honor of God throughout the empire, at a place called Pachacamac,
on the coast. But this is clearly a mistake. The great temple at Cuzco,
with its gorgeous display of riches, was called the " Ccuri-cancha Pacha-
yachachicpa huasin," which means "the place of gold, the abode of the
Teacher of the Universe." An elliptical plate of gold was fixed on the wall
to represent the Deity, flanked on either side by metal representations of
his creatures, the Sun and Moon. The chief festival in the middle of the
year, called Ccapac Raymi, was instituted in honor of the supreme Creator,
and when, from time to time, his worship began to be neglected by the peo-
ple, who were apt to run after the numerous local deities, it was again and
again enforced by their more enlightened rulers. There were Ccuri-canchas

234

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

for the service of God, at Vilca and in other centres of vice-regal rule, be-
sides the grand fane of Cuzco.1

c i- /• &$&#?"£* ■IlT lTl]

-- ?MMUMsi\ L L L * L

vWMi

L vSBWESw

•..•>. "undue-- :■&/■■ •"•■■ .. .v*-.., ■>ivv" /■' ■

Although the first and principal in-
vocations were addressed to the Crea-
tor, prayers were also offered up to
the Sun and Moon, to the Thunder,
and to ancestors who were called
upon to intercede with the Deity.2
The latter worship formed a very dis-
tinctive feature in the religious ob-
servances of nearly all the Incarial
tribes. The Paccarina, or forefather
of the ay Hit, or lineage, was often
some natural object converted into a
Jmaca, or deity. The Paccarina of
the Inca family was the Sun, with his
sister and spouse, the Moon. A vast
hierarchy was set apart to conduct
the ceremonies connected with their
worship, and hundreds of virgins,
called Aclla-cuna, were secluded and
devoted to duties relating to the ob-
servances in the Sun temples. Wor-
ship was also offered to the actual
bodies of the ancestors, called malqui,
which were preserved with the greatest care, in caves called machay. On
solemn festivals each aylln assembled with its malqui. The bodies of the
Incas were all preserved, clothed as when alive, and surrounded by their
special furniture and utensils. Three of these Inca mummies, with two
mummies of queens, were discovered by Polo de Ondegardo, then corregidor
of Cuzco, in 1559, and were sent by him to Lima for interment. Those
who saw them3 reported that they were so well preserved that they ap-
peared to be alive ; that they were in a sitting posture ; that the eyes were

1 At Pachacamac there was a temple to the evil spirit, also occurs in the drama of Ollantay.
coast deity, called locally Pachacamac, and It may have been some local huaca, but no devil
another to the sun ; but none to the supreme as such, entered into the religious belief of the
Creator, one of whose epithets was Pachacamac. Incas.

2 Spanish authors mention a being called Su- 3 Acosta, Polo de Ondegardo, Garcilasso de
pay, which they say was the devil. Supay, as an la Vega.

* [After a cut in Marcoy, i. p. 234, where it is said to be drawn from existing remains and printed and manu-
script authorities. The modern structure of the convent of Santo Domingo, built in 1534, is at A, which con-
tains in its construction some remains of the walls of the older edifice. B is a cloister. C, an outer court. D,
fountains for purification. E are streets leading to the great square of Cuzco. F, the garden where golden
flowers were once placed ; now used as a kitchen garden. G, the chapel dedicated to the moon. H, chapel
dedicated to Venus and the Milky Way. I, chapel dedicated to thunder and lightning. J, chapel dedicated
to the rainbow. K, council hall of the grand pontiff and priests of the sun. L, the apartments of the priests
and servants. See the view of the temple from Montanus in Vol. II. p. 555, and a modern view in Wiener's
Pcrou ct Bolivic, p. 318. Other plans and views are in Squiers Peru, pp. 430-445. — Ed.]

TEMPLE OF THE SUN*

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

235

made of gold, and that they were arrayed in the insignia of their rank.1 The
Paccarina, or founder of the family, and the malquis, or mummies of ances-
tors, thus formed the objects of a distinct belief and religion, based un-
doubtedly on the conviction that every human being has a spiritual as well
as a corporeal existence ; that the former is immortal, and that it is repre-
sented by the malqui. The appearance of the departed in dreams and
visions was not an unreasonable ground for this belief, which certainly was

ZODIAC OF GOLD FOUND AT CUZCO*

the most deeply rooted of all the religious ideas of the Peruvian people.
The paccarina, or ancestral deities, were innumerable. There was one or
more that received worship in every tribe, and was represented by a rock,
or some other natural object. Many were believed to be oracles. Some,
such as Catequilla, or Apit-cateqiiilla^ the oracle of the Conchucu tribe, have

1 The mummies were those of Incas Uira-
cocha, Tupac Yupanqui, and Huayna Ccapac ;
of Mama Runtu (wife of Uira-cocha) and
Mama Ocllo (wife of Tupac Yupanqui).

2 Mentioned by Calancha (471) and Arriaga
as an oracle at the village of Tauca, in Conchu-
cos. Brinton has built up a myth which he cred-

its to the whole Peruvian people, on the strength
of a meaning applied to the word Catequilla ,
which is erroneous. It is exactly the same gram-
matical error that those etymologists fell into
who thought that Uira-cocha signified "foam of
the sea." [Myths of the New World, 154.)

* [After a drawing by Mr. Markham of the plate itself, made at Lima in 1853. Mr. Markham's drawing is
reproduced in Bollaert's Antiquarian Researches, p. 146. The disk is 5 3-10 inches in diameter. The signs
in the outer ring are supposed to represent the months. — Ed.]

22,6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

been brought into undue prominence through being mentioned by Spanish
writers.

Religious ceremonials were closely connected with the daily life of the
people, and especially with the course of the seasons and the succession of
months, as they affected the operations of agriculture. It was important to
fix the equinoxes and solstices, and astronomical knowledge was a part of
the priestly office. There were names for many of the stars ; their motions
were watched as well as those of the sun and moon ; and though a record of
the extent of the astronomical knowledge of the Incas has not been pre-
served, it is certain that they watched the time of the solstices and equi-
noxes with great care, and that they distinguished between the lunar and
solar years. Pillars were erected to determine the time of the solstices,
eight on the east and eight on the west side of Cuzco, in double rows, four
and four, two low between two higher ones, twenty feet apart. They were
called Sacanca, from s?icay a ridge or furrow, the alternate light and shade
between the pillars appearing like furrows. A stone column in the centre
of a level platform, called Inti-huatanay was used to ascertain the time of the
equinoxes. A line was drawn across the platform from east to west, and
watch was kept to observe when the shadow of the pillar was on this line
from sunrise to sunset, and there was no shadow at noon. The principal
Inti-huatana was in the square before the great temple at Cuzco ; but
there are several others in different parts of Peru. The most perfect of
these observatories is at Pissac, in the valley of Vilcamayu.1 There is
another at Ollantay-tampu, a fourth near Abancay, and a fifth at Sillustani
in the Collao.

There is reason to believe that the Incas used a zodiac with twelve signs,
corresponding with the months of their solar year. The gold plates which
they wore on their breasts were stamped with features representing the sun,
surrounded by a border of what are probably either zodiacal signs or signs
for the months. Whether the ecliptic, or huatana, was thus divided or not,
it is certain that the sun's motion was observed with great care, and that
the calendar was thus fixed with some approach to accuracy.2 The year, or
Huata, was divided into twelve Quilla, or moon revolutions, and these were
made to correspond with the solar year by adding five days, which were
divided among the twelve months. A further correction was made every
fourth year. Solar observations were taken and recorded every month.

The year commenced on the 22d of June, with the winter solstice, and
there were four great festivals at the occurrence of the solstices and equi-
noxes.3 ■

1 A very interesting account of it, with a all the others, is the one adopted by the first
sketch, is given by Squier, p. 524. Council of Lima, and given by Calancha. It is

2 Huatana means a halter, from huatani, to as follows : —

seize ; hence the tying up or encircling of the I. Yntip Raymi (22 June-22 July), Festival of
sun. the Winter Solstice, or Raymi.

:5 Authorities differ respecting the names of 2. Chahuarquiz (22 July-22 Aug.), Season of
the months, and probably some months had ploughing.

more than one name. But the most accurate 3. Vapa-quiz (22 Aug.-22 Sept.), Season of
list, and that which is most in agreement with sowing.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 237

The celebrations of the solar year and of the seasons, in their bearings
on agriculture, were identical with the chief religious observances. The
Raymi, or festival of the winter solstice, in the first month, when the gran-
aries were filled after harvest, was established in special honor of the Sun.
Sacrifices of llamas and lambs, and of the first-fruits of the earth, were
offered up to the images of the Supreme Being, of the Sun, and of Thun-
der, which were placed in the open space in front of the great temple ; as
well as to the huaca,ox stone representing the brother of Manco Ccapac, on
the hill of Huanacauri. There was also a procession of the priests and peo-
ple as far as the pass of Vilcanota, leading into the basin of Lake Titicaca,
sacrifices being offered up at various spots on the road. The sacrifices were
accompanied by prayers, and concluded with songs, called huayllina, and
dancing. Then followed the ploughing month, when it is said that the Inca
himself opened the season by ploughing a furrow with a golden plough in
the field behind the Colcampata palace, on the height above Cuzco.

The question here arises whether human sacrifices were offered up, in the
Inca ritual. This has been stated by Molina, Cieza de Leon, Montesinos,
Balboa, Ondegardo, and Acosta, and indignantly denied by Garcilasso de la
Vega. Cieza de Leon admits that there were occasional human sacrifices,
but adds that their numbers and the frequency of such offerings have been
grossly exaggerated by the Spaniards. If the sacrifices had been offered
under the idea of atonement or expiation, it might well be expected that
human sacrifices would be included. Under such ideas, men offered up
what they valued most, just as Abraham was prepared to sacrifice his son,
as Jephthah dedicated his daughter as a burnt-offering to Jehovah, and as
the king of Moab sacrificed his eldest son to Chemosh.1 But, except in the
Situa, when the idea was to efface sins by washing, the sacrifices of the Incas
were offerings of thanksgiving, not of expiation or atonement. The mis-
take of the five writers who supposed that the Incas offered human sacrifices
was due to their ignorance of the language.2 The perpetration of human

4. Ccoya Raymi (22 Sept-22 Oct.), Festival of Betanzos, Molina, Montesinos, Fernandez, and

the Spring Equinox. Situa. Ramos. Acosta also gives an incomplete list.

5. Uma Raymi (22 Oct-22 Nov.), Season of 1 Judges xii. 39; 2 Kings iii. 27.

brewing. 2 The sacrifices were called runa, yuyac, and

6. Ayamarca (22 N0V.-22 Dec), Commemo- huahua. The Spaniards thought that runa and

ration of the dead. yuyac signified men, and huahua children. This

was not the case when speaking of sacrificial

7. Ccapac Raymi (22 Dec-22 Jan.), Festival victims. Runa was applied to a male sacrifice,

of the Summer Solstice. Huaraca. huahua to the lambs, and yuyac signified an

8. Camay (22 Jan-22 Feb.), Season of exer- adult or full-grown animal. The sacrificial ani-

cises. mals were also called after the names of those

9. Hatun-poccoy (22 Feb.-22 March), Season who offered them, which was another cause of

of ripening. erroneous assumptions by Spanish writers.

There was a law strictly prohibiting human sac-

10. Pacha-poccoy (22 March-22 April), Festival rifices among the conquered tribes; and the

of Autumn Equinox. Mosoc Nina. statement that servants were sacrificed at the

11. Ayrihua (22 April-22 May), Beginning of obsequies of their masters is disproved by the

harvest. iact, mentioned by the anonymous Jesuit, that

12. Aymuray (22 May-22 June), Harvesting in none of the burial-places opened by the Span-

month, iards in search of treasure were any human

The other authorities for the Inca months are bones found, except those of the buried lord

himself.

238 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

sacrifice was opposed to the religious ideas of the ancient Peruvians, and
formed no part of their ceremonial worship. Their ritual was almost exclu-
sively devoted to thanksgiving and rejoicings over the beneficence of their
Deity. The notion of expiation formed no part of their creed, while the
destruction involved in such a system was opposed to their economic and
carefully regulated civil polity.1

The second great festival, called Situa, was celebrated at the vernal equi-
nox. This was the commencement of the rainy season, when sickness pre-
vailed, and the object of the ceremony was to pray to the Creator to drive
diseases and evils from the land. In the centre of the great square of Cuzco
a body of four hundred warriors was assembled, fully armed for war. One
hundred faced towards the Chincha-suyu road, one hundred faced towards
Anti-suyu, one hundred towards Colla-suyu, and one hundred towards Cunti-
suyu, — the four great divisions of the empire. The Inca and the high-
priest, with their attendants, then came from the temple, and shouted, " Go
forth all evils ! " On the instant the warriors ran at great speed towards
the four quarters, shouting the same sentence as they went, until they each
came to another party, which took up the cry, and the last parties reached
the banks of great rivers, the Apurimac or Vilcamayu, where they bathed
and washed their arms. The rivers were supposed to carry the evils away to
the ocean. As the warriors ran through the streets of Cuzco, all the people
came to their doors, shaking their clothes, and shouting, " Let the evils be
gone ! " In the evening they all bathed ; then they lighted great torches of
straw, called pancurcu, and, marching in procession out of the city, they
threw them into the rivers, believing that thus nocturnal evils were banished.
At night, each family partook of a supper consisting of pudding made of

1 Prescott (I. p. 98, note) accepted the state- original conquerors; Juan de Oliva; the Licen-

ment that human sacrifices were offered by the tiate Alvarez ; Fray Marcos Jofre ; the Licen-

Incas, because six authorities, Sarmiento, Cieza tiate Falcon, in his Apologia pro Indis ; Melchior

de Leon, Montesinos, Balboa, Ondegardo, and Hernandez, in his dictionary, under the words

Acosta — outnumbered the single authority on harpay and huahua ; the anonymous Jesuit in

the other side, Garcilasso de la Vega, who, more- his most valuable narrative ; and Garcilasso de

over, was believed to be prejudiced owing to his la Vega. These eight authorities outweigh the

relationship to the Incas. Sarmiento and Cieza five quoted by Prescott, both as regards number

de Leon are one and the same, so that the number and importance. So that the evidence against

of authorities for human sacrifices is reduced to human sacrifices is conclusive. The Quipus, as

five. Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, and Balboa the anonymous Jesuit tells us, also prove that

adopted the belief that human sacrifices were there was a law prohibiting human sacrifices,

offered up, through a misunderstanding of the The assertion that 200 children and 1,000 men

words yuyac and huahua. Acosta had little or were sacrificed at the coronation of Huayua Cca-

no acquaintance with the language, as is proved pac was made ; but these " huahuas " were not

by the numerous linguistic blunders in his work, children of men, but young lambs, which are

Ondegardo wrote at a time when he scarcely called children; and the "yuyac" and "runa"

knew the language, and had no interpreters ; for were not men, but adult llamas. [Mr. Markham

it was in 1554, when he was judge at Cuzco. At has elsewhere collated the authorities on this

that time all the annalists and old men had fled point {Royal Commentaries, i. 139). Cf. Bol-

into the forests, because of the insurrection of laert's Antiq. Researches, p. 124; and Alphonse

Francisco Hernandez Giron. Castaing on " Les Fetes, Offrandes et Sacrifices

The authorities who deny the practice are nu- dans l'Antiquite Peruvienne," in the Archives de

merous and important. These are Francisco de la Societe Amhicaine de France, n. s., iii. 239.—

Chaves, one of the best and most able of the Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 239

coarsely ground maize, called sancu, which was also smeared over their
faces and the lintels of their doorways, then washed off and thrown into the
rivers with the cry, " May we be free from sickness, and may no maladies
enter our houses ! " The huacas and malquis were also bathed at the feast
of Situa. In the following days all the malquis were paraded, and there
were sacrifices, with feasting and dancing. A stone fountain, plated with
gold, stood in the great square of Cuzco, and the Inca, on this and other
solemn festivals, poured cliicJia into it from a golden vase, which was con-
ducted by subterranean pipes to the temple.

The third great festival at the summer solstice, called Huaracu, was the
occasion on which the youths of the empire were admitted to a rank equiv-
alent to knighthood, after passing through a severe ordeal. The Inca and
his court were assembled in front of the temple. Thither the youths were
conducted by their relations, with heads closely shorn, and attired in shirts
of fine yellow wool edged with black, and white mantles fastened round
their necks by woollen cords with red tassels. They made their reverences
to the Inca, offered up prayers, and each presented a llama for sacrifice.1
Proceeding thence to the hill of Huanacauri, where the venerated huaca to
Ayar Uchu was erected, they there received huaras, or breeches made of
aloe fibres, from the priest. This completed their manly attire, and they
returned home to prepare for the ordeal. A few days afterwards they were
assembled in the great square, received a spear, called yauri, and ustttas or
sandals, and were severely whipped to prove their endurance. The young
candidates were then sent forth to pass the night in a desert about a league
from Cuzco. Next day they had to run a race. At the farther end of the
course young girls were stationed, called nusta-calli-sapa^ with jars of chi-
cha, who cried, "Come quickly, youths, for we are waiting! " but the course
was a long one, and many fell before they reached the goal. They also had
to rival each other in assaults and feats of arms. Finally their ears were
bored, and they received ear-pieces of gold and other marks of distinction
from the Inca. The last ceremony was that of bathing in the fountain
called Calli-puquio. About eight hundred youths annually passed through
this ordeal, and became adult warriors, at Cuzco, and similar ceremonies
were performed in all the provinces of the empire.

In the month following on the summer solstice, there was a curious reli-
gious ceremony known as the water sacrifice. The cinders and ashes of all
the numerous sacrifices throughout the year were preserved. Dams were
constructed across the rivers which flow through Cuzco, in order that the
water might rush down with great force when they were taken away.
Prayers and sacrifices were offered up, and then a little after sunset all the
ashes were thrown into the rivers and the dams were removed. Then the
burnt-sacrifices were hurried down with the stream, closely followed by

1 The sacrificial llamas bore the names of the language, assumed that the youths themselves
youths who presented them. Hence the Span- were the victims. (See ante, p. 237.)
ish writers, with little or no knowledge of the 2 Nusta, princess ; calli, valorous ; safla, alone,

unrivalled.

240 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

crowds of people on either bank, with blazing torches, as far as the bridge
at Ollantay-tampu. There two bags of coca were offered up by being
hurled into the river, and thence the sacrifices were allowed to flow onwards
to the sea. This curious ceremony seems to have been intended not only
as a thank-offering to the Deity, but as an acknowledgment of his omnipres-
ence. As the offerings flowed with the stream, they knew not whither, yet
went to Him, so his pervading spirit was everywhere, alike in parts un-
known as in the visible world of the Incas.

A sacred fire was kept alive throughout the year by the virgins of the
sun, and the ceremony of its annual renewal at the autumnal equinox was
the fourth great festival, called Mosoc-nina, or the "new fire." Fire was
produced by collecting the sun's rays on a burnished metal mirror, and the
ceremony was the occasion of prayers and sacrifices. The year ended with
the rejoicing of the harvest months, accompanied by songs, dances, and
other festivities.

Besides the periodical festivals, there were also religious observances
which entered into the life of each family. Every household had one or
more lares, called Couopa, representing maize, fruit, a llama, or other object
on which its welfare depended. The belief in divination and soothsaying,
the practice of fasting followed by confession, and worship of the family
malqui, all gave employment to the priesthood.

The complicated religious ceremonies connected with the periodical fes-
tivals, the daily worship, and the requirements of private families gave rise
to the growth of a very numerous caste of priests and diviners. The pope
of this hierarchy, the chief pontiff, was called Uillac Umu> words meaning
"The head which gives counsel," he who repeats to the people the utter-
ances of the Deity. He was the most learned and virtuous of the priestly
caste, always a member of the reigning family, and next in rank to the Inca.
The Villcas, equivalent to the bishops of a Christian hierarchy, were the
chief priests in the provinces, and during the greatest extension of the em-
pire they numbered ten. The ordinary ministers of religion were divided
into sacrificers, worshippers and confessors, diviners, and recluses.1 It was

1 Of the first class were the Tarpuntay, or static frenzy called utirayay, and Ychurichuc

sacrificing priests, and the Aracac, who cut up when they received confessions and ministered

the victims and provided the offerings, whether in private families. The soothsayers were a

harpay or bloody sacrifices, haspay or bloodless very numerous class. The Hamurpa examined

sacrifices of flesh, or cocuy, oblations of corn, the entrails of sacrifices, and divined by the

fruit, or coca. Molina mentions a custom called flight of birds. The L/ayca, Achacuc, ffuatuc,

Ccapac-cocha or Cacha-huaca, being the distribu- and Uira-piricuc were soothsayers of various

tion of sacrifices. An enormous tribute came to grades. The Socyac divined by maize heaps, the

Cuzco annually for sacrificial purposes, and was Pacchacuc by the feet of a large hairy spider, the

thence distributed by the Inca, for the worship Uaychnnca by odds and evens. The recluses

of every huaca in the empire. The different sac- were not only Aclla-cuna, or virgins congregated

rifices were sent from Cuzco in all directions for in temples under the charge of matrons called

delivery to the priests of the numerous hua- Mama-cuna. There were also hermits who med-

cas. The ministering priests were called Huacap itated in solitary places, and appear to have been

( 'iliac when they had charge of a special idol, under a rule, with an abbot called Tucricacy and

Huacap Rimachi or Haatuc when they received younger men serving a novitiate called Huamac.

utterances from a deity while in a state of ec- These Huancaquilli, or hermits, took vows of

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

241

indeed inevitable that, with a complicated ritual and a gorgeous ceremonial
worship, a populous class of priests and their assistants, of numerous grades
and callings, should come into existence.1

But the intellectual movement and vigor of the Incas were not confined
to the priesthood. The Amautas or learned men, the poets and reciters of
history, the musical and dramatic composers, the Quipu-camayoc, or record-
ers and accountants, were not necessarily, nor indeed generally, of the
priestly caste. It is probable that the Amautas, or men of learning, formed
a separate caste devoted to the cultivation of literature and the extension
of the language. Our knowledge of their progress and of the character of
their traditions and poetic culture is very limited, owing to the destruction
of records and the loss of oral testimony. The language has been preserved,
and that will tell us much ; but only a few literary compositions have been
saved from the wreck of the Inca empire. Quichua was the name given to
the general language of the Incas by Friar Domingo de San Tomas, the
first Spaniard who studied it grammatically, possibly owing to his having
acquired it from people belonging to the Quichua tribe. The name con-
tinued to be used, and has been generally adopted.2 Garcilasso de la Vega
speaks of a separate court language of the Incas, but the eleven words he
gives as belonging to it are ordinary Quichua words, and I concur with Her-
vas and William von Humboldt in the conclusion that this court language

chastity (titu), obedience (Hunicui), poverty (us-
cacuy), and penance (villullery) .

1 [The general works on the Inca civilization
necessarily touch these points of their religious
customs, and Mr. Markham's volume on the
Rites and Laws of the Incas is a prime source of
information. Hawk's translation of Rivero and
Von Tschudi (p. 151) gives references; but spe-
cial mention may be made of Muller's Geschichte
der Amerikanischen Urreligionen ; Castaing's
Les Systhne religieux dans V Antiquite peruvi-
enne, in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France,
n. s., iii. 86, 145; Tylor's Primitive Culture;
Brinton's Myths of the New World; and Albert
Reville's Lectures on the origin and growth of
religion as illustrated by the native religions of
Mexico and Peru. Delivered at Oxford and
London, in April and May, 1884. Translated by
Philip H. Wicksteed (London, 1884. Hibbart
lectures). — Ed.]

2 The Quichua language was spoken over a
vast area of the Andean region of South America.
The dialects only differ slightly, and even the
language of the Collas, called by the Spaniards
Aymara, is identical as regards the grammatical
structure, while a clear majority of the words
are the same. The general language of Peru
belongs to that American group of languages
which has been called agglutinative by William

VOL. 1. — 16

von Humboldt. These languages form new
words by a process of junction which is much
more developed in them than in any of the forms
of speech in the Old World. They also have
exclusive and inclusive plurals, and transitional
forms of the verb combined with pronominal
suffixes which are peculiar to them. In these
respects the Quichua is purely an American lan-
guage, and in spite of the resemblances in the
sounds of some words, which have been dili-
gently collected by Lopez (Les Races Aryennes
du Perou, par Vicente F. Lopez, Paris, 1871) and
Ellis (Peruvia Scythica, by Robert Ellis, B. D.,
London, 1875), no connection, either as regards
grammar or vocabulary, has been satisfactorily
established between the speech of the Incas
and any language of the Old World. Quichua
is a noble language, with a most extensive vo-
cabulary, rich in forms of the plural number,
which argue a very clear conception of the idea
of plurality; rich in verbal conjugations; rich in
the power of forming compound nouns ; rich in
varied expressions to denote abstract ideas ; rich
in words for relationships which are wanting in
the Old World idioms ; and rich, above all, in
synonyms : so that it was an efficient vehicle
wherewith to clothe the thoughts and ideas of a
people advanced in civilization.

242 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

of Garcilasso had no real existence.1 It is not mentioned by any other
authority.

It was the custom for the Yaravecs or Bards to recite the deeds of former
Incas on public occasions, and these rhythmical narratives were orally pre-
served and handed down by the learned men. Cieza de Leon tells us that
" by this plan, from the mouths of one generation the succeeding one was
taught, and they could relate what took place five hundred years ago as if
only ten years had passed. This was the order that was taken to prevent
the great events of the empire from falling into oblivion." These historical
recitations and songs must have formed the most important part of Inca
literature. One specimen of imaginative poetry has been preserved by Bias
Valero, in which the thunder, followed by rain, is likened to a brother break-
ing his sister's pitcher; just as in the Scandinavian mythology the legend
which is the original source of our nursery rhyme of Jack and Jill employs
the same imagery. Pastoral duties are embodied in some of the later Qui-
chuan dramatic literature, and numerous love songs and yaravies, or ele-
gies, have been handed down orally, or preserved in old manuscripts. The
dances were numerous and complicated, and the Incas had many musical
instruments.2 Dramatic representations, both of a tragic and comic char-
acter, were performed before the Inca court. The statement of Garcilasso
de la Vega to this effect is supported by the independent evidence of Cieza
de Leon and of Salcamayhua, and is placed beyond a doubt by the sentence
of the judge, Areche, in 1781, who prohibited the celebration of these dra-
mas by the Indians. Father Iteri also speaks of the " Quichua dramas
transmitted to this day (1790) by an unbroken tradition." But only one
such drama has been handed down to our own time. It is entitled Ollan-
tay, and records an historical event of the time of Yupanqui Pachacutec.
In its present form, as regards division into scenes and stage directions, it
shows later Spanish manipulation. The question of its antiquity has been
much discussed ; but the final result is that Quichua scholars believe most
of its dialogues and speeches and all the songs to be remnants of the Inca
period.

The system of record by the use of quipus, or knots, was primarily a
method of numeration and of keeping accounts. To cords of various col-
ors smaller lines were attached in the form of fringe, on which there were
knots in an almost infinite variety of combination. The Quipu-camayoc, or
accountant, could by this means keep records under numerous heads, and
preserve the accounts of the empire. The quipus represented a far better
system of keeping accounts than the exchequer tallies which were used in
England for the same purpose as late as the early part of the present cen-
tury. But the question of the extent to which historical events could be

1 Oarrilnsso, Com, Real., i. lib. i. cap. 24, and wooden flute, and the pirutu, of bone. They

lib. vii. cap. 1. also had a stringed instrument called tiuva, for

t Among everal kinds of flutes were the accompanying their songs, a drum, and trumpets

chayfuii made of ca>ne, the pincullu, a small of several kinds, one made from a sea-shell.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

243

recorded by this system of knots is a difficult one. We have the direct
assertions of Montesinos, Salcamayhua, the anonymous Jesuit, Bias Valera,
and others, that not only narratives, but songs, were preserved by means of
the quipus. Von Tschudi believed that by dint of the uninterrupted studies of
experts during several genera-
tions, the power of expression
became developed more and
more, and that eventually the
art of the Quipu - camayoc
reached a high state of perfec-
tion. It may reasonably be
assumed that with some help
from oral commentary, codes
of laws, historical events, and
even poems were preserved in
the quipus. It was through
this substitute for writing that
Montesinos and the anony-
mous Jesuit received their lists
of ancient dynasties, and Bias
Valera distinctly says that the
poem he has preserved was
taken from quipus. Still it
must have been rather a sys-
tem of mnemonics than of com-
plete record. Molina tells us
that the events in the reigns of all the Incas, as well as early traditions,
were represented by paintings on boards, in a temple near Cuzco, called
Poquen cancha.

The diviners used certain incantations to cure the sick, but the healing
art among the Incas was really in the hands of learned men. Those Amau-
tas who devoted themselves to the study of medicine had, as Acosta bears
testimony, a knowledge of the properties of many plants. The febrifuge
virtues of the precious quinquina were, it is true, unknown, or only locally
known. But the Amautas used plants with tonic properties for curing

* [Following a sketch in Rivero and Tschudi, as reproduced by Helps. It shows a quipu found in an
ancient cemetery near Pachacamac. There are other cuts in Wiener's Perou ei Bolivie, p. 777; Tylor's
Early Hist. Mankind, 156; Kingsborough's Mexico, vol. iv. ; Silvestre's Universal Palaograpliy ; and
L6on de Rosny's Ecrititres figuratives, Paris, 1870. • Cf. Acosta, vi. cap. 8, and other early authorities- men-
tioned in Prescott (Kirk's ed. i. 125) ; Markham's Cieza, 391 ; D. Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. ch. 18 ; Fourth
Rept. Bureau of Ethnology (Washington), p. 79; Bollaert's description in Memoirs read before the Aru
thropological Society of London, i. 188, and iii. 351 ; A. Bastian's Culturlander dcs alien America, iii. 73 k
Brasseur de Bourbourg's MS. Troano, i. 18; Stevens's Flint Chips, 465 ; T. P. Thompson's "Knot Records
of Peru" in Westminster Review, xi. 228 ; but in the separate print called History of the Quipos, or Peruvian
Knot-records, as given, by the early Spanish Historians, with a Description of a supposed Specimen, assigned
to Al. Strong by Leclerc, No. 2413. The description in Frezier's Voyage to the South Sea (171 7) is one of
the earliest among Europeans. Leclerc, No. 2412, mentions a Letter a apologetica (Napoli, 1750J, pertaining
to the quipus, but soems uncertain as to its value. — Ed.]

THE QUIPUS*

244

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

fevers ; and they were provided with these and other drugs by an itinerant
e, called Calahuayas or Charisanis, who went into the forests to pro-
cure them. The descendants of these itinerant doctors still wander over
South America, selling drugs.1 The discovery of a skull in a cemetery

at Yucay, which exhibits clear
evidence of a case of trepan-
ning before death, proves the
marvellous advances made by
the Incas in surgical science.

The sovereign was the centre
of all civilization and all knowl-
edge. All literary culture, all
the religious ceremonial which
had grown up with the extension
of the empire, had the Inca for
their centre, as well as all the
military operations and all laws
connected with civil administra-
tion. Originally but the SincJii,
or chief of a small ay I In, the
greatness of successive Incas
grew with the extension of their
power, until at last they were
looked upon almost as deities
by their subjects. The greatest
lords entered their presence in
a stooping position and with a small burden on their backs. The im-
perial family rapidly increased. Each Inca left behind him numerous
younger sons, whose descendants formed an ayllu, so that the later sov-
ereigns were surrounded by a numerous following of their own kindred,
from among whom able public servants were selected. The sovereign was

1 Bias Valera wrote upon the subject of Inca mentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega. An inter-
drugs, and I have given a list of those usually esting account of the Calahuaya doctors is given
found in the bags of the itinerant Calahuaya by Don Modesto Basadre in his Riquezas Pern-
doctors, in a foot-note at page 186 in vol. i. of a?ias, p. 17 (Lima, 1884).
my translation of the first part of the Royal Com-

INCA SKULL*

* [After the plate in the Contrib. to N. Am. Ethnology, vol. v. (Powell's survey, 1882), showing the tre-
phined skull brought from Peru by Squier, in the Army Med. Museum, Washington. Squier in his Peru,
p. 457, enves another cut, with comments of Broca and others in the appendix. Cf. in the same volume a paper
on " Prehistoric Trephining and Cranial Amulets," by R. Fletcher, and a paper on <: Trephining in the Neo-
lithic Period," in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Nov., 1SS7. Cf. on Peruvian skulls Rudolf
in the third volume of the Necropolis of Ancon ; T. J. Hutchinson in the Journal of the Atithro/o-
Institute, iii. 311 ; iv. 2 ; Busk and Davis in Ibid. iii. 86, 94 ; Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. ch. 20; C
' . Blake, in Transactions Ethnolog. Soc, n. s., ii. There are two collections of Peruvian skulls in the Peabody
ambridge, Mass., — one presented by Squier, the other secured by the Haasler Expedition. (Cr.
Repi > ' VII. and IX. of the museum.) Wiener {V Empire des Incas, p. 81) cites a long list of writers on the
ling of the skull. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

245

the " Sapallan Inca" the sole and sovereign lord, 'and with good reason he
was called Huaccha-cuyac, or friend of the poor.

Enormous wealth was sent to Cuzco as tribute from all parts of the em-
pire, for the service of the court and of the temples. The special insignia
of the sovereign were the llaiitu, or crimson fringe round the forehead, the
wino- feathers (black and white) of the alcamari, an Andean vulture, on the
head forming together the suntu paucar or sacred head-dress ; the huaman
champiy or mace, and the ccapac-yauriy or sceptre. His dress consisted of
shirts of cotton, tunics of dyed cotton in patterns, with borders of small gold
and silver plates or feathers, and mantles of fine vicuna wool woven and
dyed. The Incas, as represented in the pictures at Cuzco,1 painted soon

RUINS AT CHUCUITO*

after the conquest, wore golden breastplates suspended round their necks,
with the image of the sun stamped upon them ;2 and the Ccoya, or queen,
wore a large golden topic, or pin, with figures engraved on the head, which
secured her lliclla> or mantle. All the utensils of the palace were of gold ;
and so exclusively was that precious metal used in the service of the court
and the temple that a garden outside the Ccuri-cancha was planted with
models of leaves, fruit, and stalks made of pure gold.3

1 In the church of Santa Anna.

2 [See pictures of Atahualpa in Vol. II. pp.
515, 516. For a colored plate of " Lyoux d'or
peruviens," emblems of royalty, see Archives de
la Soc. Amir, de France, n. s., i. pi. v. — Ed.]

8 The truth of this use of gold by the Incas
does not depend on the glowing descriptions of
Garcilasso de la Vega. A golden breastplate
and topu} a golden leaf with a long stalk, four
specimens of golden fruit, and a girdle of gold
were found near Cuzco in 1852, and sent to the
late General Echenique, then President of Peru.

The present writer had an opportunity of inspect-
ing and making careful copies of them. His
drawings of the breastplate and topic were litho-
graphed for Bollaert's Antiquarian Researches in
Peru,ip. 146. The breastplate was 5 3-10 inches
in diameter, and had four narrow slits for sus-
pending it round the neck. The golden leaf was
12 7-10 inches long, including the stem; breadth
of the base of the leaf, 3 1-10 inches. The mod-
els of fruit were 3 inches in diameter, and the
girdle 18 1-4 inches long.

* [After a drawing in Squier's Primeval Monuments of Peru, p. 17, showing a wall of hewn stones, with
an entrance. The enclosed rectangle is 65 feet on each side,— "a type of an advanced class of megalithic
monuments by no means uncommon in the highlands of Peru." Cf. Squier's Peru, p. 354. — Ed.]

246

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The architecture of a people is one of the most important tests of their
civilization, and in this art the Incas had made astonishing progress. When
their ancestor first arrived at Cuzco he had before him the cyclopean labors
of a former dynasty on the heights of the Sacsahuaman. Two mountain
streams flowed from either side of that hill and united in the plain, often
overflowing their banks and forming swamps. The Incas drained the ground,
confined the torrents between masonry walls, and erected edifices in the
reclaimed space, which will remain as monuments of their skill and taste
for all time. Here rose the famous city of Cuzco.

LAKE TITICACA*

Two styles are discernible in Inca architecture. The earliest is an imi-
tation of the cyclopean works of their ancestors on a smaller scale. The
walls were built with polygonal-shaped stones with rough surfaces, but the
stones were much reduced in size. Rows of doorways with slanting sides

* r Utcr a cut in Ruge's Gesch. des Zeital der Entdeckungen. Squier explored the lake with Raimond
in [864-65, and bears testimony to the general accuracy of the survey by J. B. Pentland, British consul in Bo-
livia (1827 28 and 1837), published by the British admiralty ; but Squier points out some defects of his survey
in his Retnarques sur la Grog, du Pcrou, p. 14, and m Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, iii. There is another view
in Wieni r's Pirou ct Boltvie, p. 441. Cf. Markham's Cicza de Leon, 370; Marcoy's Voyage; Baldwin's An-
dent America, 22S ; and Philippson's Gesch. des ?iru. Zcit., i. 240. Squier in his Peru (pp. 308-370) gives
various views, plans of the ruins, and a map of the lake. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

247

and monolithic lintels adorn the facades ; while recesses for kuacas, shaped
like the doorways, occur in the interior walls. Part of the palace called the
Collcampata, at the foot of the Cuzco fortress, the buildings which were
added to the cyclopean work at Ollantay tampu, the older portion of the
Ccuri-cancha temple at Cuzco, the palaces at Chinchero and Rimac-tampu,
are in this earlier style. The later style is seen mainly at Cuzco, where
the stones are laid in regular courses. No one has described this superb
masonry better than Squier.1 No cement or mortar of any kind was used,
the edifices depending entirely on the accuracy of their stone-fitting for their
stability. The palaces and temples were built round a court-yard, and a
hall of vast dimensions, large enough for ceremonies on an extensive scale,
was included in the plan of most of the edifices. These halls were 200 paces
long by 50 to 60 broad. The dimensions of the Ccuri-cancha temple were
296 feet by 52, and the southwest end was apsidal. Serpents are carved in
relief on some of the stones and lintels of the Cuzco palaces. Hence the pal-
ace of Huayna Ccapac is called Amaru-cancha.2 At Hatun-colla, near Lake
Titicaca, there are two sandstone pillars, probably of Inca origin, which are
very richly carved. They are covered with figures of serpents, lizards, and
frogs, and with elaborate geometrical patterns. The height of the walls of
the Cuzco edifices was from 35
to 40 feet, and the roofs were
thatched. One specimen of the
admirable thatching of the Incas
is still preserved at Azangaro.

There are many ruins through-
out Peru both in the earlier and
later styles ; some of them, such
as those at Vilcashuaman and
Huanuco el viejo, being of great
interest. The Inca palace on the
island in Lake Titicaca is a rec-
tangular two-storied edifice, with lake titicaca*
numerous rooms having ceilings formed of flat overlapping stones, laid with
great regularity. With its esplanade, beautiful terraced gardens, baths,
and fountains, this Titicaca palace must have been intended for the enjoy-
ment of beautiful scenery in comparative seclusion, like the now destroyed
palace at Yucay, in the valley of the Vilcamayu.

1 " The stones are of various sizes in different
structures, ranging in length from one to eight
feet, and in thickness from six inches to two feet.
The larger stones are generally at the bottom,
each course diminishing in thickness towards
the top of the wall, thus giving a very pleasing
effect of graduation. The joints are of a precis-
ion unknown in our architecture, and not rivalled
in the remains of ancient art in Europe. The
statement of the old writers, that the accuracy

with which the stones of some structures were
fitted together was such that it was impossible
to introduce the thinnest knife-blade or finest
needle between them, may be taken as strictly
true. The world has nothing to show in the way
of stone cutting and fitting to surpass the skill
and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures of
Cuzco."

2 Place of serpents.

* [One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp editions of Cieza de Leon. — Ed.]

?4S

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

An example of the improvement of architecture after Inca subjugation is
shown in the curious burial-places, or cJndpas, of the Collao, in the basin of
I ,ake Titicaca. The earliest, as seen at Acora near the lake, closely resem-
ble the rude cromlechs of Brittany. Next, roughly built square towers
are met with, with vaults inside. Lastly, the cJiulpas at Sillustani are well-
built circular towers, about 40 feet high and 16 feet in diameter at the base,

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MAP OF TITICACA, WITH WIENER'S ROUTE.

widening as they rise. A cornice runs round each tower, about three
fourths of the distance from the base to the summit. The stones are admi-
rably cut and fitted in nearly even courses, like the walls at Cuzco. The
interior circular vaults, which contained the bodies, were arched with over-
lapping stones, and a similar dome formed the roof of the towers.

The architectural excellence reached by the Incas, their advances in the
other arts and in literature, and the imperial magnificence of their court and
religious worship, imply the existence of an orderly and well-regulated ad-

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

249

ministrative system. An examination of their social polity will not disap-
point even high expectations. The Inca, though despotic in theory, was

PRIMEVAL TOMB, ACORA.*

bound by the complicated code of rules and customs which had gradually
developed itself during the reigns of his ancestors. In his own extensive

RUINS AT QUELLENATA.f

family, composed of Auqui1 and Atauchi,2 Palla3 and Nusta,4 to the num-
ber of many hundreds,5 and in the Curacas 6 and Apu-curacas 7 of the con-
quered tribes, he had a host of able public servants to govern provinces,
enter the priesthood, or command armies.

The empire was marked out into four great divisions, corresponding with
the four cardinal points of a compass placed at Cuzco. To the north was

1 An unmarried prince of the blood royal ; a
nobleman. Father, in the Colla dialect.

2 A married prince of the blood royal.

8 A married princess ; a lady of noble family.
4 An unmarried princess.

5 At the conquest there were 594, but a great
number had been killed in the previous civil war.

6 Chiefs.

7 Principal chiefs.

* [After a sketch in Squier's Primeval Monuments of Peru, Salem, 1870. He considers it an example of
some of the oldest of human monuments, and is inclined to believe these chulpas, or burial monuments, to have
been built by the ancestors of the Peruvians of the conquest in their earliest development. — Ed.]

t [Reduced from a sketch in Squier's Primeval Monuments of Peru, p. 7. They are situated in Bolivia,
northeast of Lake Titicaca, and the cut shows a hill-fortress (pucura) and the round, flaring-top burial towers
<chulpas). Cf. cut in Wiener's Perou et Bolivie, p. 538. — Ed.1

250 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Chinchay-suyu, to the cast Anti-suyu, to the west Cunti-suyu, and to the

RUINS AT ESCOMA, BOLIVIA.*

south Colla-suyu. The whole empire was called Ttahuantin-suyu, or the

iQ^r^^ZZ— - *~^=:-£r^ fi^rjTT"

SILLUSTANI, PERU.t

four united provinces. Each great province was governed by an Inca vice-
roy, whose title was Ccapac, or Tucuyricoc.1 The latter word means " He

1 Balboa, Montesinos, Santillana.

* [After a cut in Squier's Primeval Monuments of Pern, p. 9, — a square two-storied burial tower (chulpa)
with hill-fortress (pucura) in the distance, situated east of Lake Titicaca. Cf. Squier's Perti, p. 373. — Ed.]

t [Sun-circles (Intihuatana, where the sun is tied up), after a cut in Squier's Primeval Monuments of Peruy
p. 15. The nearer circle is 90 feet; the farther, which has a grooved outlying platform, is 150 feet in diame>
ter. Cf. plan and views in Squier's Peru, ch. 20. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

251

who sees all." Garcilasso describes the office as merely that of an inspector,
whose duty it was to visit the province and report. Under the viceroy
were the native Curacas, who governed the ayllus, or lineages. Each ayllu
was divided into sections of ten families, under an officer called Chunca (10)
camayu. Ten of these came under a Pachaca (100) camayu. Ten Pachacas
formed a Huaranca (1,000) camayu, and the Hunu (10,000) camayu ruled

RUINS OF AN INCARIAL VILLAGE*

over ten Huarancas. The Chunca of ten families was the unit of govern-
ment, and each Chunca formed a complete community.1

The cultivable land belonged to the people in their ayllus, each Chunca
being allotted a sufficient area to support its ten Purics and their de-
pendants.2 The produce was divided between the government (Inca), the

1 The male members of a Chunca were di-
vided into ten classes, with reference to age and
consequent ability to work : —

1. Mosoc-aparie, "Newly begun." A baby.

2. Saya-huarma, " Standing boy." A child

that could stand.

3. Macta-ptcric, " Walking child." Child aged

2 to 8.

4. Ttanta raquisic, " Bread receiver." Boy

of 8.

5. Puclacc huarma, " Playing boy." Boys

from 8 to 16.

6. Cuca pallac, "Coca picker." Age from 16

to 20. Light work.

7. Yma huayna, " As a youth."

8. Puric , "Able-bodied.'

Age 20 to 25.
Head of a

service.

Sixty

family ; paying tribute.
9. Chaupi-tuccu, "Elderly." Light

Age 50 to 60.
10. Punuc ruccu, " Dotage." No work.

and upwards.
A Chunca consisted of ten Purics, with the
other classes in proportion. The Puric was
married to one wife, and, while assisted by the
young lads and the elderly men, he supported
the children and the old people who could not

work. The Peruvian laborer had many super-
stitions, but he was not devoid of higher religious
feelings. This is shown by his practice when
travelling. On reaching the summit of a pass
he never forgot to throw a stone, or sometimes
his beloved pellet of coca, on a heap by the road-
side, as a thank-offering to God, exclaiming,
Apachicta muchani ! "I worship or give thanks
at this heap." Festivals lightened his days of
toil by their periodical recurrence, and certain
family ceremonials were also recognized as occa-
sions for holidays. There was a gathering at
the cradling of a child, called quirau. When
the child attained the age of one year, the ruiu-
chicu took place. Then he received the name
he was to retain until he attained the age of pu-
berty. The child was closely shorn, and the
name was given by the eldest relation. With a
girl the ceremony was called quicuchica, and
there was a fast of two days imposed before the
naming-day, when she assumed the dress called
aucalluasu.

2 The tupu was a measure of land sufficient
to support one man and his wife. It was the
unit of land measurement, and a puric received
tupus according to the number of those depen-

* [Situated on the road from Milo to Huancayo.
L Empire des Incas, pi. v. — Ed.]

Reduced from an ink drawing given by Wiener in his

252 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

priesthood {Huaca), and the cultivators or poor (Huacc/ia), but not in equal
shares.1 In some parts the three shares were kept apart in cultivation, but

a rule the produce was divided at harvest time. The flocks of llamas
were divided into Ccapac-llama, belonging to the state, and Huaccha-llama,
owned by the people. Thus the land belonged to the ayllu, or tribe, and
each puric, or able-bodied man, had a right to his share of the crop, provided
that he had been present at the sowing. All those who were absent must
have been employed in the service of the Inca or Huaca, and subsisted on
the government or priestly share. Shepherds and mechanics were also de-
pendent on those shares. Officers called Runay-pachaca annually revised
the allotments, made the census, prepared statistics for the Quipu-camayoc,
and sent reports to the Tucuyricoc. The Llacta-camayoc, or village overseer,
announced the turns for irrigation and the fields to be cultivated when the
shares were grown apart. These daily notices were usually given from a
tower or terrace. There were also judges or examiners, called Taripasac?
who investigated serious offences and settled disputes. Punishments for
crimes were severe, and inexorably inflicted. It was also the duty of these
officers, when a particular ayllu suffered any calamity through wars or nat-
ural causes, to allot contingents from surrounding ayllus to assist the neigh-
bor in distress. There were similar arrangements when the completion or
repair of any public work was urgent. The most cruel tax on the people
consisted in the selection of the Aclla-cuna, or chosen maidens for the ser-
vice of the Inca, and the church, or Huaca. This was done once a year by
an ecclesiastical dignitary called the Apu-Pauaca? or, according to one
authority, the Hatun-uilca? who was deputy of the high-priest. Service
under the Inca in all other capacities was eagerly sought for.

The industry and skill of the Peruvian husbandmen can scarcely alone
account for the perfection to which they brought the science of agriculture.
The administrative system of the Incas must share the credit. Not a spot
of cultivable land was neglected. Towns and villages were built on rocky
ground. Even their dead were buried in waste places. Dry wastes were
irrigated, and terraces were constructed, sometimes a hundred deep, up the
sides of the mountains. The most beautiful example of this terrace cultiva-
tion may still be seen in the " Andeneria," or hanging gardens of the valley
of Vilcamayu, near Cuzco. There the terraces, commencing with broad
fields at the edge of the level ground, rise to a height of 1,500 feet, narrow-
ing as they rise, until the loftiest terraces against the perpendicular moun-
tain side are not more than two feet wide, just room for three or four rows

dent on him. In parts of Peru, especially on the 2 From Taripani, I examine.

road from Tarma to Xauxa, these small square 8 It should probably be Apunaca : Apu is a

fields, or tupus, may still be seen in great num- chief, and naca the plural suffix in the Colla dia-

. divided by low stone walls. lect.

The shares for the Inca and Huaca varied 4 Hatun, great, and uilca, sacred. This offi-

ording to the requirements of the state. If cial held a position equivalent to a Christian

dful, the luca share was increased at the ex- bishop.

pense of the Huaca, but never at the expense of

the people's share.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 253

of maize. An irrigation canal, starting high up -some narrow ravine at the
snow level, is carried along the mountain side and through the terraces,
flowing down from one to another.

Irrigation on a larger scale was employed not only on the desert coast,
but to water the pastures and arable lands in the mountains, where there is
rain for several months in the year. The channels were often of consider-
able size and great length. Mr. Squier says that he has followed them for
days together, winding amidst the projections of hills, here sustained by
high masonry walls, there cut into the living rock, and in some places con-
ducted in tunnels through sharp spurs of an obstructing mountain. An
officer knew the space of time necessary for irrigating each tupu, and each
cultivator received a flow of water in accordance with the requirements of
his land. The manuring of crops was also carefully attended to.1

The result of all this intelligent labor was fully commensurate with the
thought and skill expended. The Incas produced the finest potato crops
the world has ever seen. The white maize of ■ Cuzco has never been
approached in size or in yield. Coca, now so highly prized, is a product
peculiar to Inca agriculture, and its cultivation required extreme care, espe-
cially in the picking and drying processes. Aj'f, or Chile pepper, furnished
a new condiment to the Old World. Peruvian cotton is excelled only by
Sea Island and Egyptian in length of fibre, and for strength and length of
fibre combined is without an equal. Quinua, oca, aracacha, and several
fruits are also peculiar to Peruvian agriculture.2

The vast flocks of llamas3 and alpacas supplied meat for the people, dried
charqiii for soldiers and travellers, and wool for weaving cloth of every de-
gree of fineness. The alpacas, whose unrivalled wool is now in such large
demand, may almost be said to have been the creation of the Inca shep-
herds. They can only be reared by the bestowal on them of the most con-
stant and devoted care. The wild huanacus and vicunas were also sources
of food and wool supply. No man was allowed to kill any wild animal in
Peru, but there were periodical hunts, called ckacu, in the different prov-
inces, which were ordered by the Inca. On these occasions a wide area
was surrounded by thousands of people, who gradually closed in towards the
centre. They advanced, shouting and starting the game before them, and
closed in, forming in several ranks until a great bag was secured. The
females were released, with a few of the best and finest males. The rest
were then shorn and also released, a certain proportion being killed for the
sake of their flesh. The huanacu wool was divided among the people of the
district, while the silky fleeces of the vicuna were reserved for the Inca.
The Quipucamayoc kept a careful record of the number caught, shorn, and
killed.

1 [On the use of guano see Markham's Cieza den Altatnerikanischen Kulturvolkern (Leipzig,
de Leon, p. 266, note. — Ed.] 1883), gives a list of sources. — Ed.]

2 [Max Steffen, in his Die Landwirtschaft bet 3 [The llamas were used in ploughing. Cf.

Humboldt's Views of Nature, p. 125. — Ed.]

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The means of communication in so mountainous a country were an im-
portant department in the administration of the Incas. Excellent roads for
foot passengers radiated from Cuzco to the remotest portions of the empire.
The Inca roads were level and well paved, and continued for hundreds of
leagues. Rocks were broken up and levelled when it was necessary, ravines
were filled, and excavations* were made in mountain sides. Velasco meas-
ured the width of the Inca roads, and found them to be from six to seven
yards, sufficiently wide when only foot passengers used them. Gomara gives
them a breadth of twenty-five feet, and says that they were paved with
smooth stones. These measurements were confirmed by Humboldt as
regards the roads in the Andes. The road along the coast was forty feet
wide, according to Zarate. The Inca himself travelled in a litter, borne by
mountaineers from the districts of Soras and Lucanas. Corpa-huasi, or rest-

THE
UPPER ROAD

OF THE INCAS.

FROM HELPS.*

houses, were erected at intervals, and the government messengers, or cJias-
quis, ran with wonderful celerity from one of these stations to another, where
he delivered his message, or quipu, to the next runner. Thus news was
brought to the central government from all parts of the empire with ex-
traordinary rapidity, and the Inca ate fresh fish at Cuzco which had been

Humboldt's account in Views of Nature, English traisl., 393-95, 407-9, 412. Marcoy says tire usual
the ancient roads are exaggerations (vol. i. 206). — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 255

caught in the Pacific, three hundred miles away, on the previous day. Store-
houses, with arms, clothing, and provisions for the soldiers, were also built
at intervals along the roads, so that an army could be concentrated at any
point without previous preparation.

Closely connected with the facilities for communication, which were so
admirably established by the Incas, was the system of moving colonies from
one part of the empire to another. The evils of minute subdivision were
thus avoided, political objects were often secured, and the comfort of the
people was increased by the exchange of products. The colonists were
called mitimaes. For example, the people of the Collao, round Lake Titi-
caca, lived in a region where corn would not ripen, and if confined to the
products of their native land they must have subsisted solely on potatoes,
quinua, and llama flesh. But the Incas established colonies from their vil-
lages in the coast valleys of Tacna and Moquegua, and in the forests to the
eastward. There was constant intercourse, and while the mother country
supplied chunus or preserved potatoes, charqui or dried meat, and wool to
the colonists, there came back in return, corn and fruits and cotton cloth
from the coast, and the beloved coca from the forests.

Military colonies were also established on the frontiers, and the armies of
the Incas, in their marches and extensive travels, promoted the circulation
of knowledge, while this service also gave employment to the surplus agri-
cultural population. Soldiers were brought from all parts of the empire,
and each tribe or ayllu was distinguished by its arms, but more especially by
its head-dress. The Inca wore the crimson llautu, or fringe ; the Ap?i, or
general, wore a yellow llautu. One tribe wore a puma's head ; the Canaris
were adorned with the feathers of macaws, the Huacrachucus with the
horns of deer, the Pocras and Huamanchucus with a falcon's wing feath-
ers. The arms of the Incas and Chancas consisted of a copper axe, called
champ i ; a lance pointed with bronze, called cliuqui ; and a pole with a
bronze or stone head in the shape of a six-pointed star, used as a club,
called macajia. The Collas and Quichuas came with slings and bolas> the
Antis with bows and arrows. Defensive armor consisted of a huatcanca or
shield, the umackucu or head-dress, and sometimes a breastplate. The
perfect order prevailing in civil life was part of the same system which
enforced strict discipline in the army ; and ultimately the Inca troops were
irresistible against any enemy that could bring an opposing force into the
field. Only when the Incas fought against each other, as in the last civil
war, could the result be. long doubtful.

The artificers engaged in the numerous arts and on public works subsisted
on the government share of the produce. The artists who fashioned the
stones of the Sillustani towers or of the Cuzco temple with scientific accu-
racy before they were fixed in their places, were wholly devoted to their
art. Food and clothing had to be provided for them, and for the miners,
weavers, and potters. Gold was obtained by the Incas in immense quanti-
ties by washing the sands of the rivers which flowed through the forest-

2*6

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

red province of Caravaya. Silver was extracted from the ore by means
of blasting-furnaces called huayra ; for, although quicksilver was known

PERUVIAN METAL WORKERS.*

and used as a coloring material, its properties for refining silver do not ap-
pear to have been discovered. Copper was abundant in the Collao and in

PERUVIAN POTTERY, f

Charcas, and tin was found in the hills on the east side of Lake Titicaca,
which enabled the Peruvians to use bronze very extensively.1 Lead was

1 A bronze instrument found at Sorata had Humboldt gave the composition of a bronze

the following composition, according to an anal- instrument found at Vilcabamba as follows : —
ysis by David Forbes : —

Copper 88.05 Copper 94

Tin 11.42 Tin 6

]r;m 36 ^

Silver .17

100.00

n of a cut in Benzoni's Historia del Mondo Nuovo (1565). Cf. D. Wilson's Prehistoric
' . ch. 9, "ii the Peruvian metal-workers. — Eu.]
t P I '"' this group is from Panama, the others are Peruvian. This cut follows an engraving in

Man, ii. 41. There are numerous cuts in Wiener, p. 589, etc. Cf. Stevens's Flint
Chij, Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

257

also known to them. Skilful workers in metals -fashioned the vases and
other utensils for the use of the Inca and of the temples, forged the arms of
the soldiers and the implements of husbandry, and stamped or chased the
ceremonial breastplates, topics, girdles, and chains. The bronze and copper
warlike instruments, which were star-shaped and used as clubs, fixed at
the ends of staves, were cast in moulds. One of these club-heads, now in
the Cambridge collection, has six rays, broad and flat, and terminating in
rounded points. Each ray represents a human head, the face on one sur-
face and the hair and back of the head on the other. This specimen was
undoubtedly cast in a mould. " It is," says Professor Putnam, "a good illus-
tration of the knowledge which the ancient Peruvians had of the methods
of working metals and of the difficult art of casting copper." l

Spinning, weaving, and dyeing were arts which were sources of employ-
ment to, a great number of people, owing to the quantity and variety of the
fabrics for which there was a demand. There were rich dresses interwoven
with gold or made of gold thread ; fine
woollen mantles, or tunics, ornamented
with borders of small square gold and
silver plates ; colored cotton cloths
worked in complicated patterns ; and
fabrics of aloe fibre and sheeps' sinews
for breeches. Coarser cloths of llama
wool were also made in vast quantities.
But the potter's art was perhaps the
one which exercised the inventive fac-
ulties* of the Peruvian artist to the great-
est extent. The silver and gold uten-
sils, with the exception of a very few
cups and vases, have nearly all been
melted down. But specimens of pot-
tery, fou.nd buried with the dead in great
profusion, are abundant. They are to
be seen in every museum, and at Berlin
and Madrid the collections are very
large.2 Varied as are the forms to be
found in the pottery of the Incas, and elegant as are many of the designs,
it must be acknowledged that they are inferior in these respects to the
specimens of the plastic art of the Chimu and other people of the Peruvian
coast. The Incas, however, displayed a considerable play of fancy in their

PERUVIAN DRINKING VESSEL*

1 Fifteenth Report of the Trustees of the Pea- and De la Rada's Les Vases Peruviens du Musie
body Museum of Ethnology, vol. iii. 2, p. 140 Archeclogique de Madrid, in the Compte Rendu
(Cambridge, 1882). (p. 236) of the Copenhagen meeting of the Con-

2 [Cf. the plates in the Necropolis of Ancon, gres des Americanistes. — Ed.]

* [After a cut in Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 45 ; showing a cup of the Beckford collection,
an individuality in the head, at once suggestive of portraiture-" — Ed.]
VOL. I — 17

There is

258

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

designs. Many of the vases were moulded into forms to represent animals,

fruit, and corn, and were used
as conopas, or household
gods. Others took the shape
of human heads or feet, or
were made double or quad-
ruple, with a single neck
branching from below.
Some were for interment
with the malquis, others for
household use.1 Professor
"Wilson, who carefully exam-
ined several collections of
ancient Peruvian pottery,
formed a high opinion of
their merit. " Some of the
specimens," he wrote, "are
purposely grotesque, and by
no means devoid of true
comic fancy ; while, in the
greater number, the end-
less variety of combinations
of animate and inanimate
forms, ingeniously rendered
subservient to the require-
ments of utility, exhibit fer-
tility of thought in the de-
signer, and a lively percep-
tive faculty in those for
whom he wrought."2

There is a great deal more
to learn respecting this mar-
vellous Inca civilization.
Recent publications have,
within the last few years,
thrown fresh and unex-
pected light upon it. There may be more information still undiscovered or

UNFINISHED CLOTH FOUND AT PACHACAMAC*

1 It is believed that some of the heads on the
vases were intended as likenesses. One espe-
cially, in a collection at Cuzco, is intended, ac-
cording to native tradition, for a portrait of
Rumi-fiaui, a character in the drama of Ollantay.

2 Prehistoric Midi, L p. 1 10. A great number
of specimens of Peruvian pottery are given in

the works of Castelnau, Wiener, Squier, and in
the atlas of the Antigiiedades Peruanas. [Cf.
also Marcoy's Voyage ; Memoires de la Soc. des
Antiquaires du Nord (two plates) ; J. E. Price
in the Anthropological Journal, iii. ioo, and
many of the books of Peruvian travel. — Ed.]

* [After a cut in Wiener, Pcron et Bolivie, p. 65. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

259

inedited. As yet we can understand the wonderful story only imperfectly,
and see it by doubtful lights. Respecting some questions, even of the first
importance, we are still able only to make guesses and weigh probabilities.
Yet, though there is much that is uncertain as regards historical and other
points, we have before us the clear general outlines of a very extraordinary
picture. In no other part of America had civilization attained to such a
height among indigenous races. In no other part of the world has the
administration of a purely socialistic government been attempted. The
Incas not only made the attempt, but succeeded.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

The student of Inca civilization will first seek
for information from those Spanish writers who
lived during or immediately after the Spanish
conquest. They were able to converse with na-
tives who actually flourished before the disrup-
tion of the Inca empire, and who saw the work-
ing of the Inca system before the destruction
and ruin had well commenced. He will next
turn to those laborious inquirers and commen-
tators who, although not living so near the time,
were able to collect traditions and other infor-
mation from natives who had carefully preserved
all that had been handed down by their fathers.1
These two classes include the writers of the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. The authors
who have occupied themselves with the Quichua
language and the literature of the Incas have
produced works a knowledge of which is essen-
tial to an adequate study of the subject.2 Lastly,
a consideration of the publications of modern
travellers and scholars, who throw light on the
writings of early chroniclers, or describe the pres-
ent appearance of ancient remains, will show
the existing position of a survey still far from
complete, and the interest and charm of which
invite further investigation and research.

Foremost in the first class of writers on Peru
is Pedro de Cieza de Leon. A general account
of his works will be found elsewhere,3 and the
present notice will therefore be confined to an
estimate of the labors of this author, so far as
they relate to Inca history and civilization.
Cieza de Leon conceived the desire to write an
account of the strange things that were to be
seen in the New World, at an early period of his
service as a soldier. " Neither fatigue," he tells
us, "nor the ruggedness of the country, nor the

mountains and rivers, nor intolerable hunger and
suffering, have ever been sufficient to obstruct
my two duties, namely, writing and following my
flag and my captain without fault." He finished
the First Part of his chronicle in September,
1550, when he was thirty-two years of age. It is
mainly a geographical description of the coun-
try, containing many pieces of information, such
as the account of the Inca roads and bridges,
which are of great value. But it is to the Second
Part that we owe much of our knowledge of Inca
civilization. From incidental notices we learn
how diligently young Cieza de Leon studied the
history and government of the Incas, after he
had written his picturesque description of the
country in his First Part. He often asked the
Indians what they knew of their condition before
the Incas became their lords. He inquired into
the traditions of the people from the chiefs of
the villages. In 1550 he went to Cuzco with the
express purpose of collecting information, and
conferred diligently with one of the surviving de-
scendants of the Inca Huayna Ccapac. Cieza
de Leon's plan, for the second part of his work,
was first to review the system of government of
the Incas, and then to narrate the events of the
reign of each sovereign. He spared no pains to
obtain the best and most authentic information,
and his sympathy with the conquered people, and
generous appreciation of their many good and
noble qualities, give a special charm to his nar-
rative. He bears striking evidence to the his-
torical faculty possessed by the learned men at
the court of the Incas. After saying that on the
death of a sovereign the chroniclers related the
events of his reign to his successor, he adds :
" They could well do this, for there were among

1 [The narratives of the Spanish conquest necessarily throw much light, sometimes more than incidentally,
upon the earlier history of the region. These sources are characterized in the critical essay appended to
chapter viii. of Vol. II., and embrace bibliographical accounts of Herrera, Gomara, Oviedo, Andagoya, Xeres,
Fernandez, Oliva, not to name others of less moment. — Ed.]

2 See Note II. following this essay. * Vol. II. p. 573.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

them some men with good memories, sound
tients, and subtle genius, and full of reason-
ing power, as we can bear witness who have heard
them even in these our days." Cieza de Leon
is certainly one of the most important authorities
on Inca history and civilization, whether we con-
sider his peculiar advantages, his diligence and
ability, or his character as a conscientious his-
torian.

Juan Jose de Betanzos, like Cieza de Leon,
was one of the soldiers of the conquest. He
married a daughter of Atahualpa, and became
a citizen at Cuzco, where he devoted his time
to the study of Quichua. lie was appointed
official interpreter to the Audience and to suc-
cessive viceroys, and he wrote a Doctrina and
two vocabularies which are now lost. In 1558
he was appointed by the viceroy Marquis of
Cafiete, to treat with the Inca Sayri Tupac,1 who
had taken refuge in the fastness of Vilcabamba ;
and bv the Governor Lope Garcia de Castro,
to conduct a similar negotiation with Titu Cusi
Y upanqui, the brother of Sayri Tupac. He was
successful in both missions. He wrote his most
valuable work, the Suma y Narration de los
lucas, which was finished in the year 1551, by
order of the Viceroy Don Antonio de JVIendoza,
but its publication was prevented by the death
of the viceroy. It remained in manuscript, and
its existence was first made known by the Do-
minican monk Gregorio Garcia in 1607, whose
own work will be referred to presently. Garcia
said that the history of Betanzos relating to the
origin, descent, succession, and wars of the Incas
was in his possession, and had been of great use
to him. Leon Pinelo and Antonio also gave
brief notices of the manuscript, but it is only
twice cited by Prescott. The great historian
probably obtained a copy of a manuscript in the
Escurial, through Obadiah Rich. This manu-
script is bound up with the second part of Cieza
de Leon. It is not, however, the whole work
which Garcia appears to have possessed, but
only the first eighteen chapters, and the last in-
complete. Such as it is, it was edited and

printed for the Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina,
by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, in 1880.2

The work of Betanzos differs from that of
Cieza de Leon, because while the latter displays
a diligence and discretion in collecting informa-
tion which give it great weight as an authority,
the former is imbued with the very spirit of the
natives. The narrative of the preparation of
young Y upanqui for the death-struggle with the
Chancas is life-like in its picturesque vigor.
Betanzos has portrayed native feeling and char-
acter as no other Spaniard has, or probably
could have done. Married to an Inca princess,
and intimately conversant with the language,
this most scholarly of the conquerors is only
second to Cieza de Leon as an authority. The
date of his death is unknown.

Betanzos and Cieza de Leon, with Pedro Pi-
zarro, are the writers among the conquerors
whose works have been preserved. But these
three martial scholars by no means stand alone
among their comrades as authors. Several other
companions of Pizarro wrote narratives, which
unfortunately have been lost.3 It is indeed sur-
prising that the desire to record some account of
the native civilization they had discovered should
have been so prevalent among the conquerors.
The fact scarcely justifies the term "rude sol-
diery," which is so often applied to the discov-
erers of Peru.

The works of the soldier conquerors are cer-
tainly not less valuable than those of the law-
yers and priests who followed on their heels.
Yet these latter treat the subject from somewhat
different points of view, and thus furnish supple-
mental information. The works of four lawyers
of the era of the conquest have been preserved,
and those of another are lost. Of these, the
writings of the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo are
undoubtedly the most important. This learned
jurist accompanied the president, La Gasca, in
his campaign against Gonzalo Pizarro, having
arrived in Peru a few years previously, and he
subsequently occupied the post of corregidor at
Cuzco. Serving under the Viceroy Don Fran-

1 Cf. Vol. II. p. 546.

2 Suma y narration de los Incas, que los Indios llamaron Capaccuna que f tier on senores de la ciudad del
Cuzco y de todo lo a el/a subjeto. Publicala M. Jimenez de la Espada (Madrid, 1880).

3 We learn from Leon Pinelo that one of the famous band of adventurers who crossed the line drawn by
Pizarro on the sands of Gallo was an author (Antonio, ii. 645). But the Relation de la tierra que descubrio
Don Francisco Pizarro, by Diego de Truxillo, remained in manuscript and is lost to us. Francisco de Chaves,
one of the most respected of the companions of Pizarro, who strove to save the life of Atahualpa, and was an
intimate friend of the Inca's brother, was also an author. Chaves is honorably distinguished for his moderation
and humanity. He lost his own life in defending the staircase against the assassins of Pizarro. He left
behind a copious narrative, and his intimate relations with the Indians make it likely that it contained much
valuable information respecting Inca civilization. It was inherited by the author's friend and relation, Luis
Valera, but it was never printed, and the manuscript is now lost. The works of Palomino, a companion of

ir, who wrote on the kingdom of Quito, are also lost, with the exception of a fragment preserved in
• fnfoyne of Las Casas. Other soldiers of the conquest, Tomas Vasquez, Francisco de Villacastin,
lo, and Alonso de Mesa, are mentioned as men who had studied and were learned in all matters
Inca antiquities ; but none of their writings have been preserved.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

261

cisco de Toledo, he was constantly consulted by
that acute but narrow-minded statesman. His
duties thus led Polo de Ondegardo to make dili-
gent researches into the laws and administration
of the Incas, with a view to the adoption of all
that was applicable to the new regime. But his
knowledge of the language was limited, and it is
necessary to receive many of his statements with
caution. His two Relaciones, the first dedicated
to the Viceroy Marques de Caiiete (1561), and
the second finished in 1570,1 are in the form of
answers to questions on financial revenue and
other administrative points. They include infor-
mation respecting the social customs, religious
rites, and laws of the Incas. These Relaciones
are still in manuscript. Another report by Polo de
Ondegardo exists in the National Library at Ma-
drid,2 and has been translated into English for
the Hakluyt Society.3 In this treatise the learned
corregidor describes the principles on which the
Inca conquests were made, the division and ten-
ures of land, the system of tribute, the regula-
tions for preserving game and for forest conser-
vancy, and the administrative details. Here and
there he points out a way in which the legisla-
tion of the Incas might be imitated and utilized
by their conquerors.4

Agustin de Zarate, though a lawyer by profes-
sion, had been employed for some years in the
financial department of the Spanish government
before he went out to Peru with the Viceroy
Blasco Nunez to examine into the accounts of
the colony. On his return to Spain he was en-
trusted with a similar mission in Flanders. His
Provincla del Pent was first published at Ant-
werp in 1555.5 Unacquainted with the native
languages, and ignorant of the true significance
of much that he was told, Zarate was yet a
shrewd observer, and his evidence is valuable as
regards what came under his own immediate
observation. He gives one of the best descrip-
tions of the Inca roads.

The Relacion of Fernando de Santillan is a
work which may be classed with the reports of
Polo de Ondegardo, and its author had equal ad-
vantages in collecting information. Going out
to Peru as one of the judges of the Audiencia in
1550,6 Santillan was for a short time at the head
of the government, after the death of the Vice-
roy Mendoza, and he took the field to suppress
the rebellion of Giron. He afterwards served in
Chile and at Quito, where he was commissioned
to establish the court of justice. Returning to

Spain, he took "orders, and was appointed Bishop
of the La Plata, but died at Lima, on his way to
his distant see, in 1576. The Relacion of Santil-
lan remained in manuscript, in the library of the
Escurial, until it was edited by Don Marcos
Jimenez de la Espada in 1879. This report ap-
pears to have been prepared in obedience to a
decree desiring the judges of Lima to examine
aged and learned Indians regarding the adminis-
trative system of the Incas. The report of San-
tillan is mainly devoted to a discussion of the
laws and customs relating to the collection of
tribute. He bears testimony to the excellence
of the Inca government, and to the wretched
condition to which the country had since been
reduced by Spanish misrule.

The work of the Licentiate Juan de Matienzo,
a contemporary of Ondegardo, entitled Gobierno
de el Pent, is still in manuscript. Like Santillan
and Ondegardo, Matienzo discusses the ancient
institutions with a view to the organization of
the best possible system under Spanish rule.7

Melchor Bravo de Saravia, another judge of
the Royal Audience at Lima, and a contemporary
of Santillan, is said to have written a work on
the antiquities of Peru ; but it is either lost or
has not yet been placed within reach of the stu-
dent. It is referred to by Velasco. Cieza de
Leon mentions, at the end of his Second Part,
that his own work had been perused by the
learned judges Hernando de Santillan and Bravo
de Saravia.

While the lawyers turned their attention chiefly
to the civil administration of the conquered peo-
ple, the priests naturally studied the religious
beliefs and languages of the various tribes, and
collected their historical traditions. The best
and most accomplished of these sacerdotal au-
thors appears to have been Bias Valera, judging
from the fragments of his writings which have
escaped destruction. He was a native of Peru,
born at Chachapoyas in 1551, where his father,
Luis Valera,8 one of the early conquerors, had
settled. Young Bias was received into the Com-
pany of Jesus at Lima when only seventeen years
of age, and, as he was of Inca race on the moth-
er's side, he soon became useful at the College in
Cuzco from his proficiency in the native lan-
guages. He did missionary work in the sur-
rounding villages, and acquired a profound
knowledge of the history and institutions of the
Incas. Eventually he completed a work on the
subject in Latin, and was sent to Spain by his

1 But not dedicated to the Conde de Nieva, as Prescott states, for that viceroy died in 1564.

2 B, 135.

3 Report by Polo de Ondegardo, translated by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1873).

4 [See Vol. II. p. 571. — Ed.]

5 [See Vol. II. p. 567-8, for bibliography. — Ed.]
« [See Vol. II. p. 542. — Ed.]

7 Additional MSS. 5469, British Museum, folio, p. 274. See Vol. II. p. 571.

8 See ante, p. 6.

2C)2

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Jesuit superiors with a view to its publication.
Unfortunately the greater part of his manuscript
was burnt at the sack of Cadiz by the Earl of
t in 1596, and Bias Valera himself died
shortly afterwards. The fragments that were
rescued fell into the hands of Garcilasso de la
. who translated them into Spanish, and
printed them in his Commentaries. It is to Bias
Valera that we owe the preservation of two spe-
cimens of Inca poetry and an estimate of Inca
chronology. He has also recorded the tradi-
tional sayings of several Inca sovereigns, and
among his fragments there are very interesting
chapters on the religion, the laws and ordinances,
and the language of the Incas, and on the vege-
table products and medicinal drugs of Peru.
These fragments are evidence that Bias Valera
was an elegant scholar, a keen observer, and
thoroughly master of his subject. They enhance
the feeling of regret at the irreparable loss that
we have sustained by the destruction of the rest
of his work.

Next to Bias Valera, the most important au-
thority on Inca civilization, among the Spanish
priests who were in Peru during the sixteenth
century, is undoubtedly Christoval de Molina.
He was chaplain to the hospital for natives at
Cuzco, and his work was written between 1570
and 1 584, the period embraced by the episcopate
of Dr. Sebastian de Artaun, to whom it is ded-
icated. Molina gives minute and detailed ac-
counts of the ceremonies performed at all the
religious festivals throughout the year, with the
prayers used by the priests on each occasion.
Out of the fourteen prayers preserved by Molina,
four are addressed to the Supreme Being, two to
the sun, the rest to these and other deities com-
bined. His mastery of the Quichua language,
his intimacy with the native chiefs and learned
men, and his long residence at Cuzco give Mo-
lina a very high place as an authority on Inca
civilization. His work has remained in manu-
script,1 but it has been translated into English
and printed for the Hakluyt Society.2

Molina, in his dedicatory address to Bishop
Artaun, mentions a previous narrative wrhich he
had submitted, on the origin, history, and gov-
ernment of the Incas. Fortunately this account
was preserved by Miguel Cavello Balboa, an au-
thor who wrote at Quito between 1576 and 1586.

Balboa, a soldier who had taken orders late in
life, went out to America in 1566, and settled at
Quito, where he devoted himself to the prepara-
tion and writing of a work which he entitled
Miscellanea Austral. It is in three parts ; but
only the third, comprising about half the work,
relates to Peru. Balboa tells us that his author-
ity for the early Inca traditions and history was
the learned Christoval de Molina, and this gives
special value to Balboa's work. Moreover, Bal-
boa is the only authority who gives any account
of the origin of the coast people, and he also
supplies a detailed narrative of the war between
Huascar and Atahualpa. The portion relating
to Peru was translated into French and pub-
lished by Ternaux Compans in 1840.3

The Jesuits who arrived in Peru during the
latter part of the sixteenth century were devoted
to missionary labors, and gave an impetus to
the study of the native languages and history.
Among the most learned was Jose de Acosta,
who sailed for Peru in 1570. At the early age
of thirty-five, Acosta was chosen to be Provin-
cial of the Jesuits in Peru, and his duties re-
quired him to travel over every part of the coun-
try. His great learning, which is displayed in
his various theological works, qualified him for
the task of writing his Natural and Moral His-
tory of the Indies, the value of which is increased
by the author's personal acquaintance with the
countries and their inhabitants. Acosta went
home in the Spanish fleet of 1587, and his first
care, on his return to Spain, was to make arrange-
ments for the publication of his manuscripts.
The results of his South American researches
first saw the light at Salamanca, in Latin, in 15S8
and 1589. The complete work in Spanish, His-
toria Natural y Moral de las Indias, was pub-
lished at Seville in 1590. Its success was never
doubtful.4 In his latter years Acosta presided
over the Jesuits' College at Salamanca, where
he died in his sixtieth year, on February 15,
1600.5 In spite of the learning and diligence of
Acosta and of the great popularity of his work,
it cannot be considered one of the most valuable
contributions towards a knowledge of Inca civ-
ilization. The information it contains is often
inaccurate, the details are less complete than ill
most of the other works written soon after the
conquest,6 and a want of knowledge of the lan-

1 National Library at Madrid, B, 135.

2 The fables and rites of the Incas, by Christoval dc Molina, translated and edited by Clements R. Mark-
ham (Hakluyt Society, 1873).

;: [See Vol. II. p. 576. — Ed.]

4 For the bibliography of Acosta, see Vol. II. p. 420, 421.

ires of the life and works of Acosta have been given in biographical dictionaries, and in histories of
tli' ((-suits. An excellent biography will be found in a work entitled Los Antiquos Jesuitas del Pern, by Don
que Tones Saldamando, which was published at Lima in 1885. See also an introductory notice in Mark*
ham's edition (1880).

'■ Thus his lists of the Incas, of the names of months and of festivals, are very defective ; and his list of
, though copied from Balboa without acknowledgment, is incomplete.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

263

guage is frequently made apparent. The best
chapters are those devoted to the animal and
vegetable products of Peru ; and Feyjoo calls
Acosta the Pliny of the New World.1

The Licentiate Fernando Montesinos, a native
of Osuna, was one of the most diligent of all
those who in early times made researches into
the history and traditions of the Incas. Monte-
sinos went out in the fleet which took the Vice-
roy Count of Chinchon to Peru, arriving early
in the year 1629. Having landed at Payta,
Montesinos travelled southwards towards the
capital until he reached the city of Truxillo. At
that time Dr. Carlos Marcelino Corni was Bishop
of Truxillo.'2 Hearing of the virtue and learning
of Montesinos, Dr. Corni begged that he might
be allowed to stop at Truxillo, and take charge
of the Jesuits' College which the good bishop
had established there. Montesinos remained
at Truxillo until the death of Bishop Corni, in
October, 1629,3 and then proceeded to Potosi,
where he gave his attention to improvements in
the methods of extracting silver. He wrote a
book on the subject, which was printed at Lima,
and also compiled a code of ordinances for mines
with a view to lessening disputes, which was
officially approved. Returning to the capital,
he lived for several years at Lima as chaplain of
one of the smaller churches, and devoted all his
energies to the preparation of a history of Peru.
Making Lima his headquarters, the indefatigable
student undertook excursions into all parts of
the country, wherever he heard of learned na-
tives to be consulted, of historical documents to
be copied, or of information to be found. He
travelled over 1,500 leagues, from Quito to Po-
tosi. In 1639 he was employed to write an
account of the famous Auto de Fe which was
celebrated at Lima in that year. His two great

historical works are entitled Memorias Antiguas
His tor tales del Peru, and Anales 6 Memorias
Nitevas del Peru.* From Lima Montesinos pro-
ceeded to Quito as " Visitador General," with
very full powers conferred by the bishop.

The work of Montesinos remained in manu-
script until it was translated into French by M.
Ternaux Compans in 1840, with the title Me-
moir es Historiques sur Vancien Perou. In 1882
the Spanish text was very ably edited by Don
Marcos Jimenez de la Espada.5 Montesinos
gives the history of several dynasties which pre-
ceded the rise of the Incas, enumerating upwards
of a hundred sovereigns. He professes to have
acquired a knowledge of the ancient records
through the interpretations of the quipus, com-
municated to him by learned natives. It was
long supposed that the accounts of these earlier
sovereigns received no corroboration from any
other authority. This furnished legitimate
grounds for discrediting Montesinos. But a
narrative, as old or older than that of the licen-
tiate, has recently been brought to light, in which
at least two of the ancient sovereigns in the lists
of Montesinos are incidentally referred to. This
circumstance alters the aspect of the question,
and places the Memorias Antiquas del Peru in a
higher position as an authority ; for it proves
that the very ancient traditions which Montesi-
nos professed to have received from the natives
had previously been communicated to one other
independent inquirer at least.

This independent inquirer is an author whose
valuable work has recently been edited by Don
Marcos Jimenez de la Espada.6 His narrative
is anonymous, but internal evidence establishes
the fact that he was a Jesuit, and probably one
of the first who arrived in Peru in 1568, although
he appears to have written his work many years

1 Acosta was the chief source whence the civilized world of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, beyond
the limits of Spain, derived a knowledge of Peruvian civilization. Purchas, in his Pilgrimage (ed. of 1623,
lib. v. p. 869; vi. p. 931), quotes largely from the learned Jesuit, and an abstract of his work is given in Har-
ris's Voyages (lib. i. cap. xiii. pp. 75 1-799). He is much relied upon as an authority by Robertson, and is quoted
19 times in Prescott's Conquest of Peru, thus taking the fourth place as an authority with regard to that work,
since Garcilasso is quoted 89 times, Cieza de Leon 45, Ondegardo 41, Acosta 19.

2 Of whose parentage a pleasing story is told. He was a native of Truxillo, of French parents, his father
being a metal-founder. When he was a small boy his father said to him, " Study, little Charles, study ! and
this bell that I am founding shall be rung for you when you are the bishop." (" Estudiar, Carlete. estudiar 1
que con esta campana te han de repicar cuando seas obispo.") Dr. Corni rose to be a prelate of great virtue
and erudition, and an eloquent preacher. At last he became Bishop of Truxillo in 1620, and when he heard
the chimes which were rung on his approach to the city, he said, li That bell which excels all the others was
founded by my father." (" Aquella campana que sobresale entre las demas le fundio mi padre.")

3 Papeles Varios de Indias) MS. Brit. Mus.

4 This last work is devoted to the Spanish conquest.

5 In the series entitled Coleccion de libros Espanoles raros 6 curiosos, torn xvi. (Madrid, 1882.) [The orig-
inal manuscript is in the library of the Real Academia de Historia at Madrid. Brasseur de Bourbourg had a
copy (Pinart Catalogue, No. 638 ; Bibl. Mex. Guat., p. 103), which appeared also in the Del Monte sale
(X. Y., June, 1888, — Catalogue, Hi. no. 554). Cf. the present History, II. pp. 570, 577. — Ed.]

c Relacion de las costumbres antiquas de los naturales del Peru. Ajionima. The original is among the
manuscript in the National Library at Madrid. It was published as part of a volume entitled Tres Relaciones
de Antiguedades Peruanas. Publicalas el Ministerio de Fomento (Madrid, 1879).

264

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

afterwards. The anonymous Jesuit supplies in-
formation respecting works on Peruvian civiliza-
tion which are lost to us. He describes the tem-
the orders of the priesthood, the sacrifices
and religious ceremonies, explaining the origin
of the erroneous statement that human sacrifices
were offered up. He also gives the code of
criminal law and the customs which prevailed
in civil life, and concludes his work with a short
treatise on the conversion of the Indians.

The efforts of the viceroys and archbishops of
lama during the early part of the seventeenth
century to extirpate idolatry, particularly in the
province of Lima, led to the preparation of re-
ports by the priests who were entrusted with the
duty of extirpation, which contain much curious
information. These were the Fathers Hernando
de Avendano, Francisco de Avila, Luis de Te-
ruel, and Pablo Jose de Arriaga. Avendano, in
addition to his sermons in Quichua, wrote an ac-
count of the idolatries of the Indians, — Relation
de las Idolatrias de los Indios, — which is still in
manuscript. Avila was employed in the prov-
ince of Huarochiri, and in 1608 he wrote a report
on the idols and superstitions of the people, in-
cluding some exceedingly curious religious le-
gends. He appears to have written down the
original evidence from the mouths of the Indians
in Quichua, intending to translate it into Span-
ish. But he seems to have completed only six
chapters in Spanish ; or perhaps the translation
is by another hand. There are still thirty-one
chapters in Quichua awaiting the labors of some
learned Peruvian scholar. Rising Quichua stu-
dents, of whom there are not a few in Peru, could
undertake no more useful work. This important
report of Avila is comprised in a manuscript
volume in the National Library at Madrid, and
the six Spanish chapters have been translated
and printed for the Hakluyt Society.1 Teruel
was the friend and companion of Avila. He
also wrote a treatise on native idolatries,2 and
another against idolatry,3 in which he discusses

the origin of the coast people. Arriaga wrote a
still more valuable work on the extirpation of
idolatry, which was printed at Lima in 1621, and
which relates the religious beliefs and practices
of the people in minute detail.4

Antiquarian treasures of great value are bur-
ied in the works of ecclesiastics, the principal
objects of which are the record of the deeds of
one or other of the religious fraternities. The
most important of these is the Coronica Mo-
ralizada del or den de San August in en el Peru ;
del Padre Antonio de la Calancha (1638-1653),5
which is a precious storehouse of details respect-
ing the manners and customs of the Indians and
the topography of the country. Calancha also
gives the most accurate Inca calendar. Of less
value is the chronicle of the Franciscans, by Di-
ego de Cordova y Salinas, published at Madrid
in 1643.

A work, the title of which gives even less
promise of containing profitable information, is
the history of the miraculous image of a virgin
at Copacabana, by Fray Alonso Ramos Gavilan.
Yet it throws unexpected light on the move-
ments of the mitimaes, or Inca colonists ; it gives
fresh details respecting the consecrated virgins,
the sacrifices, and the deities worshipped in the
Collao, and supplies another version of the Inca
calendar.6

The work on the origin of the Indians of the
New World, by Fray Gregorio Garcia," who
travelled extensively in the Spanish colonies, is
valuable, and to Garcia we owe the first notice
1 of the priceless narrative of Betanzos. His sep-
arate work on the Incas is lost to us.8 Friar
Martin de Murua, a native of Guernica, in Bis-
cay, was an ecclesiastic of some eminence in
Peru. He wrote a general history of the Incas,
which was copied by Dr. Mufioz for his collec-
tion, and Leon Pinelo says that the manuscript
was illustrated with colored drawings of insig-
nia and dresses, and portraits of the Incas.9

The principal writers on Inca civilization in

1 Narrative of the errors, false gods, and other superstitions and diabolical rites in which the Indians of
the province of Huarochiri lived in ancient times, collected by Dr. Francisco de Avila, 1608 : translated and
edited by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1S72). [There was a copy of the Spanish MS. in the
E. G. Squier sale, 1876, no. 726. — Ed.]

2 Tratado de las idolatrias de los Indios del Peru. This work is mentioned by Leon Pinelo as "una obra
grande y de mucha erudicion," but it was never printed.

8 Contra idolatriam, MS.

4 Extirpation de la idolatria del Perti,por el Padre Pablo Joseph de Arriaga (Lima. 1621, pp. 137).

1. II. p. 570. The Historic Peruana ordinis Eremitarum. S. P. August ini libri octodecim (/6j/-
52) is mainly a translation of Calancha. Cf. Sabin, nos. 8760, 9870. — Ed.]

'■ J lis ton a de Copacabana y de su milagrosa imagen, escrita por el R. P. Fray Alonso Ramos Gavilan
(1620). The work of Ramos was reprinted from an incomplete copy at La Paz in 1S60, and edited by Fr.
Rafael Sans.

' Origtn de los Indios del Nuevo Mundo (1607), and in Barcia (1729).
Monarquia de los Incas del Peru. Antonio says of this work, " Tertium quod promiserat adhuc latet

'' H; ' ral del Peru, origen y dcsccndencia de los Incas, pueblos y citidadcs, por P. Fr. Martin de

Murua (1618). [Cf. Markham's Ciczds Travels, Second Part, p. 12. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

265

the century immediately succeeding the conquest,
of the three different professions, — soldiers,
lawyers, and priests, — have now been passed
in review. Attention must next be given to
the native writers who followed in the wake
of Bias Valera. First among these is the Inca
Garcilasso de la Vega, an author whose name
is probably better known to the general reader
than that of any other who has written on the
same subject. Among the Spanish conquer-
ors who arrived in Peru in 1534 was Garci-
lasso de la Vega, a cavalier of very noble
lineage,1 who settled at Cuzco, and was mar-
ried to an Inca princess named Chimpa Ocllo,
niece of the Inca Huayna Ccapac. Their son,
the future historian, was born at Cuzco in
1539, and his earliest recollections were con-
nected with the stirring events of the civil
war between Gonzalo Pizarro and the presi-
dent La Gasca, in 1548. His mother died
soon afterwards, probably in 1550, and his
father married again. The boy was much in
the society of his mother's kindred, and he
often heard them talk over the times of the
Incas, and repeat their historical traditions.
Nor was his education neglected ; for the
good Canon Juan de Cuellarread Latin with
the half-caste sons of the citizens of Cuzco
for nearly two years, amidst all the turmoil
of the civil wars. As he grew up, he was em-
ployed by his father to visit his estates, and he
travelled over most parts of Peru. The elder
Garcilasso de la Vega died in 1560, and the
young orphan resolved to seek his fortune in
the land of his fathers. On his arrival in Spain
he received patronage and kindness from his pa-
ternal relatives, became a captain in the army
of Philip II, and when he retired, late in life, he
took up his abode in lodgings at Cordova, and
devoted himself to literary pursuits. His first
production was a translation from the Italian of
"The Dialogues of Love," and in 1591 he com-
pleted his narrative of the expedition of Her-
nando de Soto to Florida.2

As years rolled on, the Inca began to think
more and more of the land of his birth. The
memory of his boyish days, of the long evening
chats with his Inca relations, came back to him
in his old age. He was as proud of his maternal
descent from the mighty potentates of Peru as
of the old Castilian connection on his father's
side. It would seem that the appearance of
several books on the subject of his native land

finally induced-him to undertake a work in which,
while recording its own reminiscences and the
information he might collect, he could also com-

HOUSE IN CUZCO IN WHICH GARCILASSO
WAS BORN*

ment on the statements of other authors. Hence
the title of Commentaries which he gave to his
work. Besides the fragments of the writings of
Bias Valera, which enrich the pages of Garci-
lasso, the Inca quotes from Acosta, from Go-
mara, from Zarate, and from the First Part of
Cieza de Leon.3 He was fortunate in getting
possession of the chapters of Bias Valera rescued
from the sack of Cadiz. He also wrote to all
his surviving schoolfellows for assistance, and
received many traditions and detailed replies on
other subjects from them. Thus Alcobasa for-
warded an account of the ruins at Tiahuanacu,
and another friend sent him the measurements
of the great fortress at Cuzco.

The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega is, without
doubt, the first authority on the civilization of
his ancestors ; but it is necessary to consider his
qualifications and the exact value of his evidence.
He had lived in Peru until his twentieth year ;
Quichua was his native language, and he had

1 He was a cousin of the poet of the same name, and of the dukes of Feria.

2 See Vol. II. pp. 290, 575.

3 The Commentarios Reales (Part I.) of Garcilassos de la Vega contain 21 quotations from Bias Valera, 30
from Cieza de Leon (first part), 27 from Acosta, n from Gomara, 9 from Zarate, 3 from the Republica de las
Indtas Occidentales of Fray Geronimo Roman, 2 from Fernandez, 4 from the Inca's schoolfellow Alcobasa,
and 1 from Juan Botero Benes.

* [After a cut in Marcoy, i. 219. Cf. Squier's Peru, p. 449. — Ed.]

266

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

constantly heard the traditions of the Incas re-
lated and discussed by his mother's relations.
But when he began to write he had been sepa-
rated from these associations for upwards of
thirty years. He received materials from Peru,
enabling him to compose a connected historical
narrative, which is not, however, very reliable.
The true value of his work is derived from his
own reminiscences, aroused by reading the books
which are the subjects of his Commentary, and
from his correspondence with friends in Peru.
His memory was excellent, as is often proved
when he corrects the mistakes of Acosta and
others with diffidence, and is invariably right.
He was not credulous, having regard to the age
in which he lived ; nor was he inclined to give
the rein to his imagination. More than once we
find him rejecting the fanciful etymologies of the
authors whose works he criticises. His narra-
tives of the battles and conquests of the early
Incas often become tedious, and of this he is
himself aware. He therefore intersperses them
with more interesting chapters on the religious
ceremonies, the domestic habits and customs,
of the people, and on their advances in poetry,
astronomy, music, medicine, and the arts. He
often inserts an anecdote from the storehouse
of his memory, or some personal reminiscence
called forth by the subject on which he happens
to be writing. His statements frequently receive
undesigned corroboration from authors whose
works he never saw. Thus his curious account
of the water sacrifices, not mentioned by any
other published authority, is verified by the full
description of the same rite in the manuscript of
Molina. On the other hand, the long absence of
the Inca from his native country entailed upon
him grave disadvantages. His boyish recollec-
tions, though deeply interesting, could not, from
the nature of the case, provide him with critical
knowledge. Hence the mistakes in his work are
serious and of frequent occurrence. Dr. Villar
has pointed out his total misconception of the
Supreme Being of the Peruvians, and of the sig-
nificance of the word " Uiracocha."1 But, with
all its shortcomings,2 the work of the Inca Gar-
cilasso de la Vega must ever be the main source
of our knowledge, and without his pious labors
the story of the Incas would lose more than half
its interest.

The first part of his Commcntarios Reales,
which alone concerns the present subject, was
published at Lisbon in 1607 .3 The author died

at Cordova at the age of seventy-six, and was
buried in the cathedral in 1616. He lived just
long enough to accomplish his most cherished
wish, and to complete the work at which he had
steadily and lovingly labored for so many years.
Another Indian author wrote an account of
the antiquities of Peru, at a time when the grand-
children of those who witnessed the conquest
by the Spaniards were living. Unlike Garci-
lasso, this author never left the land of his birth,
but he was not of Inca lineage. Don Juan de
Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua was
a native of the Collao, and descended from a
family of local chiefs. His work is entitled Re-
lation de Antigiiedades deste Rcyno del Peru. It
long remained in manuscript in the National
Library at Madrid, until it was edited by Don
Marcos Jimenez de la Espada in 1879. It had
previously been translated into English and ed-
ited for the Hakluyt Society.4 Salcamayhua
gives the traditions of Inca history as they were
handed down to the third generation after the
conquest. Intimately acquainted with the lan-
guage, and in a position to converse with the
oldest recipients of native lore, he is able to
record much that is untold elsewhere, and to
confirm a great deal that is related by former
authors. He has also preserved two prayers in
Quichua, attributed to Manco Ccapac, the first
Inca, and some others, which add to the number
given by Molina. He also corroborates the im-
portant statement of Molina, that the great gold
plate in the temple at Cuzco was intended to
represent the Supreme Being, and not the sun.
Salcamayhua is certainly a valuable addition to
the authorities on Peruvian history.

While so many soldiers and priests and law-
yers did their best to preserve a knowledge of
Inca civilization, the Spanish government itself
was not idle. The kings of Spain and their offi-
cial advisers showed an anxiety to prevent the
destruction of monuments and to collect his-
torical and topographical information which is
worthy of all praise. In 1585, orders were given
to all the local authorities in Spanish America
to transmit such information, and a circular, con-
taining a series of interrogatories, was issued for
their guidance. The result of this measure was,
that a great number of Relaciones descriptivas
were received in Spain, and stored up in the ar-
chives of the Indies. Herrera had these reports
before him when he was writing his history, but
it is certain that he did not make use of half the

1 In a learned pamphlet on the word Uirakocha, — u Lcxicologia Keshua por Leonardo Villar" (pp. 16,
double columns. Lima, 1887).

- [The common expression of distrust is such as is shown by Hutchinson in his Two Years in Peru, who
finds little to commend amid a constant glorification of the Incas to the prejudice of the older peoples; and by
Marcoy in his Travels in South Avieriea, who speaks of his "simple and audacious gasconades" (Eng. trans,
Lp. 186). — Ed.]

8 [Cf. tin bibliography of the book in Vol. II. pp. 569^ 570, 575. — Ed.]

4 Iiy Clements R. Markham, in 1872.

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

267

[Note. — The title-page of the fifth decade of Herrera, showing the Inca portraits, is given above. Cf. the
plate in Stevens's English translation of Herrera, vol. iv., London, 1740, 2d edition. — Ed.]

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

material they contain.1 Another very curious
and valuable source of information consists of
the reports on the origin of Inca sovereignty,
which were prepared by order of the Viceroy
I >on Francisco de Toledo, and forwarded to the
council of the Indies. They consist of twenty
documents, forming a large volume, and pre-
ceded by an introductory letter. The viceroy's
object was to establish the fact that the Incas
had originally been usurpers, in forcibly acquir-
ing authority over the different provinces of the
empire, and dispossessing the native chiefs. His
inference was, that, as usurpers, they were right-
fully dethroned by the Spaniards. He failed to
see that such an argument was equally fatal to a
Spanish claim, based on anything but the sword.
Nevertheless, the traditions collected with this
object, not only from the Incas at Cuzco, but
also from the chiefs of several provinces, are
very important and interesting.2

The Viceroy Toledo also sent home four
cloths on which the pedigree of the Incas was
represented. The figures of the successive sov-
ereigns were depicted, with medallions of their
wives, and their respective lineages. The events
of each reign were recorded on the borders, the
traditions of Paccari-tampu, and of the creation
by Uiracocha, occupying the first cloth. It is
probable that the Inca portraits given by Her-
rera were copied from those on the cloths sent
home by the viceroy. The head-dresses in Her-
rera are very like that of the high-priest in the
Relation of the anonymous Jesuit. A map seems
to have accompanied the pedigree, which was
drawn under the superintendence of the distin-
guished sailor and cosmographer, Don Pedro
Sarmiento de Gamboa.8

Much curious information respecting the laws
and customs of the Incas and the beliefs of the

people is to be found in ordinances and decrees
of the Spanish authorities, both civil and eccle-
siastical. These ordinances are contained in the
Ordeuanzas del Peru, of the Licentiate Tomas
de Ballesteros, in the Politica Indiana of Juan
de Solorzano (Madrid, 1649),4 m tne Concilium
Limense of Acosta, and in the Constituciones
Synodales of Dr. Lobo Guerrero, Archbishop of
Lima, printed in that city in 1614, and again in

1754-
The kingdom of Quito received attention from

several early writers, but most of their manu-
scripts are lost to us. Quito was fortunate, how-
ever, in finding a later historian to devote himself
to the work of chronicling the story of his native
land. Juan de Velasco was a native of Rio-
bamba. He resided for forty years in the king-
dom of Quito as a Jesuit priest, he taught and
preached in the native language of the people,
and he diligently studied all the works on the
subject that were accessible to him. He spent
six years in travelling over the country, twenty
years in collecting books and manuscripts ; and
when the Jesuits were banished he took refuge
in Italy, where he wrote his Hisloria del Reino
de Quito. Velasco used several authorities which
are now lost. One of these was the Conquista
de la Provinoia del Quito, by Fray Marco de
Niza, a companion of Pizarro. Another was
the Historia de las guerras civiles del Inca Ata-
hualpa, by Jacinto Collahuaso. He also refers
to the Antigiiedades del Peru by Bravo de Sara-
via. As a native of Quito, Velasco is a strong
partisan of Atahualpa ; and he is the only histo-
rian who gives an account of the traditions re-
specting the early kings of Quito. The work
was completed in 1789, brought from Europe,
and printed at Quito in 1844, and M. Ternaux
Compans brought out a French edition in 1840.5

1 [Cf. bibliog. of Herrera in Vol. II. pp. 67, 68. — Ed.]

2 Informaciones acerca del Senorio y Gobierno de los Ingas hechas, por mandado de Don Francisco de
Toledo Virey del Peru (1570-72). Edited by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, in the Coleccion de libros
Espaiioles raros 6 curiosos, Tomo xvi. (Madrid, 1S82).

8 We first hear of Sarmiento in a memorial dated at Cuzco on March 4, 1572, in which he says that he was
the author of a history of the Incas, now lost. We further gather that, owing to having found out from the
records of the Incas that Tupac Inca Yupanqui discovered two islands in the South Sea, called Ahuachumpi
and Ninachumpi, Sarmiento sailed on an expedition to discover them at some time previous to 1564. Balboa
also mentions the tradition of the discovery of these islands by Tupac Yupanqui. Sarmiento seems to have
discovered islands which he believed to be those of the Inca, and in 1567 he volunteered to command the
expedition dispatched by Lope de Castro, then governor of Peru, to discover the Terra Australis. But Castro
gave the command to his own relation, Mandana. We learn, however, from the memorial of Sarmiento, that
he accompanied the expedition, and that the first land was discovered through shaping a course in accordance
with his advice. Sarmiento submitted a full report of this first voyage of Mandana, which is now lost, to the
Viceroy Toledo. In 1579, Sarmiento was sent to explore the Straits of Magellan. In 1586, on his way to
in, he was captured by an English ship belonging to Raleigh, and was entertained hospitably by Sir Walter
• I lurharn House until his ransom was collected. From the Spanish captive his host obtained much informa-
tion respecting Peru and its Incas. He could have no higher authority. One of the journals of the survey of
n Straits by Sarmiento was published at Madrid in 176S : Viage al estrecho de Magellanes : por el
Capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, en los aiios /jyg y ijSo. See Vol. II. p. 616.
« [Cf. Vol. II. p. 571.]
Historia del Reino de Quito, en la America Meridional, cscrita por el Presbitero Don Juan de Velasco,

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

269

Recent authors have written introductory es-
says on Peruvian civilization to precede the story
of the Spanish conquest, have described the
ruins in various parts of the country after per-
sonal inspection, or have devoted their labors to
editing the early authorities, or to bringing pre-
viously unknown manuscripts to light, and thus
widening and strengthening the foundation on
which future histories may be raised.

Robertson's excellent view of the story of the
Incas in his History of America 1 was for many
years the sole source of information on the sub-
ject for the general English public ; but since

1848 it has been superseded by Prescott's charm-
ing narrative contained in the opening book of
his Conquest of Peru.2 The knowledge of the
present generation on the subject of the Incas is
derived almost entirely from Prescott, and, so
far as it goes, there can be no better authority.
But much has come to light since his time.
Prescott's narrative, occupying 159 pages, is
founded on the works of Garcilasso de la Vega,
who is the authority most frequently cited by
him, Cieza de Leon, Ondegardo, and Acosta.3
Helps, in the chapter of his Spanish Conquest on
Inca civilization, which covers forty-five pages,

WILLIAM ROBERTSON*

nativo de Mismo Reino, ano de ij&q. A Spanish edition, Quito, Imprenta del Gobierno, 1844, 3 Tomos,
was printed from the manuscript, Histoire du Royaume de Quito, por Don Juan de Velasco (inedite^) vol.
be. Voyages, &c., par H. Ternaux Compans (Paris, 1840). This version, however, covers only a part of
the work, of which the second volume only relates to the ancient history. [Cf. Vol. II. p. 576. — Ed.]

1 [Cf. Vol. II. p. 578. — Ed.]

2 [Cf. Vol. II. p. 577; Sabin's Dictionary, xv. p. 439. The opinions of Prescott can be got at through
Poole's Index, p. 993. H. H. Bancroft, Chronicles, 25, gives a characteristic estimate of Prescott's archaeo-
logical labors. Prescott's catalogue of his own library, with his annotations, is in the Boston Public Library,
no. 6334.27. — Ed.]

8 Prescott quotes these four authorities 249 times, and all other early writers known to him (Herrera, Zarate,
Betanzos, Balboa, Montesinos, Pedro Pizarro, Fernandez, Gomara, Levinus Apollonius, Velasco, and the MS.
"Declaration de la Audiencia") 82 times.

* [After a print in the European Mag. (1802), vol. xli. — Ed.]

270

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

onlv cited two early authorities not used by Pres-
cott,1 and Ins sketch is much more superficial
than that of his predecessor.-

The publication of the Antigiiedades Peruanas
by Don Mariano Eduardo de Rivero (the di-
rector of the National Museum at Lima) and
Juan Diego de Tschudi at Vienna, in 185 1,
marked an important turning-point in the pro-
gress of investigation. One of the authors was
himself a Peruvian, and from that time some of
the best educated natives of the country have
given their attention to its early history. The
Antigiiedades for the first time gives due promi-
nence to an estimate of the language and litera-
ture of the Incas, and to descriptions of ruins
throughout Peru. The work is accompanied by
a large atlas of engravings ; but it contains grave
inaccuracies, and the map of Pachacamac is a
serious blemish to the work.3 The Antigiiedades
were followed by the Annals of Cuzco? and in
1S60 the Ancient History of Peru, by Don Sebas-
tian Lorente, was published at Lima.5 In a se-
ries of essays in the Revista Peruana? Lorente
gave the results of many years of further study
of the subject, which appear to have been the
concluding labors of a useful life. When he
died, in November, 1884, Sebastian Lorente had
been engaged for upwards of forty years in the
instruction of the Peruvian youth at Lima and
in other useful labors. A curious genealogical
work on the Incarial family was published at
Paris in 1850, by Dr. Justo Sahuaraura Inca, a
canon of the cathedral of Cuzco, but it is of no
historical value.7

Several scholars, both in Europe and America,
have published the results of their studies relat-
ing to the problems of Inca history. Ernest
Desjardins has written on the state of Peru be-
fore the Spanish conquest,8 J. G. Muller on the
religious beliefs of the people,9 and Waitz on
Peruvian anthropology.*0 The writings of Dr.
Brinton, of Philadelphia, also contain valuable
reflections and useful information respecting the
mythology and native literature of Peru.11 Mr.
Bollaert had been interested in Peruvian re-
searches during the greater part of his lifetime
(b. 1807 ; d. 1S76), and had visited several prov-
inces of Peru, especially Tarapaca. He accu-
mulated many notes. His work, at first sight,
appears to be merely a confused mass of jottings,
and certainly there is an absence of method and
arrangement ; but closer examination will lead
to the discovery of many facts which are not to
be met with elsewhere.1'2

A critical study of early authorities and a
knowledge of the Quichua language are two es-
sential qualifications for a writer on Inca civili-
zation. But it is almost equally important that
he should have access to intelligent and accurate
descriptions of the remains of ancient edifices
and public works throughout Peru. For this he
is dependent on travellers, and it must be con-
fessed that no descriptions at all meeting the
requirements were in existence before the open-
ing of the present century. Humboldt was the
first traveller in South America who pursued his
antiquarian researches on a scientific basis. His
works are models for all future travellers. It

1 Calancha and a MS. letter of Valverde. He also refers several times to the Antigiiedades Peruanas of
Tschudi and Rivero.

2 Spanish Conauest in America, vol. iii. book xiii. chap. 3, pp. 468 to 513. [Cf. Vol. II. p. 578. — Ed.]

3 It was translated into English as Peruvian Antiquities, by Dr. Francis L. Hawkes, of New York, in 1853.
[The English translation retained the woodcuts, but omitted the atlas. Cf. Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1306 ;
Sabin, xvii. p. 319. There is a French edition, Antiquites Peruviennes (Paris, 1859). Dr. Tschudi later
published Reisen durch Siid Amerika, in five vols. (Leipzig, 1866-69), which was translated into English as
Travels in Peru, 1838-1842, and published in New York and London. — Ed.]

4 Los Anales del Cuzco, por Dr. Mesa (Cuzco, 2 vols.).

5 Historia Antigua del Peru, por Sebastian Lorente (Lima, i860).

6 Historia de la civilizacion Peruana, Revista de Lima (Lima, 1880).

' Recuerdos de la Monarquia Peruana, 6 Bosquejo de la historia de los Incas, por Dr. Justo Sahua-
raura Inca, Canonigo en la Catedral de Cuzco (Paris, 1850).

& Le Perou avant la conquete espagnole, d'apres les principaux historiens originaux et quelques docu~
rnents inedits sur les antiquites de ce pays (Paris, 1858).

'•> Gcschichte dcr Amerikantschen Urreligionen, von J. G. Muller (Basel, 1867).

10 Anthropologic der Naturvblker, von Dr. Thcodor Waitz (4 vols.) Leipzig, 1864.

11 Myths of the New World, a treatise on the symbolism and mythology of the Red Race of America, by
Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. (New York, 1868). Aboriginal American authors and their productions, espe-
cially those in the native languages, by Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. (Philadelphia, 1883). [Brinton's writ-
ings, however, in the main illustrate the antiquities north of Panama.]

*- Antiquarian, ethnological and other researches in New Granada, Equador, Peru, and Chile ; with
observations on the Pre-Incarial, Incarial, and other monuments of Peruvian nations, by William Bollaert,
!• . R. G. S. (London, i860). [Bollaert's minor and periodical contributions, mainly embodied in his final work(
arc numerous: Contributions to an introduction to the Anthropology of the New World. Ancient Peruvian
graphic Records (tr. in Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, n. s., i.). Observations on the history of the
Incas (in the Transactions Ethnological Soc, 1854).— Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 27x

as to Humboldt,1 and his predecessors the Ul- worthy and elaborate works of D'Orbigny and
loas,2 that we owe graphic descriptions of Inca Wiener. The authors are too apt to adopt the-
ruins in the kingdom of Quito and in northern ories on insufficient grounds, and to confuse
Peru as far as Caxamarca. French travellers their otherwise admirable descriptions with im-
have contributed three works of importance to aginative speculations. An example of this kind
the same department of research. M. Alcide has been pointed out by the Peruvian scholar
D'Orbigny examined and described the ruins of Dr. Villar, with reference to M. Wiener's erro-
Tiahuanacu with great care.3 M. Francois de neous ideas respecting Culte de Veaic ou de la
Castelnau was the leader of a scientific expedi- pluie, et le dieu Quonnf* M. Wiener is the only
tion sent out by the French government, and his modern traveller who has visited and described
work contains descriptions of ruins illustrated the interesting ruins of Vilcas-huaman.
by plates.4 The work of M. Wiener is more The present writer has published two books
complete, and is intended to be exhaustive. He recording his travels in Peru. In the first he
was also employed by the French government described the fortress of Hervay, the ancient
on an archaeological and ethnographic mission irrigation channels at Nasca on the Peruvian
to Peru, from 1875 to l&77> an<^ ne nas Per* coast, and the ruins at and around »Cuzco, in-
formed his task with diligence and ability, while eluding Ollantay-tampu.7 In* the second there
no cost seems to have been spared in the pro- are descriptions of the chulpas at Sillustani in
duction of his work.5 The maps and illustra- the Collao, and of the Inca roof over the Suntur-
tions are numerous and well executed, and M. huasi at Azangaro.8

Wiener visited nearly every part of Peru where The work of E. G. Squier is, on the whole, the

archaeological remains are to be met with. There most valuable result of antiquarian researches in

is only one fault to be found with the praise- Peru that has ever been presented to the pub-

1 Vues des Cordilleres, ou Monumens des Peuples indigenes de PAmcrique (Paris, 1810; in 8vo, 1816),
called in the English translation, Researches concerning the institutions and monuments of the ancient inhab-
itants of America, with descriptions and views of some of the most striking scenes in the Cordilleras. Transl.
into English by Helen Maria Williams (London, 18 14). Voyage azix Regions equinoxiales du Nouveau
Continent fait en 1799-1804, avec deux Atlas, 3 vols. 4to (Paris, 1814-25 ; and 8vo, 13 vols., 1816-31), called
in the English translation, Personal narrative of travels to the equinoctial regions of America, 1799-/804, by
A. von Humboldt [and A. Bon/land] : translated and edited by Thomasina Ross (Lond., 1852) ; and in ear-
lier versions by H. M. Williams (London, 1818-1829). [Humboldt's later summarized expressions are found
in his Ansichten der Natur (Stuttgart, 1849; English tr., Aspects of Nature, by Mrs. Sabine, London and
Philad., 1849; and Views of Nature, by E. C. Otte, London, 1850). Current views of Humboldt's American
studies can be tracked through Poole' 's Index, p. 613. — Ed.]

2 Antonio Ulloa's Memoires philosophiques, historiques, physiques, concertiant le decouverte de PAme-
rique (Paris, 1787). Voyage historique de VAmerique Meridionale, fait par or dre du Roy d'Espagne;
ouvrage qui contieftt utie histoire des Yncas du Perou, et des observations astronomiques et physiques, faites
pour determiner la figure et la grandeur de la terre (Amsterdam, 1732). Or in the English translation,

Voyage to South America by Don Jorge Juan and Don Antonio de Ulloa, 2 vols. 8vo (London, 1758, 1772;
fifth ed. 1807). [Another of the savans in this scientific expedition was Charles M. La Condamine, and we
have his observations in his Journal du Voyage fait a VEquateur (1751), and in a paper on the Peruvian
monuments in the Memoires of the Berlin Academy (1746). Other early observers deserving brief mention
are Pedro de Madriga, whose account is appended to Admiral Jacques d'Heremite's Journael van de Nas*
sausche Vloot (Amsterdam, 1652), and AmedeeFrancois Frezier's Voyage to the South Sea (London, 1717).
— Ed.]

8 D Homme Americain consider e sous ses Rapports Physiologiques et Moraux (Paris, 1839). [He gives
a large ethnological map of South America. His book is separately printed from Voyages dans VAmerique
Meridionale (9 vols.) — Ed.]

4 Expedition dans les parties centrales de V Amerique de Sud, exeadee par ordre du Gouvernement Fran-
cois pendant les annecs 1843 h 1847. Troisieme partie, Antiquites des lncas {\to, Paris, 1854).

Perou et Bolivie, Recit de voyage suivi d' etudes archeologiques et ethnographiques et de notes sur Vecri-
ture et les langues des populations Indiennes. Ouvrage contenant plus de 1100 gravures, 27 cartes et 18
plans, par Charles Wiener (Paris, 1880). [Wiener earlier published two monographs: Notice sur le com-
munisme des lncas (Paris, 1874) \ Essai sur les institutions politiques, religieuses, economiques et sociales de
V Empire des lncas (Paris, 1874). — Ed.]

6 Uiracocha, por Leonardo Villar (Lima, 1887).

7 Cuzco and Lima (London, 1856).

8 Travels in Peru and India while superintending the collection of chinchona plants and seeds in South
America, and their introduction into India (London, 1862). [Cf. Field's Indian Bibliog. for notes on Mr.
Markham's book. He epitomizes the accounts of Peruvian antiquities in his Peru (London, 1880), of the
■" Foreign Countries Series." Cf. Vol. II. p. 578. — Ed.]

2 J 2

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

lie.1 Mr. Squicr had special qualifications for
the ta.sk. He had already been engaged on
similar work in Nicaragua, and he was well
versed in- the history of his subject. He visited
nearly all the ruins of importance in the country,
constructed plans, and took numerous photo-
graphs. Avoiding theoretical disquisitions, he

gives most accurate descriptions of the architec-
tural remains, which are invaluable to the stu-
dent. His style is agreeable and interesting,
while it inspires confidence in the reader ; and
his admirable book is in all respects thoroughly
workmanlike.2

Tiahuanacu is minutely described by D'Or-

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM*

1 Peru, Incidents of travel and exploration in the land of the Incas (N. Y. 1877; London, 1877). [Squier
was sent to Peru on a diplomatic mission by the United States government in 1863, and this service rendered,
he gave two years to exploring the antiquities of the country. His Peru embodies various separate studies,
which he had previously contributed to the Journal of the American Geographical Society (vol. iii. 1870-71) ;
the American Naturalist (vol. iv. 1870) ; Harper's Monthly (vols, vii., xxxvi., xxxvii.). He contributed
" Quelques remarques sur la geographie et les monuments du Perou " to the Bulletin de la Societe de geogra-
phic de Paris, Jan., 1868. A list of Squier's publications is appended to the Sale Catalogue of his Library
(N. Y., 1876), which contains a list of his MSS., most of which, it is believed, passed into the collection of H.
H. Bancroft. Mr. Squier's closing years were obscured by infirmity ; he died in 1S88. — Ed.]

2 [Among the recent travellers, mention may be made of a few of various interests : Edmund Temple's
Travels in Pent (Lond., 1830); Thomas Sutcliffe's Sixteen Years in Chili and Peru (Lond., 1S41); S. S.
Hill's Travels in Peru and Mexico (Lond., 1S60) ; Thos. J. Hutchinson's Two Years in Peru (with papers
on prehistoric anthropology in the Anthropological Journal, iv. 438, and " Some Fallacies about the Incas,"
in the Proc. Lit. and Phil. Soc. of Liverpool, 1873-74, p. 121) ; Marcoy's Voyage, first in the Tour du Monde,
18^-64, a'»d then separately in French, and again in English; E. Pertuiset's Le Trcsor des Incas (Paris,
1877) ; and Comte d'Ursel's Sud-Amcrique, 2d ed. (Paris, 1879). F. Hassaurek, in his Four Years among
Spanish Americans (N. Y., 1867), epitomizes in his ch. xvi. the history of Quito. — Ed.]

[After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor's request. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

273

bignv, Wiener, and Squier, and the famous ruins
have also been the objects of special attention
from other investigators. Mr. Helsby of Liver-
pool took careful photographs of the monolithic
doorway in 1857, which were engraved and pub-
lished, with a descriptive article by Mr. Bollaert.1
Don Modesto Basadre has also written an ac-
count of the ruins, with measurements.2 But
the most complete monograph on Tiahuanacu
is by Mr. Inwards, who surveyed the ground,
photographed all the ruins, made enlarged draw-
ings of the sculptures on the monolithic door-
way, and even attempted an ideal restoration of
the palace. In the letter-press, Mr. Inwards
quotes from the only authorities who give any
account of Tiahuanacu, and on this particular
point his monograph entitles him to be consid-
ered as the highest modern authority.3

Another special investigation of equal interest,
and even greater completeness, is represented
by the superb work on the burial-ground of An-
con, being the results of excavations made on
the spot by Wilhelm Reiss and Alphonso Stii-
bel. The researches of these painstaking and
talented antiquaries have thrown a flood of light
on the social habits and daily life of the civilized
people of the Peruvian coast.4

The great work of Don Antonio Raimondi on
Peru is still incomplete. The learned Italian
has already devoted thirty-eight years to the
study of the natural history of his adopted coun-

try, and the results of his prolonged scientific
labors are now gradually being given to the pub-
lic. The plan of this exhaustive monograph is
a division into six parts, devoted to the geogra-
phy, geology, mineralogy, botany, zoology, and
ethnology of Peru. The geographical division
will contain a description of the principal ancient
monuments and their ruins, while the ethnology
will include a treatise on the ancient races, their
origin and civilization. But as yet only three
volumes have been published. The first is en-
titled Parte Preliminar, describing the plan of
the work and the extent of the author's travels
throughout the country. The second and third
volumes comprise a history of the progress of
geographical discovery in Peru since the con-
quest by Pizarro. The completion of this great
work, undertaken under the auspices of the gov-
ernment of Peru, has been long delayed.5

The labors of explorers are supplemented by
the editorial work of scholars, who bring to light
the precious relics of early authorities, hitherto
buried in scarcely accessible old volumes or in
manuscript. First in the ranks of these laborers
in the cause of knowledge, as regards ancient
Peruvian history, stands the name of M. Ternaux
Compans. He has furnished to the student
carefully edited French editions of the narrative
of Xeres, of the history of Peru by Balboa, of che
Memoires Hisloriques of Montesinos, and of the
history of Quito by Velasco.6

1 Intellectual Observer, May, 1863 (London).

2 Riquezas Pernanas (Lima, 1884).

3 The temple of the Andes, by Richards Inwards (London, 1884). [Mr. Markham has also had occasion to
speak of these ruins in annotating his edition of Cieza de Leon, p. 374. There is a privately printed book by
L. Angrand, Antiquites Americaines : lettres sur les antiquites de Tiaguanaco, et Porigine presumable
de la plies ancienne civilisation du Haut-Perou (Paris, 1866). — Ed.]

4 This superb work was issued at Berlin and London with German and English texts. The English title
reads, Pertevian Antiquities : the Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. A contribution to our knowledge of the cul-
ture and industries of the empire of the Incas. Being the results of excavations made on the spot. Trans-
lated by A. H. Keane. With the aid of the general administration of the royal museums of Berlin (Berlin,
1880-87) j m three folio volumes, with 119 colored and plain plates. The divisions are: 1. The Necropolis and
its graves. 2. Garments and textiles. 3. Ornaments, utensils, earthenware ; evolution of ornamentation, with
treatises by L. Wittmack on the plants found in the graves ; R. Virchow on the human remains, and A. Neh-
ring on the animals. [A few of the plates are reproduced in black and white in Ruge's Geschichte des Zeit-
aliers der Entdeckungcn. The authors represent that the graveyard of Ancon, an obscure place lying near the
coast, north of Lima, was probably the burial-place of a poor people ; but its obscurity has saved it to us while
important places have been ransacked and destroyed. The reader will be struck with the richness of the woven
materials, which are so strikingly figured in the plates. On this point Stiibel published in Dresden in 1888, as
a part of the Festschrift of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the " Verein fur Erdkunde," a paper Ucber altpcriu
anische Gewcbemuster und ihnen analogc Ornamcnte der altklassischcn Kunst (Dresden, 1888). Some of
the plates in the larger work impress one with the great variety of ornamenting skill. The collection formed by
John H. Blake from an ancient cemetery on the bay of Chacota, now in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge,
Mass., is described in the Reports of that institution, xi. 195, 277. Reference may also be made to B. M.
Wright's Description of the collection of gold ornaments from the " huacas," or graves of some aboriginal
races of the northwestern provinces of South America, belonging to Lady Drasscy (London, 1885). — Ed. |

5 Antonio Raimondi. El Peru. Tomo I. Parte Preli7tiinar, 4to, pp. 444. (Lima, 1874). Tomo II. His-
toria de la Gcografia del Peru, 4to,fp. 473 (Lima, 1876). Tomo III. Historia de la Gcografia del Peru,
4to.pp. bi4 (Lima, 1880).

6 Voyages, Relations et Memoires Originaux pour servir a VHistoire de la Dccouvertc dc I' Am! riquc, 20
vols, in 10, 8vo (Paris, 1837-4 r). See Vol. II., introd. p. vi.

VOL. I. — 18

274

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The present writer has translated into English

and edited the works of Cieza de Leon, Garci-

lasso de la Vega, Molina, Salcamayhua, Avila,

3, Andagoya, and one of the reports of On-

degardo, and has edited the old translation of

Acosta.

Dr. M. Gonzalez de la Rosa, an accomplished
Peruvian scholar, brought to light and edited, in

career of literary usefulness is by no means
ended.

Although so much has been accomplished in
the field of Peruvian research, yet much remains
to be done, both by explorers and in the study.
The Quichua chapters of the work of Avila,
containing curious myths and legends, remain
untranslated and in manuscript. A satisfactory

MARCOS JIMENEZ DE LA ESPADA*

1879, the curious Historia de Lima of Father
Pernabe Cobo. It was published in successive
numbers of the Revista Peruana, at Lima.

Put in this department students are most in-
debted to the learned Spanish editor, Don Mar-
cos Jimenez de la Espada ; for he has placed
within our reach the works of important author-
ities, which were previously not only inacces-
sible, but unknown. lie has edited the second
part of ("ieza de Leon, the anonymous Jesuit,
Montesinos, Santillana, the reports to the Vice-
I oledo, the Suma y Ndrracion of Petanzos,
and the War of Quito, by Cieza de Leon. More-
re is every reason to hope that his

text of the OUantay drama, after collation of all
accessible manuscripts, has not yet been se-
cured. Numerous precious manuscripts have
yet to be unearthed in Spain. Songs of the
times of the Incas exist in Peru, which should
be collected and edited. There are scientific
excavations to be undertaken, and secluded dis-
tricts to be explored. The Yunca grammar of
Carrera requires expert comparative study, and
comparison with the Eten dialect. Remnants of
archaic languages, such as the Puquina of the
Urus, must be investigated. When all this, and
much more, has been added to existing means
of knowledge, the labors of pioneers will ap-

* [After a photograph, kindly furnished by himself, at the editor's request. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 275

proach completion. Then the time will have cient Peruvian civilization which will be worthy
arrived for the preparation of a history of an- of the subject.1

>t-^

1 [Among less important or more general later writers on this ancient civilization may be mentioned:
Charles Labarthe's La Civilisation peruvienne avant V arrivee des Espagnols (Archives de la Soc. Amer. de
France, n. s., i.), and his paper from the Amiuaire Ethnographique, on the "Documents inedits sur l'em-
pire des Incas " (Paris, 1861 ) ; Rudolf Faltrs Das Land der Inca in seiner Bedentung fiir die Urgeschichte
der Sprache tend Schrift (Leipzig, 1883) ; Lieut. G. M. Gilliss, in Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, v. 657; Dr. Ma-
cedo's comparison of the Inca and Aztec civilizations in the Proc. of the Numism. and Antiq. Soc. (Philad.
1883); Vicomte Th. de Bussiere's Le Perou (Paris, 1863); beside chapters in such comprehensive works as
those of Nadaillac, Ruge, Baldwin, Wilson (Prehistoric Man), and the papers of Castaing and others in the
Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, and an occasional paper in the Journals of the American and other
geographical and ethnological societies. Current English comment is reached through Poole's Index, pp. 627,
992. — Ed.]

NOTES.

I. Ancient People of the Peruvian Coast. — There was a civilized people on the coast of Peru,
but not occupying the whole coast, which was distinctly different, both as regards race and language, from the
Incas and their cognate tribes. This coast nation was called Chimu, and their language Mochica.1

The numerous valleys on the Peruvian coast, separated by sandy deserts of varying width, required only
careful irrigation to render them capable of sustaining a large population. The aboriginal inhabitants were
probably a diminutive race of fishermen. Driven southwards by invaders, they eventually sought refuge in
Arica and Tarapaca. D'Orbigny described their descendants as a gentle, hospitable race of fishermen, never
exceeding five feet in height, with flat noses, fishing in boats of inflated sealskins, and sleeping in huts of
sealskin on heaps of dried seaweed. They are called Changos. Bollaert mentions that they buried their
dead lengthways. Bodies found in this unusual posture near Canete form a slight link connecting the Chan-
gos to the south with the early aboriginal race of the more northern valleys.

The Chimu people drove out the aborigines and occupied the valleys of the coast from Payta nearly to
Lima, forming distinct communities, each under a chief more or less independent. The Chimu himself ruled
over the five valleys of Parmunca, Hualli, Huanapu, Santa, and Chimu, where the city of Truxillo now
stands. The total difference of their language from Quichua makes it clear that the Chimus did not come
from the Andes or from the Quito country. The only other alternative is that they arrived from the sea.
Balboa, indeed, gives a detailed account of the statements made by the coast Indians of Lambayeque, at the
time of the conquest. They declared that a great fleet arrived on the coast some generations earlier, com-
manded by a chief named Noymlap, who had with him a green-stone idol, and that he founded a dynasty of
chiefs.

The Chimu and his subjects, let their origin be what it may, had certainly made considerable advances in
civilization. The vast palaces of the Chimu near the seashore, with a surrounding city, and great mounds or
artificial hills, are astonishing even in their decay. The principal hall of the palace was 100 feet long by 52.
The walls are. covered with an intricate and very effective series of arabesques on stucco, worked in relief. A
neighboring hall, with walls stuccoed in color, is entered by passages and skirted by openings leading to small
rooms seven feet square, which may have been used as dormitories. A long corridor leads from the back of
the arabesque hall to some recesses where gold and silver vessels have been found. At a short distance from
this palace there is a sepulchral mound where many relics have been discovered. The bodies were wrapped in
cloths woven in ornamental figures and patterns of different colors. On some of the cloths plates of silver
were sewn, and they were edged with borders of feathers, the silver plates being occasionally cut in the shapes
of fishes and birds. Among the ruins of the city there are great rectangular areas enclosed by massive walls,
containing buildings, courts, streets, and reservoirs for water.2 The largest is about a mile south of the palace,
and is 550 yards long by 400. The outer wall is about 30 feet high and 10 feet thick at the base, with sides
inclining towards each other. Some of the interior walls are highly ornamented in stuccoed patterns ; and in

1 [Humboldt (Views of Nature, 235) points out that the 2 [Wiener, Pcrou et Bolivie, p. 98, gives a plan of the

name Chimborazo is probably a relic of this earlier tongue. neighborhood of Truxillo, showing the position " du Gran
— Ed.] Chimu, :; and an enlarged plan of the ruins. — Ed.]

2/6

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

one part there is an edifice containing 45 chambers or cells, which is supposed to have been a prison. The
contained a reservoir 450 feet long by 195, and 60 feet deep.
The dry climate favored the adornment of outer walls by color, and those of the Chimu palaces were cov-
writh very tasteful sculptured patterns. Figures of colored birds and animals are said to have been
painted on the walls of temples and palaces. Silver and gold ornaments and utensils, mantles richly embroi-
dered, robes of feathers, cotton cloths of fine texture, and vases of an infinite variety of curious designs, are
found in the tombs.

Cicza de Leon gives us a momentary glimpse at the life of the Chimu chiefs. Each ruler of a valley, he
tells us, had a great house with adobe pillars, and doorways hung with matting, built on extensive terraces.
He adds that the chiefs dressed in cotton shirts and long mantles, and were fond of drinking-bouts, dancing
and singing. The walls of their houses were painted with bright colored patterns and figures. Such places,
rising out of the groves of fruit-trees, with the Andes bounding the view in one direction and the ocean
in the other, must have been suitable abodes tor joy and feasting. Around them were the fertile valleys,
peopled by industrious cultivators, and carefully irrigated. Their irrigation works were indeed stupendous.
" In the valley of Nepena the reservoir is three fourths of a mile long by more than half a mile broad, and con-
sists of a massive dam of stone 80 feet thick at the base, carried across a gorge between two rocky hills. It
was supplied by two canals at different elevations ; one starting fourteen miles up the valley, and the other
from springs five miles distant." 1

The custom prevalent among the Chimus of depositing with their dead all objects of daily use, as well as

ornaments and garments worn by them during life,
has enabled us to gain a further insight into the
social history of this interesting people. The re-
searches of Reuss and Stiibel at the necropolis of An-
con, near Lima, have been most important. Numer-
ous garments, interwoven with work of a decorative
character, cloths of many colors and complicated
patterns, implements used in spinning and sewing,
work-baskets of plaited grass, balls of thread, finger-
rings, wooden and clay toys, are found with the mum-
mies. The spindles are richly carved and painted,
and attached to them are terra cotta cylinders aglow
with ornamental colorings which were used as wheels.
Fine earthenware vases of varied patterns, and
wooden or clay dishes, also occur.

Turning to the language of the coast people, we
find that no Mochica dictionary was ever made; but
there is a grammar and a short list of words by
Carrera. and the Lord's prayer in Mochica, by Bishop
Ore. The grammar was composed by a priest who
had settled at Truxillo, near the ruins of the Chimu
palace, and who was a great-grandson of one of the
first Spanish conquerors. It was published at Lima
in 1644. At that time the Mochica language was
spoken in the valleys of Truxillo, Chicama, Chocope,
Sana, Lambayeque, Chiclayo, Huacabamba, Olmos,
and Motupe. When the Mcrctirio Pcruaiio'- was
published in 1 793, this language is said to have en-
tirely disappeared. Father Carrera 'tells us that the
Mochica was so very difficult that he was the only
Spaniard who had ever been able to learn it. The
words bear no resemblance whatever to Ouichua.
Mochica has three different declensions, Ouichua
only one. Mochica has no transitive verbs, and no
exclusive and inclusive plurals, which are among the chief characteristics of Ouichua. The Mochica conju-

1 Squier, 210.

SECTION OF A MUMMY-CASE FROM ANCON.*

ire two or three Peruvian periodicals of some

for their archaeological papers. The Mercurio

mo de Historic, LUeratura y Noticias fiublicas que

/ Academica de A mantes de Lima

d in twelve volumes. It is often

Spanish government finally interdicted it,

as it was considered revolutionary in principle. It was ed-
ited at one time by the Pere Cisneros. There is a set in
Harvard College library.

The Rcvista Peruana (Lima) has been the channel of
some important archaeological contributions. Others ap-
peared in the Museo Erudito, o los Tiempos y las Costum-
bres ( Cuzco, 1837, etc.) — Ed.]

cut given by Ruge, following a plate in The Necropolis of A neon. Wiener (p. 44) gives a section of one of
tombs. See a cut in Squier's Peru, p. 73. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

277

gations are formed in quite a different way from those in the Quich.ua language. The Mochica system of
numerals appears to have been very complete. With the language, the people have now almost if not entirely
disappeared. Possibly the people of Eten, south of Lambayeque, who still speak a peculiar language, may
be descendants of the Chimus.

The Chimu dominion extended probably from Tumbez, in the extreme north of the Peruvian coast, to
Ancon, north of Lima. The Chimus also had a
strong colony in the valley of Huarcu, now called
Canete. But the valleys of the Rimac, of Lurin,
Chilca, and Mala, north of Canete ; and those of
Chincha, Yea, and Nasca, south of Canete; were
not Chimu territory. The names of places in those
valleys are all Quichua, as well as the names of
their chiefs, as recorded by Garcilasso de la Vega
and others. The inhabitants were, therefore, of
Inca race, probably colonists from the Huanca na-
tion. Their superstitions as told by Arriaga, and
the curious mythological legends recorded by
Avila as being believed by the people of Huarochiri
and the neighboring coast, all point to an Inca
origin. These Inca coast people are said to have
had a famous oracle near the present site of Lima,
called " Rimac," or " He who speaks.'' But more
probably it was merely the name given to the noisy
river Rimac, babbling over its stones. It is true
that there was a temple on the coast with an oracle,
the fame of which had been widely spread. The
idol called Pachacamac, or " The world-creator,"
was described by the first Spanish visitor, Miguel
Estete, as being made of wood and very dirty.
The town was then half in ruins, for the worship of

MUMMY FROM A HUACA AT PISCO.*

this local deity was neglected after the conquest by the Incas. These coast people of Inca race were as
industrious as their Chimu neighbors. In the Nasca valley there is a complete network of underground water-
courses for irrigation. At Yea " they removed the sand from vast areas, until they reached the requisite mois-
ture, then put in guano from the islands, and thus formed sunken gardens of extraordinary richness." x Sim-
ilar methods were adopted in the valleys of Pisco and Chilca.

When the Inca Pachacutec began to annex the coast valleys, he met with slight opposition only from the
people of Inca origin, who soon submitted to his rule. But the Chimus struggled hard to retain their inde-
pendence. Those of the Huarcu {Canete) valley made a desperate and prolonged resistance. When at
length they submitted, the Inca built a fortress and palace on a rocky eminence overlooking the sea to over-
awe them. The ruins now called Hervai are particularly interesting, because they are the principal and
most imposing example of Inca architecture in which the building material is adobes and not stone. The
conquest of the valleys to the north of Lima and of the grand Chimu himself was a still more difficult under-
taking, necessitating more than one hard-fought campaign. When it was completed, great numbers of the
best fighting-men among the Chimus were deported to the interior as mitimaes. More than a century had
elapsed since this conquest when the Spaniards arrived, so that there was but slight chance of the history of the
Chimus being even partially preserved. Cieza de Leon and Balboa alone supply us with notices of any value.2
The southern valleys of the coast, Arequipa, Moquegua, and Tacna, were occupied by mitimaes or colonists
from the Collao. The Incas gave the general name of yuncas, or dwellers in the warm valleys, to all the
people of the coast.

Much mystery surrounds the history and origin of the Chimu people. That they were wholly separate and
unconnected with the other races of Peru seems almost certain. That they were far advanced in civilization
is clear. Difficulties surround any further prosecution of researches concerning them. They have themselves
disappeared from the face of the earth. Their language has gone with them. But there are the magnificent
ruins of their palaces and temples. There are numerous tombs and cemeteries which have never been scien-
tifically examined. There is a grammar and a small vocabulary of words calling for close comparative exam-
ination. There are crania awaiting similar comparative study. There is a possibility that further information

1 Squier.

2 I do not now believe that the idolatrous practices and

legends, preserved by Arriaga and Avila, had any connec-
tion with the Chimu race.

* [After a cut inT. J. Hutchinson's Two Years in Peru (London, 1873), vol. i. p. 113. The Peruvian mummies are
almost invariably simply desiccated. Only the royal personages were embalmed (Markham's Cieza de Leon, 226). Cf.
Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 135. — Ed.]

27«

NARRATIVE AxND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

may be gleaned from incdited Spanish manuscripts. The subject is a most .interesting one, and it is by no
means exhausted.

II. 'I'm QuiCHUA LANGUAGE and Literature. — No real progress can be made in the work of eluci-
dating the ancient history of Peru, and in unravelling the interesting but still unsolved questions relating to

TAPESTRY FROM THE GRAVES OF ANCON.*

the origin and development of Inca civilization, without a knowledge of the native language. The subject
lias accordingly received the close attention of laborious students from a very early period, and the present
would be incomplete without appending an enumeration of the Quichua grammars and vocabularies,
and of works relating to Inca literature.

Domingo de San Tomas, a Dominican monk, was the first author who composed a grammar and
vocabulary of the language of the Incas. He gave it the name of Quichua, probably because he had studied

1 [After a mi in Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 420. following the colored plate in The h
f>olis of A neon. Wiener reproduces in black and white many of the Ancon specimens. — Ed.]

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 279

with members of that tribe, who were of pure Inca race, and whose territory lies to the westward of Cuzco.
The name has since been generally adopted for the language of the Peruvian empire. J-

Diego de Torres Rubio was born in 1547, in a village near Toledo, became a Jesuit at the age of nineteen, and
went out to Peru in 1577. He studied the native languages with great diligence, and composed grammars and
vocabularies. His grammar and vocabulary of Quichua first appeared at Saville in 1603, and passed through
four editions.2 A long residence in Chuquisaca enabled him to acquire the Aymara language, and in 1616 he
published a short grammar and vocabulary of Aymara. In 1627 he also published a grammar of the Guarani
language. Torres Rubio was rector of the college at Potosi for a short time, but his principal labors were
connected with missionary work at Chuquisaca. He died in that city at the great age of ninety-one, on the
13th of April, 1638. Juan de Figueredo, whose Chinchaysuyu vocabulary is bound up with later editions of
Torres Rubio, was born at Huancavelica in 1648, of Spanish parents, and after a long and useful missionary
life he died at Lima in 1724.

The most voluminous grammatical work on the language of the Incas had for its author the Jesuit Diego
Gonzales Holguin. This learned missionary was the scion of a distinguished family in Estremadura, and
was befriended in his youth by his relation, Don Juan de Obando, President of the Council of the Indies.
After graduating at Alcala de Henares he became a member of the Society of Jesus in 1568, and went out
to Peru in 1581. He resided for several years in the Jesuit college at Juli, near the banks of Lake Titicaca,
where the fathers had established a printing-press, and here he studied the Quichua language. He was en-
trusted with important missions to Quito and Chili, and was nominated interpreter by the Viceroy Toledo.
His later years were passed in Paraguay, and when he died at the age of sixty-six, in 16 18, he was rector of
the college at Asuncion. His Quichua dictionary was published at Lima in 1586, and a second edition ap-
peared in 1607,3 the same year in which the grammar first saw the light.4 The Quichua grammar of Holguin
is the most complete and elaborate that has been written, and his dictionary is also the best in every respect.

While Holguin was studiously preparing these valuable works on the Quichua language in the college at
Juli, a colleague was laboring with equal zeal and assiduity at the dialect spoken by the people of the Collao,
to which the Jesuits gave the name of Aymara. Ludovico Bertonio was an Italian, a native of the marches of
Ancona. Arriving in Peru in 1581, he resided at Juli for many years, studying the Aymara language, until,
attacked by gout, he was sent to Lima, where he died at the age of seventy-three, in 1625. His Aymara
grammar was first published at Rome in 1603,5 but a very much improved second edition,6 and a large dic-
tionary of Aymara,7 were products of the Jesuit press at Juli in 1612. Bertonio also wrote a catechism and
a life of Christ in Aymara, which were printed at Juli.

A vocabulary of Quichua by Fray Juan Martinez was printed at Lima in 1604, and another in 1614. Four
Quichua grammars followed during the seventeenth century. That of Alonso de Huerta was published at
Lima in 1616; the grammar of the Franciscan Diego de Olmos appeared in 1633; Don Juan Roxo Mexia y
Ocon, a native of Cuzco, and professor of Quichua at the University of Lima, published his grammar in 1648 ;
and the grammar of Estevan Sancho de Melgar saw the light in 1691.8 Leon Pinelo also mentions a Quichua
grammar by Juan de Vega. The anonymous Jesuit refers to a Quichua dictionary by Melchior Fernandez,
which is lost to us.

In 1644 Don Fernando de la Carrera, the Cura of Reque, near Chiclayo, published his grammar of the Yunca
language, at Lima. This is the language which was once -spoken in the valleys of the Peruvian coast by the

1 Grammatical, o A rte de la lengua general de los Indios 3 Vocabulario de la Lengua general de todo el Peru
de los Reynos del Peru, ntievamente compuesta por el llamada lengua Quichua 6 del Inca. En la ciudad de los
Maestro Fray Domingo de S. Thomas de la orden de S. Reyes, 1586. Second edition printed by Francisco del
Domingo, Morador en los dichos reynos. Impresso en Canto, 1607 (2 vols. 4to). [Leclerc (no. 2401), in 1879,
Valladolid por Francisco Fernandez de Cordova, 7560. priced this ed. at 2,000 francs; Quaritch, a defective copy,
Lexicon 6 Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru, £21. — Ed.]

llamada Quichua (Valladolid, 1560). The grammar and 4 Gramaticay Arte nueva de la lengua general de todo

vocabulary are usually bound up together. [The two were el Peru llamada lengua Quichua o Lengua del Inca por

priced respectively by Leclerc, in 1878, at 2,500 and 600 Diego Gonzales Holguin de la Companiade Jesus, natural

francs. — Ed.] de Caceres Impresso en la Ciudad de los Reyes del Peru,

The grammar and vocabulary of San Tomas were re- por Francisco del Canto, iboj. [Leclerc, 1879, no. 2402,

printed at Lima in 1586 by Antonio Ricardo. In the list 500 francs. — Ed.] A second edition was published at

given by Rivero and Von Tschudi ( A ntigiiedades Peruanas, Lima in 1842.

p. 99), the printer Ricardo is entered as the author of this 5 Arte y gramatica muy copiosa de la lengua Aymara

Lima edition of San Tomas. con muchos y variados modos de hablar (Roma, 1603).

2 Grammatica y Vocabidario en la lengua general del a A rte de la lengua Aymara con una selva de /rases en
Peru llamada Quichua por Diego de Torres Rubio S. S. la mistna lengua y su declaracioti en romance. Impresso
(Seville, 1603). [This original edition is of great rarity. en la casa de la Compania de Jesus de Jtdi en la provin-
Quaritch, in 1885, asked .£20 for a defective copy. — Ed.] cia de Chucuyto. Por Francisco del Canto, 16/2. pp. 348.
A second edition was printed at Lima in 1619 ; and a third 7 Vocabulario de la lengua Aymara, Juli ibi2, Spanish
in 1700. To this third edition a vocabulary was added of and Aymara, pp. 420, Aymara and Spanish, pp. 378. [Priced
the Chinchaysuyu dialect, by Juan de Figueredo. A fourth by Quaritch in 1885 at ^60; by Leclerc in 1879 at 2,000
edition was published at Lima in 1754, also containing the francs. — Ed.]

Chinchaysuyu vocabulary, which is spoken in the north of 8 Arte de la lengua general deP ynga llamada Quechhua

Peru. [For this 1754 edition see Leclerc, no. 2409. It is (Lima, 1691). Leclerc, 1879. 250 francs,
worth about $50. — Ed.]

280 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. .

civilized people whose ruler was the grand Chimu. Now the language is extinct, or spoken only by a few
Indians in the coast village of Eten. The work of Carrera is therefore important, as, with the exception of
a specimen of the language preserved by Bishop Ore, it is the only book in which the student can now obtain
any linguistic knowledge of the lost civilization. The Yunca grammar was reprinted in numbers in the
eLimaol 1880 and following years. 1

There was a professorial chair for the study of Quichua in the University of San Mdrcos at Lima, and the
language was cultivated, during the two centuries after the conquest, as well by educated natives as by many
Spanish ecclesiastics. The sermons of Dr. Don Fernando de Avendano have already been referred to.2
Dr. Lunarejo, of Cuzco, was another famous Ouichuan preacher, and the Confesionarios and catechisms in
the language were very numerous. Bishop Louis Geronimo Ore, of Guamanga, in his ritualistic manual, gives
the Lord's prayer and commandments, not only in Quichua and Aymara, but also in the Puquina language
spoken by the Uruson Lake Titicaca, and in the Yunca language of the coast, which he calls Mochica.3

A very curious book was published at Lima in 1602, which, among other things, treats of the Quichua
language and of the derivations of names of places. The author, Don Diego D'Avalos y Figueroa, appears to
have been a native of La Paz. He was possessed of sprightly wit, was well read, and a close observer of
nature. We gather from his Miscelanea AtistraH the names of birds and animals, and of fishes in Lake Titi-
caca, as well as the opinions of the author on the cause of the absence of rain on the Peruvian coast, on the
lacustrine system of the Collao, and on other interesting points of physical geography.5

In modern times the language of the Incas has received attention from students of Peruvian history. The
joint authors, Dr. Yon Tschudi and Don Mariano Eduardo de Rivero, in their work entitled Antigiiedades
Peru anas, published at Vienna in 1851, devote a chapter to the Quichua language. Two years afterwards
Dr. Yon Tschudi published a Quichua grammar and dictionary, with the text of the Inca drama of Ollantay,
and other specimens of the language.6 The present writer's contributions towards a grammar and dictionary
of Quichua were published by Triibner in 1864, and a few years previously a more complete and elaborate
work had seen the light at Sucre, the capital of Bolivia. This was the grammar and dictionary by Father
Honorio Mossi, of Potosi, a large volume containing thorough and excellent work." Lastly a Quichua gram-
mar by Jose" Dionisio Anchorena was published at Lima in 1874.8

The curious publication of Don Jose Fernandez Nodal in 1874 is not so much a grammar of the Quichua
<anguage as a heterogeneous collection of notes on all sorts of subjects, and can scarcely take a place among
serious works. The author was a native of Arequipa, of good family, but he was carried away by enthusiasm
*nd allowed his imagination to run riot.9

The gospel of St. Luke, with Aymara and Spanish in parallel columns, was translated from the vulgate by
Don Yicente Pazos-kanki, a graduate of the University of Cuzco, and published in London in 1829 ; i° and more
recently a Quichua version of the gospel of St. John, translated by Mr. Spilsbury, an English missionary,
has appeared at Buenos Ayres.11 These publications and others of the same kind have a tendency to preserve
me purity of the language, and are therefore welcome to the student of Incarial history.

Quichua has been the subject of detailed comparative study by more than one modern philologist of emi-
nence. The discussion of the Quichua roots by the learned Dr. Vicente Fidel Lopez is a most valuable
addition to the literature of the subject ; while the historical section of his work is a great aid to a critical con-
sideration of Montesinos and other early authorities. Whatever may be thought of his theoretical opinions,

1 A rte de la lengua Yunga de los valles del Obispado de Delia y Cilena, con la de/ensa de Damas. Impreso en

Truxillo, con un con/esionario, y todos las ovac zones cris- Lima por A?ito?iio Ricardo, aho 1602.

tianas y otras casas. A utor el beneficiado Don Fernando 6 Die KechuaSprache, I. ; Sprachlehre, II.; IVorter-

de la Carrera Cura y Vicar io de San Martin de Reque buck, von J. y. Von Tschudi (Wien, 1853).

en el corregi7niento de Chiclayo (Lima, 1644). 7 Gramatica y Diccionario de la lengua general de

This work is extremely rare. Only three copies are Peru, ' llamada comunmuente Quichua, por el R. P. Fr.

known to exist, one in the library at Madrid, one in the Honorio Mossi, Misionero Apostolico del colejio de propa-

British Museum, which belonged to M. Ternaux Compans, ganda fide de la ciudad de Potosi (Sucre, 1859). [An

and one in possession of Dr. Villar, in Peru. A copy was earlier Gramdtica y Ensayo was published at Sucre in 1S57.

made for William von Humboldt from the British Museum Leclerc says it has become very rare. — Ed.]

copy, which is now in the library at Berlin. 8 Gramatica Quichua o del idioma del Imperio de los

The Arte de la lengua Yunga was reprinted in numbers Incas, por yose Dionisio Anchorena (Lima, 1874).

of the Revista de Lima in 1880, under the editorial super- 9 Elementos de Gramatica Quichua 6 idioma de los

vision of Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa. Yncas por el Dr. yose Ferna?idez Apodal. The book was

- Sermones de los misterios de nuestra Santa Fe cato- printed in England in 1874.

lieu, r>i lengua Castellana,y la general del Inca. Imfntg- 10 El Evangelio de yesu Christo segun San Lucas en

name los errores particulares que los Indios han tenido, Aymara y Espanol, traducido de la vidgata Latin al

por cl Doctor Don Fernando de Avendano, 1648. Rivero Aymara por Don Vicente Pazos-kanki, Doctor de la

and Von Tschudi give some extracts from these sermons in Universidad del Cuzco e Individuo de la Sociedad His-

the Antiguedades Peruanastp. 108. torica de Neuva York (Londres, 1829).

•'■ l\ ituale sen Manuale Peruanum juxta ordi/.'em u Apunchis Santa Yoancama Eliuai/gcliwi, Quichua

Sancta Romance Ecclesice, per R. P. F". Ludovicum cayri Ynca siminpi quillkcasca. El Santo Evangelio de

Hieronymum Orerum (Neapoli, 1607). Nuestro Senor yesit-Christo segun San yuan, traducido

4 Carter-Brown, ii. 7. del original a la lengua Quichua odd Ynca; por el Rev.

L Pritnera parte de la miscelanea austral de Don Diego y. H. Gybbon Spilsbury, Buenos Aires, 1880.
D"1 Avahn y Figueroa en varias coloquias, interlocutores

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU.

28l

jOI

and of the considerations by which he maintains them, there can be ne doubt that Dr. Lopez has rendered
most important service to all students of Peruvian history.i The theoretical identification of Quichuan roots
with those of Turanian and Iberian languages, as it has been elaborated by Mr. Ellis, is also not without its
use, quite apart from the truth or otherwise of any linguistic theory.2

Editorial labors connected with the publication of the text and of translations of the Inca drama of Ollantay
have recently conduced, in an eminent degree, to the scholarly study
of Ouichua, while they have sensibly contributed to a better knowl-
edge of the subject. Von Tschudi was the first to publish the text of
Ollantay, in the second part of his Kechua Sprache, having given
extracts from the drama in the chapter on the Ouichua language in
the Antigiiedades Pernanas. After a long interval he brought out
a revised text with a parallel German translation,3 from his former
manuscript, collated with another bearing the date of La Paz, 1735.

The drama, in the exact form that it existed when represented be-
fore the Incas, is of course lost to us. It was handed down by tradi-
tion until it was arranged for representation, divided into scenes, and
supplied with stage directions in Spanish times. Several manuscripts
were preserved, which differ only slightly from each other ; and they
were looked upon as very precious literary treasures by their owners.
The drama was first publicly brought to notice by Don Manuel Pala-
cios, in the Museo Erudito. a periodical published at Cuzco in 1837;
but it was not until 1853 that the text was printed by Von Tschudi.
His manuscript was copied from one preserved in the Dominican
monastery at Cuzco by one of the monks. The transcription was
made between 1840 and 1845 f°r tne artist Rugendas, of Munich, who
gave it to Von Tschudi. There was another old manuscript in the
possession of Dr. Antonio Valdez, the priest of Sicuani, who lived in
the last century, and was a friend of the unfortunate Tupac Amaru.
Dr. Valdez died in 18 16 ; and copies of his manuscript were possessed
by Dr. Pablo Justiniani, the aged priest of Laris, a village in the
heart of the eastern Andes, and by Dr. Rosas, the priest of Chinchero.
The present writer made a copy of the Justiniani manuscript at
Laris, which he collated with that of Dr. Rosas. In 1871 he published
the text of his copy, with an attempt at a literal English translation.4
In 1868 Dr. Barranca published a Spanish translation from the text
of Von Tschudi, now called the Dominican text.5 The Peruvian poet
Constantino Carrasco afterwards brought out a version of the drama
of Ollantay in verse, paraphrased from the translation of Barranca.6
The enthusiastic Peruvian student, Dr. Nodal, printed a different
Quichua text with a Spanish translation, in parallel columns, in 18747
There are other manuscripts, and a text has not yet been derived
from a scholarly collation of the whole of them. There is one in the
possession of Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa, which belonged to Dr. Justo
Sahuaraura Inca, Archdeacon of Cuzco, and descendant of Paullu, the younger son of Huayna Ccapac. In
1878 the Quichua scholar and native of Cuzco, Don Gavino Pacheco Zegarra, published the text of Ollantay at
Paris, from a manuscript found among the books of his great-uncle, Don Pedro Zegarra. He added a very
free translation in French, and numerous valuable notes. The work of Zegarra is by far the most important
that has appeared on this subject, for the accomplished Peruvian has the great advantage of knowing Quichua

FROM TIMANA>

1 Les Races Aryennes du Perou, leur langue, leur reli-
gion, leur histoire, par Vicente Fidel Lopez (Paris et Mon-
tevideo, 1871). [Lopez's book was subjected to an examina-
tion by Lucien Adam, in a paper, " Le Quichua, est il une
langue aryenne?" in the Luxembourg Compte-Rendu du
Congres des Americanistes, ii. 75. Cf. Macmillari 's Mag.,
xxvii. 424, by A. Lang. — Ed.]

2 Peruvia Scythica. The Quichua language of Peru :
its derivation from Central Asia, with the American
anguages in general, and ivith tlze Turanian and Iberian
languages of the Old World, including the Basque, the
ILycian, and the Pre-Aryan language of Etruria ; by
Robert Ellis, B. D. (Trubner & Co., London, 1875).

3 Ollanta : ein A Itperuanisches Drama aus der Kechua-
sprache, ubersetzt und commentirt von J. f. von Tschudi
(Wien, 1875).

4 Ollanta, an ancient Inca Drama, by Clements R.
Markham (London, 1871).

5 Ollanta o sea la severidad de un padre y la clemencia
de un rey drama traducido del Quichua al Castellano
por Jose S. Barranca (Lima, 1868).

c Ollanta por Constantino Carrasco (Lima, 1876).

7 Los vinculos de Ollanta y Cusi Kcoyllor, Drama en
Quichua. Jose Fernandez Nodel. Dr. Nodal commenced,
but never completed, an English translation.

* [After a cut in William Bollaert's Antiquarian Researches, etc., p. 41, showing a stone figure from Timana in New
Granada, an antiquity of the Muiscas, found in a dense forest, with no tradition attached. — Ed.]

282 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

from his earliest childhood. With this advantage, not possessed by any previous writer, he unites extensive
learning and considerable critical sagacity.*

The reasons for assigning an ancient date to this drama of Ollantay are conclusive in the judgment of all
chua scholars. On this point there is a consensus of opinion. But General Mitre, the ex-President of the
entine Republic, published an essay in 1881, to prove that Ollantay was of Spanish origin and was written
in comparatively modern times.'2 The present writer replied to his arguments in the introduction (p. xxix)
to the English translation of the second part of Cieza de Leon (1883), and this reply was translated into
♦Spanish and published at Buenos Ayres in the same year, by Don Adolfo F. Olivares, accompanied by a critical
note from the pen of Dr. Vicente Lopez.3 The latest publication on the subject of Ollantay consists of a
series of articles in the Ateneo de Lima, by Don E. Larrabure y Unanue, the accomplished author of a
history of the conquest of Peru, not yet published. The general conclusion which has been arrived at by
Ouichua scholars, after this thorough sifting of the question, is that, although the division into scenes and
the stage directions are due to some Spanish hand, and although some few Hispanicisms may have crept
into some of the texts, owing to the carelessness or ignorance of transcribers, yet that the drama of Ollantay, in
all essential points, is of Inca origin. Several old songs are imbedded in it, and others have been preserved
by Ouichua scholars at Cuzco and Ayacucho, and in the neighborhood of those cities. The editing of these
remains of Inca literature will, at some future time, throw further light on the history of the past. There are
several learned Peruvians who devote themselves to Incarial studies, besides Sefior Zegarra, who now resides
in Spain. Among them may be mentioned Dr. Villar of Cuzco, a ripe scholar, who has recently published
a closely reasoned essay on the word Uira-cocha, Don Luis Carranza, and Don Martin A. Mujica, a native of
Huancavelica.

HI. The New Granada Tribes. — The incipient civilization of the Chibchas or Muiscas of New Gra-
nada was first made generally known by Humboldt ( Vttes des Cordilleres, octavo ed., ii. 220-67 > Views of
Nature, Eng. trans., 425). Cf. also, E. Uricoechea's Memorias sobre las Antigiiedades neo-granadinas
(Berlin, 1854) ; Bollaert ; Rivero and Von Tschudi ; Nadaillac, 459; and Joseph Acosta's Compendio historico
del Descnbrimiento de la JVtieva Granada (Paris, 1S48; with transl. in Bollaert).

1 Collection Linguistique Americaim. Tome iv. 01- Bartolome Mitre, public ada en la Nueva Revista de Bue-
lana'z, drama en vers Quechuas rftt temps des Incas tra- nos Ayres (1881).

duit et commente, par Gavino Pacheco Zegarra (Paris, 3 Poesia Dramatica de los Incas, Ollantay, por Cle-

1878), pp. clxxiv and 265. mente R. Markham traducido del Ingles fior Adolfo

2 Ollantay. Estudio sobre el drama Quichua, por F. Olivares, y seguido de una carta critica del Dr. Don

Vicente Fidel Lopez (Buenos Ayres, 1883).

CHAPTER V.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA IN CONTACT
WITH THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH.

BY GEORGE E. ELLIS, D. D., LL. D.

President of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

THE relations into which the first Europeans entered with the abo-
rigines in North America were very largely influenced, if not wholly
decided, by the relations which they found to exist among the tribes on
their arrival here. Those relations were fiercely hostile. The new-comers
in every instance and in every crisis found their opportunity and their
immunity in the feuds existing among tribes already in conflict with each
other. This state of things, while it gave the whites enemies, also fur-
nished them with allies. So far as the whites could learn in their earliest
inquiries, internecine strife had been waging here among the natives from
an indefinite past.

Starting, then, from this hostile relation between the native tribes of
the northerly parts of the continent, we may trace the development of our
subject through five periods : —

1. The first period, a very brief one, is marked by the presence of a
single European nationality here, the French, for whom, under stringency
of circumstance that he might be in friendly alliance with one tribe, Cham-
plain was compelled to espouse its existing feud with other tribes.

2. The next period opens with the appearance and sharp rivalry here
of a second European nationality, the English, the hereditary foe of the
French, transferring hither their inherited animosities, amid which the
Indians were ground as between two mill-stones.

3. Upon the extinction of French dominion on the continent by the
English, the former red allies of the French, with secret prompting and
help from the dispossessed party, were stirred with fresh animosities against
the victors.

4. Yet again the open hostilities of contending Indian tribes were largely
turned to account, to their own harm, in their respective alliances with the
English colonies or with the mother-country in the War of Independence.

5. The closing period is that which is still in progress as covering the
relations with them of the United States government. The old hostilities
between those tribes have been steadily of less account in affecting their

284 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

later fortunes ; and our government has not found it essential or expedient
to aggravate its own severity against its Indian subjects, or " wards," by
availing itself of the feuds between them.

The same antagonisms which had kept the Indian tribes in hostility with
each other prevented their effective alliance among themselves against the
whites, and also embarrassed the English and French rivals, who sought to
engage them on their respective sides. Many attempts were made by
master chiefs among the savages, from the first intrusion of the Europeans,
to organize combinations, or what we call " conspiracies," of formerly con-
tending tribes against the common foe. The first of them, formidable
though limited in its consequences, was made in Virginia in 1622. Only
two of these schemes proved otherwise than wholly abortive. That of
King Philip in New England, in 1675, was effective enough to show what
havoc such a combination might work. That of Pontiac, in 1763, was vastly
more formidable, and was thwarted only by a resistance which engaged at
several widely severed points all the warlike resources of the English.
But the inherent difficulties, both of combining the Indian tribes among
themselves, and of engaging some of them in alliance on either side with
the French and the English contestants, were vastly increased by the seeds
of sharp dissension sown among them through the rivalries in trade and
temptations offered in the fluctuating prices of peltries. Even the long-
standing league of the Five Nations was ruptured by the resolute English
agent Johnson. He succeeded so far as to secure a promise of neutrality
from some of them, and a promise of friendly help from one of them.
There were some in each of the tribes falling not one whit behind the
sharpest of the whites in skilled sagacity and calculation, who were swift
to mark and to interpret the changes in the balance of fortune, as one or
the other of the parties of their common enemies made a successful stroke
for ascendency.

The facilities for alliance with one or another native tribe against its
enemies made for the Europeans a vast difference in the results of their
warfare with the aborigines. One might venture positively to assert that
the occupancy of this continent by Europeans would have been indefinitely
deferred and delayed had all its native tribes, in amity with each other, or
willing for the occasion to arrest their feuds, made a bold and united front
to resist the first intrusion upon their common domains. Certainly the
full truth of this assertion might be illustrated as applicable to many
incidents and crises in the first feeble and struggling fortunes of our
original colonists in various exposed and inhospitable places. In many
cases absolute starvation was averted only by the generous hospitality of
the Indians. Taking into view the circumstances under which, from the
first, tentative efforts were made for a permanent occupancy by the whites
on our whole coast from Nova Scotia to Florida, and along the lakes and
great western valleys, we must admit that their fortunes had more of peril
than of promise. While, of course, we must refer their success. and security

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 285

in large measure to the forbearance, tolerance, and real kindliness of the
natives, yet it was well proved that as soon as the jealousy of these natives
was stirred at any threatened encroachment, only their own feuds disabled
them from any united opposition, and gave to one or another tribe the alter-
native of fighting the white intruders or of an alliance with them against
their neighbor enemies. The whole series of the successive encroachments
of Europeans on this continent is a continuous illustration of the success-
ful turning to their own account of the strife of Indians against Indians.
And when two rival European nationalities opened their two centuries of
warfare for dominion on this continent, each party at once availed itself of
red allies ready to renew or prolong their own previous hostilities.

The French Huguenots in Florida and the Spaniards who massacred
them had each of them allies among the tribes which were in mutual hos-
tility. Champlain was grievously perplexed by the pressure, to which none
the less he yielded, that if he would be in amity with the Hurons he must
espouse their deadly enmity with the Iroquois. Even the poor remnants of
the tribe with which the Pilgrims of Plymouth made their treaty of peace,
which lasted for fifty years, were the vanquished and tributary representa-
tives of a broken people. A sharp war and a more deadly plague had made
that colony a possibility.

And so it comes to pass that, if we attempt to define at any period dur-
ing the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the conflicts between the sav-
ages and Europeans on this continent, we have to look for the explanation
of any special change in the relations of the Indian tribes to the varying
interests and collisions of the different foreign nationalities in rivalry
here. The hostilities between the French and the English were chronic
and continuous. Frenchman's Bay, at Mt. Desert, preserves the memorial
of the first collision, when Argall, from Virginia, broke up the attempted
settlement of Saussaye.1 As to the later developments of the antagonism,
resulting in the extinction of French possession here, we are to refer them
in about equal measure to two main causes, — the jealousy of the home
governments, and the keen rivalry of the respective colonists for the lucra-
tive spoils of the fur trade. The profit of traffic may be regarded as
furnishing the prompting for strife on this side of the water, while the
passion for territorial conquest engaged the intrigues and the armies of
foreign courts in the stakes of wilderness warfare.

In tracing the course of such warfare we must take into our view two very
effective agencies, which introduced important modifications in the methods
and results of that warfare. In its progress these two agencies became
more and more chargeable with very serious consequences. The first of
these is the change induced in the warfare of the Indians by their possession
of, leading steadily to a dependence upon, the white man's firearms and
supplies. The second is the usage, which the Indians soon learned to be
profitable, of reserving their white prisoners for ransom, instead of subject-
ing them to death or torture.

1 See Vol. IV. p. 141.

286 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

When we read of some of the earliest so-called " deeds " by which the
English colonists obtained from the sachems wide spaces of territory on
the consideration of a few tools, hatchets, kettles, or yards of cloth, we
naturally regard the transaction as simply illustrating the white man's
rapacity and cunning in tricking the simplicity of the savage. But we may
be sure that in many such cases the Indian secured what was to him a full
equivalent for that with which he parted. For, as the whites soon learned
by experience, the savages supposed that in such transactions they were
not alienating the absolute ownership of their lands, but only covenanting
for the right of joint occupancy with the English. And then the coveted
tools or implements obtained by them represented a value and a use not
measurable by any reach of wild territory. A metal kettle, a spear, a
knife, a hatchet, transformed the whole life of a savage. A blanket was to
him a whole wardrobe. When he came to be the possessor of firearms and
ammunition, having before regarded himself the equal of the white man,
he at once became his superior. We shall see how the rivalry between the
French and the English for traffic with the Indians, the enterprise of traders
in pushing into the wilderness with packhorses, the establishment of truck-
ing houses, the facility with which the natives could obtain coveted goods
from either party, and the occasional failure of supplies in the contingen-
cies of warfare, were on many occasions the turning-points in the fights in
the wilderness, and in the shifting of savage partisanship from pne side to
the other, as the fickle allies found their own interests at stake.

• It was in 1609, when Champlain invaded the Iroquois country, on the
lake that bears his name, that the astounded savages first saw the flash and
marked the deadly effect of his arquebuse. But the shock soon spent itself.
The weapon was found to be a terrestrial one, made and put to service by
a man. The Dutch on the Hudson very soon supplied the Mohawks with
this effective instrument for prosecuting the fur trade. The French began
the general traffic with the Indians near the St. Lawrence, in metal vessels,
knives, hatchets, awls, cotton and woollen goods, blankets, and that most
coveted of all the white man's stores, the maddening " fire-water." But
farther north and west for full two hundred years, from 1670 quite down to
our own time, annual cargoes of these commodities were imported through
Hudson Bay by the chartered company, and had been distributed by its
agents among those who paid for them in peltries, in such abundance that
the savages became really dependent upon them, and gradually conformed
their habits to the use of them. Of course, in their raids upon English out-
posts, the spoils of war in the shape of such supplies added rapacity to their
ferocity. It was with a proud flourish that Indian warriors, enriched by
the plunder on the field of Bracldock's disastrous defeat, strutted before the
walls of Fort Duquesne, arrayed in the laced hats, sashes, uniform, and
gorgets of British officers.

When Celoron was sent, in 1749, by the governor of Canada, to take pos-
session of interior posts along the Alleghanies, he found at each of the

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 287

Indian villages, as at Logstown, a chief centre, from a single to a dozen
English traders, well supplied with goods for a brisk peltry traffic. He
required the chiefs, on the threat of the loss of his favor, to expel them and
to forbid their return. But the Indians insisted that they needed the goods.
Some of these traders were worthless reprobates, mostly Scotch-Irish, from
the frontiers of Pennsylvania. When Christopher Gist was sent, the next
year, by the Ohio Land Company, to follow Celoron and to thwart his
schemes, he complained strongly of these demoralized and demoralizing
traders. In the evidence given before the British House of Commons on
the several occasions when the monopoly and the mode of business of the
Hudson Bay Company were under question, the extent to which the natives
had come to depend upon European supplies was very strongly brought
into notice. It was urged that some of the tribes had actually, by disuse,
lost their skill in their old weapons. It was even affirmed that in some of
the tribes multitudes had died by freezing and starvation, because their
recent supplies had failed them. This dependence of the natives upon the
resources of civilization, observable from the opening of their intercourse
with the whites, has been steadily strengthening for two hundred years, till
now it has become an absolute and heavy exaction upon our national
treasury.

The custom which soon came in, to soften the atrocities of Indian warfare
by the holding of white prisoners for ransom, was grafted upon an earlier
usage among the natives of adopting prisoners or captives. There was a
formal ceremonial in such cases, and after its performance those who would
otherwise have been victims were treated with all kindness. The return
of a war-party to its own village was attended with widely different mani-
festations according to the fortune which had befallen it. If it consisted
only of a baffled and flying remnant that had failed in its hazardous enter-
prise, its coming was announced, and received by the old men, women, and
youths in the village with howls and lamentations. If, however, it had been
successful, as proved by rich plunder, reeking scalp-locks, and prisoners,
some runners were sent in advance to announce its approach. Then
began a series of orgies, in which the old squaws were the most demonstra-
tive and hideous. While the scalp-locks were displayed and counted, the
well-guarded prisoners were exultingly escorted by their captors, the squaws
gathering around them with taunts and petty tormentings. The woful
fate which was waiting these prisoners was foreshadowed in prolonged
rehearsals for its final horrors. One by one they were forced to run the
gauntlet from goal to goal, between lines of yelping fiends, under blows
and missiles, stones, sticks, and tomahawks, while efforts were made to trip
them in their course, that they might be pounded in their helplessness when
maddened with pain. Any exhibition of weakness or dread did but in-
tensify the malignant frenzy of their tormentors. Those who lived through
this ordeal, which was intended to be but a preliminary in the barbaric

2SS NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

entertainment, and to stop short of the actual extinction of life, were
afterwards, by deliberate preparations made in full view of the prisoners,
subjected to all the ingenuities of rage and cruelty which untamed savage
fiendishness could devise. The hero who bore the trial without flinching,
singing his song of defiance, and in his turn mocking his tormentors
because they failed to break his spirit, was most likely to find mercy in a
finishing stroke dealt by a magnanimous foe.

Anything like an alleviation of these dread revenges of savage warfare
being unallowable, there was open one way of complete relief in the usage
of adoption, just referred to. This, however, was never available to the
prisoner from his own first motion or prompting. He was wholly passive
in the matter. It came solely from the inclination of any one in the village,
a warrior or a squaw who, having recently lost a relative, or one whose ser-
vice was necessary, might select a prisoner from the group as desirable to
supply a place that was vacant. There would seem to have been a large
liberty allowed in the exercise of this privilege, especially for those who
were mourning for a relative lost in the encounter in which the prisoner
was taken. Sometimes the merest caprice might prompt the selection.
Scarcely, except in the rare case of some proud captive who would haughtily
scorn to avail himself of a seeming affinity with the tribe of a hated or
abject enemy, would the offered privilege of adoption be refused. For, in
any case, an ultimate escape from an enforced durance might be looked
to. Of course those who were thus adopted were mostly the young and
vigorous. The little children were not especially favored in the process, —
except, as soon to be noted, the children of the whites. The ceremonial
for adoption was traditional. Beginning generally with somewhat rough
and intimidating treatment, the captive was for a while left in suspense as
to his fate. When at length the intent of the arbiter of his life was made
known to him, the method pursued has been very frequently described to
us in detail by the whites who were the subjects of it.1 The candidate was
plunged and thoroughly soused in a stream to rinse out his white blood ;
the hair of his head, saving the scalp-lock, was plucked out ; and after some
mouthings and incantations, completing the initiation, all winning blandish-
ments, arts, and appliances were engaged to secure the confidence of the
adopted captive, and to draw from him some responsive sign" of affection.
He was arrayed in the choicer articles of forest finery, and nestled in the
family lodge. The father, the squaw, or the patron, in whatever relation, to
whom he henceforward belonged, spared no effort to engage and comfort
him. Watchful eyes, of course, jealously guarded any restless motions

1 A most graphic and picturesque account of by which he was adopted as one of the Caugh-

the ceremonies attending the process of adop- newagos. He shaved the life and rovings of the

tion is given in the Narrative of the Captivity of tribe till 1760, when he got back to his homo ;

fames Smith. He was taken prisoner, in accompanied Bouquet as a guide; was colonel

May, [755, by two Delaware Indians, and carried of a regiment in our Revolutionary War, and

to Fort Duquesne. Eie describes the methods afterwards a member of the Kentucky legis«

of the men and the women in an Indian town lature. Here certainly was a varied career.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA.

289

looking towards an escape. The final aim was to secure a fully nationalized
and acclimated new member of a tribe, ready to share all its fortunes in
peace and war.

Naturally there were differences in this whole process and its results, as
they concerned these attempted affiliations between the members of Indian
tribes and in the adoption of white captives.1

In their early conflicts with the whites, the Indians generally practised an
indiscriminate slaughter. There were a few exceptions to the rule in King
Philip's war.2 In the raids of the French, with their Indian allies, upon the
English settlements, prisoners taken on either side came gradually to have
the same status as in civilized warfare, and to be held for exchange. This,
however, would proceed upon the supposition that both parties had prison-
ers. But before there was anything like equality in this matter, the cap-
tives were for the most part such as had been seized from among the whites
in inroads upon their settlements, not in the open field of warfare. A mid-
night assault upon some frontier cabins, or upon the lodge of some lonely
settler, left the savages to choose between a complete massacre or upon
a selection of some of their victims for leading away with them to their
own haunts, if not too cumbersome or dangerous for the wilderness journey.
It soon came to be understood among the raiding parties of Indians in
alliance with the French in Canada that white captives had a ransom value.
Contributions were often gathered up in neighborhoods that had been

" For the Indian Sagamores, and people that
are in warre against us.

" Inteligence is Come to us that you haue some
English (especially weomen and children) in
Captivity among you. Wee haue therefore sent
this messenger, offering to redeeme them either
for payment in goods or wompom ; or by ex-
change of prisoners. Wee desire your answer
by this our messinger, what price you demand
for euery man woman and child, or if you will
exchainge for Indians : if you haue any among
you that can write your Answer to this our mes-
suage, we desire it in writting, and to that end
haue sent paper, pen and Incke by the mes-
senger. If you lett our messenger haue free
accesse to you and freedome of a safe returne :
Wee are willing to doe the like by any messenger
of yours. Prouided he come vnarmed and Carry
a white flagg Vpon a Staffe vissible to be seene :
which we calle a flagg of truce : and is used by
Civil nations in time of warre when any messin-
gers are sent in a way of treaty : which wee haue
done by our messenger.

" Boston 31th of March 1676

past by the Council E. R. S. &
was signed

"In testimony whereof I haue set to my hand
& Seal. F. L. Gov."

(From N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Jan'y,
1885, pp. 79, 80.)

1 Governor Colden says that when he first
went among the Mohawks he was adopted by
them. The name given to him was " Cayender-
ogue," which was borne by an old sachem, a
notable warrior. He writes : " I thought no
more of it at that time than as an artifice to draw
a belly-full of strong liquor from me for himself
and his companions. But when, about ten or
twelve years after, my business led me among
them," he was recognized by the name, and it
served him in good stead. {Hist, of Five Nats.x
3d ed., i. p. 11.) The savages always took the
liberty of assigning names of their own, either
general or individual, to the Europeans with
whom they had intercourse. The governor of
Canada, for the time being, was called " Onon-
tio " ; of New York, "Corlear"; of Virginia,
" Assarigoa " ; of Pennsylvania, " Onas," etc.
At a council of the Six Nations with the gov-
ernors of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland,
held at Lancaster in June, 1744, it came under
notice that the governor of Maryland had as
yet no appellation assigned him by the natives.
Much formality was used in providing one for
him. It was tried by lot as to which of the
tribes should have the honor of naming him.
The lot fell to the Cayugas, one of whose chiefs,
after solemn deliberation, assigned the name
" Tocarryhogan." (Colden, ii. p. 89.)

2 From Archives of Massachusetts, vol. Ixviii.
P- 193 : —

VOL. 1. — 19

290 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

raided, and in the meeting-houses of New England on Sundays, for redeem*
ing such captives as were known to be in Canada. And, curiously enough,
Judge Sewall in his journal records appeals for charity in the same form for
the redemption of captives in the hands of our own savages, and for the
ransom of our seamen and traders who were kept in durance by Afri-
can corsairs.

In the raids of desolation on either side of the Alleghanies and along
the sources of the Susquehannah and the Ohio, from the outbreak of the
French and Indian war, down to and even after the crushing of Pontiac's
conspiracy, while more than a thousand cabins of the borderers were burned
and their inmates mostly slaughtered, several hundred captives were borne
off by the Indians and distributed among their villages. The ultimate fate
of these captives always hung in dread uncertainty. If a panic arose
among the lodges in apprehension of an onset from a war-party of the
whites, the captives might be massacred. But the force of circumstances
and the urgency of interested motives steadily made it an object for their
captors to retain their prisoners unharmed, and even to make captivity tol-
erable to them. The alternative of death or life to them generally depended
upon whether they might escape or be released by an avenging party with-
out compensation, or could be held for redemption through a ransom. The
knowledge that the Indians retained such captives of course became a very
effective motive in inducing their relatives in the settlements to gather par-
ties of neighbors for following the victims into the forest depths. Temporary
truces also, when made by victorious parties of the whites, were conditioned
upon the surrender of all their surviving countrymen who were supposed to
be in duress. The savages practised all their artifices and subterfuges in
concealing some of their prisoners, alleging that they had been carried deeper
into the country by new masters, or by positively denying all knowledge of
their whereabouts. But the persistency and threats of those who had
learned how to deal with these red diplomates, with a few resolute strokes
generally brought about their surrender. When Bouquet had secured pos-
session of Fort Duquesne with his army of 1,500 men, he stoutly followed
up his success beyond the Ohio to the Indian settlements near the Muskin-
gum, and with his sturdy pluck and strong force he overawed the represen-
tatives of the neighboring tribes which he had summoned to meet him.
He insisted, as the first condition of a truce, upon the delivery of all the
white prisoners secluded among them, not only without the payment of any
ransom, but upon their being brought in with a protecting escort and with
means of sustenance. Of course there was always ignorance or doubt as
to the number of captives in any particular place, and as to the hands into
which any individual known or supposed to be in durance might have fallen.
The word of an Indian on these points was worthless unless backed by
other testimony. A stimulating of the tongue into unguarded speech by a
dram of rum might in some cases serve the purpose of the rack or the
thumb-screw in more civilized cross-examinations. An uncertainty of

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 291

course always hung over the survival or the whereabouts of individuals or
members of a family whose bodies had not been found on the scene of an
Indian frontier raid. Bouquet was accompanied by friends and relatives of
supposed survivors held in captivity as the spoils of some massacre, and
these might be depended upon to circumvent the falsehoods and cunning of
the captors, and to insist upon their giving up their prizes. The persistency
and the plain evidence of resolved purpose manifested by Bouquet finally
compelled from the representatives of the tribes in council a pledge to sur-
render all the prisoners in their hands, and messengers were sent out to
gather and bring them in, though with some plausible excuses for delay,
and the grudging return of only a part of them. But those who were
given up became the best witnesses as to the deception practised by the
cunning culprits in holding back others. Only after repeated exposures of
falsehood by those so grudgingly surrendered, asserting of their own knowl-
edge that there were others held in durance, whom they might even
know by name, was there brought about a full deliverance, saving that,
whether truly or falsely, in the case of a few individuals demanded the ex-
cuse was alleged that they belonged to some chief or tribe absent at a dis-
tance on a hunt, and so not to be reached by a summons. Bouquet was
also absolute in his demand for all such white captives, young or old, as
were alleged to have been adopted or married among the tribes. His firmly
insisting upon this, and the compliance with it in many cases, led to some
scenic manifestations in the wilderness, of a highly dramatic character, full
of the matter of romance in their revelations of the working of human
nature under novel and strange conditions. Such manifestations often
attended similar scenes in the ransom or forced surrender of whites who
had been in captivity among the Indians. But in this special instance of
Bouquet's resolute course with the Ohio tribes, numbers, variety, pictur
esqueness in those manifestations, gave to the bringing in and the recep-
tion of captives features and incidents which strongly engage alike the
sympathies and antipathies of human nature. Some of those brought into
Bouquet's camp, who had once at least been whites, came with full as much
reluctance on their part as that which was felt by those who gave them up.
Indeed, several of them could be secured only by being bound and guarded.
Approximation in all degrees to the manners and habits of Indian life
and to all the qualities of Indian nature had been realized by Europeans
from the first contact of the races on this continent. Of course the in-
stances were numerous and very decisive in which this approximation was
completed, and resulted in a substitution' of all the ways and habits of sav-
agery for those of civilization. Many of those who were forced back into
Bouquet's camp clung to their Indian friends, and repelled all the manifes-
tations of joy and affection of their own nearest kin by blood. They posi-
tively refused to return to the settlements. They had been won by prefer-
ence to the fascinations and license of a life in the wilderness. This
preference was by no means inexplicable, even for some full-grown men and

292 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

women who had been reared in the white settlements. Life in scattered
cabins on the frontiers had more points of resemblance than of difference
in hard conditions and privations, when compared with savage life in the
woods. Such society as these scattered cabins afforded was rude and
rough, all experiences were precarious, daily drudgery was severe, the soli-
tary homes were gloomy, and only exceptional cases of early domestic and
mental training alleviated the stern exigencies of the condition of the first
generation of the settlers. For women and children especially, the out-
look and the routine of life were dismal enough. As for the men, the more
they conformed themselves in many respects to the actual habits and re-
sources of the Indians in the training of their instincts, in their garb,
their food, their adaptation of themselves to the ways and resources
of nature, the easier was their lot. Many women, likewise made captives
by the savages, in some cases of mature age, and having looked forward to
the usual lot of marriage, found an Indian to be preferable, or at all events
tolerable, as a husband. Children who preserved but a faint remembrance
of home and parents very readily adopted savage tastes, and testified by
their shrieks and struggles their unwillingness to part from their red friends.
Specimens from each of these classes were the most marked and demon-
strative among the groups brought in to Bouquet from Indian lodges, being
in number more than two hundred. Doubtless, however, the majority of
them had had enough of the experiences of savage life to make a return to
the settlements a welcome release. Such persons thenceforward consti-
tuted a useful class as interpreters, mediators, and messengers between the
contending parties. Their knowledge of Indian character, superstitions,
limitations, weak and strong points, impulsive excitability, stratagems, and
adaptability to circumstance proved on many emergent occasions of good
account. Such of these returned captives as had had the rudiments of an
education, and were trustworthy as narrators, have made valuable contribu-
tions to local history.

Among many such intelligent and trustworthy reporters was Col. James
Smith, captured on the borders of Pennsylvania in 1755, when eighteen
years of age, and kept in captivity five years. Another was John McCul-
lough, taken at about the same time and from the near neighborhood, when
eight years old. He was retained eight years, and, being a quick-witted and
observing youth, he kept his eyes and ears open to all that he could learn.
From such sources we derive the most authentic information we possess of
that transition period in the condition and fortunes of many of our aborigi-
nal tribes when the intrusion of Europeans upon them with their tempting
goods and their rival schemes, which equally tended to dispossess them of
their heritage, introduced among them so many novel complications. Some
of the narratives of the whites, who, under the conditions just referred to,
lived for years and were assimilated with the Indians, present us occasion-
ally by no means unattractive pictures of the ordinary tenor of life among
them. In the brief intervals of peace, and in some favored recesses where

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 293

game abounded and the changing seasons brought round festivals, plays,
and scenes of jollity, there were even fascinations to delight one of simple
tastes, who could enjoy the aspects of nature, share the easy tramp over
mossy trails, content himself with the viands of the wilderness, employ
the long hours of laziness in easy handiwork, delight in basking beneath
the soft hazes of the Indian summer, or listening to the traditional lore of
the winter wigwam. The forests very soon began to be the shelter and the
roving haunts of a crew of renegades and outlaws from the settlements,
who assimilated at all points with the savages, and often used what re-
mained to them of the knowledge and arts of civilization for ingenious
purposes of mischief. It has always proved a vastly more easy and rapid
process for white men to fall back into barbarism than for an Indian to con-
form himself to civilization. Wild life brought out all reversionary tenden-
cies, and revived primitive qualities and instincts. It gave those who shared
it a full opportunity to become oblivious of all fastidious tastes and of all
the squeamishness of over-delicacy. The promiscuous contents of the
camp-kettle, with its deposits and incrustations from previous banquets,
were partaken of with a zestful appetite. The circumstances of warfare in
the woods quickened all the faculties of watchfulness, made even the natu-
ral coward brave, imparted endurance, and multiplied all the ingenuities of
resource and stratagem. There is something that surpasses the merely
marvellous in the feats of sturdy and persevering scouts, escaped captives,
remnants of a butchery, messengers sent to carry intelligence in supreme
peril, and lonely wayfarers treading the haunted forests, or creeping stealth-
ily through ambushed defiles, penetrating marshes, using the sky and their
woodcraft for guidance, fording or swimming choked or icy streams, climb-
ing high tree-tops for a wider survey from the closed woods and thickets,
subsisting on roots and berries and moss, and yielding to the exhaustion
of nature only when all perils were passed and the refuge was reached.
Alike on the march of armies and in the siege of some little forest strong-
hold surrounded by yelping savages, it was necessary from time to time to
send out a single plucky hero to carry or to obtain intelligence. When
such a messenger was not designated by the commander, and the extremity
of the emergency left the dismal honor to a volunteer, such was never found
to be lacking. It confounds all calculations of the law of chances to learn
how, even in the majority of such dire enterprises as are on record, for-
tune favored the brave. Narratives there are which for ages to come will
gather all the exciting elements of tragedy and romance, and occasionally
even of comedy, as, set down in the language of the woods, without the
constraints of art or grammar, they make us for the moment companions of
some imperilled man or woman who borrowed of the bear, the deer, the
fox, or the beaver, their several instincts and stratagems for outwitting
pursuit and clinging to dear life. Rare, it may be, but still well authenti-
cated, are cases of victims with a strong tenacity of vitality, who, left as
dead, mutilated and scalped, reasserted themselves when the foe had gone,

294 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

found their way back to their homes, and, after such reconstruction as the
art of the time would allow, enjoyed a long life afterwards.

The conditions attending the entrance of European war-parties, with
their necessary supplies, into the depths of the wilderness were of the most
severe and exacting character. They involved equally the outlay of toil
and an exposure to perils requiring the most watchful vigilance. Well-
worn trails made by the natives, and always sufficiently travelled to keep
them open, had long been in use for such purposes as were needed in prim-
itive conditions. These were very narrow, necessitating that progress
should be made through them singly, in " Indian file." At portages or car-
rying-places, burdens were borne on the back from one watercourse to
another, round a rapid or across an elevation. Some of these trails are
even now traceable in the oldest settled portions of the country, where the
woods have never been wholly cleared. Part of that which was availed of
by the whites two hundred and fifty years ago between Plymouth and Bos-
ton, and others in untilled portions of the Old Colony, are clearly discern-
ible. The thickets and undergrowths came close to the borders of these
trails, and the overhanging branches of the trees were found a grievous
annoyance when the earliest traders with pack-horses traversed them. In
a large part of our present national domain and in Canada, it may safely
be said that nineteen twentieths of all movement from place to place was
made by the savages by the watercourses of lake and stream, and the same
was done by the Europeans till they brought into use horses first, and then
carts. These were first put to service by the traders from the English set-
tlements on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The pack-horses,
heavily laden, trained to their rough service for rocky and marshy grounds,
as well as for the thick and stifling depths of the forest, and able to sub-
sist on very poor forage, carried goods most prized by the natives, and gen-
erally in inverse ratio to their real worth. They returned to the settle-
ments from the Indian villages with a burden of precious furs, the traffickers
mutually finding their account in their respective shares in barter and profit.
These traders with their pack-horses were for a long time the pioneers of
the actual settlers. The methods and results of their traffic, trifling as they
may seem to be, had the two leading consequences of critical importance :
first, they made the Indians acquainted with and dependent upon the white
man's goods, and then they provoked and embittered the rival competi-
tion between the French and the English for the considerable profits.

What we now call a military road was first undertaken on a serious scale
in the advance of the disastrous expedition of General Braddock, in 1755,
over the Alle<rhanies to the forks of the Ohio. The incumbrances with
which he burdened himself might wisely have been greatly reduced in kind
and in amount. But the exigencies of the service in which he was engaged
were but poorly apprehended by him. As in the case of the even more
disastrous campaign of General Burgoyne, twenty-two years later, (1777)
though his route was mainly by water, the camp was lavishly supplied with

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 295

appliances of luxury and sensuality. Braddock's" way for his cattle, carts,
and artillery was slowly and poorly prepared by pioneers in advance, level-
ling trees, stiffening marshy places, removing rocks and bushes, and then
leaving huge stumps in the devious track to rack the wagons and torment
the draught animals. It is not without surprise that we read of the presence
of domestic cattle far off in the extreme outposts of single persevering set-
tlers. But when, on the first extensive military expeditions for building a
fort on the shore of a lake, at river forks, or to command a portage, we find
mention of cannon and heavy ammunition, we marvel at the perseverance
involved in their transportation. The casks of liquor, of French brandy
and of New England rum, which generally, without stint, formed a part
of the stores of each military enterprise, furnished in themselves a mo-
tive spirit which facilitated their transport. Flour and bread could, with
many risks from stream and weather, be carried in sacks. But pork and
beef in pickle, the mainstay in garrisons which could not venture out to
hunt or fish, required to be packed in wood. After all the persevering toil
engaged in this transportation, the dire necessities of warfare under these
stern conditions often compelled the destruction of the stores, every article
of which had tasked the strained muscles and sinews of the hard-worked
campaigners. When it was found necessary to evacuate a forest post, the
stockade was set on fire, the magazine was exploded, the cannon spiked,
the powder thrown into the water, and everything that could not be carried
off in a hasty retreat was, if possible, rendered useless as booty. As the
French and English military movements steadily extended over a wider
territory and at more numerous points, with increased forces, the waste and
havoc caused by disasters on either side involved an enormous destruction of
the materials of war. Vessels constructed with incredible labor on the lakes,
anvils, cordage, iron, and artillery having been gathered for their building
and arming by perilous ocean voyages and by transit through inner waters
and portages, and thousands of bateaux for Lakes Champlain and George,
now lie sunken in the depths, most of them destroyed by those in whose
service they were to be employed. The " Griffin," the first vessel on Lake
Erie, built by La Salle in 1679, disappeared on her second voyage, and lies
beneath the waters still. After Braddock's defeat, when the fugitive rem-
nant of his army had reached Dunbar's camp, a hundred and fifty wagons
were burned, and fifty thousand pounds of powder were emptied into a
creek, after the incredible toil by which they had been drawn over the
mountains and morasses.

There were many occasions and many reasons which prompted the
Europeans to weigh the gain or loss which resulted to them from the em-
ployment of Indian allies, who were always an incalculable element in any
enterprise. They could never be depended upon for constancy or persist-
ency. A bold stroke, followed, if successful, with butchery, and a rush to
the covert of the woods if a failure, was the sum of their strategy. They
had a quick eye in watching the turning fortunes and the probable issue of

296 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

a venture, and they acted accordingly. They were wholly disinclined for
any protracted siege operations. In the weary months of the investment
of Detroit, the only enterprise of the sort engaged in by large bodies of
savages acting in concert, we find a single exceptional case of their uniform
impatience of such prolonged strategy. And even in that case there were
intervals when the imperilled and starving garrison had breathing-spells for
recuperation. Charges and counter-charges, pleas and criminations of every
kind, plausible, false, or sincere, are found in the journals and reports of
English and French officers, prompted by accusations and vindications of
cither party, called out by the atrocities and butcheries wrought by their
savage allies in many of the conflicts of the French and Indian war. In
vain did the commanders of the white forces on either side promise that
their red allies should be restrained from plunder and barbarity against the
defeated party. It was an attempt to bridle a storm. From the written
opinions expressed by various civil and military officials during all our In-
dian wars one might gather a list of judgments, always emphatically worded,
as to the qualities of the red men as allies. Governor Dinwiddie, writing
in May 28, 1756, to General Abercrombie, on his arrival here to hold the
chief command till the coming of Lord Loudon, expresses himself thus :
" I think we have secured the Six Nations to the Northward to our Interest
who, I suppose, will join your Forces. They are a very awkward, dirty sett
of People, yet absolutely necessary to attack the Enemy's Indians in their
way of fighting and scowering the Woods before an Army. I am per-
swaded they will appear a despicable sett of People to his Lordship and
you, but they will expect to be taken particular Notice of, and now and
then some few Presents. I fear General Braddock despised them too
much, which probably was of Disservice to him, and I really think without
some of them any engagement in the Woods would prove fatal, and if
strongly attached to our Interest they are able in their way to do more than
three Times their Number. They are naturally inclined to Drink. It will
be a prudent Stepp to restrain them with Moderation, and by some of your
Subalterns to shew them Respect."1 Baron Dieskau, in 1755, had abun-
dant reason for expressing himself about his savage auxiliaries in this fash-
ion : " They drive us crazy from morning to night. One needs the patience
of an angel to get on with these devils, and yet one must always force
himself to seem pleased with them." 2

It would seem as if the native tribes, when Europeans first secured a
lodgment, were beguiled by a fancy which in most cases was very rudely
dispelled. This fancy was that the new-comers might abide here with-
out displacing them. The natives in giving deeds of lands, as has been
said, had apparently no idea that they had made an absolute surrender of
territory. They seem to have imagined that something like a joint occu-

1 Dinwiddie Papers, ii. p. 426.

2 Quoted in Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe, i. p. 297.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 297

pancy was possible, each of the parties being at liberty to follow his own
ways and interests without molesting the other. So the Indians did not
move off to a distance, but frequented their old haunts, hoping to derive
advantage from the neighborhood of the white man. King Philip in 1675
discerned and acutely defined the utter impracticability of any such joint
occupancy. He indicated the root of the impending ruin to his own race,
and he found a justification of the conspiracy which he instigated in point-
ing to the white man's clearings and fences, and to the impossibility of
joining planting with hunting, and domestic cattle with wild game.

The history of the Hudson Bay Company and that of the enterprises con-
ducted by the French for more than a century, when set in contrast with
the steady development of colonization by English settlers and by the people
of the United States succeeding to them, brings out in full force the
different relations into which the aborigines have always been brought by
the presence of Europeans among them, either as traders or possessors of
territory. The Hudson Bay Company for exactly two centuries, from 1670
to 1870, held a charter for the monopoly of trade with the Indians here over
an immense extent of territory, and in the later portion of that period held
an especial grant for exclusive trade over an even more extended region,
further north and west. The company made only such a very limited occu-
pancy of the country, at small and widely distant posts, as was necessary
for its trucking purposes and the exchange of European goods for pel-
tries. During that whole period, allowing for rare casualties, not a single
act of hostility occurred between the traders and the natives. A large
number of different tribes, often at bitter feud with each other, were all
kept in amity with the official residents of the company, and each party
probably found as much satisfaction in the two sides of a bargain as is
usual in such transactions. Deposits of goods were securely gathered in
some post far off in the depths of the wilderness, under the care of two or
three young apprentices of the company, and here bands of Indians at the
proper season came for barter. Previous to the operations of this com-
pany, beginning as early as 1620, large numbers of Frenchmen, singly or
in parties, ventured deep into the wilderness in company with savage
bands, for purposes of adventure or traffic, and very rarely did any of them
meet a mishap or fail to find a welcome. Such adventurers in fact became
in most cases Indians in their manner of life. Nor did the jealousy of
the savages manifest itself in a way not readily appeased when they found
the French priests planting mission stations and truck-houses. In no case
did the French intruders ask, as did the English colonists, for deeds of ter-
ritory. It was understood that they held simply by sufferance, and with a
view to mutual advantage for both parties, with no purpose of overreach-
ing. The relations thus established between the French and the natives
continued down till even after the extinction of the territorial claims of
France. And when, just before the opening of the great French and In-
dian hostilities with the English colonists, the French had manifested their

298 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

purpose to get a foothold on the heritage of the savages by pushing a line
of strongly fortified posts along their lakes and rivers, the apprehensions of
the savages were craftily relieved by the plea that these securities were
designed only to prevent the encroachment of the English.

A peaceful traffic with the Indians, like that of the Hudson Bay Company
and the French, had been from the first but a subordinate object of the Eng-
lish colonists. These last, while for a period they confined themselves to the
seaboard, supplemented their agricultural enterprise by the fishery and by
a very profitable commerce. As soon as they began to penetrate into the
interior they took with them their families and herds, made fixed habita-
tions, put up their fences and dammed the streams. Instead of fraterniz-
ing with the Indians, they warned them off as nuisances. We must also
take into view the fact that this steadily advancing settlement of the In-
dian country directly provoked and encouraged the resolute though baffled
opposition of the savages. They could match forces with these scattered
pioneers, even if, as was generally the case, a few families united in con-
structing a palisadoed and fortified stronghold to which they might gather
for refuge. If a body of courageous men had advanced together well pre-
pared for common defence, it is certain the warfare would not have been
so desultory as it proved to be. All the wiles of the Indians in conduct-
ing their hostilities gave them a great advantage. They thought that the
whites might be dislodged effectually from further trespasses if once and
again they were visited by sharp penalties for their rash intrusion. It was
plain that they were long in coming to a full apprehension of the pluck of
their invaders, of their recuperative energies, and of the reserved forces
which were behind them. From the irregular base line of the coast the
English advanced into the interior, not by direct parallel lines, but rather
by successive semicircles of steadily extending radii. The advances from
the middle colonies of Pennsylvania and Virginia marked the farthest
reaches in this curvature. The French, in the mean while, aimed from the
start for occupying the interior.

The period which we have here under review is one through which the
savages, for the most part, were but subordinate agents, the principals be-
ing the French and the English. So far as the diplomatic faculties of the
savages enabled them to hold in view the conditions of the strife, there were
doubtless occasions in which they thought they held what among civilized
nations is called the balance of power. Nor would it have been strange if,
at times, their chiefs had imagined that, though it might be impossible for
them again to hold possession of their old domains free from the intrusion
of the white man, they might have power to decide which of the two na-
tionalities should be favored above the other. In that case the French
doubtless would have been the favored party. We have, however, to take
into view the vast disproportion between the numbers, if not of the re-
sources, of these two foreign nationalities, when the struggle between them

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 299

earnestly began. In 1688 there were about eleven thousand of the French
in America, and nearly twenty times as many English. The French were
unified under the control of their home government. Its resources were
at their call : its army and navy, its arsenals and treasury, its monarch and
ministers, might be supposed to be serviceable and engaged for making its
mastery on this continent secure. The English, however, were only nomi-
nally, and as regards some of the colonies even reluctantly and but trucu-
lently, under the control of their home government. It had been the
jealous policy of the New England colonists, from their first planting, to
isolate themselves from the mother-country, and to make self-dependence
the basis of independence. Their circumstances had thrown them on their
own resources, and made them feel that as their foreign superiors could
know very little of their emergencies, it was not wise or even right in
them to interpose in their affairs. Indeed, it is evident that all the
British colonists felt themselves equal, without advice or help from abroad,
to take care of themselves, if they had to contend only against the savages.
But when the savages had behind them the power of the French mon-
arch, it was of necessity that the English should receive a reinforce-
ment from their own countrymen. In the altercations with the British
ministry which followed very soon after the close of the French and In-
dian war, a keenly argued question came under debate as to the claim
which the mother-country had upon the gratitude of her colonists for com-
ing to their rescue when threatened with ruin from their red and white
enemies. And the answer to this question was judged to depend upon
whether, in sending hither her fleets and armies, Britain had in view an ex-
tension of her transatlantic domains or the protection of her imperilled sub-
jects. At any rate, there were jealousies, cross-purposes, and an entire lack
of harmony between the direct representatives of English military power
and the cooperating measures of the colonial government. Never, under
any stress of circumstances, was England willing to raise even the most
serviceable of the officers of the provincial forces to the rank of regulars
in her own army. The youthful Washington, whose sagacity and prowess
had proved themselves in field and council where British officers were so
humiliated, had to remain content with the rank of a provincial colonel.
Nor did the provincial legislatures act in concert either with each other, or
with the advice and appeals of their royal governors in raising men, money
or supplies for combined military operations against common enemies.
Each of the colonies thought it sufficient to provide for itself. Each was
even dilatory and backward when its own special peril was urgent. These
embarrassments of the English did very much to compensate the French
for their great inferiority in numerical strength. We are again to remind
ourselves of the fact that the French, alike from their temperament and
their policy, were always vastly more congenial and influential with the
savages.

The French in Canada from the first adopted the policy of alliance with

300 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

native tribes. Though their warfare with the English was hardly intermit-
tent, there were several occasions when it was specially active. Beginning
with the first invasion of the Iroquois territory by Champlain, in 1609,
already mentioned, under the plea of espousing the side of his friends and
allies, the Hurons and Algonquins, other like enterprises were later pur-
sued. Courcelles, in 1666, made a wild and unsuccessful inroad upon the
Iroquois. Tracy made a more effective one in the same year. De la
Barre in 1684, Denonville in 1687, and Frontenac in 1693 and 1696, re-
peated these onsets. The last of these invasions of what is now Central
New York was intended to effect the complete exhaustion of the Indian
confederacy. Its havoc was indeed well-nigh crushing, but there was a
tenacity and a recuperative power in that confederacy of savages which
yielded only to a like desolating blow inflicted by Sullivan, under orders
from Washington, in our Revolutionary War.

This formidable league of the Five Nations, when first known to Euro-
peans, claimed to have obtained by conquest the whole country from the
lakes to the Carolinas, and from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. France,
as against other Europeans, though not against the Indians, claimed the
same territory. Great Britain claimed the valley of the Ohio and its tribu-
taries, first against the French as being merely the longitudinal extension
of the line of sea-coast discovered by English navigators, and then through
cessions from and treaties with the Five Nations. The first of these
treaties was that made at Lancaster, Pa., in June, 1744. But the Indians
afterwards complained that they had been overreached, and had not in-
tended to cede any territory west of the Alleghanies. Here, of course,
with three parties in contention, there was basis enough for struggles in
which the prize, all considerations of natural justice being excluded, was to
be won only by superior power. Neither of the rivals and intruders from
across the ocean dealt with the Indians as if even they had any absolute
right to territory from which they claimed to have driven off former pos-
sessors. So the Indian prerogative was recognized by the French and the
English as available only on either side for backing up some rival claim of
the one or the other nation ; though when the mother-countries were at
peace in Europe, their subjects here by no means felt bound even to a
show of truce, and they were always most ready to avail themselves of a
declaration of war at home to make their wilderness campaigns. It is
curious to note that in all the negotiations between the Indians and Euro-
peans, including those of our own government, the only landed right recog-
nized as belonging to the savages was that of giving up territory. The
prior right of ownership by the tenure of possession was regarded as invali-
dated both by the manner in which it had been acquired and by a lack to
make a good use of it.

It was in the closing years of the seventeenth century and in those open-
ing the eighteenth that the military and the priestly representatives of
France in Canada resolutely advised and undertook the measures which

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 301

promised to give them a secure and extended possession of the whole north
of the continent, excepting only the strip on the Atlantic seaboard then
firmly held by the English colonists. Even this excepted region of terri-
tory was by no means, however, regarded as positively irreclaimable, and
military enterprises were often planned with the aim of a complete extinc-
tion of English possession. The French in their earliest explorations, in
penetrating the country to the west and to the south, had been keenly
observant in marking the strategic points on lake and river for strongholds
which should give them the advantage of single positions and secure a
chain of posts for easy and safe communications. Their leading object was
to gain an ascendency over the native tribes ; and as they could not expect
easily and at once to get the mastery over them all, policy dictated such
a skilful turning to account of their feuds among themselves as would
secure strong alliances of interest and friendship with the more powerful
ones. The French did vastly more than the English to encourage the
passions of the savages for war and to train them in military skill and arti-
fice, leaving them for the most part unchecked in the indulgence of their
ferocity. It is true that the Dutch and the English had the start in supply-
ing the savages with firearms, under the excuse that they were needed by
the natives for the most effective support of the rapidly increasing trade in
peltries. But the French were not slow to follow the example, as it pre-
sented to them a matter of necessity. And through the long and bloody
struggle between the two European nationalities with their red allies, it may
be safely affirmed that the frontier warfare of the English colonists was
waged against savages armed as well as led on by the French.

Two objects, generally harmonious and mutually helpful of each other,
inspired the activity of the French in taking possession successively of
posts in the interior of the continent. The first of these was the establish-
ment of mission stations for the conversion of the savages. The other
object of these wilderness posts was to secure the lucrative gains of the fur
trade from an ever-extending interior. Though, as was just said, these two
objects might generally be harmoniously pursued, it was not always found
easy or possible to keep them in amity, or to prevent sharp collisions be-
tween them. There was a vigorous rivalry in the fur trade between the
members of an associated company, with a government monopoly for the
traffic, and very keenly enterprising individuals who pursued it, with but
little success in concealing their doings, in defiance of the monopolists.
The burden of the official correspondence between the authorities in Canada
and those at the French court related to the irregularities and abuses of
this traffic. Incident to these was a lively plying of the temptations of that
other traffic which poured into the wilderness floods of French brandy.
The taste of this fiery stimulant once roused in a savage could rarely after-
wards be appeased. The English colonists soon gained an advantage in
this traffic in their manufacture of cheap rum. It is easy to see how this
rivalry between monopolists and individuals in the fur trade, aided by the

302 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

stimulant for which the Indian was most craving, would impair the spirit-
ual labors of the priests at their wild stations. Nor were there lacking
instances in which the priests themselves were charged with sharing not
only the gains of the fur trade, but also those of the brandy traffic, either
in the interests of the monopolists or of individuals.

The earliest extended operations of the French fur trade with the Indians
were carried on by the northerly route to Lake Huron by the Ottawa River.
The French had little to apprehend from English interference by this diffi-
cult route with its many portages. But it soon became of vital necessity
to the French to take and hold strong points on the line of the Great Lakes.
These were on the narrow streams which made the junctions between
them. So a fort was to be planted at Niagara, between Ontario and Erie ;
another at Detroit, between Erie and Huron ; another at Michilimackinac,
between Michigan and Huron ; another at the fall of the waters of Superior
into Huron ; and Fort St. Joseph, near the head of Lake Michigan, facili-
tated communication with the Illinois and the Miami tribes ; the Ojibwas,
Ottawas, Wyandots, and Pottawattomies having their settlements around
the westernmost of the lakes, the Sioux being still beyond. South of
Lake Erie, in the region afterwards known as the Northwest Territory,
between the Alleghanies, the Ohio, and the Mississippi, were the Delawares,
the Shawanees, and the Mingoes. It is to be kept in view that this terri-
tory, though formally ceded by France to England in the treaty of 1762-63,
had previously been claimed by the English colonists as rightfully belong-
ing to their monarch, it being merely the undefined extension of the sea-
coast held by virtue of the discovery of the Cabots.

The fifth volume of the Memoires published by Margry gives us the ori-
ginal documents, dating 1 683-1 695, relating to the first project for opening a
chain of posts to hold control of, and to facilitate communication between,
Canada and the west and south of the continent. The project was soon
made to extend its purpose to the Gulf of Mexico. The incursions of the
Iroquois and the attempted invasions of the English, with a consequent
drawing off of trade from the French, had obliged the Marquis Denonville
to abandon some of the posts that had been established. In spite of the
opposition of Champigny, Frontenac vigorously urged measures for the re-
possession and strengthening of these posts. The Jesuits were earnest in
pressing the measure upon the governors of Canada. In pushing on the
enterprise, the French had sharp experience of the intense hostility of the
inner tribes who were to be encountered, and who were to be first con-
ciliated. The French followed a policy quite unlike that of the English in
the method of their negotiations for the occupancy of land. The colonists
of the latter aimed to secure by treaty and purchase the absolute fee and
ownership of a given region. They intended to hold it generally for cul-
tivation, and they expected the Indians then claiming it to vacate it. The
French beguiled the Indians by asserting that they had no intention either
of purchasing or forcibly occupying, as if it were their own, any spot where

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 303

they established a stronghold, a trucking or a mission station. They pro-
fessed to hold only by sufferance, and that, too, simply for the security and
benefit of the natives, in furnishing them with a better religion than their
own and with the white man's goods. The Iroquois, finding the hunting
and trapping of game for the English so profitable on their own territory,
were bent on extending their field. They hoped, by penetrating to Michili-
mackinac, to make themselves the agents or medium for the trade with the
tribes near it, so that they could control the whole southern traffic. So
they had declared war against the Illinois, the Miamis, the Ottawas, and the
Hurons. It was of vital importance to the French to keep firm hold of
Lakes Ontario and Erie, and to guard their connections. The Iroquois
were always the threatening obstacle. It was affirmed that they had become
so debauched by strong drink that their squaws could not nourish their few
children, and that they had availed themselves of an adoption of those
taken from their enemies. As they obtained their firearms with compara-
tive cheapness from the English on the Hudson and Mohawk, they used
them with vigor against the inner tribes with their primitive weapons, and
were soon to find them of service against the English on the frontiers of
Virginia. So keenly did the English press their trade as to cause a waver-
ing of the loyalty of those Indian tribes who had been the first and the fast
friends of the French. Thus it was but natural that the Iroquois should
be acute enough to oppose the building of a French stronghold at any of
the selected posts.

In 1699,1 La Mothe Cadillac proposed to assemble their red allies, then
much dispersed, and principally the Ottawas, at Detroit, and there to con-
struct both a fort and a village. At the bottom of this purpose, and of the
opposition to it, was a contention between rival parties in the traffic. The
favorers and the opponents of the design made their respective representa-
tions to the French court. De Callieres objected to the plan because of the
proximity of the hostile Iroquois, who would prefer to turn all the trade to
the English, and his preference was to reestablish the old posts. The real
issue to be faced was whether the Indians now, and ultimately, were to be
made subjects of the English or of the French monarch. Cadillac combated
the objections of Callieres, and succeeded in effecting his design at Detroit.
The extension of the traffic was constantly bringing into the field tribes
heretofore too remote for free intercourse. In each such case it depended
upon various contingencies to decide whether the French or the English
would find friends or foes in these new parties, and the alternative would
generally rest, temporarily at least, upon which party was most accessible
and most profitable for trade. It would hardly be worth the while for an
historian, unless dealing with the special theme of the rivalries involved
in the fur trade as deciding with which party of the whites one or another
tribe came into amity, to attempt to trace the conditions and consequences
of such diplomacy in inconstant negotiators.

1 Margry, v. 135-250.

304 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The English began the series of attempts to bind the Five, afterwards
the Six, Nations into amity or neutrality by treaty in 1674. These treaties
were wearisome in their formalities, generally unsatisfactory in their terms
of assurance, and so subject to caprice and the changes of fortune as to need
confirmation and renewal, as suspicion or alleged treachery on either side
made them practically worthless. There were two ends to be gained by
these treaties of the English with the confederated tribes. The one was
to avert hostilities from the English and to secure them privileges of tran-
sit for trade. The other object, not always avowed, but implied as a
natural consequent of the first, was to alienate the tribes from the French,
and if possible to keep them in a state of local or general conflict. Each
specification of these treaties was to be emphasized by the exchange of a
wampum belt. Then a largess of presents, always including rum, was the
final ratification. These goods were of considerable cost to the English,
but always seemed a niggard gift to the Indians, as there were so many to
share in them.

The first of this series of treaties was that made in 1674, at Albany, by
Col. Henry Coursey, in behalf of the colonists of Virginia. It was of little
more service than as it initiated the parties into the method of such pro-
ceedings.

In the middle of July, 1684, Lord Howard, governor of Virginia, sum-
moned a council of the sachems of the Five Nations to Albany. He was
attended by two of his council and by Governor Dongan of New York,
and some of the magistrates of Albany. Howard charged upon the sav-
ages the butcheries and plunderings which they had committed seven years
previous in Virginia and Maryland, " belonging to the great king of Eng-
land." He told the sachems that the English had intended at once to
avenge those outrages, but through the advice of Sir Edmund Andros,
then governor-general of the country, had sent peaceful messengers to
them. The sachems had proved perfidious to the pledges they then gave,
and the governor, after threatening them, demanded from them conditions
of future amity. After their usual fashion of shifting responsibility and
professions of regret and future fidelity, the sachems renewed their cove-
nants. Under the prompting of Governor Dongan they asked that the
Duke of York's arms should be placed on the Mohawk castles,. as a protec-
tion against their enemies, the French. Doubtless the Indians, in desiring,
or perhaps only assenting to, the affixing of these English insignia to their
strongholds, might have had in view only the effect of them in warning off
the French. They certainly did not realize that their English guests
would ever afterwards, as they did, regard this concession of the tribes as
an avowal of allegiance to the king of Great Britain, and as adopting for
themselves the relation of subjects of a foreign monarch.

The experience gained by many previous attempts to secure the fidelity
of the tribes, thenceforward known as the Six Nations by the incorporation
into the confederacy of the remnant of the Tuscaroras, was put to service

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 305

in three succeeding councils for treaty-making, held respectively at Phila-
delphia in 1742, in Lancaster, Pa., in 1744,1 and at Albany in 1746.2 Much
allowance is doubtless to be made in the conduct of the earlier treaties
for the lack of competent and faithful interpreters in councils made up
of representatives of several tribes, with different languages and idioms.
Interpreters have by no means always proved trustworthy, even when
qualified for their office.3 The difficulty was early experienced of putting
into our simple mother-tongue the real substance of an Indian harangue,
which was embarrassed and expanded by images and flowers of native
rhetoric, wrought from the structure of their symbolic language, but adding
nothing to the terms or import of the address. It was observed that often
an interpreter, anxious only to state the gist of the matter in hand, would
render in a single English sentence an elaborately ornate speech of an
orator that had extended through many minutes in its utterance. The
orator might naturally mistrust whether full justice had been done to his
plea or argument. There is by no means a unanimity in the opinions or
the judgments of those of equal intelligence, who have reported to us the
harangues of Indians in councils, as to the qualities of their eloquence or
rhetoric. The entire lack of terms for the expression of abstract ideas
compelled them to draw their illustrations from natural objects and rela-
tions. Signs and gestures made up a large part of the significance of a
discourse. Doubtless the cases were frequent in which the representation
of a tribe in a council was made through so few of its members that there
might be reasonable grounds for objection on the part of a majority to the
terms of any covenant or treaty that had been made by a chief or an ora-
tor. Of one very convenient and plausible subterfuge, or honest plea, —
whichever in any given case it might have been, — our native tribes have
always been skilful in availing themselves. The assumption was that the
elder, the graver, wiser representatives of a tribe were those who appeared
on its behalf at a council. When circumstances afterwards led the whites
to complain of a breach of the conditions agreed on, the blame was always
laid by the chiefs on their " young men," whom they had been unable to
restrain.

During the long term of intermittent warfare of the French and English
on this continent, with native tribes respectively for their foes or allies, the

1 By the treaty at Lancaster, the Indians cov- Germany in 1710, and settled at Schoharie,
enanted to cede to the English, for goods of the N. Y. His ability and integrity won him the
money value of ^400, the lands between the Al- confidence alike of the Indians and the English.
leghanies and the Ohio. [See our Vol. V. 566. In the Collections oj the Historical Society of 'Pen n-
— Ed.] sylvania, vol. i. pp. 1-34, are autobiographical,

2 These treaties are fully presented, with all personal, and narrative papers and journals by
the harangues, by Golden, vol. ii. this remarkable man, equally characterized by

3 The most capable and intelligent interpreter the boldest spirit of adventure and by an ardent
employed by the English for a long period, and piety. He gives in full his journal of his mis-
who served at the councils for negotiating the sion from the governments of Pennsylvania and
most important treaties of this time, was Con- Virginia to negotiate with the Six Nations in
rad Weiser. He came with his family from 1737. [See Vol. V. 566. — Ed.]

VOL. I. — 20

306 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

conditions of the conflict, as before hinted, were in general but slightly
affected by the alternative of peace or war as existing at any time between
their sovereigns and people in Europe. Some of the fiercest episodes of
the struggle on this soil took place during the intervals of truce, armistice,
and temporary treaty settlements between the leading powers in the old
world. When, in the treaties closing a series of campaigns, the settlement
in the articles of peace included a restoration of the territory which had
been obtained by either party by conquest, no permanent result was really
secured. These restitutions were always subject to reclamation. Valuable
and strategic points of territory merely changed hands for the time being ;
Acadia, for example, being seven times tossed as a shuttlecock between
the parties to the settlement. The trial had to be renewed and repeated
till the decision was of such a sort as to give promise of finality. The
prize contended for here was really the mastery of the whole continent,
though the largeness of the stake was not appreciated till the closing years
of the struggle. Indeed, the breadth and compass of the field were then un-
known quantities. Those closing years of stratagem and carnage in our for-
ests correspond to what is known in history as the " Seven Years' War" in
Europe, in which France, as a contestant, was worsted in the other quarters
of the globe, as in this. Clive broke her power in India, as the generals of
Britain discomfited her here. The French, in 1758, held a profitable mer-
cantile settlement on five hundred miles of coast in Africa, between Cape
Blanco and the river Gambia. It is one of the curious contrarieties in
the workings of the same avowed principles under different conditions,
that just at the time that the pacific policy of the Pennsylvania Quakers
forbade their offering aid to their countrymen under the bloody work go-
ing on upon their frontiers, an eminent English Quaker merchant, Thomas
Cumming, framed the successful scheme of conquest over this French
settlement in Africa.1

The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, seemed to promise a breathing-
time in the strife between the French and English here. In fact, however,
so far from there being even a smouldering of the embers on our soil, that
date marks the kindling of the conflagration which, continuing to blaze for
fifteen years onward, comprehended all the decisive campaigns. The
earliest of these were ominous and disheartening to the English, but they
closed with the fullness of triumph. We must trace with conciseness the
more prominent acts and incidents in which the natives, with the French
and English, protracted and closed the strife.

When Europeans entered upon the region now known as Pennsylvania,
though its well-watered and fertile territory and its abounding game would
seem to have well adapted it to the uses of savage life, it does not appear
that it was populously occupied. The Delawares, which had held it at an
earlier period, had, previously to the coming of the whites, been subjugated
by the more warlike tribes of the Five Nations, or Iroquois. Some of the

1 Mahon's England, ch. 35, and Smollett's Englandx Book iii. ch. 9.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 307

vanquished had passed to the south or west, to be merged in other bands of
the natives. Such of them as remained in their old haunts were humiliated
by their masters, despised as " women," and denied the privileges of war-
riors. While the Five Nations were thus potent in the upper portion of
Pennsylvania, around the sources of the Susquehanna, its southern region
was held by the Shawanees. The first purchase near the upper region
made by Europeans of the natives was by a colony of Swedes, under Gov-
ernor John Printz, in 1643. This colony was subdued, though allowed to
remain on its lands, by the Dutch, in 1655. In 1664, the English took
possession of all Pennsylvania, and of everything that had been held by the
Dutch. Penn founded his province in 1682, by grant from Charles II,
and in the next year made his much-lauded treaty of peace and purchase
with the Indians for lands west and north of his city. The attractions of
the province, and the easy opening of its privileges to others than the
Friends, drew to it a rapid and enterprising immigration. In 1729 there
came in, principally from the north of Ireland, 6,207 settlers. In 1750
there arrived 4,317 Germans and 1,000 English. The population of the
province in 1769 was estimated at 250,000. The Irish settlers were mostly
Presbyterians, the Germans largely Moravians. It soon appeared, espe-
cially when the ravages of the Indians on the frontiers were most exasper-
ating and disastrous, that there were elements of bitter discord between
these secondary parties in the province and the Friends who represented
the proprietary right. And this suggests a brief reference to the fact that,
as a very effective agent entering into the imbittered conflicts of the time
and scene, we are to take into the account some strong religious animosities.
The entailed passions and hates of the peoples of the old world, as Catholics
and Protestants, and even of sects among the latter, were transferred here to
inflame the rage of combatants in wilderness warfare.1 The zeal and heroic
fidelity of the French priests in making a Christian from a baptized and
untamed savage had realized, under rude yet easy conditions, a degree of
success. In and near the mission stations, groups of the natives had been
trained to gather around the cross, and to engage with more or less re*
sponse in the holy rites. Some of them could repeat, after a fashion, the
Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed. Some had substituted a
crucifix or a consecrated medal for their old pagan charm, to be worn on
the breast. When about to go forth on the war-path, their priests would
give them shrift and benediction. But, as has been said, it was no part or
purpose of this work of christianizing savages to impair their qualities as
warriors, to dull their knives or tomahawks, to quench their thirst for blood,
or to restrain the fiercest atrocities and barbarities of the fight or the vic-
tory. On the well-known experience that fresh converts are always the

1 Governor Dinwiddie, in urging the assembly and mild Government of a Protestant King for

of Virginia, in 1756, to active war measures, the Arbitrary Exactions and heavy Oppressions

warned them of the alternative of "giving up of a Popish Tyrant." [Dinwiddie Papers, ii. p.

your Liberty for Slavery, the purest Religion for 515.)
the grossest Idolatry and Superstition, the legal

308 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

must ardent haters of heresy, these savage neophytes were initiated into
some of the mysteries of the doctrinal strife between the creed of their
priests and the abominated infidelity and impiety of the English Protes-
tants. Some of the savages were by no means slow to learn the lesson.
Mr. Tarkman's brilliant and graphic pages afford us abounding illustrations
of the part which priestly instructions and influence had in adding to savage
ferocity the simulation of religious hate for heresy. With whatever degree
of understanding or appreciation of the duty as it quickened the courage or
the ferocity of the savage, there were many scenes and occasions in which
the warrior added the charge of heretic to that of enemy, when he dealt
his blow.1

Almost as violent and exasperating were the animosities engendered
between the disciples of different Protestant fellowships. The Quakers,
backed by proprietary rights, by the prestige of an original peace policy
and friendly negotiations with the Indians, and for the most part secure and
unharmed in the centralized homes of Philadelphia and its neighborhood,
imagined that they might refuse all participation in the bloody work enact-
ing on their frontiers. The adventurous settlers on the borders were largely
Presbyterians. The course of non-interference by the Quakers, who con-
trolled the legislature, seemed to those who were bearing the brunt of
savage warfare monstrously selfish and inhuman. There was a fatuity in
this course which had to be abandoned. When a mob of survivors from
the ravaged fields and cabins of the frontiers, bringing in cartloads of the
bones gathered from the ashes of their burned dwellings, thus enforced
their remonstrances against the peace policy of the legislature, the Quakers
were compelled to yield, and to furnish the supplies of war.2 But sectarian
hatred hardly ever reached an intenser glow than that exhibited between
the Pennsylvania Quakers and Presbyterians. Meanwhile, the mild and
kindly missionary efforts of the Moravians, in the same neighborhood, were
cruelly baffled. Their aim was exactly the opposite of that which guided
the Jesuit priests. They sought first to make their converts human beings,
planters of the soil, taught in various handicrafts, and weaned from the
taste of war and blood.

When the frontier war was at its wildest pitch of havoc and fury, the
Moravian settlements, which, had reached a stage giving such promise of
success as to satisfy the gentle and earnest spirit of the missionaries who
had planted them, were made to bear the brunt of the rage of all the parties
engaged in the deadly turmoil. The natives timidly nestling in their

1 In Mr. Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe, i. one point, — that of maintaining the right, and
p. 65 and on, is a lively account of the busy even obligation, of defensive warfare. A letter of
zeal of Father Piquet in making and putting to very cogent argument to this effect was addressed
service savage converts of the sort described in by him to the Society of Friends in 1741, remon-
the text. [See Vol. V. 571. — Ed.] strating with them for their opposition in the

2 The excellent lames Logan, who came over legislature to means for defending the colony,
secretary to William Penn, and who always Collections of ' Historl. Soc. of /V/mj., i. p. 36. [See

claimed to be a consistent member of the Society Vol. V. p. 243. — Ed.]
of Friends, took an exception to a position on

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 309

settlements were regarded as an emasculated flock of nurslings, mean and
cowardly, lacking equally the manhood of the savage and the pride and
capacity of the civilized man. Worse than this, their pretended desire to
preserve a neutrality and to have no part in the broil was made the ground
of a suspicion, at once acted upon as if fully warranted, that they were
really spies, offering secret information and even covert help as guides and
prompters in the work of desolation among the scattered cabins of the
whites. So a maddened spirit of distrust, inflamed by false rumors and
direct charges of complicity, brought upon the Moravian settlers the hate
and fury of the leading parties in the conflict.1

It is noteworthy that the most furious havoc of savage warfare should have
been wreaked on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, the one of all the English
colonies in America whose boast was, and is, that there alone the entrance
of civilized men upon the domains of barbarism was marked and initiated by
the Christian policy of peace and righteousness. Penn and his representa-
tives claimed that they had twice paid the purchase price of the lands cov-
ered by the proprietary charter to the Indian occupants of them, — once to
the Delawares residing upon them, and again to the Iroquois who held
them by conquest. The famous " Walking Purchase," whether a fair or a
fraudulent transaction, was intended to follow the original policy of the
founder of the province.2

In the inroads made upon the English settlements by Frontenac and his
red allies, New York and New England furnished the victims. The middle
colonies, so far as then undertaken, escaped the fray. Trouble began for
them in 1716, when the French acted upon their resolve to occupy the
valley of the Ohio. The Ohio Land Company was formed in 1748 to
advance settlements beyond the Alleghanies, and surveys were made as
far as Louisville. This enterprise roused anew the Indians and the French.
The latter redoubled their zeal in 1753 and onward, south of Lake Erie
and on the branches of the Ohio. The English found that their delay and
dilatoriness in measures for fortifying the frontiers had given the French
an advantage which was to be recovered only with increased cost and
enterprise. In an earlier movement, had the English engaged their efforts
when it was first proposed to them, they might have lessened, at least,
their subsequent discomfiture. Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, in 1720
had urged on the British government the erection of a chain of posts be-
yond the Alleghanies, from the lakes to the Mississippi. But his urgency
had been ineffectual. The governor reported that there were then " Seven
Tributary Tribes " in Virginia, being seven hundred in number, with two

1 It was but a repetition of the passions and labors of the Apostle Eliot. The occasion of

jealousies of the colonists of Massachusetts, as this dispersion and severe watch over the Indian

maddened by the devastation inflicted upon converts was a jealousy that they had been

them in King Philip's war, when they them- warmed in the bosom of a weak pity merely

selves broke up the settlements, then under for a deadly use of their fangs,

hopeful promise, of " Praying Indians," at Natick 2 [See Vol. V. 240. — Ed.]
and other villages, the fruits of the devoted

310 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

hundred and fifty fighting-men, all of whom were peaceful. His only
trouble was from the Tuscaroras on the borders of Carolina.1

The erection of Fort Duquesne may be regarded as opening the decisive
struggle between the French and the English in America, which reached
its height in 1755, and centred around the imperfect chain of stockades
and blockhouses on the line of the frontiers then reached by the English
pioneers.

About the middle of the eighteenth century the number of French sub-
jects in America, including Acadia, Canada, and Louisiana, was estimated
at about eighty thousand. The subjects of England were estimated at
about twelve hundred thousand. But, as before remarked, this vast dis-
parity of numbers by no means represented an equal difference in the
effectiveness of the two nationalities in the conduct of military movements.
The French were centralized in command. They had unity of purpose
and in action. In most cases they held actual defensive positions at points
which the English had to reach by difficult approaches ; and more than all,
till it became evident that France was to lose the game, the French re-
ceived much the larger share of aid from the Indians. Pennsylvania and
Virginia were embarrassed in any attempt for united defensive operations
on the frontiers by their own rival claims to the Ohio Valley. The Eng-
lish, however, welcomed the first signs of vacillation in the savages. When
Celoron, in 1749, had sent messengers to the Indians beyond the Allegha-
nies to prepare for the measures he was about to take to secure a firm foot-
hold there, he reported that the natives were "devoted entirely to the
English." This might have seemed true of the Delawares and Shawanees,
though soon afterwards these were found to be in the interest of the
French. In fact', all the tribes, except the Five Nations, may be regarded
as more or less available for French service up to the final extinction of
their power on the continent. Indeed, as we shall see, the mischievous
enmity of the natives against the English was never more vengeful than
when it was goaded on by secret French agency after France had by
treaty yielded her claims on this soil. Nor could even the presumed neu-
trality of the Five Nations be relied upon by the English, as there were
reasons for believing that many among them acted as spies and conveyed
intelligence. Till after the year 1754 so effective had been the activity of
the French in planting their strongholds and winning over the savages
that there was not a single English post west of the Alleghanies.

At the same critical stage of this European rivalry in military operations,
the greed for the profits of the fur trade was at its highest pitch. The
beavers, as well as the red men, should be regarded as essential parties to
the struggle between the French and the English. The latter had cut very
deep into the trade which had formerly accrued wholly to the French at
Oswego, Toronto, and Niagara.

1 Spots-wood Papers^ published by the Virginia Historical Society. [The events of this period
are followed in our Vol. V. — Ed.]

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 311

Up to the year 1720 there had come to be established a mercantile
usage which had proved to be very prejudicial to the English, alike in their
Indian trade and in their influence over the Indians. The French had
been allowed to import goods into New York to be used for their Indian
trade. Of course this proved a very profitable business, as it facilitated
their operations and was constantly extending over a wider reach their
friendly relations with the farther tribes. Trade with Europe and the
West Indies and Canada could be maintained only by single voyages in a
year, through the perilous navigation of the St. Lawrence. With the Eng-
lish ports on the Atlantic, voyages could be made twice or thrice a year.
A few merchants in New York, having a monopoly of supplying goods to
the French in Canada, with their principals in England, had found their
business very profitable. Goods of prime value, especially "strouds," a
kind of coarse woollen cloth highly prized by the Indians, were made in
and exported from England much more cheaply than from France. The
mischief of this method of trade being realized, an act was passed by the
Assembly in New York, in 1720, which prohibited the selling of Indian
goods to the French under severe penalties, in order to the encourage-
ment of trade in general, and to the extension of the influence of the Eng-
lish over the Indians to counterbalance that of the French. Some mer-
chants in London, just referred to, petitioned the king against the ratifica-
tion of this act. By order in council the king referred the petition to the
Lords of Trade and Plantations. A hearing, with testimonies, followed, in
which those interested in the monopoly made many statements, ignorant
or false, as to the geography of the country, and the method and effects of
the advantage put into the hands of the French. But the remonstrants
failed to prevent the restricting measure. From that time New York
vastly extended its trade and intercourse with the tribes near and distant,
greatly to the injury of the French.1

The first white man's dwelling in Ohio was that of the Moravian mis-
sionary, Christian Frederic Post.2 He was a sagacious and able man, and
had acquired great influence over the Indians, which he used in conciliatory
ways, winning their respect and confidence by the boldness with which he
ventured to trust himself in their villages and lodges, as if he were under
some magical protection. He went on his first journey to the Ohio in
1758, by request of the government of Pennsylvania, on a mission to the
Delawares, Shawanees, and Mingoes. These had once been friendly to the
English, but having been won over by the French, the object was to re-
gain their confidence. The tribes had at this time come to understand, in
a thoroughly practical way, that they were restricted to certain limited con-
ditions so far as they were parties to the fierce rivalry between the Euro-

1 The official papers are given in full by Col- trade of New York increased fivefold in twelve

den, who adds a very able memorial of his own, years.

in favor of the act, addressed to Governor Bur- 2 [See Vol. V. 530, 575. — Ed.]
net, in 1724. It was estimated that the Indian

312 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

peans. The issue was no longer an open one as to their being able to
reclaim their territory for their own uses by driving off all these pale-faced
trespassers. It was for them merely to choose whether they would hence-
forward have the French or the English for neighbors, and, if it must be
so, for masters. Nor were they left with freedom or power to make a de-
liberate choice. But Post certainly stretched a point when he told the
Indians that the English did not wish to occupy their lands, but only to
drive off the French.

As Governor Spotswood, in the interest of Virginia, had attempted, in
17 16, to break the French line of occupation by promoting settlements in
the west, Governor Keith, of Pennsylvania, followed with a similar effort
in 1 7 19. Both efforts could be only temporarily withstood, and if baffled
at one point were renewed at another. The English always showed a
tenacity in clinging to an advance once made, and were inclined to change
it only for a further advance. Though Fort Duquesne was blown up when
abandoned by the French, with the hope of rendering it useless to the
English, the post was too commanding a one to be neglected. After it
had been taken by General Forbes in November, 1758, and had been
strongly reconstructed by General Stanwix, though it was then two hun-
dred miles distant from the nearest settlement, the possession of it was to
a great extent the deciding fact of the advancing struggle. Colonel Arm-
strong had taken the Indian town of Kittanning in 1756.

The treaty negotiations between English and French diplomates at a
foreign court, in 1763, which covenanted for the surrender of all territory
east of the Mississippi and of all the fortified posts on lake and river to
Great Britain, was but a contract on paper, which was very long in finding
its full ratification among the parties alone interested in the result here.
There were still three of these parties : the Indians ; the French, who were
in possession of the strongholds in the north and west ; and the English
colonists, supported by what was left of the British military forces, skeleton
regiments and invalided soldiers, who were to avail themselves of their ac-
quired domain. During the bloody and direful war which had thus been
closed, the Indians had come to regard themselves as holding the balance
of power between the French and the English. Often did the abler sav-
age warriors express alike their wonder and their rage that those foreign
intruders should choose these wild regions for the trial of their fighting
powers. " Why do you not settle your fierce quarrels in your own land,
or at least upon the sea, instead of involving us and our forests in your
rivalry ? " was the question to the officers and the file of the European
forces. Though the natives soon came to realize that they would be the
losers, whichever of the two foreign parties should prevail, their prefer-
ences were doubtless on the side of the French ; and by force of circum-
stances easily explicable, after the English power, imperial and provincial,
had obtained the mastery of the territory, the sympathies and aid of the
natives went with the British during the rebellion of the colonies. But

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 313

before this result was reached England won its ascendency at a heavy-
sacrifice of men and money, in a series of campaigns under many different
generals. The general peace between England, France, and Spain, secured
by the treaty of 1763, and involving the cession of all American territory
east of the Mississippi by France to Britain, was naturally expected to
bring a close to savage warfare against the colonists. The result was quite
the contrary, inasmuch as the sharpest and most desolating havoc was
wrought by that foe after the English were nominally left alone to meet
the encounter. The explanation of this fact was that the French, though
by covenant withdrawn from the field, were, hardly even with a pretence
of secrecy, perpetuating and even extending their influence over their
former wild allies in embarrassing and thwarting all the schemes of the
English for turning their conquests to account. General Amherst was
left in command here with only enfeebled fragments of regiments and
with slender ranks of provincials. The military duty of the hour was for
the conquerors to take formal possession of all the outposts still held by
French garrisons, announcing to those in command the absolute conditions
of the treaty, and to substitute the English for the French colors, hence-
forward to wave over them. This humiliating necessity was in itself
grievous enough, as it forced upon the commanders of posts which had
not then been reached by the war in Canada, a condition against which no
remonstrance would avail. But beyond that, it furnished the occasion for
the most formidable savage conspiracy ever formed on this continent,
looking to the complete extinction of the English settlements here. The
French in those extreme western posts had been most successful in secur-
ing the attachment of the neighboring Indian tribes, and found strong
sympathizers among them in their discomfiture. At the same time those
tribes had the most bitter hostility towards the English with whom they
had come in contact. They complained that the English treated them
with contempt and haughtiness, being niggard of their presents and sharp
in their trade. They regarded each advanced English settlement on their
lands, if only that of a solitary trader, as the germ of a permanent colony.
Under these circumstances, the French still holding the posts, waiting only
the exasperating summons to yield them up, found the temptation strong
and easy of indulgence to inflame their recent allies, and now their sympa-
thizing friends, among the tribes, with an imbittered rage against their new
masters. Artifice and deception were availed of to reinforce the passions
of savage breasts. The French sought to relieve the astounded consterna-
tion of their red friends on finding that they were compelled to yield the
field to the subjects of the English monarch, by beguiling them with the'
fancy that the concession was but a temporary one, very soon to be set
aside by a new turn in the wheel of fortune. Their French father had
only fallen asleep while his English enemies had been impudently trespass-
ing upon the lands of his red children. He would soon rouse himself to
avenge the insult, and would reclaim what he had thus lost. Indeed, on the

314 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

principle that the size and ornamentings of a lie involved no additional
wrong in the telling it, the Indians were informed that a French army was
even then preparing to ascend the Mississippi with full force, before which
the English would be crushed.

There was then in the tribe of Ottawas, settled near Detroit, a master
spirit, who, as a man and as a chief, was the most sagacious, eloquent, bold,
and every way gifted of his race that has ever risen before the white man
on this continent to contest in the hopeless struggle of barbarism with
civilization. That Pontiac was crafty, unscrupulous, relentless, finding a
revel in havoc and carnage, might disqualify him for the noblest epithets
which the white man bestows on the virtues of a military hero. But he
had the virtues of a savage, all of them, and in their highest range of
nature and of faculty. He was a stern philosopher and moralist also, of
the type engendered by free forest life, unsophisticated and trained in the
school of the wilderness. He knew well the attractions of civilization. He
weighed and compared them, as they presented themselves before his eyes
in full contrast with savagery, in the European and in the Indian, and in
those dubious specimens of humanity in which the line of distinction was
blurred by the Indianized white man, the " Christian " convert, and the
half-breed. Deliberately and, we may say, intelligently, he preferred for his
own people the state of savagery. Intelligently, because he gave grounds
for his preference, which, from his point of view and experience, had weight
in themselves, and cannot be denied something more than plausibility even
in the judgment of civilized men, for idealists like Rousseau and the Abbe
Raynal have pleaded for them. Pontiac was older in native sagacity and
shrewdness than in years. He had evidence enough that his race had
suffered only harm from intercourse with the whites. The manners and
temptations of civilization had affected them only by demoralizing influ-
ences. All the elements of life in the white man struck at what was
noblest in the nature of the Indian, — his virility, his self-respect, his proud
and sufficing independence, his content with his former surroundings and
range of life. With an earnest eloquence Pontiac, in the lodges and at
the council fires of his people, whether of his own immediate tribe or of
representative warriors of other tribes, set before them the demonstration
that security and happiness, if not peace, depended for them on their
renouncing all reliance upon the white man's ways and goods, and revert-
ing with a stern stoicism to the former conditions of their lot. He told
his responsive listeners that the Great Spirit, in pouring the wide salt
waters between the two races of his children, meant to divide them and to
keep them forever apart, giving to each of them a country which was their
own, where they were free to live after their own method. The different
tinting of their skin indicated a variance which testified to a rooted diver-
gence of nature. For his red children the Great Spirit had provided the
forest, the meadow, the lake, and the river, with fish and game for food
and clothing. The canoe, the moccasin, the snow-shoe, the stone axe, the

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 315

hide or bark covered lodge, the fields of golden maize, the root crops, the
vines and berries, the waters of the cold crystal spring, made the inventory
of their possessions. They belonged to nature, and were of kin to all its
other creatures, which they put freely to their use, holding everything in
common. The changing moons brought round the seasons for planting
and hunting, for game, festivity, and religious rite. Their old men pre-
served the sacred traditions of their race. Their braves wore the scars and
trophies of a noble manhood, and their young men were in training to be
the warriors of their tribes in defence or conquest.

These, argued Pontiac, were the heritage which the Great Spirit had as-
signed to his red children. The spoiler had come among them from across
the salt sea, and woe and ruin for the Indian had come with him. The
white man could scorn the children of the forest, but could not be their
friend or helper. Let the Indian be content and proud to remain an In-
dian. Let him at once renounce all use of the white man's goods and imple-
ments and his fire-water, and fall back upon the independence of nature,
fed on the flesh and clothed with the skins secured by bow and arrow and
his skill of woodcraft.

Such was the pleading of the most gifted chieftain and the wisest patriot,
the native product of the American wilderness. There was a nobleness in
him, even a grandeur and prescience of soul, which take a place now on the
list of protests that have poured from human breasts against 'the decrees of
fate. Pontiac followed up his bold scheme by all the arts and appliances
of forest diplomacy. He formed his cabinet, and sent out his ambassadors
with their credentials in the reddened hatchet and the war-belt. They
visited some of even the remoter tribes, with appeals conciliatory of all
minor feuds and quarrels. Their success was qualified only by the inveter-
acy of existing enmities among some of these tribes. It would be difficult
to estimate, even if only approximately, the number of the savages who-
were more or less directly engaged in the conspiracy of Pontiac. A noted
French trader, who had resided many years among the Indians, and who
had had an extended intercourse with the tribes, stayed at Detroit during
the siege, having taken the oath of allegiance to the king of Great Britain.
Largely from his own personal knowledge, he drew up an elaborate list of
the tribes, with the number of warriors in each. The summing up of these
is 56,500. In the usual way of allowing one to five of a whole population
for able-bodied men, this would represent the number of the savages as
about 283,000, which slightly exceeds the number of Indians now in our
national domain.1

The lake and river posts which had been yielded up by the French, on
the summons, were occupied by slender and poorly supplied English garri-
sons, unwarned of the impending concentration. The scheme of Pontiac
involved two leading acts in the drama : one was the beleaguerment of all

1 Appendix V to the Ohio Valley Historical Series, edition of Bouquet's Expedition (Cincinnati,
1868).

3l6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the fortified lake and river garrisons ; the other was an extermination by
fire and carnage of all the isolated frontier settlements at harvest time,
so as to cause general starvation. The plan was that all these assaults,
respectively assigned to bodies of the allies, should be made at the same
time, fixed by a phase of the moon. Scattered through the wilderness
were many English traders, in their cabins and with their packhorses and
goods. These were plundered and massacred.1 The assailed posts were
slightly reinforced by the few surviving settlers and traders who escaped
the open field slaughter. The conspiracy was so far effective as to paralyze
with dismay the occupants of the whole region which it threatened. But
pluck and endurance proved equal to the appalling conflict. Nearly all the
posts, after various alternations of experience, succumbed to the savage foe.
Such was the fate of Venango, Le Bceuf, Presqu' Isle, La Bay, St. Joseph,
Miamis, Ouachtanon, Sandusky, and Michilimackinac. Detroit alone held
out. The fort at Niagara, being very strong, was not attacked. The
Shawanees and Delawares were active agents in this conspiracy. The
English used all their efforts and appliances to keep the Six Nations neu-
tral. The French near the Mississippi were active in plying and helping
the tribes within their reach. The last French flag that came down on our
territory was at Fort Chartres on the Mississippi.2

1 It is estimated that not less than two hun- being plundered of goods of more than a hun-
dred of these scattered traders, who had con- dred thousand pounds in value,
fidently ventured into the wilderness on the 2 [The events of the Pontiac war can be fol*
assurance of the treaty, were massacred, after lowed in Vol. V. — Ed.]

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.*

By Dr. Ellis and the Editor.

ON some few historical subjects we have vol- and many-sided are the materials which he has

umes so felicitously constructed as to com- digested for us, that we have all the benefit of

bine all that is most desirable in original mate- an attendance on a trial in a court or a debate

rials with a judicious digest of them. Of such in the forum, where by testimony and cross-ex-

a character is Francis Parkman's France and amination different witnesses are made to verify

England in North A?nerica, A Series of Histori- or rectify their separate assertions. The official

cal Narratives. So abundant, authentic, and in- representatives of France, military and civil, on

telligently gathered are his citations from and ref- this continent, like their superiors and patrons

erencestothe journals, letters, official reports, and at home, were by no means all of one mind,

documents, often in the very words of the actors, They had their conflicting interests to serve,

that, through the writer's luminous pages, we They made their reports to those to whom they

are, for all substantial purposes, made to read were responsible or sought to influence, and so

and listen to their own narrations. Indeed, we colored them by their selfishness or rivalry,

are even more favored than that. So compre- These communications, gathered from widely

hensive have been his researches, and so full scattered repositories, are for the first time

1 The bibliography of the subject is nowhere exhaustively done. The Proof-sheets of Pilling as a tentative
nd his later divisionary sections, devoted to the Eskimo, Siouan, and other stocks, though primarily
med for their linguistic bearing, are the chief help ; and these guides can be supplemented by Field's Indian
■///v. the references for anonymous books in Sabin's Dictionary (ix. p. 86), and sections in main'
public and private libraries, like the Brinley (iii. 5,352 etc.), devoted wholly or in part to Ameri-
cana, and the foot-notes and authorities given in Parkman, H. H. Bancroft, and many others.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA.

317

brought together and made to confront each
other in Mr. Parkman's pages. Allowing for a
gap covering the first half of the eighteenth
century, which is yet to be filled, Mr. Parkman's
series of volumes deals with the whole period of
the enterprise of France in the new world to its
cession of all territory east of the Mississippi to
Great Britain. His marvellously faithful and
skilful reproduction of the scenic features of the
continent, in its wild state, bears a fit relation
to his elaborate study of its red denizens. His
wide and arduous exploration in the tracks of
the first pioneers, and his easy social relations
with the modern representatives of the aborigi-
nal stock, put him back into the scenes and
companionship of those whose schemes and
achievements he was to trace historically. After
identifying localities and lines of exploration
here, he followed up in foreign archives the mis-
sives written in these forests, and the official
and confidential communications of the military
and civic functionaries of France, revealing the
joint or conflicting schemes and jealousies of
intrigue or selfishness of priests, traders, mo-
nopolists, and adventurers. The panorama that
is unrolled and spread before us is full and
complete, lacking nothing of reality in nature
or humanity, in color, variety, or action. The
volumes rehearse in a continuous narrative the
course of French enterprise here, the motives,
immediate and ultimate, which were had in view,
the progress in realizing them, the obstacles and
resistance encountered, and the tragic failure.1

The references in Parkman show that he
depends more upon French than upon English
sources, and indeed he seems to give the chief
credit for his drawing of the early Indian life
and character to the Relations of the French
and Italian Jesuits,2 during their missionary
work in New France.

We must class with these records of the
Jesuits, though not equalling them in value,
the volumes of Champlain, Sagard, Creuxius,

Boucher,3 and the later Lafitau and Charlevoix.
Parkman4 tells uS that no other of these early
books is so satisfactory as Lafitau's Moeurs des
Sauvages (1724) ; and Charlevoix gave similar
testimony regarding his predecessor.5 For
original material on the French side we have
nothing to surpass in interest the Memoires et
documents, published by Pierre Margry, of
which an account has been given elsewhere,6 as
well as of the efforts of Parkman and others in
advancing their publication.7 There is but little
matter in these volumes relating to the military
operations which make the subject of this chap-
ter, though jealousy and rivalry of the schemes
of the English, and the necessity of efforts to
thwart them in their attempts to gain influence
and to open trade with the Indians, are con-
stantly recognized. In the diplomatic and mili-
tary movements which opened on this continent
the Seven Years' War, the English, who had sub-
stantially secured the alliance of the Iroquois,
or the Six Nations, insisted that they had ob-
tained by treaties with them the territory be-
tween the Alleghanies and the Ohio, which the
Six Nations on their part claimed to have gained
by conquest and cession of the tribes that had
previously occupied it. But when the English
vindicated their entrance on the territory on the
basis of these treaties with the Six Nations, the
Shawanees and the Delawares, having recuper-
ated their courage and vigor, denied this right
by conquest. The French could not claim a
right either by conquest or by cession. Their
assumed occupancy and tenure through mission
stations and strongholds were maintained simply
and wholly on grounds of discovery and explo-
ration. Margry's volumes furnish the abundant
and all-sufficient evidence of the priority of the
French in this enterprise. The official docu-
ments interchanged with the authorities at home
are all engaged with advice and promptings and
measures for making good the claim to domin-
ion founded on discovery. These volumes also

1 Parkman's merits as a historian are elsewhere recognized in the present history. See Vols. II., IV., and
V. He first gave his summary of Indian character in the introductory chapter of his first historical book, his
Pontiac. He later completed it in papers in the North Amer. Rev., July, 1865, and July, 1866, and finally in
the introduction to his Jesuits.

2 This class of material, including the Leitres Edifiantes, has been examined in our Vol. IV. 292, 296,
316, etc. Cf. Shea's Charlevoix, i. %% ; Glorias del segundo siglo de la comfania de Jesus, 1646-/730 (Mad-
rid, 1734).

Parkman calls Breboeuf the best observer among the Jesuits. On their missions see Revue Canadicnncy
Jan., 1888; Dublin Review, xii. (1869) 70; Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 250. Margry (vol. i.) has a " Memoire"
on the Recollects, 1614-1884. Cf. Revue Canadienne, by S. Lesage, Feb., 1867, p. 303. On the earlier
Canadian missions see N. E. Dionne in Nouvelles Soirees Canadiennes, i. 399 ; U. S. Catholic Monthly, vii.
235> 5J8, 561 ; and the Abbe Verreau on the beginnings of the Church in Canada, in Roy. Soc. Canada, Proc.,
ii. 63.

3 See Vol. IV. 130, 290, 296, 298.

4 Jesuits, p. liv.

6 Shea's ed. Charlevoix, p. 91. See/ost, Vol. IV. 298.

6 Cf. Vol. IV. p. 242.

7 U. S. Statutes at Large, xvii. 513.

3iS

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

are of the highest value as presenting to us from
the first explorers, every way intelligent and
competent as observers and reporters, the scenes
and tenants of the interior of the continent.
Here we have the wilderness, its primeval for-
its sea -like lakes, its threading rivers,
shrunken or swollen, its cataracts and its con-
tinent streams, its marshy expanses, bluffs, and
plains, and its resources, abundant or scant, for
sustaining life of beasts or men, all touched in
feature or full portrayal by the charming skill of
those to whom the sight was novel and bewilder-
ing.1 These French explorers will henceforth
serve for all time as primary authorities on the
features and resources of the interior of this
continent just before it became the prize in con-
test between rival European nationalities. That
contest undoubtedly had more to do in deciding
the fate of the savage tribes from that time to
our own. There are many reasons for believing
that if the French had been able to hold alone
an undisputed dominion in the interior of the
continent, their relations with the Indian tribes,
if not wholly pacific, would have been far more
amicable than those which followed upon the
hot rivalry with the English for the possession
of their territories. The French were the wiser,
the more tolerant and friendly of the two, in
their intercourse with and treatment of the sav-
ages, with whom they found it so easy to affiliate.
Under other circumstances the Indians might
have come to hold the relation of wards to the
French in a sense far more applicable than that
in which the term has been used by the govern-
ment of the United States.

Of the early English material there is no
dearth, but it hardly has the same stamp of
authority. The story of the Moravian and other
missions on the Protestant and English side has
less of such invariable devotedness and success
than is recorded in the general summaries of the
Jesuit and Recollet missions, like Shea's History

of the Catholic Missions, 1 529-1854 (N. Y., 1855).'2
The Indian Nations of Heckewelder,3 the service
of the United Brethren, and the labors instituted
by the Society for the Propagation of the Gos-
pel,4 are records not without significance ; but
they yield to the superior efficacy of the P'rench.6
Among the English administrative officers, the
lead must doubtless be given to Sir William
Johnson, for his personal influence over the In-
dian mind, winning their full confidence by fair
and generous treatment of them, by a free hospi-
tality, by assimilating with their habits even in
his array, and by mastering their language. His
deputy, Col. George Croghan, as interpreter and
messenger, was kept busily employed in con-
stant tramps through the woods, and in fearless
errands to parties of vacillating or hostile tribes,
to hold or win them to the English interest.
The principal and the deputy, in this hazardous
diplomacy, were specially qualified for their of-
fice by having mastered the gift and qualities
of Indian oratory, by a familiarity with Indian
character in its strength and weakness, and by
endeavoring to keep faith with them, and to
imitate the adroit methods of the French rather
than the contemptuous hauteur of most of the
English in intercourse with them.6

The reader will naturally go to the biogra-
phies of Johnson, Washington, and the other
military leaders of their time, to those of a few
civilians, like Franklin, and to the general his-
tories of the French and Indian wars and of
their separate campaigns, for much light upon
the Indian in war ; and these materials have
been sufficiently explored in another volume of
the present History.7 These more general ac-
counts are easily supplemented in the narra-
tives of adventures and sufferings by a large
class of persons who fell captive to the Indians,
and lived to tell their tales. 8

The earlier travellers, like P. E. Radisson,9
Richard Falconer,10 Le Beau,11 and Jonathan

1 Parkman in his La Salle lets us into the feelings of that explorer. La Salle's account of the Indians is
translated in the Mag. Amer. Hist., Ap., 1878.

2 Cf. Travels of several learned missionaries of the Society of Jesus, translated from the French (London)
1714).

3 See Vol. V. 245, 582. 4 See Vol. V, p. 169.

•> Other missionary records are noticed in Vol. V. Brinton enlarges upon the traces of Indian degradation
following upon all missionary efforts among them. Amer. Hero Myths, 206, 231.

c The careers of Johnson and Croghan are traced in Vol. V.

'' Vol. V. passim.

B ^uch were the Travels of Alexander Henry, the Sufferings of Peter Williamson, and the long list of
ailed "Captivities " fsee Vol. V. 186, 490). Probably Mr. Samuel G. Drake was for many years the most
assiduous promoter of this class of books. This compiler's sympathetic sentiment clearly affected his rhet-
oric and sometimes the accuracy of his statements. Cf. titles of his books in Pilling, Sabin, and Field. Cf.
Drake's Aboriginal Races of North America, revised by H. L. Williams (N. Y., 1880).

,J Voyages : an account of his travels and experiences among the North American Indians, from ibj2 to

1. Transcribed from original manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and the British Museum. With

historical illustrations and an introduction by G. D. Scull (Boston, 1885), a publication of the Prince

10 Voyages, 2d ed., London, 1 724. 11 See Vol. IV. p. 299.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA.

319

Carver,1 not to name others ; the later ones, like
Prinz Maximilian ; 2 the experiences of various
army officers on the frontiers, like Randolph B.
Marcy3 and J. B. Fry,4 — all such books fill in
the picture in some of its details.

The early life in the Ohio Valley was par-
ticularly conducive to such auxiliary helps in
this study, and we owe more of this kind of
illustration to Joseph Doddridge 5 than to any
other. He was a physician and a missionary of
the Protestant Episcopal Church, and in both
his professions a man highly esteemed. He was
born in Maryland in 1769, and in his fourth year
removed with his family to the western border
of the line between Pennsylvania and Virginia.
With abundant opportunities in his youth of
familiarity with the rudest experiences of front-
ier life near hostile Indians, he was a keen ob-
server, a skilful narrator, and a diligent gatherer-
up of historical and traditional lore from the
hardy and well-scarred pioneers. He had re-
ceived a good academic and medical education*
and was a keen student of nature as well as of
humanity. His pages give us most vivid pic-
tures of life under the stern and perilous condi-
tions ; not, however, without their fascinations,
of forest haunts, of rude and scattered cabins, of
domestic and social relations, of the resources
of the heroic whites, and of the qualities of In-
dian warfare in the desperate struggle with the
invaders.6

Another early writer in this field was Dr. S. P.
Hildreth of Ohio, who published his Pioneer
History (Cincinnati, 1848) while some of the
pioneers of the Northwest were stiil living, and
the papers of some of them, like Col. George
Morgan, could be put to service.7 Dr. Hildreth,
in his BiograpJiical and Historical Memoirs of
the early Pioneer Settlers of Ohio (Cincinnati,
1852), included a Memoir of Isaac Williams,
who at the age of eighteen began a course of
service and adventure in the Indian country,
which was continued till its close at the age of
eighty-four. When eighteen years of age he
was employed by the government of Pennsylva-
nia, being already a trained hunter, as a spy and
ranger among the Indians. He served in this
capacity in Braddock's campaign, and was a
guard for the first convoy of provisions, on pack-
horses, to Fort Duquesne, after its surrender to
General Forbes in 1758. He was one of the
first settlers on the Muskingum, after the peace
made there with the Indians, in 1765, by Bou-
quet. His subsequent life was one.jof daring
and heroic adventure on the frontiers.8

Passing to the more general works, the ear-
liest treatment of the North American Indians,
of more than local scope, was the work of
James Adair, first published in 1775, a section
of whose map, showing the position of the In-
dian tribes within the present United States at

1 In 1766-68.

2 Reise in das Innere Nord Amerikas (Coblenz, 1841) ; also in an English translation (London).

3 Border Reminiscences (N. Y., 1872).

4 Army Sacrifices.

5 Notes of the settlement and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1 763-1 783.
See Vol. V. p. 581.

6 The question has often been discussed as to the origin of the title of " Indian summer," as applied to a
beautiful portion of our autumnal season. Dr. Doddridge gives us an explanation of its original significance,
or, at least, of an association with it, which would make a feeling of dread rather than of romance its most
striking suggestion. He says that to a backwoodsman the term in its original import would cause a chill of
horror. The explanation is as follows : The white settlers on the frontiers found no peace from Indian alarms
and onsets save in the winter. From spring to the early part of the autumn, the settlers, cooped up in the
forts, or ever at watch in their fields, had no security or comfort. The approach of winter was hailed as a
jubilee in cabin and farm, with bustle and hilarity. But after the first set-in of winter aspects came a longer
or shorter interval of warm, smoky, hazy weather, which would tempt the Indians — as if a brief return of
summer — to renew their incursions on the frontiers. The season, then, was an " Indian summer " only for
blood and mischief. So the spell of warm open weather, of melting snows, in the latter part of February —
a premature spring — was a period of dread for the frontiersmen. It was called the " pawwawing days," as
the Indians were then holding their incantations and councils for rehearsing for their spring war-parties.

7 Cf. further on Hildreth and his books our Vol. VII. p. 536.

8 There are notices of other books of this kind in Vols. V. and VII. of the present History. Particularly,
may be mentioned Joseph Pritt's Mirror of Olden Time (Chambersburg, Va., 1848; 2d ed., Abingdon, Va.,
1849), in which the most interesting portions are the personal narratives of such captives to the Indians as
Col. James Smith, John M'Cullough, and others, the full credibility of which is vouched for by those who
knew them as neighbors and associates. This class of narratives by men who for years, willingly or unwill-
ingly, affiliated with their wild captors make very intelligible to us the fact that the whites are much more
readily Indianized than are Indians led to conform to the ways of civilization. Cf. Archibald Loudon's Selec-
tion of some of the most interesting narratives, of outrages, committed by the Indians, in their wars with
the white people. Also, an account of their manners, customs, traditions, etc. (Carlisle, 1808-11 ; Harris
burg, 1888).

;20

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

that time, is given elsewhere.1 This History of
. was later included by
sborough in Antiquities of Mexico (vol. viii.
London, 04S).- At just about the same time
), Dr. Robertson, in his America (book
aye a general survey, which probably rep-
resents the level of the best European knowl-
edge at that time.

It was not till well into the present century
that much effort was made to summarize the
scattered knowledge of explorers like Lewis and
Clarke and of venturesome travellers. In 1819,
we find where we might not expect it about as
good an attempt to make a survey of the subject
as was then attainable, in Ezekiel Sanford's
History of the United States before tJie Revolu-
tion, — a book, however, which was pretty roundly
condemned for its general inaccuracy by Nathan
Hale in the North American Review. The next
year the Rev. Jedediah Morse made A report to
the secretary of war, on Indian affairs, compris-
ing a narrative of a tour in 1820, for ascertain-
ing the actual state of the Indian tribes in our
country (New Haven, 1822), which is about the
beginning of systematized knowledge, though
the subject in its scientific aspects was too new
for well-studied proportions. The Report, how-
ever, attracted attention and instigated other
students. De Tocqueville, in 1835, took the In-
dian problem within his range.3 Albert Galla-
tin printed, the next year, in the second volume
of the Archceologia A?nericana (Cambridge, 1836),
his Synopsis of the Indian Tribes ivithiti the
United States east of the Rocky Mountains ; and
though his main purpose was to explain the lin-
guistic differences, his introduction is still a val-
uable summary of the knowledge then existing.

There were at this time two well-directed

efforts in progress to catch the features and life-
of the Indians as preserving their aboriginal
traits. Between 1838 and 1844 Thomas L. Mc-
Kenney and James Hall published at Philadel-
phia, in three volumes folio, their History of the
Indian tribes of North America, with biographical
sketches of the principal chief. IVith 120 portrs.
from the Indian gallery of the Department of war,
at Washington ; 4 and in 1841 the public first got
the fruits of George Catlin's wanderings among
the Indians of the Northwest, in his letters and
notes on the manners, customs and condition of the
Arorth American Indians, written during eight
vears^ travel among the wildest tribes of Indians
in North America, in /8j2-j<? (N. Y., 1S41), in
two volumes. The book went through various
editions in this country and in London.5 It
was but the forerunner of various other books
illustrative of his experience among the tribes ;
but it remains the most important.6 The suffi-
cient summary of all that Catlin did to elucidate
the Indian character and life will be found in
Thomas Donaldson's George Catliii's Indian
Gallery in the U. S. Nat. Museum, with memoirs
aitd statistics, being part v. of the Smithsonian
Report for 1885.7

The great work of Schoolcraft has been else-
where described in the present volume.8

The agencies for acquiring and disseminating
knowledge respecting the condition, past and
present, of the red race have been and are much
the same as those which improve the study of
the archaeological aspects of their history : such
publications as the Transactions of the Amer-
ican Ethnological Society (1845-1S48) ; the Re-
ports of the governmental geological surveys,
and those upon transcontinental railway routes;
those upon national boundaries ; those of the

1 Vol. VII. p. 448. As types of successive ranges of anthropological studies see Happel's Thesaurus
Exoticorum (Hamburg, 1688); Stuart and Kuyper's De Mensch zoo als hij voorkomt (Amsterdam, 1802)*-
vol. vi.. and the better known Researches of Prichard (vol. v.).

2 See Vol. V. 68.

3 See Vol. VII. 264.

4 The original paintings for the plates are now in the Peabody Museum {Report, xvi. 189). M'Kenney also
published his Memoirs, official and personal, with sketches of travel among the northern and southern
Indians (N. V., 1846), in two volumes. He had been in 1816 the agent of the United States in dealing with
the Indians, and in 1824 had been put at the head of the Indian bureau.

8 The English editions are generally called Illustrations of the Manners, etc.

c The best bibliographical record of Catlin's publications is in Pilling*s Bibliog. Siouan languages (1SS7),.
p. 15. Cf. Field, p. 63; Sabin, iii. p. 436.

7 The volume contains three interesting portraits of Catlin and reimpressions of his drawings as originally
published.

h For diversity of opinions respecting it see Allibone's Dictionary. The modern scientific historian and
ethnologist think in conjunction in giving it a low rank compared with what such a book should be. The
fullest account of the bibliography of this and of Schoolcraft's other books is in Filling's Proof-sheets. YV hat-
credit may accrue to Schoolcraft is kept out of sight in the title-page of a condensation of the book, which
has some interspersed additions from other sources, all of which are obscurely included, so that the authorship
of them is uncertain. The book is called The Indian Tribes of the United States, edited by F. S. Drake
(Philad., 1884 ). in 2 vols. There is another conglomerate and useful book, edited by W. YV. Beach, The Indian
ny ; papers on the history, antiquities [etc.] of the American aborigines (Albany, 1S77), which is a
Colli ./inc. review, and newspaper articles by various writers, usually of good character.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA.

321

Smithsonian Institution, with its larger Contri-
butions, and of late years the Reports of the
Bureau of Ethnology ; the reports of such insti-
tutions as the Peabody Museum of Archaeology ;
and those of the Indian agents of the Federal
government, of chief importance among which
is Miss Alice C. Fletcher's Indian Education
and Civilization, published by the Bureau of
Education (Washington, 1888). To these must
be added the great mass of current periodical
literature reached through Poole's Index, and
the action and papers of the government, not
always easily discoverable, through Poore's De-
scriptive Catalogue.

The maps of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries are, in addition to the reports of traders,
missionaries, and adventurers, the means which
we have of placing the territories of the many
Indian tribes which, since the contact of Euro-
peans, have been found in North America ; but
the abiding-places of the tribes have been far
from permanent. Many of these early maps are
given in other volumes of the present History.1
Geographers like Hutchins and military men
like Bouquet found it incumbent on them to
study this question.2 Benjamin Smith Barton
surveyed the field in 1797; but the earliest of
special map seems to have been that compiled
by Albert Gallatin, who endeavored to place the
tribes of the Atlantic slope as they were in 1600,
and those beyond the Alleghanies as they were
in 1800. The map in the American Gazetteer
(London, 1762) gives some information,3 and that
of Adair in 1775 is reproduced elsewhere.4 In
1833, Catlin endeavored to give a geographical
position to all the tribes in the United States on
a map, given in his great work and reproduced in
the Smithsonian Report, part v, (1885). In 1840
compiled maps were given on a small scale in

George Bancroft's third volume of his United
States, and another in Marryat's Travels, vol. ii.
The government has from time to time published
maps showing the Indian occupation of territory,
and the present reservations are shown on maps
in Donaldson's Public Domain and in the Smith-
sonian Report, part v. (1885).5

The migrations and characteristics of the Es-
kimos have already been discussed,6 and the
journals of the Arctic explorers will yield light
upon their later conditions. We find those of
the Hudson Bay region depicted in all the books
relating to the life of the Company's factors.7
The Beothuks of Newfoundland, which are
thought to have become extinct in 1828,8 are
described in Hatton and Harvey's Newfound-
land ; by T. G. B. Lloyd in the "Journal of the
Anthropological Institute (London), 1874, p. 21 ;
1875, P- 222 > by A. S. Gatschet in the Amer-
ican Philosophical Society 's Transactions (Philad.,
1885-86, vols. xxii. xxiii.) ; and in the Nineteenth
Century, Dec, 1888. Leclercq in his Nouvclle
Relation de la Gaspesie (Paris, 1 691) gives us an
account of the natives on the western side of the
gulf.9

The Micmacs of Nova Scotia are considered
in Lescarbot and the later histories and in the
documentary collections of that colony ; and as
they played a part in the French wars, the range
of that military history covers some material
concerning them.10

For the aborigines of Canada, we easily revert
to the older writers, like Champlain, Sagard,
Creuxius, Boucher, Leclercq, Lafitau ; the Voyage
curieux et nouveaic parmi les sauvages of Le Beau
(Amsterdam, 1738) ; the Nouvelle France of
Charlevoix ; the Histoire de V Amerique Septen-
trionale (Paris, 1753) of Bacqueville de la
Potherie ; n and to the later historians, like Fer-

1 Particularly in Vol. IV.

2 Cf. Vol. VI. 610, 611,650.

3 A part of it is reproduced by J. Watts de Peyster in his Miscellanies by an Officer, part ii. (N. Y., 1888).

4 Vol. VII. p. 448.

5 There is a map of the distribution of Indians in the eastern part of the United States in Cassino's
Standard Nat. Hist., vi. 147.

6 See ante, p. 106.

7 Paul Kane's Wanderings of an artist among the Indians is translated by Ed. Delessert in Les Indiens
de la baie d' Hudson (Paris, 1861).

8 The truth seems to be that some were last seen in that year. It is uncertain whether they died out, or
the final remnant crossed into Labrador.

9 See Vol. IV. p. 292.

10 Cf. Account of the customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets savage nations. From an
original French manuscript letter, never published. Annexed, pieces relative to the savages, Nova Scotia
[etc.] (London, 1758) ; J. G. Shea in Hist. Mag., v. 290; No. Am. Rev., vol. cxii., Jan., 1871. For missions
among them see Vol. IV. p. 268.

11 See Vol. IV. p. 299. The Hurons as the leading stock in Canada are, of course, to be studied in the
lesuit Relations and in all the other accounts of the Catholic missions in Canada, as well as in the early
historical narratives, alluded to in the text, and in such special books as the Sieur Gendron's Pays des Hurons
(see Vol. IV. 305), and in the accounts of leading missionaries like Jean de Br6boeuf. Cf. Felix Martin's
Hurons et Iroquois (Paris, 1877); J. M. Lemoine in Maple Leaves, 2d ser. (1873); Cayaron's Chattmont,
1639-1693, and his Autobiographic et pieces ineditcs (Poitiers, 1869) ; B. Suite on the Iroquois and Algonquins

VOL. I. — 21

322 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

nald (ch. 7, 8), Garneau (2d book), and Warbur- work help us in their records. We have letters
ton's Conquest of Canada (ch. 6, 7, 8). The of Eliot, and we have the tracts which he was
Abenaki, which lay between the northeastern instrumental in publishing.6 There is also a let-
settlements of the English and the French, are ter of Increase Mather to Leusden on the Indian
specially treated by Bacqueville (vol. iv.), in the missions (16S8).7 Gookin tells us of the suffer-
Maitu Hist. Sac. Collections, vol. vi., and in Mau- ings of the Christian Indians during the war of
rault's Histoire des Abenakis (1866).1 167 5,8 and he gives also reports of the speeches
The rich descriptive literature of the early of the Indian converts.9 The Mayhews of Mar-
days of New England gives us much help in un- tha's Vineyard, Thomas, Matthew, and Expert*
derstanding the aboriginal life. We begin with ence, have left us records equally useful.10
John Smith, and come down through a long The principal student of the literature, mainly
series of writers like Governor Bradford and religious, produced in the tongue of the natives,
Edward Winslow for Plymouth ; Gorges, Mor- has been Dr. James Hammond Trumbull, of
ton, Winthrop, Higginson, Dudley, Johnson, Hartford, and he has given us the leading ac-
Wood, Lechford, and Roger Williams for other counts of its creation and influence.11 It was
parts. These are all characterized in another this propagandist movement that led Eleazer
place.2 The authorities on the early wars with Wheelock into establishing (1754) an Indian
the Pequots and with Philip, the accounts of Charity School at Lebanon, Connecticut, which
Daniel Gookin, who knew them so well,3 and finally removed to Hanover, in New Hampshire,
chance visits like those of Rawson and Dan- and became (1769) Dartmouth College.12
forth,4 furnish the concomitants needful to the The New England tribes have produced a
recital. The story of the labors of Eliot, May- considerable local illustrative literature. The
hew, and others in urging the conversion of the Kennebecs and Penobscots in Maine are no-
natives is based upon another large range of ticed in the histories of that State, and in many
material, in which much that is merely exhorta- of the local monographs.13 For New Hamp-
tive does not wholly conceal the material for the shire, beside the state histories,14 the Pemige-
historian.5 Here too the chief actors in this wassets are described in Wm. Little's Warren

in the Revue Canadienne (x. 606) ; D. Wilson on the Huron-Iroquois of Canada in Roy. Soc. Canada, Proc.
(1884, vol. ii.), and references,/^/, Vol. IV. p. 307. W. H. Withrow has a paper on the last of the Hurons in
the Canadian Monthly (ii. 409).

1 All of these books are further characterized in Vols. IV. and V. Cf. also J. Campbell in the Quebec Lit.
and Hist. Soc. Traits., 1881, and Wm. Clint in Ibid. 1877 ; and Daniel Wilson in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc.
(1882), vol. xxxi., and in his Prehist. Man, ii. Also Vetromile's Abnakis (N. Y., 1866).

2 Vol. III.

3 « Hist. Coll. of the Indians of N. E." in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., i.

4 Noyes' New England's Duty, Boston, 1698.

5 Cf. Neal's New England, i. ch. 6 ; Conn. Evang. Mag., ii., hi., iv. ; Amer. Q. Reg., iv. ; Sabbath at
Home, Apr .-July, 1868.

6 Cf. his letters in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Nov., 1879 ; N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., July, 1882 ; Birch's Life of
Robert Boyle ; and the lives of Eliot. For the Eliot tracts see our Vol. III. p. 355. Marvin's reprint of Eliot's
Brief Narration (1670) has a list of writers on the subject. Cf. Martin Moore on Eliot and his Converts in
the Amer. Quart. Reg., Feb., 1843, reprinted in Beach's Indian Miscellany, p. 405 ; Ellis's Red Man and
White Man in No. America; Jacob's Praying Indians ; and Bigelow's Natick.

7 Sabin, x. p. 191.

8 Arch&ologia Amer., ii.

9 Cf. John Gillies' Hist. Coll. relating to remarkable periods of the success of the Gospel (Glasgow, 1754).

10 Success of the gospel among the Indians of Martha's Vineyard (1694). Conquests, and Triumphs of
Grace (1696), which is reprinted in part in Mather's Magnalia. Indian Converts of Martha'' s Vineyard
(1727), and Experience, its author, appended to one of his discourses a " State of the Indians, 1694-1720."

11 Origin and early progress of Indian missions in New England, with a list of books in the Indian
language printed at Cambridge and Boston, /bjj-/j2f (Worcester, 1874, or Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct.,
1873) 5 a paper on the Indian tongue and its literature in the Mem. Hist. Boston, i. 465.

12 Wheelock has given us A brief narrative of the Indian Charity School (London, 1766; 2d ed., 1767), and
a series of tracts portray its later progress. Cf. McClure and Parish's Memoir of Wheelock. Samson Occum
and Brant were his pupils. Also see Miss Fletcher's Report, p. 94, and S. C. Bartlett in The Granite
Monthly (18S8), p. 277.

U Soe Vol III. p. 364. There is a bibliography of the Indians in Maine in the Hist. Mag.. March, 1870, p.
rf>4. Cf. Hanson's Gardiner, etc.; the histories of Norridgewock by Hanson and Allen ; Sabine in the Chris-
tian Examiner, 1857; and Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vols, iii., ix. On the Maine missions, see post, Vol. IV.
300; and R. H. Sherwood in the Catholic World, xxii. 656.
ee Vol. III. p. 367.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 323

(Concord, 1854), and the Pemicooks in the general survey of the Indians of New England,

N. H. Hist. Collections, i. ; Bouton's Concord, delineates their character with much plainness

Moore's Concord, and Potter's Manchester. and discrimination, and it is perhaps as true a

The Archives of Massachusetts yield a large piece of characterization as any we have.6

amount of material respecting the relations of The Iroquois of New York have probably

the tribes to the government, particularly at the been the subject of a more sustained historical

eastward, while Maine was a part of the col- treatment than any other tribes. We have the

ony ; x and the large mass of its local histories, advantage, in studying them, of the observations

as well as those of the State,'2 supply even bet- of the Dutch,7 as well as of the French and Eng-

ter than the other New England States material lish. The French priests give us the earliest ac-

for the historian.3 counts, particularly the relations of Jogues and

The Indians of Rhode Island are noted by Milet.8

Arnold in his Rhode Island (ch. 3), and some The story of the French missions in New

special treatment is given to the Narragansetts York is told elsewhere ; 9 those of the Protes-

and the Nyantics.4 Those of Connecticut have tant English yield us less.10

a monographic record in De Forest's Indians of We have another source in the local histo-

Connecticut, as well as treatment otherwise.5 ries of New York.11 The earliest of the general

Palfrey {Hist. New England, i. ch. 1, 2), in his histories of the Iroquois is that of Cadwallader

1 Cf. Report on the Mass. Archives (1885). 2 Vol. III. p. 362.

3 Dr. Ellis has a paper on the Indians of eastern Massachusetts in the Mem. Hist. Boston, i. 241. For the
middle regions there are Epaphras Hoyt's Antiquarian Researches (Greenfield, 1824), and Temple's North
Brookfield, not to name other books. For the Stockbridge tribe and the Housatonics, see Samuel Hopkins'
Hist. Memoirs relating to the Hottsatunnuk Indians (1753); Jones' Stockbridge; Charles Allen's Report
■on the Stockbridge Indians (Boston, 1870; Ho. Doc. Mass. Leg., no. 13, of 1870) ; S. Orcutt's Indians of the
Honsatonic and Naugatuck Valleys (Hartford, 1882); Mag. Amer. Hist., Dec, 1878; and Miss Fletcher's
Report, pp. 38, 90. For the Wampanoags on the borders of Rhode Island, see Smithsonian Report, 1883 ;
and William J. Miller's Notes concerning the Wampanoag tribe of Indians, with some account of a rock
picture on the shore of Mount Hope Bay, in Bristol, R. I., (Providence, 1880).

4 Potter's Early Hist, of Narragansett ; R. I. Hist. Coll., viii. ; Henry Bull's Memoir in R. I. Hist. Mag.,
April, 1886; Usher Parsons on the Nyantics in Hist. Mag., Feb., 1863.

5 Theo. Dwight's Connecticut, ch. 5-7 ; Trumbull's Connecticut, ch. 5, 6 ; Ellis' Life of Capt. Mason ; W.
L. Stone's Uncas and Miantonomoh ; S. Orcutt's Stratford and Bridgeport (1886) ; Luzerne Ray in New
Englander, July, 1843 (reprinted in Beach's Ind. Miscellany).

On the Pequods, see Win. Apes' Son of the Forest, and other small books by this member of the tribe,
published from 1829 to 1837; Lossing in Scribuer's Monthly, ii., Oct., 1871 (included in Beach). Cf. our
Vol. III. p. 368.

6 Further modern portraitures can be found in Dwight's Travels; Barry's Massachusetts; Felt's Eccles.
Hist. N. E. (p. 279); Samuel Eliot on the " Early relations with the Indians" in the volume of the Mass.
Hist. Soc. Lectures ; Zachariah Allen on The conditions of life, habits, and customs of the native Indians
of America, and their treatment by the first settlers. An address before the Rhode Island Historical
Society, Dec. 4, 187Q (Providence, 1880). Cf. on the Indians and the Puritans, Amer. Chh. Review, iii. 208,
359-

7 Cf. Brodhead's New York ; the Doc. Hist. N. Y. ; and Wm. Eliot Griffis' Arent van Ctirler and his
policy of peace with the Iroquois (1884).

8 Cf. Vol. IV. 306. The best source for the story of Jogues is Felix Martin's Life of Father Isaac Jogues,
missionary priest of the Society of Jesus, slain by the Mohawk Iroquois, in the present state of New York,
Oct. iS, 1646. With [his] account of the captivity and death of Rene Goupil, slain Sept. 2q, 1642.
Translated from the French by J. G. Shea (New York, 1885). It is accompanied by a map of the county by
Gen. John S. Clark, indicating the sites of the Indian villages and missions, which is an improvement upon
Clark's earlier map, given post, Vol. IV. 293. Cf. Hist. Mag., xii. 15 ; Hale's Book of Rites, introd. W. H.
Withrow has a paper on Jogues in the Proc. Roy. Soc. Canada, iii. (2) 45.

9 Vol. IV. 279, 309.

10 Cf. D. Humphrey's Hist. Ace. of the Soc. for propagating the Gospel (1730) ; Doc. Hist. N. Y, iv. ; A. G.
Hopkins in the Oneida Hist. Soc. Trans., 1885-86, p. 5 ; W. M. Beauchamp in Am. Chh. Rev., xlvi. 87;
S. K. Lothrop's Kirk I and ; and Miss Fletcher's Report (1888), p. 85.

11 Sylvester's Northern New York; Clark's Onondaga; Jones's Oneida County; Simms' Schoharie
County ; Benton's Herkimer County ; C. E. Stickney's Minisink Region ; G. H. Harris' Aboriginal occu-
pation of the lower Genesee County (Rochester, 1884, — taken from W. F. Peck's Semi-Centennial Hist,
of Rochester) ; Ketchum's Buffalo ; John Wentworth Sanborn's Legends, Customs, and Social Life of the
Seneca Indians (Gowanda, N. Y., 1878). On the origin of the name Seneca, see O. H. Marshall's Hist.
Writings, p. 231.

3^4

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Colden, and the best edition is The history of the
five Indian nations depending on the province of
NewYork. Reprinted exactly from Bradford's
New York edition, 17 2j ; with an introduction
and notes by J. G. Shea (New York, 1866). 1 The
London reprints of 1747, and later, unfortu-
nately added to the title Five Indian Nations [of
Canada] the words in brackets. This was the
very point denied by the English, who claimed
that the French had no territorial rights south
of the lakes. Otherwise his title conveys two
significant facts : first, that the English had
come to regard the Five Nations as their " de-
pendants " ; and second, that these Indians ac-
tually were a barrier between them and the
French. There was something farcical in the^
formula used by Sir Wm. Johnson in a letter
to the ministry : " The combined tribes have
taken arms against his Britannic Majesty." The
Mohawks had been induced to ask that the
Duke of York's arms should be attached to
their castles. This had been assented to, and
allowed as a security against the inroads of the
French — a sort of talismanic charm which might
be respected by European usage. But those
ducal bearings did not have their full meaning
to the Iroquois as binding their own allegiance,
nor were the Six Nations ever the gainers by
being thus constructively protected.

Colden was born in Scotland in 1688, and
died on Long Island in 1776. He was a physi-
cian, botanist, scholar, and literary man, able
and well qualified in each pursuit. The greater
part of his long life was spent in this country.
As councillor, lieutenant-governor, and acting
governor, he was in the administration of New
York from 1720 till near his death. He was a
most inquisitive and intelligent investigator and
observer of Indian history and character. In
dedicating his work to General Oglethorpe, he
claims to have been prompted to it by his inter-
est in the welfare of the Five Nations. He is
frank and positive in expressing his judgment
that they had been degraded and demoralized
by their intercourse with the whites. He says
that he wrote the former part of his history in
New York, in 1727, to thwart the manoeuvres
of the French in their efforts to monopolize
the western fur trade. They had been allowed
to import woollen goods for the Indian traffic
through New York. Governor Burnet advised
that a stop be put to this abuse. The New
York legislature furthered his advice, and built
a fort at Oswego for three hundred traders.

When the Duke of York was represented here
by Governor Dongan, and " Popish interests "
were allowed sway, — there being at the time a
mean pretence of amity between England and
France, — the interests of the former were sacri-
ficed to those of the latter. This, of course, had
a bad influence on the Five Nations, as leading
them to regard the French as masters. The
whole of the first part of Colden's History deals
with the Iroquois as merely the centre of the
rivalry between the French and the English
with their respective savage allies. The Eng-
lish had the advantage at the start, because
from the earliest period when Champlain made
a hostile incursion into the country of the Iro-
quois, attended by their Huron enemies, the re-
lations of enmity were decided upon, and after-
wards were constantly imbittered by a series of
invasions. The French sought to undo their
own influence of this sort when it became neces-
sary for them to try to win over the Iroquois to
their own interest in the fur traffic. The Con-
federacy which existed among the Five, and
afterwards the Six, Nations was roughly tried
when there was so sharp a bidding for alliances
between one or another of the tribes by their
European tempters. An incidental and very
embarrassing element came in to complicate the
relations of the parties, English, French, and In-
dians, on the grounds of the claim advanced by
the English to hold the region beyond the Alle-
ghanies by cession from the Iroquois in a coun-
cil in 1726. The question was whether the Iro-
quois had previous to that time obtained tenable
possession of the Ohio region, by conquest of
the former occupants. It would appear that
after that conquest that region was for a time
wellnigh deserted. When it was to some ex-
tent reoccupied, the subsequent hunters and ten-
ants of it denied the sovereignty of the Iroquois
and the rights of the English intruders who re-
lied upon the old treaty of cession.

The rival French history while Colden was in
vogue was the third volume of Bacqueville de
la Potherie's Hist, de VAmerique Septentrionale
(Paris, 1753); and another contemporary Eng-
lish view appeared in Wm. Smith's Hist, of the
Province of New York (1757).2 Nothing ap-
peared after this of much moment as a general
account of the Six Nations till Henry R. School-
craft made his Report to the New York authori-
ties in 1845, which was published in a more
popular form in his Arotes on the Iroquois, or
Contributions to American history, antiquities,

1 See Vol. IV. 299. Shea says the only copies known of the 1727 edition are those noted in the catalogues
of II. C. Murphy, Menzies, Brinley, and T. H. Morrell. Stevens noted a copy in 1S85, at £42. The Mur-
phy Catalogue gives the various editions. Cf. Sabin and Pilling. There is an account of Colden in the Hist.
Mag., Jan., 1865. Palfrey (New England, iv. 40) warns the student that Colden must be used with caution,
and that he needs to be corrected by Charlevoix.
e Vol. V. 618.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA. 325

and general ethnology (Albany, 1847), a book not Lenni Lenape, the main source is the native

valued overmuch.1 bark record, which as Walam-Olum was given

Better work was done by J. V. II. Clark in by Squier in his Historical and Mythological

what is in effect a good history of the Confed- Traditions of the Algonquins? as translated by

eracy, in his Onondaga (Syracuse, 1849). The Rafmesque,7 while a new translation is given in

series of biographies by W. L. Stone, of Sir D. G. Brinton's Lendpe and their legends ; with

William Johnson, Brant, and Red Jacket, form the complete text and symbols of the Walam Olum,

a continuous history for a century ( I735—IS38)-2 a new translation, and an inquiry into its authen-

The most carefully studied work of all has been ticity (Philadelphia, 1885), making a volume of

that of Lewis H. Morgan in his League of the his Library of aboriginal American literature ;

Iroquois (1851), a book of which Parkman says and the book is in effect a series of ethnological

[Jesuits, p. liv) that it commands a place far in studies on the Indians of Pennsylvania* New

advance of all others, and he adds, " Though Jersey, and Maryland.8

often differing widely from Mr. Morgan's conclu- In addition to some of the early tracts9 on
sions, I cannot bear too emphatic testimony to the Maryland10 and Virginia and the general histories,
value of his researches." 3 The latest scholarly like those of Beverly, and Stith for Virginia, and
treatment of the Iroquois history is by Horatio particularly Bozman for Maryland, with Hen-
Hale in the introduction to The Iroquois Book of ning's Statutes, and some of the local histories,11
Rites (Philad., 1883), which gives the forms of we have little for these central coast regions.12
commemoration on the death of a chief and upon In Carolina we must revert to such early books
the choice of a successor.4 as Lawson and Brickell ; to Carroll's Hist. Col-

Moving south, the material grows somewhat lections of South Carolina, and to occasional

scant. There is little distinctive about the New periodic papers.13

Jersey tribes.5 For the Delawares and the Farther south, we get help from the early

1 Cf. Vol. IV. 297. Schoolcraft later included in his Indian Tribes a reprint of David Cusick's Ancient
Hist, of the Six Nations (1825), the work of a Tuscarora chief. Brinton {Myths, 108) calls it of little value.
Elias Johnson, another Tuscarora, printed a little Hist, of the Six Nations at Lockport in 1881.

2 See Vol. V., VI., VII.

8 This was the earliest of Morgan's important writings on the Iroquois, but the full outcome of all his
views on the Indian character and life can only be studied by following him through his later Ancient Society,
his Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity, and his Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines.
Cf. Pilling's Proof-sheets for a conspectus of his works. Morgan's early studies on the Iroquois sensibly
affected his judgment in his later treatment of all other North American tribes.

4 Hale has also contributed to the Mag. Amer. Hist., 1885, xiii. 131, a paper on "Chief George H. M.
Johnson, his life and work among the Six Nations;" and to the Amer. Antiquarian, 1885, vii. 7, one on
" The Iroquois sacrifice of the white dog."

A few other references on the Iroquois follow : Drake's Book of the Indians, book v. ; D. Sherman in Mag.
West. Hist., i. 467; W. W. Beauchamp in Amer. Antiquarian (Nov., 1886), viii. 358; D. Gray on the last
Indian council in the Genesee Country, in Scribner's Mag., xxv. 338 ; Penna. Mag., i. 163, 319 ; ii. 407. For
the Schaghticoke tribe, see Hist. Mag., June, 1870; and for those of the Susquehanna Valley, Miner's Wyo-
ming and Stone's Wyoming. E. M. Ruttenber's Indian Tribes of the Hudson River (Albany, 1872) is an
important book. Miss Fletcher's Report includes a paper on the N. Y. Indians, by F. B. Hough.

5 N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc, vol. iv.

6 There is a sketch of this singular character in Brinton's Lenape, ch. 7.

7 Also Amer. Whig Review, Feb., 1849 ; and in Beach's Indian Miscellany.

8 We may also note : D. B. Brunner's Indians of Berks county, Pa. ; being a summary of all the tan-
gible records of the aborigines of Berks County (Reading, Pa., 1881), and W. J. Buck's " Lappawinzo and
Tishcohan chiefs of the Lenni Lenape " in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., July, 1883, p. 215. The early writers
to elucidate the condition of the Delawares soon after the white contact are Vanderdonck, Campanius,
Gabriel Thomas, and later there is something of value in Peter Kalm's Travels. The early authorities on
Pennsylvania need also to be consulted, as well as the Penna. Archives, and the Collections of the Penna.
Hist. Soc, and its Bulletin, whose first number has Ettwein's Traditions and language of the Indians. Of
considerable historical value is Charles Thomson's Enquiry (see Vol. V. 575), and the relations of the
Quakers to the tribes are surveyed in an Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends towards the Indian
Tribes (Lond., 1844) ; but other references will be found post, Vol. V. 582, including others on the Moravian
missions, the literature of which is of much importance in this study. Cf. Chas. Beatty's Journal of a two
months'' tour (London, 1768), the works of Heckewelder and Loskiel, and Schweinitz's Zeisberger. Cf. Miss
Fletcher's Report, p. 78.

9 Vol. III., under Virginia and Maryland. Cf. Hist. Mag., March, 1857.

10 For instance, the Relatio itineris in Marylandiam. n See Vol. III.

12 The latest summary is in Miss Fletcher's Report, ch. 2 and 3.

13 F. Kidder in Hist. Mag. (1857), i. 161. Doyle's English in America, Virginia, etc. (London, 1882) gives
a brief chapter to the natives. Cf. travels of Bartram and Smyth, and Miss Fletcher's Report, ch. 19.

326

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Spanish and French, — Herrera, Barcia, the
chroniclers of Florida, Davilla Padilla, JLaudon-
nicre, the memorials of De Soto's march, the
documents in the collections of Ternaux, Buck-
ingham Smith, and B. F. French, all of which
have been characterized elsewhere.1

The later French documents in Margry and
the works of Dumont and Du Pratz give us
additional help.2 On the English side we find
something in Coxe's Carolana, in Timberlake,
in Lawson,3 in the Wormsloe quartos on Georgia
and South Carolina,4 and in later books like
Fil son's Kentucky John Haywood's Nat. and
Aborig. Hist. Tennessee (down to 1768), Benja-
min Hawkins's Sketch of the Creek Country
(1799), and Jeffreys' French Dominion in Amer-
ica. Brinton, in The National Legend of the
Chata-Mus-ko-kee tribes (in the Hist. Mag., Feb.,
1S70), printed a translation of " What Chekilli
the head chief of the upper and lower Creeks
said in a talk held at Savannah in 1735," which
he derived from a German version preserved in
Her r 11 Philipp Georg Friederichs von Reck Dia-
rinm von seiner Reise nach Georgien im jfahr iyjj
(Halle, 1741).5 This legend is taken by Albert
S. Gatschet, in his Migration Legend of the
Creek Indians, with a li?igziistic, historic, and eth-
nographic introduction (Philad., 1884), as a cen-
tre round which to group the ethnography of the
whole gulf water-shed of the Southern States,
wherein he has carefully analyzed the legend
and its language, and in this way there is formed
what is perhaps the best survey we have of the
southern Indians.

This we may supplement by Pickett's Ala-

bama. Col. C. C. Jones, Jr., has given us a
sketch (1868) of Tomo-chi-chi, the chief who
welcomed Oglethorpe.6

C. C. Royce has given us glimpses of the rela-
tions of the Cherokees and the whites in the
Fifth Report, Bttreau of Ethnology. A recent
book is G. E. Foster's Se-Quo-Yah, the American
Cadmus and modern Moses. A biography of the
greatest of redmen, aroitnd whose life has been
woven the manners, customs and beliefs of the
early Cherokees, with a recital of their wrongs
and progress toward civilization (Philadelphia,
etc., 1885.)7 Gatschet cites the Memoire of Mil-
fort, a war chief of the Creeks.8 The Chippe-
was are commemorated in a paper in Beach's
Indian Miscellany.9 The Seminole war pro-
duced a literature 10 bearing on the Florida tribes.
Bernard Romans' Florida (1775) gave the com-
ments of an early English observer of the na-
tives of the southeastern parts of the United
States. Dr. Brinton's Floridian Peninsula and
the paper of Clay Maccauley on the Seminoles
in the Fifth Rept. Bureau of Ethnology help out
the study. The Natchez have been considered
as allied with the races of middle America,11 and
we may go back to Garcilasso de la Vega and
the later Du Pratz for some of the speculations
about them, to be aided by the accounts we get
from the French concerning their campaigns
against them.1'2

The placing of the tribes in the Ohio Valley is
embarrassed by their periodic migrations.13 Brin-
ton follows the migrations of the Shawanees,14
and C. C. Royce seeks to identify them in their
wanderings.15 O. H. Marshall tracks other tribes

1 Vol. II.

2 Vol. V. p. 65.

3 Vol. V. p. 69, 344, 393.

4 Vol. V. p. 401.

5 This also makes part of the Urlsperger tract, Ausfuhrliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgisehen Emi-
granten (Halle, 1835). See Vol. V. p. 395.

6 Vol. V. p. 399. Cf. Mag. Amcr. Hist., v. 346.

7 The long contested case of the Cherokees v. Georgia brought out much material. Cf. Vol. VII. p. 322,
and Poole's Index, p. 225. There is a somewhat curious presentation of the Cherokee mind in the address
of Dewi Brown in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii. 30.

8 The histories of the Creek war give some material. See Vol. VII. and Harrison's Life of John Howard
Payne, ch. 4. Cf. Poole's Index, p. 314.

» Cf. Poole's Index.

10 See Vol. VII.

11 Cf. Claiborne's Mississippi, i. ; Brinton in Hist. Mag., 2d ser., vol. i. p. 16; and E. L. Berthoud's Natchez
Indians (Golden, 1886), a pamphlet.

12 Vol. V. p. 68. Cf. also an abridged memoir of the missions in Louisiana by Father Francis Watrin,
Jesuit, 1764-65, in Mag. West. Hist., Feb., 1885, p. 265 ; the Travels into Arkansa territory, 1819, by Thomas
Nuttall (Philad., 1821), for other accounts of the aboriginal inhabitants of the banks of the Mississippi; the
History of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), p. 58 ; and the Proceedings of the Kansas Hist. Society.

13 Cf. Vol. IV. p. 298; and C. W. Butterfield in the Mag. West. Hist., Feb., 1S87; and on the Indian
occupation of Ohio, Ibid., Nov., 1884. David Jones' Two Visits, 1772-73, concerns the Ohio Indians. Our
Vol. V. covers this region during the French wars. J. R. Dodge's Red Man of the Ohio Valley, 1650-1795
(Springfield, 0., 1860), is a popular book.

14 Hist. Mag., x. (Jan., 1S66).
" Majr. West. Hist., ii. 38.

THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA.

327

along the Great Lakes.1 Hiram W. Beckwith
places those in Illinois and Indiana.2 The
"Wyandots3 have been treated, as affording a
type for a short study of tribal society, by Major
Powell in the Bureau of Ethnology, First Report.^
G. Gale's Upper Mississippi (Chicago, 1867) gives
us a condensed summary of the tribes of that
region, and Miss Fletcher's Report will help us
for all this territory. Use can be also made of
Caleb Atwater's Indians of the Northwest, or a
Tour to Prairie du Chien (Columbus, 1850). Dr.
John G. Shea and others have used the Collec-
tions of the Wisconsin Historical Society to make
known their studies of the tribes of that State.5
One of the most readable studies of the Indians
in the neighborhood of Lake Superior is John
G. Kohl's Kitchi-Gami (i860). The authorities
on the Black Hawk war throw light on the Sac
and Fox tribes.6 Pilling's Bibliography of the
Siouan Languages (1887) affords the readiest key
to the mass of books about the Sioux or Daco-
tah stocks from the time of Hennepin and the
early adventurers in the Missouri Valley. The
travellers Carver and Catlin are of importance
here. Mrs. Eastman's Dacotah, or life and legends
of the Sioux (1849) is an excellent book that has
not yet lost its value ; and the same can be said
of Francis Parkman's California and the Oregon
Trail (N. V., 1849), which shows that histo-
rian's earliest experience of the wild camp life.
Miss Alice C. Fletcher is the latest investigator
of their present life.7 Of the Crows we have
some occasional accounts like Mrs. Margaret J.
Carrington's Absarakafi On the Modocs we
have J. Miller's Life among the Modocs (London,
T873). J- O. Dorsey has given us a paper on
the Omaha sociology in the Third Rept. Bureau
of Ethnology (p. 205) ; and we may add to this

some account in the Transactions (vol. i.) of the
Nebraska State Hist. Society, and a tract by
Miss Fletcher on the Omaha tribe of Indians in
Nebraska (Washington, 1885). The Pawnees
have been described by J. B. Dunbar in the Mag.
A?ner. Hist. (vols, iv., v., viii., ix.) The Ojibways
have had two native historians, — Geo. Copway's
Traditional Hist, of the Ojibway Nation (London,
1850), and Peter Jones' Hist, of the Ojibway In-
dians, with special reference to their conversion to
Christianity (London, 1861). The Minnesota
Hist. Soc. Collections (vol. v.) contain other his-
torical accounts by Wm. W. Warren and by
Edw. D. Neill, — the latter touching their con-
nection with the fur-traders. Miss Fletcher's
Report (1888) will supplement all these accounts
of the aborigines of this region.

Our best knowledge of the southwestern In-
dians, the Apaches, Navajos, Utes, Comanches,
and the rest, comes from such government ob-
servers as Emory in his Military Reconnaissance ;
Marcy's Exploration of the Red River in 1852 ;
J. H. Simpson in his Expedition into the Navajo
Country ( 1856) ; and E. H. Ruffner's Recounois-
sance in the Ute Coujitry (1874). The fullest
references are given in Bancroft's Native Races,9
with a map.

We may still find in Bancroft's Native Races
(i. ch. 2, 3) the best summarized statement with
references on the tribes of the upper Pacific
coast, and follow the development of our knowl-
edge in the narratives of the early explorers of
that coast by water, in the account of Lewis and
Clark and other overland travels, and in such
tales of adventures as the yournal kept at Nootka
Sound by John R. Jewitt, which has had various
forms.10

The earliest of the better studied accounts of

1 Hist. Writings, 1887.

2 Fergus Hist. Series, No. 27 (1884). Cf. Hough's map of the tribal districts of Indiana in his Rept. on
the Geology and Nat. Hist, of Indiana (1882).

3 See Vol. IV. 298.

4 Cf. Hist. Mag., Sept., 1861 ; and Peter D. Clarke's Origin and Traditional Hist, of the Wyandotts
(Toronto, 1870). Clarke is a native Indian writer.

5 Cf. I. A. Lapham on the Indians of Wisconsin (Milwaukee, 1879) ; and E. Jacker on the missions in
Am. Cath. Quart., i. 404 ; also Miss Fletcher's Report, ch. 21.

6 Vol. VII.

7 Cf. her Report (1888), ch. 10, and her Indian ceremonies (Salem, Mass., 1884), taken from the xvi. Report
of the Peabody Museum of Amer. Archeology and Ethnology, 1883, pp. 260-333, and containing: The white
buffalo festival of the Uncpapas. — The elk mystery or festival. Ogallala Sioux. — The religious ceremony
of the four winds or quarters, as observed by the Santee Sioux. — The shadow or ghost lodge : a ceremony of
the Ogallala Sioux. — The " Wawan," or pipe dance of the Omahas.

The Minnesota Hist. Soc. Collections have much on the Dacotahs.

8 Ab-sa-ra-ka, home of the Crows, being the experience of an officer's wife on the plains, with outlines of
the natural features of the land, tables of distances, maps [etc.] (Philad., 1868).

9 These may be supplemented by Letheman's account of the Navajos in the Smithsonian Rept., 1855,
p. 280 ; and books of adventures, like Ruxton's Life in the Far West ; Pumpelly's Across America and Asia ;
H. C. Dorr in Overland Monthly, Apr., 1871 (also in Beach's Indian Miscellany) ; James Hobbs' Wild life
in the far West (Hartford, 1875), — not to name others, and a large mass of periodical literature to be reached
for the English portion through Poole's Index. Cf. Miss Fletcher's Report (1888).

10 A Journal, kept at Nootka Sound, by John R. Jewitt, one of the surviving crew of the ship Boston, of

32S

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

these northwestern tribes was that of Horatio
1 1. ile in the volume (vi.) on ethnography, of the
Wilkes' United States Exploring Expedition
(Philad., i $46), and the same philologist's paper
in the Amcr. Ethnological Society's Transactions
(vol. ii.). Recent scientific results are found in
The North-West Coast of A??ierica, being Results
of Recent Ethnological Researches, from the Col-
lections of the Royal Museums at Berlin, published
by the Directors of the Ethnological Department,
by Hcrr E. Krause, and partly by Dr. Grun-
wedel, translated from the German, the Histor-
ical and Descriptive Text by Dr. Rciss (New
York, 18S6), and in the first volume of the Con-
tributions to North Amer. Ethnology (Powell's
Survey), in papers by George Gibbs on the tribes
of Washington and Oregon, and by W. H. Dall
on those of Alaska.1
For the tribes of California, Bancroft's first

volume is still the useful general account; but
the Federal government have published several
contributions of scientific importance : that of
Stephen Powers in the Contributions to Aro. Amer
Ethnology (vol. iii., 1877) ; 2 the ethnological
volume (vii.) of Wheeler's Survey, edited by
Putnam; and papers in the Smithsonian Re-
ports, 1863-64, and in Miss Fletcher's Report,
1888.3

This survey would not be complete without
some indication of the topical variety in the con-
sideration of the native peoples, but we have
space only to mention the kinds of special treat-
ment, shown in accounts of their government
and society, their intellectual character, and of
some of their customs and amusements.4 Their
industries, their linguistics, and their myths have
been considered with wider relations in the ap-
pendixes of the present volume.

Boston, John Salter, commander, who was massacred on 22d of March, 1803. Interspersed with some
account of the natives, their manners and customs (Boston, 1807). Another account has been published
with the title, " A narrative of the adventures and sufferings of J. R. Jewitt," compiled from Jewitt's " Oral
relations," by Richard Alsop ; and another alteration and abridgment by S. G. Goodrich has been published
with the title, " The captive of Nootka." Cf. Sabin, Pilling, Field, etc. Cf. also Hist. Mag., Mar., 1863.
The French half-breeds of the Northwest are described by V. Havard in the Smithsonian Rept., 1879.

1 Dall's Alaska and its Resources (Boston, 1870), with its list of books, is of use in this particular field.
Cf. also Miss Fletcher's Report (1888), ch. 19 and 20.

2 His map is reproduced in Petermann's Geog. Mittheilungen, xxv. pi. 13.

8 The periodical literature can be reached through Poole's Index ; particularly to be mentioned, however,
are the Atlantic Monthly, Apr., 1875 ; by J. R. Browne in Harper's Mag., Aug., 1861, repeated in Beach's
hid. Miscellany. For the missionary aspects see such books as Geronimo Boscana's Chinigchinich ; a his-
torical account of the origin, customs, and traditions of the Indians at the missionary establishment of St.
Juan Capistrano, Alta California ; called the Acagchemem nation. Translated from the original Spanish
manuscript, by one who was many years a resident of Alta California [Alfred Robinson] (N. Y., 1846),
which is included in Robinson's Life in California (N. Y., 1846) ; and C. C. Painter's Visit to the mission
Indians of southern California, and other western tribes (Philadelphia, 1886).

4 See, for instance : Maj. Powell on tribal society in the Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology. On Totemism,
see the Fourth Rept., p. 165, and J. G. Frazier in his Totemism (Edinburgh, 1S87). Lucien Carr on the
social and political condition of women among the Huron-Iroquois tribes, in Peabody Mus. Reft., xvi. 207.
J. M. Browne on Indian medicine in the Atlantic, July, 1866, reprinted in Beach's Indian Miscellany. J. M.
oine on their mortuary rites in Proc. Roy. Soc. Canada, ii. 85, and H. C. Yarrow on their mortuary
customs in the First Rept. Bur. Ethnol., p. 87, and on their mummifications in Ibid. p. 130. Andrew Mac-
Farland Davis on Indian games in the Bulletin, Essex Institute, vols, xvii., xviii., and separately. On their
llectual and literary capacity, John Reade in the Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada (ii. sect. 2d, p. 17) ; Edward
Jacker in Amcr. Catholic Quarterly (ii. 304 ; iii. 255); Brinton's Lenape and their legends ; W. G. Simms*
Views and Reviews.

CHAPTER VI.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA.

BY HENRY W. HAYNES,

Archceological Institute of America.

BY the discovery of America a new continent was brought to light, in-
habited by many distinct tribes, differing in language and in customs,
but strikingly alike in physical appearance. All that can be learned in
regard to their condition, and that of their ancestors, prior to the coming of
Columbus, falls within the domain of the prehistoric archaeology of Amer-
ica. This recent science of Prehistoric Archaeology deals mainly with
facts, not surmises. In studying the past of forgotten races, "hid from
the world in the low-delved tomb," her chief agent is the spade, not the
pen. Her leading principles, the lamps by which her path is guided, are
superposition, association, and style. Does this new science teach us that
the tribes found in possession of the soil were the descendants of its origi-
nal occupants, or does she rather furnish reasons for inferring that these
had been preceded by some extinct race or races ? The first question,
therefore, that presents itself to us relates to the antiquity of man upon
this continent ; and in respect to this the progress of archaeological investi-
gation has brought about a marked change of opinion. Modern specula-
tion, based upon recent discoveries, inclines to favor the view that this
continent was inhabited at least as early as in the later portion of the
quaternary or pleistocene period. Whether this primitive people was au-
tochthonous or not, is a problem that probably will never be solved ; but it
is now generally held that this earliest population was intruded upon by
other races, coming either from Asia or from the Pacific Islands, from whom
were descended the various tribes which have occupied the soil down to the
present time.

The writer believes also that the majority of American archaeologists
now sees no sufficient reason for supposing that any mysterious, superior
race has ever lived in any portion of our continent. They find no archaeo-
logical evidence proving that at the time of its discovery any tribe had
reached a stage of culture that can properly be called civilization. Even if
we accept the exaggerated statements of the Spanish conquerors, the most
intelligent and advanced peoples found here were only semi-barbarians, in

330 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the stage of transition from the stone to the bronze age, possessing no writ-
ten language, or what can properly be styled an alphabet, and not yet having
even learned the use of beasts of burden.

By a large and growing school of archaeologists, moreover, it is main-
tained that all the various tribes upon this continent, notwithstanding their
different degrees of advancement, were living under substantially similar
institutions ; and that even the different forms of house construction prac-
tised by them were only stages in the development of the same general
conceptions. Without attempting to dogmatize about such difficult prob-
lems, the object of this chapter is to set forth concisely such views as
recommend themselves to the writer's judgment. He is profoundly con-
scious of the limitations of his knowledge, and fully aware that his opinions
will be at variance with those of other competent and learned investigators.
Non nostrum tantas componere lites.

The controversy in regard to the antiquity of man in the old world may
be regarded as substantially settled. Scarcely any one now denies that
man was in existence there during the close of the quaternary or pleisto-
cene period ; but there is a great difference of opinion as to the sufficiency
of the evidence thus far brought forward to prove that he had made his
appearance in Europe in the previous tertiary period, or even in the earlier
part of the quaternary. What is the present state of opinion in regard to
the correlative question about the antiquity of man in America ? Less than
ten years ago the latest treatise published in this country, in which this
subject came under discussion, met the question with the sweeping reply
that " no truly scientific proof of man's great antiquity in America exists." l
But we think if the author of that thorough and " truly scientific " work
were living now his belief would be different. After a careful considera-
tion of all the former evidence that had been adduced in proof of man's
early existence upon this continent, none of which seemed to him conclu-
sive, he goes on to state that " Dr. C. C. Abbott has unquestionably discov-
ered many palaeolithic implements in the glacial drift in the valley of the
Delaware River, near Trenton, New Jersey." 2 Now a single discovery of
this character, if it were unquestionable, or incapable of any other explana-
tion, would be sufficient to prove that man existed upon this continent in
quaternary times. The establishment, therefore, of the antiquity of man
in America, according to this latest authority, seems to rest mainly upon
the fact of the discovery by Dr. Abbott of palaeolithic implements in the
valley of the Delaware. To quote the language of an eminent European
man of science, " This gentleman appears to stand in a somewhat similar
relation to this great question in America as did Boucher de Perthes in
Europe."3 The opinion of the majority of American geologists upon this
point is clearly indicated in a very recent article by Mr. W. J. McGee, of

1 The North Americans of Antiquity, by John 3 The Antiquity of Man in America, by Al-
T. Short, p. 130. fred R. Wallace in Nineteenth Century (Novem-

2 Ibid. p. 127. ber, 1887), vol. xxii. p. 673.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 33 1

the U. S. Geological Survey : " But it is in the aqueo-glacial gravels of the
Delaware River, at Trenton, which were laid down contemporaneously
with the terminal moraine one hundred miles further northward, and which
have been so thoroughly studied by Abbott, that the most conclusive proof
of the existence of glacial man is found." * It will accordingly be necessary
to give in considerable detail an account of the discovery of palaeolithic im-
plements by Dr. Abbott in the Delaware valley, and of its confirmation by
different investigators, as well as of such other discoveries in different parts
of our country as tend to substantiate the conclusions that have been drawn
from them by archaeologists.

PALEOLITHIC IMPLEMENT FROM THE TRENTON GRAVELS*

By the term palaeolithic implements we are to understand certain rude
stone objects, of varying size, roughly fashioned into shape by a process of
chipping away fragments from a larger mass so as to produce cutting edges,
with convex sides, massive, and suited to be held at one end, and usually
pointed at the other. These have never afterwards been subjected to any
smoothing or polishing process by rubbing them against another stone.
But it is only when such rude tools have been found buried in beds of
gravel or other deposits, which have been laid down by great floods towards
the close of what is known to geologists as the quaternary or pleistocene

1 Palccolithic Man in America, in Popular Science Monthly (November, 1888), p. 23.
* Side and edge view, of natural size. From the Peabody Museum Reports, vol. ii. p. 33.

332 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

period, that they can be regarded as really palaeolithic.1 At that epoch
which immediately preceded the present period, certain rivers flowed with a
volume of water much greater than now, owing to the melting of the thick
ice-cap once covering large portions of the northern hemisphere, which was
accompanied by a climate of great humidity. Vast quantities of gravels
were washed down from the debris of the great terminal moraine of this
ice-sheet, and were accumulated in beds of great thickness, extending in
some instances as high as two hundred feet up the slopes of the river val-
leys. In such deposits, side by side with the rude products of human in-
dustry we have thus described, and deposited by the same natural forces,
are found the fossil remains of several species of animals, which have
subsequently either become extinct, like the mammoth and the tichorhine
rhinoceros, or, driven southwards by the encroaching ice, have since its
disappearance migrated to arctic regions, like the musk-sheep and the rein-
deer, or to the higher Alpine slopes, like the marmot. Such a discovery
establishes the fact that man must have been living as the contemporary of
these extinct animals, and this is the only proof of his antiquity that is at
present universally accepted.

There has been much discussion among geologists in regard to both
the duration and the conditions of the glacial period, but it is now the
settled opinion that there have been two distinct times of glacial action,
separated by a long interval of warmer climate, as is proved by the occur-
rence of intercalated fossiliferous beds ; this was followed by the final
retreat of the glacier.2 The great terminal moraine stretching across the
United States from Cape Cod to Dakota, and thence northward to the
foot of the Rocky Mountains, marks the limit of the ice invasion in the
second glacial epoch. South of this, extending in its farthest boundary
as low as the 38th degree of latitude, is a deposit which thins out as we go
west and northwest, and which is called the drift-area. The drift gradu-
ates into a peculiar mud deposit, for which the name of " loess" has been
adopted from the geologists of Europe, by whom it was given to a thick
alluvial stratum of fine sand and loam, of glacial origin. This attenuated
drift represents the first glacial invasion. From Massachusetts as far as
northern New Jersey, and in some other places, the deposits of the two
epochs seem to coalesce.3

1 Sometimes the gravels in which such imple- 2 The Great Ice Age and its relation to the an-

merits were originally deposited have disap- tiauity of Man, by James Geikie, p. 416.
peared through denudation or other natural 3 An Inventory of our Glacial Drift, by T. C.

causes, leaving the implements on the surface. Chamberlin in the Proceedings of American As-

But the outside of such specimens always shows sociation for Advancement of Science, vol. xxxv.

traces of decomposition, indicating their high p. 196. A general map of this great moraine

antiquity. Other examples of implements of and others representing portions of it on a large

like shape, found on the surface in places where scale will be found in his " Preliminary Paper on

there has been no glacial drift, may be palaeo- the terminal moraine of the second glacial pe-

lithic, but their form is no sufficient proof of this, riod," in the Third Annual Report of the U. S.

since they may equally well have been the work Geological Survey, by J. W. Powell (Washing-

of the Indians, who are known to have fashioned ton, 1883).
similar objects.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 333

The interval of time that separated the two glacial periods can be best
imagined by considering the great erosions that have taken place in the
valleys of the Missouri and of the upper Ohio. " Glacial river deposits of
the earlier epoch form the capping of fragmentary terraces that stand 250
to 300 feet above the present rivers ; " while those of the second epoch
stretch down through a trough excavated to that depth by the river through
these earlier deposits and the rock below.1

As to the probable time that has elapsed since the close of the glacial
period, the tendency of recent speculation is to restrict the vast extent that
was at first suggested for it to a period of from twenty thousand to thirty
thousand years. The most conservative view maintains that it need not
have been more than ten thousand years, or even less.2 This lowest
estimate, however, can only be regarded as fixing a minimum point, and an
antiquity vastly greater than this must be assigned to man, as of necessity
he must have been in existence long before the final events occurred in
order to have left his implements buried in the beds of debris which they
occasioned.

In April, 1873, Dr. C. C. Abbott, who was already well known as an
investigator of the antiquities of the Indian races, which he believed had
passed from " a palaeolithic to a neolithic condition " while occupying the
Atlantic seaboard, published an article on the " Occurrence of implements in
the river-drift at Trenton, New Jersey."3 In this he described and figured
three rude implements, which he had found buried at a depth as great in one
instance as sixteen feet in the gravels of a bluff overlooking the Delaware
River. He argued that these must be of greater antiquity than relics
found on the surface, from the fact of their occurring in place in undisturbed
deposits ; that they could not have reached such a depth by any natural
means ; and that they must be of human origin, and not accidental forma-
tions, because as many as three had been discovered of a like character.
His conclusion is that they are "true drift implements, fashioned and
used by a people far antedating the people who subsequently occupied this
same territory."

After two years of further research he returned to the subject, publishing
in the same journal, in June, 1876, an account of the discovery of seven
similar objects near the same locality. Of these he said : " My studies of
these palaeolithic specimens and of their positions in the gravel-beds and
overlying soil have led me to conclude that not long after the close of the
last glacial epoch man appeared in the valley of the Delaware.''4

Most of these specimens were deposited by Dr. Abbott in the Peabody
Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts ; and the curator of that institution, Professor Frederick W.

1 Chamberlin, Proc. Amer. Assoc, ubi sup., p. Geology of Minnesota [final report], by N. H.
199. Winchell and Warren U pham, vol. i. p. 337 (St

2 The place of Niagara Falls in geological Paul, 1888).

history, by G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Govt. 3 The American Naturalist, vol. vii. p. 204.
Surv., in the Proc. Amer. Assoc, Ibid. p. 223 ; * Ibid. vol. x. p. 329.

334 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Putnam, in September, 1876, visited the locality in company with Dr.
Abbott. Together they succeeded in rinding two examples in place.
Having, been commissioned to continue his investigations, Dr. Abbott
presented to the trustees, in November of the same year, a detailed report
On the Discovery of Supposed PalceolitJiic Implements from the Glacial
Drift in the Valley of the Delaware River y near Trenton, New Jersey}
In this, three of the most characteristic specimens were figured, which had
been submitted to Mr. M. E. Wadsworth of Cambridge, to determine their
lithological character. He pronounced them to be made of argillite, and
declared that the chipping upon them could not be attributed to any
natural cause, and that the weathering of their surfaces indicated their very
great antiquity. The question " how and when these implements came to
be in the gravel " is discussed by Dr. Abbott at some length. He argued
that the same forces which spread the beds of gravel over the wide area
now covered carried them also ; and he predicted that they will be met with
wherever such gravels occur in other parts of the State. He specially dwells
upon the circumstances that the implements were found in undisturbed
portions of the freshly exposed surface of the bluff, and not in the mass of
talus accumulated at its base, into which they might have fallen from the
surface ; and that they have been found at great depths, " varying from five
to over twenty feet below the overlying soil." He also insisted upon the
marked difference between their appearance and the materials of which
they are fashioned and the customary relics of the Indians. The conditions
under which the gravel-beds were accumulated are then studied in connec-
tion with a report upon them by Professor N. S. Shaler, which concludes,
from the absence of stratification and of pebbles marked with glacial
scratches, that they were " formed in the sea near the foot of the retreating
ice-sheet, when the sub-glacial rivers were pouring out the vast quantities
of water and waste that clearly were released during the breaking up of the
great ice-time." This view regards the deposits as of glacial origin, and as
laid down during that period, but considers that they were subsequently
modified in their arrangement by the action of water. In such gravel-beds
there have also been found rolled fragments of reindeer-horns, and skulls of
the walrus, as well as the relics of man. Dr. Abbott accordingly drew the
conclusion that " man dwelt at the foot of the glacier, or at least wandered
over the open sea, during the accumulation of this mass of gravel ; " that
he was contemporary of these arctic animals ; and that this early race was
driven southward by the encroaching ice, leaving its rude implements
behind. Thus it will be seen that Dr. Abbott no longer considers man in
this country as belonging to post-glacial, but to interglacial times.

Continuing his investigations, in the following year Dr. Abbott gave a
much more elaborate account of his work and its results, in which he

1 Tenth Annual Report of the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of American Archeology and
Ethnology, tol. ii. p. 30.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 335

announced his discovery of some sixty additional specimens.1 To the
objection that had been raised, that these supposed implements might have
been produced by the action of frost, he replied that a single fractured
surface might have originated in that way or from an accidental blow ; but
when we find upon the same object from twenty to forty planes of cleavage,
all equally weathered (which shows that the fragments were all detached
at or about the same time), it is impossible not to recognize in this the
result of intentional action. Four such implements are described and
figured, of shapes much more specialized than those previously published,
and resembling very closely objects which European archaeologists style
stone axes of "the Chellean type," whose artificial origin cannot be
doubted.

THE TRENTON GRAVEL BLUFF.*

As some geologists were still inclined to insist upon the post-glacial
character of the debris in which the implements were found, Dr. Abbott,
admitting that the great terminal moraine of the northern ice-sheet does
not approach nearer than forty miles to the bluff at Trenton, nevertheless
insists that the character of the deposits there much more resembles a
mass of material accumulated in the sea at the foot of the glacier than it
does beds that have been subjected to the modifying arrangement of
water. He finds an explanation of this condition of things in a prolonga-
tion of the glacier down the valley of the Delaware as far as Trenton, at a
time when the lower portions of the State had suffered a considerable

1 Second report on the palaeolithic imple- Delaware River, near Trenton, New Jersey,
ments from the glacial drift, in the valley of the Ibid. p. 225.

* From a photograph kindly furnished by Professor F. W. Putnam, showing the Delaware and its bluff of
gravel, where many of the rude implements have been found.

336 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

depression, and before the retreat of the ice-sheet. But besides the
comparatively unmodified material of the bluff, in which the greater portion
of the palaeolithic implements has been found, there also occur limited
areas of stratified drift, such as are to be seen in railway cuttings near
Trenton, in which similar implements are also occasionally found. These,
however, present a more worn appearance than the others. But it will be
found that these tracts of clearly stratified material are so very limited
in extent that they seem to imply some peculiar local condition of the
glacier. This position is illustrated by certain remarkable effects once
witnessed after a very severe rainfall, by which two palaeolithic implements
were brought into immediate contact with ordinary Indian relics such as
are common on the surface. This leads to an examination of the question
of the origin of this surface soil, and a discussion of the problem how true
palaeolithic implements sometimes occur in it. This soil is known to be a
purely sedimentary deposit, consisting almost exclusively of sand, or of
such finely comminuted gravels as would readily be transported by rapid
currents of water. But imbedded in it and making a part of it are numerous
huge boulders, too heavy to be moved by water. Dr. Abbott accounted
for their presence from their having been dropped by ice-rafts, while the
process of deposition of the soil was going on. The same sort of agency
could not have put in place both the soil and the boulders contained in it,
and the same force which transported the latter may equally well have
brought along such implements as occur in the beds of clearly stratified
origin. The wearing effect upon these of gravels swept along by post-
glacial floods will account for that worn appearance which sometimes
almost disguises their artificial origin.

In conclusion Dr. Abbott attempted to determine what was the early
race which preceded the Indians in the occupation of this continent.
From the peculiar nature and qualities of palaeolithic implements he argues
that they are adapted to the needs of a people " living in a country of
vastly different character, and with a different fauna," from the densely
wooded regions of the Atlantic sea-board, where the red man found his
home. The physical conditions of the glacial times much more nearly re-
sembled those now prevailing in the extreme north. Accordingly he finds
the descendants of the early race in the Eskimos of North America, driven
northwards after contact with the invading Indian race. In this he is fol-
lowing the opinion of Professor William Boyd Dawkins, who considers that
people to be of the same blood as the palaeolithic cave-dwellers of southern
France, and that of Mr. Dall and Dr. Rink, who believed that they once
occupied this continent as far south as New Jersey. In confirmation of
this view he asserts that the Eskimos "until recently used stone imple-
ments of the rudest patterns." But unfortunately for this theory the im-
plements of the Eskimos bear no greater resemblance to palaeolithic
implements than do those of any other people in the later stone age ; and

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 337

subsequent discoveries of human crania in the Trenton gravels have led
Dr. Abbott to question its soundness.1

These discoveries of Dr. Abbott are not liable to the imputation of pos-
sible errors of observation or record, as would be the case if they rested
upon the testimony of a single person only. As has been already stated,
in September, 1876, Professor Putnam was present at the finding in place
of two palaeolithic implements, and in all has taken five with his own hands
from the gravel at various depths.2 Mr. Lucien Carr also visited the locality
in company with Professor J. D. Whitney, in September, 1878, and found
several in place.2. Since then Professors Shaler, Dawkins, Wright, Lewis,
and others, including the writer, have all succeeded in finding specimens
either in place or in the talus along the face of the bluff, from which they
had washed out from freshly exposed surfaces of the gravel.4 The whole
number thus far discovered by Dr. Abbott amounts to about four hundred
specimens.5 Meanwhile, the problem of the conditions under which the
Trenton gravels had been accumulated was made the subject of careful
study by other competent geologists, besides Professor Shaler, to whose
opinion reference has already been made. In October, 1877, the ^ate
Thomas Belt, F. G. S., visited the locality, and shortly afterwards pub-
lished an account of Dr. Abbott's discoveries, illustrated by several geo-
logical sections of the gravel. His conclusion is, " that after the land-ice
retired, or whilst it was retiring, and before the coast was submerged to
such a depth as to permit the flotation of icebergs from the north, the
upper pebble-beds containing the stone implements were formed." 6 The
geologists of the New Jersey Survey had already recognized the distinction
between the drift gravels of Trenton and the earlier yellow marine gravels
which cover the lower part of the State. But it was the late Professor
Henry Carvill Lewis, of Philadelphia, who first accurately described the
character and limits of the Trenton gravels.7 This he had carefully
mapped before he was informed of Dr. Abbott's discoveries, and it has
been found (with only one possible very recent exception) that the imple-
ments occur solely in these newer gravels of the glacial period.

Professor Lewis's matured conclusions in regard to the geological character
and the age of the Trenton gravel cliff are thus expressed : " The presence
of large boulders in the bluff at Trenton, and the extent and depth of the

1 A complete account of Dr. Abbott's investi- 4 Proceedings of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., Ibid.
gations will be found in his Primitive Industry, p. 132.

chap. 32 (Palaeolithic Implements); Tenth arm. & Popular Science Monthly, January, 1889,

rep. of Peabody Museum, vol. ii. p. 30; Eleventh p. 411.

Do., Ibid. p. 225 ; Proceedings of Boston Society 6 On the discovery of stone implements in the

of Natural History, vol. xxi. p. 124; vol. xxiii. glacial drift of North America, in the Quart.

p. 424; Proc. of Amer. Assoc, for Adv. of Sci- Journ. of Science (London, January, 1878), vol.

ence, vol. xxxvii. xv. p. 68.

2 Proceedings of Boston Society of Nratural His- 7 The Trenton gravel and its relation to the
tory, vol. xxi. p. 148. atttiquiiy of man, in the Proceedings of the

3 Twelfth annual report of Peabody Museum, Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia,
vol. ii. p. 489. 1880, p. 296.

VOL. I. — 22

338

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

gravel at this place, have led to the supposition that there was here the
extremity of a glacial moraine. Yet the absence of ' till ' and of scratched
boulders, the absence of glacial striae upon the rocks of the valley, and
the stratified character of the gravel, all point to water action alone as
the agent of deposition. The depth of the gravel and the presence of the
bluff at this point are explained by the peculiar position that Trenton occu-
pies relatively to the river, ... in a position where naturally the largest
amount of a river gravel would be deposited, and where its best exposures
would be exhibited. . . . Any drift material which the flooded river swept
down its channel would here, upon meeting tide-water, be in great part
deposited. Boulders which had been rolled down the inclined floor of the
upper valley would here stop in their course, and all be heaped up with the
coarser gravel in the more slowly flowing water, except such as cakes of
floating ice could carry oceanward. . . . Having heaped up a mass of detri-
tus in the old river channel as an obstruction at the mouth of the gorge,
the river, so soon as its volume diminished, would immediately begin wear-
ing away a new channel for itself down to ocean level. This would be
readily accomplished through the loose material, and would be stopped only
when rock was reached. ... It has been thought that to account for the
high bank at Trenton an elevation of the land must have occurred. . . .
An increase in the volume of the river will explain all the facts. The
accompanying diagram will render this more clear.

/. 20

Section of bluff two miles south of Trenton, New Jersey, a i>, Trenton gravel ; Implements — a,
fine gray sand (boulder) ; 6, coarse sandy gravel ; c, red gravel ; d, yellow gravel (pre-glacial) ; e, plastic clay
(Wealden) ; /, fine yellow sand (Hastings ?) ; ^gneiss ; A, alluvial mud ; i, Delaware River.*

" The Trenton gravel, now confined to the sandy flat borders of the river,
corresponds to the ' intervale ' of New England rivers, . . . and exhibits
a topography peculiar to a true river gravel. Frequently instead of form-
ing a flat plain it forms higher ground close to the present river channel
than it does near its ancient bank. Moreover, not only does the ground
thus slope downward on retreating from the river, but the boulders become
smaller and less abundant. Both of these facts are in accordance with the
facts of river deposits. In time of flood the rapidly flowing water in the
main channel, bearing detritus, is checked by the more quiet waters at

* From a cut in Primitive Industry, p. 535.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 339

the side of the river, and is forced to deposit its gravel and boulders as a
kind of bank. . . . Having shown that the Trenton gravel is a true river
gravel of comparatively recent age, it remains to point out the relation it
bears to the glacial epoch. . . . Two hypotheses only can be applied to the
Trenton gravel. It is either /^/-glacial, or it belongs to the very last por-
tion of the glacial period. The view held by the late Thomas Belt can no
longer be maintained. . . . He fails to recognize any distinction between
the gravels. As we have seen, the Trenton gravel is truly post-glacial. It
only remains to define more strictly the meaning of that term. There is
evidence to support both of these hypotheses." 2

After discussing them both at considerable length, he concludes as fol-
lows : " A second glacial period in Europe, known as the ' Reindeer Period,'
has long been recognized. It appears to have followed that in which the
clays were deposited and the terraces formed, and may therefore corre-
spond with the period of the Trenton gravel. If there have been two glacial
epochs in this country, the Trenton gravel cannot be earlier than the close
of the later one. If there has been but one, traces of the glacier must
have continued into comparatively recent times, or long after the period of
submergence. The Trenton gravel, whether made by long-continued floods
which followed a first or second glacial epoch, — whether separated from all
true glacial action or the result of the glacier's final melting, — is truly a
post-glacial deposit, but still a phenomenon of essentially glacial times, —
times more nearly related to the Great Ice Age than to the present."

He then goes on to consider the bearings of the age of this gravel upon
the question of the antiquity of man. " When we find that the Trenton
gravel contains implements of human workmanship so placed with refer-
ence to it that it is evident that at or soon after the time of its deposition
man had appeared on its borders, and when the question of the antiquity
of man in America is thus before us, we are tempted to inquire still further
into the age of the deposit under discussion. It has been clearly shown
by several competent archaeologists that the implements that have been
found are a constituent part of the gravel, and not intrusive objects. It
was of peculiar interest to find that it has been only within the limits of
the Trenton gravel, precisely traced out by the writer, that Dr. Abbott,
Professor F. W. Putnam, Mr. Lucien Carr, and others, have discovered
these implements in situ. . . . At the localities on the Pennsylvania Rail-
road, where extensive exposures of these gravels have been made, the de-
posit is undoubtedly undisturbed. No implements could have come into
this gravel except at a time when the river flowed upon it, and when they
might have sunk through the loose and shifting material. All the evidence
points to the conclusion that at the time of the Trenton gravel flood man
. . . lived upon the banks of the ancient Delaware, and lost his stone im-
plements in the shifting sands and gravel of the bed of that stream. . . .
The actual age of the Trenton gravel, and the consequent date to which

1 Primitive Industry, p. 533 et seq.

340 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the antiquity of man on the Delaware should be assigned, is a question
which geological data alone are insufficient to solve. The only clew, and
that a most unsatisfactory one, is afforded by calculations based upon the
amount of erosion. This, like all geological considerations, is relative
rather than absolute, yet several calculations have been made, which, based
either upon the rate of erosion of river channels or the rate of accumula-
tion of sediment, have attempted to fix the date of the close of the glacial
epoch. By assuming that the Trenton gravel was deposited immediately
after the close of this epoch, an account of such calculations may be of
interest. If the Trenton gravel is /^/-glacial in the widest acceptation of
the term, a yet later date must be assigned to it."

After going carefully through them all, he concludes : " Thus we find
that if any reliance is to be placed upon such calculations, even if we
assume that the Trenton gravel is of glacial age, it is not necessary to
make it more than ten thousand years old. The time necessary for the
Delaware to cut through the gravel down to the rock is by no means great.
When it is noted that the gravel cliff at Trenton was made by a side wear-
ing away at a bank, and when it is remembered that the erosive power of
the Delaware River was formerly greater than at present, it will be conceded
that the presence of the cliff at Trenton will not necessarily infer its high
antiquity ; nor in the character of the gravel is there any evidence that the
time of its deposition need have been long. It may be that, as investiga-
tions are carried further, it will result not so much in proving man of very
great antiquity as in showing how much more recent than usually supposed
was the final disappearance of the glacier."

Professor Lewis's studies of the great terminal moraine of the northern
ice-sheet were still further prosecuted in conjunction with Professor George
Frederick Wright, of Oberlin, Ohio, whose labors have been of the highest
importance in shedding light upon the question of the antiquity of man in
America.1 Together they traced the southern boundary of the glacial re-
gion across the State of Pennsylvania, and subsequently Professor Wright
has continued his researches through the States of Ohio, Indiana, and
Kentucky, as far as the Mississippi River and even beyond. He has found
that glacial floods similar to those of the Delaware valley have deposited
similar beds of drift gravel in the valleys of all the southerly flowing rivers,
and he has called attention to the importance of searching in them for
palaeolithic implements. As early as March, 1883, he predicted that traces
of early man would be found in the extensive terraces and gravel deposits
of the southern portion of Ohio.2 This prediction was speedily fulfilled,
and upon November 4, 1885, Professor Putnam reported to the Boston
Society of Natural History that Dr. C. L. Metz, of Madisonville, Ohio, had
found in the gravels of the valley of the Little Miami River, at that place,

1 The bibliography of Professor Wright's publications upon this subject will be found in Proc.
Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p. 427.

2 Science vol. i. p. 271.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 341

eight feet below the surface, a rude implement made of black flint, of about
the same size and shape as one of the same material found by Dr. Abbott
in the Trenton gravels. This was followed by the announcement from Dr.
Metz that he had discovered another specimen (a chipped pebble) in the
gravels at Loveland, in the same valley, at a depth of nearly thirty feet
from the surface. Professor Wright has visited both localities, and given
a detailed description of them, illustrated by a map. He finds that the
deposit at Madisonville clearly belongs to the glacial-terrace epoch, and is
underlain by " till," while in that at Loveland it is known that the bones
of the mastodon have been discovered. He closes his account with these
words : " In the light of the exposition just given, these implements will
at once be recognized as among the most important archaeological discov-
eries yet made in America, ranking on a par with those of Dr. Abbott at
Trenton, New Jersey. They show that in Ohio, as well as on the Atlantic
coast, man was an inhabitant before the close of the glacial period." *
Further confirmation of these predictions was received at the meeting of
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cleveland,
Ohio, in August, 1888, when Mr. Hilborne T. Cresson reported his dis-
covery of a large flint implement in the glacial gravels of Jackson County,
Indiana, as well as of two chipped implements made of argillite, which he
had found in place at a depth of several feet in the ancient terrace of the
Delaware River, in Claymont, Newcastle County, Delaware.2

This discovery of Mr. Cresson's has assumed a great geological impor-
tance, and it is thus reported by him : " Toward midday of July 13, 1887,
while lying upon the edge of the railroad cut, sketching the boulder line,
my eye chanced to notice a piece of steel-gray substance, strongly relieved
in the sunlight against the red-colored gravel, just above where it joined
the lower grayish-red portion. It seemed to me like argillite, and being
firmly imbedded in the gravel was decidedly interesting. Descending the
steep bank as rapidly as possible, the specimen was secured. . . . Upon
examining my specimen I found that it was unquestionably a chipped imple-
ment. There is no doubt about its being firmly imbedded in the gravel, for
the delay I made in extricating it with my pocket-knife nearly caused me
the unpleasant position of being covered by several tons of gravel. . . .
Having duly reported my find to Professor Putnam, I began, at his request,
a thorough examination of the locality, and on May 25, 1888, the year
following, discovered another implement four feet below the surface, at a
place about one eighth of a mile from the first discovery. . . . The geo-
logical formation in which the implement was found seems to be a reddish
gravel mixed with schist." 3

Professor Wright thus comments upon these discoveries and their geo-

1 Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. 3 Early Man in the Delaware Valley, in the
p. 435. Proc. Boston Soc. 0/ Nat. Hist., vol. xxiv.

2 Proc. Amer. Assoc, for Adv. of Science, vol.
xxxvii.

34-' NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

logical situation : "The discovery of palaeolithic implements, as described
by Mr. Cresson, near Claymont, Del., unfolds a new chapter in the history
of man in America. It was my privilege in November last to visit the spot
with him, and to spend a day examining the various features of the locality.
. . . The cut in the Baltimore and Ohio railroad in which this implement
was found is about one mile and a half west of the Delaware River, and
about one hundred and fifty feet above it. The river is here quite broad.
Indeed, it has ceased to be a river, and is already merging into Delaware
Bay ; the New Jersey shore being about three miles distant from the Dela-
ware side. The ascent from the bay at Claymont to the locality under con-
sideration is by three or four well-marked benches. These probably are
not terraces in the strict sense of the word, but shelves marking different
periods of erosion when the land stood at these several levels, but now
thinly covered with old river deposits. Upon reaching the locality of Mr.
Cresson's recent discovery, we find a well-marked superficial water deposit
containing pebbles and small boulders up to two or three feet in diameter,
and resting unconformably upon other deposits, different in character, and
in some places directly upon the decomposed schists which characterize the
locality. This is without question the Philadelphia Red Gravel and Brick
Clay of Lewis. The implement submitted to us was found near the bot-
tom of this upper deposit, and eight feet below the surface. . . . As Mr.
Cresson was on the ground when the implement was uncovered, and took
it out with his own hands, there would seem to be no reasonable doubt that
it was originally a part of the deposit ; for Mr. Cresson is no novice in these
matters, but has had unusual opportunities, both in this country and in the
old world, to study the localities where similar discoveries have heretofore
been made. The absorbing question concerning the age of this deposit is
therefore forced upon our attention as archaeologists. . . . The determina-
tion of the age of these particular deposits at Claymont involves a dis-
cussion of the whole question of the Ice Age in North America, and espe-
cially that of the duality of the glacial epoch. At a meeting of this society
on January 19, 1881, I discussed the age of the Trenton gravel, in which
Dr. Abbott has found so many palaeoliths, and was led also incidentally at
the same time to discuss the relative age of what Professor Lewis called the
Philadelphia Red Gravel. I had at that time recently made repeated trips
to Trenton, and with Professor Lewis had been over considerable portions of
the Delaware valley for the express purpose of determining these questions.
The conclusions to which we — that is, Professor Lewis and myself — came
were thus expressed in the paper above referred to (Proc. Boston Soc. of
Nat. Hist., vol. xxi. pp. 137-145), namely, that the Philadelphia Brick Clay
and Red Gravel (which are essentially one formation) marked the period
when the ice had its greatest extension, and when there was a considerable
depression of the land in that vicinity ; perhaps, however, less than a hun-
dred feet in the neighborhood of the moraine, though increasing towards
the northwest. During this period of greatest extension and depression,

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 343

the Philadelphia Red Gravel and Brick Clay were deposited by the ice-laden
floods which annually poured down the valley in the summer seasons. As
the ice retreated towards the headwaters of the valley, the period was
marked also by a reelevation of the land to about its present height, when
the later deposits of gravel at Trenton took place. Dr. Abbott's dis-
coveries at Trenton prove the presence of man on the continent at that
stage of the glacial epoch. Mr. Cresson's discoveries prove the presence
of man at a far earlier stage. How much earlier, will depend upon our in-
terpretation of the general facts bearing on the question of the duality of
the glacial epoch.

" Mr. McGee, of the United States Geological Survey, has recently pub-
lished the results of extensive investigations carried on by him respecting
the superficial deposits of the Atlantic coast. (SeeAmer. your, of Science,
vol. xxxv., 1888.) He finds that on all the rivers south of the Delaware
there are deposits corresponding in character to what Professor Lewis had
denominated Philadelphia Red Gravel and Brick Clay. . . . From the ex-
tent to which this deposit is developed at Washington, in the District of
Columbia, Mr. McGee prefers to designate it the Columbia formation. But
the period is regarded by him as identical with that of the Philadelphia Red
Gravel and Brick Clay, which Professor Lewis had attributed to the period
of maximum glacial development on the Atlantic coast.

" It is observable that the boulders in this Columbia formation belong, so
far as we know, in every case, to the valleys in which they are now found.
... It is observable also that it is not necessary in any case to suppose
that these deposits were the direct result of glacial ice. Mr. McGee does
not suppose that glaciers extended down these valleys to any great distance.
Indeed, so far as we are aware, there is no evidence of even local glaciers
in the Alleghany Mountains south of Harrisburg. But it is easy to see
that an incidental result of the glacial period was a great increase of ice
and snow in the headwaters of all these streams, so as to add greatly to
the extent of the deposits in which floating ice is concerned. And this
Columbia formation is, as we understand it, supposed by Mr. McGee to
be the result of this incidental effect of the glacial period in increasing the
accumulations of snow and ice along the headwaters of all the streams that
rise in the Alleghanies. In this we are probably agreed. But Mr. McGee
differs from the interpretation of the facts given by Professor Lewis and
myself, in that he postulates, largely, however, on the basis of facts outside
of this region, two distinct glacial epochs, and attributes the Columbia for-
mation to the first epoch, which he believes to be from three to ten times as
remote as the period in which the Trenton gravels were deposited. If, there-
fore, Dr. Abbott's implements are, as from the lowest estimate would seem
to be the case, from ten thousand to fifteen thousand years old, the imple-
ments discovered by Mr. Cresson in the Baltimore and Ohio cut at Clay-
mont, which is certainly in Mr. McGee's Columbia formation, would be
from thirty thousand to one hundred and fifty thousand years old.

344 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

"But as I review the evidence which has come to my knowledge since
writing* the paper in 1881, I do not yet see the necessity of making so
complete a separation between the glacial epochs as Mr. McGee and others
feel compelled to do. But, on the other hand, the unity of the epoch (with,
however, a marked period of amelioration in climate accompanied by ex-
tensive recession of the ice, and followed by a subsequent, re-advance over
a portion of the territory) seems more and more evident. All the facts
which Mr. McGee adduces from the eastern side of the Alleghanies com-
port, apparently, as readily with the idea of one glacial period as with that
of two. . . . Until further examination of the district with these sugges-
tions in view, or until a more specific statement of facts than we find in
Mr. McGee's papers, it would therefore seem unnecessary to postulate a
distinct glacial period to account for the Columbia formation. . . . But no
matter which view prevails, whether that of two distinct glacial epochs, or
of one prolonged epoch with a mild period intervening, the Columbia de-
posits at Claymont, in which these discoveries of Mr. Cresson have been
made, long antedate (perhaps by many thousand years) the deposits at
Trenton, N. J., at Loveland and Madison, Ohio, at Little Falls, Minn., . . .
and at Medora, Ind. . . . Those all belong to the later portion of the
glacial period, while these at Claymont belong to the earlier portion of that
period, if they are not to be classed, according to Mr. McGee, as belonging
to an entirely distinct epoch."1

The objects discovered by both Dr. Metz and Mr. Cresson have been
deposited in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, and their artificial char-
acter cannot be disputed.

At nearly the same date at which Dr. Abbott published the account of
his discoveries, Col. Charles C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia, recorded the
finding of "some rudely-chipped, triangular-shaped implements in Nacoo-
chee valley under circumstances which seemingly assign to them very re-
mote antiquity. In material, manner of construction, and in general ap-
pearance, so nearly do they resemble some of the rough, so-called flint
hatchets belonging to the drift type, as described by M. Boucher de Per-
thes, that they might very readily be mistaken the one for the other." 2
They were met with in the course of mining operations, in which a cutting
had been made through the soil and the underlying sands, gravels, and
boulders down to the bed-rock. Resting upon this, at a depth of some nine
feet from the surface, were the three implements described. But it is plain
that this deposit can scarcely be regarded as a true glacial drift, since the
great terminal moraine lies more than four hundred miles away to the
north, and the region where it occurs does not fall within the drift area.
It must be of local origin, and few geologists would be willing to admit the

The Age of the Philadelphia Red Gravel, North American Review for January, 1874 (vol.

Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiv. cxviii. p. 70), on "The Antiquity of the North

- Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 293. American Indians," he traces that race back to

1 he preface of this volume is dated " New palaeolithic times.
York, April 10, 1873." In an article in the

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 345

existence of local glaciers in the Alleghanies so far to the south during the
glacial period. Consequently these objects do not" fall within our definition
of true palaeolithic implements.

The same thing may be said in a less degree of the implements discov-
ered by C. M. Wallace, in 1876, in the gravels and clays of the valley of
the James River.1

A different character attaches to certain objects discovered in 1877 by
Professor N. H. Winchell, at Little Falls, Minnesota, in the valley of the
Mississippi River.2 These consisted mainly of pieces of chipped white
quartz, perfectly sharp, although occurring in a water-worn deposit, and
they were found to extend over quite a large area. Their artificial char-
acter has been vouched for by Professor Putnam, and among them were a
few rude implements which are well represented in an accompanying plate.
A geological section given in the report shows that they occur in the terrace
some sixty feet above the bank of the river, and were found to extend about
four feet below the surface. In the words of Professor Winchell : " The
interest that centres in these chips . . . involves the question of the age of
man and his work in the Mississippi Valley. . . . The' chipping race . . .
preceded the spreading of the material of the plain, and must have been
preglacial, since the plain was spread out by that flood stage of the Missis-
sippi River that existed during the prevalence of the ice-period, or resulted
from the dissolution of the glacial winter. . . . The wonderful abundance
of these chips indicates an astonishing amount of work done, as if there
had been a great manufactory in the neighborhood, or an enormous lapse
of time for its performance."

This discovery of Professor Winchell was followed up by researches
prosecuted in 1879 in the vicinity of Little Falls by Miss F. E. Babbit, of
that place.3 She discovered a similar stratum of chipped quartz in the
ancient terrace, of a mile or more in width, about forty rods to the east of
the river, and elevated some twenty-five feet above it. This had been
brought to light by the wearing of a wagon track, leading down a natural
drainage channel, which had cut through the quartz stratum down to a
level below it. The result of her prolonged investigations showed that " the
stratum of quartz chips lay at a level some twelve or fifteen feet lower than
the plane of the terrace top."4 While the quartz chips discovered by Pro-
fessor Winchell were contained in the upper surface of the terrace plain,

1 Flint implements from the stratified drift of was reprinted in The American Antiquarian,
the vicinity of Richmond y Va., in the Amer- vol. iii. p. 18.

ican Journal of Science (3d series), vol. xi. 4 Vestiges of Glacial Man in Central Minne~

p. 195; quoted in Dana's Manual of Geology, sota, in the Proc. Amer. Assoc, for Adv. of Science,

p. 578. vol. xxxii. p. 385. A more extended account of

2 Sixth annual report of the Geological and her researches will be found under the same
Natural History Survey of Minnesota, 1877, p. title in the American Naturalist for June and
54- July, 1884 (vol. xviii. pp. 594 and 697). On p.

3 Her paper on " Ancient quartz-workers and 705 the writer has given at some length his
their quarries in Minnesota," read before the opinion in regard to the artificial character of
Minnesota Historical Society, February, 1880, these quartz objects.

346 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

these were strictly confined to a lower level, and cannot be synchronous
with them. They must be older "by at least the lapse of time required
for the deposition of the twelve or fifteen feet of modified drift forming
the upper part of the terrace plain above the quartz-bearing stratum."

This conclusion is abundantly confirmed by Mr. Warren Upham, of the
U. S. Geological Survey, in his study of "The recession of the ice-sheet
in Minnesota in its relation to the gravel deposits overlying the quartz im-
plements found by Miss Babbit at Little Falls, Minnesota." x The great
ice-sheet of the latest glacial epoch at its maximum extension pushed out
vast lobes of ice, one of which crossed western and central Minnesota and
extended into Iowa. Different stages of its retreat are marked by eleven
distinct marginal moraines, and this deposit of modified drift at Little Falls
Mr. Upham believes occurred in the interval between the formation of the
eighth and the ninth. " It is," he says, " upon the till, or direct deposit of
the ice, and forms a surface over which the ice never re-advanced." An
examination of the terraces and plains of the Mississippi Valley from St.
Paul to twenty-five miles above Little Falls shows them to be similar in
composition and origin to the terraces of modified drift in the river valleys
of New England. In his judgment, "the rude implements and fragments
of quartz discovered at Little Falls were overspread by the glacial flood-
plain of the Mississippi River, while most of the northern half of Minne-
sota was still covered by the ice. ... It may be that the chief cause
leading men to occupy this locality so soon after it was uncovered from
the ice was their discovery of the quartz veins in the slate there, . . . afford-
ing suitable material for making sharp-edged stone implements of the best
quality. Quartz veins are absent, or very rare and unsuitable for this, in
all the rock outcrops of the south half of Minnesota, that had become un-
covered from the ice, as well as of the whole Mississippi basin southward,
and this was the first spot accessible whence quartz for implement-making
could be obtained."

According to this view the upper deposit at Little Falls would appear to
be more recent than those laid down by the immediate wasting of the
great terminal moraine at Trenton and in Ohio ; but the occupation of
the spot by man upon the lower terrace may well have been at a much
earlier time.

Many of the objects discovered by Miss Babbitt have been placed in the
Peabody Museum, and as their artificial character has been questioned, the
writer wishes to repeat his opinion, formed upon the study of numerous
specimens that have been submitted to him, but not the same as those upon
which Professor Putnam based his similar conclusions, that they are un-
doubtedly of human origin.

Implements of palaeolithic form have been discovered in several other
localities, but as none of them have been found in place, in undisturbed
gravel-beds, either those which have been derived from the terminal

1 Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p. 436.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 347

moraine of the second extension of the great northern ice-sheet, or those
which are included within the drift area, they cannot be considered as
proved to be true palaeolithic' implements, although it is highly probable
that many of them are such.1

We have now to consider the claim to high antiquity of objects which
have been discovered in several places in certain deposits, equally regarded
as of glacial origin, which occur in the central and western portions of the
United States. These are the so-called " lacustrine deposits," which are
believed to have had their origin from the former presence of vast lakes,
now either extinct or represented by comparatively small bodies of water.
The largest of such lakes occupied a great depression which once existed
between the Rocky Mountains and the chain of the Sierra Nevada during
the quaternary period. The existing lakes represent the lowest part of two
basins, into which this depression was divided ; of these, the western one,
represented by certain smaller lakes, has received the name of Lake Lahon-
tan. This never had any communication with the sea, and its deposits
consequently register the greater or less amount of rain and snow during
the period of its existence. To the eastern the name of Lake Bonneville
has been given, and it is at present represented by the Great Salt Lake in
Utah. This formerly had an outlet through the valley of the Columbia
River. These lakes are believed to have been produced by the melting of
local glaciers existing during the quaternary times in the above-named
mountains ; and similar consequences seem to have followed from the like
presence of ancient glaciers in the Wahsatch and Uintah mountains, where
no lake now exists.

In the ancient deposits of such an immense fresh-water lake, derived
from the melting, of glaciers in the last-mentioned mountains, which once
existed in southern Wyoming, Professor Joseph Leidy first reported, in
1872, the discovery near Fort Bridger of "mingled implements of the rudest
construction, together with a few of the highest finish. . . . Some of the
specimens are as sharp and fresh in appearance as if they had been but
recently broken from the parent block. Others are worn and have their
sharpness removed, and are so deeply altered in color as to look exceedingly
ancient."2 The plates accompanying the report show that some of these
objects are of palaeolithic form, but as no further information is given in
regard to the conditions under which they were discovered, we cannot pro-
nounce them to be really palaeolithic.

1 In 1877, by Professor S. S. Haldeman on an ity, reported by S. V. Proudfit in The American

island in the Susquehanna River, in Lancaster Anthropologist, vol. i. p. 337. By David Dodge

Co., Penn. {Eleventh Rep. Peabody Mies., vol. ii. at Wakefield, Mass., and by Mr. Frazer at Marsh-

p. 255). In 1878, by A. F. Berlin in the Schuyl- field, Mass. (Proe. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist.%

kill Valley, at Reading, Penn. {American Anti- vol. xxi. pp. 123 and 450). By the writer, in sev-

quarian, vol. i. p. 10). In 1879, by Dr. W. J. eral localities in New England {Ibid. p. 382).

Hoffman in the valley of the Potomac, near 2 Sixth annual report of the U. S. Geological

Washington {American Naturalist, vol. xiii. p. Survey of the Territories, by F. V. Hayden

108). Subsequently by others in the same vicin- (1873), P- 652.

343 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

In 1874, Dr. Samuel Aughey made known the existence in Nebraska of
u hundreds of miles of similar lacustrine deposits, almost level or gently
rolling." x To these the name of " loess " has also been given, as well as to
the mud deposits derived from the northern drift. Aughey states that
these beds are perfectly homogeneous throughout, and of almost uniform
color, ranging in thickness from five to one hundred and fifty feet. Gener-
ally they lie above a true drift formation derived from glaciers in the Black
Hills, and represent "the final retreat of the glaciers, and that era of de-
pression of the surface of the State when the greater part of it constituted
a great fresh-water lake, into which the Missouri, the Platte, and the Re-
publican rivers poured their waters." The Missouri and its tributaries,
flowing for more than one thousand miles through these deposits, gradu-
ally filled up this great lake with sediment. The rising of the land by
degrees converted the lake-bottom into marshes, through which the rivers
began to cut new channels, and to form the bluffs which now bound them.
" The Missouri, during the closing centuries of the lacustrine age, must
have been from five to thirty miles in breadth, forming a stream which for
size and majesty rivalled the Amazon." Many remains of mastodons and
elephants are found in this so-called loess, as well as those of the animals
now living in that region, together with the fresh-water and land shells
peculiar to it. In it Aughey has also discovered an arrow-point and a
spear-head, of which he gives well-executed figures. Both are excellent
examples of those well-chipped implements which are regarded as typical
of the Neolithic age or the age of polished stone, and are absolutely differ-
ent from the palaeolithic implements of which we have hitherto spoken.
They were both found in railroad cuttings on the Iowa side of the Missouri
River, and within three miles of it. The first lay at a depth of fifteen feet
below the top of the deposit. Of the second he says it was " twenty feet
below the top of the loess, and at least six inches from the edge of the cut,
so that it could not have slid into that place. . . . Thirteen inches above
the point where it was found, and within three inches of being on a line
with it, in undisturbed loess, there was a lumbar vertebra of an elephant." 2

This intermingling in these deposits of the bones of extinct and living
animals appears to have been brought about by the shifting of the beds of
the vast rivers he has described, which have been flowing for ages through
the slight and easily moved material. It seems to be analogous to what
has taken place in recent times in the valley of the Mississippi and in its
delta. The finding, therefore, of arrow-heads of recent Indian type, even in
place under twenty feet of loess and below a fossil elephant-bone, cannot
be considered as affording any stronger proof of the antiquity of man than
the oft-cited instances of the discovery of basket-work and pottery under-
neath similar fossils at Petit Anse Island in Louisiana, or of pottery and
mastodon-bones on the banks of the Ashley River in South Carolina. No
such discovery can be considered of consequence as bearing upon the
question of palaeolithic man.

1 Ibid. (1S74), p. 247. 2 //,/,/. p. 254.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 349

The late Thomas Belt wrote to Professor Putnam, in 1878, that he had
discovered "a small human skull in an undisturbed" loess in a railway cutting
about two miles from Denver (Colorado). All the plains are covered with
a drift deposit of granitic and quartzose pebbles overlaid by a sandy and
calcareous loam closely resembling the diluvial clay and the loess of
Europe. It was in the upper part of the drift series that I found the skull.
Just the tip of it was visible in the cutting about three and one half feet
below the surface."1 Not long after this Mr. Belt died, and we are without
further information in regard to the locality. It would seem, however,
that the loess in which the skull occurred belongs to the latest in the
lacustrine series, and consequently does not imply any very great antiquity
for it.

In 1882 Mr. W. J. McGee, of the U. S. Geological Survey, obtained
from the upper lacustral clays of the basin of the ancient Lake Lahontan,
where they are exposed in the walls of Walker River Canon, a spear-head,
made of obsidian, beautifully chipped, and perfectly resembling those found

OBSIDIAN SPEAR-HEAD*

on the surface throughout the southwest. " It was discovered projecting
point outwards from a vertical scarp of lacustral clays twenty-five feet below
the top of the section, at a locality where there were no signs of recent
disturbance."2 This is said to have been " associated in such a manner
with the bones of an elephant or mastodon as to leave no doubt of their
having been buried at approximately the same time." But we are also told
that these lakes are of very recent date, and that they have " left the very
latest of all the complete geological records to be observed in the Great
Basin."3 The fossil shells obtained from these deposits all belong to
living species ; while the mammalian remains, which have been found in
only very limited numbers, and all, with a single exception, in the upper
beds, "are the same as occur elsewhere in tertiary or quaternary strata."
Mr. McGee says : " If the obsidian implement . . . was really in situ (as
all appearances indicated), it must have been dropped in a shallow and

1 Eleventh Report of Peabody Museum, p. 257. Russell, being Monog. No. xi. U. S. Geo/. Surv.

2 Geological History of Lake Lahontan, a qua- under J. W. Powell, p. 247 (Washington, 1885).
ternary lake of northwestern Nevada, by I. C. 3 Ibid. p. 269.

* Found in the Lahontan sediments, — from a cut in Russell's Lake Lahontan, monograph xi. of Powell's
U. S. Geological Survey, p. 247.

350 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

quiet bay of the saline and alkaline Lake Lahontan, and gradually buried
beneath its fine mechanical deposits and chemical precipitates." x

In Mr.. Russell's opinion, this single implement, although supported by
no other finds of a similar character, is sufficient to prove that "man
inhabited this continent during the last great rise of the former lake."
But if this last great rise occurred in recent times, the presence of the
bones of tertiary mammals in the upper beds shows that great natural
forces must have been in operation at that time to have washed these out
of their original place of deposit. The principal organic remains found, we
are told, are those of living shells, and the intermingling of these with
the bones of tertiary mammals could scarcely have taken place in " shallow
and quiet bays." To the writer this discovery seems rather to prove that
an Indian spear-head was in some manner washed down and buried in the
clays of the Walker River Canon than that man was the contemporary
there of the tertiary or quaternary mammalia. This fairly seems to be a
case where, in the language of Dr. Brinton, " Archaeology may at times
correct Geology." 2

It is almost paralleled by the discovery made by Mr. P. A. Scott, in
Kansas, of a broken knife or lance-head, measuring in its present condition
two inches and one eighth in length. Sir Daniel Wilson, who reports it,
says : " The spot where the discovery was made is in the Blue Range of the
Rocky Mountains, in an alluvial bottom, and distant several hundred feet
from a small stream called Clear Creek. A shaft was sunk, passing through
four feet of rich, black soil, and below this through upward of ten feet of
gravel, reddish clay, and rounded quartz. Here the flint was found. . . .
The actual object corresponds more to the small and slighter productions
of the modern Indian tool-maker than to the rude and massive drift imple-
ment." But this most careful and conscientious observer goes on to
remark, " Under any circumstances it would be rash to build up compre-
hensive theories on a solitary case like this." 3

If the discovery by Mr. McGee of this spear-head be insisted upon as
establishing that man inhabited this continent during the last great rise
of the lake, it would be easier to believe that that event occurred in
recent and not in quaternary times, than to admit that the distinction
between palaeolithic and neolithic implements, established by so many
discoveries in this country and in Europe, is thereby utterly overthrown.

The only alternative left is to believe that neolithic man was the contem-
porary of the tertiary mammals. To this conclusion we are asked to come
by Professor Josiah D. Whitney, on account of the discovery of the remains
of man and of his works in the auriferous gravels of California. The
famous " Calaveras skull " is figured upon another page of this volume,

1 Pof>. Science Monthly, November, 1888, p. 27. 8 Smithsonian Report, 1862, p. 297, where it is

2 Article in the Iconographic Encyclopedia, on figured; and repeated in his Prehistoric Man,
Prehistoric Archxology, by Daniel G. Brinton, vol. i. p. 45.

vol. ii. p. 63 (Philadelphia, 1886).

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 351

where the circumstances attending its discovery are briefly referred to.1
It is astonishing to see how frail is the foundation upon which such a
surprising superstructure has been raised, as it is found set forth in detail
in the section entitled Human remains and works of art of the gravel series,
in the third chapter of Professor Whitney's memoir on The auriferous
gravels of the Sierra Nevada of California? All is hearsay testimony, and
entirely uncontrolled by any such careful scrutiny as marks the work of
the British Association in the explorations carried on for fifteen years at
Kent's Hole, near Torquay. There can be no question that human bones
and human implements have often been discovered in these gravels, but
according to the accounts as given these are mingled in them in inextricable
confusion. What is the character of these objects of human workmanship?
So far are they from being, as Professor Whitney describes them, " always
the same kind of implements, . . . namely, the coarsest and the least
finished which one would suppose could be made and still be implements.'*
One account speaks of " a spear or lance head of obsidian, five inches long
and one and a half broad, quite regularly formed." Others mention "spear
and arrow heads made of obsidian;" or " certain discoidal stones from
three to four inches in diameter, and about an inch and a half thick, con-
cave on both sides, with perforated centre." Still another witness speaks
of " a large stone bead, made perhaps of alabaster, about one and a half
inches long and about one and one fourth inches in diameter, with a hole
through it one fourth of an inch in size." We are also told of a " stone
hatchet of a triangular shape, with a hole through it for a handle, near the
middle. Its size was four inches across the edge, and length about six
inches." So also oval stones with continuous "grooves cut around them,"
and " grooved oval disks," are more than once mentioned. We think these
quotations will be sufficient to convince the archaeologist that here is no
question of palaeolithic implements, but that we have to do simply with the
common Indian objects found on the surface all over our country. Besides
the rude cuts in Bancroft,3 I know of only one example of these California
discoveries which has been figured. This is the " beautiful relic " described
by Mr. J. W. Foster, of which he says : " When we consider its symmetry
of form . . . and the delicate drilling of the hole through a material so
liable to fracture, we are free to say it affords an exhibition of the lapidary's
skill superior to anything yet furnished by the Stone age of either conti-
nent." 4 Mr. Foster doubtfully suggests that this object was "used as a
plummet for the purpose of determining the perpendicular to the horizon."
It has been shown, however, by Mr. W. H. Henshaw, that among the
Indians of Southern California similar objects have long been used by
their medicine-men as "medicine or sorcery stones."5 Whichever may

1 See p. 385 of this volume. 4 Transactions of the Chicago Academy of

2 Memoirs of Mus. of Comp. Zoology at Harv. Sciences, vol. i. p. 232, pi. xxii, fig. 3.

College, vol. vi. pp. 258-288 (Cambridge, 1880). 6 The aboriginal relics called '''sinkers'''' or

'■' The Native Races of the Pacific States of "plummets " in Amer. Journal of Archceology%

North America, by H. H. Bancroft, vol. iv. pp. vol. i. p. 105.
699-707.

352 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

be held to be the true explanation of its use, either is more likely to be a
characteristic of the Indian race than of primitive man.

But the objects whose presence in the gravels is most repeatedly spoken
of are stone mortars, which Professor Whitney supposes were "used by
the race inhabiting this region in prehistoric times ... for providing food."
One of these is stated to have been " found standing upright, and the
pestle was in it, in its proper place, apparently just as it had been left by
the owner." It was taken out of a shaft, according to the testimony,
twelve feet underneath undisturbed strata. This was certainly a very
marvellous thing to have happened if all the objects found in the gravels
are supposed to have been brought there by the action of floods of water.
But it is a very simple matter, if the supposition of Mr. Southall be correct,
who thinks that "these mortars have been left in these positions by the
ancient inhabitants in their search iox gold." 1 The Spaniards found gold
in abundance in Mexico, and the locality from which it came is believed by
Mr. Southall to be indicated by a discovery made in 1849 by some gold-
diggers at one of the mountain diggings called Murphy's, in the region in
which Professor Whitney's discoveries have taken place. In examining a
high barren district of mountain, they were surprised to come upon the
abandoned site of an ancient mine. At the bottom of a shaft two hundred
and ten feet deep a human skeleton was found, with an altar for worship
and other evidences of ancient labor by the aborigines.2 Mr. Southall
believes that these mortars were used " for crushing the cemented gravel
of the auriferous beds." Some corroboration is afforded for this suggestion
by the fact that stone mortars of a like character are found in the ancient
gold mines, worked by the early Egyptian monarchs, in the Gebel Allakee
Mountains near the Red Sea, which were used in pulverizing the gold-
bearing quartz.

As to the authenticity of the " Calaveras skull,"

" Great contest followed and much learned dust."

The probabilities seem in favor of its being a genuine human fossil, and the
question recurs as to its character and the presumable age of the deposits
from which it came. The latest geologist who has studied the locality, so
far as the writer is aware, says of these deposits : " Even before visiting
California I had suspected these old river gravels might be contemporaneous
with the glacial epoch, and I still think this possible. This area was not
glaciated, and these old gravels, hundreds of feet in thickness, may very
well represent that great interval of time occupied in other regions by the
glacial periods."3 In discussing this question from the point of view of the
character of the fossil animal remains contained in the gravels, we must

1 The Epoch of the Mammoth and the Appari- 2 Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes of the United
Hon of Man upon the Earth, by James C. States, vol. i. p. 101 (Philadelphia, 1S51).
Southall, p. 399 (Philadelphia, 1878). 8 S. B. J. Skertchly in the Journal Anthrop.

Inst., vol. xvii. p. 335 (Jan. 10, 1888).

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 353

continually bear in mind what Professor E. D. Cope- says of the Mesozoic
and Ccenozoic of North America : " The faunae of these periods have not yet
been discriminated. . . . Many questions of the exact contemporaneity of
these different beds are as yet unsettled."1 Professor Cope has previously
pointed out how marked a difference there is between the quaternary fauna
of North America and that of Europe ; we have no Hippopotamus or
Rhinoceros Tichorinus, and they no Megatherium, Megalonyx, and other
species. Under the varying conditions of animal existence thus implied,
to assail established ideas upon the sequence in man's development, or to
maintain that he has had a long career on the Pacific slope of our continent
before he had made his appearance in Western Europe, seems to the writer
to be an attempt to explain " ignotum per ignotius"

What is really to be understood by the assumption that man existed in
tertiary times ? So profound a palaeontologist as Professor William Boyd
Dawkins thinks " it is impossible to believe that man should have been an
exception to the law of change. In the Pliocene age we cannot expect to
find traces of man upon the earth. The living placental mammals had only
then begun to appear, and seeing that the higher animals have invariably
appeared in the rocks according to their place in the zoological scale, fishes,
amphibians, reptiles, placental mammals, it is hardly reasonable to suppose
that the highest of all should then have been upon the earth."2 When,
therefore, some of the geologists of our country support Professor Whit-
ney's claim that these discoveries of human fossils have actually proved
man's existence in the Pliocene period, by arguments mainly based upon the
effects of erosion and the immense periods of time which these imply, or
favor his inference from the animal fossils contained in these deposits that
there has been " a total change in the fauna and flora of the region," and
that "the fauna of the gravel deposits is almost exclusively made up of
extinct species," we may well insist, with Dawkins, that the human remains
should not be regarded as standing upon a different basis from those of
the horse, since both occur under similar conditions. Dr. Leidy reports
the finding of remains of four different species of fossil Equus. But among
them " we may note the skull of a mustang, identical with that of Mexico
and California, which could not have been buried in the gravels of Sierra
County before the time of the Spanish Conquest, when the living race of
horses was introduced." Professor Jeffries Wyman says of the Calaveras
skull: "Any conclusions based upon a single skull are liable to prove erro-
neous, unless we have sufficient grounds for the belief that such a skull is
a representative one of the race to which it belongs. . . . We have no suf-
ficient reason for assuming in the present instance that the skull is a repre-
sentative one. . . . The skull presents no signs of having belonged to an
inferior race. In its breadth it agrees with the other crania from Califor-
nia, except those of the Diggers, but surpasses them in the other particulars

1 The American Naturalist, vol. xxi. p. 459 2 Early Man in America, in the North Amer-
(1887). ican Review, Oct., 1883, p. 340.

vol. I. — 23

354 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

in which comparisons have been made." 1 As, therefore, what appear to be
the skulls of a California Indian and that of a Mexican mustang have been
found to occur in the same deposits, this circumstance, instead of proving
that man was an inhabitant of pliocene America, would seem to the writer
to imply either that these deposits are comparatively recent, or that the
fossil bones found in them are so commingled that arguments based upon
purely palaeontological considerations can be regarded as entitled to very
little weight.

But although some American palaeontologists are inclined to argue that
these deposits belong to the Pliocene, on account of the character of the
vertebrate fossils found in them, it must not be forgotten that geologists
generally prefer to refer them to the Pleistocene. They believe that even
the superimposition of lava beds upon the gravels does not establish a very
high antiquity for them, and question whether the time that has elapsed
since the outflow of the lava, as measured by the amount of erosion that has
taken place in the gravels, is to be regarded as much greater than can prop-
erly be assigned to the Pleistocene period elsewhere. Professor Whitney
himself admits the difficulty of distinguishing whether "deposits have been
accumulated in the place where we find them previous to the cessation of
the period of volcanic activity. The gravels which have not been protected
by a capping of basalt, or only thinly or not at all covered by erupted ma.
terials, may in some places have been overlain by recent deposits in such a
way that the line between volcanic and post-volcanic cannot be distinctly
drawn. ... It must not unfrequently have happened that fossils have been
washed out of the less coherent detrital beds belonging to the volcanic
series, carried far from their original resting-place, and deposited in such a
position that they seem to belong to the present epoch."2 In one of the
reports of Hayden's survey can be seen a plate representing " Modern
Lake Deposits capped with Basalt." 3 There is sufficient ground for be-
lieving that the volcanic activity of the regions of the Sierras has continued
down to very recent times, geologically speaking, and that there is no such
great difference of age between the lava-cappings and the other beds as
Professor Whitney supposes. Hayden thinks "the main portion of the
volcanic material of the West has been thrown out at a comparatively
modern date."4 Undoubtedly the amount of erosion that has taken place
in these river gravels implies a great lapse of time, but so do the other facts
of physical geography which have been employed as chronometers by which
to measure the time since the close of the quaternary period. To carry
this erosion back to the tertiary times, and to assign man his place in the
world then on that ground, in face of the arguments to the contrary drawn
from archaeology, palaeontology, and geology, in view of the essential weak-
ness of the testimony upon which the arguments in its favor are based,

1 The Auriferous Gravels, etc., p. 273. 8 Sixth annual report of the U. S. Geol. Surv.

2 Ibid. p. 242. of the Territories, p. 29.

4 Ibid. p. 44.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 355

would seem to be a most hazardous assumption. It is only equalled by the
statement that " the discoveries made in Europe, which have already ob-
tained general credence, carry man close to the verge of the tertiary ; if not,
indeed, a little the other side of the line." 1 In the writer's opinion, this is
the belief of only a small number of the most extreme evolutionists in
Europe, while the great body of cautious and critical observers think that
it has not been proved, and a few are willing to hold their judgment in
suspense.

Professor Whitney's conclusions, however, are supported by Mr. Wallace
in the article quoted at the beginning of this chapter, in his character as
an evolutionist of the most advanced school. He says : " Believing that
the whole bearing of the comparative anatomy of man and of the anthropoid
apes, together with the absence of indications of any essential change in
his structure during the quaternary period, lead to the conclusion that he
must have existed, as man, in pliocene times, and that the intermediate
forms connecting him with the higher apes probably lived during the early
pliocene or the miocene period, it is urged that all such discoveries . . .
are in themselves probable and such as we have a right to expect." 2 In
such a frame of mind it is very easy for him to v/ave aside every objection
raised by the archaeologist to the character of the evidence brought forward
to sustain the alleged discoveries. To the objection that the objects ac-
companying the human remains, for which such a great antiquity is claimed,
are too similar to those of comparatively recent times, he has a ready an-
swer : u The same may be said of the most ancient bow and spear-heads
and those made by modern Indians. The use of the articles has in both
cases been continuous, and the objects themselves are so necessary and so
comparatively simple that there is no room for any great modification of
form." The writer can only state here that no archaeologist holds this
opinion, and will refer for a detailed statement of his reasons for the con-
trary view to an article by him upon The Bow and Arrow unknown to
Palceolithic Mail?

It is not easy to believe that so vast a difference in age can be attributed
to the deposits upon the opposite sides of the chain of the Sierra Nevada,
as would follow if we are to hold that the auriferous gravels belong to the
tertiary, while the Lahontan deposits belong to the quaternary period.
Far more reasonable does it seem to suppose that they both fall within the
two divisions into which we have seen that the pleistocene has been divided.
To the writer it appears, from what study he has made of the evidences
alleged of man's existence in North America in early times, that proof is
wanting that he made his appearance here earlier than in interglacial times.
Dr. Abbott's discoveries seem to be worthy of all the importance which has
been assigned to them, and the more so from the fact that they are in

1 The Auriferous Gravels,, etc., p. 281. 3 Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii.

2 The Antiquity of Man in North America, p. p. 269.
679.

356 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

accord with similar discoveries made in the Old World. The evidence
adduced appears to be altogether too fragmentary and strained to warrant
the conclusion that has been drawn that there is no proper correlation
between the geological calendars of the two hemispheres.

Besides the numerous palaeolithic implements which the Trenton gravels
have yielded, there have been found in them three human crania, more
or less complete, and portions of others.1 Professor Putnam is inclined
to the opinion that these may be veritable remains of the makers of the
palaeolithic implements. But it is difficult to conceive how such fragile
objects as human skulls, in this period and at this locality, could have
survived the destructive forces to which they must have been subjected.
We must recollect that the bones of man are very seldom met with in
the river gravels of the Old World, and such crania as are accepted
as belonging to these deposits are dolichocephalic, and not, like these,
brachycephalic.2 The circumstances under which these three have been
found are not reported with sufficient detail to enable us to account satis-
factorily for their presence, nor can we admit that the fact that they
"are not of the Delaware Indian type" affords any adequate criterion for
our judgment. It is well established that " in America we find extreme
brachycephaly, as well among the prehistoric as among the historic peoples
from British America to Patagonia. At the same time, dolichocephaly is
found, besides among the Eskimos, throughout the American Indian tribes
from north to south ; but it cannot be considered an American craniologic
characteristic." 3 The various forms of skulls, moreover, are found to be so
intermingled that they have been compared to "what might be looked for
in a collection made from the potter's field of London or New York." 4
The problem is still further complicated by the widespread custom among
the American tribes of altering the natural shape of the skull, sometimes
by flattening it, sometimes by making it as round as possible.5 Taking all
these matters into consideration, we are compelled to regard craniology by
itself as an insufficient guide.

We have now passed in review such evidences of man's early existence
in North America as seem to be sufficiently substantiated by satisfactory
proof, and have intentiona^y left out of consideration many former exam-
ples, which were accustomed to be cited before the science of prehistoric
archaeology had formulated her laws and established her general conclu-
sions, as well as some more recent ones in which the evidence seems to be
weak.

It only remains for the writer to express his own conclusions on the
question. But first let him draw attention to the state of public opinion

1 Reports of Peabody Musenm,vo\.\\\. pp. 177, 4 Notes on the Crania of the N. E. Indians,
408; iv. p. 35. by Lucien Carr, p. 9 {Anniversary Memoirs of

2 Early Man in Britain, by W. Boyd Daw- Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist.), 1880.

kins, p. 167. 5 The Standard Natural History, ed. by J. S.

:: Dr. H. Ten Kate in Science, vol. xii. p. 228 Kingsley, vol. vi. p. 143.
(November 9, 1888).

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 357

upon this subject as it is well expressed by an English writer : "The evi-
dence for the existence of palaeolithic man in America has been more fiercely
contested even than in Europe, and the problem there is certainly more
complicated. In Europe we can test the age of the remains not merely by
their actual character, but also by the presence or absence of associated
domestic animals. In America this test is absent, for there were virtually
no domestic animals save the dog known to the pre-European inhabitants.
We are therefore remitted to less direct evidence, namely, the provenance
of the remains from beds of distinctly Pleistocene age, the fabric of the
remains, and their association with animals, we have reason to believe,
become extinct at the termination of that period." 1

As an example of the spirit in which this " fierce contest " is waged in
America, it will be sufficient to quote a few passages from a work by one
of her most eminent men of science. He is speaking of "what seems to
be a village site in Europe, of far greater antiquity than the Swiss lake-
villages, and which may be a veritable ' Palaeolithic ' antediluvian town. It
occurs at Solutre, near Macon, in eastern France, and has given rise to
much discussion and controversy, as described by Messrs. De Ferry and
Arcelin. ... It destroys utterly the pretension that the men of the mam-
moth age were an inferior race, or ruder than their successors in the later
stone age. . . . Lastly, many of the flint weapons of Solutre are of the
palaeolithic type characteristic of the river gravels, . . . while other imple-
ments and weapons are as well worked as those of the later stone age.
Thus this singular deposit connects these two so-called ages, and fuses
them into one."2 The only comment the writer will make upon this state-
ment is to say that he has twice visited the station at Solutre in company
with M. Arcelin ; that he has examined the collection of the late M. De
Ferry at his house ; and that he has before him the work which is sup-
posed to be quoted from,3 and he accordingly feels warranted in asserting
with confidence that not one "flint implement of the palaeolithic type char-
acteristic of the river gravels " was ever found at Solutre. A note ap-
pended to Sir J. W. Dawson's rash statement adds : " Recent discoveries
by M. Prunieres, in caves at Beaumes Chaudes, seem to show that the
older cave-men were in contact with more advanced tribes, as arrow-heads
of the so-called neolithic type are found sticking in their bones, or asso-
ciated with them. This would form another evidence of the little value to
be attached to the distinction of the two ages of stone." The writer has
already indicated his conviction that palaeolithic man had not advanced
sufficiently to invent the bow and arrow, and he wishes to add here that
" arrow-heads of the so-called neolithic type " continued to be ordinary
weapons employed during the Age of Bronze. He is only surprised that

1 The Mammoth and the Flood, by Henry H. 3 Le Maconnais Prehistorique, . . . ouvrage
Howorth, p. 316 (London, 1887). posthume par H. De Ferry . . . avec notes et cet.

2 Fossil Men and their modem Representatives, par A. Arcelin, Macon, 1870.
by J- W. Dawson, p. 106 et seq. (London, 1880).

35$ NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Dr. Prunieres' discoveries are not quoted to prove that there is no distinc-
tion between the Age of Stone and the Age of Bronze.

Tested by the canons of prehistoric archaeology, superposition, associa-
tion, and style, in the judgment of the writer the fact of the existence of
palaeolithic man upon this continent, and the distinction between the rude
palaeolithic implement and the skilfully chipped obsidian objects which be-
long to what is called in Europe the Solutre type (a development of the
later period in the early stone age, which cannot be overlooked in discuss-
ing the question of the antiquity of man), are truths as firmly established
as any taught by modern science. The small minority who refuse to ad-
mit the last stated proposition are laggards in her march, and the few
doubters who still question the genuineness of the palaeolithic implements
from the Trenton gravels are not entitled by their knowledge of the pro-
cesses of manufacturing stone implements to have much weight attached
to their opinions.

Regarding, then, the existence of palaeolithic man as established by the
finding of four hundred of his relics in the Delaware valley near Trenton,
we have next to inquire whether there is evidence that in that region man
made any progress towards the neolithic condition. For an answer to this
question we have only to study the immense collection of objects gathered
by Dr. Abbott, and now deposited in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge.
This seems to warrant a conclusion exactly the opposite to Professor Whit-
ney's, who states that " so far as California is concerned . . . the imple-
ments, tools, and works of art obtained are throughout in harmony with
each other, all being the simplest and least artistic of which it is possible
to conceive ; " and his further statement that the " rude tools required but
little more skill than is indicated by the chipped obsidian implements which
are now, and have been from all time, in use among the aborigines of this
continent." 2

We have already seen that Professor Whitney's inferences about the
relics of man occurring in the gravels of California are not at all justified
by the facts relating to their discovery as reported by him ; and as he
offers no proof of his other assertion that " chipped obsidian implements
have been for all time in use among the aborigines of this continent," we
will venture to question its accuracy, even should he argue that his loose
statement was intended to apply only to the aborigines of California. Con-
sequently we are somewhat at a loss to understand why Dr. Abbott should
feel called upon to refute his conclusions. He does this, however, success-
fully in his Primitive Industry, which is so largely based upon this great
collection as to answer satisfactorily as a catalogue for it. In his own
words, " the careful and systematic examination of the surface geology of
New Jersey, of itself, it is believed, shows as abundant and unmistakable
evidence of the transition from a true palaeolithic to a neolithic condition as
is exhibited in the traces of human handiwork found in the valley of any

1 The Auriferous Gravels, etc., p. 287.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 359

European river." x The arguments upon which this conclusion is based are
drawn from each of the three canons of prehistoric archaeology. A certain
class of objects, superior in form and finish to the rude palaeolithic im-
plement, but decidedly inferior in every respect to the common types of
Indian manufacture, with which collectors of such objects all over our
country are perfectly familiar, is found occurring principally in deposits
which occupy a position intermediate between the drift gravels, from which
come the palaeolithic implements, and the cultivable surface-soil, in which
the former implements of the Indians are constantly brought to light by the
ordinary operations of agriculture. In other instances, where these pecu-
liar objects are found on or near the surface, not only do they not always
occur there in association with the common Indian relics, but the material
of which they are made, argillite, is the same as that out of which all the
four hundred palaeolithic implements are fabricated, with the exception of
"two of quartz, one of quartzite, and one made from a black chert pebble." 2
This peculiar material occurs in place only a few miles north of Trenton,
and as the ice-sheet withdrew it afforded " the first available mineral for
effective implements other than pebbles, and these were largely covered
with water, and not so readily obtained as at present ; while the dry land
of that day, the Columbia gravel, contained almost exclusively in this
region small quartzite pebbles an inch or two in length."3 The objects
thus referred to exhibit only a few simple types. There is a rudely chipped
spear-head, about three or four inches in length and from one to two in
breadth, characterized by the same kind of decomposition of the surface
which is seen upon the palaeolithic implements. These occur in large
numbers; "as many as a thousand have been found in an area of fifty
acres. ... A peculiarity ... is their frequent occurrence ... at a depth
that suggests that they were lost when the face of the country was dif-
ferent from what it now is."4 An implement is often found which was
probably used as a knife, also very rudely chipped, and shaped somewhat
like a spear-head, but never having a sharp point. The argillite, of which
these are made, " is very hard and susceptible of being brought to a very
sharp edge," but they are now all much decomposed upon the surface, and
" are frequently brought to light through land-slides and the uprooting of
trees from depths greater than it is usual to find jasper implements" 5 of
the Indians.

The most common object of all, however, and one that occurs in very
large numbers, is a slender argillite spear-point, about three inches in
length, of nearly uniform size, and having little or no finish at the base.
These are found at various depths up to five feet, principally in the allu-

1 Primitive Industry ; or Illustrations of the 2 Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p.
Handiwork in Stone, Bone, and Clay of the Na- 422.

tive Paces of the Northern Atlantic Seaboard of 3 Proc. of Am. Assoc, for Adv. of Science ; vol
America, by Charles C. Abbott (Salem and Bos- xxxvii.

ton, 1881), p. 3. 4 Primitive Industry, p. 253.

6 Ibid. p. 262.

360 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

vial mud that has accumulated upon the meadows skirting the Delaware
River, that are liable to be overflowed occasionally by the tide. From this
circumstance, in addition to their shape, Dr. Abbott has conjectured that
they were used as fish-spears.1 " This deposit of mud is of a deep blue-
black color, stiff in consistency, and almost wholly free from pebbles. It
is composed of decomposed vegetable matter and a large percentage of
very fine sand. It varies in depth from four to twenty feet, and rests on an
old gravel of an origin antedating the river gravels that contain palaeolithic
implements. This mud is the geological formation next succeeding the
palaeolithic implement-bearing gravels. ... A careful survey of this mud
deposit, made at several distant points, leads to the conclusion that its for-
mation dates from the exposure of the older gravel upon which it rests,
through the gradual lessening of the bulk of the river, until it occupied only
its present channel. . . . The indications are that the present volume and
channel of the river have been essentially as they now are for a very long
period ; and the character of the deposit is such that its accumulation, if
principally from decomposition of vegetable matter, must necessarily be
very gradual. Since its accumulation to a depth sufficient to sustain tree
growth, forests have grown, decayed, and been replaced by a growth of
other timber. While so recent in origin that it seems scarcely to warrant
the attention of the geologist, its years of growth are nevertheless to be
numbered by centuries, and the traces of man found at all depths through
it hint of a distant, shadowy past that is difficult to realize.

" The same objection, it may be, will be urged in this instance as in others
where the comparative antiquity of man is based upon the depth at which
stone implements are found, — that all these traces have been left upon the
present surface of the ground, and subsequently have gotten, by unex-
plained means, to the various depths at which they now occur. It is, in-
deed, difficult to realize how some of these argillite spear-points have
finally sunk through a compact peaty mass until they have reached the very
base of the deposit. For those who urge that this sinking process explains
the occurrence of implements at great depths, it remains to demonstrate
that the people who made these argillite fish-spears either made only these,
or were careful to take no other evidences of their handicraft with them
when they wandered about these meadows ; for certainly nothing else ap-
pears to have shared the fate of sinking deeply into the mud. In fact, the
objection mentioned is met in this case, as in that of the palaeolithic imple-
ments, that if these fish-spears are of the same age and origin as the ordinary
Indian relics of the surface, then all alike should be found at great depths.
This, we know, is not the case. Furthermore, the character of the deposit
is not that of a loose mud or quicksand, but more like that of peat. It has
a close texture, is tough and unyielding to a degree, and offers decided
resistance to the sinking of comparatively light objects deeply into it. This
is, of course, lessened when the deposit is subject to tidal overflows, and in

1 Primitive Industry, p. 276 et scq.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 361

the immediate vicinity of springs, which, bubbling through -it, have caused
a deposit of quicksand. While here an object sinks instantly out of sight,
it is not here that we must judge of the character of the formation as a
whole ; and over the greater portion of its area we find no evidence of
objects disappearing beneath the surface at a more rapid rate than the
accumulation of decomposing vegetable matter would explain. Efforts
have been made to determine the rate of progress of this growth of mould,
but they are not wholly satisfactory ; nevertheless the indications are suffi-
cient to warrant our belief that the rate is so gradual as to invest with great
archaeological interest the characteristic traces of man found in these allu-
vial deposits."

Although these argillite spear-points seem principally to occur, as has
been stated, in the alluvial mud along the banks of the Delaware, yet they
are often found upon the surface, and associated with objects of Indian
origin. This circumstance Dr. Abbott attempts to explain by the following
considerations : " One marked result of the deforesting of the country and
its constant cultivation has been to remove in great part the many inequal-
ities of the surface and to dry up many of the smaller brooks. The hillocks
have been worn down, the valleys filled up, and this of course has resulted
in bringing to the surface, on the higher ground, the argillite implements
which were at considerable depths, and in burying in the valleys the more
recent jasper and quartz implements of Indian origin that were left upon
the soil when lost or discarded by the red man. In the remnants of forests
still remaining, where no such disturbance of the soil has occurred, the
relative depths at which argillite and jasper respectively occur indicate the
greater age of the former." *

He recurs to this subject in another place : 2 "The telling fact with refer-
ence to these argillite spear-points is that they are not, in the same sense
as jasper arrow-heads, surface-found implements. They occur also, and
even more abundantly, beneath the surface-soil. The celebrated Swedish
naturalist, Peter Kalm, travelled throughout central and southern New
Jersey in 1748-50, and in his description of the country remarks: 'We
find great woods here, but when the trees in them have stood a hundred
and fifty or a hundred and eighty years, they are either rotting within or
losing their crown, or their wood becomes quite soft, or their roots are no
longer able to draw in sufficient nourishment, or they die from some other
cause. Therefore, when storms blow, which sometimes happens here, the
trees are broken of! either just above the roots, or in the middle, or at the
summit. Several trees are likewise torn out with their roots by the power
of the winds. ... In this manner the old trees die away continually, and
are succeeded by a younger generation. Those which are thrown down lie
on the ground and putrefy, sooner or later, and by that means increase the
black soil, into which the leaves are likewise finally changed, which drop
abundantly in autumn, are blown about by the winds for some time, but are

1 Ibid. p. 515, note. 2 Proc. of Am. Assoc, for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxvii.

362 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

heaped up and lie on both sides of the trees which are fallen down. It
requires several years before a tree is entirely reduced to dust.' 1 This
quotation has a direct bearing on that which follows. It is clear that the
surface-soil was forming during the occupancy of the country by the In-
dians. The entire area of the State was covered with a dense forest, which
century after century was increasing the black soil to which Kalm refers.
If, now, an opportunity occurs to examine a section of virgin soil and un-
derlying strata, as occasionally happens on the bluffs facing the river, the
limit in depth of this black soil may be approximately determined. An
average derived from several such sections leads me to infer that the depth
is not much over one foot, and the proportion of vegetable matter increases
as the surface is approached. Of this depth of superficial soil probably not
over one half has been derived from decomposition of vegetable growths.
While no positive data are determinable in this matter beyond the naked
fact that rotting trees increase the bulk of top-soil, one archaeological
fact that we do derive is that flint implements known as Indian relics
belong to this superficial or ' black soil,' as Kalm terms it. Abundantly
are they found on the surface ; more sparingly are they found near the
surface ; more sparingly still the deeper we go ; while at the base of this
deposit of soil the argillite implements occur in greatest abundance. Here,
then, we have the whole matter in a nut-shell. The two forms were disso-
ciated until by the deforesting of the country and subsequent cultivation of
the soil, except in a few instances, they became commingled."

A further argument in respect to the relation which argillite implements
bear to those made of jasper and quartz is derived from the relative propor-
tion in which they occur in localities which are believed to have been oc-
cupied first by the users of argillite, and subsequently by the Indians. " Of
a series of twenty thousand objects gathered in Mercer County, New Jersey,
forty-four hundred were of argillite, and of such rude forms and in such
limited varieties as would be expected of the productions of a less cultured
people than the Indian of the stone age. Of this series of forty-four hun-
dred, two hundred and thirty-three are well-designed drills or perforators and
scrapers ; the others being spear-points, fishing-spears, arrow-heads, and
knife-like implements." 2 This is supplemented by negative evidence drawn
from " the character of the sites of arrow-makers' open-air workshops, or
those spots whereon the professional chipper of flint pursued his calling.
In the locality where I have pursued my studies several such sites have
been discovered and carefully examined. In no one of these workshop
sites has there been found any trace of argillite mingled with the flint-chips
that form the characteristic feature of such spots. On the other hand, no
similar sites have been discovered, to my knowledge, where argillite was
used exclusively. The absence of this mineral cannot be explained on the
ground that it was difficult to procure, for such is not the case. It con-

1 Peter Kalm, Travels into North America, translated by J. R. Forster (London, 1770-71), v. ii. p. 17.

2 Primitive Industry, p. 462.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 363

stitutes, in fact, a considerable percentage of the pebbles ^and boulders of
the drift from which the Indians gathered their jasper and quartz pebbles
for working into implements and weapons. If the absence of argillite from
such heaps of selected stones is explained by the assertion that the Indians
had recognized the superiority of jasper, then the belief that argillite was
used prior to jasper receives tacit assent. If, however, it was the earlier
Indians who used argillite, and gradually discarded it for the various forms
of flint, then we ought to find workshop sites older than the time of flint-
chipping, and others where the two minerals are associated. This, as has
been stated, has not been done." 1

Professor Putnam has found a confirmation of these views of Dr. Abbott
in the contents of a great shell-heap at Keyport, in New Jersey, inves-
tigated over thirty years ago by Rev. Samuel Lockwood, and now placed
in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. " As the shell-heap at Keyport,
once covering a mile or more in length along a narrow strip bordered upon
one side by the ocean and on the other by Raritan Bay, is entirely oblit-
erated, it is of importance that the materials obtained from it are now in
the museum for comparison with our very extensive collections from the
shell-heaps of New England. The fact that at certain places on this
narrow strip between the bay and the sea the prevailing implements
were of argillite and of great antiquity has a peculiar significance in con-
nection with those from Trenton, and again points to an intermediate
period between the palaeolithic and the late Indian occupation of New
Jersey." 2

To these various arguments the writer wishes to add the statement that
to his personal knowledge argillite spear-points, and especially those of
the fish-spear type, are occasionally found in other parts of our country
besides New Jersey. In his own researches, which have been principally
carried on upon the seacoast of New England, he has never found an
example of them in the shell-heaps proper, which are universally recog-
nized by archaeologists as relics of the Indians. The few which he has
found himself, or has obtained from others, have come from meadows by
the side of rivers or ponds, where they might very well have been used as
fish-spears.

A further confirmation of Dr. Abbott's opinions in regard to the descend-
ants of palaeolithic man is derived from certain discoveries made by Mr.
Hilborne T. Cresson in the alluvial deposits at Naaman's Creek, in Dela-
ware. These were first made known in November, 1887, by a letter to the
editor of the American Antiquarian. "In 1870, a fisherman living in the
village of Marcus Hook, Pennsylvania, gave me some spear and arrow heads
flaked from a dense argillite, as well as other rude implements of a pre-
historic people, which he had found on some extensive mud flats near the
mouth of Naaman's Creek, a small tributary of the Delaware. The finder

1 Proc. of Amer. Assoc, for Adv. of Science , vol. 2 Rep. of Peabody Museum, vol. iv. p. 43.

xxxvii.

364 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

stated that while fishing ... he had noticed here and there the ends of logs
or stakes protruding from the mud, and that they seemed to him to have
been placed in rows. ... A visit made a few days afterward to the place
. . . disclosed the ends of much-decayed stakes or piles protruding here
and there above the mud. . . . On my return from France in 1880 I again
visited the spot. . . . While abroad I studied in spare moments many
archaeological collections, especially those from the Swiss Lake Dwellings,
and visited the various lake stations of Switzerland. The rude dressings of
the ends of the piles in some places were evidently made with blunt stone
implements, and recalled those I had seen on the ends of the posts in the
Delaware River marshes. Since 1880 I have quietly examined the remains,
excavating what pile ends remained in situ (preserving a few that did not
crumble to pieces), preserving careful notes of the dredging and excavations
(at low tides), carried on principally by myself, aided at times by interested
friends. The results so far seem to indicate that the ends of the piles im-
bedded in the mud, judging from the implements and other debris scattered
around them, once supported shelters of early man that were erected a few
feet above the water, — the upper portion of the piles having disappeared
in the long lapse of time that must have ensued since they were placed
there. (The flats are covered by four and one half feet of water on the flood
tide ; on the ebb the marsh is dry, and covered with slimy ooze several feet
in depth, varying in different places.) Three different dwellings have been
located, all that exist in the flats referred to, after a careful examination
within the last four years of nearly every inch of ground carefully laid off
and examined in sections. The implements found in two of ' the supposed
river dwelling sites ' are very rude in type, and generally made of dense ar-
gillite, not unlike the palaeoliths found by my friend Dr. C. C. Abbott in the
Trenton gravels. The character of the implements from the other or third
supposed river dwelling on the Delaware marshes is better finished objects
made of argillite." 1

The greater portion of the objects obtained by Mr. Cresson has been
placed in the Peabody Museum, to which he is at present attached as a spe-
cial assistant ; but he has also kindly sent to the writer a small illustrative
collection from each site, for his study.

The writer would hesitate to draw the inference from this single dis-
covery that the custom of living in pile-dwellings ever prevailed in North
America, although there is evidence that such a practice was not unknown
in South America. This is to be found in the account of the voyage of
Alonso de Ojeda along the north coast of that country, in the year 1499,
in which he was accompanied by Vespucius.2 I will quote the language of
Washington Irving : " Proceeding along the coast, he arrived at a vast,
deep gulf resembling a tranquil lake, entering which he beheld on the
eastern side a village whose construction struck him with surprise. It
consisted of twenty large houses, shaped like bells, and built on piles driven

1 Vol. ix. p. 363. 2 See Vol. II. pp. 144 and 187.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 365

into the bottom of the lake, which in this part was limpid and of but little
depth. Each house was provided with a drawbridge, and with canoes by
which the communication was carried on. From these resemblances to the
Italian city, Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the Gulf of Venice, and it is
called at the present day Venezuela, or Little Venice." 1 There is no inhe-
rent improbability that such a custom may have prevailed upon the shores
of Delaware Bay, and for the same reason that has caused it to be followed
elsewhere. " It has been stated that the natives living near Lake Maracaybo,
in South America, erect pile dwellings over the lake, to which they resort
in order to escape from the mosquitoes which infest the shore. Lord also
mentions that the Indians of the Suman prairie, British Columbia, on the
subsidence of the annual floods in May and June, build pile dwellings over
a lake there, to which they retire to escape from the mosquitoes which at
that period infest the prairie in dense clouds, but will not cross the
water." 2

But it would be safer, probably, to consider these discoveries of Mr. Cres-
son's as marking the site of ancient aboriginal fish-weirs, such as are de-
scribed by Captain Ribault and other early explorers as made by the na-
tives.3 The writer agrees with Professor Putnam in thinking that " the
fact that at only one station pottery occurs, and, also, that at this station
the stone implements are largely of jasper and quartz, with few of argillite,
while at the two other stations many rude stone implements are associated
with chipped points of argillite, with few of jasper and other flint-like
material, is of great interest." 4

Still further confirmation of the progress of the palaeolithic man in this
region is afforded by discoveries made in a rock-shelter near the head -waters
of Naaman's Creek, as early as 1866, for an account of which, and the
preservation of the objects then found, we are also indebted to Mr. Cresson :
"The remains of the Naaman's Creek rock-shelter luckily fell into hands
that have preserved them. ... To give a detailed account of how the rock-
shelter was discovered would consume too much time. Let us rather con-
sider briefly the . . . contents of the shelter's various layers. . . . Fortu-
nately careful drawings of the shelter were made during its excavation
between the years 1866 and 1867. ... A glance shows the outcrop of the
rock as it appeared before the excavations were begun in 1866. The trees
show that the ground was then covered by a thick wood. . . . From the
point that marks the innermost edge of the outcrop, overhanging the
hollow, a perpendicular line dropped to the ground would measure five and
one eighth feet, the height of the projection of the rock above the ground
before the excavations were commenced.

"Twenty-two feet eight inches from the outcrop, measured from its inner
face, there is still another outcrop. . . . This marks the opposite side of

1 Companions of Columbus, p. 28. 8 Antiquities of the Southern Indians, by C. C.

2 Flint Chips, a Guide to Prehistoric Archa:ol- Jones, p. 320.

°gy>^ Edw. T. Stevens, p. 123. * Rep. of Peabody Museum, vol. iv. p. 45.

366 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the hollow. ... It is evident how admirably the place was adapted to the
wants of the early hunters of the Delaware valley, whether it be as a
shelter, or as a place of defence against their enemies. . . . Let us look at
the layers of earth that filled it, these being intermingled with rude imple-
ments, broken bones, and charcoal, indicating that man at times had resorted
to the spot.

" Layer C [the lowest]. This was composed of schist, resting on the bed-
rock of the shelter. A layer of aqueous gravel, of the same type as that
underlying Philadelphia, rested on the decomposed schist. The greatest
depth of the red gravel layer was four feet two and one fourth inches,
measured from the layer of decomposed schist. Least depth of gravel ob-
served, one foot three inches. . . .

" Layer A [next above]. This was a layer of grayish-white brick clay
mixed with yellow clay, similar to that underlying Philadelphia, on top of
which was a layer mixed with sand. . . . Stone implements were discovered
in this layer. They were but few in number and very rude, exclusively of
argillite, and palaeolithic in type. Greatest depth of layer, two feet one and
one half inches. No implements of bone were found. . . .

" Layer T [next above]. This was of reddish gravel, intermingled with
decomposed schist, cinders, and broken bones of animals. Fragments of a
human skull were found ... in this layer. A fragment of a human rib
was also preserved. The fragments of the skull are covered here and there
by dendritic incrustations. Rude spears and implements of argillite were
found in this layer. Depth of layer, thirteen to eighteen inches.

"Layer D [next above]. Composed of reddish-yellow clay. Depth, two
feet three inches. No implements.

" Layer M [next above]. In this layer were numerous implements of
argillite and some of bone, intermingled with rude implements of quartzite
and jasper and fragments of rude pottery, with charcoal. Greatest depth,
one foot one and one half inches. Least depth, three inches.

" Layer R [next above]. Yellow clay. Greatest depth, two feet one and
one half inches ; least depth, eight inches. No implements.

" Layer W [next above]. This contained chipped implements ; those made
of jasper and quartzite predominating over those of argillite. In the lowest
part of this layer were fragments of rude pottery. In the upper portion of
the layer were potsherds decidedly superior in decoration and technique to
those from the lower portion. Geological composition of this layer, yellow
clay loam. Greatest depth, three feet four inches. Least depth, two and
one half inches.

" Layer L [top]. This consists of leaf mould seven inches thick, converted
into swamp muck by decomposing action of water from springs. No im-
plements. . . . No remains of extinct animals were found." 2

Professor Putnam thus proceeded to comment upon these discoveries •.
'We have a series of objects, taken from the several layers of the shelter,

1 " Early Man in the Delaware Valley," in the Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiv.

THE PREHISTORIC ARCHEOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. 367

giving us a chronology of the utmost importance, as each period of occupa-
tion of the shelter was followed by a natural deposition, separating the dif-
ferent periods of occupation. The stone implements . . . are taken from
the lowest layer, indicating the earliest period of occupation of the rock-
shelter ; and . . . they correspond in shape and rudeness of execution with
those taken from the gravel-bed at Trenton ; and like most of the latter
they are all of argillite. The specimens from the second period are of
argillite, and while many are chipped into slender points, they are still of
very rude forms ; and these in turn correspond with the argillite points
found by Dr. Abbott deep down in the black soil, or resting upon the
gravel, at Trenton. In the upper layers of the cave we observe . . . the
gradual introduction of implements chipped from jasper and quartz, and
corresponding in form with those found upon the surface throughout the
valley. And as a further indication of this later development, it was only
in the upper layers that pottery, bone implements, and ornaments were
found ; the three distinct periods of occupation of the Delaware valley are
thus distinctly shown ; and this cave-shelter is a perfect exemplification of
the results which Dr. Abbott had obtained from a study of the specimens
which he has collected upon the surface, deep in the black soil, and in the
gravel, at Trenton."

From the accumulative force of these various lines of reasoning, the
writer thinks that there is a strong probability that here, on the waters of
the Delaware, man developed from the palaeolithic to the neolithic stage of
culture. But we cannot follow Dr. Abbott in his further conclusion (if,
indeed, he still holds to it) that we are to seek the descendants of this
primitive population in the Eskimos, driven north after contact with the
Indians. We have failed to discover the slightest evidence to sustain
this position. The hereditary enmity existing between the Eskimos and
the Indians may be equally well explained upon the theory that the former
are later comers to this continent, and are therefore hated by the Indian
races as intruders. The two races are certainly markedly unlike.

In the absence of any evidence tending to show the development of
the argillite-using people into the Indian races, with their perfected im-
plements and weapons of the age of polished stone, it seems more reason-
able to hold with Professor Dawkins that the earlier and ruder race perished
before or were absorbed by a people furnished with a better equipment in
the struggle for the " survival of the fittest." The palaeolithic man of the
river gravels of Trenton and his argillite-using posterity the writer believes
to be completely extinct.1

It only remains for the writer to express his regret that he has been pre-
vented from setting forth in detail, at the present time, the grounds upon
which he has come to other conclusions which were briefly indicated at the
beginning of this chapter. He can only repeat here his belief that the

1 Early Man in Britaifi, p. 173.

368 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

so-called Indians, with their many divisions into numerous linguistic fam-
ilies, were later comers to our shores than the primitive population, whose
development he has attempted to trace ; that the so-called " moundbuilders "
were the ancestors of tribes found in the occupation of the soil ; and that
the Pueblos and the Aztecs were only peoples relatively farther advanced
than the others.

The writer further thinks that these are propositions capable, if not of
being demonstrated, at least of being made to appear in a very high degree
probable by means of authorities which will be found amply referred to in
other chapters of this volume.

^tfeccvy^^. ^^^uey

THE PROGRESS OF OPINION RESPECTING THE ORIGIN
AND ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

BY THE EDITOR.

The literature respecting the origin and early condition of the American aborigines is very extensive ;
and, as a rule, especially in the earlier period, it is not characterized by much reserve in connecting races by
historical analogies.1 Few before Dr. Robertson, in discussing the problem, could say : " I have ventured to
inquire without presuming to decide."

The question was one that allured many of the earlier Spanish writers like Herrera and Torquemada.
Among the earlier English discussions is that of Wm. Bourne in his Booke called the Treasure for Travel-
lers (London, 1578), where a section is given to " The Peopling of America." The most famous of the early
discussions of the various theories was that of Gregorio Garcia, a missionary for twenty years in South
America, who reviewed the question in his Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo (Valencia, 1607).2 He
goes over the supposed navigations of the Phoenicians, the identity of Peru with Solomon's Ophir, and the-
chances of African, Roman, and Jewish migrations, — only to reject them all, and to favor a coming of Tar-
tars and Chinese. Clavigero thinks his evidences the merest conjectures. E. Brerewood, in his Erxquirie?
touching the diversity of languages and religions (London, 1632, 1635), claimed a Tartar origin. In New
England, where many were believers in the Jewish analogies, it is somewhat amusing to find not long after
this the quizzical Thomas Morton, with what seems like mock gravity, finding the aboriginal source in " the
scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium." 3 The reader, however, is referred to
other sections of the present volume for the literature bearing upon the distinct ethnical connections of the
early American peoples.

The chief literary controversy over the question began in 1642, when Hugo Grotius published his De
Origine Gentium Americanarum Dissertatio (Paris and Amsterdam, 1642).4 He argued that all North

1 Waitz, Introd. to Anthropology, Eng. trans., p. 255,
points out the dangers of over-confidence in this research.
Cf. also J. H. McCulloh's Researches (1829).

The best indications of the sources as respects the origin
of the Americans can be found in Haven's Archeology of
the United States {Smithsonian Contributions, viii., 1856) ;
Bancroft's foot-notes to his Nat. Races, v. ch. 1 ; Short, ch.
3, on the diversity of opinions ; Poole's Index, p. 637, and
Supplement, p. 274. Cf. Drake's Book of the Indians,
ch. 2.

Without anticipating the characterization and mention of
the essential books later to be indicated, some miscellaneous
references may be added without much attempt at classify-
ing them.

Among English writers : Hyde Clarke's Researches
on prehistoric and protohistoric comparative philology,
mythology , and archeology in connection with the origin
of culture in America (London, 1875). Robert Knox's
Races of Men (London, 1862); J. Kennedy in his Prob-
able origin of the American Indians (London, 1854), and
in his Essays, ethnological and linguistic (London, 1861);
J. C. Beltrami's Pilgrimage in Europe and A merica
(London, 1828) ; C. H. Smith in Edinburgh New Phil-
osophical yournal, xxxviii. 1.

Some French authorities : Nadaillac, Les premiers
hommes, ii. 93, and his Z,' Amerique prehistorique, ch. 10,
and to the English translation W. H. Dall adds a chapter
on this subject ; Brasseur de Bourbourg's introduction to
his Popul Vuh (section 4) ; Dabry de Thiersant's De V ori-
gine des indiens du nouveau monde et de leur civilisation
(Paris, 18S3); M. A. Baguet's " Les races primitives des
deux Ameriques " in Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. d"1 A nvers,
viii. 440 ; Domenech in Revue Contemporaine, 1st ser.,
xxxiii. 283 ; xxxiv. 5, 284 ; 2d ser., iv. ; Baron de Bretton's

VOL. I. — 24

Origines des peuples de VA merique, in the Nancy Compte-
rendu, Congres des A mericanistes, i. 439.

Among German writers perhaps the most weighty are
Theodor Waitz in his Anthropologic der Naturv'dlker
(1862-66), and Carl Vogt's Vorlesungen fiber den Menschen,
translated as Lectures on Man (1864).

American writers: Drake's Book of the Indians, ch. 1, 2 ;
Doddridge's Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of
Virginia and Penna., ch. 3; Geo. Catlin's Life amongst
the Indians (1861), and his Last Rambles (1867), with
extracts in Smithsonian Ann. Rept., 1885, iii. 749 ;
Isaac McCoy's Hist, of Baptist Indian Missions (Wash-
ington, 1840); Short's No. Amer. of Antiq., ch. 4, 11 ;
B. H. Coate's A nnual Discourse before the Penna. Hist.
Soc. (Philad., 1834), reviewing the various theories; also in
their Memoirs, iii. part 2 ; John Y. Smith in Wisconsin
Hist. Soc. Ann. Rep., iv. 117; Dennie's Portfolio, xiii.
231* 5!9» xiv. 7i A. R. Grote in Amer. Naturalist, xi.
221 (April, 1877); C. C. Abbott in Ibid. x. 65.

Some Canadian writers : J. Campbell in Quebec Lit. and
Hist. Soc. Transactions (1880-81) ; Napoleon Legendre's
" Races indigenes de l'Ame'rique devant l'histoire " in.
Proc. Royal Soc. of Canada, ii. 25.

2 The book is a rare one. Field, No. 586. Sabin, vii.
p. 157. Quaritch in 1885 had not known of a copy being
for sale in twenty years. He then had two (Nos. 28,355-56).
There is one in Harvard College Library. Garcia drew
somewhat from a manuscript of Juan de Vetanzos a com-
panion of Pizarro, and he gives the native accounts «>f their
origin. There was a second edition, with Barcia's Annota-
tions, Madrid, 1729 (Carter-Brown, iii. 432).

3 New English Canaan (Amsterdam, 1637— C F.
Adams' ed., 1883, pp. 125, i2<j).

4 There is an English translation in the Bibliotheca

370

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

America except Yucatan (which had an Ethiopian stock) was peopled from the Scandinavian North ; that the
Peruvians were from China, and that the Moluccans peopled the regions below Peru. Grotius aroused an
antagonist in Johannes de Laet, whose challenge appeared the next year : Joannis de Laet Antwerpiani
notac ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii de origine gentium Anicricanarum : et observationes aliquot ad
meliorem indaginem dijjicillimcz illius qucestionis (Amsterdam, 1643). 1 He combated his brother Dutch-
man at all points, and contended that the Scythian race furnished the predominant population of America.
The Spaniards went to the Canaries, and thence some of their vessels drifted to Brazil. He is inclined to
accept the story of Madoc's Welshmen, and think it not unlikely that the people of the Pacific islands may
have floated to the western coast of South America, and that minor migrations may have come from other
lands. He supports his views by comparisons of the Irish, Gallic, Icelandic, Huron, Iroquois, and Mexican
tongues.

To all this Grotius replied in a second Dissertatio, and De Laet again renewed the attack : loannis de Laet
Antwerpiani respousio ad dissertationem sccundam Hvgonis Grotii, de origine gentium Americanarum.
Cum indice ad utr unique libcllum (Amsterdam, 1644)."-

De Laet, not content with his own onset, incited another to take part in the controversy, and so George
Horn (Hornius) published his De Originibus Americanis, libri quatuor (Hagae Comitis, i. e. The Hague,
1652 ; again, Hemipoli, i. e. Halberstadt, i66q).3 His view was the Scythian one, but he held to later additions
from the Phoenicians and Carthaginians on the Atlantic side, and from the Chinese on the Pacific.

For the next fifty years there were a number of writers on the subject, who are barely names to the present
generation ; 4 but towards the middle of the eighteenth century the question was considered in The A7nerican
Traveller (London, 1741), and by Charlevoix in his Nouvelle France (1744). The author of an Enquiry into
the Origin of the Cherokees (Oxford, 1762) makes them the descendants of Meshek, son of Japhet. In 1767,
however, the question was again brought into the range of a learned and disputatious discussion, reviving all
the arguments of Grotius, De Laet, and Horn, when E. Bailli d'Engel published his Essai sur cette question :
Quand et comment V America a-t-elle ete peuplce d' homines et d'Animaux? (5 vols., Amsterdam, 1767, 2d
ed., 1768). He argues for an antediluvian origin.5 The controversy which now followed was aroused by C. De
Pauw's characterization of all American products, man, animals, vegetation, as degraded and inferior to
nature in the old world, in an essay which passed through various editions, and was attacked and defended in
turn.6 An Italian, Count Carli, some years later, controverted De Pauw, and using every resource of mythol-
ogy, tradition, geology, and astronomy, claimed for the Americans a descent from the Atlantides." It was not

Curiosa. [Edited by Edmund Goldsmidt.] (Edinburgh,
18S3-85.) No. 12. On the origin of the native races of
A merica. To which is added, A treatise on foreign Si-
gnages and unknown islands, by Peter A Ibinns. Trans-
lated from the Latin. The translation is unfortunate in
Its blunders. Cf. H. W. Haynes in The Nation, Mar. 15,
1888. Grotius was b. 1583; d. 164s.

1 Carter-Brown, ii. 522, 523, 543.

2 This book is scarcer than the first (Brinley, iii. 5414-
15). There is a letter addressed to De Laet, touching Gro-
tius, in Claudius Morisotus's Epistolarnm Centurion diia,
1656.

3 Brinley, iii. 5407-8. In Samuel Sewall's Letter Book,
i. 289, is an amusing reference to the " vanities of Hor-
nius."

4 Jo. Bapt. Poisson, Animadversiones ad ea qua> Hugo
Grotius et Joh. Lahetius de origine gentium Peruvimia-
ru7n et Mexica?iarum scripserunt (Paris, 1644); Rob.
Comtaeus Nortmanus, De origine gentium A inerica7iarinn
(Amsterdam, 1664), an academic dissertation adopting the
Phoenician view; A. Mil, De origine a7iimalium et mi-
gratione populortan (Geneva, 1667) ; Erasmus Franciscus,
Lust- und Staatsgartcn (Niirnberg, 1668), with a third part
on the aboriginal inhabitants (Miiller, 1877, no. 1150); Gott-
fried [Godofredus] Wagner, De Originibus Americanis
(Leipzig, 1669) ; J. D. Victor, Disputatio historia de Ame-
rica (Jena, 1670); E. P. Ljung, Dissertatio de origine gen-
tium novi orbis prima (Stregnas [Sweden] 1676). An essay
of 1695 reprinted in the Memoirs, Anthrop. Soc. of Lon-
don, i. 365 ; Nic Witsen, Noord-en-Oost Tartarye (2d ed.,
Amsterdam, 1705), holding to the migration from north-
eastern Asia.

c Cf. Alex. Catcott's Treatise on the Deluge (2d ed.,
enlarged, London, 1768), and A. de Ulloa's Noticias Ai/ie-
ricanas (Madrid, 1772, 1792), for speculations.

6 Cf. Sabin, xiv. 59,239, etc., for editions. The original
three vols, appeared in Berlin in 1768, 1769, and 1770, re-
spectively. The best edition, with De Pauw's subsequent

defence and Pernetty's attack, was issued at London in
three vols, in 1770 : —

Recherches philosophiques sur les Americains, ou Me-
moires interessants pour servir a Thistoire de I'espece
hiunaijie.

Cotitents: Du climat de l'Amerique. — De la complexion
alteree de ses habitants. — De la decouverte du Nouveau-
Monde. — De la variete de I'espece humaine en Amerique.

— De la couleur des Americains. — Des anthropophages.

— Des Eskimaux; des Patagons. — Des Blafards et des
Negres blancs. — De l'Orang-Outang. — Des hermaphro-
dites de la Floride. — De la circoncision et de l'infibulation.

— Du genie abruti des Americains. — De quelques usages
bizarres, communs aux deux continents. — De l'usage des
fleches empoisonnees chez les peuples des deux continents.

— De la religion des Americains. — Sur le grand Lama. —
Sur les vicissitudes de notre globe. — Sur le Paraguai. —
Defenses des recherches sur les Americains. — D. Pernetty.
Dissertation sur l'Amerique et les Americains contre les
recherches philosophiques de M. de Pauw.

There was an edition in French at Berlin in 1770, in 2
vols., and, with Pernetty annexed, in 1774, in 3 vols. The
Defenses was printed also at Berlin in 1770. These were
all included in De Pauw's GELuvres Philosophiques, pub-
lished at Paris "an z'/7." An English translation by J.
Thomson was printed at London, 1795. Daniel Webb pub-
lished some selections in English at Bath, 1789, 1795* and
at Rochdale, 1806. Pernetty's Exameu was printed at
Berlin in 1769. There is another little tractate of this
time attributed to Pernetty, De rA merique et des A merir
caius (Berlin, 1771), in whose humor De Pauw fares no
better; but Rich has a note on the questionable attributing
of it to Pernetty, and its real author was probably C. de
Bonneville (cf. Hcefer).

7 Delle Lettere A 7>iericane {opere, xi.-xiv. , Milano, 1 784-
94); better known in J. B. L. Villebrune's French transla-
tion. Lettres A 7nericaincs (2 vols. ; Paris and Boston, 1787);
Sabin, no. 10,912. There is also a German version.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

371

till after reports had come from the Ohio Valley of the extensive earthworks in that region that the question
of the earlier peoples of America attracted much general attention throughout America ; and the most con-
spicuous spokesman was President Stiles of Yale College, in an address which he delivered before the General
Assembly of Connecticut, in 1783, on the future of the new republic.1 In this, while arguing for the unity of
the American tribes and for their affinity with the Tartars, he held to their being in the main the descendants
of the Canaanites expelled by Joshua, whether finding their way hither by the Asiatic route and establishing
the northern Sachemdoms, or coming in Phoenician ships across the Atlantic to settle Mexico and Peru.2
Lafitau in 1724 (Mceurs de Sauvages) had contended for a Tartar origin. We have examples of the reason-
ing of a missionary in the views of the Moravian Loskiel, and of a learned controversialist in the treatise of
Fritsch, in 1794 and 1796 respectively.3

The earliest American with a scientific training to discuss the question was a professor in the University
of Pennsylvania, Benjamin Smith Barton, a man
who acquired one of the best reputations in his
day among Americans for studies in this and other
questions of natural history. His father was an
English clergyman settled in America, and his
mother a sister of David Rittenhouse. It was
while he was a student of medicine in Edinburgh
that he first approached the subject of the origin
of the Americans, in a little treatise on American
Antiquities, which he never completed.4 His
Papers relating to certain American Antiquities
(Philad., 1796) consists of those read to the Amer.
Philos. Soc, and printed in their Transactions
(vol. iv.). They were published as the earnest of
his later work on American Antiquities. He
argues against De Pauw, and contends that the
Americans are descended — at least some of them
— from Asiatic peoples still recognized. The
Papers include a letter from Col. Winthrop Sar-
gent, Sept. 8, 1794, describing certain articles
found in a mound at Cincinnati, and a letter upon
them from Barton to Dr. Priestley. He in the
end gave more careful attention to the subject,
mainly on its linguistic side, and went farther than
any one had gone before him in his New Views
of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America (Philad., 1797; 2d ed., enlarged, 1798).5 The book
attracted much notice, and engaged the attention in some degree of European philologists, and made Barton
at that time the most conspicuous student on these matters in America. Jefferson was at that time gather-
ing material in similar studies, but his collections were finally burned in 1801. Barton, in dedicating his
treatise to Jefferson, recognized the latter's advance in the same direction. He believed his own gathering of
original MS. material to be at that time more extensive than any other student had collected in America.
His views had something of the comprehensiveness of his material, and he could not feel that he could point
to any one special source of the indigenous population.

During the early years of the present century old theories and new were abundant. The powerful intellect
and vast knowledge of Alexander von Humboldt were applied to the problem as he found it in Middle America.
He announced some views on the primitive peoples in 1806, in the Neue Berlinische Motiatsschrift (vol.
xv.) ; but his ripened opinions found record in his Vucs de Cordilleres et monumens des peuples iiidigenes de
VAtnerique (Paris, 18 16), and the Asiatic theory got a conservative yet definite advocate.

Hugh Williamson 6 thought he found traces of the Hindoo in the higher arts of the Mexicans, and marks of
the ruder Asiatics in the more northern American peoples. A conspicuous litterateur of the day, Samuel L.
Mitchell, veered somewhat wildly about in his notions of a Malay, Tartar, and Scandinavian origin." Mean-
while something like organized efforts were making. The American Antiquarian Society was formed in
1812.8 Silliman began his Journal of Arts and Sciences in 1819, and both society and periodical proved

BENJAMIN SMITH BARTON.

1 The United States elevated to Glory and Honor.
New Haven, 1783. It is included in J. W. Thornton's
Pulpit of the A mer. Revolution (Boston, i860).

2 This Canaanite view, though hardly held with the
scope given by Dr. Stiles, had been asserted earlier by Go-
mara, De Lery, and Lescarbot. Cf. For. Quart. Rev.,
Oct., 1856.

3 G. H. Loskiel, Mission of the United Brethren among
the Indians, trans, from the German by La Trobe (Lon-
don, 1794). Johann Gottlieb Fritsch, Disputatio historico-

geographica in qua queeritur utrum veteres A mericant
noverint 7iec fie (Cura; Regnilianac, 1796).

4 Observations on some Parts of Nat. Hist., Lond., 1787.

0 Pilling, Bibliog. Sionan languages (1887, p. 4).

c Hist. North Carolina, 1811-12.

7 Haven, Archa-ol. U. States, 35. Cf. Mitchell's papers
in the Arch&ologia Americafta, i.

8 There is a fair sample of the conjectural habit of the
time in the paper of Moses Fiske, in the first volume of the
Society's Transactions, 300.

272 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

instruments of wider inquiry. In the first volume published by the Antiquarian Society, Caleb Atwater, in
his treatise on the Western Antiquities, gave the earliest sustained study of the subject, and believed in a
general rather than in a particular Asiatic source. The man first to attract attention for his grouping of ascer-
tained results, unaided by personal explorations, however, was Dr. James H. McCulloh, who published his
Researches on America at Baltimore in 1816. The book passed to a second edition the next year, but received
its final shape in the Researches, philosophical and antiquarian, concerning the aboriginal history of
America (1829), a book which Prescott x praised for its accumulated erudition, and Haven2 ranked high for
its manifestations of industry and research, calling it encyclopaedic in character. McCulloh examines the
native traditions, but can evolve no satisfactory conclusion from them as to the origin of the Americans.
The public mind, however, was not ripe for scholarly inquiry, and there was not that in McCulloh's style to
invite attention; and greater popularity followed upon the fanciful and dogmatic confidence of John Hay-
wood,3 upon the somewhat vivid if unsteady speculations of C. S. Rafinesque,4 and even upon the itinerant
Josiah Priest, who boasted of the circulation of thousands of copies of his popular books.5 John Delafield's
Inquiry into the Origin of the Antiqtiities of America (N. Y., 1839) revived the theory, never quite dormant,
of the descent of the Mexicans from the riper peoples of Hindostan and Egypt ; while the more barbarous
red men came of the Mongol stock. The author ran through the whole range of philology, mythology, and
many of the customs of the races, in reaching this conclusion. A little book by John Mcintosh, Discovery
of America and Origin of the North American Indians, published in Toronto, 1836, was reissued in N. Y.
in 1843, ano- with enlargements in 1846, Origin of the North American Indians, continued down to 1859 to
be repeatedly issued, or to have a seeming success by new dates.6

When Columbus, approaching the main land of South America, imagined it a large island, he associated it
with that belief so long current in the Old World, which placed the cradle of the race in the Indian Ocean, —
a belief which in our day has been advocated by Haeckel, Caspari and Winchell, — and imagined he was on
the coasts, skirting an interior, where lay the Garden of Eden.7 No one had then ventured on the belief that
the doctrine of Genesis must be reconciled with any supposed counter-testimony by holding it to be but the
record of the Jewish race. Columbus was not long in his grave when Theophrastus Paracelsus, in 1520, and
before the belief in the continuity of North America with Asia was dispelled, and consequently before the
question of how man and animals could have reached the New World was raised, first broached the heterodox
view of the plurality of the human race. All the early disputants on the question of the origin of the Amer-
ican man looked either across the Atlantic or the Pacific for the primitive seed ; nor was there any necessary
connection between the arguments for an autochthonous American man and a diversity of race, when Fabri-
cius, in 1721, published his Dissertatio Critical on the opinions of those who held that different races had
been created. From that day the old orthodox interpretation of the record in Genesis found no contestant
of mark till the question came up in relation to the American man, it being held quite sufficient to account
for the inferiority or other distinguishing characteristics of race by assigning them to the influence of climate
and physical causes.9

The strongest presentation of the case, in considering the American man a distinct product of the American
soil, with no connection with the Old World10 except in the case of the Eskimos, was made when S. G. Morton,
in 1839, printed his Crania Atnericana, or a comparative view of the skulls of various aboriginal nations of
North and South America, of which there was a second edition in 1844.11 Here was a new test, and applied,
very likely, in ignorance of the fact that Governor Pownal, in 1766, in Knox's New Collection of Voyages, had
suggested it.12 Dr. Morton had gathered a collection of near a thousand skulls from all parts of the world.13
and based his deductions on these, — a process hardly safe, as many of his successors have determined.14

1 Mexico, Kirk's ed. , iii. 375. guistic traits of the Americans pointed to something like

8 Archceol. U. S., 48. an independent origin. Cf. W. D. Whitney on the " Bear-

3 Hist, of Tennessee, Nashville, 1823. ing of Languages on the Unity of Man," in North Amer.

* Introd. to Marshall's Kentucky, 1824; The Anc. Mts. Review, cv. 214.

of N. &" S. America, 2d ed., 1838, etc. u Cf. Jeffries Vymau in No. Am. Rev., li.

6 A mer. A ntiq. and Discoveries in the West, 1833, which 12 Cardinal Wiseman's Lectures, 5th ed., London, p.
Rafinesque thought largely taken from him. Cf. Haven 158.

on these writers, pp. 3S-41 ; Sabin, xv. 65, 484. 13 Described in Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc, ii. The col-

c Pilling, Bibliog. Siouan languages, pp. 47, 48. lection went to the Acad, of Natural Sciences in Philad.,

7 Peschel, Races of Me 71 (London, 1876), p. 32. and is examined by Dr. J. Austin Meigs in its Proc, i860.

8 Eng. transl. in Memoirs, A nthro/ological Society of Cf. Meigs's Catalogue of human crania in tJie Acad.
London, \. 372. Nat. Sci. (Philad., 1857).

9 There is a summary of the progressive conflict on the 14 Morton's latest results are given in a paper, " The phys-
question of the unity and plurality of races in the introduc- ical type of the American Indian," left unfinished, but
turn to Topinard's Anthropology. Cf. Peschel's Races of completed by John S. Phillips, and printed in Schoolcraft's
Man (Eng. transl., N. Y., 1876), p. 6. Indian Tribes, ii. He also printed An Inquiry into the

10 The idea in general was not wholly new. Capt. Ber- distinctive characteristics of the Aboriginal Race of
nard Romans, in his Concise A'at. Hist, of East and litest America (Boston, 1842 ; Philad., 1844); and Some Obser-
Florida (N. Y., 1776), had expressed the opinion "that vations i>i the Ethnography and Archeology of the A nier-
God created an original man and woman in this part of the ican Aborigines (N. Haven, 1846, — from the A mer. four.
globe of different species from any in the other parts" of Science, 2d ser., ii.). Cf. Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc.
(p. 38). Clavigero, in 1780, believed that the distinct lin- ii. 219. Cf. Allibone's Dictionary, ii. 1376. It is certainly

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

373

The views of Morton respecting the autochthonous origin of the Indian found an able upholder when Louis
Agassiz, taking the broader view of the independent creation of higher and inferior races,1 gave in his adhesion
to the original American man {Christian Exajniner, July, 1850, vol. xlix. p. no). These views got more exten-
sive expression in a publication which appeared in Philadelphia in 1854, in which some unpublished papers of
Morton are accompanied by a contribution from Agassiz, and all are grouped together and augmented by
material of the editors, Dr. Josiah Clark Nott 2 of Mobile, and Mr. George R. Giiddon, long a resident in
Cairo. The Types of Mankind, or Ethnological Researches (Philad., 1854, 1859, 1871), met with a divided
reception ; the conservative theologians called it pretentious and false, and there was some color for their
detraction in some rather jejune expositions of the Hebrew Scriptures contained in the book. The physiolo-

LOUIS AGASSIZ*

evident that skull capacity is no sure measure of intelli-
gence, and the Indian custom of misshaping the head of-
fers some serious obstacles in the study. Cf. Nadaillac,
UAmer. firehist-, 512; L. A. Gosse, Les deformations
artificielles du crane (Paris, 1855) ; Daniel Wilson's " In-
dications of Ancient Customs suggested by certain cranial
forms," in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (1863J; Dabry de
Thiersant's Origine des indiens du Notcveau Monde,
p. 12; W. F. Whitney, on "Anomalies, injuries and dis-
eases of the bones of the native races of No. America,"
in Peabody Mus. Pept., xvn\. 434. On the difficulties of
the study see Lucien Carr in Ibid. xi. 361 ; Flower in the
Jotirnal Anthropological Institute, May, 1885; Dawson,
Fossil Men, chap. 7. Further see : Anders Retzius, on

" The Present State of Ethnology in relation to the form
of the human skull," in Smithson. Kept., 1859; Waitz's
Introd. to Anthropology, Eng. transl., pp. 233, 261 ; Carl
Vogt's Lechires on Man(\ect. 2) ; A. Quatrefages and E. T.
Hamy, Crania Ethica (Paris, 1873-77); Nott and Giid-
don, Types of Mankind; Nadaillac's V Amerique pri-
hist., ch. 9, and Les premiers hommes, i. ch. 3.

1 An anonymous book, The Genesis of Earth and
Man (Edinburgh, 1856), places the negro as the primal
stock, and traces out the higher races by variation.

2 Dr. Nott had given some indication of his views in
" An Examination of the physical history of the Jews in its
bearing on the question of the Unity of the Races " {A vier.
Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc, iii. 1850).

* After a photograph, hanging in the Somerset Club, Boston ; suggested to the editor by Mr. Alexander Agassiz as a
satisfactory likeness.

374

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

gists thought it brought new vigor to a question which properly belonged to science.1 Other fresh material,
with some discussions, made up a new book by the same editors, published three years later, Indigenous
Races of the Earth, or New Chapters of Ethnological Inquiry (Philad. and London, 1857 ; 2d ed., 1857).2

The theological attacks were not always void of a contempt that ill befitted the work of refutation. The
most important of them were John Bachman's Doctrine of the Unity of the Human Race (Charleston, S. C,
1850), with his Notice of the Types of Mankind (Charleston, 1854-55) ; and Thomas Smyth's Unity of the
Human Race proved by Scripture, Reason and Science (N. Y., 1850).3

The scientific attack on Morton and Agassiz, and the views they represented, was an active one, and em-
braced such writers as Wilson, Latham, Pickering, and Quatrefages.4 The same collection of skulls which
had furnished Morton with his proofs yielded exactly opposite evidence to Dr. J. A. Meigs in his Observa-

SAMUEL FOSTER HAVEN.*

1 Cf. References in Allibone, i. 678 ; Poolers Index, p.
796.

2 The editor's collaborateurs were Alfred Maury, Fran-
cis Palszky, J. Aitken Meigs, J. Leidy, and Louis Agassiz.
Nott had in the interval since his previous book furnished
an appendix on the unity or plurality of Races to the
English transl. of Gobineau's Moral Diversity of Races
(Philad., 1856).

3 Haven gives a summary of the arguments of each
(p. 90, etc.). P'or various views on this side see Southall's
Recent Origin of Man, ch ii. 36, 37, and his Epoch of the
Mammoth, ch. 2, where he allows that the proofs from
traditions and customs are not conclusive ; George Palmer's
Migration from Shinar ; or, the Earliest Links between
the Old and New Continents (London, 1879); Edward
Fontaine's Hcnv the World was Peopled (N. Y., 1876); Dr.

I Forrey in Amcr. Biblical Repository, July, 1843;
McClintock and Strong's Cyclopcedia, under "Adam";

Henry Cowles' Pentateuch (N . Y., 1874), — not to name
many others. See Poole's Index, 1073.

4 Wilson's first criticism was in the Canadian Journal
(1857); then in the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal
(Jan., 1858); in the Smithsonian Rept. (1862), p. 240, on
the " American Cranial Type;" and in his Prehist. Man
(ii. ch. 20). Latham's Nat. Hist, of the Varieties of Man.
Charles Pickering's Races of Men (1848). The orthodox
monogenism of A. de Quatrefages is expressed in his De
Vuuite de Vespece humaine (Paris, 1864, 1869); in his Hist,
geuerale des Races humaines (Paris, 1887) ; in his Human
Species (N. Y., 1879), and in papers in Revue des Coiirs
Scientifiques, 1864-5, 1867-8; in his Nat. Hist, of Man
(Eng. transl., N. Y., 1875); in Catholic World, vii. 67;
and in Popular Science Monthly, i. 61.

Cf. further, Retzius in Archives des Sciences Naturclles
(Geneve, 1845-52); Col. Chas. Hamilton Smith's Nat. Hist.
Human Species (184s); Dawson in Leisure Hour,\x\n.

* After a photograph. A heliotype of a portrait by Custer is in the Amer. Autiq. Soc. Proc, Ap., 1S79. Haven s
Annual Reports, as librarian of the Amer. Antiq. Soc, furnish a good chronological conspectus of the progress of
anthropological discovery.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

375

tions upon the Cranial Forjns of the American Aborigines (Philad., 1866). 1 Two of the most celebrated of
the evolutionists reject the autochthonous view, for Darwin's Descent of Man and Haeckel's Hist, of Crea-
tion consider the American man an emigrant from the old world, in whatever way the race may have
developed.2

Of the leading historians of the early American peoples, Prescott, dealing with the Mexicans, is inclined
to agree with Humboldt's arguments as to their primitive connection with Asia.3 Geo. Bancroft, in the third
volume of his Hist, of the United States (1840), surveying the field, found little in the linguistic affinities,
little in what Humboldt gathered from the Mexican calendars and from other developments, nothing from
the Western mounds, which he was sure were natural earth-knobs and water-worn passages.4 and decides upon
some transmission by the Pacific route from Asia, but so remote as to make the American tribes practically
indigenous, so far as their character is concerned.

SIR DANIEL WILSON, LL. D., F. R. S. E *

813, and in his Fossil Men, p. 334, who holds the biblical
account to be " the most complete and scientific ; " Figuier's
World before the Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 469. Geo.
Bancroft sees no signs to reverse the old judgment respect-
ing a single human race.

1 He found all three varieties of skulls in America : the
long-headed (dolichocephalic), the short-headed (brachy-
cephalic), and the medium (mesocephalic). He found the
long heads to predominate, except in Peru. Meigs had
earlier studied the subject in his Observations on the Form
of the Occiput (Philad., i860). Cf. Busk in Jour. An-
throp. Inst., April, 1873 ; Wyman, in reab. Mus. Rept.,
1871.

2 H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 129, 131, gives refer-
ences on the autochthonous theory. It is held by Nadail-
lac, Les premiers homines, ii. 117; Fred, von Hellwald in

Smithsonian Rept., 1866; Bollaert's "Contribution to an
Introduction to the Anthropology of the New World " in
Memoirs, Anthrop. Society of London, ii. 92; F. Midler,
Allgemeine Ethnographic ; and Simonin, IShomme
Americain (Paris, 1870). F. W. Putnam {Report in
Wheeler's Survey, vii. p. 18) says: "The primitive race
of America was as likely autochthonous and of Pliocene
age as of Asiatic origin." The autochthonous view is
probably losing ground. Dall, in ch. io, appended to the
English translation of Nadaillac's Prehistoric America,
sums up the prevailing arguments against it. Cf. also
Dabry de Thiersant's Origine des Indiens du Nouveau
Monde, ch. 1.

3 Cf. also Prescott's Essays, 224.

4 This view has necessarily been abandoned in his later
editions. Cf. orig. ed., iii. 307; and final revision, ii. 130.

* From a photograph kindly furnished, on request, by Professor Wilson's family.

376

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

In 1S41 another compiler of existing evidence appeared in Alexander W. Bradford in his American
Antiquities, or Researches into the origin and history of the Red Race. His views were new. He con-
nects the higher organized life of middle America with the corresponding culture of Southern Asia, the
Polynesian islands probably furnishing the avenue of migrations ; while the ruder and more northern peoples
of both shores of the Pacific represent the same stock degraded by northern migrations.

In 1S45 the American Ethnological Society began its publications, and in Albert Gallatin it had a vigorous
helper in unravelling some of these mysteries. A few years later (1853) the United States government lent
its patronage and prestige to the huge conglomerate publication of Schoolcraft, his Indian Tribes of the
United States, which leaves the bewildered reader in a puzzling maze, — the inevitable result of a work under-
taken beyond the ambitious powers of an untrained mind. The work is not without value if the user of it has
more systematic knowledge than its compiler, to select, discard, and arrange, and if he can weigh the impor-
tance of the separate papers.1

In 1S56 Samuel F. Haven, the librarian and guiding spirit of the American Antiquarian Society, summed
up, as it had never been done before, for comprehensiveness, and with a striking prescience, the progress and
results of studies in this field, in his Archcuology of the United States {Smithsonian Contributions, viii.,
Washington, 1856).

In 1S51 Professor Daniel Wilson, in his Prehistoric Amials of Scotland, first brought into use the designa-
tion " prehistoric " as expressing " the whole period disclosed to us by means of archaeological evidence, as
distinguished from what is known through written records ; and in this sense the term was speedily adopted
by the archaeologists of Europe." 2 Eleven years later he published his Prehistoric Man : Researches into the

EDWARD B. TYLOR*

1 Haven at the end of his second chapter tries to place

Schoolcraft, and he does better than one would expect, at

thai day. For Schoolcraft's special notes on Antiquities

vol. i. p. 44; ii. 83; Hi. 73; iv. 113; v. 85,657.

Kor bibliography see Pilling, Sabin, Field, etc.

cin he says: " Man may be assumed to be prehis-
toric wherever his chronicling of himself are undesigned,
and his history is wholly recoverable by induction. The

term has, strictly speaking, no chronological significance;
but in its relative application corresponds to other archaeo-
logical, in contradistinction to geological periods.'* Of
America he says: " A continent where man may be studied
under circumstances which seem to furnish the best guar-
antee of his independent development." Dawkins [Cave
hunting, 136) says: "For that series of events which ex-
tends from the borders of history back to the remote age,

* After a photograph.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

377

■origin of civilization in the old and new worldX The book unfortunately is not well fortified with references,
but it is the result of long study, partly in the field, and written with a commendable reserve of judgment. It
is in the main concerned with the western hemisphere, which he assumes with little hesitation '; began its
human period subsequent to that of the old world, and so started later in the race of civilization." While
thus in effect a study of early man in America, its scope makes it in good degree a complement to the Origin
of Civilization of Lubbock.

The comparative study of ethnological traces, to enable us to depict the earliest condition of human
society, owes a special indebtedness to Edward B. Tylor, among writers in English. It is nearly twenty-five
years since he first published his Researches into the Early History of Mankind and the Development of
Civilization? the work almost, if not quite, of a pioneer in this interesting field, and he has supplied the
reader with all the references necessary to test his examples. Max MUller {Chips, ii. 262) has pointed out
how he has vitalized his vast accumulation of facts by coherent classifications instead of leaving them an
oppressive burden by simple aggregation, as his precursors in Germany, Gustav Klemm 3 and Adolf Bastian,

where the geologist, descending the stream of time, meets
the archaeologist, I have adopted the term prehistoric. ."

The divisions of prehistoric time now most commonly em-
ployed are : For the oldest, the Palaeolithic age, as Lubbock
first termed it, which, with a shadowy termination, has an
unknown beginning, covering an interval geologically of
vast extent. It is the primitive stone age, the epoch of
flint-chippers ; and but a single positive vestige of any com-
munity of living is known to archaeologists : the village of
Solutre, in Eastern France, being held by some to be asso-
ciated with man in this earlier stage of Lis development.
This stone period is sometimes divided in Europe into an
earlier and later period, representing respectively the men
of the river drift and of the caves. In the first period,
-called sometimes that of the race of Canstadt, and by Mor-
tillet the Chellean period, we have, as is claimed, a savage
hunter race, represented by the Neanderthal skull ; and
because in two jaw-bones discovered the genial tubercle is
undeveloped, a school of archaeologists contend that the
race was speechless (Horatio Hale's "Origin of Lan-
guage,1' in Am. Asso. Adv. Set. Proc, xxxv., Cambridge,
1886; and separate, p. 31). This theory, however, seems
to rest on a misconception. Cf. Topinard on the jaw-bone
from the Naulette cave in the Revue cf Anthropologic, 3d
ser. i., p. 422 (1886). It is held that the ethnical relations
of this race are unknown, and it is not palpably connected
with the race of the later period, the race of the caves, which
archaeologists, like Carl Vogt, Lartet, and Christy, call the
cave-bear epoch, as its evidences are found in the cave
deposits of Europe.

This cave race is represented by the Cromagnon skull,
and, as Dawkins holds, is perpetuated to-day by the Eskimo,
and was very likely also represented in the Guanches of the
Canary Islands. Quatrcfages calls it the race of Cro-
magnon ; and the vanishing of it into the Neolithic people is
obscure. It is claimed by some, but the evidence is ques-
tionable, that the development of the muscles of speech
make this race the first to speak, and that thus man, as a
speaking being, is probably not ten thousand years old.

The interval before the shaped and polished stone imple-
ments were used may have been long in some places, and
the gradation may have been confused in others ; and it is
indeed sometimes said that the one and the other condition
exist in savage regions at the present day, as many archae-
ologists hold that they have always existed, side by side,
though this proposition is also denied. Indeed, it is a
question if the terms of the archaeologist, signifying ages
or epochs, have any time value, being rather characteristics
of stages of development than of passing time. Those who
find the ruder implements to stand for a people living with
the cave-bear find, as they contend, a shorter-headed race
producing these finer stone implements, and call it the
Reindeer epoch. One of Lubbock's terms, the Neolithic
age, has gained larger acceptance as a designation for this
period since 1865, when he introduced it. With these
polished stones we first find signs of domestic animals
and of the practice of agriculture. Any considerable col-

lection of these stone implements and ornaments will pre-
sent to the observer great varieties, but with steady types,
of such implements as axes, celts, hammers, knives, drills,
scrapers, mortars and pestles, pitted stones, plummets, sink-
ers, spear-points, arrow-heads, daggers, pipes, gorgets, —
not to name others.

FROM DAWSON'S FOSSIL MEN.*

On the American stone age, see Nadaillac, Les pre-
miers homines, p. 37; L. P. Gratacap in Arner. Antiquw
ria.n, iv. ; and W. J. McGee, in Pop. Sci. Monthly, Nov.,
1888, for condensed views ; but the student will prefer the
more enlarged views of Rau, Abbott and others.

1 Cambridge, Eng., 1862 ; revised, 1865 ; and largely
rewritten, London, 1876. Cf. his " Pre-Aryan American
Man," in the Roy. Soc. Canada Trans. , i., 2d sect., 35,
and his " Unwritten History " in Smithsonian Rept. (1862).

2 London, 1865, 1870; N. Y., 1878.

3 Tylor speaks of Klemm's Allgemeine Culturgeschichte
der Menschheit and his Allgemeine Culturivissenschaft
as containing " invaluable collections of facts bearing on
the history of civilization."

* A front view of a Hochelagan skull, surrounded by the outline, on a larger scale, of the Cromagnon skull.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

had done ; and it is remarked that while thus classifying, he has not been lured into pronounced theory,
which future accession of material might serve to modify or change. He shortly afterwards touched a
phase of the subject which he had not developed in his book in a paper on "Traces of the Early Mental
Condition of Man," 1 and illustrated the methods he was pursuing in another on " The Condition of Prehistoric
Races as inferred from observations of modern tribes." 2

The postulate of which he has been a distinguished expounder, that man has progressed from barbarism to
civilization, was a main deduction to be drawn from his next sustained work, Primitive Culture : researches
into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and custom? The chief points of this further
study of the thought, belief, art, and custom of the primitive man had been advanced tentatively in various
other papers beside those already mentioned,4 and in this new work he further acknowledges his obligations
to Adolf Bastian's Mensch in der Geschichte and Theodor Waitz's Anthropologic der Naturvolker* He
still pursued his plan of collecting wide and minute evidence from the writers on ethnography and kindred
sciences, and from historians, travellers, and missionaries, as his foot-notes abundantly testify.

THEODOR WAITZ*

These studies of Professor Tylor abundantly qualified him to give a condensed exposition of the science of
anthropology, which he had done so much to place within the range of scientific studies, by a primary search
for facts and laws ; and having contributed the article on that subject to the ninth edition of the Encyclopedia
Britannica,he published in 1881 his Anthropology: an Introduction to the study of man and civilization
(London and N. Y., 1881 and 1888). He maps out the new science, which has now received of late years
so many new students in the scientific method, without references, but with the authority of a teacher, trac-
ing what man has been and is under the differences of sex, race, beliefs, habits, and society.6 Again, at the

1 Royal Inst, of Gt. Brit. Proc, reprinted in Smith-
sonian Kept., 1867.

2 Internat. Cong. Prehist. Arch&ol. Trans., 1868.

I ondon, 1871 ; 2d ed., 1874, somewhat amplified;

Boston, 1874; N. Y., 1877.

4 See preface to Primitive Culture, 1st ed.

' Vols, iii. and iv. of this treatise (Leipzig, 1862-64) are

c;iven to " Die Amerikaner," and are provided with a list of

on 'In ubject, and ethnological maps of North and

South America. Brinton (Myths, p. 40) thinks it the best

work yet written on the American Indians, though he

that Wait/, errs on the religious aspects. Waitz has

fully discussed the question of climate as affecting the

development of people, and this is included with full refer-
ences in that part of his great work which in the English
translation is called an Introduction to Anthropology.
Wallace and other observers contend that the direct efficacy
of physical conditions is overrated, and that climate is but
one of the many factors. F. H. dishing discusses the
question of habitation as affected by surroundings in the
Fourth Ann. Kept. Bur. of Ethnol., p. 473-

6 Cf. Quatrefages' Les Pr ogres de V Anthropologic
(Paris, 1868), and Paul Topinard's A nthropology ( English
translation, London, 1878). Quatrefages {Human Race,
New York, 1879) explains the anthropological method
(p. 27).

' \ f t . r a likeness in Otto Caspari's Urgeschichte der Mcnschhcit, 2d ed., vol. i. (Leipzig, 1877).

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

379

Montreal meeting (August, 1884) of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, he set down in
an address the bounds of the " American Aspects of Anthropology." 1

Closely following upon Tylor in this field, and gathering his material with much the same assiduity, and
presenting it with similar beliefs, though with enough individuality to mark a distinction, was another Eng-
lishman, who probably shares with Tylor the leading position in this department of study. Sir John Lubbock,
in his Prehistoric Times as illustrated by ancient remains, and the manners and customs of modern
savages?- gathered the evidence which exists of the primitive condition of man, embracing some chapters on
modern savages so far as they are ignorant of the use of metals, as the best study we can follow, to fill out

SIR JOHN LUBBOCK*

1 Given in Popular Science Monthly, Dec, 1884, p. 152;
and in the same periodical p. 264, is an account and portrait
of Tylor.

2 London, N. Y., 1865 ; 2d ed. somewhat enlarged, Lond.,
1869; and later. Part of this work had appeared earlier in
the National Hist. Review, 1861-64. including a paper (ch.
8) on No. Amer. Archaeology in Jan., 1863, which was re-
printed in the Smithsonian Report for 1862, and was trans-
lated in the Revue Archeologique, 1865.

This book of Lubbock's and Tylor's correlative work
probably represent the best dealing with the subject in
English ; and some such book as Jas. A. Farrer's Primi-
tive Manners and Customs (N. Y., 1879) will lead up to

them with readers less studious. The English reader may
find some comparative treatments in the English version of
Waitz's Introd. to Anthropology (p. 284), etc. ; much that
is suggestive and in some way supplemental to Tylor and
Lubbock in Wilson's Prehistoric Man ; some vigorous and
perhaps sweeping characterizations in Lesley's Origin and
Destiny of Man (ch. 6): and other aspects in Winchell's
Preadamites (ch. 26), Foster's Prehistoric Races of the
U. S. (ch. 9), F. A. Allen in Compte Rendu, Congris des
Americanistes, 1877, vol. i. 79- Humboldt points out the
non-pastoral character of the American tribes ( Views of
Nature, ii. 42). Helps' Realmah deals with the prehistoric
condition of man.

* After a photograph.

3 So

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the picture of races only archxologically known to us. This study of modern savage life, in arts, marriages,
and relationships, morals, religion, and laws, is, as he holds, a necessary avenue to the knowledge of a con-
dition of the early man, from which by various influences the race has advanced to what is called civilization.
His result in t-his comparative study — not indeed covering all the phases of savage life — he made known in
his Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of ManS While referring to Tylor's Early Hist.
Mankind as more nearly like his own than any existing treatise, but showing, as compared with his own
book. " that no two minds would view the subject in the same manner," he instanced previous treatments of
certain phases of the subject, like Muller's Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, J. F. M'Lennaivs
Primitive Marriage? and J. J. Backofen's Das Mutterrecht (Stuttgart, 1861) ; and even Lord Karnes' His-
tory of Man, and Montesquieu's Esprit des Lois, notwithstanding the absence in them of much of the minute
knowledge now necessary to the study of the subject. These data, of course, are largely obtained from travel-

SIR JOHN WILLIAM DAWSON.*

lers and missionaries, and Lubbock complains of their unsatisfactory extent and accuracy. " Travellers," he
adds, " find it easier to describe the houses, boats, food, dress, weapons, and implements of savages than to
understand their thoughts and feelings."

The main controversial point arising out of all this study is the one already adverted to, — whether man has
advanced from savagery to his present condition, or has preserved, with occasional retrogressions, his original
elevated character ; and this causes the other question, whether the modern savage is the degenerate descendant
of the same civilized first men. " There is no scientific evidence which would justify us," says Lubbock {Prchist.

1 London, N. Y., 1870; 2d ed. ; 3d cd., 1S75 ; 4th ed., practice of capturing a wife, and controverts Morgan's
1882, — each with additions and revisions. Ancient Society. Cf. W. F. Allen in Penn. Monthly^

2 Cf. his Studies in Anc. Hist. He elucidates the early June, 1S80.

* After a photograph.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

3Sr

Times, 417), "in asserting that this kind of degradation applies to savages in general."! The most distin-
guished advocate of the affirmative of this proposition is Richard Whately, Archbishop of Dublin, both in his
Political Economy and in his lecture on the Origin of Civilization (1855), in which he undertook to affirm
that no nation, unaided by a superior race, ever succeeded in raising itself out of savagery, and that nations
can become degraded. Lubbock, who, with Tylor, holds the converse of this proposition, answered Whately in
an appendix to his Origin of Civilization, which was originally given as a paper at the Dundee meeting of
the British Association.2 The Duke of Argyle, while not prepared to go to the extent of Whately's views,
attacked, in his Primeval Man, Lubbock's argument,3 and was in turn reviewed adversely by Lubbock, in a
paper read at the Exeter meeting of the same association (1869), which is also included in the appendix of
his Origin of Civilization. Lubbock seems to show, in some instances at least, that the duke did not possess
himself correctly of some of the views of his opponents.

In the researches of Tylor and Lubbock, and of all the others cited above, the American Indian is the source

*f/^

t^^jSP-

MIGRATIONS*

1 Cf. also his " Early Condition of Man," in British
Ass. Proc, 1867; and Lyell's Principles of Geology, nth
ed., ii. 485 ; Dawkins in No. Amer. Rev., Oct., 1883, p.

348-

2 Darwin took Lubbock's side, Descent of Man, i. 174.
Bradford, in his A merican A ntiquities, held the barbarous
American to be a degraded remnant of a society originally
more cultivated ; and a similar view was held by S. F.

Jarvis in his Discourse before the New York Hist. Soc.
(Proc.,iii.,N. Y., 1821). Cf. Buchner's Man, Eng. transl.,
67, 276. Rawlinson {Antiquity of man historically con-
sidered) considers savagery a "corruption and degrada-
tion,— the result of adverse circumstances during a long
period."

3 N. Y., 1869 ; originally in Good Words, Mar. -June,.
1868.

* A sketch map given in Dawson's Fossil Men, p. 48, showing his view of the probable lines of migration and distribu-
tion of the American tribes. Morgan {Ancient Society) makes what he calls three centres of subsistence, whence the
migration proceeded which overran America. Cf. Hellwald in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 328. The question is more
or less discussed in Latham's Man and his migrations (London, 1851); Chas. Pickering's Men and their geog. dis-
tribution; and Oscar Peschel's Races of Man (Eng. transl., London, 1876). On the passage from the valley of the
Columbia to that of the Missouri, see Humboldt's Views of Nature, 35. Morgan {No. Am. Rev., cix.) supposes the
valley of the Columbia River to be the original centre where the streams diverged, and {Systems of Consanguinity,
251) says there are reasons for believing that the Shoshone migration was the last which left the Columbia valley, and
that it was pending at the epoch of European colonization. Morgan's papers in the No. Am. Rev., Oct. 1868 and Jan.
1870, are reprinted in Beach's Indian Miscellany, p. 158. On a general belief in a migration from the north, see Congres
des Amer. (1877), % 5°, 5'- L. Simonin, in " L'homme Amencain, notes d'ethnologie et de linguistique sur les indiens.
des Etats-Unis," gives a map of the tribes of North America in the Bull, de la Soc. de Giog. Feb. 1870.

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

of many of their illustrations. Of all writers on this continent, Sir John \Ym. Dawson in his Fossil Men, and
Southall in his Recent Origin of Man, are probably the most eminent advocates of the views of YVhately
and Argyle, however modified, and both have declared it an unfounded assumption that the primitive man
was a savage.1- Morgan, in his Ancient Society (N. Y., 1877), has, on the other hand, sketched the lines of
human progress from savagery through barbarism to civilization.

One of the defenders of the supposed Bible limits best equipped by reading, if not in the scientific spirit,
has been a Virginian, James C. Southall, who published a large octavo in 1875. The Recent Origin of Man
as illustrated by geology and the modern science of prehistoric archaeology (Philad., 1875). Three years
]ater, — leaving out some irrelevant matters as touching the antiquity of man, condensing his collations of
detail, sparing the men of science an attack for what in his earlier volume he called their fickleness, and some-
what veiling his set purpose of sustaining the Bible record, — he published a more effective little book, The
Epoch of the Mammoth and the Apparition of Man upon Earth (Philad., 1878). Barring its essentially
controversial character, and waiving judgment on its scientific decisions, it is one of the best condensed
accumulations of data which has been made. His belief in the literal worth of the Bible narrative is emphatic.
He thinks that man, abruptly and fully civilized, appeared in the East, and gave rise to the Egyptian and
Babylonian civilization, while the estrays that wandered westward are known to us by their remains, as the
early savage denizens of Europe. To maintain this existence of the hunter-man of Europe within historic
times, he rejects the prevailing opinions of the geologists and archaeologists. He reverses the judgment that
Lyell expresses (Student's Elements of Geology, Am. ed., 162) of the historical period as not affording any
appreciable measure for calculating the number of centuries necessary to produce so many extinct animals,
to deepen and widen valleys, and to lay so deep stalagmite floors, and says it does. He contends that the
stone age is not divided into the earlier and later periods with an interval, but that the mingling of the
kinds of flints shows but different phases of the same period,2 and that what others call the palaeolithic man
was in reality the quaternary man, with conditions not much different from now.3 The time when the ice
retreated from the now temperate regions he holds to have been about 2000 b. c, and he looks to the proofs
of the action of which traces are left along the North American great lakes, as observed by Professor Ed-
mund Andrews4 of Chicago, to confirm his judgment of the Glacial age being from 5,300 to 7,500 years ago.5
He claims that force has not been sufficiently recognized as an element in geological action, and that a great
lapse of time was not necessary to effect geological changes (Ep. of the M., 194).6 He thinks the present
drift of opinion, carrying back the appearance of man anywhere from 20,000 to 9,000,000 years, a mere
fashion. The gravel of the Somme has been, he holds, a rapid deposit in valleys already formed and not
necessarily old. The peat beds were a deposit from the flood that followed the glacial period, and accumu-
lated rapidly (Ep. of the M., ch. 10). The extinct animals found with the tools of man in the caves simply
show that such beasts survived to within historic times, as seems everywhere apparent as regards the mastodon
when found in America. The stalagmites of the caves are of unequal growth, and it is an assumption to
give them uniformly great age. The finely worked flints found among those called palaeolithic ; the skilfully
free drawings of the cave-men ; the bits of pottery discovered with the rude flints, and the great similarity of
the implements to those in use to-day among the Eskimos ; the finding of Roman coin in the Danish shell
heaps and an English one in those of America (Proc. Philad. Acad. Nat. Sci., 1S66, p. 291), — are all parts
of the argument which satisfies him that the archaeologists have been hasty and inconclusive in their deduc-
tions. They in turn will dispute both his facts and conclusions."

1 Dawson's Fossil Men and their modern representa- Snelling. Edw. Fontaine's Hoiv the World was peopled
tives (London, 1SS0, 1883) is " an attempt to illustrate the (N. Y., 1872) is another expression of this recent-origin
characters and conditions of prehistoric men in Europe by belief.

those of the American races." A conservative reliance on 6 This cataclysmic element of force, as opposed to the

the biblical record, as long understood, characterizes Daw- gradual uniformity theory of Lyell, finds expounders in

son's usual speculations. Cf. his Nature and the Bible, Huxley and Prestwich, and is the burden of H. H. Ho-

his Story of the Earth, his Origin of the World, and his worth's Mammoth and the Flood (London, 1887) in its

Address as president of the geological section of the palaeontological and archaeological aspects, its geological

Amer. Association in 1876. He confronts his opponents' aspects having been touched by him so far only in some

views of the long periods necessary to effect geographical papers in the Geological Mag. This great overthrow of

changes by telling them that in historic times " the Hyr- the gigantic animals, during which the man intermediate

canian ocean has dried up and Atlantis has gone down." between the palaeolithic and neolithic age lived, was not

2 Dawson (Fossil Men, 218) says: " I think that Amer- universal, so that the less unwieldy species largely saved
ican archaeologists and geologists must refuse to accept the themselves; and it was in effect the scriptural flood, of
distinction of a palx-olithic from a neolithic period until which traditions were widely preserved among the North
further evidence can be obtained." American tribes (Mammoth and the Flood, 307, 444).

"■ These are very nearly the views of Winchell in his 7 Southall answered his detractors in the Methodist

Preadamites, p. 420. Quarterly, xxxvii. 225. Geo. Rawlinson (Antiq. of Man

* C'f. his papers in Methodist Quarterly, xxxvi. 581 ; historically considered. Present Day Tract, Xo. 0, or

xxxvii. 29. Journal of Christian Philosophy, April, 1S83) speaks of

r' 'I 'his is also considered important evidence by Dawson, the antiquity of prehistoric man as involving considerations

II as Winchell's estimate, in his jth Report, Minnesota " to a large extent speculative " as to limits, " that are to

Geol. Survey (1876), of the 8,000 or 9,000 years necessary be measured not so much by centuries as by millenia.'

for the falls of St. Anthony to have worked back from Fort He condenses the arguments for a recent origin of man.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA. 3^3

Southall's arraignment of the opinions generally held may introduce us to a classification of the data
\ipon which archaeologists rely to reach conclusions upon the antiquity of man, and over some of which there
is certainly no prevailing consensus of opinion. We may find a condensed summary of beliefs and data
respecting the antiquity of man in J. P. Maclean's Manual of the Antiquity of Man (Cincinnati, revised
ed., 1877; again, 1880).1 The independent view and conservative spirit are placed respectively in juxta-
position in J. P. Lesley's Origin and Decline of Man (ch. 3), and in Dawson's Fossil Men (ch. 8).2 The
opinions of leading English archaeologists are found in Lubbock's Prehistoric Times (ch. 12), Wallace's Trop-
ical Nature (ch. 7), and Huxley's " Distribution of Races in Relation to the Antiquity of Man," in Internat.
Cong, of Prehist. Archceol. Trans. (1868). Dawkins has given some recent views in The Nation, xxvi. 434,
and in Kansas City Review, vii. 344-3 Not to refer to special phases, the French school will be found repre-
sented in Nadaillac's Les Premiers Hommes (ii. ch. 13) ; in Gabriel de Mortillet's La prchistorique anti-
quite de I'homme (Paris, 1883) ; Hamy's /V^«.r de faleontologie humaine ; Le Hon's Vhomme fossile (1867) ;
Victor Meunier's Les Ancetres d'Adam (Paris, 1875) ; Joly's Vhomme avant metaux (Eng. transl. Man
before Metals, N. Y., 1883) ; Revue des Questions historiques (vol. xvi.). The German school is represented
in Haeckel's Natiirliche Schbpfungsgeschichte; Waitz's Anthropologic ; Carl Vogt's Lectures on Man (Eng.
transl., Lond., 1864) ; and L. Biichner's Der Mensch und seine Stellung in der Natur (2d ed., Leipzig, 1872 ;
or W. S. Dallas's Eng. translation, Lond., 1872). The history of the growth of geological antagonism to the
biblical record as once understood, and the several methods proposed for reconciling their respective teaching,
is traced concisely in the article on geology in M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia, with references for fur-
ther examination. The views there given are those propounded by Chalmers in 1804, that the geological
record, ignored in the account of Genesis, finds its place in that book between the first and second verses,4
which have no dependence on one another, and that the biblical account of creation followed in six literal
days. What may be considered the present theological attitude of churchmen may be noted in The Speakers
Commentary (N. Y. ed., 1871, p. 61).

The question of the territorial connection of America with Asia under earlier geological conditions is
necessarily considered in some of the discussions on the transplanting of the American man from the side
of Asia.

Otto Caspari in his Urgeschichte der Menschheit (Leipzig, 1873), vol. i., gives a map of Asia and America
in the post-tertiary period, as he understands it, which stretches the Asiatic and African continents over a
large part of the Indian Ocean ; and in this region, now beneath the sea, he places the home of the primeval
man, and marks the lines of migration east, north, and west. This view is accepted by Winchell in his Pre-
adamites (see his map). Haeckel (Nat. Schopfungsgeschichte, 1868, 1873 ; Eng. transl. 1876) calls this region
" Lemuria " in his map. Caspari places large continental islands between this region and South America,
which rendered migration to South America easy. The eastern shore of the present Asia is extended beyond
the Japanese islands, and similar convenient islands render the passage by other lines of immigration easy
to the regions of British Columbia and of Mexico. (Cf. Short, 507 ; Baldwin, App.) Howorth, Mammoth and
the Flood, supposes a connection at Behring's Straits. The supposed similarity of the flora of the two shores
of the Pacific has been used to support this theory, but botanists say that the language of Hooker and Gray
has been given a meaning they did not intend. It is opposed by many eminent geologists. A. R. Wallace
{Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, xix.) finds no ground to believe that any of the oceans contain sunken continents.
(Cf. his Geographical Distribution of Animals and his Malay Archipelago.) James Croll in his Climate
and Cosmology (p. 6) says : " There is no geological evidence to show that at least since Silurian times the
Atlantic and Pacific were ever in their broad features otherwise than they now are."5 Hyde Clarke has
examined the legend of Atlantis in reference to protohistoric communication with America, in Royal Hist.
Soc. Trans., n. s., iii. p. ifi

The arguments for the great antiquity of man'' are deduced in the main from the testimony of the river

1 There is a cursory survey in John Scoffern's Stray to eleven. The ocean's average depth is variously estimated
leaves of science aiid folk lore (London, 1870). at from eleven to thirteen times that of the average eleva-

2 Cf. his papers in Leisure Hour, xxiii. 740, 766; tion of land above water, or as 11,000 or 13,000 feet is to
xxvi. 54. 1,000 feet. The bulk of water on the globe is computed

3 Current periodical views can be traced in Poole's at thirty-six times the cubic measurement of the land above
Index (vols. i. and ii.) under " Man," " Races," " Prehis- water {Ibid. 194, 209).

toric," etc. ° For an extended discussion of the Atlantis question,

The views of the cosmogonists, running back to the be- see ante, ch. 1.

ginning of the sixteenth century, are followed down to the 7 It is enough to indicate the necessary correlation of

birth of modern geology in Pattison's The Earth and this subject with the transformation theory of J. B. A. La-

the Word (Lond., 1858), and condensed in M'Clintock & marck as enunciated in his Philosophie Zoologique (Paris,

Strong's Cyclopedia (iii. 795). 1809; again, 1873), which Cuvier opposed ; and with the

4 Verse 1. In the beginning God created the heaven new phase of it in what is called Darwinism, a theory of
and the earth. the survival of the fittest, leading ultimately to man.

Verse 2. And the earth was without form and void, etc. Lyell (Trinci files of Geology, nth ed., ii. 495) presents
6 Cf. also J. D. Whitney's Climatic Changes. The the diverse sides of the question, which is one hardly ger-
jjrescnt proportion of land to water is reckoned as four is mane to our present purpose.

384 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

gravels, the bone caves, the peat deposits, the shell heaps, and the Lacustrine villages, for the mounds and
other relics of defence, habitation, and worship are very likely not the records of a great antiquity. The whole
field is surveyed with more fullness than anywhere else, and with a faith in the geological antiquity of the
race, in Sir Charles Lyell's Geological Evidences of the Antiquity of Man.1 With as firm a belief in the
integrity of the biblical record, and in its not being impugned by the discoveries or inductions of science, we
find a survey in Southall's Recent Origin of Man. These two books constitute the extremes of the methods
both for and against the conservative interpretation of the Bible. The independent spirit of the scientist is
nowhere more confidently expressed than by J. P. Lesley (Man's Origin and Destiny, Philad., 1868, p. 45),
who says : " There is no alliance possible between Jewish theology and modern science. . . . Geologists
have won the right to be Christians without first becoming Jews." Southall2 interprets this spirit in this
wise : " I do not recollect that the Antiquity of Man ever recognizes that the book of Genesis is in exist-
ence ; and yet every one is perfectly conscious that the author has it in mind, and is writing at it all the time."a
The entire literature of the scientific interpretation shows that the canons of criticism are not yet secure
enough to prevent the widest interpretations and inferences.

The intimations which are supposed to exist in the Bible of a race earlier than Adam have given rise to
what is called the theory of the Preadamites, and there is little noteworthy upon it in European literature
back of Isaac de La Peyrere's Praeadamitae (Paris and Amsterdam, 1655), whose views were put into English
in Man before Adam (London, 1656).4 The advocates of the theory from that day to this are enumerated
in Alexander Winchell's Preadamites (Chicago, 1880), and this book is the best known contribution to the
subject by an American author. It is his opinion that the aboriginal American, with the Mongoloids in gen-
eral, comes from some descendant of Adam earlier than Noah, and that the black races come from a stock
earlier than Adam, whom Cain found when he went out of his native country.5

The investigations of the great antiquity of man in America fall far short in extent of those which have
been given to his geological remoteness in Europe ; and yet, should we believe with Winchell that the American
man represents the pre-Adamite, while the European man does not, we might reasonably hope to find in
America earlier traces of the geological man, if, as Agassiz shows, the greater age of the American continent
weighs in the question.6

The explicit proofs, as advanced by different geologists, to give a great antiquity to the American man, and
perhaps in some ways greater than to the European man,7 may now be briefly considered in detail.

Oldest of all may perhaps be placed the gold-drift of California, with its human remains, and chief among
them the Calaveras skull, which is claimed to be of the Pliocene (tertiary) age ; but it must be remembered
that Powell and the government geologists call it quaternary. It was in February, 1866, that in a mining
shaft in Calaveras County, California, a hundred and thirty feet below the surface, a skull was found imbedded
in gravel, which under the name of the Calaveras skull has excited much interest. It was not the first time
that human remains had been found in these California gravels, but it was the first discovery that attracted

1 London, 1863, 3 eds., each enlarged; Philad., 1863. 6 Louis Agassiz advanced (1863) this view of the first
In his final edition Lyell acknowledges his obligations to emergence of land in America, in the Atlantic Monthly \
Lubbock's Prehistoric Man and John Evans's Anc. Stone xi. 373 ; also in Geol Sketches, p. i, — marking the Lau-
Implements. His final edition is called: The geological rentian hills along the Canadian borders of the United
evidences of the antiquity of man, with an outline of gla- States as the primal continent. Cf. Nott and Gliddon's
cial and post-tertiary geology and remarks on the origin Types of Mankind, ch. 9. Movtillet holds that so late
of species with special reference to man's first appearance as the early quaternary period Europe was connected with
on the earth. 4th ed., revised (London, 1873). America by a region now represented by the Faroes, Ice-

2 Recent Origin of Man, p. 10. land, and Greenland. Some general references on the

3 Another way of looking at it gives reasons for this antiquity of man in America follow : — Wilson, Prehistoric
omission: " The first chapter of Genesis is not a geological Man. Short's A7?. Amer. of Antiq., ch. 2. Nadaillac,
treatise. It is absolutely valueless in geological discussion, Les Premiers Hommes, ii. ch. 8. Foster, Prehistoric
and h^s no value whatever save as representing what the Races of the U. S., and Chicago Acad, of Sciences, Proc,
Jews borrowed from the Babylonians, and as preserving for i. (1869). Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 7. Emil
us an early cosmology" (Howorth's Mammoth arid the Schmidt, Die altesten S/uren des Menschen in Nord
Flood, Lond., 1887, p. ix). Between Lyell and Gabriel de Amerika (Hamburg, 1887). A. R. Wallace in Nineteenth
Mortillet {La prthistorique Antiquite de V 'Homme, Paris, Century (Nov., 1887, or Living Age, clxxv. 472). Pop.
1883) on the one hand and Southall on the other, there are Science Monthly, Mar., 1877. An epitome in Science,
the more cautious geologists, like Prestwich, who claim that Apr. 3, 1885, of a paper by Dr. Kollmann in the Zeitschrift
we must wait before we can think of measuring by years fiir Ethnologic F. Larkin, Aticient Man in America
the interval from the earliest men. (Cf. "Theoretical (N. Y., 18S0). The biblical record restrains Southall in
considerations on the drift containing implements," in Roy. all his estimates of the antiquity of man in America, as
Soc. Philos. Trans., 1862.) shown in his Recent Origin of Man, ch. 36, and Epoch of

4 Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr., 1873, p. 33. the Mammoth, ch. 25.

■ Windull's book is an enlargement of an article con- 7 Hugh Falconer ( Palarotttological Memoirs, ii. 579)

tributed by him to M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclo/>a>dia of says: "The earliest date to which man has as yet been

Biblical Literature, etc. (vol. viii., 1879), — the editors of traced back in Europe is probably but as yesterday in

which, by their foot-notes, showed themselves uneasy under comparison with the epoch at which he made his appear-

■ome of his inferences and conclusions, which do not agree ance in more favored regions."
with their conservative views.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

|85

notice. It was not seen in situ by a professional geologist, and a few weeks elapsed before Professor Josiah
Dwight Whitney, then state geologist of California, visited the spot, and satisfied himself that the geological
conditions were such as to make it certain that the skull and the deposition of the gravel were of the same
age. The relic subsequently passed into the possession of Professor Whitney, and the annexed cut is repro-
duced from the careful drawing made of it for the Memoirs of the Museum of Comp. Zoology (Harvard
University), vol. vi. He had published earlier an account in the Revue d' 'Anthropologic (1872), p. 760.1
This interesting relic is now in Cambridge, coated with thin wax for preservation, but this coating inter-
feres with any satisfactory photograph. The volume of Memoirs above named is made up of Whitney's
Auriferous Gravels of the Sierra Nevada of California (1880), and at p. ix he says : " There will un-
doubtedly be much hesitancy on the part of anthropologists and others in accepting the results regarding the
Tertiary Age of man, to which our investigations seem so clearly to point." He says that those who reject
the evidence of the Calaveras skull because it was not seen in situ by a scientific observer forget the evidence
of the fossil itself ; and he adds that since 1866 the other evidence for tertiary man has so accumulated
that " it would not be materially weakened by dropping that furnished by the Calaveras skull itself."

What Whitney says of the history and authenticity of the skull will be found in his paper on " Human
remains and works of art of the gravel series," in Ibid. pp. 258-288. His conclusions are that it shows the
existence of man with an extinct fauna and flora, and under geographical and physical conditions differing
from the present, — in the Pliocene age certainly. This opinion has obtained the support of Marsh and Le
Conte and other eminent geologists. Schmidt (Archiv fur Anthropologic) thinks it signifies a pre-glacial
man. Winchell (Preadamites, 428) says it is the best authenticated evidence of Pliocene man yet adduced.

CALAVERAS SKULL. (Front and side view.)

On the contrary, there are some confident doubters. Dawkins (No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1883) thinks that all but
a few American geologists have given up the Pliocene man, and that the chances of later interments, of ac-
cidents, of ancient mines, and the presence of skulls of mustang ponies (introduced by the Spaniards) found
in the same gravels, throw insuperable doubts. " Neither in the new world nor the old world," he says,
" is there any trace of Pliocene man revealed by modern discovery." Southall and all the Bible advocates of
course deny the bearing of all such evidence. Dawson (Fossil Men, 345) thinks the arguments of Whitney
inconclusive. Nadaillac (L1 Amerique prehistorique, 40, with a cut, and his Les Premiers Homines, ii. 435)
hesitates to accept the evidence, and enumerates the doubters.2

Footprints have been found in a tufa bed, resting on yellow sand, in the neighborhood of an extinct vol-
cano, Tizcapa, in Nicaragua. One of the prints is shown in the annexed cut, after a representation given by
Dr. Brinton in the Amer. Philosoph. Soc. Proc. (xxiv. 1887, p. 437). Above this tufa bed were fourteen
distinct strata of deposits before the surface soil was reached. Geologists have placed this yellow sand,
bearing shells, from the post-Pliocene to the Eocene. The seventh stratum, going downwards, had remains of
the mastodon.3

1 Cf. also Putnam's Report in Wheeler's Survey, 1879,

p. 11.

2 Cf. H. H. Bancroft, iv. 703; Short, 125, etc.

8 Dr. Brinton concludes that since the region is one of a

VOL. I. — 25

rapid deposition of strata, the tracks may not be older than
quaternary. The track here figured was o£ inches long;
some were 10 inches. The maximum stride was 18 ini hi .
Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in Amer. Antiquarian (vi. 112), Mar..

;86

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Some ancient basket work discovered at Petit Anse Island, in Louisiana, has been figured in the Chicago
:'. of Sciences ', Transactions (i. part 2). Cf. E. W. Hilgard, in Smithsonian Contributions, no. 248.

Foster rather strikingly likens what we know of the history of the human race to the apex of a pyramid, of
which we know neither the height nor extent of base. Our efforts to trace man back to his beginning would
be like following down the sides of that pyramid till it reaches a firm base, we know not where. Many geolo-
gists believe in a great ice-sheet which at one time had settled upon the northern parts of America, and
covered it down to a line that extends across Pennsylvania, Ohio, and westerly in a direction of some variable-
ness. There are some, like Sir William Dawson,1 who reject the evidence that persuades others. Prof.
Whitney (C/imatic Changes, 3S7) holds that it was a local phenomenon confined in America to the north-
eastern parts. The advocates look to Dr. James Geikie 2 as having correlated the proofs of the proposition as
well as any, while writers like Howorth3 trace the resulting phenomena largely to a flood.

How long ago this was, the cautious geologist does not like to say ;4 nor is he quite ready to aver what it

ANCIENT FOOTPRINT FROM NICARAGUA.

1884, and (vii. 156) May, 1885; Peabody Mus. Repts.,
1884, P- 356.' 1885, p. 414; Amer. Ant. Soc. Proc, 1884,
p. 92.

1 Story of the Earth and Man.

2 The Great Ice- Age, and its Relations to the A ntiquity
of Ma 71 (1S74).

3 Mammoth and the Flood.

* " We cannot fix a date, in the historical sense, for

-. liii It happened outside history, and cannot measure

quity of man in terms of years." Dawkins in No.

Am. Rev., Oct., 1SS3, p. 338. Tylor {Early Hist, of

Mankind, 197) says: "Geological evidence, though capa-
ble of showing the lapse of vast periods of time, has scarcely
admitted of these periods being brought into definite chron-
ological terms." Prestwich {On the geol. position and
age of flint-implement-bearing beds, London, 1864, — from
the Roy. Soc. Phil. Trans.) says : " However we extend
our present chronology with respect to the first appearance
of men, it is at present unsafe and premature to count by
hundreds of thousands of years." Southall {Recent Origin
of Man, ch. 33) epitomizes the extreme views of the ad-
vocates of glaciation in the present temperate zone.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

387

all means.1 Perhaps, as some theorize, this prevailing ice showed the long winter brought about by the preces-
sion of the equinoxes, as has long been a favorite belief, with the swing of ten thousand years, more or less, from
one extreme to the other.2

Others believe that we must look back 200,000 years, as James Croll 3 and Lubbock do, or 800,000 and more,
as Lyell did at first, and find the cause in the variable eccentricity of the earth's orbit, which shall account
for all the climatic changes since the dawn of what is called the glacial epoch, accompanying the deflection
of ocean currents, as Croll supposes, or the-variations in the disposition of sea and land, as Lyell imagines.4
This great ice-sheet, however extensive, began for some reason to retreat, at a period as remote, according as
we accept this or the other estimate, as from ten thousand to a hundred thousand years.

That the objects of stone, shaped and polished, which had been observed all over the civilized world, were
celestial in origin seems to have been the prevalent opinion,5 when Mahudel in 1 723 and even when Buffon
in 1778 ventured to assign to them a human origin. 6

In the gravels which were deposited by the melting of this more or less extended ice-sheet, parts of the
human frame and the work of human hands have been found, and mark the anterior limit of man's residence
on the globe, so far as we can confidently trace it.'' Few geologists have any doubt about the existence of
human relics in these American glacial drifts, however widely they may differ about the age of them.8

It was in the American Naturalist (Mar. and Ap., 1872) that Dr. C. C. Abbott made an early communi-

1 Cf. Louis Agassiz, Geological Sketches (1865), p. 210;
2d series (1886), p. 77.

2 J. Adhemer, Revolutions de la Mer, who advocates this
theory, connects with it the movement of the apsides, and
thinks that it is the consequent great accumulation of ice at
the north pole which by its weight displaces the centre of
gravity; and as the action is transferred from one pole to
the other, the periodic oscillation of that centre of gravity
is thus caused. The theory no doubt borrows something of
its force with some minds from the great law of mutability
in nature. That it is a grand field for such theorizers as
Lorenzo Burge, his Preglacial Man a?id the Aryan Race
shows; but authorities like Lyell and Sir John Herschel
find no sufficient reason in it for the great ice-sheet which
they contend for. Cf. H. Le Hon's Influence des lois
cosmiques stir la climatologie et la geologie (Bruxelles,
1868). W. B. Galloway's Science and Geology in relation
to the Universal Deluge (Lond., 1888) points out what he
thinks the necessary effects of such changes of axis. J. D.
Whitney (Climatic changes of later geological times,
Mem. Mus. Comp. Zo'dl., vii. 392, 394) disbelieves all
these views, and contends that the most eminent astrono-
mers and climatologists are opposed to them.

3 Of the manifold reasons which have been assigned for
these great climatic changes (Lubbock, Prehistoric Times,
391, and Croll, Discussions,enumerates the principal reasons)
there is at least some considerable credence given to the one
of which James Croll has been the most prominent advo-
cate, and which points to that reduction of the eccentricity
of the earth's orbit which in 22,000 years will be diminished
from the present scale to one sixth of it, or to about half a
million miles. This change in the eccentricity induces
physical changes, which allow a greater or less volume of
tropical water to flow north. In this way the once mild
climate of Greenland is accounted for (Wallace's Island
Life). Croll first advanced his views in the Philosophical
Mag., Aug., 1864; but he did not completely formulate his
theory till in his Climate and time in their geological
relations, a theory of secular changes of the earth's
climate (N. Y., 1875). It gained the acquiescence of Lyell
and others; but a principal objector appeared in the astron-
omer Simon Newcomb (A mer. J I. of Sci. and Arts,
April, 1876; Jan., 1884; Philosoph. Mag., Feb., 1884).
Croll answered in Remarks (London, 1884), but more
fully in a further development of his views in his Discus-
sions on Climate and Cosmology (N. Y., 1886). Whitney's
Climatic Changes argues on entirely different grounds.

4 Principles of Geology, ch. 10-13, where he gives a
secondary place to the arguments of Croll.

5 Emile Cartailhac's L'Age de pierre darts les souve-
nirs et superstitions populaires (Paris, 1877).

8 Joly, V Homme avant les metaux, or in the English

transl., Man before Metals, ch. 2. Nadaillac (Les Pre-
miers Hommes, i. 127) reproduces Mahudel's cuts.

7 Foster, Prehistoric Races, 50, notes some obscure
facts which might indicate that man lived back of the
glacial times, in the Miocene tertiary period. These are
the discoveries associated with the names of Desnoyers and
the Abbe Bourgeois, and familiar enough to geologists.
They have found little credence. Cf. Lubbock's Prehis-
toric Times, 410, and his Scientific Lectures, 140; Buch-
ner's Man, p. 31 ; Nadaillac's Les Premiers Hommes, ii.
425; and L' Homme tertiaire (Paris, 1885); Peschel's
Races of Men, p. 34 ; Edward Clodd in Modern Review,
July, 1880; Dawkins' Address, Salford, 1877, p. 9; Joly,
Man before Metals, 177. Quatrefages (Human Species,
N Y., 1879, p. 150) assents to their authenticity. Many of
these look to the later tertiary (Pliocene) as the beginning
of the human epoch ; but Dawkins (No. Am. Rev., cxxxvii.
338; cf. his Early Man in Britain, p. 90), as well as Hux-
ley, say that all real knowledge of man goes not back of
the quaternary. Cf. further, Quatrefages, Introd. a T etude
des races humaines (Paris, 1887), p. 91 ; and his Nat. Hist.
Man (N. Y., 1874), p. 44.

Winchell (McClintock and Strong's Cyclopaedia, viii. 491-
2, and in his Preadamites) concisely classes the evidences of
tertiary man as " Preglacial remains erroneously supposed
human," and " Human remains erroneously supposed pre-
glacial ; " but he confines these conclusions to Europe only,
allowing diat the American non-Caucasian man might,
perhaps, be carried back (p. 492) into the tertiary age.

Cf. on the tertiary (Pliocene) man, E. S. Morse in
A mer. Naturalist, xviii. 1001, — an address at the Philad.
meeting, Am. Asso. Adv. Science and his earlier paper
in the No. A mer. Rev.', C. C. Abbott in Kansas City
Rev., iii. 413 (also see iv. 84, 326); Cornhill Mug., Ii. 254
(also in Pop. Sci. Monthly, xxvii. 103, and Eclectic Mag.,
civ. 601). Dr. Morton believed that the Eocene man, of
the oldest tertiary group, would yet be discovered. Agassiz,
in 1865 (Geol. Sketches, 200), thought the younger nat-
uralists would live to see sufficient proofs of the tertiary
man adduced. S. R. Pattison (Age of Man geologically
considered in Present Day Tract, no. 13, or Journal of
Christ. Philos. July, 1883) does not believe in the tertiary
man, instancing, among other conclusions, that no trace of
cereals is found in the tertiary strata, and that these strata
show other conditions unfavorable to human life. His
conclusions are that man has existed only about 8,000 years,
and that it is impossible for geological science at present to
confute or disprove it. In his view man appeared in the
first stage of the quaternary period, was displaced by
floods in the second, and for the third lived and worked on
the present surface.

8 Lyell's Antiquity of Man, 4th ed., ch. 18. Daniel

388

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

cation respecting the discovery of rude human implements in the glacial gravels1 of the Delaware valley, and
since then the Trenton gravels have been the subject of much interest. The rudeness of the flints has
repeatedly raised doubts as to their artificial character; but Wilson {Prehistoric Man, i. 29) says that it is
impossible to find in flints broken for the road, or in any other accumulation of rocky debris, a single specimen
that looks like the rudest implement of the drift. Experts attest the exact correspondence of these Trenton
- with those of the European river drift. Abbott has explained the artificial cleavages of stone in the
American Antiquarian (viii. 43). There are geologists like Shaler who question the artificial character of
the Trenton implements. From time to time since this early announcement, Dr. Abbott has made public
additional evidence as he has accumulated it, going to show, as he thinks, that we have in these deposits of the
glacial action the signs of men contemporary with the glacial flow, and earlier than the red Indian stock of his-
toric times.2 He summarizes the matter in his " Palaeolithic implements of a people on the Atlantic coast
anterior to the Indians," in his Primitive Industry (1882)3

Some discoveries of human bones in the loess or loam of the Mississippi Valley have not been generally
accepted. Lyell (Second Visit, ii. 197; Antiq. of Man, 203) suspends judgment, as does Joseph Leidy in
his Extinct Mammalia of North America (p. 365).

The existence of man in western Europe with extinct animals is a belief that, from the incredulity which
accompanied the discovery by Kemp in London, in 1714, of a stone hatchet lying in contiguity to some
elephant's teeth,4 has long passed into indisputable fact, settled by the exploration of cave and shell heaps.5
In North America, this conjunction of man's remains with those of the mastodon is very widely spread.6 The

Wilson, on "The supposed evidence of the existence of
interglacial man," in the Canadian Journal, Oct., 1877.
Nadaillac'sZ'^ merique prehistorique, ch. 1 : Les Premiers
Homines, ii. ch. 10; and his De la periode glaciaire et de
Pexistence de Phomme durant cette periode en A merique
(Paris, 1884), extracted from Mater ianx, etc. G. F. Wright
on " Man and the glacial period in America," in Mag.
West. Hist. (Feb., 1885), i. 293 (with maps), and his " Pre-
glacial man in Ohio," in the Ohio Archceol. and Hist.
Quart. (Dec, 1S87), i. 251. Miss Babbitt's "Vestiges of
glacial man in Minnesota," in the Amer. Naturalist, June,
July, 1S84, and Ainer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc. xxxii. 385.

1 Howorth, Mammoth and the Flood, 323, considers
them flood-gravels instead, in supporting his thesis.

2 Pop. Science Monthly, xxii. 315. Smithsoyiian Rept.,
1874-75. Reports of progress, etc., in the Peabody
Museum Reports, nos. x. and xi. (1878, 1879). Prof. N.
S. Shaler accompanies the first of these with some com-
ments, in which he says : " If these remains are really those
of man, they prove the existence of interglacial man on this
part of our shore." He is understood latterly to have
become convinced of their natural character. J. D. Whit-
ney and Lucien Carr agree as to their artificial character
(Ibid. xii. 489). Cf. Abbott on Flint Chips (refuse work)
in the Peab. Mus. Rept., xii. 506; H. W. Haynes in Bos-
ton Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc, Jan., 1881; F. W. Putnam in
Peab. Mus. Rept., no. xiv. p. 23 ; Henry Carvell Lewis on
The Trenton gravel and its relation to the antiquity
of man (Philad., 1880); also in the Proceedings of the
Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (1877-
1879, pp. 60-73; and 1880, p. 306). Abbott has also regis-
tered the discovery of a molar tooth (Peabody Mus. Rept.,
xvi. 177), and the under jaw of a man {Ibid, xviii. 408, and
Mutrriaux, etc., xviii. 334.) On recent discoveries of
human skulls in the Trenton gravels, see Peab. Mus. Rept.
xxii. 35. The subject of the Trenton-gravels man, and of
his existence in the like gravels in Ohio and Minnesota, was
discussed at a meeting of the Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., of
which there is a report in their Proceedings, vol. xxiii.
These papers have been published separately : Paleolithic
man in eastern and central North America (Cambridge,
1^*8). Contents: — Putnam, F. W. Comparison of
palaeolithic implements. — Abbott, C. C. The antiquity of
man in the valley of the Delaware. —Wright, G. F. The

the Ohio gravel-beds. — Upham, Warren. The re-
■ of the ice-sheet in Minnesota in its relation to the
gravel deposits overlying the quartz implements found by
Mi Babbitt at Little Falls, Minn. — Discussion and con-
cluding remarks, by H. W. Haynes, E. S. Morse, F. W.

Putnam. Cf. also Amer. Antiq7iarian, Jan., 1888, p. 46;
Th. Belt's Discovery of stone implements hi the glacial
drift of No. America (Lond., 1878, and Q. Jour. Sci.
xv. 63; Dawkins in No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1883, p. 347.

3 Cf. also Peabody Mus. Repts.,xix. 492 ; Science, vii. 41 ;
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc., xxi. 124 ; Materiaux, etc.
xviii. 334; Philad. Acad. Nat. Sciences, Proc. (1880, p.
306). Abbott refers to the contributions of Henry C.
Lewis of the second Geol. Survey of Penna. (Proc. Philad.
Acad. Nat. Sciences, and " The antiquity and origin of the
Trenton gravels," in Abbott's book), and of George H.
Cook in the Annual Reports of the New Jersey state
geologist. Abbott has recently summarized his views on
the " Evidences of the Antiquity of Man in Eastern North
America," in the Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc, xxxvii., and
separately (Salem, 1888).

4 Figuier, Homme Primitif, introd.

5 The references are very numerous ; but it is enough to
refer to the general geological treatises : Vogt's Lectures
on Man, nos. 9, 10 ; Nadaillac's Les Prem. Hommes, ii.
7 ; Dawkins in Intellectual Observer, xii. 403 ; and Ed.
Lartet, Nouvelles recherches sur la coexistence de Vhonune
et des grands mammiferes fossiles, reputes caracteristiques
de la derniere periode geologique, in the A finales des
Sciences Naturelles, \t serie, xv. 256. Buffon first formu-
lated the belief in extinct animals from some mastodon
bones and teeth sent to him from the Big Bone Lick in
Kentucky, about 1740, and Cuvier first applied the name
mastodon, though from the animal's resemblance to the
.Siberian mammoth it has sometimes been called by the
latter name. There are in reality the fossil remains of
both mastodon and mammoth found in America. On the
bones from the Big Bone Lick see Thomson's Bibliog.
Ohio, no. 44.

6 Wilson's Prehist. Man, i. ch. 2 ; Proc. Amer. Acad.
Nat. Sciences, July, 1859; Amer. fournal of S*i. and
Arts,xxx\\. 199; cix. 335; Pop. Sci. Rev., xiv. 278; A.
H. Worthen's Geol. Survey, Illinois (1866), i. 38; Haven
in Smithsonian Contrib., viii. 142; H. H. Howorth's
Mammoth and the Flood (Lond. , 1887), p. 319; J. P. Mac-
Lean's Mastodon, Mammoth and Man (Cincinnati, 1S80).
Cf. references under "Mammoth" and "Mastodon,'" in
Poole's Index. Koch represented that he found the re-
mains of a mastodon in Missouri, with the proofs about
the relics that the animal had been slain by stone javelins
and arrows (St. Louis Acad, of Sci. Trans., i. 62, 1857).
The details have hardly been accepted on Koch's word,
since some doubtful traits of his character have been
made known (Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., 116; Na-

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

389

geological evidence is quite sufficient without resorting to what has been called an Elephant's head in the
architecture of Palenque, the so-called Elephant Mound in Wisconsin, and the dubious if not fraudulent Ele-
phant Pipe of Iowa.1 The positions of the skeletons have led many to believe that the interval since the
mastodon ceased to roam in the Mississippi Valley is not geologically great. Shaler (Amer. Naturalist, iv.
162) places it at a few thousand years, and there is enough ground for it perhaps to justify Southall {Recent
Origin, etc., 551 ; Ep. of the Mammoth, ch. 8) in claiming that these animals have lived into historic times.

A human skeleton was found sixteen feet below the surface, near New Orleans — (which is only nine feet
above the Gulf of Mexico), and under four successive growths of cypress forests. Its antiquity, however, is
questioned.2 The belief in human traces in the calcareous conglomerate of Florida seems to have been based
(Haven, p. 8j) on a misconception of Count Pourtales' statement (Amer. Naturalist, ii. 434), though it has
got credence in many of the leading books on this subject. Col. Whittlesey has reported some not very an-
cient hearths in the Ohio Valley (Am. Ass. Arts and Sciences, Proc, Chicago, z868, Meeting, vol. xvii. 268).

The testimony of the caves to the early existence of man has never had the importance in America that it
has had in Europe.

FROM DAWSON'S FOSSIL MEN*

daillac, ISAmerique prehistorique, 37). There have been
claims also advanced for a stone resembling a hatchet,
found with such animals in the modified drift of Jersey Co.,
Illinois. E. L. Berthoud (Acad. Nat. Set., Philad. Proc.
1872) has reported on human relics found with extinct ani-
mals in Wyoming and Colorado. Dr. Holmes (Ibid. July,
1859) had described pottery found with the bones of the
megatherium. Lyell seems to have hesitated to associate
man with the extinct animals in America, when the remains
found at Natchez were shown to him in an early visit to
America (Antiquity of Matt, 237). Howorth, Mammoth
and the Flood, 317, enumerates the later discoveries, some
being found under recent conditions (Ibid. 278), and so

recent that the trunk itself has been observed (p. 299). In
the earliest instance of the bones being reported, Dr.
Mather, communicating the fact to the Philosophical Trans.
Roy. Soc. (1714), xxix. 63, says they were found in the
Hudson River, and he supposed them the remains of a
giant man, while the colored earth about the bones repre-
sented his rotted body. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xii.
263.

1 See on this a later page.

2 Lyell's Antiq. of Man, 4th ed., 236; Nadaillac's Le*
premiers hommes, ii. 13; Southall's Rece7it origin of
man, ch. 30. Vogt (Lectures on Man) accepts the evi-
dence.

* The outer outline is that of the skull found in the cave of Cromagnon, in France, belonging, as Dawson says, p. 189,
to one of the oldest human inhabitants of western Europe, as shown in Lartet and Christy's Reliquiae A quiianicae.
The second outline is that of the Enghis skull; the dotted outline that of the Neanderthal skull. The shaded skull is on
a smaller scale, but preserving the true outline, and is one of the Hochelaga Indians (site of Montreal). Cuts of the Enghil
and Neanderthal skulls are given in Lubbock's Prehistoric Times, pp. 328, 329. Dawkins (Cave Hunters, 235) thinks
the Enghis skull of doubtful age. On the Neanderthal skull see Quatrefages and H.uny, Crania Ethnica (Paris,
J873-75), and Dawkins (p. 240). Huxley gives it a great antiquity, and says it is the most ape-like one he ever saw.
Quatrefages, Hommes fossiles, etc. (1884), says it is not below some later men. Southall (Ef>och of the Mammoth, So)
says it has the average capacity of the negro, and double that of the gorilla, and doubts its antiquity.

390 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

It was in 1S22 that Dr. Buckland. in his Reliquiae diluvianae (2d ed., 1824), first made something like a
thering of the evidence of animal remains, as shown by cave explorations ; but he was not pre-
pared to believe that man's remains were as old as the beasts. He later came to believe, in the prehistoric
man. In 1833-34, Dr. Schmerling found in the cave of Enghis, near Liege, a highly developed skull, and pub-
lished his Rechcrches sur les ossemens fossiles decouverts dans les cavemes de la province de Liege.1

In 1S41, Boucher de Perthes began his discoveries in the valley of the Somme,2 and finally discovered
among the animal remains some flint implements, and formulated his views of the great antiquity of man in
his Antiquites Celtiques (1847), rather for the dirision than for the delectation of his brother geologists. In
1848, the Societe Ethnographique de Paris ceased its sessions; but Boucher de Perthes had aroused a new
feeling, and while his efforts were still in doubt his disciples 3 gathered, and amid much ridicule founded the
Societe d'Anthropologie de Paris, which has had so numerous a following in allied associations in Europe and
America.

He tells us of the struggles he endured to secure the recognition of his views in his De Vhomme aniedilu-
vien et de ses oeuvres (Paris, i860), and his trials were not over when, in 1863, he found at Moulin Ouignon a
human jaw-bone,4 which, as he felt, added much strength to the belief in the man of the glacial gravels.5

The existence of man in the somewhat later period of the caves 6 was also claiming constant recognition,
and the new society was broad enough to cover all. In 1857, Dr. Fullroth had discovered the Neanderthal
skull in a cave near Dusseldorf.

In 1S5S, the discovery of flint tools in the Brixham cave, in Devonshire, was more effective in turning the
scientific mind to the proofs than earlier discoveries of much the same character by McEnery had been. In
March, 1872, Emile Riviere investigated the Mentone caves, and found a large skeleton, unmistakably human,
and the oldest yet found, supposed to be of the palaeolithic period. (Cf. Dccouverte d'un Squelette humain
de V Epoque faleolithique, Paris, 1873.) Ail this evidence is best set forth in the collection of his periodical
studies on the mammals of the Pleistocene, which were collected by William Boyd Dawkins in his Cave Hunt-
ing: researches on the evidence of caves, respecting the early inhabitants of Europe (London, 1874)," a hook
which may be considered a sort of complement to Lyell's Antiquity of Man and Lubbock's Prehistoric Man;
Dawkins (ch. 9, and Address, Salford, 1877, p. 3) and Lubbock (Scientific Lectures, 150) unite in holding
the modern Eskimos to be the representative of this cave folk. No argument is quite sufficient to convince
Southall that the archaeologists do not place the denizens of the caves too far back (Recent Origin of Man,
ch. 13), and he rejects a belief in the steady slowness of the formation of stalagmites (Epoch of the Mammoth,
90), upon which Evans, Geikie, Wallace, Lyell, and others rest much of their belief in the great antiquity of
the remains found beneath the cave deposits.8

The largest development of cave testimony in America has been made by Dr. Lund,9 a Danish naturalist,
who examined several hundred Brazilian caves, finding in them the bones of man in connection with those of
extinct animals.10 The remains of a race, held to be Indians, found in the caves of Coahuila (Mexico) are
described by Cordelia A. Studley in the Peabody Mus. Reports, xv. 233. Edward D. Cope has studied the
contents of a bone cave in the island of Anguilla (West Indies), in the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowl-
edge, no. 489 (1883). J. D. Whitney describes a cave in Calaveras County, in the Smithsonian Reft. (1887),
and Edward Palmer one in Utah (Peab. Mus. Reft., xi. 269). Putnam explored some in Kentucky (Ibid.
viii.) Putnam's first account of his cave work in Kentucky, showing the use of them as habitations and as
receptacles for mummies, is in the Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., xvii. 319. I. P. Goodnow made similar explora-

1 Cf. Lyell's Antiq. of Man, ch. 5; Huxley's Man's 7 Cf. also Geikie's Great Ice Age; Lubbock's Prehistoric
place in nature ; Le Hon's L' Homme fossile en Europe; Times, ch. 10; Evans's Anc. Stone Implements of Gt.
Leslie's Origin and destiny of man, p. 54, who passes in Britain ; Wilson's Prehistoric Annals of Scotland; Nils-
review these early tentative explorations. son's Stone Age in Scandinavia ; Figuier's World before

2 Cf. Lyell's description in his Antiquity of Man, ch. 7 ; the Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 473 ; Joly, Man before Metals,
Quatrefages, Nat. Hist. Man(N. Y., 1875), p. 41 ; Langel, ch. 3; Cazalis de Fondouce's Les temps prehistoriques
Vhomme antediluvien ; Buchner's Man, Eng. transl., ch. dans le sud-est de la France; Roujow's Etude sur les
1; Carl Vogt, Vorlesungefi iiber den Menschen. races humaines de la France; Peschel's Races of Men,

3 Rigollot, of Amiens, who had doubted, finally came to introd.

believe in De Perthes's views. The scarcity of human remains in the drift and in the

4 Buchner's Man, p. 26; Hugh Falconer's Palceonto- caves is accounted for by Lyell (Student's Elements, N.
logical Memoirs, London, 1868 (ii. 601). Falconer's essay on Y., p. 153) by man's wariness against floods as compared
" Primaeval Man and his Contemporaries,'' included in this with that of beasts; and by Lubbock (Prehist. Times, 349)
work, was written in 1863, in vindication of the views which through the vastly greater numbers of the animals in a hunt-
Falconer shared with Boucher de Perthes and Prestwich, ers' age.

and it is an interesting study of the development of the in- 8 The present day is not without a cave people. See

ferest in the caves. London Anthropolog. Rev., April, 1869, and Buchner's

c Lyell, Antiq. of Man, ch. 7; Lubbock, Prehistoric Man, Eng. transl., p. 270.

Timet, ch. n ; Nadaillac, Les Premiers Hommes, ii. 122 ; ° Haven, p. 86.

, Origin, etc. of Man, 56. Southall gives the antag- 10 Cf. Florentino Amegluno's La Antigiledad del Horn-

onistic views in his Recent Origin of Man, ch. 16, and bre en la Plata (Paris, 1880), and Howorth's Mammoth

Epoch of the Mammoth, 126. and the Flood, 355, who cites Klee's Le Deluge, p. 326,

*; This is in dispute, however. That the older cave imple- and enumerates other evidences of pleistocene man in South

ments and those of the drift may be of equivalent age America, in connection with extinct animals,
seems to be agreed upon by some.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

391

tions in Arizona {Kansas City Rev., viii. 647) ; E. T. Elliott in Colorado {Pop. Sci. Mo., Oct., 1879), and Leidy
in the Hartman cave, in Pennsylvania {Philad. Acad. Nat. Sci. Proc, 1880, p, 348). Cf. also Haldeman in
the Am. Philos. Soc. Trans. (1880) xv. 351. Col. Charles Whittlesey has discussed the "Evidences of the
antiquity of man in the United States," in describing some cave remains of doubtful age.1 W. H. Dall's On
the remains of later prehistoric man obtained from caves in the Catherine archipelago, Alaska territory,
and especially from the caves of the Aleutian islands (Washington, 187S) is included in the Smithsonian
contributions to knowledge, xxii.

Throughout the world, naturalists have found on streams and on the sea-coast, heaps of the refuse of the
daily life of primitive peoples. Beneath the loam which has covered them there are found the shells of
edible mollusks and other relics of food, implements, ornaments and vessels, of stone, clay, and bone. Some-
times it happens that natural superposed accumulations will mark them off in layers, and distinguish the
usages of successive periods.2

OSCAR PESCHEL*

In the Old World such heaps upon the Danish coast have attracted the most attention under the name of
Kjoekkenmoeddinger, or Kitchen-middens, and their teachings have enlivened the recitals of nearly all the
European archaeologists' who have sought to picture the condition of these early races.

It seems to be the general opinion that in the Old World this shell-heap folk succeeded, if they do not in
part constitute the contemporaries of, the men of the caves.3

These accumulations are known usually in America as shell heaps, and it is generally characteristic of them
that, while they contain pottery and bone implements, the stone instruments are far less numerous, and

1 The instances are not rare of mummies being found in
caves of the Mississippi Valley ; but there is no evidence
adduced of any great age attaching to them. Cf. N. S.
Shaler on the antiquity of the caverns and cavern life of the
Ohio Valley, in Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Mem., ii. 355 (1875) ;
and on desiccated remains, see the Archczologia Amer., i.
359 ; Brinton's Floridian Peninsula, App. ii. On the
American caves see Nadaillac's Z' A merique prehistorique,
ch. 2.

2 Abbott's Primitive Industry, ch. 30.

3 Lyell, Antiq. of Man, 4th ed. ch. 2; Lubbock, Pre-
hist. Times, ch. 7 ; Nadaillac, Les premiers homines, i.
ch. 5 ; Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 4 ; Figuier, World
before Deluge (N. Y., 1S72), p. 477. Worsaae, the leading
Danish authority, calls them palaeolithic relics; Lubbock
places them as early neolithic. Southall, of course, thinks
they indicate the rudeness of the people, not their antiquity.
{Recent Origin, etc., ch. 12; Epoch of the Mamtnoth,
ch. 5.)

* From the engraving in the 1X77 ed. of his Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen. His Abhandlungen zur
Erd- und Volker-Ktinde, continuing his contributions to DasAusland and other periodicals, and edited by J. Lowenberg,
was published at Leipzig, in 3 vols, in 1877-79, tne preface containing an account of Peschel's services in this field.

39?

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

generally occur in the upper layers in those of Florida, but they are scattered through all the layers in those
of Now England. Professor Jeffries Wyman, whose name is in this country particularly associated with
shell-heap investigations, could not find1 that any one had in the scientific spirit called attention to the
"subject in America earlier than Caleb Atwater in the Archceologia Americana (vol. i., 1820), who had observed
such deposits on the Muskingum River in Ohio. They had not passed unnoticed, however, by some of the
early explorers. Futnam {Essex hist. Bulletin, xv. 86) notes that J. T. Ducatel observed those on the Chesa-
peake in 1S34. The earliest more particular mention of the inland mounds seem to have been made in
Prinz Maximilian's Travels in the United States? Foster, in his Prehistoric Races of the U. S. (ch. 4, — a
special survey of the American heaps), says that Professor Vanuxem was the first to describe the sea-side
mounds in 1S41, in the Proc. Amer. Asso. Geologists (i. 22).3

cr r is-ino \\ imain,

1 Am. Naturalist, ii. 397.

2 Cf. Lyell's Second Visit.

8 All the general treatises on American archaeology now
cover the subject: Wilson, Prehist. Man,\. 132; Nadail-
lac, UAmerique prehistorique, ch. 2; Short, No. Amer.
Antiq., 106; Smithsonian Reports, 1864 (Rau), 1866, 1870
(J. Fowler) ; Bull. Essex lust., iv. (Putnam) ; Peabody Mus.
Reports, i., v.. vii. ; Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc. 1867,
1875; Phil. Acad. Nat. Sci. Proc. 1S66 ; Pop. Science
Monthly 1 x. (Lewis); Lyell's Second Visit, i. 252 ; Stevens,

Flint Chips, 194. For local observations: J. M. Jones in
Smithsonian Ann. Report, 1863, on those of Nova Scotia.
S. F. Baird in Nat. Museum Proc{\%%\, 1882), on those
of New Brunswick and New England. For those in
Maine see Peabody Mus. Reports, xvi., xviii. ; Central Ohio
Sci. Assoc. Proc, i. 70; that at Damariscotta, in particular,
is described in the Peabody Mus. Reports, xx. 531, 546 ; and
in the Maine Hist. Soc. Col., v. (by P. A. Chadbourne)
and vi. 349. Wyman's studies are in the A mcr. Naturalist,
Jan., 1S68, and Peabody Mus. Rept., ii. Putnam (Essex

' From a photograph taken in 1868, furnished by his family. The portrait in the Peabody Museum Report, no. viii.,

represents him somewhat later in life, with a beard. He died Sept. 4, 1874. There are accounts of Wyman in the same

\ a Gray, who also made an address on Wyman before the Boston Society of Nat. Hist. (cf. Pop. Science

'h/y, Jan., 1875), with commemorations by O. W. Holmes {Atlantic Monthly, Nov., 1874, and Mass. Hist. Soc.

Proc, xiv. 4), by F. W. Putnam in the Proc Amer. Acad, with a list of his publications; by Packard in the Mem.

Nat. Acad., and 1!. G. Wilder (Old and AVw, Nov., 1874).

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

393

There has been as yet little found in America from which to develop the evidence of early man from any
lake or river dwellings, while so much has been done in Europe.1 In some parts of Florida the Indians are

; I) ft -\<® hf ° '

Shell Heaps -markinqthe sites of Indian Settlements.

V *■■■■? ' &*.

SHELL HEAPS ON CAPE COD.

Inst. Bull., xv. 86) says that those at Pine Grove, near
Salem, Mass., were examined in 1840. The map which is
annexed of those on Cape Cod, taken from the Smithso-
nian Report (1883, p. 905), shows the frequency of them
in a confined area, as observed ; but the same region
doubtless includes many not observed.

For those on the New Jersey coast see Cook's Geology of
New Jersey (Newark, 1868), and Rau in the Smithsonian
Reports, 1863, 1864, 1865. The Lockwood collection from
the heap at Keyport is in the Peabody Museum (cf. Rept.,
xxii. 43). Francis Jordan describes the Remains of an
Aboriginal Encampment at Rehoboth, Delaware (Philad.,
1880). Elmer R. Reynolds reported on " Precolumbian
shell heaps at Newburg, Maryland, and the aboriginal
shell heaps of the Potomac and Wicomico rivers" at the
Congres des Americanistes (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 292).
Joseph Leidy describes those at Cape Henlopen in the
Phil. Acad. Nat. Sci., 1866. Those on the Georgia coast,
St. Simon's Island, etc., are pointed out in C. C. Jones's
Antiqtiities of the Southern Indians ; Smithsonian Refits.,
1871 (by D. Brown); in hyeWs Antiq. of Man, and in his
Second Visit to the U. S. (N. Y., 1849), i. 252.

The shell heaps of Florida have had unusual attention.
Wyman has indicated the absence of objects in them, show-
ing Spanish contact. Dr. Brinton's first studies of them
were in his Notes on the Floridia?i Peninsula (Philad. »
1859), ch. 6, and again in the Smithsonian Report ('1866),
P- 356. Prof. Wyman's first reports (St. John River) were
in The American Naturalist, Jan., Oct., Nov., 1868. He

also described them in the Peabody Mus. Report, i., v., vii.,
and in his Fresh Water Shell Heaps of the St. John River,
Florida (Salem, 1875), being no. 4 of the Memoirs of the
Peabody Acad, of Science. There are other investigations
recorded in the Smithsonian Reports, 1877, hy S. P. May-
berry, on St. John River; 1879, by S. T. Walker, on
Tampa Bay ; also by A. W. Vogeler in A mer. Naturalist,
Jan., 1879; by W. H. Dall in the American Journal of
Archceology, i. 184; and by A. E. Douglass in the Amcr.
Antiquarian, vii. 74, 140. On those of Alabama, see Pea-
body Mus. Rept., xvi. 186, and Smithsonian Rept., 1877.

On those of the great interior valleys, see the Second Ge-
ological Report of Indiana, and Humphrey and Abbott's
Physics and Hydraidics of the Mississippi Valley.

For the California coast, there is testimony in Bancroft's
Native Races, iv. 709-712; Smithsonian Rept., 1874 (by
P. Schumacher); America7i Antiquarian, vii. 159; and
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, v. 4S9. Schu-
macher covers the northwest coast in the Smithsonian
Rept., 1873. Those in Oregon are reported to be destitute
of the bones of extinct animals, in the Bull. U. S. Geal.
Survey, iii. Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 739, refers to those
on Vancouver's Island. W. H. Dall describes those on the
Aleutian Islands in the Contributions to No. A mer. Eth-
nology, i. 41.

1 This branch of archaeological science began, I believe,
with the discovery by Sir Wm. R. Wilde of some lacus-
trine habitations in a small lake in county Meath. R. Mon-
ro's Ancient Scotch lake Dwellings ( Edinburgh, 1882) has

PUEBLO REGION.*

* From a map, " Originalkarte der Urwohnsitze der Azteken und Verwandten Pueblos in New Mexico, zusammen-

• von O. Loew,:' in Petermann's Mittheilungen ilber ivichtige neue Erforschioigcn auf dcm Gcsamtntgebicte dtr

t/'/i/r, xxii. (1876), table xii. The small dotted circles stand for inhabited pueblos; those with a perpendicular line

attached are ruins; and when this perpendicular line is crossed it is a Mexicanized pueblo. See the map in Powell's

Second Rcpt. Bur. Ethnol. (1880-81) p. 318, which marks the several classes: inhabited, abandoned, ruined pueblos,

cavate houses, cliff houses, and tower houses.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

395

reported to have built houses on piles ; and in South America tree-houses and those on platforms are well
known. Mr. Hilborne T. Cresson has reported (Peabody Mus. Reft., xxii. for 1888) the discovery of pile
ends in the Delaware River, and has shown that two of these river stations are earlier than the third, as is
evident from the rude implements of argillite found in the two when compared with those discovered in the
third, where implements of jasper and quartz and fragments of pottery were associated with those of argillite.

The earliest discoveries of the cliff houses of the Colorado region were made by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, and
his descriptions appeared in his Journal of a Military Reconnoissance, in 1849.1 No considerable addition
was made to our knowledge of the cliff dwellers till in 1874-75, when special parties of the Hayden Geological
Survey were sent to explore them {Hay den's Report, /87b), whence we got accounts of those of southwestern
Colorado by W. H. Holmes, including the cavate-houses and cliff-dwellers of the San Juan, the Mancos and
the ruins in the McElmo canon.'2 W. H. Jackson gives a revised account of his 1874 expedition in the Bul-
letin of the Survey (vol. ii. no. 1), adding thereto an account of his explorations of 1875. Jackson also gives a
chapter on the ruins of the Chaco canon.3

In coming to the class of ruins lying in a few instances just within, but mostly to the north of, the Mexican
line, we encounter the Pueblo race, whose position in the ethnological chart is not quite certain, be their con-
nection with the Nahuas and Aztecs,4 or with the moundbuilders, — red Indian if they be, or with the cliff-
dwellers, as perhaps is the better opinion. Their connection with savage nations farther north is not wholly
determinable, as Morgan allows, on physical and social grounds, and perhaps not as definitely settled by their
architecture as Cushing seems to think.5

The Spaniard early encountered these ruins,c and perhaps the best summary of the growth of our knowledge
of them by successive explorations is in Bancroft's Nat. Races, iv. ch. n.7 In the century after the Spanish
conquest, we have one of the best accounts in the Memorial of Fray Alonso Benavides, published at Madrid
in 1630.8 The most famous of the ruins of this region, the Casa Grande of the Gila Valley in Arizona,1* is

gathered what is known of the remains in Great Britain.
There are similar remains in various parts of the continent
of Europe ; but those revealed by the dry season of 1853-
54 in the Swiss lakes have attracted the most notice. Dr.
Keller described them in Reports made to the Archae-
ological Society of Zurich. A. Morlot printed an abstract
of Keller's Report in the Smithsonian Report, 1863. In
1866, J. E. Lee arranged Keller's material systematically,
and translated it in The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland
and other parts of 'Europe, by Ferdinand Keller (London,
1 865), which was reissued, enlarged and brought down to
date, in a second edition in 1878. The earliest elaborated
account was Prof. Troyon's Habitations lacustres (i860),
of which there was a translation in the Smithsonian Re-
ports, i860, 1861. Troyon and Keller have reached differ-
ent conclusions : the one believing that the traces of devel-
opment in the remains indicate new peoples coming in,
while Keller holds these to be signs of the progress of the
same people. A paper by Edouard Desor, Palafttes or
Lacitstrian Constructions, appeared in English in the
Smithsonian Report, 1865. There is a large collection of
typical relics from these lake dwellings in the Peabody
Museum {Report, v.).

These evidences now make part of all archaeological trea-
tises: Lyell's Antiq. of Man ; Lubbock, Prehist. Times,
ch. 6; Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, i. 241 ; Ste-
vens, Flint Chips, 1 19 ; Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 5 ;
Figuier, World before the Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 478;
Southall, Recent Origin, etc., ch. 11, and Epoch of the
Mammoth, ch. 4 ; Archceologia, xxxviii. ; Haven in Amer.
Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1867; Rau in Harper's Monthly,
Aug., 1875 ; Poole's Index, p. 718, and Supplement, p. 246.
The man of the Danish peat-beds and of the Swiss lake
dwellings is generally held to belong to the present geolog-
ical conditions, but earlier than written records.

1 Senate Doc. ; also separately, Philad., 1852. Cf. Ban-
croft, Native Races, iv. 652; Domenech's Deserts, etc.,
i. 201 ; Annual Sclent. Discovery, 1850 ; Short, No. Am.
of Antiq., 293. A photograph of the Casa Blanca is given
in Putnam's Report, Wheeler's Survey, p. 370. Cf.
Haven in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, 1855, p. 26.

2 Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Sur7>ey of the territories,
2d series, no. 1 (Washington, 1875), and its Annual Rept.
(Washington, 1876), condensed in Bancroft, iv. 650, 718,

and by E. A. Barber in Congres des Americanistes, 1877,
i. 22. Cf. Short, 295, etc.

3 Bulletin, etc., ii. (1876). Hayden's Survey (1876).
Cf. Short, p. 305 ; Kansas City Rev., Dec, 1879 (on their
age) i James Stevenson in Fourth Rept. Bureau of Eth-
nology, pp. xxxiv, 284 ; Nadaillac's Les Premiers Hommes
(ii. 61), and L'Amerique prehistorique, ch. 5 ; Scrib-
ner's Mag., Dec, 1878 (xvii. 266); Good Words, xx. 486;
Science, xi. 257. Those of the Canon de Chelly are de-
scribed by James Stevenson in the Journal Amer. Geo.
Soc- (1886), p. 329. It is generally recognized that the
cliff dwellers and the Pueblo people were the same race,
and that the modern Zuni and Moquis represent them.
Bandelier in Arch&ol. Inst, of Atn., jth Rept. J. Steven-
son (Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., 431) describes some
cavate dwellings of this region cut out of the rock by hand.
There is no evidence that these remains call for any asso-
ciation with them of the great antiquity of man.

* Cf., for instance, Short, 331.

5 Morgan (Systems of Consanguinity, 257) finds corre-
spondence to the roving Indian in physical and cranial char-
acter, in linguistic traits, and in the similarity of arts and
social habits. Their connection with the moundbuilder
and cliff-dwelling race is traced in H. F. C. Ten Kate's
Reizen en Onderzolkingen in Nord America (Leyden,
1885). Cushing thinks {Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol, 481)
they got their habit of building in stories from having, as
cliff-dwellers, earlier built on the narrow shelves of the
rocks. Morgan (Peab. Mus. Rept., xii. 550) thinks their
architectural art deteriorated, since the ruined pueblos are
finer constructions than those inhabited now. Cf. on the
origin of Pueblo architecture V. Miruleleff in Science, ix.
593, and S. D. Peet in Amer. Antiquarian, iv. 208, and
Wisconsin Acad, of Science, v. 290.

6 See chapter vii. of Vol. II.

7 Cf. lesser accounts of these earlier notices in E. G.
Squier's paper in the Amer. Rev., Nov., 1S4X ; and G. M.
Wheeler in the Journal A mer. Geog. Soc. (1874), vol. vi.

8 The book is rare. There is a copy in Harvard College
library. Cf. Sabin, ii. 4636-38; Ternaux, 518; Carter-
Brown, ii.; Leclerc, no. 813 (200 francs). Therf is a
French version, Brussels, 1631; and a Latin, Saltzburg,
1634.

9 Not to be confounded with the Casas Grandes, farther

396 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

supposed to have been seen (1540) by Coronado, then in a state of ruin; but we get no clear description till
that given by Padre Mange, who accompanied Padre Kino to see the ruins in 1697.*

There arc few descriptions - of the antiquities of this country previous to the military examination of it
which was made -during the Mexican War. Such is recorded in \V. H. Emory's Notes of a Military Recon-
tsance from Fort Leavenworth in Missouri to San Diego in California? which gives us some of the
earliest representations of .these antiquities, including the ruins of Pecos.4 In 1849, Col. Washington the
governor of New Mexico, organized an expedition against the Navajos, and Lieut. James H. Simpson gives
us the first detailed account of the Chaco canon in his Journal of a Military Reconnoissance (Philad., i852).5
He also covered (p. 90), among the other ruins of this region, the old and present habitations of the Zuni, but
these received in some respects more detailed examination in Capt. L. Sitgreave's Report of an Expedition
>: the Zuni and Colorado rivers (Washington, 1853X.6 accompanied by a map and other illustrations/
New channels of information were opened when the United States government undertook to make surveys
(1853) for a trans-continental line of railways; and a great deal of material is embodied in Whipple's report on
the Indian tribes in the Pacific R. R. Reports, vol. iii. The running of the boundary line between the United
States and Mexico also contributed to our knowledge. The commissioner during 1850-53 was John Russell
Bartlett, who, on the failure of the government promptly to publish his report, printed his Personal narra-
tive of explorations and incidents (N. Y., 1854), and made in some parts of it an important contribution to
our knowledge of the antiquities of this region.^

No considerable advance was now made in this study for about a score of years. Major Powell first pub-
lished his account of his adventurous exploration (1869) of the Colorado canon in Scribner's Monthly (Jan.,
Feb., Mar.) in 1875, and it was followed by his official Exploration of the Colorado River (Washington,
1875), making known the existence of ruins in the canon's gloomy depths. The Reports of the U. S. Geo-
logical Survey, including the accounts by W. H. Jackson and W. H. Holmes, give much valuable and original
information ; and a good deal of what has been included in the Reports of the Chief of Engineers (U. S. Army)
.for 1875 and 1S76 will also be found in the seventh volume, edited by F. W\ Putnam, of Wheeler's Survey,9
including the pueblos of Acoma, Taos, San Juan, and the ruin10 on the Animas River.

The latest examinations of these Pueblo remains, of which we have published accounts, are those made by
A. F. Bandelier for the Archaeological Institute of America. He has given his results in his " Historical
introduction to studies among the sedentary Indians of New Mexico," and in his " Report on the ruins of
Pecos," which constitutes the initial volume of Papers, American scries, of the Institute (Boston, 1S81).11 He
believes Pecos to be Cicuye, visited by Alvarado in 1541, — a huge pile with 585 compartments, finally
abandoned in 1840. In October, 1880, he examined the region west of Santa Fe {Second Rept. Archceol.
Inst.). His explorations also determined the eastern limits of the sedentary occupation of New Mexico

south in the Mexican province of Chihuahua, which is of a Cf. Bancroft, iv. 652, 655, 661 ; Baldwin's Anc. Americat

similar character. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 604 (with references); 86 ; Domenech's Deserts, i. 149, 379; Short, 292. The

Short, ch. 7; Bartlett's Personal Narrative, ii. 348. It Chaco canon was visited by W. H. Jackson in 1877, and

was first described in Escudero's Noticias de Chihuahua his report is in the Report of Hayde?i,s Survey, 1878, p.

(1819) ; and again in 1842, in Album Mexicano, i. 372- 4"- Morgan gives a summary, with maps (see Nadaillac,

1 From that day to the present there have been very 229), in his Houses and House Life, etc., ch. 7, 8, —
many descriptions: Documentos pa-ra la historia de Mex- holding (p. 167) them to be the seven cities of Cibola seen
ico, 4th ser., i. 282; iv. 804; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. by Coronado. Cf. on this mooted question our Vol. II.
621; Short, 279; Schoolcraft, hid. Tribes, iii. 300; Bart- 501-503; and Simpson's paper in the Journal Amer. Geog.
lett, Personal Nar., ii. 278, 281; Emory, Reconnaissance, Soc. vol. v.

81, 567 ; Humboldt, Essai politique ; Baldwin, A 71c. A mer- c 32d Cong. , 2d sess., Sen. Ex. Doc, No. JO.

tea, 82; Mayer, Mexico, ii. 396, and Observations, 15; 7 On the Zuni region see Bancroft, iv. 645, 667,673 (with

Domenech, Deserts, i. 381; Ross Browne, Apache Coirn- ref.) ; Short, 288; Mbllhausen, Reisen in die Felseuge-

try, 114; Jametel in Rev. de Geog., Mar., 1881; Nadail- birge Nord Amcrikas (ii. 196, 402), and his Tagebuch,

lac. Prehisl. A mer., 222. Bancroft groups many of the 283; Cozzen's Marvellous Country ; Tour du Monde, i. ;

descriptions, and best collates them. Harper's Monthly, Aug., 1875; J. E. Stevenson's Zuni

2 Gregg, in his Commerce des Prairies (N. Y., 1844), ex- and the Zunians (Washington, 1881). Of F. H. Cushing's
amined the Pueblo Bonito in 1840. recent labors among the Zuiii, see Powell's Second, Third,

3 Washington, 1848,-30^ Cong., Ex. Doc. 41- This and Fifth Reports, Bur. of Ethnology.

includes Lieut. J. W. Abert's Report and Map of the Ex- 8 The Report of Lieut. W. H. Emory, directly in charge

amination of New Mexico. He visited two pueblos. This of the survey {Ho. Ex. Doc. 135, 34th Cong., 1st sess.),

and other material afforded the base for the studies of was printed separately in 3 vols, in 1859.

Scjuier and Gallatin, the former printing "The ancient 9 Report upon U. S. Geol. Surveys, -west of the one

monuments of the aboriginal semi-civilized nations of New htmdredth meridia?i in charge of First Lieut. Geo. M.

Mexico and California" {Amer. Rev., 1848), and the latter Wheeler, vol. vii., Archeology (Washington, 1879). Er-

a paper in the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., ii., repeated in nest Ingersoll, a member of the survey, published some

French in the Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, 1851, iii. 237. papers on the " Village Indians of New Mexico" in the

4 This is perhaps the most important of all the ruins. Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, vi. and vii.

;<.ft, iv. 671. Bandelier's studies are the most recent. 10 Cf. L. H. Morgan on this ruin in the Peab. Mits. Rept.,

Congres des Amer., Compte Rendu, 1877, ii. 230, and his xii. 536, and in a paper in the Trans. Amer. Ass. Adv.

Introd. to studies among the sedentary Indians of New Sci. (St. Louis, 1877).

M xico and Report of the ruins of Pecos (Boston, 1881, — n His notes form a good bibliography. He intends as a

Archseol. [nst. <>f America). supplement an account of the different explorations prior

6 Also in Rept, of Sec. of Il'ir, .-ft Sess. jrst Cong. to the seventeenth century.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

397

{Fifth Report). He renewed his studies in 1882 {First Bull. Archceol. Inst., Jan., 1883), and thought the
ruins showed successive occupiers, and divides them into cave dwellings, cliff houses, one-story buildings, and
those of more than one, with each higher one retreating from the front of the next lower.

The most essential sources of information have thus been enumerated, but there is not a little fugitive and
comprehensive treatment of the subject worth the student's attention who follows a course of investigation.*

The literature of the moundbuilders, and of the controversies arising out of the mysterious relics of their
life, is commensurate with the very wide extent of territory covered by their traces.- It was long before any
intelligent notice was taken of the mounds by those who traversed the wilderness. De Soto, in 1540,

THE PUEBLO REGION*

1 Bancroft [Native Races, i. 529, 599; iv. 662, etc.)
gives the best clues to authorities prior to 1875. Short (ch.
7) condenses more, and Baldwin (p. 78) still more. Nadail-
lac, L'Amerique prehistorique (ch. 5) also summarizes.
Morgan studies the social condition of this ancient people
{Systems of Consanguinity, Part ii. ch. 6 ; Houses and
House Life, ch. 6; Peabody Mus. Repts., xii.). Cf. James
Stevenson's "Ancient Habitations of the Southwest " in
Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., xviii. (1886), and his illus-
trated Catalogue of Collections in Powell's Second Rept.
Bureau of Ethnol. ; E. A. Barber on " Les anciens pue-
blos" in Cong, des American istes, 1877, i. 23, in which he
traces a gradation from the moundbuilders through the
old pueblo peoples to the Toltecs ; C. Schoebel's account of
an expedition in the A rchives de la Soc. A mer. de France,
nouv. ser. i., and the references in Poole's Index, i. 1063;
»• 359-

Dividing the remaining references into localities, we note

for New Mexico the following : J. H. Carleton in the
Smithsonian Rept. (1854); W. B. Lyon {Ibid. 1871); J.
A. McParlin [Ibid. 1877); Turner in Am. Ethnol. Soc.
Trans., ii. ; and A. W. Bell in Journal of the Ethnol.
Soc. (London), Oct., 1869. Carleton describes the ruins
also in the Western Journal, xiv. 1S5. Clarence Pullen
describes the people in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, xix. 22.
For Colorado: E. L. Berthoud in Smithsonian Repts., iW>7,
187 1. G. L. Cannon in Ibid. 1877 ; H. Gannett in Pop.
Sci. Monthly, xvi. 666 (Mar., 1880); Amer. Naturalist,
x. 31; Lippincotl's Mag., xxvi. 54. For Arizona: F. E.
Grossmann, J. C. Y. Lee, and R. T. Burr in Smithsonian
Repts., respectively for 1871, 1872, 1879, with other refer-
ences in Poole under " Moqui."

2 This scope of treatment is manifest in the large num-
ber of papers contained in the Smithsonian Reports. Sec
W. J. Rhees' Catal. of Publ. of Sm. Inst. (Washington,
1882), pp. 252-3.

* A reduction of the map accompanying Bandelier's report on his investigations in New Mexico, in the Fifth Rept. of
the Archceological Institute of America (Cambridge, 1884).

398 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

could get no traditions concerning them beyond the assurances that the peoples he encountered had built
them, or some of them. We read of them also in Garcilasso de la Vega, Biedma and the Knight of Elvas, on
the Spanish side ; but on the French at a later day we learn little or nothing from Joutel, Tonti, and Hennepin,
though something from Du Pratz, La Harpe and some of the missionaries. Kalm,i the Swede, in 1749, was
about the first to make any note of them. Carver found them near Lake Pepin in 1768. In 1772 the mis-
sionary David Jones 2 made observations upon those in Ohio. Adair did not wholly overlook them in his
American Indians in 1775. Prof. James Dunbar, of Aberdeen, in his Essays on the history of mankind in
rude and uncultivated ages (Lond., 1780), uses what little Kalm and Carver afforded. Jefferson in his Notes
of 1 Virginia (1782) speaks of them as barrows "all over the country," and "obvious repositories of the
dead."3 Arthur Lee makes reference to them in 1784. A map of the Northwest Territory, published by
John Fitch about 1785, places in the territory which is now Wisconsin the following legend: " This country
has once been settled by a people more expert in the art of war than the present inhabitants. Regular for-
tifications, and some of these incredibly large, are frequently to be found. Also many graves and towers like
pyramids of earth." In 1786 Franklin thought the works at Marietta might have been built by De Soto;
and Noah Webster, in a paper in Roberts' Florida, assented.4 B. S. Barton, in his Observations in some
parts of Natural History (London, 1787), credited the Toltecs with building them, whom he considered
the descendants of the Danes.

As the century draws to a close, we find occasional and rather bewildered expression of interest in the
Observations on the Ancient Mounds by Major Jonathan Heart ;5 in the Missions of Loskiel ; in the New
Views of Dr. Smith Barton; in the Carolina of William B art ram ; and in the travels of Volney. In 1794
Winthrop Sargent reported in the Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans., iv., on the exploration of the mounds at Cin-
cinnati. The present century soon elicited a variety of observations, but there was little of practical explo-
ration. A New England minister, Thaddeus Mason Harris, passed judgment upon those in Ohio, when he
journeyed thither in 1803.6 The commissioner of the United States to run the Florida boundary, Andrew
Ellicott, describes some near Natchez in his Journal (1803). Bishop Madison communicated through Pro-
fessor Barton some opinions about those in Western Virginia, which appear in the Transaction of the
American Philosophical Society, taking different grounds from Dr. Harris, who had thought them works of
defence. The explorations of Lewis and Clark (1804-6) up the Missouri, and of Pike (1805-7) up the Mis-
sissippi, produced little. Robin, the French naturalist, in 1805/ Major Stoddard 8 and Breckenridge 9 later,
saw some in Louisiana, Missouri, and Illinois. A leading periodical, The Portfolio, contributed something
to the common stock in 18 10 and 1814, giving plans of some of the mounds. Those in Ohio were again the
subject of inquiry by F. Cuming in his Sketches of a Tour to the Western Country (Pittsburg, 1810), and by
Dr. Daniel Drake in his Picture of Cincinnati and the Miami Valley (Cinn., 181 5). John Heckewelder, the
Moravian missionary, accounted for the ancient fortifications through the traditions of the Delawares, who
professed once to have inhabited this country, but it has been suspected that the worthy missionary was im-
posed upon.10 DeWitt Clinton, in 1S11, before the New York Historical Society, and again in 1817, before
the Literary and Philosophical Society of New York, had given some theories in which the Scandinavians
figured as builders of the mounds in that State.

It was thus at a time when there was much speculation and not much real experimental knowledge respect-
ing these remains that, under the auspices of the then newly founded American Antiquarian Society, Mr. Caleb
Atwater, of Ohio, was employed to explore and survey a considerable number of these works. He embodied
his results in the initial volume of the publication of that society, the ArcJiccologia Americana^ After
pointing out scattered evidences of the traces of European peoples, found in coins and other relics throughout
the country, Atwater proceeds to his description of the earthworks, mainly of Ohio ; and beside giving many
plans,12 he enters into the question of their origin, and expresses a belief in the Asiatic origin of their builders,
and in their subsequent migration south to lay, as he thinks, the foundations of the Mexican and Peruvian
civilizations.

1 Beschreihmg der Reise{&o\\vt\<gtx\, 1764 ; Eng. transl., cism on Heckewelder is in No. Am. Rev. Jan., 1826. Cf.
Lond., 1772). Haven, Archceol. U. S., 43.

2 Journal of two visits, etc., Burlington, 1774 (Thorn- u Description of the Antiquities discovered in the State
son's Bibl. of Ohio, no. 657). of Ohio and other Western States, with engravings from

3 His account is copied in the Mass. Mag., Oct., 1791. actual surveys (Worcester, Mass., 1820). This was re-

4 Cf. Amer. Mag., Dec, 1787; Jan., Feb , 1788. printed in the Writings of Caleb Atwater (Columbus,

5 Repeated in Gilbert Imlay's Topog. Descrip. West. 1833). This volume also included his Observations made on
Territory. a tour to Prairie du Chien in 182Q (Columbus, 1831 ), where

c Journal of a Tour. Atwater was sent by the Federal government to purchase

7 Voyage dans Louisiane (Paris, 1807). mineral lands of the Indians (P. G. Thomson's Bibl. of

8 Sketches of Louisiana (181 2). Ohio, no. 52 ; Pilling, Bibl. of Siouan Lang., p. 2). The

9 Views of Louisiana (Pittsburg, 1814). part originally published in the Archceol. Amer. was trans-

10 A ccount of the History, Manners and Customs of the lated by Malte Brun in Nouv. A nnales de Vt>yages, xxviii.,
Indian Nations -who once inhabited Pennsylvania and who added a paper on " L'origine et 1'epoque des monu-
thc neighboring States, in the Transactions A mer. Philos. mens de l'Ohio." Cf. Haven's Archceol. U. «S\, 33, and the
Soc. (1819), and later repeated in other editions and ver- memoir of Atwater in Am. A ntiq. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1867.

ions (P. G. Thomson's Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 533, etc., 12 Including those of Newark, Perry County, Marietta,

and Pilling's Eskimo Bibliog., 43). Louis Cass's criti- Circleville, Paint Creek, Little Miami, Piketon, etc.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

399

During the next twenty-five years there cannot be said to have been much added to a real knowledge of the
subject. Yates and Moulton in their Hist. New York (1824) borrowed mainly from Kirkland (1788) the mis-
sionary. Humboldt had no personal contact with the remains to give his views any value (1825). Warden
in his Recherches (1827) gave some new plans and rearranged the old descriptions. There was some sober
observation in M'Culloh's Researches (3d ed., 1829) ; some far from sober in Rafinesque (1838) ; some com-
piled descriptions with worthless comment in Josiah Priest's American Antiquities (Albany, 1838) ; some-
thing like scientific deductions in S. G. Morton's study of the few moundbuilders' skulls then known, in his
Cranea Americana (1839) ; with an attempt at summing up in Delafield (1839) and Bradford (1841). This
is about all that had been added to what Atwater did, when E. G. Squier and E. H. Davis eclipsed all labors
preceding theirs, and began the series of the Smithsonian Contributions with their Ancient Monuments of
the Mississippi Valley (Washington, 1847 and 1848).! During the preceding two years they had opened over
two hundred mounds, and explored about a hundred earthwork enclosures, and had gathered a considerable

1 Ji;i

Pl&S

COL. CHARLES WHITTLESEY*

collection of specimens of moundbuilders' relics.2 They had begun their work under the auspices of the
American Ethnological Society, but the cost of the production of the volume exceeded the society's gJsources,
and the transfer was made to the Smithsonian Institution. The work took a commanding position at once,
and still remains of essential value, though some of the grounds of its authors are not acceptable to present
observers ; and indeed in his work on the mounds of New York, which the Smithsonian Institution included
in the second volume of their Contributions, Squier found occasion to alter some of his opinions in his
earlier work, or at least to ascribe the mounds of that State to the Iroquois. The third volume of the same
Contributions (1852) introduces to us one of the ablest of the local investigators in a paper by Charles Whit-
tlesey, of " Descriptions of Ancient Works in Ohio," — the forerunner of numerous papers which he has given

1 Haven, 117. This publication was anticipated by a
condensed statement in Squiers Observation on the Abo-
riginal Monuments 0/ the Mississippi Valley, in the
second volume of the Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc. (N. Y.,
1847), and in his Observations on the Uses 0/ the Mounds

of the West, with an attempt at their Classification (New
Haven, 1847). Cf. also Harpers Mag., xx. 737 ; xxi. 20,
165; Amer. Jour. Science t Ixi. 305.

2 These went in 1863 to the Blackmore collection in Salis-
bury, Eng., and are described in Stevens' Flint Chips.

* After a photograph kindly furnished by the Hon. C. C Baldwin, of Cleveland, Ohio, who has printed a memorial o\
his friend with a list of his writings in Tract 65 of the Western Reserve Hist. Soc.

.400

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

to the public in elucidation of the mounds.i Three years later (1855), in the seventh volume of the Smith-
sonian Contributions, a new field in the emblematic and animal mounds of the northwest was for the first

time brought to any considerable extent to public
attention in the paper by Increase A. Lapham,
on the " Antiquities of Wisconsin." Lapham had
made his explorations under the auspices of the
American Antiquarian Society,2 and his manuscript
had been revised by Haven, when it was decided to
consign it for publication to the Smithsonian Insti-
tution.

The animal mounds had been indeed earlier men-
tioned, and the great serpent mound of Ohio had
long attracted attention ; but it was in the territory
now known as Wisconsin that these mounds were
found chiefly to abound. Long, in 1823, speaks of
mounds in this region ; but the forest coverings seem
to have prevented any observer detecting their
shapes till Lapham first noted this peculiarity in
1S36. In April, 1838, R. C. Taylor was the earliest
to figure them in the Amcr. Journal of Science
(Silliman's), and again they were described by S.
Taylor in Ibid., 1842. Prof. John Locke referred
to them in a Report on the mineral lands of the
United States, made to Congress in 1844. William
Pidgeon, who had been a trader among the Indians,
published in his Traditions of De-coo-dah, and
Antiquarian researches : comprising extensive ex-
ploration, surveys and excavations of the Mound
Builders in America ; the traditions of the last
Prophet of the Elk Nation, relative to their origin
and use, and the evidences of an ancient population more numerous than the present Aborigines (N. Y.,
1853 ; again 1858) what he pretended was in large part the results of his intercourse with an Indian chief, in
volving some theories as to the symbolism of the mounds. The book contained so many palpable perver-
sions, not to say undisguised fictions, that the Smithsonian Institution refused to publish it ; 3 and the book
has never gained any credit, though some unguarded writers have unwittingly borrowed from it.4

In the eighth volume of the Smithsonian Contributions,5 Haven, the librarian of the Amer. Antiq. Soc,
summed up the results of mound exploration as they then stood. The steady and circumspect habit of
Haven's mind was conspicuous in his treatment of the mounds. It is to him that the later advocates of the
identity of their builders with the race of the red Indians look as the first sensibly to affect public opinion in
the matter.6 He argued against their being a more advanced race (p. 154), and in his Report of the Am.
Antiq. Soc, in 1877 (p. y]), he held that it might yet be proved that the moundbuilders and red Indians
were one in race, as M'Culloh had already suggested.

At the time when Haven was first intimating (1856) that this view might yet become accepted, it was
doubtless held to be best established that those who built the mounds were quite another race from those
who lived among them when Europeans first knew the country. The fact that the Indians had no tradition of
their origin was held to be almost conclusive, though it is alleged that the southern Indians in later times
retained no recollections of the expedition of De Soto, and Dr. Brinton thinks that it is common for Indian
traditions to die out.7 It is not till recent years that any considerable number of moundbuilder skulls have
been known, and from the scant data which the early craniologists had, their opinion seems to have coincided
with those in favor of a vanished race. 8 It was a favorite theory, not yet wholly departed, that they were in
some way connected with the more southern peoples, the Pueblo Indians, the Aztecs, or the Peruvians ; either

INCREASE A. LAPHAM.*

1 Cf. Trans. Amer. Asso. Adv. Set., 1873, and a paper
" On the weapons and military character of the race of the
mounds" in the Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Mem., i. 473
(1869).

2 Proceedings, Oct. 23, 1852, where are plans of those
at Crawfordsville, and of others in the dividing ridge be-
tween the Mississippi and the Kickapoo rivers. Cf. Ibid.
Oct., 1876.

8 P. G. Thomson's Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 925.

* As, for instance, Conant's Footprints of Vanished

Races (1879). Cf. T. H. Lewis in the Amer. Journal of
Archaeology, Jan., 1886 (ii. 65).
6 Archeology of the U. S. (1856).

6 M'Culloh in 1829 had come to a similar conclusion, and
Gallatin and Schoolcraft have somewhat followed him.

7 Hist. Mag., Feb., 1866. Cf. Charlevoix.

8 This was Dr. J. C. Warren's view in 1837, in a paper
before the Brit. Asso. Adv. Science. Cf. also Blumen-
bach, Morton, Nott, and Gliddon.

[raved from a photograph dated 1863, kindly furnished by his friend, Prof. J. D. Whitney. Lapham died in 1875.
Cf. Amer. Journal of Science, x. 320; xi. 326, 333; Trans. Wise. Acad. Science, iii. 264.

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

401

that they came from them, or migrated south and became one with them.i The bolder theory, that we see
their descendants in the red Indians, is perhaps gaining ground, and it has had the support of the Bureau of
Ethnology and some able expounders.2

THE GREAT SERPENT MOUND*

1 Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 539) thinks they were con-
nected in some obscure way whh these southern nations,
and in 1875 could write (p. 787) that " most and the best
authorities deem it impossible that the moundbuilders were
ever the remote ancestors of the Indian tribes." Daw-on
(Fossil Men, 55) deems the modern Pueblo Indians to be
their representatives. Brasseur supposes the Toltecs came
from them. (Cf. also Short, 492 ; and S. B. Evans, in
Kansas City Rev., March, 1882.) John Wells Foster,
who had for some years written on the subject, ; ithercd his
results in a composite volume, Prehistoric Races of f:s
United States (Chicago, 1873, 1878, 1881, etc.), in which
he held to the theory of their mi rating south and develop-
ing into the civilization of Central America. Cf. 1 's
paper in the Trans. Chicago Acad. Nat. Set., vol. i., and
his abstract of it in his Mississippi Valley (1869, p. 415).
J. P. MacLean's Moundbuilders (Cincinnati, 187^ takes
similar ground. Morgan (Peab. Mus. Rept.,? \. 552) holds
that they cannot be classed with any known Indir 1 "stock,"
and that the "nearest region from which th-y could have
been derived is New Mexico." Wills de Haas tak^s ex-
ception to this view in the Trans. A nthropological Soc.
0/ Washington (1881). Cf. R. S. Robertson in Compte
Rendu, Congres des A mericanistes (1877), xi- 39-

2 Major Powell says, that years ?.; n he reached the con-
clusion that the modern Indians must have raised at least
some of the mounds in the Mississippi Valley (Btir. of
Ethnol. Rept., iv. p. xxx). Cf. also Powell's paper in

Science, x. 267. In the second of these reports (p. 117)
Henry W. Henshaw sets forth the views, which the Bureau
maintained; and he defended these views in the Amer.
Antiquarian, viii. 102. The leading member, however, of
the Bureau staff, who is working in this field, is Cyrus
Thomas. In the Nat. Mus. Report ( 1887) he defined the aim
and character of the Work i?i Moiaid Exploration of the
Bureau of Ethnology, also issued separately. In this it
was stated that over 2,000 mounds had been opened, and
38,000 relics gathered from them ; but nothing to afford any
clue to the language which the moundbuilders spoke. The
conclusions reached were : —

First, the mounds are as diversified as the Indian tribes
are.

Second, they yield no signs of a superior race.

Third, their builders and the Indians are the same.

Fourth, the accounts of the early European visitors of
the Indians found here correspond to the disclosures of
the mounds.

Fifth, certain kinds of mounds in certain localities are
the work of tribes now known ; and there are no signs about
the mounds to connect them with the Pueblo Indians or
those farther south.

Thoma:., in the Fifth Report (1888) described the " Burial
Mounds of the northern sections of the U. S." He says
that the character of the mounds and their contents in-
dicate the possibility of dividing the territory they oc-
cupy roughly into eight districts, each with some promi-

* This follows a survev given in Squier's Serpe7it Symbol (N. Y., 1851), p. 137. It is criticised by Putnam in
Peabody Museum Reports, xviii. 348, and Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1883. Putnam has recently purchased over
sixty acres about the effigy, which is to be held by the trustees of the Peabody Museum as a park (Repts., xxi. 14);
and his recent explorations show that the projections in the side of the head (shaded dark in the cut) are not a part of
the construction. He also finds two distinct periods of occupation in this region, to the oldest of which he attributes
this work (Peab. Mus. Rept. 1888). W. H. Holmes made a survey in iWU(Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1887, ix. 141;
Science, viii. 624, Dec. 31, 1886). Cf. J. P. MacLean, in Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 44, and his Moundbuilders, p. 56;
Baldwin's Anc. America, 29. T. H. Lewis describes a snake mound in Minnesota (Science, ix. 393). On the serpent
symbol see S. D. Peet, in Amer. Antiquarian, viii. 197; ix. 13, where he manifests a somewhat omnivorous appetite.
VOL. I. — 26

402

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Of the opposing theory of a disappeared race, Capt. Heart in reply to Barton {Amer. Philolog. Asso. Proc.
iii.) gave, as Thomas thinks, "the earliest clear and distinct expression," but Squier and Davis may be consid-
ered as Bret giving it definite meaning; and though Squier does not seem to have actually revoked this judg-
ment as respects the mounds in the Mississippi valley, he finally reached the conclusion that those in New
York were really the work of the Iroquois.1 This ancient-race theory, sometimes amounting to a belief in
their autochthonous origin, has impressed the public through some of the best known summaries of Ameri-
can antiquities, like those of Baldwin, Wilson, and Short,2 and has been adopted by men of such reputation
as Lyell.8 The position taken by Professor F. W. Putnam, the curator of the Peabody Museum of Archaeol-
ogy at Cambridge, is much like that taken earlier by Warden in his Recherches, that both views are, within
their own limitations, correct, and, as Putnam expresses it, " that many Indian tribes built mounds and earth-
works is beyond doubt ; but that all the mounds and earthworks of North America are by these same tribes,
or their immediate ancestors, is not thereby proved." 4 Thomas {Fifth Report, Bureau Ethnol.) holds this
statement to be too vague. It is certainly shown in the whole history of archaeological study that uncompro-
mising demarcations have sooner or later to be abandoned.

Morgan finds it difficult to dissociate the mounds with his favorite theory of communal life.5 There is no
readier way of marking the development of opinion on this question than to follow the series of the Annual
Reports of the Smithsonian Institution, as hardly a year has passed since 1861 but these Reports have had in
them contributions on the subject.0 Among periodicals, the more constant attention to the mounds is
conspicuous in the American Antiquarian?

nent characteristic, and he roughly distinguishes these
sections as of Wisconsin ; the Upper Mississippi ; Ohio ;
New York; Appalachian; the Middle ?"ssissippi ; the
Lower Mississippi and the Gulf. He holds that the
] 1 undbuilding people existed from about the fifth or
sixth century down to historic times.

Taking for his texts the mounds of the Appalachian dis-
tricts, he has presented anew his grounds for believing
this region at least to have had the red Indian race for
the constructors of its mounds, and that the Cherokees
were that race. Carr had already (1876), from investigat-
ing a truncated oval mound in Virginia, and comparing it
with Bartram's {Travels, 3C5) description of a Cherokee
council-house {Peabody Mus. Kept., x. 75), reached the
conclusion that that particular mound was built by the
Cherokees. Thomas further undertakes to prove that the
Cherokees once occupied the Appalachian region, and
that implements of the white men are found in some of
the mounds, bringing them down to a period since the
contact with Europeans. The habits of the builders of
these mounds are, as he affirms, known to correspond to
what we know from historic evidence were the habits of
the Cherokees.

Thomas has also communicated the views of the Bureau
in other ways, as in the Amer. Antiquarian, vi. 90; vii.
65; Mag. Amer. Hist., May, 18S4, p. 396; 1S87, p. 193;
July and Sept., iQ.SS. In these papers, among other points,
he maintains that the defensive enclosures of northern
Ohio are due to the Iroquois- Huron tribes, and he ac-
cepts the view of Peot and Latham, that the animal mounds
are more ancient than the simpler forms. Other investi-
gators have adopted, in some degree, this view. Horatio
Hale thinks the Cherokees of Iroquois origin, and that they
may have mingled with the moundbuilders. C C. Baldwin
holds the Allegheni, Cherokees, and the moundbuilders to
be the same.

Prominent among those who have adopted this red-
Indian theory are Judge M F. Force and Lucien Carr.
In 1874 Force published at Cincinnati a paper, which he
rend before the literary club of that city: and in 1877 he
pr pared a paper on the race of the mound-builders, which
appears in French in the Comfite Rendu, Cjngres des
Amtricanisies (1^77,1. p. 121), and in English, To ivhat
Rare did the Moundbuilders belong (Cincinnati, 1875).
J I ■ m lintains that the r:>ce, which shows no di.Terences from
the modern Indians, flourished till about 1,000 years ago,
and that some of them still survived in the Gulf States in
the sixteenth century, and that their development was about
on the plane 'f the Pueblos, higher than the Algonquins
and lfiwnr than the Aztecs.

'■ Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically

considered makes part of the second volume of Shaler's
Ke?ttitcky Survey, and was also issued separately (1883).
It is the most elaborate collation of the accounts of the
early travellers, and of others coming in contact with the
Indians at an early day, which has yet been made, and his
foot-notes are an ample bibliography of this aspect of the
subject. He holds that these early records prove that
nothing has been found in the mounds which was not
described in the early narratives as pertaining to the In-
dians of the early contact. He aims also particularly to
show that these early Indians were agriculturists and sun-
worshippers. Brinton, reviewing the paper in the A 7neri-
cau Antiquarian (1883, p. 68). holds that Carr goes too far,
and practises the arts of a special pleader. Brinton's own
opinions seem somewhat to have changed. In the Hist.
Mag., Feb., 1866, p. 35, he considers the moundbuilders as
not advanced beyond the red Indians ; and in the A merican
Antiquarian (1881), iv. 9, in inquiring into their probable
nationality, he thinks they were an ancient people who
were driven south and became the moundbuilding Chahta.
Other supporters of the red Indian view are Edmund
Andrews, in the Wisconsin Acad, of Science, iv. 126 ; P.
R. Hoy, in Ibid.v'i.; O. T. Mason, in Science, iii. 658;
Nadaihac, in L' 'Amerique prehistorique ; E. Schmidt, hi
/Cosmos (Leipzig), viii. 81, 163; C P. Thurston, in Mag.
Amer. Hist., 188S, xix. 374.

1 This is djLiied in Fred. Larkin's Anc. Man in A mer-
ica{K.Y.\

2 J. D. Baldwin's Anc. America(N. Y., 1871). D.
Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. :h. 10, etc., who holds that
" the moundbuilders were greatly more in advance of the
Indian hunter than behind the civilized Mexican; " and he
claims that the proof deduced from the Indian type of a
head discovered in a moi.-dbuilder's pipe (i. 366) is due
to a perverted drawing in Squier and Davis. Short, No.
Amer. of Antiq., believed they were of the race later in
Anahuac. Gay, Pof>. Hist. U. S., i. ch. 2, believes in the
theory of a vanished race. In 1775 Adair thought the
works indicated a higher military energy than the modern
Indian showed.

3 Antiq. of Man, 4th ed. 42.

4 Putnam's papers and the records of his investigations
can be found in his Peabody Mus. Reports, xvii., xviii.,
xix., xx., etc. Proc. Boston Soc. ATat. Hist., xv. ; Amer.
Naturalist, June, 1875; Kansas City Rev., 1879, etc

5 No. Am. Rev., exxiii., for "houses of the mound-
builders," and also in his Houses and House Life, ch. 9.
Cf. on the other hand C. Thomas in Mag. A mer. Hist.,
Feb., 1884, p. 110.

c Rhee's Catalogiie, p. 252-3.

7 S. D. Peet, who edits this journal, has advanced in

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

403

The basis for estimating the age of the mounds is threefold. In the first place, there are very few found on
the last of the river terraces to be reclaimed from the stream. In the second place, the decay of the skeletons
found in them can be taken as of some indication, if due regard be had to the kind of earth in which they
are buried. Third, the age of trees upon them has been accepted as carrying them back a certain periou, at
least, though this may widely vary, if you assume their growth to be subsequent to the abandonment of the
mounds, or if, as Brinton holds,1 the trees were planted immediately upon the building. The dependence
upon counting the rings is by no means a settled opinion as to all climes ; but in the temperate zone the best
authorities place dependence upon it. Unfortunately it cannot carry us back much over 600 years.2

The early attempts to disclose the ethnological relations of the moundbuilders on cranial evidence were
embarrassed by the fewness of the skulls then known. Morton {Crania Americana) called the four exam-
ined by him identical with those of the red Indian.3 At present, considerable numbers are available; but still
Wilson {Prehistoric Man, ii. 128) holds that "we lack sufficient data," and in the consideration of them
sufficient care has not always been taken to distinguish intrusive burials of a later date.4

J. W. Foster {Prehist. Races, ch. 8 ; Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Tra?is., 1872 ; and Amer. Naturalist, vi. 738)
held to a lower type of skull, on this evidence, than Wilson {Prehist. Man, ii. ch. 20) contended for. There
are examples of the wide difference of views (MacLean, 142), when some, like Morgan, connect them with
the Pueblo skulls {No. Amer. Rev., cix., Oct., 1869), and others, like Morton, Winchell, Wilson, Brasseur,
and Foster, find their correspondences in those of Mexico and Peru.5 Putnam, whose experience with mound
skulls is greatest of all, holds to the southern short head and the northern long head {Rept. 1888). Probably
we have no better enumeration of the variety of objects and relics found in the mounds, though much has
since been added to the collection, than in Rail's Catalogue of the Archceological Collection of the National
Museum (Washington, 1876).6 Unfortunately he shows little or no discrimination between discoveries in
the mounds and those of the surface. The interest in such collections has naturally brought prominently to
the attention of every student of such collections the tricks of fraudulent imitators, and there are several well-
known instances of protracted controversies on the genuineness of certain relics.7

one of his papers (vii. 82) that some of these earthworks
are Indian game drives and screens. (He also contributed
a classification of them to the Congres des A mericauistes,
1877, i. 103) The paper by J. E. Stevenson (ii. 89), and
that by Horatio Hale on " Indian Migrations" (Jan. -April,
1883), are worth noting. The Cotnpte Rendu, Congres
des Americanistes, 1S75 (i. 387), has Joly's " Les Mound-
"builders, leurs CEuvres et leurs Caracteres Ethniques," and
that for 1877 nas a paper by John H. Becker and Stronck.
That by R. S. Robertson in Ibid. (i. p. 39) is also re-
printed in the Mag. Amer. Hist. (iv. 174), March, 1880;
while in March, 1883, will be found some of T. H. Lewis's
personal experiences in exploring mounds. Some other
periodical papers are: W. de Haas, in Trans. Am.Asso.
Adv. Science, 1868; D. A. Robertson, in Journal Amer.
Geog. Soc. , v. 256 ; A. W. Vogeles and S. L. Fay, in A mer.
Naturalist, xiii. 9, 637 ; E. B. Finley in Mag. Western
Hist., Feb., 1887, p. 439; Science, Sept. 14, 1883; Squier,
in American Journal Science, liii. 237, and in Harper's
Monthly, xx. 737, xxi. 20, 165; C. Morris, in Nat. Quart.
Rev., Dec. 1871, 1872, April, 1873 ; Ad. F. Fontpertius on
11 Le peuple des mounds et ses monuments " in the Rev. de
Geog. (April and August, 188 1); E. Price, in the Annals
of Iowa, vi. 121 ; Isaac Smucker, in Scientific Monthly
(Toledo, Ohio), i. 100.

Some other references, hardly of essential character, are :
H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. ch. 13; v. 538; Gales's
Upper Mississippi, or Historical Sketches of the Mound-
builders (Chicago, 1867); Southall's Recent Origin of
Man, ch. 36; Wm. McAdams's Records of ancient races
in the Mississippi valley ; being an account of some of the
pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphs, symbolic devices,
emblems and traditions of the prehistoric races of A mer-
tea, with some suggestions as to their origin (St. Louis,
1887); Briihl's Cidturvdlker des alten Amerika; J. D.
Sherwood, in Stevens's Flint Chips, 341 ; E. Pickett's
Testimony of the Rocks (N. Y.).

1 Hist. Mag., Feb., 1866.

2 Cf. Congres des Amer., 1877, i. 316; C. Thomas in
Amer. Antiq., vii. 66; Warden's Recherches, ch. 4- Bald-
win's Anc. America, ch. 2.

3 Cf. Short, p. 158.

4 Force, To what Race, etc., p. 63.

5 Cf. Henry Gillman's " Ancient Men of the Great
Lakes1' in Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. (Detroit, 1S75), pp.
297> 3*7 i Boston Nat. Hist. Soc. Proc, iv. 331 ; Smithso-
nian Rept., 1867, p. 412 ; C. C. Jones's Antiq. Southern
Indians ; Peabody Mus. Repts., iv. , vi., xi. ; Jos. Jones's
Aborig. Remains of Tennessee ; Jeffries Wyman in Am.
Journal of Arts, etc, cvii. p. i. ; \V. J. McGee in Ibid.
cxvi. 458 ; and Dr. S. F. Landrey on " A moundbuilder's
brain ■' in Pop. Science News (Boston, Oct., 1886, p. 138).

G Cf. Holmes's " Objects from the Mounds " in Powell's
Bur. of Ethnol. Repts., iii. ; C. C. Baldwin's " Relics of
the Moundbuilders ': in West. Reserve Hist. Soc. Tract,
no. 23 (1874); Foster on their stone and copper implements
in Chicago Acad. Science, i. (1869) ; objects from the Ohio
mounds in Stevens's Flint Chips, 418; images from them
in Science, April n, 1884, p. 437. In the mounds of the
Little Miami Valley, native gold and meteoric iron have
been found for the first time {Peab. Mus. Rept., xvi. 170).

7 See, on such impositions in general, M ac Lean's Mound-
builders, ch. 9 ; C. C. Abbott in Pop. S i. Monthly, July,
1885, p. 30S ; Wilson's Prehist. Man, ii. ch. 19; Putnam in
Peab. Mus. Repts., xvi. 184; Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol.
247.

The best known of the disputed relics are the following:
The largest mound in the Ohio Valley is that of the Grave
Creek, twelve miles below Wheeling, which was earliest de-
scribed by its owner, A. B. Tomlinson, in 1838. It is sev-
enty feet high and one thousand feet in circumference. (Cf.
Squier and Davis, Foster, MacLean, Olden 'Time, i. 23->;
and account by P. P. Cherry — Wadsworth, 1.S77.) About
1838 a shaft was sunk by Tomlinson into it, and a rotunda
constructed in it-^ centre out of an original cavity, as a show-
room for relics; and here, as taken from the mound, ap-
peared two years later what is known as the Grave Creek
stone, bearing an inscription of inscrutable characters.
The supposed relic soon attracted attention. \\. R. School-
craft pronounced its twenty-two characters such "as were
used by the Pelasgi," in his Observations respecting- the
Grave creek mound, in Western I 'irginia : the ant que
inscription disco7>errd in its excavation : and the connected
evidence of the occupancy of the Mississippi valley during
the mound period, and prior to the discovery of A mrrica
by Columbus, which appeared in the /imrr. Ethnological

404

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

There remains in this survey of the literature of the mounds in all their varieties, to go over it, finally, in
relation to their geographical distribution i1 —

New England is almost destitute of these antiquities. The one that has attracted some attention is what
is described as "a fortification in Sanbornton, in New Hampshire, which when found was faced with stone
externally, and the walls were six feet thick and breast-high, when described about one hundred and fifteen
years ago. There is a plan of it, with a descriptive account, preserved in the library of the American Antiq.
Society.- and another plan and description in M. T. Runnels's Hist, of Sanbomton (Boston, 1882), i. ch. 4.
Squier also figured it.

As we move westward, the mounds begin to be numerous in the State of New York, and particularly in the
western part of it. One of the earliest descriptions of them, after that of the missionary Kirkland (about
1788), is in the " Journal of the Rev. John Taylor while on a mission through the Mohawk and Black River
Country in 1802," which was first printed, with plans of the works examined, in the Documentary Hist. New
York (vol. iii. quarto ed.). In 1S1S DeWitt Clinton published at Albany his Memoir on the Antiquities of

CINCINNATI TABLET.*

Soc. Trans., i. 367 (N. Y., 1845). Cf. his Indian Tribes,
iv. 118, where he thinks it maybe an "intrusive antiquity."
The French savant Jomard published a Note sur itne
pierre gravee (Paris, 1845, 1859), in which he thought it
Libyan. Levy-Bing calls it Hebrew in Congres des Amir.
(Nancy, i. 215). Other notices are by Moi'se Schwab in
Revue A rcheologique, Feb. , 1857; Jose Perez in A rch. de la
Soc. A mer. de France (1865), ii. 173 ; and in America in the
Amer. Pioneer, ii. 197 ; Haven's Archeeol. U. S., 133, and
A mer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April 29, 1863, pp. 13, 32; Amer.
Antiquarian, i. 139; Bancroft's Nat. Races, v. 75.

Squier promptly questioned its authenticity {Amer. Eth-
nol. Soc. Trans., ii. ; Aborig. Mts., 168). Wilson laughed
at it {Prehistoric Man, ii. 100). Col. Whittlesey has done
more than any one to show its fraudulent character, and to
show how the cuts of it which have been made vary ( West-
em Reserve, Hist. Soc. Tracts, nos. 9 (1872), 33 (1876),
42(1878), and 44 (1879).) Cf. on this side Short, p. 419;
and Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol., 2^0. Its authenticity is,
however, maintained by MncLean {Moundbuilders, Cinn.,
1879), who summarizes the arguments pro and con.

What is known as the Cincinnati tablet was found on
the site of that city in 1841 (A mer. Pioneer, ii. 195). Squier
accepted it as genuine, and thought it might be a printing-
Btone for decorating hides [Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., ii. ;
Aborig. Mts. C1847), p. 70). Whittlesey at first doubted it
[West. Ret. Hist. Tracts, no. 9), but was later convinced of
genuineness by Robert Clarke's Prehistoric Remains
found on the site of Cincinnati (privately printed, Cinn.,

BO-called Berlin tablet was found in Ohio in 1876.
S. D. Peet believes it genuine [Amer. Antiq., i. 73; vii.

222).

On the Rockford tablet, see Short, 44.

The Davenport tablets, found by the Rev. J. Gass in a
mound near Davenport, in Jan., 1877, are described in the
Davenport Acad. Proc, ii. 96, 132, 221, 349; iii. 15;. Cf.
further in A mer. Asso. Adv. Science Proc. (April, 1877), by
R. J. Farquharson ; Congres des Amer. (1877, ii. 158, with
cut). The American Antiquarian records the contro-
versy over its genuineness. In vol. iv. 145, John Campbell
proposed a reading of the inscription. The suspicions are
set forth in vii. 373. Peet, in viii. 46, inclines to consider
it a fraud ; and, p. 92, there is a defence. Short (pp. 38-39).
doubts. In the Second A mer. Rept. Bur. of Ethnol. , H.
W. Henshaw, on " Animal Carvings," attacked its char-
acter. (Cf. Fourth Rept., p. 251.) A reply by C. E. Put-
nam in vol. iv. of the Dave?iport Acad. Proc, and issued
separately, is called Vindication of the Authenticity of the
Elephant pipes and inscribed tablets in the Mus. of the
Davenport Acad. (Davenport, Iowa, 1885). Cf. Cyrus
Thomas in Science, vi. 564 ; also Feb. 5, 1886, p. 119. The
question of the elephant pipes is included in the discussion,
some denying their genuineness. Cf. also Amer. Antiq.,
ii. 67 : Short, 531 ; Dr. Max Uhle in Zeitschriftfiir Eth-
nol ogie, 1887.

1 It has been found convenient to follow an advancing
line of geographical succession, but the affiliations of the
peoples of the mounds seem to indicate that those dwelling
on both slopes and in the valleys of the Appalachian ranges
should be grouped together, as Thomas combines them in
his section on the mounds of the Appalachian District.
{Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol.)

2 Proc, Oct. 23, 1849, p. 13; Belknap's New Hamp-
shire, iii. 89; Haven's Archeeol. U. S., 42.

r a cut in Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. 274, engraved from a rubbing taken from the original. Wilson adds:
" Mr. Whittlesey has included this tablet among his Archaeological Frauds; but the result of inquiries made by me has
'1 from my mind any doubt of its genuineness." Cf. other cuts in M. C. Read, Archeeol. of Ohio (18S8) ; Squier
■Uid ' ' '95 i Short, p. 45 ; MacLean, 107 ; and Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., pp. i33"34-

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

405

the western part of New York, in which he attributes their origin to the Scandinavians.! They were again
described in David Thomas's Travels through the western country in 181b (Auburn, 1819). There is not
much else to note for twenty-five years. In 1845, Schoolcraft made to the N. Y. Senate his Report on the
Census of the Iroquois Indians (Albany and N. Y., 1846, 1847, 1848), which is better known, perhaps, in the
trade edition, Notes on the Iroquois ; or Contributions to the Statistics, Aboriginal History, Antiqtcities and
General Ethnology of Western New York (N. Y. 1846). In 1850, the Third Report of the Regents of the
University of the State of N. Y. contains F. B. Hough's paper on the earthwork enclosures in the State, with
cuts. The same year (1850) came the essential authority on the New York mounds, E. G. Squier's Aborig-
inal Monuments of the State of N. Y., coinprisiiig the results of original surveys and explorations, with an
illustrative appendix (Washington, 1850), which the next year made part of the second volume of the Smith-
sonian Contributions.2 He enumerates in New York about 250 defensive structures, beside burial mounds
and in his appendix describes those in New Hampshire and some in Pennsylvania.3 Some new explora-
tions of the New York mounds were made in 1859 by T. Apoleon Cheney, who describes them, giving plans
and cuts, in the Thirteenth Report of the Regents of the University.4

It was, however, in Ohio that the interest in these mounds was first incited, and that the more thorough

ANCIENT WORKS ON THE MUSKINGUM*

1 D. A. Robertson, Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, vol. v.,
contends that the North American mounds were built by a
colony of Finns long before the Christian era.

2 It was also issued, with some additional matter, at
Buffalo (185 1 ) as Antiquities of New York State, with
supplement on Antiquities of the IVest (1851). Squier
has also at this time a paper on these mounds in N. Y.
Hist. Soc. Proc, Jan., 1849, p. 41. Cf. Am Journal of
Science, lxi. 305, and Harper's Monthly, xx. and xxi. His
conclusions, distinct from those pertaining to the Ohio
mounds, were that the N. Y. earthworks were raised by
the red Indians.

3 Cf. W. M. Taylor on a Pennsylvania mound in Smith-
sonian Rept-, 1877.

* A few minor references may be given. The Smith-
sonian Reports have papers by D. Trowbridge (1863); and
by F. H. Cushing on those of Orleans County ( 1874). W.

L. Stone held them to have been built by Egyptians, who
afterward went south (Mag. Amer. Hist., Sept., 1878, ii.
533). Cf. Ibid. v. 35, and S. L. Frey in the Amer. Nat-
uralist, Oct., 1879. A small book, Ancient Man hi Amer-
ica (N. V., i8°o), by Frederic Larkin, takes issue with
Squier, and believes the builders were not the modern In-
dians. He says he found in one of the N. Y. mounds, in
1854, a copper relic, with a mastodon, evidently in harness,
scratched upon it ! H. G. Mercer's Lenape Stone de-
scribes a "gorget stone " dug up in Buck's County, Penn.,
in 1872, which shows a carving representing a fight be-
tween Indians and the hairy mammoth, which we are also
asked to accept as genuine. What is recognized as an
ancient burial mound of the Senecas is described at some
length in G. S. Conover's Reasons why the State should
acquire the famous burial mound of the Seneca Indians
(1888).

* Reduced from an early engraving in T. M. Harris's Journal of a Tour into the territory northwest of the AUrghany,
1803 (Boston, 1805) Harris's plan in relation to the new town of Marietta is given in Vol. VII. p. 540. To follow
down the plans chronologically, we find that of Winthrop Sargent, communicated to the Amer. Academy in 1787, repro-
duced in their Memoirs, new ser. v. part i. The Columbian Mag., May, 1787, vol. i. 425, and the N. Y. Mag. (1791)
had plans. One was in Schultz's Travels (1807), 146. Atwater, of course, gave one in 1820. A survey by S. Dewitt,
1822, is in Josiah Priest's Amer. Antiquities, 3d ed., Albany, 1833. Others are in the Amer. Pioneer, Oct., 1842, June
1843, and in S. P. Hildreth's Pioneer History, 212 (Jan., 1843). Whittlesey made the survey in Squier and Davis (who
also give a colored view), and it is reduced in Foster. Cf. also Amer. Antiquarian, Jan., 1880; Mag. Amer. Hist.,
1885, p. 547; Henry A. Shepard's Antiquities of Ohio (Cinn., 1887); Nadaillac's H A meriquc prchistoriqtie, 105, and
Les prem. Homines, ii. 33.

406

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

exploration lias been made.1 The earliest pioneers reported upon them. Cutler described them in 17S9 in a

OfflAtP*

JVaA

L~-~
g

OF A SECTION OP TWE2.VE MILES

or the

SCIOTO VALLEX

WW //■.»

ANCIENT MONUMENTS.

•'■HUh-

-.-v

1 , ,-..- :i*~~^1im^.l i

■■.• '••-'■ >_,.-) .'7/ ■>;,■ *§

■as apgg>H

1 Contributions to a bibliographv and lists of the Ohio
mounds are found as follows: Mrs. Cyrus Thomas's
" I'.il I irthworks in Ohio" in the Ohio Archceol.

and I i"ter?y, June, 1^7, et seq. : a lesser list is ». -,

in Thorn on'a Biblio£. of Ohio, p. 385. Lists of the works county histories, in the Western Reserve Hist. Soc. pub

* From E. G. Senior's Aboriginal Monuments of the Mississippi Valley (N. Y., 1847), taken from Amer. Ethnol.
Soc. Trans., ii. The letters A, B, C, etc. mark the ancient works. Enclosures are shown by broken lines. The
rnated by small dots. Some of the best maps which we have showing the geographical positions of
mounds accompany Thomas's paper in the Fifth Kept., Bur. Ethnol.

arc given in the Ohio Centennial Kept, and in MacLean S
Moundlndlders, pp. 230-233. J. Smucker, in the Amer.
A ntiqicarian, vi. 43, describes the interest in archaeology
in the State, and instances the results in the numerous

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

407

letter to Jeremy Belknap.1 Benj. S. Barton described a mound at Cincinnati in 1799.2 Dr. Harris in 1805
was seemingly the earliest traveller to note them in fottmal of a Tour, where he gives one of the earliest
engravings. A plan of those at Circleville, with description by J. Kilbourne, is given in the Ohio Gazetteer
(Columbus, 1817). Caleb Atwater, in 1820, was more familiar with them than with others of his broader field.
Warden m his Recherches noted the early describers. Gen. Harrison discussed the mounds in his Discourse
on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio (Cincinnati, 1838). Squier and Davis, of course, brought them
within their range,3 and Col. Whittlesey supplemented their work in the third volume of the Smithsonian
Contributions. Whittlesey and Matthew C. Read contributed the Report on the Archaeology of Ohio, which
forms the second portion of the Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers (Columbus,
1877), and in it is a list of the ancient enclosures, which is not, as Short says (p. 82), as complete as it should
be. A survey of the mounds was made by E. B. Andrews, and published in the Peabody Mus. Repts. (no.
x.), 1877. The Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society started in June, 1887, the Ohio archceologi-
cal and historical Quarterly, which has vigorously entered the field, and in it (March, I088) G. F. Wright
has reported on the present condition of the mounds. M. C. Read's Archeology of Ohio (Cleveland, 1888)
was published by the Western Reserve Historical Society, whose series of Tracts is of importance for the
study of the mounds.4 Henry A. Shepard's Antiquities of the State of Ohio (Cincinnati, 1087; summarizes-
the discoveries to date.5 Thomas {Fifth Reft. Bur. Ethnol.) claims that the Ohio mounds were built by
Indians, but not by the Indians, nor by the ancestors of them, who inhabited this region at the coming of the
whites ; but by an Indian race driven south, of whom he finds the modern representatives in the Cherokees.

The works at Marietta, on the Muskingum River, were the earliest observed. Taking the southern and
southeastern counties, there are no very conspicuous examples elsewhere, though the region is well dotted

THE WORKS AT NEWARK, OHIO*

lications, in those of the Nat. Hist. Soc. of Cincinnati, of
the Archaeological Soc. at Madisonville, of the Central
Ohio Scientific Association (begun 1S78), and of the Dis-
trict Hist. Society (beginning its reports in 1877. Cf. P.
G. Thomson, Bibl. of Ohio, no. 328). The course of the
West. Reserve Hist. Soc. is sketched in the Mag. West.
Hist., Feb., 1888 (vol. vii.).

1 Life of Cutler, ii. 14, 252.

2 Trans. A mer. Philos. Soc. , iv.

3 Their survey is used in Stevens's Flint Chips by Sher-
wood.

4 ( f. no. 11, 23, 41.

"' Some minor references : Whittlesey in FirelancVs
Pioneer (June, 1865), and in his Fugitive Essays {Hudsotlf
O., 1S52). C. H. Mitchener's Ohio Annals (Dayton, 1S76).
Hist. Mag., xii. 240. C. W. Butterfield in Mag. West.

Hist., Oct., 1886 (iv. 777). I Dill< ill Smithsonian Ript.,

1866, p. 350; and Hill and others in Ibid. 1877. C. Thomas
in Science, xi. 314. Thomas J. Brown on artificial terraces
in Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1888. Howe's Hist Collec-
tions of Ohio, as well as the numerous county histories,
afford some material.

* After a cut in Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. 269, made from surveys " executed while the chief earthworks could still
be traced in all their integrity ; " and they " illustrate rites and customs of an ancient American people, without a parallel
among the monumental memorials of the old world." Cf. Atwater, Warden, Squier and Davis, and MacLcan.

408

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

with earthworks.1 Those at Cincinnati were, after those at Marietta, the earliest to be noticed.- The adja-
cent Little Miami Valley is the region which Professor Putnam and Dr. Metz have been of late so success-
fully work:

; the works in the central portions of Ohio, and indeed of all in any region, those at Newark, in Licking
County, are the most extensive, and have been often described.4 In the east 5 and westG there are other of
ie earthworks ; but those in the north have been particularly examined by Col. Whittlesey and others."
enclosure called Fort Azatlan, at Merom on the Wabash River, is the most noticeable in Indiana.8 In
Illinois, the great Cahokia truncated pyramid, 700 feet long by 500 wide and 90 high, is the most important.9
Henry Gillman, of Detroit, has been the leading writer on the mounds of Michigan.10 The supposed con-
nection of their builders with the ancient copper mines of Lake Superior is considered in another place.
mas [Fifth Rept.. Bur. Etknol.) contends that much of the copper found in the mounds was of European
make, and had no relation to any aboriginal mining.

Wisconsin is the central region of what are known as the animal, effigy, symbolic, or emblematic mounds.
Mention has been made elsewhere of the earliest notices of this kind of earthwork. The most extensive
examination of them is the Antiquities of Wisconsin as surveyed and described by I. A. Lapham (Wash-
ington, 1S55), with a map showing the sites.11 The consideration of these effigy mounds has given rise to
various theories regarding their significance, whether as symbols or to totems.12 It is Thomas's conclusion that

1 The annexed map of the vicinity of Chillicothe will
show their abundance in a confined area. E. B. Andrews
on those in the S. E. in Peabody Mus. Kept., x. MacLean's
Moundbuilders (Cincinnati, 1879) is of no original value
except for Butler County. Squier and Davis give a plan of
the fortified hill in this county. Walker's A thefts County*
Isaac J. Finley and Rufus Putnam's Pioneer Record of
Ross County (Cincinnati, 1871). A plan of the High Bank
works in this county is given in the A mer. A 7itiquarian,
v. 56. The Highland County works, called Fort Hill, are
described in the Ohio Arch. 6f Hist. Q., 1887, p. 260. G.
S. B. Hampstead's Antiq. of Portsmouth (1875) embodies
results of a long series of surveys. Cf. Journal Anthro-
pological Institute, vii. 132.

2 D- Drake's Picture of Cincinnati (18 15); Harrison in
Ohio Hist. &" Philos. Soc.,\.\ Squier and Davis; Ford's
Cincinnati, i. ch. 2.

3 The best known of the ancient fortifications of this
region is that called Fort Ancient, about 42 miles from Cin-
cinnati. It was surveyed by Prof. Locke in 1843. Cf. L.
M. Hosea in Quart. Journal of Science (Cinn., Oct., 1874);
Putnam in the A mer. Architect, xiii. 19; Amer. Anti-
quarian, April, 1878; Force's Moundbuilders; Warden's
Recherches ; Squier and Davis, with plan reduced in Mac-
Lean, p. 21 ; Short, 51 ; and on its present condition, Peab.
Mus. Rept., xvi. 168. There is an excellent map of the
mounds in the Little Miami Valley, in Dr. C. L. Metz's
Prehistoric Monuments of the Little Miami Valley, in the
Journal of the Cincinnati Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. i., Oct.,

1878. The explorations of Putnam and Metz are recorded
in the Peab. Mus. Repls., xvii., xviii. (Marriott mound),
and xx. Cf. Putnam's lecture in Mag. JVest. History,
Jan., 1888. There are explorations at Madisonville noticed
in the Journal of the Chin. Soc. Nat. Hist., Apr., 1880.
Others in this region are recorded in L. B. Welch and J.
M. Richardson's Prehistoric relics found near Wilming-
ton (Sparks mound), and by F. W. Langdon in the appen-
dix of Short.

4 M. C. Read's Archa>ol. of Ohio (Cleveland, 1888), with
cut. Col. Whittlesey made the survey in Squier and Davis,
and it is copied by Foster. O. C. Marsh in Hist. Mag. xii.
240; and in Amer. Journal of Science, xcii. (July, 1866).

IC Smucker, a local antiquary, in Newark American,

Dec. 19, iv-2: in Amer. Hist. Record, ii. 4S1 ; and in

Amer. Antiq. , six. 261 (July, 1881). Cf. Nadaillac, 99, and

rig's War of /S/2, p. 565.

Other antiquities of the central region are described in

W ■ rn Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts (Hardin Co.) ; in

Ohio Arch. Hist. Quart., March, iSSg (Franklin Co.);

Amr-r. Antiq. Soc. /'roc, April, 1863 (Fairfield Co., etc.).

W. McFarland in Ohio Arch. Hist. Quart., i. 265

6 Cox in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1874 (fort in Clarke Co.).

7 West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts, no. 41 (1S77) ; and for the
Cuyahoga Valley in no. 5 (1871), both by Whittlesey. The
works on the Huron River, east of Sandusky, were de-
scribed, with a plan, by Abraham G. Steiner in Columbian
Mag., Sept., 1789, reprinted in Firelancfs Pioneer.y\. 71.
G. W. Hill va. Smithsonian Rept., 1874; E. O. Dunning
on the Lick Creek mound in Peab. Mus. Rept., v. p. n ;
S. D. Peet on a double-walled enclosure in Ashtabula Co.
in Smithsonian Rept., 1876. Cf. Cornelius Baldwin on
ancient burial cists in northeastern Ohio in West. Res.
Hist. Tracts, no. 56, and Yarrow on mound-burials in Fir si
Rept. Bur. Ethnol

8 Cf. Putnam in Bull. Essex Inst., hi. (Nov., 1871), and
Bostoji Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc. (Feb., 1872); Foster, p. 134,
with plan. The Smithsonian Repts. cover notices by W.
Pidgeon (1867), by A. Patton in Knox and Lawrence coun-
ties (1S73), and by R. S. Robertson (1*74).

9 Peabody Mus. Reports, xii. 473 (1879). For Illinois
mounds see Thomas in Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol. ; David-
son and Struve's Illinois ; E. Baldwin's La Salle Co. (Chi-
cago, 1877); W. Mc Adams's Antiq. of Cahokia (Edwards-
ville, 1883) ; H. R. Howland in the Buffalo Soc. Nat. Hist.
Bull., iii. ; and in Smithso7iian Repts., by Chas. Rau (1868) ;
largely on agricultural traces : by Dr. A. Patton (1S73) ; by
T. M. Perrine on Union Co. (1873) ; by T. McWhorter and
others (1874); by W. H. Pratt on Whiteside Co. (1874); by
J. Shaw on Rock River (1877); and by J. Cochrane on
Mason Co. (1877).

10 His papers are in the S7nithsonia7i Repts., 1873. 1875;
Peabody Mies. Reports, vi. (1873), on the St. Clair River
mounds; A771. Jourtial of Arts, etc., Jan., 1S74 ; A 771.
Assoc. Adv. Sci Proc, 1875; on bone relics in Co7igres
des Amer., 1877, i. 65 ; and on the Lake Huron mounds, in
A7nerican Naturalist, Jan., 1883. Cf. other accounts in
Michigan Pio7ieer Collect io7is, ii. 40; iii. 41, 202; S. D.
Peet in A77ter. A7itiq., Jan., 1888; and on the old fort near
Detroit, Ibid. p. 37 ; and Bela Hubbard's Me~77iorials of a
half cc7itury.

11 The copy in Harvard College library has some annota-
tions by George Gale. Lapham's survey of Aztlan is re-
produced in Foster, p. 102. Lapham's book is summarized
by Wm. Barry in the Wisco7isi7i Hist. Soc. Coll.,\\i. 187.
These Collectioits contain other papers on mounds in Craw-
ford Co. by Alfred Brunson (iii. 178) ; on man-shape mounds
(iv. 36:) ; J. D. Butler on Prehistoric Wisconsin " (vii.);
on Aztalan (ix. io-;).

The Transactions of the Wisconsin Acad, of Science
are also of assistance: vol. iii., a report of a committee on
the mounds near Madison, with cuts; vol. iv., a paper by
J. M. DeHart on the "Antiquities and platycnemism [flat
tibia bones] of the Moundbuilders."

12 S. D. Peet has discussed this aspect in the A7/ter.
Antiquarian (1S80), iii. p. 1; vi. 176; vii. 164, 215, 321;

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

409

the effigy mounds and the burial mounds of Wisconsin were the work of the same people (Fifth Refit., Bur.
Ethnol.).

The existence of what is called an elephant or mastodon mound in Grant County has been sometimes
taken to point to the age of those extinct animals as that of the erection of the mounds.1 Putnam, referring
to the confined area in which these effigy mounds are found, says that the serpent mound, the alligator
mound,2 and Whittlesey's effigy mound in Ohio, and two bird mounds in Georgia,3 are the only other works
in North America to which they are at all comparable.4

When Lewis and Clark explored the Missouri River in 1804-6, they discovered mounds in different parts of
its valley ; but their statements were not altogether confirmed till the parties of the United States surveyors
traversed the region after the civil war, as is particularly shown in Hayden*s Geological Survey, bth Rept.,
in 1872. Within the present State of Missouri the mounds which have attracted most notice are those near
the modern St. Louis.5 In Iowa (Clayton County) there is said to be the largest group of effigy mounds west
of the Mississippi.6 The mounds of Iowa and the neighboring region are also discussed by Thomas in the
Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol. O. H. Kelley has reported on the remains of an ancient town in Minnesota." In
Kansas there is little noticeable,8 and there is not much to record in Dacotah,,J Utah,10 California,11 and
Montana.1'2 We find scant accounts of the mounds in Oregon and Washington in the narrative of the Wilkes
Exploring Expedition and in the earlier story of Lewis and Clark. Some of the mounds are of doubtful
artificiality.13

Along the lower portion of the Mississippi, but not within three hundred miles of its mouth, we find in
Louisiana other mound constructions, but not of unusual significance.14

The first effigy mound, a bear, which was observed south of the Ohio, is near an old earthwork in Greenup
County, Kentucky.15 The mounds of this State early attracted notice.16 Bishop Madison 17 thought them
sepulchral rather than military. In the Western Review (Dec, 1819) one was described near Lexington.
Rafinesque added a not very sane account of them to Marshall's History of Kentucky, in 1824, which was
•also published separately, and since then all the general histories of Kentucky have given some attention to
these antiquities.18

viii. 1 ; ix. 67. He also examines the evidence of the vil-
lage life of their builders (ix. 10). Cf. his Emblematic
Mounds ; and his paper in the Wisconsin Hist. Coll., ix. 40.

1 None of the bones of extinct animals have been found
in the mounds ; nor has the buffalo, long a ranger of the
Mississippi Valley, been identified in the shapes of the
mounds. (Cf. Peet on the identification of animal mounds
in Amer. Antiq., vi. 176.) Peet holds they followed the
mastodon period {Ibid. ix. 67). The elephant mound, so
called, has been often shown in cuts. (Cf. Smithsonian
Rept., 1877, accompanying a paper by J. Warner, and Pow-
ell's Second Rept. Bur. of Eth., 153.) Henshaw here dis-
credits the idea of its being intended for an elephant. The
evidence of elephant pipes is thought uncertain. Cf. article
on mound pipes by Barber va. Amer. Naturalist, April,
1882.

2 Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., p. 159, where Henshaw
thinks it may just as well be anything else. Cf. Isaac
Smucker in Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 350.

3 Cf. Amer. Antiq., vi. 254.

4 Peab. Mus. Rept., xvii., and Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc,
Oct., 1883. He points out that the Ohio effigy mounds
have a foundation of stones with clay superposed ; the
Georgia mounds are mainly of stone ; while the Wiscon-
sin mounds seem to be constructed only of earth.

Further references on the Wisconsin mounds : Smithso-
nian Repts., by E. E. Breed (1872); byC. K. Dean (1872);
by Moses Strong (1876, 1877); by J. M. DeHart (1877);
and again (1879).

Also : Haven's Archceol. U. S., p. 106 ; W. H. Canfield's
Sauk County ; DeHart in A 7ner. A ntiquarian, April, 1879 ;
their military character in Ibid., Jan., 1881 ; also as em-
blems in Ibid. 1883 (vi. 7) ; Nadaillac and other general
works. There is a map of those near Beloit — some are in
the college campus — in the American Antiquarian, iii. 95.

5 They have been described in the Smithsonian Reports
by T. R. Peale (1861) ; and in Amer. Antiquarian, July,
1888, by S. D. Peet. Other mounds and relics are de-
scribed in the Smithsonian Repts. (1863) by J. W. Foster;
(1870) by A. Barrandt; (1877) by W. H. R. Lykins ; and
(1879) by G. C. Broadhead; in Peab. Mus. Repts., viii., by
Professor Swallow; in Missouri Hist. Soc. Publ., no. 6,

by F. F. Hilder; in Cinn. Quart. Jour, of Sci., Jan., 1875,
by Dr. S. H. Headlee; in the Kansas City Rev.,\. 25,
531 ; in the St. Louis Acad, of Science (1880) by W. P.
Potter; Mr. A. J. Conant has been the most prolific writer
in Ibid., April 5, 1876; in W. F. Switzler's History of
Missouri (St. Louis, 1879), and in C. R. Burns's Com-
monwealth of Missouri (1877). Cf. also Poole's Index,
p. 858.

0 T. H. Lewis in Science, v. 131; vi. 453. On other
Iowa mounds, see Smithsonian Rept., by J. B. Cutts
(1872); by M. W. Moulton (1877), and again (1879);
Annals of Iowa, vi. 121 ; and W. J. McGee in Amer.
you mal Science, cxvi. 272.

7 Smithsonian Rept., 1863; and for mounds, 1879.
Cf. L. C. Estes on the antiquities on the banks of
Missouri and Lake Pepin in Ibid. 1866.

8 Kansas Rev., ii. 617; Joseph Savage and B. F.
Mudge in Kansas Acad. Science, vii.

9 Smithsonian Rept., by A. J. Comfort (1871) and by A.
Barrandt (1872); W. McAdams in Amer. Antiquarian,
viii. 153.

10 Amer. Naturalist, x. 410, by E. Palmer; Bancroft,
Nat. Races,\v. 715.

11 App. to Gleeson's Hist, of the Catholic Church in
California (1872), ii., and Bancroft's Nat. Races, iv. 695.

12 P. W. Norris in Smithsonian Report, 1879.

13 Cf. George Gibbs in Journal Amer. Geogr. Soc, iv. ;
A. W. Chase in Amer. Jour. Sci., cvi. 26 ; Amer. Archi-
tect, xxi. 295 ; and Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 735.

14 Cf. S. H. Locket in Smithsonian Refit. (1&72), and T.
P. Hotchkiss in the same, and a paper in 1876; Amer.
Journal Science, xlix. 38, by C. (J. Forshey, and l.w

by A. Bigelow.

18 T. H. Lewis, with plan, in Amer. Journal A rclnrol.,
i'i- 375 5 previously noted by Atwater and by Squier and
Davis.

16 Cf. Filson's Kentucke.

17 Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans., iv. , no. 20.

u Thomai E. I'i< Lett contributed this part (1871) to Col-
lins's Hist. Kentucky (1878), i. 3^0; ii. 68, 69, 227, 302,
303, 457, 633, 765. Pickett's contribution was published
separately as The testimony 0/ the Mounds (Marysville,

410

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

In Tennessee we find in connection with the earthworks the stone graves, which the explorations of Put-
nam, about ten years ago, brought into prominence.1 The chief student of the aboriginal mounds in Georgia
has been CoL C. C. Jones, Jr., who has been writing on the subject for nearly forty years.2 The mounds in the
State of Mississippi, as including the region of the Natchez Indians, derive some added interest because of
the connection sometimes supposed to exist between them and the race of the mounds.3 The same character-
istics of the mounds extend into Alabama.4 The mounds in Florida attracted the early notice of John and
William Bartram, and are described by them in their Travels, and have been dwelt upon by later writers.5
The seaboard above Georgia has not much of interest.6 Concerning the mounds along the Canadian belt
there is hardly more to be said."

Lubbock classes the signs of successive periods in North America thus : original barbarism, mounds,
garden beds, and then the relapse into barbarism of the red Indian. The agricultural age thus follows that
of the mound erection, in his view, though, as Putnam says, there seems enough evidence that the constructors
of the old earthworks were an agricultural race.8

There is another class of relics which, outside the hieroglyphics of Central America, has as yet had little
comprehensive study, though the general books on American archaeology enumerate some of the inscrip-
tions on rocks, which are so widely scattered throughout the continent.9

Ky., 1875). Prof. Shaler, as head of the Geological Sur-
vey of Kentucky, included in its Reports Lucien Carr's
treatise on the mounds, already mentioned; and touches
the subject briefly in his Kentucky, p. 45. Cf. also Maj.
Jona. Heart in Imlay's Western Territory ; S. S. Lyon
in Smithsonian Refits., 1858, 1870, and R. Peter, in 1871,
1872; F. W. Putnam in Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc,
xvii. 313 (1875); and Nature, xiii. 109.

1 The aboriginal remains of Tennessee have successively
been treated in John Haywood's History of Tennessee
(Nashville, 1823); by Gerard Troost in Amer. Ethnol.
Soc. Trans. (1845), i. 335 ; by Joseph Jones in Smithsonian
Contributions, xx. (1876), who connected those who erected
the works, through the Natchez Indians, with the Nahuas.
Edward O. Dunning had described some of the Tennessee
relics in the Peabody Mns. Repts., iii., iv., and v.; but
Putnam in no. xi. (1878) gave the results of his opening of
the stone graves, with his explorations of the sites of the
villages of the people, and described their implements, noth-
ing of which, as he said, showed contact with Europeans.
Cyrus Thomas deems these remains the works of the Indian
race {Amer. Antig., vii. 129; viii. T62) The Smithsonian
Ref>ts. have had various papers on the Tennessee antiquities:
I. Dille(i862); A. F. Danilsen (1863); M. C. Read (1867);
E. A. Dayton, E. O. Dunning, E. M. Grant, and J. P.
Stelle (1870); Rev. Joshua Hall, A. E. Law, and D. F.
Wright (1874) ; and others (in 1877).

L. J. Du Pre, in Harper's Monthly (Feb., 1871;), p. 347,
reports upon a ten-acre adobe threshing-floor, preserved
two feet and a half beneath black loam, near Memphis.

2 Col. Jones's papers are : Indian Remains in South
Georgia, an address (Savannah, 1850) ; Ancient tumid i on
the Savannah River ; Monumental Remains of Georgia,
part i. (Savannah, 1861); Amer. Antig. Soc. Proc, April,
1869 ; A ntiguities of Southern Indians (1873); on effigy
mounds in Smithsonian Rept. (1877); and on bird-shaped
mounds in Journal Anthropological Soc, viii. 92. Cf. also
the early chapters of his Hist, of Georgia.

Other writers : H. C. Williams and Geo Stephenson in

Smithson. Rept. (1870); and Wm. McKinley and M. F.

Stephenson (1872). Cf. Amer. Ethnol. So-. Trans., iii.,

on Creeks ;ind Cherokces ; and on the great mound in

the Etowah Valley, A mer. Asso. Adv. Sci. (1871). Thomas

{Fifth Rept. Ih<r. Ethnol.) supposes the Etowah mound to

b'- the one with a roadway described by Garcilasso de la

ng on De Soto's route. Thomas describes other

mounds of this group, giving cuts of the incised copper

found in them, which he holds to be of European

make. This forces him to the conclusion that the larger

mound was built before De Soto's incursion and the others

as they differ from those in Carolina, he deter-

re not built by the Cherokees.

ew in Smithsonian Reports (1867), and

J. W. C. Smith (1S74, cf. 1879); Jas. R. Page in St. Louis
Acad. Science Trans., iii., and Cinn. Q. Journal of Sci.,
Oct., 1875 ; Haven, p. 51 ; and Edw. Fontaine's How the
World was peopled, 153.

4 E. Cornelius in Amer. Journ. Sci., i. 223; Pickett's
Alabama, ch. 3.

5 Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, iii., and in N. Y. Hist.
Soc. Proc, 1846, p. 124. Brinton's Floridian Peninsula,
ch. 6. Amer. A ntiguarian,W. 100 ; ix. 219. Smithsonian
Reports (1874), by A. Mitchell, and 1879.

6 J. M. Spainhour on antiquities in North Carolina, in
Smithson. Rept., 1871 ; T. R. Peale on some near Wash-
ington, D. C. {Ibid., 1S72); Schoolcraft, on some in Va.,in
Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i. ; with Squier and Davis, and!
Peabody Mns. Rept., x., by Lucien Carr. There is a plan
of a fort in Virginia in the Amer. Pioneer, Sept., 1842, and
a paper on the graves in S. W. Virginia in Mag. A mer.
Hist., Feb., 1885, p. 184.

7 W. E. Guest on those near Prescott, in Smithsonian
Rept., 1856. T. C. Wallbridge describes some at the bay
of Quinte in Canadian Journal (i860), v. 409, and Daniel
Wilson for Canada West in Ibid., Nov., 1856. T. H.
Lewis on the remains in the valley of the Red River of the
North, in Amer. Antiguarian, viii. 369; and for those in
Manitoba papers by A, McCharles in the Amer. Journal
of Archeology, iii. 72 (June, 1887), and by George Bryce
in Manitoba Hist, and Sci. Soc. Trans., No. 18 (1884-85).
Bancroft's Nat. Races, iv. 738, etc., for British Columbia.

8 Cf. for garden beds Amer. Antiguarian, i. and vii. ;
Foster, 155 ; Bela Hubbard's Memorials of a half century
(Detroit). Shaler {Kentucky, 46) surmises that it was the
buffalo coming into the Ohio Valley, and affording food
without labor, that debased the moundbuilders to hunters.

9 Cf. Col. Whittlesey on rock inscriptions in the United
States in West. Res. Hist. Soc Tract No. 42. Col. Gar-
rick Mallory's special studies of pictographs are contained
in the Bull. U. S. Geological Survey of the territories
(1877), and in the Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol. Wm. Mc-
Adams includes those of the Mississippi Valley in his.
Records of ancient races in the Mississippi Valley (St.
Louis, 1887). Cf. Hist. Mag., x. 307. Those in Ohio are
enumerated in the Final Rept. of the State Board of Cen-
tennial Managers (1877). by M. C. Read and Col. Whittle-
sey. Cf. also the West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts Nos. I2r
42, S3 ; the Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc. (1875) : and The
Antiguary,\\. 15. Those in the Upper Minnesota Valley
are reported on by T. H. Lewis in the Amer. Naturalist,
May, 18S6, and July, 18S7. J. R. Bartlett in his Personal
Narrative noted some of those along the Mexican boun-
dary, and Froebel {Seven Years'1 'Travel, Lond., 1859, p.
519) controverts some of Bartlett's views. Cf. Nadaillac,
Les premiers hommes, ii. ; J. G. Bruff on those in the
Sierra Nevada in Smithson. Rept., 1872. A. H. Keane

ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN AMERICA.

411

Out of all this discussion has risen the new science of Anthropology, broad enough in its scope to include
not only archaeology in its general acceptation, but to sweep into its range of observation various aspects of
ethnology and of geology. It is a new science as at present formulated ; but under other conditions it is
traced from its origin with the ancients in a paper by T. Bendyshe in the Memoirs of the Anthropological
Society of London (vol. i. 335). Its progress in America is treated by O. T. Mason in the American Natu-
ralist (xiv. 348 ; xv. 616). The most approved methods of modern research are explained in Emil
Schmidt's Anthropologische Methoden ; Anleitung zum beobacliten tend sammeln fiir Labor at or ium und
Reise (Leipzig, 1888). " The methods of archaeological investigation are as trustworthy as those of any
natural science,1' says Lubbock {Scientific Lectures, 139). Beside the publications of the various Archaeo-
logical, Anthropological, and Ethnological Societies and Congresses l of both hemispheres, we find for Europe
a considerable centre of information in the Materiaux pour Phistoire primitive et naturelle (philosophique)
de Vhomme~ and for America in the publications of the Smithsonian Institution,3 in the Comptes rendiis of the
successive Congresses of Americanistes. and in such periodicals as the American Antiquarian, the American
Anthropologist, and the Folk Lore Journal.

■

t^$W

. .

. »

MAJOR POWELL.

reports upon some in North Carolina in the Journal An-
thropological Inst. (London), xii. 281. C. C. Jones in his
Sottthem Indians (1S73) covers the subject. Some in Brazil
are noted in Ibid., Apr., 1873.

1 The first session of the International Congress of Pre-
historic [Anthropology and] Archaeology was held at Neu-
chatel, and its proceedings were printed in the Materiaux
Pour Vhistoire de Vhomme. The second session was at
Paris; the third at Norwich, England; the tonrth at
Copenhagen; and there have been others of later years.
Cf. A. de Quatrefages' Rafiport sur le progrh de Vanthro-
Pologie (Paris 1*68). Quatrefages himself is one of the
most distinguished of the French school, and deserves as
much as any to rank as the founder of the present French
school of anthropologists. Cf. his Homines fossiles et

hommes sauvages (1884). The English reader can most
easily get possessed of his view, conservative in some re-
spects, in Eliza A. You man's English version of his most
popular book, Nat. Hist, of Man (N. Y., 1875).

2 Founded in Paris in 1864 by Gabriel de Mortillet, and
edited after vol. v. by Engine Trutat and Emile ( art.iilhac.

s Cf. C. Rail's Articles on anthropol. subjects contrib-
uted to the Annual Kept!;, of the Sniithson. Ins!
(Smiths. Inst., no. 440; Washington, 1882). The Smith-
son. Refit., 1 880 (Washington, 1881), also contains a bib-
liography <f anthropology by 0 T. Mason. A consider-
able list of books is prefixed to Dr. GllStav Brtihl's Cultnr-
vWterdes alien Amerika, which is a collection of tracts
published at different times (1875-1887) at N. Y., Cincin-
nati, and St Louis.

4I2 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The broad subject of prehistoric archaeology is covered in a paper by Lubbock, which is included in his

tures (Lond., 1879) j1 in 11. M. Westropp's Prehistoric Phases, or Introductory Essays on Pre-

,v (Lond., 1872); in Stevens's Flint Chips (1870) ; by Dr. Brinton in the Iconographic

.:, vol. ii. ; and more popularly in Charles F. Keary's Dawn of History, an introd. to prehistoric

study (N. Y.. 1879), and in Davenport Adams's Beneath the Surface, or the Underground World.

The French have contributed a corresponding literature in Louis Figuier's L'Homme primitif (Paris,
! ; - in Zaborowski's L'hommc prehistorique (Paris, 1S78); and in the Marquis de Nadaillac's Les pre-
miers hommes et Us temps prehistoriques (Paris, 1881), and his Moeurs et monuments des peuples prehis-
Paris, (888), not to mention others.3
The principal comprehensive works covering the prehistoric period in North America, are J. T. Short's
■h Americans of Antiqtcity (N. Y., 1879, and later) ; the U Amerique prehistorique of Nadaillac (Paris,
1883) ;* Foster's Prehistoric Races of the United States (Chicago, 1873; 6th ed., 1887); and the compact
popular Ainicnt America (N. Y., 1871) of John D. Baldwin. Beside Bancroft's Native Races, there are vari-
ous treatises of confined nominal scope, but covering in some degree the whole North American field, which
are noted in other pages.5

The purely ethnological aspects of the American side of the subject are summarily surveyed in A. H. Keane's
" Ethnology of America," appended to Stanford's Compendium of Geography, Cent. America, etc. (London,
2ded., 1SS2), and there are papers on Ethnographical Collections in the Smithsonian Report (1862). 6 The
great repository of material, however, is in the Contributions to North American Ethnology, being a section
of Major Powell's Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, and in the Annual Reports of the Bureau of
Ethnology since 1879, rnade under Major Powell's directions, and in the Reports of the Peabody Museum."1

1 He had surveyed the condition of the science in 1867 Amer. Ass. Adv. Sci., xxxvi.) ; his Recent European Con-
in his introduction to Nilsson's Stone Age, — Primitive in- tributions to the study of Amer. Archeology (Philad.
iuibitants of Scandinavia. Cf. also Smithsonian Report, 1883); and his Prehistoric Archceology (Philad., 1886).
1862. Seth Sweetzer on prehistoric man in the Am. Antiq. Soc.

2 Figuier's books are nearly all accessible in English. Proc, Apr., 1869, and Haven's Prehistoric Amer. Civili-
His Huma7i Race and his World before the Deluge cover zation in Ibid., April, 1871. J. L. Onderdonck in Nat.
some parts of the subject. Quart. Rev. (April, 1878), xxxvi. 227. Ernest Marceau's

3 A few minor references: Dawson's Story of Earth " Les anciens peuples de l'Amerique " in the Revue Cana-
and Man, ch. 14, 15. Foster's Prehistoric Races of the dien7ie, n. s., iv. 709. E. S. Morse in No. Amer. Rev.,
U. S., ch. 1, 2. Clodd's Childhood of the World. Gay's exxxii. 602, or Kansas Rev., v. 90. H. Gillman's Ancient
Pop. Hist. U. S., ch. 1. Principal Forbes in the Edin- men of the Great Lakes (Detroit, 1877).

burgh Review, July, 1863; Oct., 1870. Lo?idon Quarterly The principal work on the South American man is Alcede

Rev-, Apr., 1870. Contejnp. Rev., xi. Bibliotheca Sacra, d'Orbigny's L' Homme A mericaine (Paris, 1837). There

Apr., 1873. Brit. Q. Rev., Ap., Oct., 1863. Lond. Rev., are some local treatises, like Lucien de Rosny's Les An-

Jan., i860. Lippincott's Mag., vol. i. Nat. Q. Rev., titles: Stude d'ethnographie et d'archeologie Americaines

Mar., 1876. Lakeside Monthly, vol. x., etc. (Paris, 1886, — Am. Soc. d"1 Ethnograpkie,n s., ii.), and

4 Translated by N. D'Anvers and edited by W. H. Dall, papers by Nadaillac and others in the Materiaux, etc.
with some radical changes of text (N. Y., 1884). Cf. 6 By Theo. Lyman and Hr. de Schlagintweit.

Lucien Carr in Science, 1885, Feb. 27, p. 176. Dall dis- 7 The long article on the Races of America in Cassino's

cusses the evidences of the remains of the later prehistoric Standard Nat. Hist. (Boston, 1885), vol. vi., is based on

man in the United States in the Smithsonian Co?itribu- Friedrich von Hellwald's Naturgeschichte des Menschen,

tions, vol. xxii. but it is widely varied in places under the supervision of

5 A few other references of lesser essays : D. G. Brin- Putnam and Carr. Cf. also J. C. Prichard's Researches
ton's Review of the data for the study of the prehistoric into the physical history of tnankind (Lond., 1841), 4th
chronology of America (Salem, 1887, — from the Proc. ed., vol. v., "Oceanic and American nations."

APPENDIX.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ABORIGINAL AMERICA.

By the Editor.

The student will find a general survey of " Les Sources de l'histoire ant6-Colombienne du nouveau monde,
par Leon de Rosny," in the Revue Orientale et Americaine {Mem. de la soc. d'ethnographie) session de
1877 (p. 139). Bancroft in his Native Races (v. 136) makes a similar grouping of the classes of sources
relating to the primitive Americans.1 These classes are defined in Daniel G. Brinton's Review of the data for
the study of the prehistoric chronology of America (Salem, 1887), from the Proceedings of the Amer. Asso.
for the Advancement of Science (vol. xxxvi.), as conveniently divided into groups pertaining to legendary,
monumental, industrial, linguistic, physical, and geological phenomena.

There have been given in the Introduction of the present volume the titles of general bibliographies of
American histories, most of which include more or less of the titles pertaining to aboriginal times. It is the
purpose of the present brief essay to enumerate, in an approximately chronological order, the titles of some
of those and of others which are useful to the archaeologist. So far as they are of service to the student of
the American languages, an extended list will be found prefixed to Pilling's Proof-Sheets (p. xi).

The earliest American bibliography was that of Antonio de Leon, usually called Pinelo, — Epitome de la
Biblioteca oriental y occidental ndutica y Geogrdfica (Madrid, 1629), — but which is usually found in the edi-
tion of Gonzales de Barcia, " Anadido y enmendado nuevamente " (Paris, 1737—1 738), in which the American
titles, including numerous manuscripts, are given in the second volume.2

The Bibliotheca Hispana Nova of Nicolds Antonio was first published at Rome in 1672, but in a second
edition at Madrid in 1 783-88.3

Passing by the BibliotJieca Mexicana of Eguiara y Eguren,4 and the early edition of Beristain, we note the
new edition of the latter, prepared not by Juan Evangelista Guadalajara, as Brasseur notes,5 but by another, as
the title shows, — Biblioteca Hispano- Americana Septentrional, 6 catalogo y noticia de los Literatos que 6
nacidos, 6 educados, 6 florecientes en la America Septentrional Espanola, han dado a luz algun escrito 6 h
han dexado preparado para la prensa for fose Mariano Beristain y Martin de Souza. Segunda cdi-
cion, por Fortino Hipdlito Vera (Amecameca, 1883).

Dr. Robertson intimates that the lists of books which writers of the seventeenth century had been in the
habit of prefixing to their books as evidence of their industry had come to be regarded as an ostentatious ex-
pression of their learning, and with some hesitancy he counted out to the reader his 717 titles ; but Clavigero,
as elsewhere pointed out,6 was richer in such resources. Humboldt, in his Vues,~ gives a list of the authors
which he cites.

The class of dealers' catalogues — we cite only such as have decided bibliographical value— begins to be
conspicuous in Paul Tromel's Bibliotheque Americaine (Leipzig, 1861), the best of the German ones, and in
Charles Leclerc's Bibliotheca Americana (Paris, 1867), much improved in his Bibliotheca Americana. His-
toire, geographie, voyages, archeologie et linguistique dcs deux Amcriques et dcs tics Philippines (Paris, 1878),
with later supplements, constituting the best of the French catalogues, provided with an excellent index and
a linguistic table, rendered necessary by the classified plan of the list.

1 Bandelier, in his several essays in the 2d volume of the 3 Pilling;, p. xii.
Peabody Museum Reports, speaks of his neglecting such 4 See Vol. II. p. 429.

compilations as Bancroft's in order to deal solely with the 5 Bib. Mex. Guat., p. 24; Pinart, no. if>r. CI. Icaz-

origjnal sources, and the student will find the references in balceta on " Las bibliotecas eta Eguiara y de Beristain " in

his foot-notes of those essays very full indications of what Manor ins de la Acad&mia Mrxicatia, i. 353.

he must follow in the study of such sources. " Vol. IT. p. 430.

2 Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet. ; Rich, Bibl. Nova ; Leclerc, 7 Also in Eng. transl., ii. 256.
nos. 350, 351 ; Pilling, p. xxviii.

414 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The list formed by students in this field begins with the Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima of Harrisse
. York. [866; additions, Paris, 1S72), and includes the Bibliothequc Mexico-Guatemalienne, precedee d'un
(Pceil sur les etudes americaines dans leurs rapports avec les etudes classigues, et suivie du tableau,
par ordre alpliabetiquc, des ouvrages dc linguistique Americaine contenus dans le me me volume (Paris,
1871) oi the Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, who at that time had been twenty-five years engaged in the studies
and travels which led to the gathering of his collection. The library, almost entire, was later joined to that of
Alphonse L. Pinart, and was included in the latter's Catalogue de livres rares et precicux, manuscrits et
imp rimes (Paris, 1SS3).

In 1 866, Icazbalceta published at Mexico his Apuntes para un Catdlogo de Escritores en lenguas indigenas
dc America?- but of his great bibliographical work only one volume has as yet appeared : Bibliografia Ame-
rica na del Siglo xvi. Primer a parte. Catdlogo razonado de libros imprcsos en Mexico de /jjg d /boo, con
biografias de autorcs y otras ilustraciones, precedido de una noticia acerca de la introduccion de la im-
prcnta en Mexico (Mexico, 1S86).

Bandelier has embodied some of the results of his study in his " Notes on the Bibliography of Yucatan and
Central America," in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. pp. 82-118.

The catalogues of collections having special reference to aboriginal America are the following : —
Catalogue de la Bibliothequc de Jose Maria Andrade, 7,000 pieces et volumes, ayant rapport au Mexique
ou imprimes dans ce pays (Leipzig, 1869).2

Bibliotheca Mejicana : Books and manuscripts almost -wholly relating to the history and literature of
North and South America, particularly Mexico (London, 1869). This collection was formed by Augustin
Fischer, chaplain to the Emperor Maximilian ; but there were added to the catalogue some titles from the col-
lection of Dr. C. H. Berendt.

Catalogue of the library of E. G. Squier, edited by Joseph Sabin (N. Y., 1876).

Bibliotheca Mexicana, or A Catalogue of the library of the rare books and important MSS. relating to
Mexico and other parts of Spanish America, formed by the late Senor Don Jose Fernando Ramirez (Lon-
don, 1880). This catalogue was edited by the Abbe Fischer.3

The most useful guides to the literature of aboriginal America, however, are some compiled in this country.
First, the comprehensive though not yet complete bibliography, Joseph Sabin's Dictionary of books relating
to America, now being continued since Sabin's death, and with much skill, by Wilberforce Eames. Second,
the voluminous Proof sheets of a Bibliography of the langziagcs of the North American Indians (Washington,
1885), prepared by James Constantine Pilling, tentatively, in a large quarto volume, distributed only to collab-
orators ; and out of which, with emendations and additions, he is now publishing special sections of it, of
which have already appeared those relating to the Eskimo and Siouan tongues. His enumeration so much
exceeds the range of purely linguistic monographs that the treatises become in effect general bibliographies of
aboriginal America.

Third, An Essay towards aii Indian bibliography, being a Catalogue of books relating to the history, an-
tiquities, languages, customs, religion, wars, literature and origin of the American Ijtdians, in the library
of Thos. W. Field, with bibliographical and historical notes and synopses of the contents of some of the
works least known (N. Y., 1873). The sale of Mr. Field's library took place in New York, May, 1875, from a
Catalogue not so elaborate, but still of use. These books are not so accurately compiled as to be wholly trust-
worthy as final resorts.

Finally, the list prefixed to Bancroft's Native Races, vol. i., and the references of his foot-notes, throughout
his five volumes (condensed often in Short's North Americans of Antiquity), are on the whole the most ser-
viceable aids to the general student, but unfortunately the index of the set is of no use in searching for biblio-
graphical detail.

The reader will remember that the bibliographies of sectional or partial import in the field of American
archaeology are referred to elsewhere in the present volume.

1 Cf. Brinton's Aborig. Amer. Authors, Philad., 1883. 2 See Vol. II. p. 430. 3 Pilling, p. xxxi.

II.

THE COMPREHENSIVE TREATISES ON AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES.

By the Editor.

At the time when Bancroft published his Native Races (1875), ne referred to John D. Baldwin's Ancient
America (N. Y., 1871) as the only preceding, comprehensive book on America before the Spaniards.1 It still
remains a convenient book of small compass ; but its absence of references to sources precludes its usefulness
for purposes of study, and it is not altogether abreast of the latest views. To the popular element a moderate
share of the indexical character, rendering the book passably serviceable to the average reader, has been
added in the somewhat larger North Americans of Antiquity, their origin, migrations, and type of civiliza-
tion considered, by John T. Short (N. Y., 1880, — somewhat improved in later editions), though it will be
observed that the Peruvian and other South American antiquities have not come within his plan. The
latest of these comprehensive books is the Marquis de Nadaillac's (Jean F. A. du Pouget's) L Amerique
frehistorique (Paris, 1883), which in an English version by N. D'Anvers was published with the author's
sanction in London in 1882. With revision and some modifications by W. H. Dall, which have not met the
author's sanction, it was republished as Prehistoric America (N. Y., 1884). It is a work of more theoretical
tendency than the student wishes to find at the opening stage of his inquiry.

But as a compend of every department of archaeological knowledge up to about fifteen years ago no advance
has yet been made upon Bancroft's Native Races as indicative of every channel of investigation which the stu-
dent can pursue. Upon the monuments of the moundbuilders (iv. ch. 13) and the antiquities of Peru (iv. ch.
14) the treatment is condensed and without references, as occupying a field beyond his primary purpose of
covering the Pacific slope of North America and the immediately adjacent regions. Mention is made else-
where of Bancroft's methods of compilation, and it may suffice to say that in the five volumes of his Native
Races he has drawn and condensed his matter from the writings of about 1200 writers, whose titles he gives
in a preliminary list.'2 The method of arranging the departments of the work is perhaps too far geographi-
cal to be always satisfactory to the special student,3 and he seems to be aware of it (for instance, i. ch. 2) ;
but it may be questioned if, while writing with, or engrafting upon, an encyclopaedic system, what might pass
for a continuous narrative, any more scientific plan would have been more successful. Bancroft's opinions
are not always as satisfactory as his material. The student who uses the Native Races for its groups and
references will accordingly find a complemental service in Sir Daniel Wilson's Prehistoric Man (London,
1876), in which the Toronto professor conducts his " researches into the origin of civilization in the old and
the new world," by primarily treating of the early American man, as the readiest way of understanding early
man in Europe. His system is to connect man's development topically in the directions induced by his
habits, industries, dwellings, art, records, migrations, and physical characterizations.

Another and older book, in some respects embodying like purposes, and though produced at a time when
archaeological studies were much less advanced than at present, is Alexander W. Bradford's American Anti-
quities and researches into the origin and history of the red race (N. Y ., 1S41).4 The first section of the
book is strictly a record of results ; but in the final portion the author indulges more in speculative inquiry.
Even in this he has not transcended the bounds of legitimate hypothesis, though some of his postulates will
hardly be accepted nowadays, as when he contends that the red Indians are the degraded descendants of the
people who were connected with the so-called civilization of Central America.5

1 A school book, Marcius Willson's Amer. History (N. tions europeenne, romainc, grecque, des pr bulations primi-
Y., 1847), went much farther than any book of its class, or tivesde PAmeriqtte septentrionale, les Chiapas, Palenqui
even of the usual popular histories, in the matter of Ameri- des NuJncas ancetres des Tolteques, civilisation J 'ucateque,
can antiquities, giving a good many plans and cuts of ruins. Zapoteques, Mixteques, royaume du Michoacan, popula-

2 For bibliog. detail regarding the Nat. Races, see Pill- tions du Nord-Ouest, du Nord et de I' Est, bassin du
ing's Proof Sheets, p. 9. Reviews of the work are noted Mississipi, civilisation Tolteque, Azti-que, Ameriaue du
in Poolers Index, p. 956. centre, Pe>-uvieune, domination des Incas, royaume de

3 Cf., for instance, Dall's strictures on the tribes of the Quito, Oceanie (Paris, 1873-74} i Frederick Larkin's . / n-
N. \V. in Contrib. to Atner. Ethnol., i. p. 8. cieni man in America. Including work* inwestem

4 Sabin, ii. 7233 ; Field, no. 169. York, and portions of other states, together with ttruc-

5 Bare mention maybe made of a few other books of a turcs in Central America (New York, 1880), —a book,
general scope: Jean Benoit Scherer's Recherches histo- however, hardly to be commended by archaeologist* ; and
riqueset geographiques sur le?zonveau monde (Paris, 1777); Charh-s Francis Keary's Dawn of History, an introduc-
D. B. Warden's RecJierches sur les Antiquites de VAm. Hon to prehistoric study (N. Y., 1SH7).

Sept. (Paris, 1827) in Recueil de Voyages, public par la The periodical Literature of a comprehensive 101I is not so

Soc. Geog. (Paris, 1825, ii. 372 ; cf. Dupa'ix, ii.) ; Ira Hill's extensive as treatments <>f special aspects j but the student

Antiquitiesof A mer. Explained (Ha^erstnwn,i^i);Lmus will find Poole's Index and I UalogVf and Index

Falls' Etudts hisior-ques et philosophises sur lescivilisa- of the Smithsonian publications serviceable.

III.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE INDUSTRIES AND TRADE OF

THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES.

By the Editor.

While we have a moderate list of works on the general subject of prehistoric art and industries,1 we lack
any comprehensive survey of the subject as respects the American continent, and must depend on sectional and
local treatment. Humboldt in the introduction to his Atlas of his Essai politique (Paris, 1813) was among
the earliest to grasp the material which illustrates the origin and first progress of the arts in America. The
arts of the southern regions and western coasts of North America are best followed in those portions of the
chapters on the Wild Tribes, devoted to the subject, which make up the first volume of Bancroft's Native
Races? and for Mexican and Maya productions some chapters (ch. 15, 24) in the second volume. Prescott's
treatment of the more advanced peoples of this region is scant (Mexico, i., introd., ch. 5). The art in stone of
the Pueblo Indians is beautifully illustrated in Putnam's portion of Wheeler's Report of his survey, and com-
parison may be made with Hayden's A?tnual Reft. (1876) of the U. S. Geol. and Geographical Survey. The
work of Putnam and his collaborators in the archaeological volume (vii.) of Wheeler's Survey is probably
the most complete account of the implements, ornaments and utensils of any one people (those of Southern
California) yet produced ; and its illustrations have not been surpassed. Passing north, we shall get some
help from E. L. Berthoud's paper on the " Prehistoric human art from Wyoming and Colorado," in his
" Journal of a reconnaissance in Creek Valley, Col.," published by the Colorado Acad, of Nat. Sciences {Pro-
ceedings, 1872. p. 46). In the Pacific Rail Road Reports (vol. iii. in 1856) there is a paper by Thomas
Ewbank in " Illustrations of Indian antiquities and arts." S. S. Haldeman has described the relics of human
industry found in a rock shelter in southeastern Pennsylvania (Compte Rendu, Cong, des Amer., Luxembourg,
ii. 319: and Transactions Amer. Philos. Soc, 1878). The best of all the more comprehensive monographs
is Charles C. Abbott's Primitive industry : or illustrations of the handiwork, in stone, bone and clay, of the
native races of the Northern Atlantic seaboard of America (Salem, 1881). Morgan's League of the Iroquois
touches in some measure of the arts of that confederacy, his earliest study being in the Fifth Report of the
Regents of the State of New York (1852).

For the Canada regions, the Annual Reports of the Canadian Institute, appended to the Reports of the
Minister of Education, Ontario, contain accounts of the discovery of objects of stone, horn, and shell. (See
particularly the sessions of 1886-87.) Dawson in his Fossil men (ch. 6) considers what he accounts the lost
arts of the primitive races of North America. On the other hand, Professor Leidy found still in use among
the present Shoshones split pebbles resembling the rudest stone implements of the palaeolithic period ( U. S.
Geological Survey, 1872, p. 652).

Many archaeologists have remarked on the uniform character of many prehistoric implements, wherever
found, as precluding their being held as ethnical evidences. The system of quarrying 3 for flint best fitted for
the tool-maker's art has been observed by Wilson (Prehistoric man, i. 68) both in the old and new world, and
in his third chapter (vol. i.) we have a treatise on the ancient stone-worker's art.4

1 It is not necessary to enumerate many titles, but refer- Smith in Ibid. 1876; Dr. Brinton in Proc. Niunism. and
ence rmy be made to the summary of prehistoric conditions Antiq. Soc. of Philad., 1878, p. 18). That they quarried
in Zerffi's Historical development of art. It may be worth pipe-stone is also well known, and the famous red pipe-
while to glance at A. Daux's Etudes prehistoriques. L'in- stone quarry, lying between the Missouri and Minnesota
(iii^trie humaine : ses origines, ses premiers essais et ses rivers, was under the protection of the Great Spirit, so that
Ir^mdes depuis les premiers temps jusqtfau deluge (Paris, tribes at war with one another are said to have buried their
1*7-0; Dawson's Fossil men, ch. 5; Joly's Man before hatchets as they approached it. Wilson, in the last chapter
'its; Nadaillac's Les Premiers Hommes, ii. ch. 11; of the first volume of his Prehistoric man, examines this
Dabrv de Thiersant's Origine des indiens du Nouveau pipe-carving and tells the story of this famous quarry. He
M»,Jc (Paris, 1883); and Briihrs Culturvolker alt- Ante- refers to the tobacco mortars of the Peruvians in which they
rikn's, ch. 14, 16. ground the dry leaf; and to the pipes of the mounds in
'■ Cf., particularly for California, Putnam's Report in which it was smoked. Cf. J. F. Nadaillac's Les pipes et
Wh-'.-r's Survey. le tabac (Paris, 1885), taken from the Materiuux pour
I'll re i-< some question if the early Americans ever car- Vhistoire primitive de I'homme (ii. for 1885); and Lucien
on the heavier parts of the quarrying arts, as for build- de Rosnyon " Le tabac et ses accessoires parmi les indi-
in< . f Morgan's Houses and House Life, 274. genes de l'Amerique," in Mhnoircs sur P Archeologie
Thev <!i<l quarry soap-stone (Elmer R. Reynolds, Schu- Amrrieaine, 1865, of the Soc. d' Ethnographic
machei and Putnam, in Peabody Mus. Rcpts., xii.) and * It should be remembered that the recognition of the
mica {Smithsonian Report, 1879, by W. Gesner ; C. D. Flint-folk as occupying a distinct stage of development is

INDUSTRIES AND TRADE OF THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES. 417

Treating the subject topically, we find the late Charles Rau making some special studies of the implements
used in native agriculture * in the Smithsonian Reports for 1863, 1868, and 1869.2 The agriculture of the
Aztecs and Mayas is treated in Max Steffen's Die Landwirtschaft bei den altamerikanischen Kultttrvolkern
(Leipzig, 1883).3

The working of flint or obsidian into arrow-points or cutting implements is a process by pressure that has
not been wholly lost. Old workshops, or the chips of them, have been discovered, and they are found in
numerous localities (Wilson's Prehistoric Man,\. 75, 79; Abbott's Primitive Industry, and Putnam in the
Bull. Essex Institute), but Powell in his Report of Explorations of the Colorado of the West (1873) does n°*
as Wilson says he does, describe the present ways.4

Wilson {Prehistoric Man, i. ch. 4 and 7) in an essay on the bone and ivory workers substitutes for the cor-
responding words usually employed in classifying stone implements the terms palaeotechnic and neotechnic,
as indicating periods of progress, in order that the art of making tools in horn, bone, shell, and ivory might
have a better recognition, as of equal importance with that of making such in stone. Separate treatises are
few. Morgan has a paper on the bone implements of the Arickarees in the 21st Rept. of the Regents of the
University of the State of N. Y. (1871), and Rau's monograph on Prehistoric fishing in Europe and North
Atnerica, one of the Smithsonian Contributions (1884), involves the making of fish-hooks of bone. See also
Putnam in the Peabody Museum Reports, and in Wheelers Survey, vol. vii. ; Wyman's contributions on the
shell heaps, and the fournal of the Cincinnati Soc. of Nat. Hist, for such as have been found in the ash-pits
of Madisonville. On shell-work there is a section in Foster's Prehistoric Races (p. 234) ; a paper by W. H.
Holmes in the Second Rept. of the Bureau of Ethnology (p. 179) ; and one on American shell-work and its
affinities by Miss Buckland in the Journal Anthropol. Inst., xvi. 155.

From the primitive materials of stone, bone, horn, or shell, we pass to metals ; but as Wilson (i. p. 174) saysr
"if metal could be found capable of being wrought and fashioned without smelting or moulding, its use was
perfectly compatible with the simple arts of the stone period, as a mere malleable stone ; " and to the present
day, he adds, the rude American race has no knowledge of working metal, except by pounding or grinding
it cold.5 The story which Brereton tells in his account of Gosnold's visit (1602) to New England, about the
finding of abundant metal implements in use among the natives, is questioned (Baldwin's Ancient America,
p. 62). We have the evidences of the early minings of copper extending for over a hundred miles along the
southern shores of Lake Superior and on Isle Royale, in the abandoned trenches and tools first discovered
in 1847 ; and in one case there was found a mass of native copper (ten feet by three and two, and weighing
over six tons) which had been elevated on a wooden frame prior to removal, and was discovered in this con-
dition.'' There are also indications that the manufacture of copper tools was carried on in the neighborhood of

a modern notion. For a century and a half after European lapidary in Smithsonian Rept. (1877); and Rosny's "Re-
museums began to gather stone implements they were cherches sur les masques, le jade et l'industrie lapidaire
reputed relics of Celtic art. Treatment of American art chez les indigenes de l'Amerique " in Arch, de la Soc.
necessarily makes part of the works of Squier and Davis; Amer. de France, n. s., vol. i. Jade or jadite implements
Schoolcraft; F 'oster's Prehistoric Races, ch. 6; Lubbock's and ornaments have been found in Central America and
Prehistoric Times ; Joly's Man before Metals. Cf. refer- Mexico, and others resembling them in northwestern Amcr-
ences in Poole's Index under " Stone Age" and " Stone ica; but it is not yet clear that the unworked material, such
Implements." as is used in the middle America specimens, is found in

1 Cf. S. D. Peet in Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 15. America in situ. Upon the solution of this last problem

2 Rau is an authority on stone implements. See further will depend the value of these implements when found in
his paper on stone implements in the Smithsonian Rept., America as bearing upon questions of Asiatic intercourse.
1872; one on drilling stone without metal in Ibid. 1868; Cf. Dr. A. B. Meyer in the Amer. Anthropologist (vol. i.,
and one on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculpture in July, 1888, p. 231), and F. W. Putnam in the Mass. Hist.
the Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnology, vol. v. (Pow- Soc. Proc, Jan., 1886, and in the Proc. Amer. Antiq.
ell's Rocky Mountain Survey, 1882). These carved, cup- Society.

like cavities in rocks are also discussed in Wilson's Pre- 5 Wilson (Prehistoric Man, i. 200) points out that phi-

historic Man, vol. i. ch. 3, where it is held that they were lology confirms it, the word for copper meaning " yellow

formed by the grinding process in shaping the rounded end stone." On the question of their melting metal see letter of

of tools. H. W. Henshaw in the Amer. Jour, of Archce- Prof. F. W. Putnam in Kansas City Rev. of Science, Dec

ology (i. 105) discusses another enigma in the stone relics, 1881 ; Wilson (i. 361) ; Foster's Prehistoric Races, 293.

called sinkers or plummets. Foster (Prehist. Races, 230) ° Wilson (i. 209, 227) thinks the arboreal and other

believes they were used as weights to keep the thread taut evidences carry the time when these mines were worked

inweaving. b.ick, at latest, to a period con to Eur<

3 Cf. also Stevens's Flint Chips, 292, and Charnay, Eng. mediaeval era. The earliest modern references to copper
transl , p. 70. in this region are in Sagard in 1632 (Haven, p. 1 27) and in

4 Cf. G. Crook " on the Indian method of making arrow- the Jesuit Relation of Allouez in 1666-67. Alexander
heads" in the Smithsonian Rept., 1871, and C. C. Jones, Henry ( Travels and Adventures in Canada) in 1765 is
Jr., on "the primitive manufacture of spear and arrow- the earliest English explorer to mention it. Wilson holds
points along the Savannah River " in Ibid. 1879. A paper to the belief that the present race of red Indians had n<>
by Sellers in a later report is of importance. Cf. Stevens' knowledge of these mining practices, but that they knew
Flint Chips, pp. 75-85, and Schumacher in Smithsonian simply chance masses nr exposed lode,. Wilson (i. 362)
Report, 1873. a,s" «'vt's reasons for supposing that the Lake Superior

True flint was not often, if ever, used in America, but mines may have been a common meeting ground for all

rather chert or hornstone, and quartz, though implements races of the continent.

are found of jasper, chalcedony, obsidian, quartzite, and 7 Wilson, i. 205. Mac Lean's Moundhuihtcrs, ch. 6,

argillite. Cf. Rau on the stock in trade of an aboriginal gives a section of the shaft as when discovered.

VOL. I. — 27

4iS

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

1 tin- mines (Wilson, i. 213) ; and chemical tests have shown that a popular belief in the tempering of metal
by these early peoples is without foundation. 1

It seems to be a fact that while in the use of metals an intermediate stage of pure copper, as coming
between the use of bone and stone and the use of alloyed metals, was not until comparatively recently sus-
pected in Great Britain, the " peculiar interest attaches to the metallurgy of the new world that there all
the earlier stages are clearly defined : the pure native metal wrought by the hammer without the aid of fire ;
the melted and moulded copper ; the alloyed bronze; and the smelting, soldering, graving, and other processes
resulting from accumulating experience and matured skill " (Wilson, i. 230). It is in the regions extending
from Mexico to Peru that the art of alloying introduces us to the American bronze age. Columbus in his
fourth voyage found in a vessel which had come alongside from Yucatan crucibles to melt copper, as Herrera
tells us ; and Humboldt was among the earliest to discover tools alloyed of copper and tin, and many such
alloys have since been recognized among Peruvian bronzes (Wilson, i. 239). In Mexico, metallurgic arts were
carried perhaps even farther in casting and engraving, and not only the results but the evidences of their
mining places have remained to our day {Ibid. i. 248). It seems evident, however, that experimenting with
them had not carried them so near the perfect combination for tool-making (one part tin to nine parts copper)
as the bronze people of Europe had reached, though they fell considerably short of the exact standard {Ibid.
i. 254). Doubt has sometimes been expressed of Mexican mining for copper, as by Frederick von Hell-
wald {Compte Rendu, Cong, des Americanistes, 1877, i. 51); but Rau indicated the references2 to Short
(p. 94), which forcibly led him to the conclusion that the Mexicans mined copper to turn into tools.3 Among
the Mayas, Nadaillac (p. 269) contends that only copper and gold were in use. Bancroft (ii. 749) thinks the
use of copper doubtful, and if used, that it must have been got from the north. He cites the evidences of the
use of gold. William H. Holmes discusses The use of gold and other metals among the anciefit inhabitants
of Chiriqui, Isthmus of Darien (Washington, 1887). As to iron, that found in the Ohio mounds, only of late
years, has been proved to be meteoric iron by Professor Putnam (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr., 1883). Bancroft
(i. 164) says iron was in use among the British Columbian tribes before contact with the whites, but it was
probably derived through some indirect means from the whites. Though iron ore abounds in Peru, and the
character of the Peruvian stone-cutting would seem to indicate its use, and though there is a native word for
it, no iron implements have been found.4 There is not much recorded of the use of silver. It has been found
by Putnam in the mounds in thin sheets, used as plating for other metals.5 He has also found native silver
in masses, and in one case a small bit of hammered gold.

Wilson, in 1876, while regretting the dispersion of the William Bullock collection of pottery, the destruction
of that formed by Stephens and Catherwood, and the transference to an English museum of most of the

1 Of the Lake Superior mines, the earliest intelligent on " Prehistoric Wisconsin '' in the Wisconsin Hist. Coll.,

account we have is in C. T. Jackson's Geological Report vol. vii. (see also vol. viii.), with his " Copper Age in Wis-

to the U. S. Gov't, 1849; but a more extended and con- consin " in the Proc. of the Amer. Antiquarian Society,

nected account appeared the next year in the Report on April, 1877, and his paper on copper tools in the Wisconsin

the Geology of Lake Superior (Washington, 1850), by Acad, of Science, in. 99; H. vV. Haynes on " Copper ini-

J. W. Foster and J. D. Whitney, which is substantially plements of America" in Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc, Oct.,

reproduced in Foster's Prehistoric Races (1873), ch. 7. 1884, p. 335; Putnam on the copper objects of North and

Meanwhile, Col. Charles Whittlesey had published in vol. South America preserved in the Peabody Museum (Reports,

.xiii. of the Smithsonian Contributions his Aticient Min- xv. 83); Read and Whittlesey in the Pinal Report, Ohio

ing on the shores of Lake Superior (Washington, 1863, Board Cent. Managers, 1877, cn- 3» and Poole's Index,

with a map), which is on the whole the best account, p. 300. Reynolds has recently in the Journal of the A n-

to be supplemented by his paper in the Memoirs of the thropol. Soc. (Washington) claimed copper mining for the

Boston Society of Natural History. Jacob Houghton modern Indians.

supplied a description of the "ancient copper mines of - Clavigero (Philad., Eng. transl., i. 20); Prescott, i. 138}

Lake Superior " to Swineford's History and Review of Folsom's ed. of Cortes; letters, 412 ; Lockhart's transl. of

the mineral resources of Lake Superior (Marquette, 1876). Bernal Diaz (Lond., 1844, i. 36).

Cf. also A nnals of Science (Cleveland), i. for 1852; Daw- 3 Cf. on copper implements from Mexico: P. J. J. Ya-

son's Possil Men, 61; Baldwin's Ancient America, 42; lentini's Mexican copper tools: the icse of 'copper by the

Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. 204; Dr. Harvey Read in Mexicans before the Conquest ; and The Katunes of Maya

the Dist. Hist. Soc. Report, ii. (1878); Joseph Henry in history, a chapter in the early history of Central America.

the Smithsonian Reports (1861; also in 1862); and Short, From the German, by S. Salisbury , jr. (Worcester, 1

p. 89, with references. from the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr. 30, 1879; Y. W.

On the mines at Isle Royale, see Henry Gillman's " An- Putnam in Ibid., n. s., ii. 235 (Oct. 21, 1882) ; Charnay,

cient works at Isle Royale" in A ppleton's Journal, Aug. Eng. transl., p. 70; H. L. Reynolds, Jr., on the " Metal

9, 1873 ; Smithsonian Repts., 1873, 1874, by A. C. Davis ; art of ancient Mexico " in Popular Science Monthly, Aug.,

the Proceedings of the Amer. Asso. for the Advancement 1887 (vol. xxxi., p. 519).

of Science, 1875; and Professor Winchell in Popular 4 Cf. St. John Vincent Day's Prehistoric use of iron

Science Monthly, Sept., 1881. and steel: with observations (London, 1S77). This book

Eurther, on the copper implements of these ancient grew out of papers printed in the Proc. Philesoph. Soc. of

Abbott's Primitive Industry, ch. 28; Foster's Glasgow^ 1871-75).

Prehistoric Races, 251 ; P. R. Hoy's How and by whom B Cf. Dr. Washington Matthews on the " Navajo silver-

«« the copper implements made? (Racine, 1886, in Wis- smiths" in the 2d Rept. Bureau of Ethnol. (Washington,

Consin Acad, of Science, iv. 132); J. D. Butler's address 1883), p. 167.

INDUSTRIES AND TRADE OF THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES. 419

specimens gathered by Squier and Davis, lamented that no American collection l had been yet formed adequate
to the requirements of the students of American archaeology and ethnology. Since that date, however, the
collections in the National Museum (Smithsonian Institution) at Washington and in the Peabody Museum at
Cambridge have largely grown ; and especially for the fictile art and work in stone of Spanish North America
the Museo Nacional in Mexico has assumed importance. The collection in the possession of the American
Philosophical Society in Philadelphia,2 since transferred to the Philadelphia Academy, is also of value for the
study of the pottery of middle America.

Rau has supplied a leading paper on American pottery in the Smithsonian Report, 1866; and E. A. Barber
has touched the subject in papers at the Copenhagen, Luxembourg, and Madrid meetings of the Congres des
Americanistes, and in the American A?itiquarian (viii. j6).3 W. H. Holmes has a paper on the origin and
development of form and of ornament in ceramic art in the Fourth Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 437.

For local characters there are various monographs.4

There is no satisfactory evidence that the potter's wheel was known to
any American tribe ; but Wilson, in his chapter on ceramic art {Prehis-
toric Man, ii. ch. 16), feels convinced that the early potter employed
some sort of mechanical process, giving a revolving motion to his clay.

Modelling in clay for other purposes than the making of vessels is also
considered in this same seventeenth chapter of Wilson, and the subject
runs, as respects masks, figurines, and general ornamentation, into the wide
range of aboriginal art, which necessarily makes part of all comprehensive
histories of art. W. H. Dall has a paper on Indian masks in the Third
Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 73. The subject is further treated by
Wilson in a paper on " The artistic faculty in the aboriginal races," in the
Proceedings (iii., 2d part, 67, 119) of the Royal Society of Canada, and
again in a general way by Nadaillac on L'art prehistorique en Amerique
(Paris, 1883), taken from the Revue des deux Mo?ides, Nov. 1, 1 883.5

As regards the textile art in prehistoric times, see for a general view
W. H. Holmes in the American Antiqztarian, viii. 261 ; and the same
archaeologist has treated the subject on the evidences of the impression
of textures as preserved in pottery, in the Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology,
p. 393. Cf. Sellers in Popular Science Journal, and Wyman in Peabody
Museum Reports.

J. W. Foster first made (1838) the discovery of relics of textile fabrics of the moundbuilders ; but he did
not announce his discovery till at the Albany meeting (1851) of the American Association for the Advance-
ment of Science {Transactions, 1852, vol. vi. p. 375). He tells the story in his Prehistoric Races, p. 222, and
figures the implements, found in the mounds, supposed to be employed in the making their cloth with warp

MEXICAN CLAY MASK.*

1 The chief European collections are in the British Mu-
seum, the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, the Louvre,
and at Copenhagen, Vienna, Brussels, not to name others ;
and among private ones, the Christy and Evans collections
in England and the Unde in Heidelberg.

2 Transactions, n. s., iii. 510.

3 Cf. Lucien de Rosny's " Introduction a une histoire de
la ceramique chez les indiens du nouveau monde " in the
Archives de la Soc. Amir, de Fra?ice, n. s., vol. i. , and
Stevens' Flint Chips, 241. Further references: Wilson's
Prehist. Man, ii. ch. 17; Catlin's N. A. Indians, ch. 16;
F. V. Hayden's Contrib. to the Ethnog. of the Missouri
Valley, 355; A. Demmin's Hist, de la Ceramique (Paris,
1868-1875); Nadaillac's Les Premiers Hommes, and his
L' Amerique prehistorique, ch. 4.

4 For the Atlantic coast, papers by Abbott {American
Naturalist, Ap. 72, etc.), later more comprehensively
treated in his Primitive industry, ch. 11 ; and for the
middle Atlantic region, a paper by Francis Jordan, jr., in
the Amer. Philosoph. Soc. Proc. (1888, vol. xxv.) For
Florida, Schoolcraft in the New York Hist. Soc. Proc,
1846, p. 124. For the moundbuilders, Foster's Prehistoric
Races, p. 237, and in Amer. Naturalist, vii. 94 (Feb.,
1873); Nadaillac, ch. 4; and Putnam in Amer. Nat., ix.
321, 393, and Peabody Mus. Refits., viii. For the Missis-
sippi Valley in general, Edw. Evers in The Contributions to

the archeology of Missouri ; W. H. Holmes in the Fourth
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, an improvement of a
paper in the Proc. of the Davenport Acad, of Sciejices,
vol. iv. Joseph Jones in the Smithsonian Contrib., xxii.,
and Putnam in the Peabody Mus. Repts., have described the
pottery of Tennessee. The Pacific R. R. Repts. yield us
something; and Putnam {Reports) was the first to describe
the Missouri pottery. J. H. Devereux treats the pottery
of Arkansas in the Smithsonian Rept., 1872. On the Pu-
eblo pottery, see papers of W. H. Holmes and F. H. Cuslv
ing in the Fourth Rept. Bur. of Ethn. (pp. 257, 743); and
James Stevenson's illustrated catalogue in the Third Rept.,
p. 511. F. W. Putnam (Amer. Art Review, Feb..
supplementing his work in vol. vii. of Wheeler's Survey,
thinks that the present Pueblo Indians make an inferior
ware to their ancestors' productions. The lottery of the
cliff-dwellers is described in Hayden's A nnual Rept. (1876)1
Paul Schumacher explains the method of manufacturing
pottery and basket-work among the Indians of Southern
California in the Peabody Museum Rep/., xii. 521. <>. T.
Mason's papers in recent Smithsonian Reports and in the
Amer. Naturalist are among the best investigations in this
direction.

6 For some special phases, see S. Blondel's Recherches
sur les bijoux des peuples primiti/s . . . Mrxicains et
Peruviens (Paris, 1876); F. W. Putnam's Convent ion-

* After a cut in Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. p. 33, of an example in the collections of the American Philosophical
Society, in a totally different style from the usual Mexican terra-cottas ; and Wilson remarks of it that one will look in
vain in it for the Indian physiognomy. Tyler, Anahuac, .230, considers it a forgery.

420 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

and woof. Putnam has since made similar discoveries {Peabody Museum Reports). The subject is also
treated in the Proceedings of the Davenport Academy and of the American Association for the Advancement
of Science. The fabrics were preserved by being placed in contact with copper implements.

The Indians of New Mexico were found by the Spaniards in possession of the art of weaving. Cf. Washing-
ton Matthews on the Navajo weavers, in the Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology, p. 371, and Bancroft (i. 582),
who also records the making of fabrics by the wild tribes of Central America {Ibid. i. 766-67). He also notes
the references to the textile manufactures of the Nahuas and Mayas (ii. 484, 752). The richest accumulation
of graphic data relative to the fabrics of Peru is contained in the great work on the Necropolis of Ancon.

Feather-work was an important industry in some parts of the continent. The subject is studied in Ferdi-
nand Denis' Arte plumaria : Les flumes, leur valeur et leur emfloi dans les arts au Mexique, au Perou,
an Brcsil et dans les hides et dans FOceanie (Paris, 1875).1

Lewis H. Morgan's Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines (Washington, 1881) is the com.
pletest study of the habitations of the early peoples ; but it is written too exclusively in the light of universal
communal custom, and this must be borne in mind in using it. The edifices of middle America and Peru
have been given a bibliographical apparatus in another part of the present volume ; but references may be
made to Wilson's Prehistoric Man (ii. ch. 16), Viollet le Due's Habitations of Man, translated by R. Buck-
nail (Boston, 1876), and to Bandelier's Archceological Tour, 226, where he quotes as typical the description of
a native house in 1583, drawn by Juan Bautista Pomar.

There is no good comprehensive account of American prehistoric trade. The T-shaped pieces of copper in
use by the Mexicans came nearest to currency as we understand it, unless it be the wampum of the North
American Indians, and the shell money in use on the Pacific coast ; but it should be remembered that copper
axes and copper plates served such a purpose with some tribes.'2 The Peruvians used weights, but the Mex-
icans did not. The latter had, however, a system of measures of length.3 The canoe was a great interme-
diary in the practice of barter.4 The Peruvians alone understood the use of sails, and the earliest Spanish
navigators on the Pacific were surprised at what they thought were civilized predecessors in those seas when
they espied in the distance the large white sails of the Peruvian rafts of burden. 5 The chief source of trade
in such conditions was barter, and we know how the Mexican travelling merchants got information that was
availed of by the Mexican marauders in their invasions. BandelierS gives us the references on the barter
system, the traders, and the currency in that country, and we need to consult Dr. W. Behrnauer's Essai stir le
Commerce dans I'ancien Mexique et en Perou, in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France (n. s., vol. i.).

All the treatises on the mounds of the Ohio Valley derive illustrations of intertribal traffic from the shells
of the coast, the copper of Lake Superior, the mica of the Alleghanies, the obsidian of the Rocky Moun-
tains or of Mexico, and the unique figurines which the explorations of the mounds have disclosed. Charles
Rau has a paper on this aboriginal trade in North America, published in the Archiv fur Anthropologic (Braun-
schweig, 1872, vol. iv.), which was republished in English in the Smithsonian Report, 1872, p. 249. Bancroft's
references under " Commerce " (v. p. 668) will help the student out in various particulars

alism in Ancient American Art (Salem, 1887, from the work preserved in the Imperial Museum at Vienna appeared

Bull. Essex Inst., xviii., for 1886); Mexican masks in in the Archceol. and Ethnolog. Papers of the Peabody

Stevens' Flint Chips, 32S ; S. D. Peet on " Human faces Museum, vol. i. no. 1 (Cambridge, 1888), and here she dis-

in aboriginal art," in the American A7itiquarian (May, cusses the question if this is a standard or head-dress, and

1886, or viii. 133); the description of terra-cotta figures holds it to have been a head-dress. The contrary view is

in Herman Strebel's Alt-Mexico. A terra-cotta vase in taken by F. von Hochstetter in his Ueber Mexicanische

the Museo Nacional is figured in Brasseur's Popul Vuk Reliquie7i aus der Zeit Montezuma? s (Vienna, 1884), who

(1861). supposes it to have been among the presents sent by Cortes

It is not known that stringed instruments were ever in 1 5 19 to Charles V., in the possession of whose nephew

used, notwithstanding the suggestion of the twanging of it is known to have been in 1596.

the bow-string; but museums often contain specimens of 2 Cf. Horatio Hale on The Origin of Primitive Money

musical pipes used by the aborigines. The opening chap- (N. Y., 1886, — from the Popular Science Monthly, xxviii.

ter of J. F. Rowbotham's Hist, of Music (London, 1885) 296); W. B. Weedon's Indian Money as a factor in New

gives what evidence we have, with references, as to kinds England Civilization (Baltimore, 1884, — Johns Hopkins

of music common to the American aborigines, and their (University Studies); Ashbel Woodward's Wampum (Al-

fictile wind instruments. Cf. A. J. Hipkins' Musical in- bany,i878); Ernst Ingersoll in the A mer. Naturalist {May ,

struments, historic, rare, and unique. The selection, 1883); and the cuts of wampum belts in the Second Rept.

introduction, and descriptive notes by A. J. Hipkins; Bur. Ethnology (pp. 242, 244- 246, 248, 252, 254).

illustrated by William Gibb (Edinburgh, 1888): H. T. 3 Cf. D. G. Brinton's The lineal measures of tlie Semi-

Cresson on Aztec music in the Proc. Acad. Nat. Sciences civilized nations of Mexico and Central America. Read

(Philad., 1883); and Wilson's Prehistoric Man{U. 37), with before tlie American Philosophical Society, Jan. 2, /88s

the references in Bancroft's index (v. p. 717). (Philadelphia, 1885).

In Nott and Gliddon's Indigenous Races of the Earth 4 Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. ch. 6.

(Philad., 1857) there is a section by Francis Pulszky on r' Wilson, i. 16S. See post, Vol. II. 508, for an old cut

M Iconographic researches on human races and their art." of a raft under sail.

1 Mrs. Zelia Nuttall's essay on some Mexican feather- c Peabody Mus. Rept., ii. 602-8.

IV.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON AMERICAN LINGUISTICS.

By the Editor.

It cannot be said that the study of American linguistics has advanced to a position wholly satisfactory. It
is beset with all the difficulties belonging to a subject that has not been embraced in written records for long
periods, and it is open to the hazards of articulation and hearing, acting without entire mutual confidence.
And yet we may not dispute Max Muller's belief,1 that it is the science of language which has given the first
comprehensive impulse to the study of mankind.

Out of the twenty distinct sounds which it is said the voice of man can produce,2 there have been built up
from roots and combinations a great diversity of vocabularies. Comparisons of these, as well as of the
methods of forming sentences, have been much used in investigations of ethnical relations. Of these opposing
methods, neither is sufficiently strong, it is probable, to be pressed without the aid of the other, though the
belief of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington, under the influence of Major Powell, practically discards all
tests but the vocabulary, in tracing ethnological relations. It is held that this one test of words satisfies, as to
customs, myths, and other ethnological traits, more demands of classifications than any other. Granted that it
does, there are questions yet unsolvable by it ; and many ethnologists hold that there are still other tests, physio-
logical, for instance,3 which cannot safely be neglected in settling sncl- complex questions. The favorite claim
of the Bureau is that its officers are studying man as a human being, and not as an animal ; but it is by no
means sure that the physical qualities of man arc so disconnected with his mind and soul as to be unnecessary
to his interpretation. Even if language be given the chief place in such studies, there is still the doubt if the
vocabulary can in all ways be safely followed to the exclusion of the structure of the language ; and it is not
to be forgotten, as Haven recognized thirty years ago, that " one of the greatest obstacles to a successful and
satisfactory comparison of Indian vocabularies is caused by the capricious and ever-varying orthography applied
by writers of different nations." This is a chance of error that cannot be eliminated when we have to deal with
lists of words made in the past, by persons not to be communicated with, in whom both national and personal
peculiarities of ear and vocal organs may exist to perplex. A part of the difficulty is of course removed by
trained assistants acting in concert, though in different fields ; but the individual sharpness or dulness of ear
and purity and obscurity of articulation will still cause diversity of results, — to say nothing of corresponding
differences in the persons questioned. There is still the problem, broader than all these divisionary tests,
whether language is at all a safe test of race, and on this point there is room for different opinions, as is shown
in the discussions of Sayce, Whitney, and others.4 " Any attempt," says Max Miiller, uat squaring the classi-
fication of races and tongues must necessarily fail."5 On the other hand, George Bancroft (Final revision,
ii. 90) says that " the aspect of the red men was so uniform that there is no method of grouping them into
families but by their languages."

It is the wide margin for error, already indicated, that vitiates much that has already been done in philologi-
cal comparisons, and the over-eager recognition at all times of what is thought to be the word-shunting of
" Grimm's Law " has doubtless been responsible for other confusions.6

1 Chips, ii. 248. Cf. Dabry de Thiersant's Origine des there are only rudimentary signs of the presence of im-
indiens (Paris, 1883), p. 187. portant vocal muscles to be discovered in the most an*

2 It has been a question whether the palaeolithic man cient jaw-bones which have been found. Ran inferred
talked, and it has been asserted and denied, from the char- that the totally diverse character, as be thought, of the
acter of certain inferior maxillary bones found in caves, that American tongues indicated Btrongly that the earliest in.in
he had the power of articulate speech. Dr. Brinton has could not articulate [ContrH. to N. A. Ethnology, v. 92).
recently, from an examination of the lowest stocks of lin- For other somewhat wild speculatii tte't
guistic utterances now known, endeavored to set forth "a Etude sur les temps antrhisloriques, La Langag* (Pari ,
somewhat correct conception of what was the character of 187S).

the rudimentary utterances of the race."' Cf. Brinton, ? Morgan thought he had found a test in his System* of

Language 0/ the Paleolithic Man, Philadelphia, 1888; consanguinity and affinity of the Human Family (Wash-

Mortillet, La prehhtorique Antiquite de PHomme (Paris, ington, 1871).

1883); H. Steinthal, Der Urs -fining der Sprache (Berlin, 4 Journal Anthropological Inst. , v. 2if>.

1888). Horatio Hale, on "The origin of lanruages and B Science 0/ Language, i. 326.

the antiquity of speaking man," in the Am. Assoc. Adv. ■ For recognition of it in American philology, see Ban-

Sci. Proc , xxxv. 279, cites the views of some physiologists croft, iii. 670, and Short, 471.

to show that the pre-glacial man could not talk, because

422

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Most of the general philological treatises touch more or less intimately the question of language as a test
of race.1 and all of them engage in tracing affinities, each with confidence in a method that others with equal
assurance may belittle.- Thus Bancroft,3 reflecting an opinion long prevalent, says that "positive grammati'
cal rules carry with them much more weight than mere word likenesses," 4 while, on the contrary, Dawson 5
says that " grammar is, after all, only the clothing of language. The science consists in its root-words ; and
multitudes of root-words are identical in the American languages over vast areas." This last proposition is,
as we have seen, the principle on which this inquiry is now conducted with governmental patronage. " Each
American language," says George Bancroft, in his chapter on the dialects of North America, " was competent
of itself, without improvement of scholars, to exemplify every rule of the logician and give utterance to every
passion." In accordance with such perhaps extreme views, it has been usually said that the American Ian
guages are in development in advance of aboriginal progress in other respects. It is another common observa-
tion that while a certain resemblance runs through all the native tongues,6 there is no such general resemblance
to the old-world languages ; 7 but at the same time the linguistic proof of the unity of the American race is
not irrefragable,8 and it would take tens of thousands of years, as Brinton holds, if there had been a single
source, for the eighty stocks of the North American and for the hundred South American speeches to have
developed themselves in all their varieties.9 Proceeding beyond stocks to dialects, and counting varieties,
Ludewig, in his Literature of the American Languages, gave 1,100 different American languages; but an
alphabetical list given by H. W. Bates in his Central America, West Indies and South America (London,
1882, 2d ed.) 10 affords 1,700 names of such. The number, of course, depends on how exclusive we are in group-
ing dialects. Squier, for instance, gives only 400 tongues for both North and South America ; for, as
Nadaillac says, " philology has no precise definition of what constitutes a language." n

1 Cf. Waitz, Introd. to Anthropology (Eng. transl.), p.
238 ; Wedgwood, Origin of Language ; Lubbock, Origin
of Civilization, ch. 8; Tylor's Anthropology, ch. 6; Topi-
nard's A nthropologie ; J. P. Lesley's Man's Origin and
Destiny (who considers the test so far a failme) ; William
D. Whitney's " Testimony of language lespecting the unity
of the human race," in the North American Review, July,
1867.

2 The " Lenguas y naciones Americanas " forms part
of the first volume of Lorenzo Hervas's Catalogo de las
Lenguas de las Naciones Conocidas, y numeracion, divi-
sion, y clases de est as segun la diversidad de sas idiomas
y dialectos (Madrid, 1800-1805, in 6 vols.), which served in
some measure Johann Severin Vater, and J. C. Adelung in
their Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde (Ber-
lin, 1806-17, in 4 vols.) and his Analekten der Sprachen-
kunde (Leipzig, 1821).

There has more been done so far to map out the ethno-
logical fields of middle America than to determine those of
the more northern parts. Cf. the map in Orozco y Berra's
Geografia de las lenguas de Mexico (1864), and that in
V. A. Malte-Brun's paper in the Compte Rendu, Cong,
des Americanistes, 1877, ii. 10. The maps in Bancroft's
Native Races, ii. and v., will serve ordinary readers. For
the broader northern field, see the papers by L. H. Morgan
and George Gibbs in the Smithsonian Reports, 1861, 1862.
The Bureau of Ethnology have in preparation such a map,
and they mark on it, it is understood, about seventy distinct
stocks.

Cf. Horatio Hale on " Indian migrations as evidenced
by language," in the Amer. Antiquarian, v. 18, 108 (Jan.,
April, 1883), and issued separately, Chicago, 1883. Lucien
Adam criticised the views of Hall in the Copenhagen
Compte Rendu, Cong, des Amer.* 1883, p. 123.

3 Nat. Races, iii. 558.

4 Cf. Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1879.
•' Fossil Men , 310.

6 A prominent feature is the process of uniting words
lengthwise, so to speak, which gives a single utterai.ee the
import of a sentence. This characteristic of the American
languages has been called polysynthetic, incorporative,
holophrastic, aggregative, and agglutinative. H. H. Ban-
croft instances the word for letter-postage in Aztec as being
" Amatlacuilolitquitcatlaxtlahuilli," which really signifies
by its component parts, "payment received for carrying a
paper on which something is written.'' Cf. Brinton's On
polysynthesism and incorporation as characteristic of
American languages (Philad., 18S5).

7 Hayden says: " The dialects of the western continent,
radically united among themselves and radically distin-
guished from all others, stand in hoary brotherhood by
the side of the most ancient vocal systems of the human
race."

8 Morgan, in his Systems of Consanguinity, contends
for this linguistic unity, though (in 1866) he admits that
" the dialects and stock languages have not been explored
with sufficient thoroughness."

9 Gallatin says of them : " They bear the impress of
primitive languages, . . . and attest the antiquity of the
population, — an antiquity the earliest we are permitted to
assume." This was of course written before the geological
evidences of the antiquity of man were understood, and
the remoteness referred to was a period near the great dis-
persion of Babel.

10 The appendix of this work has a good general summary
of the Ethnography and Philology of America, by A. H.
Keane.

11 The interlinking method of communication between
tribes of different languages is what is called sign or gesture
language, and the study of it shows that in much the same
forms it is spread over the continent. It has been specially
studied by Col. Garrick Mallery. Cf. his papers in the
Amer. Antiquarian, ii. 218; Proc. Amer. Asso. Adv.
Science, Saratoga meeting, 1880; and at length in the
First Annual Rept. Bur. of Ethnology (18S1). He notes
his sources of information on pp. 395, 401. He had earlier
printed under the Bureau's sanction his Introduction to
the Study of Sign Language (Washington, 1880). The
subject is again considered in the Third Rept. of the Bu-
reau, p. xxvi. Cf. also W. P. Clark's Indian Sign-lan-
guage, with Explanatory Notes (Philad., 1885). Morgan
(Systems of ' Consa?iguinity, 227) expresses the opinion that
it has the germinal principle "from which came, first, the
pictographs of the northern Indians and of the Aztecs;
and, secondly, as its ultimate development, the ideographic
and possibly the hieroglyphic language of the Palenque and
Copan monuments."

In addition to languages and dialects, we have a whole
body of jargons, a conventional mixture of tongues, ad-
duced by continued intercourse of peoples speaking differ-
ent languages. They grew up very early, where the French
came in contact with the aborigines, and Father Le Jeune
mentions one in 1633 {Hist. Mag., v. 345). The Chine ok
jargon, for instance, was, if not invented, at least developed
by the Hudson Bay Company's servants, out of French,
English, and several Indian tongues (whose share predomir

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON AMERICAN LINGUISTIC^. 423

The most comprehensive survey of the bibliography of American linguistics, excluding South America, is
in Pilling's Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians (Washington,
1885), a tentative issue of the Bureau of Ethnology, already mentioned. Pilling also earlier catalogued the
linguistic MSS. in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, in Powell's First Report of that Bureau (p. 553),
in which that bibliographer also gave a sketch of the history of gathering such collections. A section of the
Bibliotheca Americana of Charles Leclerc (Paris, 1878) is given to linguistics, and it affords by groups one of
the best keys to the literature of the aboriginal languages which we yet have, and it has been supplemented
by additional lists issued since by Maisonneuve of Paris. Ludewig's Literature of American Aboriginal
Languages, -with additions by W. Turner (London, 1858), was up to date, thirty years ago, a good list of
grammars and dictionaries, but the increase has been considerable in this field since then (Pilling's Eskimo
Languages, p. 62). The libraries of collectors of Spanish-American history, as enumerated elsewhere,1 have
usually included much on the linguistic history, and the most important of the printed lists for Mexico and
Central America is that of Brasseur de Bourbourg's Bibliotheque Mexico-Guatemalienne, precedes d'utv
coup d'ceil sur les etudes americaines dans leurs rapports avec les etudes classiques, et suivi die tableau, par
ordre alphabetique, des ouvrages de linguistique americaine contenus dans le me me volume (Paris, 1871)-
This list is repeated with additions in the Catalogue de Alphonse L. Pinart et . . . de Brasseur de Bour~
bourg (Paris, 1883). Field's Indian Bibliography characterizes some of the leading books up to 1873 ; but
the best source up to about the same date for a large part of North America is found in the notes in that
section of Bancroft's Native Races, vol. iii., given to linguistics.2 The several Comptes Rendus of the Con-
gres des Americanistes have sections on the same subject, and the second volume of the Contributions to North
American Ethnology, published by the U. S. Geological Survey (Powell's), has been kept back for the com-
pletion of the linguistic studies of the government officials, which will ultimately, under the care of A. S.
Gatschet, compose that belated volume. Major Powell, in his conduct of ethnological investigations for the
United States government, has found efficient helpers in James C. Pilling, J. Owen Dorsey, S. R. Riggs,
A. S. Gatschet, not to name others. Powell outlined some of his own views in an address on the evolution of
language before the Anthropological Society of Washington, of which there is an abstract in their Trans-
actions (1881), while the paper can be found in perfected shape as "The evolution of language from a study
of the Indian languages," in the First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Among the earliest of the students of the native languages in the north were the Catholic missionaries in
Canada and in the northwest, and there is much of interest in their observations as recorded in the Jesuit
Relations. We find a Dictionnaire de la langue huronne in the Grand Voyage die Pays des Hurons (Paris,
1632, etc.).

The most conspicuous of the English publications of the seventeenth century was the Natick rendering of
the Bible for the Massachusetts Indians, undertaken by the Apostle John Eliot, as he was called, at the
expense of the London Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Eliot also published a Grammar of the
Massachusetts Indian Language (Cambridge, 1666), which, with notes by Peter S. Duponceau and an in-
troduction by John Pickering, was printed for the Mass. Hist. Society in 1822, as was John Cotton's Vocabu-
lary of the Massachusetts Indian Language (Cambridge, 1830). Roger Williams' Key into the language of
America has been elsewhere referred to.3 The Rev. Jonathan Edwards wrote a paper on the language of the
Mohegan Indians, which, with annotations by Pickering, was printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. in 1823,
and is called by Haven {Archceol. U. S., 29) the earliest exposition of the radical connection of the Amer-
ican languages. Dr. James Hammond Trumbull, the most learned of the students of these eastern languages,
has furnished various papers on them in the publications of the American Philological Association and of the
American Antiquarian Society,4 and has summarized the literature of the subject, with references, in the
Memorial Hist, of Boston (vol. i.).

In the eighteenth century there were several philological recorders among the missionaries. Sebastian
Rasle made a Dictionary of the Abnake Language, now preserved in MS. in Harvard College library, which,
edited by John Pickering, was published as a volume of the Memoirs of the Amer. Academy of Arts and
Sciences in 1833. A grammatical sketch of the Abnake as outlined in Rasle's Dictionary is given by M. C.
O'Brien in the Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ix. The publications of the American Philosophical Society in
Philadelphia have preserved for us the vocabularies and grammars of the Delaware language, collected and
arranged by John Heckewelder^ and David Zeisberger, while the latter Moravian missionary collected a
considerable MS. store of linguistic traces of the Indian tongues, a part of which is now preserved in Har-
vard College library.6 One of this last collection, an Indian Dictionary; English, German, Iroquois {the

nates), to facilitate their trade with the natives, and does not 2 There is a less extensive survey, but wider in territory,

contain, at an outside limit, more than 400 or 500 words. in Short's North Americans of Antiquity, ch. 10.

There is some reason to believe that the Indian portion of 3 Vol. III. p. 355.

this jargon is older, however, than the English contact * See Pilling's Proof-sheets.

(Bancroft, iii. 632-3 ; Gibbs's Chinook Dictionary ; Horatio ■' Duponceau*a report in Heckewelder, Hist. Arc. of the

Hale in Wilkes' U. S. Explor. Exped.). Indian Nations, [819,1a in the Mass. Hist. Coll., 1S22.

1 See the section on " Americana,'- with a foot-note on Pickering says that Duponceau wa • discover

linguistic collections. Haven summed up what had been and make known the common characteristics of the Amer-

done in this field in 1855 in his Archeology of the U. S. ican tongues,

p, 5-,. e These are enumerated in the appendix of The Calendar

424 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

nquin {the Delaware) (Cambridge, 18S7,) has been carefully edited for the press by
Eben Norton HorsforA Dr. John G. Shea published a Dictionnaire Francais-Onontague, edite d'apres un
manuscrit du r- slide (X. V., 1859), which is preserved in the Mazarin library in Paris.

There was no attempt made to treat the study of the American languages in what would now be termed a
scientific spirit by any English scholar till towards the end of the eighteenth century. The whole question of
the origin of the Indians had for a long time been the subject of discussion, and it had of necessity taken more
or less of' a philological turn from the beginning ; but the inquiry had been simply a theoretical one, with
.efforts to substantiate preconceived beliefs rather than to formulate inductive ones, as in such works as — not
to name others — Adair's American Indians (London, 1775), where every trace was referable to the Jews,
. and Count de Gebelin's Monde Primitif (Paris, 1781), where a comparison of American and European
vocabularies is given.1

A much closer student appeared in Benjamin Smith Barton, of Philadelphia, though he was not wholly
emancipated from these same prevalent notions of connecting the Indian tongues with the old-world speeches.
He says that he was instigated to the study by Pallas' Lingnarum totius orbis Vocabularia comparativa
(Petropolis, 1786, 1789), and the result was his New View of the Origin of the tribes and nations of America
(Philad., 1797; again, 1798). He sets forth in his introduction his methods of study. Charlevoix had sug-
gested that the linguistic test was the only one in studying the ethnological connections of these peoples ;
but Barton asserted that there were other manifestations, equally important, like the physical aspects, the
modes of worship, and the myths. He examined forty different Indian languages, and thinks they show a
icommon origin, and that remotely a connection existed between the old and new continents.

The most eminent American student 2 of this field in the early half of this century was Albert Gallatin.
He began his observations in 1823, at the instance of Humboldt, and two years later he took advantage of a
.representative convocation of Indian tribes, then held in Washington, to continue his studies of their speech.
In 81 tribes brought under his notice he found what he thought to be 27 or 28 linguistic families. This was
a wider survey than had before been made, and he regretted that he was not privileged to profit by the vocab-
ularies collected by Lewis and Clark, which had unfortunately been lost. At the request of the Amer. Anti-
quarian Society, he wrote out and enlarged this study in the second volume of their Collections in 1836, and
advanced views that he never materially changed, believing in a very remote Asiatic origin of the tongues, and
without excepting the Eskimos from his conclusions. In 1845, m n^s Notes on the semi-civilized nations of
Mexico, his conclusions were much the same, but he made an exception in favor of the Otomis. At this time
he counted more than a hundred languages, similar in structure but different in vocabularies, and he argued
that a very long period was necessary thus to differentiate the tongues. At the age of eighty-seven Gallatin
gave his final results in vol. ii. of the Transactions of the America?i Ethnological Society (1848). Gallatin
published a review 3 of the volume on Ethnography and Philology, which had been prepared by Horatio Hale
as the seventh volume of the Publications of the Wilkes United States Exploring Expedition (1838-42), and
Hale himself, then in the beginning of his reputation as a linguistic scholar,4 published some papers of his
own in the same volume of the Transactions.^

The two Americans who have done more than others, without the aid of the government, to organize
aboriginal linguistic studies are Dr. John Gilmary Shea of Elizabeth, New Jersey, and Dr. Daniel Garrison

of the Sparks MSS., issued by the library of Harvard collaborator in other studies, of which record is made in

University. They are also cited with some in other de- J. A. Stevens' memoir of Gibbs, first printed in the N. V.

positories by Pilling in his Proof-sheets. Hist. Soc. Coll., and then in the SviitJisonian Report for

1 Also in J. B. Scherer's Recherches historiques et geo- 1873; F. W. Hayden's Contributions to the ethnography
graphiques sur le Nouvean Monde (Paris, 1777). and philology of the Indian tribes of the Missouri Valley

2 We know little of what Jefferson might have accom- (Philad., 1862), being vol. xiii. of the Trans. Amer. Philo-
plished, for his manuscripts were burned in 1801 (School- sophical Soc.

craft's hid. Tribes, ii. 356). As early as 1804 the U. S. A contemporary of Gallatin, but a man sorely harassed,

War Department issued a list of words, for which its agents as others see him, with eccentricities and unstableness of

should get in different tribes the equivalent words. Gal- head, was C. F. Rafinesque, who had nevertheless a certain

latin used these results. Different lists of test words have tendency to acute observation, which prevents his books

been often used since. George Gibbs had a list. The Bu- from becoming wholly worthless. His first publication was

reau of Ethnology has a list. an introduction to Marshall's History of Kentucky, which

3 Cf. synopsis in Haven's Archceol. U. S., p. 65. he printed separately as Ancient History, or Annals of

4 For Hale's later views see his Origin of language and Kentucky, with a survey of the ancient monuments of
antiquity of speaking man (Cambridge, 1S86), from the North America, and a tabular view of the principal lan-
Proc. Amer. Ass. Adv. Science, xxxv. ; and his Develop- guages and primitive nations of the whole earth ( Frank-
me)it of language (Toronto, 1888), from the Proc. Cana- fort, Ky., 1824). In this he makes a comparison rf four
dian Inst., 3d ser. , vi. principal words from fourteen Indian tongues with thirty-

■ Among other workers in the northern philology may be four primitive languages of the old world. In 1836 he

named Schoolcraft in his Indian Tribes (ii. and hi. 340), printed at Philadelphia The A merican Nations, or outlines

who 0 advance upon Gallatin ; W. W. Turner in of their general history, ancient and 'modem, including the

the Smithsonian Report, vi. ; R. S. Riggs adds a Dacota whole history of the earth and mankind in the western

bibliography to his Grammar and Dictionary of the Da- hemisphere ; the philosophy of American history ; the an-

cota language (Washington, Smiths. Inst., 1852); George nals, traditions, civilization, languages, etc., of all A titer*

Gibbs in the Smithsonian Repts. for 1865 and 1870, and as ican nations, tribes, empires and states (in two volumes).

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON AMERICAN LINGUISTICS. 425

Brinton of Philadelphia. Of Shea's Library of American Linguistics he has given an account in the Smith-
sonian Rept., 1 86 1.1

Dr. Brinton has set forth the purposes of his linguistic studies in an address before the Pennsylvania
Historical Society, American Aboriginal Languages and why we should study them (Philad., 1885, — from
the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1885, p. 15). In starting his Library of Aboriginal American Lit-
erature, he announced his purpose to put within the reach of scholars authentic materials for the study of
the languages and culture of the native races, each work to be the production of the native mind, and to be
printed in the original tongue, with a translation and notes, and to have some intrinsic historical or eth-
nological importance.2

The other considerable collections are both French. Alphonse L. Pinart published a Bibliotheque de lin-
guist ique et d'ethnographie Americaines (Paris and San Francisco, i875-82).3

The publishing house of Maisonneuve et Compagnie of Paris, which has done more than any other
business firm to advance these studies, has conducted a Collection linguistiqae Amcricaine, of much
value to American philologists.4

Other French studies have attracted attention. Pierre Etienne Duponceau published a Memoire sur le
systeme grammatical des langues de quelques itations indiennes de V Amerique du Nord (Paris, 1838).5 He
conducted a correspondence with the Rev. John Heckewelder respecting the American tongues, which is pub-
lished in the Transactions of the Amer. Philosophical Society (Phil., 18 19), and he translated Zeisbergers
Delaware Grammar.

The studies of the Abbe Jean Andre Cuoq have been upon the Algonquin dialects,6 and published mainly
in the Actes de la Societe philologique (Paris, 1869 and later). His monographic Etudes philologiqucs sur
quelques langues sauvages de V Amerique was printed at Montreal, 1866. It was the result of twenty years'
missionary work among the Iroquois and Algonquins, and besides a grammar contains a critical examination
of the works of Duponceau and Schoolcraft. Lucien Adam has been very comprehensive in his researches,
his studies being collected under the titles of Etudes sur six langues Americaines (Paris, 1878) and Examen
grammatical compare de seize langues Americaines (Paris, 1878).7

1 It embraces :

First Series : No. i. J. G. Shea, French Onondaga
Dictionary.

2. G. Mengarini, Selish or Flat-head Grammar.

3. B. Smith, Grammatical Sketch of the Heve lan-
guage.

4. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Grammar of the Mutsun
language.

5. B. Smith, Grammar of the P'ima or Nevome lan-
guage.

6. M. C. Pandosy, Grammar and Dictionary of the
Yakama language.

7. B. Sitjar, Vocabulary of the language of the San
Antonio Mission.

8. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Vocabulary or phrase-book
of the Mutsuti language.

9. Abbe Maillard. Grammar of the Micmaque lan-
guage.

10. J. Bruyas, Radices Verborum Iroqa'orum.

11. G. Gibbs, Alphabetical Vocabularies of the Clal-
lam and Lummi.

12. G. Gibbs, Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon.

13. G. Gibbs, Alphabetical Vocabulary of the Chinook
language.

Second Series : i. W. Matthews, Grammar and Dic-
tionary of the language of the Hidatsa.

2. W. Matthews, Hidatsa-English Dictio7iary.

The first series was printed in New York, 1860-63 ; the
second, 1873-74. There is full bibliographical detail in
Pillinj's Proof-sheets.

2 The following are already published :

1. The Chronicles of the Mayas, ed. by Brinton.

2. The Iroquois Book of Rites, ed. by Horatio Hale.

3. The Comedy-ballet of Gueguence, ed. by Brinton.

4. The National Legend of the Creeks, ed. by Albert S.
Gatschet.

5. The Lenape and their Legends.

6 The Annals of the Cakchiquels, ed. by Brinton.

3 This series contains :

1. Juan de Albornoz, Arte de la lengua Chiapaneca y
Doctrina Cristiana por Luis Barrientos (Paris, 1875).

2. P. E. Pettitot, Dictionnaire de la langue Dhie-
Dindjie (Paris, 1876).

3. P. E. Pettitot, Vocabulaire Francais-Esquimau
(Paris, 1876).

4. P. Franco, Noticias de los Indios del Depariamento
de Veragua, etc. (San Francisco, 1882).

Pilling {Proof-sheets, 589, 1042- 1044) gives an account of
Pinart's published and MS. linguistic collections, as well
as (p. 587) of Francisco Pimentel's Las Lenguas indigenas
de Mexico (Mexico, 1862-65).

4 It embraces :

1. E. Uricoechea, Lengua Chibcha (Paris, 1871).

2. Eujenio Castillo i Orozco, Vocabidario Paez-Castel-
lano, etc. (Paris, 1877).

3. Raymond Breton, Grammaire Cara'ibe, ed. par L.
Adam et Ch. Leclerc (Paris, 1878).

4. Ollantai, drame, trad, par Pacheco Zegarra (Paris,
1878).

5. R. Celedon, La Lengua goajra, con una introd.
por E. Uricoechea (Paris, 1878).

6. L. Adam et V. Henry, La Lengua Chiquita (Paris,
1880).

7. Antonio Magio, La Lengua de los Indios Baures
(Paris, 1880).

8. J. Crevaux, P. Sagot, et L. Adam, Langues de la
region des Guyanes (Paris, 1882).

9. J. D. Haumonte, Parisot, et L. Adam, La Langue
Taensa (Paris, 1882). This has been pronounced a decep-
tion.

10. Francisco Pareja, La Lengua Timuquana, 1614
(Paris, 1886).

8 Cf. Pilling's Proof-sher/s, pp. 217-218.

0 Brinton {Amer. Ifrro Myths, 60), referring to Father

Cuoq's Lexique de la langue Iroquoisr, speaks of tli.it
author as "probably tin- best living authority on the
Iroquois." Pilling, Proof~aheets% 185, etc., gives th<
account of bis writings. Cf. Mrs. E. A. Smith on the Iro-
quois in Journal Authrof>olog. hist., xiv. .• 1 1

7 The languages covered arc: Da ota, Chibcha, Na-
huatl, Kechua, Quiche\ Maya, Montagnais, Chippeway,
Algonquin, Cri, Iroquois, Hidatsa, Chacta, CaraTbe, Kiiiii,
Guarani. Adam has I of the leading spirits in the

Congres des Americani Stes. There was published in

as a* part of the Bibliotheque linguist ique Amtricaine, a

Grammaire et Vocabulaire de la langur inmsa, avec

426

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The papers of the Count Hyacinthe de Charencey have been in the first instance for the most part printed
in the Revue dc Lingitistique, the Annates de Philosophic Chretienne, and the Memoires de V Academie de
C 'aen, and have wholly pertained to the tongues south of New Mexico ; but his principal studies are collected
in his Melanges dv fhilologic ct de palcographie Americaines (Paris, 1883).1

The most distinguished German worker in this field, if we except the incidental labors of Alexander and
William von Humboldt,'2 is J. C. E. Buschmann, whose various linguistic labors cover the wide field of
the west coast of North America from Alaska to the Isthmus, with some of the regions adjacent on the east.
1 [e published his papers in Berlin between 1853 and 1864, and many of them in the Memoires de V Academie
dc Berlin!6

Dr. Carl Hermann Berendt has published his papers in Spanish, English, and German, and some of them
will be found in the Smithsonian Reports, in the Berlin Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, and in the Revista de
Merida. Under the auspices of the American Ethnological Society, a fac-simile reproduction of his graphic
Analytical Alphabet for the Mexican and Central American languages vim published in 1869, the result of
twelve years' study in those countries.4

The languages of what are called the civilized nations of the central regions of America deserve more
particular attention.

In the Mexican empire the Aztec was largely predominant, but not exclusively spoken, for about twenty
other tongues were more or less in vogue in different parts. Humboldt and others have found occasional
traces in words of an earlier language than the Aztec or Nahua, but different from the Maya, which in Bras-
seur's opinion was the language of the country in those pre-Nahua days. Bancroft, contrary to some recent
philologists, holds the speech of the Toltec, Chichimec, and Aztec times to be one and the same.5 It was
perhaps the most copious and most perfected of all the aboriginal tongues ; and in proof of this are cited the
opinions of the early Spanish scholars, the successes of the missionaries in the use of it in imparting the
subtleties of their faith, and the literary use which was made of it by the native scholars, as soon as they
had adapted the Roman alphabet to its vocabulary and forms.6

textes traduits el commentes par J. D. Haumonte, Pari-
sot, L. Adam. It was printed from a manuscript said to
have been discovered in 1872, in the library of Mons. Hau-
monte\ Dr. Brinton, finding, as he claimed, that Adam
had been imposed upon, printed in the American Anti-
quarian, March, 1885, " The Taensa Grammar and Dic-
tionary, a Deception Exposed," the points of which were
epitomized by Professor H. W. Haynes in the American
Antiquarian Society Proceedings (April, 1885), and Adam
answered in Le Tamsa, a-t-il ete forge de toutes pieces
(Paris, 1885).

The languages of the southern and southwestern United
States have been particularly studied by Albert S. Gatschet,
among whose publications may be named Zwolf Sprachen
aus dem Siidwesten Nord A merikas (Weimar, 1877) ; The
Timucua language of Florida (Philad. , 1878, 1880); The
Chumeto language of California (Philad., 1882); Der
Yuma Sprachstamm of Arizona and the neighboring re-
gions (Berlin, 1877, 1883); IVortverzeichniss eines Viti-
Dialectes (Berlin, 1882); The Shetimasha Indians of St.
Mary's Parish, Louisiana (Washington, 1883); but his
most important contribution is the linguistic, historic, and
ethnographic introduction to his Migration Legend of the
Creek Indians (Philad., 1884), in which he has surveyed
the whole compass of the southern Indians. The extent
of Mr. Gatschet's studies will appear from Pilling's Proof-
sheets, pp. 285-292, 955.

1 Contents. — 1. Sur quelques families de langues du
Mexique. 2. Sur differents idiomes de la Nouvelle-Es-
pagne. 3. Sur la famille de langues Tapijulapane-Mixe.
4. Sur la famille de langue Pirinda-Othomi. 5.. Sur les
lois phonetiques dans les idiomes de la famille Maine-
Huasteque. 6. Sur le pronom personnel dans les idiomes
dc la famille Maya-Quiche. 7. Sur l'etude de la prophetie
< Maya d'Ahkuil-Chel. 8. Sur le systeme de nu-

'ii n chez les peuples de la famille Maya-Quiche. 9.

Sui hiffrement des ecritures calculiformes du Mayas.

10. S les de numeration en Maya.

Pilli Proof-sheets, pp. 145-148, 904-906) enumerates

many of the separate publications.

1 Brin I printed The philosophical grammar of
the A met languages as set forth by IVilhelm von

Humboldt, vith a t reinstation of an unpublished memoir

by hint on the A merican verb (Philad., 1885). The great
work of A. von Humboldt and Bonpland, Voyage aux^
regions equinoxiales du nouveau continent (Paris, 1816-
31), gives some linguistic matter in the third volume.

3 These are enumerated in the list in Bancroft, i. ; in>
Field, nos. 208-218 ; and in Leclerc, Index ; with more de-
tail in Pilling's Proof-sheets, pp. 102-110,894-896. Cf. also
Sabin, hi. nos. 9,521 etc.

4 Brinton, who possesses his papers, published a Memoir
of him in the Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., 1884. His publica-
tions and MS. collections are given in rilling's Proof-sheets,
PP- 72> 73. 879-881.

5 He cites (hi. 725-26) many opinions ; and quotes Saha-
giin as saying that the Apalaches were Nahuas and spoke
the Mexican tongue (Ibid. iii. 727). Is this any evidence
of the Floridian immigration ?

6 A considerable body of literature in this language has
comedown to us. Bancroft (iii. 728) enumerates a number
of the principal religious manuals, etc. Icazbalceta in the
first volume of his Bibliografia Mexicana (Mexico, 1886),
in cataloguing the books issued in Mexico before 1600, in-
cludes all that were printed in the native tongue. Brinton
gives some account of such native authors in his Aboriginal
American authors and their productions, especially those
in the native languages. A chapter in the history of liter-
ature (Philad., 1883). Cf. his paper in the Congrcs des
Amer., Copenhagen, 1883, p. 54. Bancroft (iii. 730) gives
some citations as to its literary value. Brinton has illus-
trated this quality in some of his lesser monographs, as in
his Ancient Nahuatl Poetry (Philad., 1887); and in his
Study of the Nahuatl language (1886), in which he gives
specimens and enumerates the dictionaries and texts. He
says there are more than a hundred authors in it (Amer.
Antiquarian, viii. 22). Icazbalceta has collected many
Nahua MSS-., and his brother-in-law, Francisco Pimentel,
has used them in his Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo
de las Lenguas indigenas de Mexico (1862), of which there
is a German translation by Isidor Epstein (N. Y., 1877).
This is based on a second augmented edition (Mexico,
1874-75), hi which the tongues of northern Mexico are
better represented, and a general classification of the lan-
guages is added. Pimentel (i. 154) asserts that it is a mis-
take to suppose that the Chichimecs spoke Nahua. Cf.,

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON AMERICAN LINGUISTICS. 427

The Maya has much the same prominence farther south that the Nahua has in the northerly parts of the
territory of the Spanish conquest, and a dialect of it, the Tzendal, still spoken near Palenque, is considered
to be the oldest form of it, though probably this dialect was a departure from the original stock. It is one of
the evidences that the early Mayas may have come by way of the West India islands that modern philolo-
gists say the native tongues of those islands were allied to the Maya. Bancroft (iii. 759, with other references,
760) refers to the list of spoken tongues given in Palacio's Carta al Rey de Espaha (1576) as the best enu-
meration of the early Spanish writers.1 For its literary value we must consult some of the authorities like
Orozco y Berra, mentioned in connection with the Aztec. Squier published a Monograph of authors who
have written on the languages of Centra/ America, a7id collected vocabularies and composed works in the
native dialects of that country (Albany, 1861, — 100 copies), in which he mentions no such authors and
gives a list of their printed and MS. works. Those who have used these native tongues for written produc-
tions are named in Ludewig's Literature of the Amer. Aborig. Languages (London, 1858) and in Brinton's
Aboriginal American Authors (Phila., 1883).2

however, Bancroft (iii. 724) and Short, 255, 480. Pimen-
tel's opinions are weighty, and follow in this respect those
of Orozco y Berra, Sahagiin, Ixtlilxochitl ; but later, Veytia
had maintained the reverse.

Lucien Adam includes the Nahua in his Etudes sur six
langiws Americaines (Paris, 1878). Aubin wrote "Sur
la langue Mexicaine et la philologie Americaine" in the
Archives de laSoc. Amer. de France, n. s., vol. i. Bras-
seur contributed various articles on Mexican philology to
the Revue Orientate et Americaine. Dr. C. Hermann
Berendt formed an A nalytical A Iphabet for the Mexican
and Central America languages (N. Y., 1869). Busch-
mann has a study in the Memoirs de VAcademie de Berlin,
and separately, Ueber die Astekischen Ortsnatnen (Berlin,
1853). Henri de Charencey in his Melanges de Philologie
(Paris, 1883) has a paper " Sur quelques families de langues
du Mexique." V. A. Malte-Brun gave in the Compte
Rendu. Cong, des A mericanistes, 1877 (vol. ii. p. 10), a paper
" La distribution ethnographique des nations et des langues
au Mexique." Reference has been made elsewhere to the
important publication of Manuel Orozco y Berra, Geografia
de las lenguas y carta etnografica de Mexico, precedidos
de un ensayo de c lass ificac ion de las mismas lenguas y de
apuntes para las inmigraciones de las tribus( Mexico, 1864).
The work is said to be the fruit of twelve years' constant
study, and to have been based in some part on MSS. be-
longing to Icazbalceta, dating back to the latter part of the
sixteenth century (enumerated in Peab. Mus. Repts, ii. 559).
There is some adverse criticism. Peschel (Races of Men,
438) thinks the linguistic map of Mexico in Orozco y Berra's
work the only good feature in the book, since the author
spreads old errors anew in consequence of his unacquaint-
ance with Buschmann's researches. A series of linguistic
monographic essays on the Aztec names of places is em-
braced in Dr. Antonio Penafiel's Nombres Geografico de
Mexico. Catalogo oJfabetico de los nombres de lugar per-
tenecientes al idioma" JVahuatl" estudio jeroglifico de la
ntatricula de los tributos del codice Mendocino (Mexico,
1885). In the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, n. s.,
179, iii. there is an essay by Simeon, " La langue Mexicaine
et son histoire."

The affiliation of the Aztec with the Pueblo stocks is
traced by Bancroft, iii. 665, who follows out the diversities
of those stocks (pp. 671, 681). Cf. for various views Mor-
gan's Systems of Consanguinity, 260 ; Buschmann's Die
V other und Sprachen Neu Mexico's, and First Rept. Bur.
of Ethnology, p. xxxi.

1 Some authorities give fourteen dialects of the Maya.
Cf. the table in Bancroft, iii. 562, etc., and the statements
in Garcia y Cubas, translated by Geo. F. Henderson as The
Republic of Mexico. It is still spoken in the greatest
purity about the Balize, as is commonly said ; but Le Plon-
geon goes somewhat inland and says he found it " in all its
pristine purity " in the neighborhood of Lake Peten. Le
Plongeon, with that extravagance which has in the end de-
prived him of the sympathy and encouragement due to his
noteworthy labors, says, " One third of this Maya tongue
is pure Greek,'' following Brasseur in one of his vagaries.

who thought he found in 15,000 Maya vocables at least 7,000
that bore a striking resemblance to the language of Homer.

2 The bibliographies will add to this enumeration. The
Pinart Catalogue (pp. 98-100) gives a partial list. Only
some of the more important monographs upon features of
the Maya language can be mentioned : Father Pedro Bel-
tran de Santa Rosa's Arte del idioma Maya (Mexico,
1746) was so rare that Brasseur did not secure it, but Le-
clerc catalogues it (no. 2,280), as well as the reprint (Merida,
1859) edited by Jose D. Espinosa. There is a study of the
Maya tongues included in a paper printed first by Carl
Hermann Berendt in the Journal of the Amer. Geog. Soc.
(viii. 132, for 1876), which was later issued separately as Re-
marks on the centres of ancient civilization in Central
A merica and their geographical distribution (N. Y., 1876).
It is accompanied by a map. (Cf. also his " Explorations in
Central America" in the Smithsonian Rept , 1867.) Bras-
seur included in his Manuscrit Troano (Paris, 1869-70), and
later published separately, a Dictionnaire, Grammaire et
Chrestomathie de la langue Maya (Paris, 1872); the dic-
tionary containing 10,000 words, the grammar being a trans-
lation from Father Gabriel de Saint Bonaventure, while
the chrestomathy was a gathering of specimens ancient and
modern, of the language. Brasseur, in his mutable way,
found in the first season of his studies the Greek, Latin,
English, German, Scandinavian, not to name others, to
have correspondences with the Maya, and ended in deriv-
ing them from that tongue as the primitive language. (Cf.
Short, 476.) Dr. Brinton has a paper on The Ancient
Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan (N. Y. , 1870), and he read
at the BufLlo meeting (1886) of the Amer. Assoc, for the
Advancement uf Science a paper on the phonetic element
of the graphic systtm of the Mayas, etc., which is printed
in the American Antiquarian, viii. 347. In the introduc-
tion of his Maya Chronicles (Philad., 1882) he examines
the language and literatm j of the Mayas. He refers to a
" Disertacion sobre la historia de la lengua Maya o Yuca-
teca " by Crescencio Carrello y Ancona in the Revista de
Merida, 1870. Charencey has printed various special pa-
pers, like a Fragment de Chrestomathie de la langue
Maya antique (Paris, 1875) from the Revue de Philologie
et d' 'Ethnographie , and a paper read before the Copei I
meeting of the Congres des Amoricanistes (Compte Rendu,
p. 37<j), " De la formation des mots en lengua Maya."
Landa's Relation as published by Brasseur (Pari-, 1864) is
of course a leading source.

Of the Quiche branch of the Maya we know most from
Brasseur's Popul Vuli and from his Gramatica tic la
lengua Quiche (Paris, 1862), in the appendix of which lie
printed the Rabinal Acki, a drama in the Quiche t<
Father Ildefonso Jose Florcs, a native of the country, was
professor of the Cakchiquel language in the university of
Guatemala in the last century, and published a Arte de la
lengua metropolitatia del Reyno Cakchiquel (Guatemala,
i753)i which was unknown to later scholars, till Brasseur
discovered a copy in 1856 (Lcclerc, no. 2,270). The litera-
ture of the Cakchiquel dialect is examined in the introduc-
tion to Brinton's Grammar of the Cakchiquel language

428 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The philology of the South American peoples has not been so well compassed as that of the northern
continent. The classified bibliographies show the range of it under such heads as Ande (or Campa), Arau-
canians (Chilena), Arrawak, Aymara, Brazil (the principal work being F. P. von Martius's Beitrdge zur
Ethnographic und Sprachenkunde Atnerika's, ziunal Brasiliens, Leipzig, 1867, with a second part called
Giossaria linguarum brasilicnsium, Erlangen, 1863), Chama, Chibcha (or Muysca, Mosca), Cumanagota,
Galibi, Goajira, Guarani, Kiriri (Kariri), Lule, Moxa, Paez, Quichua, Tehuelhet, Tonocote, Tupi, etc.

(Philad., 1SS4), edited for the American Philosophical So- We owe to Brinton, also, a few discussions of the Nica

Ciety. Cf. Brinton's lit le treatise On the language and ragua tongues, both in their Maya and Aztec relations. He

ethnologic position of the Xinca Indians 0/ Guatemala has discussed the local dialect of this region in the introduc-

( Philadelphia, 1884); his So-called A laguilac language of tion of The Giiegiience ; a comedy ballet in the Nahuatl-

Guatemala in the Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc, 1887, p. 366; Spanish dialect of Nicaragua (Philadelphia, 1883), and in

and Otto Stoll's Zur Ethnographie der Republik Gua- his Notes on the Mang?ie, an extinct dialect formerly

temala (Zurich, 18S4). spoken in Nicaragua (Philadelphia, 1886).

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE MYTHS AND RELIGIONS

OF AMERICA.

By the Editor.

The earliest scholarly examination of the whole subject, which has been produced by an American author,
is Daniel G. Brinton's Myths of the New World, a treatise on the symbolism and mythology of the Red
Race of America (N. Y., 1868; 2d ed., 1876). It is a comparative study, "more for the thoughtful general
reader than for the antiquary," as the author says. " The task," he adds, " bristles with difficulties. Careless-
ness, prepossessions, and ignorance have disfigured the subject with false colors and foreign additions without
number" (p. 3). After describing the character of the written, graphic, or symbolic records, .vhich the student
of history has to deal with in tracing North American history back before the Conquest, he adds, while he
deprives mythology of any historical value, that the myths, being kept fresh by repetition, were also nourished
constantly by the manifestations of nature, which gave them birth. So while taking issue with those who
find history buried in the myths, he warns us to remember that the American myths are not the reflections
of history or heroes. In the treatment of his subject he considers the whole aboriginal people of Amer-
ica as a unit, with "its religion as the development of ideas common to all its members, and its myths as the
garb thrown around those ideas by imaginations more or less fertile ; but seeking everywhere to embody the
same notions." ! This unity of the American races is far from the opinion of other ethnologists.

Brinton gives a long bibliographical note on those who had written on the subject before him, in which he
puts, as the first (1819) to take a philosophical survey, Dr. Samuel Farmer Jarvis in -^Discourse on the religion
of the Indian tribes of North America, printed in the N Y. Hist. Soc. Collections, iii. (1821). Jarvis con-
fined himself to the tribes north of Mexico, and considered their condition, as he found it, one of deterioration
from something formerly higher. There had been, of course, before this, amassers of material, like the Jesuits
in Canada, as preserved in their Relations,'2' sundry early French writers on the Indians,3 the English agents
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England, and the Moravian missionaries in Penn-
sylvania and the Ohio country, to say nothing of the historians, like Loskiel {Geschichtc dry Mission, 1789),
Vetromile (Abnakis and their History, New York, 1866), Cusick (Six Nations), not to mention local ob-
servers, like Col. Benjamin Hawkins, Sketch of the Creek Country (Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections, 1848, but
written about 1800).

If the placing of Brinton's book as the earliest scholarly contribution is to be contested, it would be for
E. G. Squier's Serpent Symbol in America (N. Y., 1851) ;4 but the book is not broadly based, except so far
as such comprehensiveness can be deduced from his tendency to consider all myths as having some force of
nature for their motive, and that all are traceable to an instinct that makes the worship of fire or of the sun
the centre of a system.5 With this as the source of life, Squier allies the widespread phallic worship. In
Bancroft's Native Races (iii. p. 501) there is a summary of what is known of this American worship oi the

1 Notwithstanding this commonness of origin, if such be tive of a journey from Santa Ft, New Me tico, to the vit-
the case, there is a striking truth in what Max Muller says : lages 0/ the Moqui Indians of Arizona, with a description
" The thoughts of primitive humanity were not only differ- of the manners and customs of this peculiar feopL
ent from our thoughts, but different also from what we which is added a brief dissertation u/>on serpent-worship
think their thoughts ought to have been." in general, with an account of the tablet dance oj the

2 See Vol. IV. p. 295. Pueblo of Santo Domingo, New Mi Ion,

3 Such are Sagard's Histoire du Canada (1636); Nico- 1884).

las Perrot's Memoire_ sur les Mceurs, Coutumes et Re- ■ Brinton {Myths, etc., 141) d worship,

ligion des Sauvages, involving his experience from 1665 some investigators have made the base of all primitive

to 1699; Lafitau's Mceurs des Sauvages (1724), and the religions, to be but a "short and easy method «iili my-

like. thology," and that " no one k-v can open all the an ana <>f

4 Bancroft (iii. 136) says: " It does not appear, notwith- symbolism." He refers to D'Orbirmy {VHomme A me-
standing Mr. Squier's assertion to the contrary, that the ricain), Milller (AmerMrreligiotunS, andSquier (Sei
serpent was actually worshipped either in Yucatan or Symbol) as supporting the opposing view. We may find
Mexico." Cf. Brinton's Myths, ch. 4; Chas. S.Wake's lil<e supporters of the sun as a central idea in Schoolcraft,
Serpent Worship (London, 1888); and J. G. Bourke;s Tylor, Brasseur. Cf. Bancroft's Native Races Oil 114) in

Snake-dance of the Moguls of Arizona ; being a narra- opposition to Brinton.

430 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

generative power. Brinton doubts (Myths, etc., 149) if anything like phallic worship really existed, apart
from a wholly unreligious surrender to appetite.

Another view which Squier maintains is, that above all this and pervading all America's religious views
there was a sort of rudimentary monotheism.1

When we add to this enumeration the somewhat callow and wholly unsatisfactory contributions of School-
craft in the great work on the Indian Tribes of the United States (1851-59), which the U. S. government in
a headlong way sanctioned, we have included nearly all that had been done by American authors in this field
when Bancroft published the third volume of his Native Races. This work constitutes the best mass of ma-
terial for the student — who must not confound mythology and religion — to work with, the subject being
presented under the successive heads of the origin of myths and of the world, physical and animal myths,
gods, supernatural beings, worship and the future state ; but of course, like all Bancroft's volumes, it must be
supplemented by special works pertaining to the more central and easterly parts of the United States, and to
the regions south of Panama. The deficiency, however, is not so much as may be expected when we consider
the universality of myths. " Unfortunately," says this author, " the philologic and mythologic material for
such an exhaustive synthesis of the origin and relations of the American creeds as Cox has given to the world
in the Aryan legends in his Mythology of the Aryan Nations (London, 1870) is yet far from complete."

In 1SS2 Brinton, after riper study, again recast his views of a leading feature of the subject in his American
hero-myths ; a study in the native religions of the western continent (Philad., 1S82), in which he endeavored
to present " in a critically correct light some of the fundamental conceptions in the native beliefs." His pur-
pose was to counteract what he held to be an erroneous view in the common practice of considering " Amer-
ican hero-gods as if they had been chiefs of tribes at some undetermined epoch," and to show that myths of
similar import, found among different peoples, were a " spontaneous production of the mind, and not a reminis-
cence of an historic event." He further adds as one of the impediments in the study that he does " not know
of a single instance on this continent of a thorough and intelligent study of a native religion made by a' Protes-
tant missionary." 2 After an introductory chapter on the American myths, Brinton in this volume takes up
successively the consideration of the hero-gods of the Algonquins and Iroquois, the Aztecs, Mayas, and the
Quichuas of Peru. These myths of national heroes, civilizers, and teachers are, as Brinton says, the funda-
mental beliefs of a very large number of American tribes, and on their recognition and interpretation depends
the correct understanding of most of their mythology and religious life, — and this means, in Brinton's view,
that the stories connected with these heroes have no historic basis.3

The best known of the comprehensive studies by a European writer is J. G. Midler's Geschichte der Ameri-
kanischen Urreligionen (Basle, 1855 ; again in 1867), in which he endeavors to work out the theory that at the
south there is a worship of nature, with a sun-worship for a centre, contrasted at the north with fetichism and
a dread of spirits, and these he considers the two fundamental divisions of the Indian worship. Bancroft finds
him a chief dependence at times, but Brinton, charging him with quoting in some instances at second-hand,
finds him of no authority whatever.

One of the most reputable of the German books on kindred subjects is the Anthropologic der Naturvblker
(Leipzig, 1862-66) of Theodor Waitz. Brinton's view of it is that no more comprehensive, sound, and critical
work on the American aborigines has been written : but he considers him astray on the religious phases, and
that his views are neither new nor tenable when he endeavors to subject moral science to a realistic philosophy.4

1 This monotheism is denied by Brinton (Myths of the monotheism and henotheism, which is the temporary pre-

New World, 52). " Of monotheism, either as displayed in eminence of one god over the host of gods, and which was

the one personal definite God of the Semitic races, or in as near monotheism as the American aborigines came,

the dim pantheistic sense of the Brahmins, there was not a 2 He also masses the evidence which shows, as he thinks,

single instance on the American continent," — the Iroquois that " on Catholic missions ha$ followed the debasement,

" Neu " and " Hawaneu," which, as Brinton says, have de- and on Protestant missions the destruction, of the Indian

ceived Morgan and others, being but the French "Dieu" race." Amer. Hero-Myths, pp. 206, 238.

and " Le bon Dieu " rendered in Indian pronunciation 3 Unfortunately, Brinton enforces this view and others

(Myths of the New World, p. 53). The aborigines insti- with a degree of confidence that does not help him to con-

tuted, however, in two instances, the worship of an imma- vince the cautious reader, as when he speaks of the opinions

terial god, one among the Quichuas of Peru and another at of those who disagree with him as "having served long

Tezcuco (Ibid. p. 55). enough as the last refuge of ignorance" (Amer. Hero-

Bandelier (ArcJueol. Tottr, 185), examining the Hist, de Myths, 145).

los Mcxican-os par siis Pinturas (Anales del Museo, ii. 86), 4 The whole question of comparative mythology involves

Motolinfa, Gomara, Sahagiin, Tobar, and Duran, finds no in its broad aspects the subject of American myths. The

trace of monotheism till we come to Acosta. Torquemada literature of this general kind is large, but reference may be

aks of supreme gods ; and Bandelier thinks that Ixtlilxo- made to Girard de Rialle's La Mythologie Comf>arce (Paris,

chitl, in conveying the idea of a single god, evidently dis- 1878); for the idea of God, Dawson's Fossil Men, ch. 9 and

torts and disfigures Torquemada. 10; Lubbock's Origin of Civilization, ch. 4, 5, 6; J. P.

Bancroft (iii. 198) accords honesty to Ixtlilxochitl's ac- Lesley's Man's origin and destiny, ch. 10; and for the

count of the religionof the Tezcucan ruler Nezahualcoyotl, geographical distribution of myths, Tylor's Early Hist, of

aching the heights of Mexican monotheistic concep- Mankind, ch. 12; Max Midler's Chips, vol. ii. ; and in a

Hon, because he thinks his descendants, if he had fabled, general way, Brinton's Religious sentiment, .its source and

Id never have ended his description with so pagan a aim (N. Y., 1876). Reference may also be made to Joly's

statement as that which makes the Tezcucan recognize the Man before Metals, ch. 7; Dabry de Thiersant's Origine

sun as his father and the earth as his mother des indiens (Paris, 1883) ; and G. BruhPs Culturvolker Alt-

Max Midler tells us that we should distinguish between A merikas (Cincinnati, 1876-7S), ch. 10 and 19.

THE MYTHS AND RELIGIONS OF AMERICA.

431

In speaking of the scope of the comprehensive work of H. H. Bancroft we mentioned that beyond the larger
part of the great Athapascan stock of the northern Indians his treatment did not extend. Such other general
works as Brinton's Myths of the New World, the sections of his American Hero-Myths on the hero-gods of
the Algonquins and Iroquois, and the not wholly satisfactory book of Ellen R. Emerson, Indian myths ; or,
Legends, traditions, and symbols of the aborigines of America, compared with those of other countries, in-
cluding Hindostan, Egypt, Persia, Assyria, and China (Boston, 1884), with aid from such papers as Major
J. W. Powell's " Philosophy of the North American Indians " in the Journal of the Amer. Geographical
Society (vol. viii. p. 251, 1876), and his " Mythology of the North American Indians " in the First Annual
Rept. of the Bureau of Ethnology (1881), and R. M. Dorman's Origin of primitive superstition atnong the
aborigines of America (Philad., 1881), must suffice in a general way to cover those great ethnic stocks of the
more easterly part of North America, which comprise the Iroquois, centred in New York, and surrounded
by the Algonquins, west of whom were the Dacotas, and south of whom were the Creeks, Choctaws, and
Chickasaws, sometimes classed together as Appalachians.1

The mythology of the Aztecs is the richest mine, and Bancroft in his third volume finds the larger part of
his space given to the Mexican religion.

Brinton {Amer. Hero Myths, y^, 78), referring to the " Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas " of
Ramirez de Fuen-leal, as printed in the Anales del Museo Nacional (ii. p. 86), says that in some respects it is
to be considered the most valuable authority which we possess,'2 as taken directly from the sacred books of the
Aztecs, and as explained by the most competent survivors of the Conquest.3

We must also look to Ixtlilxochitl and Sahagun as leading sources. From Sahagun we get the prayers which
were addressed to the chief deity, of various names, but known best, perhaps, as Tezcatlipoca; and these in-
vocations are translated for us in Bancroft (iii. 199, etc.), who supposes that, consciously or unconsciously,
Sahagun has slipped into them a certain amount of " sophistication and adaptation to Christian ideas." From
the lofty side of Tezcatlipoca's character, Bancroft (iii. ch. 7) passes to his meaner characteristics as the
oppressor of Ouetzalcoatl.

The most salient features of the mythology of the Aztecs arise from the long contest of Tezcatlipoca and
Quetzalcoatl, the story of which modified the religion of their followers, and, as Chavero claims, greatly affected

Brinton {Myths, 210) tracks the Deluge myth among the
Indians, and Bancroft gives many instances of it {Native
Races, v., index). Brinton thinks a paper by Charencey,
" Le Deluge d'apres les traditions indiennes de l'Amerique
du Nord," in the Revue A mericaine, a help for its extracts,
but complains of its uncritical spirit.

We find sufficient data of the aboriginal belief in the
future life both in Bancroft's final chapter (vol. iii. parti.)
and in Brinton's Myths, ch. 9. Brinton delivered an address
on the "Journey of the soul," which is printed in the Pro-
ceedings (Jan., 1883) of the Numismatic and Antiquarian
Society of Philadelphia.

1 In studying the mythology of these tribes we must
•depend mainly on confined monographs. Mrs. E. A. Smith
treats the myths of the Iroquois in the Second Annual
Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. Charles Godfrey Leland has
■covered The A Igonquin lege?ids of New England ; or,
myths and folk-lore of the Micmac, Passamaquoddy , and
Penobscot tribes (Boston, 1884). Brinton has a book on
The Lenape and their legends (Philad., 1885) ; and one may
refer to the Life and Journals of David Bra inard. S. D.
Peet has a paper on "The religious beliefs and traditions
of the aborigines of North America" in the Journal of the

Victoria Institute (London, 1888, vol. xxi. 229); one on
''Animal worship and Sun worship in the east and west com-
pared " in the American Antiquarian, Mar., 1888; and a
paper on the religion of the moundbuilders in Ibid. vi. 393.
The Dahcotah, or life and legends of tlie Sioux aroimd
Fort SnellingCN. Y., 1849) of Mrs. Mary Eastman has
been a serviceable book. S. R. Riggs covers the mythology
of the Dakotas in the Amer. Antiquarian (v. 147), and in
this periodical will be found various studies concerning other
tribes.

2 Bandelier, Archa>ol. Tour, 185, calls it the earliest
statement of the Nahua mythology.

3 There is more or less of original importance on the
Aztec myths in Alfredo Chavero's " La Piedra del Sol,"
likewise in the Anales (vol. i.). Cf. also the " Ritos An-
tiguos, sacrificios e idolatrias de los indios de la Nueva
Espana," as printed in the Coleccion de doc. ined. para
la hist, de Espana (liii. 300).

Bancroft (vol. iii. ch. 6-10), who is the best source for
reference, gives also the best compassed survey of the en-
tire field ; but among writers in English he may be supple
mented by Prescott (i. ch. 3, introd. ); Helps in his Spanish
Conquest (vol. ii.) ; Tylor's Primitive Culture; Albert
Reville's Lectures o?i the origin and growth of religion as
illustrated by tJie native religions of Mexico and Peru,
translated by P. H. Wicksteed (London, 1884, being the
Hibbert lectures for 1834); on the analogies of the Mexican
belief, a condensed statement in Short's No. A merica of
A ntiq., 459; a popular paper in The Galaxy, May, 1876.
Bandelier intended a fourth paper to be added to the three
printed in the Peabody Mus. Repts. (vol. ii. ), namely, one on
" The Creeds and Beliefs of the Ancient Mexicans," which
has never, I think, been printed.

Among the French, we may refer to Ternaux-Compans'
Essai sur la theogonie Mexicaine (Paris, 1840) and the
works of Brasseur. Klemm's Cultur -Gesrhichte and
Midler's Urreligionen will mainly coyer the German
views. Of the Mexican writers, it may be worth while to
name J. M Melgar's Exmiicu coniparativa etitre lot siguos
simbolicos de las Teogouias y Cosmogonins antiguas y
los qtie existen en los mginuscritos Mexicanos (Vera Cruz,
1872).

The readiest description of their priesthood and festivals
will be found in Bancroft (ii. 201, 303, with refer
Tenochtitlan is said to have had 2,000 sacred buildings, and
Torquemada says there were 80,000 throughout M
while Clavigero says that a million priests i ttended upon
them. Bancroft (iii. ch. 10) describes this service. There
is a chance in all this of much exaggeration.

The history of human sacrifice as a part of this service IS
the subject of disagreement among the earlier as well as
with the later writers. Bancroft (iii. 413, some

leading references. Cf. Prescott (i. 77) and Nadail
296). Las Casas in his general defence of the natives
places the number of sacrifices verv low. Zum
there were 20.000 a year. The Aztecs, if not originating
the practice, as is disputed by linly made much

use of it.

43^

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

their history.1 This struggle, according as the interpreters incline, stands for some historic or physical rivalry,
or for one between St. Thomas and the heathen ; - but Brinton explains it on his general principles as one
between the powers of Light and Darkness (Am. Hero Myths, 65).

■ The main original sources on the character and career of Quetzalcoatl are Motolinia, Mendieta, Sahagun,
Ixtlilxochitl, and Torquemada, and these are all summarized in Bancroft (iii. ch. 7).

It has been a question with later writers whether there is a foundation of history in the legend or myth of
Quetzalcoatl. Brinton (Myths of the New World, 180) has perhaps only a few to agree with him when he
calls that hero-god a " pure creature of the fancy, and all his alleged history nothing but a myth," and he
thinks some confusion has arisen from the priests of Quetzalcoatl being called by his name.

Bandelier (Archccol. Tour) takes issue with Brinton in deeming Quetzalcoatl on the whole an historical
person, whom Ixtlilxochitl connects with the pre-Toltec tribes of Olmeca and Xicalanca, and whom Torque-
mada says came in while the Toltecs occupied the country. Bandelier thinks it safe to say that Quetzalcoatl
began his career in the present state of Hidalgo as a leader of a migration moving southward, with a principal
sojourn at Cholula, introducing arts and a purer worship. This is substantially the view taken by J. G. Miiller,
Prescott, and Wuttke.

QUETZALCOATL*

Bancroft (iii. 273) finds the Geschichte der Amcr. Urreligionen (p. 577) of Miiller to present a more thor-
ough examination of the Quetzalcoatl myth than any other,3 but since then it has been studied at length by
Bandelier in his Archozological Tour (p. 170 etc.), and by Brinton in his A?ner. Hero Myths, ch. 3.*

What Tylor (Primitive Culture, ii. 279) calls " the inexplicable compound, parthenogenetic deity, the hid-
eous, gory Huitzilopochtli " (Huitziloputzli, Vitziliputzli), the god of war,5 the protector of the Mexicans, was
considered by Boturini (Idea, p. 60) as a deified ancient war-chief. Bancroft in his narrative (iii. 289, 294;

1 A nates del Museo National, ii. 247; Bancroft, iii. 240, coatl, the Mexican Messiah " in Gentleman'' s Mag:, n. s. ,

24S.

- Bandelier thinks Duran the earliest to connect St.
Thomas with Queualcoatl. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 456.

3 Miiller agrees with Ixtlilxochitl that Quetzalcoatl and

1 1 uemac were one and the same, and that Ternaux erred in

ing them respectively Olmec and Toltec deities. Cf.

Brasseur's Palenque, 40, 66. Cf. D. Daly on " Quetzal-

xli. 236.

* For the later views in general see Clavigero, Tylor,
Brasseur (Nations Civil., i. 253), Prescott (i. 62), Ban-
croft (iii. 248, 263 ; v. 24, 200, 255, 257), and Short (267,

274)-

6 The god Paynal was a sort of deputy war-god. See
H. H. Bancroft's Native Races.

* After a drawing in Cumplido's Mexican ed. of Prescott's Mexico, vol. iii. Images of him are everywhere (Nadaillac,
273-74)- Cf. Eng. transl. of Charnay, p. 87.

THE MYTHS AND RELIGIONS OF AMERICA.

433

iv- 559) quotes the accounts in Sahagun and Torquemada, and (pp. 300-322) summarizes J. G. Miiller's mono-
graph on this god, which he published in 1847, and which he enlarged when including it in his Urreligionen.

Acosta's description of the Temple of Huitzilopochtli is translated in Bancroft (iii. 292). Solis follows
Acosta, while Herrera copies Gomara, who was not, as Solis contends, so well informed.

As regards the Votan myth of Chiapas, Brinton tells us something in his American Hero Myths (212, with
references, 215) ; but the prime source is the Tzendal manuscript used by Cabrera in his Teatro Critico-Ame-
ricano.i No complete translation has been made, and the abstracts are unsatisfactory. Bancroft aids us in
this study of worship in Chiapas (iii. 458), as also in that of Oajaca (iii. 448), Michoacan'-^ (iii. 445), and
Jalisco (iii. 447).

t^^^^^S^^^k

THE MEXICAN TEMPLE*

" The religion of the Mayas," says Bancroft (iii. ch. 11), "was fundamentally the same as that of the Nahuas,
though it differed somewhat in outward forms. Most of the gods were deified heroes. . . . Occasionalh
find very distinct traces of an older sun-worship which has succumbed to later forms, introduced according to
vague tradition from Anahuac." The view of Tylor (Anahuac, 191) is that the "civilization.*" and co
quently the religions, of Mexico and Central America were originally independent, but that they came much
into contact, and thus modified one another to no small extent."

1 Cf. references in Peabody Mus. Rept., ii. 571 ; Short, a manuscript in the library of Congress, of which there is
p. 206. a copy in Madrid, which is printed in the CoUccion </■

2 Cf. Relacion de las ceremonias y Ritos de Michoacan, hied, para la hist, de Espana, liii.

* Reduced from a drawing in Icazbalceta's Coleccion de Documtntos, i. p. 384- There were two nsu.il forms of the
Mexican temple: one of this type, and the other with two niche-like pavilions on the top. Cf. drawing! in Clavigero
(Casena, 1780), ii. 26, 34; Eng. tr. by Cullen, i. 262, 373 ; Stevens's Eng. tr. Herrera (London, 1740, vol. ii.).
VOL. I. — 28

434

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Modern scholars are not by any means so much inclined as Las Casas and the other Catholic fathers were to
raize the dogma of the Trinity and other Christian notions, which have been thought to be traceable in
what the Maya people in their aboriginal condition held for faith.

The most popular of their deified heroes were Zamni and Cukulcan, not unlikely the same personage under
t\s.' names, and quite likely both are correspondences of Quetzalcoatl. We can find various views and alterna-
tives on this point among the elder and recent writers. The belief in community of attributes derives its
strongest aid from the alleged disappearance of Quetzalcoatl in Goazacoalco just at the epoch when Cukulcan
appeared in Yucatan. The centres of Maya worship were at Izamal, Chichen-ltza, and the island of
Cozumel.

The hero-gods of the Mayas is the topic of Brinton's fourth chapter in his American Hero Myths, with

views of their historical relations of course at variance with those of Bancroft. As respects the material, he

says that " most unfortunately very meagre sources of information are open to us. Only fragments of their

nds and hints of their history have been saved, almost by accident, from the general wreck of their civili-

THE TEMPLE OF MEXICO*

zation." The heroes are Itzamn£, the leader of the first immigration from the east, through the ocean path-
ways; and Kukulcan, the conductor of the second from the west. For the first cycle of myths Brinton refers
to Landa's Relation, Cogolludo's Yucatan, Las Casas's Historia Apologctica, involving the reports of the
missionary Francisco Hernandez, and to Hieronimo Roman's De la Repnblica de las Indias Occidentales.

The Kukulcan legends are considered by Brinton to be later in date and less natural in character, and
Hernandez's Report to Las Casas is the first record of them. Brinton's theory of the myths does not allow
him to identify the Quetzalcoatl and Kukulcan hero-gods as one and the same, nor to show that the Aztec
and Maya civilizations had more correspondence than occasional intercourse would produce; but he thinks
the similarity of the statue of " Chac Mool," unearthed by Le Plongeon at Chichen-ltza, to another found at
Tlaxcala compels us to believe that some positive connection did exist in parts of the country (Anales del
Musco Nacional, i. 270). 1 "The Nahua impress," says Bancroft (iii. 490), "noticeable in the languages and
customs of Nicaragua, is still more strongly marked in the mythology. Instead of obliterating the older forms

1 For further modern treatment see Schultz-Sellack's
" l>ir Amerikanischeti (liitter der vier Weltgegenden und
ihre Tempel in Palenque" in Zeitschrift fikr Ethnologic,
xi. (1S7';); Brasseur's Landa, p. Ix ; Ancona's Yucatan

(i. ch. 10); Powell's First Report Bureau of Ethnology ',
for sacrifices, Nadaillac (p. 266) ; and for festivals and
priestly service, Bancroft (ii. 689). For Yucatan folk-
lore, see Brinton in Folk-lore Journal (vol. i. for 1883).

* After plate (reduced) in Herrera.

THE MYTHS AND RELIGIONS OF AMERICA.

435

of worship, as it seems to have done in the northern parts of Central America, it has here and there passed by
many of the distinct beliefs held by different tribes, and blended with the chief elements of a system which
is traced to the Muyscas in South America."

The main source of the Quiche myths and worship is the Poful Vuh, but Bancroft (iii. 474), who follows
it, finds it difficult to make anything comprehensible out of its confusion of statement. But prominent
among the deities seem to stand Tepeu or Gucumatz, whom it is the fashion to make the same with Quetzal-
coatl, and Hurakan or Tohil, who indeed stands on a plane above Quetzalcoatl. Brinton {Myths, 156), on the
■contrary, connects Hurakan with Tlaloc, and seems to identify Tohil with Quetzalcoatl. Bancroft (iii. 477)
says that tradition, name, and attributes connect Tohil and Hurakan, and identify them with Tlaloc,

BU7TERWOR7

TEOYAOMIQUI*

* The idol dug up in the Plaza in Mexico is here presented, after a cut, following Nebel, in Tylor's Anahuac, show-
ing the Mexican goddess of war, or death. Cf. cut in American Antiquarian, Jan., 1883 ; Powell's First Rrpt. Bur.
Ethn., 232; Bancroft, iv. 512, 513, giving the front after Nebel, and the other views after Leon y Gatna. Bandolier
{Arch. Tour, pi. v) gives a photograph of it as it stands in the courtyard of the Museo Nacional.

Gallatin {A -m. Ethn. Soc. Trans., i. 338) describes Teoyaomiqui as the proper companion of Huilzilopochtli • "The
symbols of her attributes are found in the upper part of the statue; but those from the waist downwards relate to other
deities connected with her or with Huitzilopochtli." Tylor (Analiuac, 222) says: " The antiquaries think that the figures
in it stand for different personages, and that it is three gods : Huitzilopochtli the god of war, Teoyaomiqui his wife, and
Mictlantecutli the god of hell." Leon y Gama calls the statue Teoyaomiqui, but Bandolier, Archaol. Tour, 67, thinks
its proper name is rather Huitzilopochtli. Leon y Gama's description is summarized in Bancroft, iii. 399, who cites also
what Humboldt {Vues, etc., ii. 153, and his pi. xxix) says. Bancroft (iii. 397) speaks of it as " a huge compound statin',
representing various deities, the most prominent being a certain Teoyaomiqui, who is almost identical with, or at 1<
connecting link between, the mother goddess " and Mictlantecutli, the god of Mictlan, or Hades. Cf, references in Ban-
croft, iv. 515.

430

NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Brinton's Names of the gods in the Kiche myths, a monograph on Central American mythology (Philad.
Am. Philos. Sec, 1881), is a special study of a part of the subject.

Brinton [Myths, etc.. 184) considers the best authorities on the mythology of the Muyscas of the Bogota
region to be Piedrahita's Historia dc las Conqnistas del Nuevo Rcyno de Granada (1668, followed by Hum-
boldt in his / 'ucs) and Simm's Noticias historiales de las Conquistas de Tierra Firme en el Nuevo Reyno de
Granada, given in Kingsborough, vol. viii.

The mythology of the Quichuas in Peru makes the staple of chap. 5 of Brinton's Amer. Hero-Myths.
Here the corresponding hero-god was Viracocha. Brinton depends mainly on the Relacion Anonyma de
los Cost timbres Antignos de los Xat urates del Piru, ibi 5 (Madrid, 1879); on Christoval de Molina's account
of the fables and religious customs of the Incas, as translated by C. R. Markham in the Hakluyt Society

ANCIENT TEOCALLI, OAXACA, MEXICO*

volume, Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas (London, 1873) 5 on tne Comentarios reales of
Garcilasso de la Vega ; on the report made to the viceroy Francisco de Toledo, in 1571, of the responses to
inquiries made in different parts of the country as to the old beliefs which appear in the " Informacion de las
idolatras de los Incas e Indios," printed in the Coleccion de doczimentos ineditos del archivo de fndias, xxi.
198 ; and in the Relacion de Antigiiedades deste Reyno del Pirti. by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachicuti.

Brinton dissents to D'Orbigny's view in his Lliomme Americaine, that the Quichua religion is mainly bor-
rowed from the older mythology of the Aymaras.

Francisco de Avila's "Errors and False Gods of the Indians of Huarochiri" (1608), edited by Markham
for the Hakluyt Society in the volume called Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas, is a treatment
of a part of the subject.

Adolf Bastian's Ein Jahr atif Reisen — Kreuzfahrten zum Sammelbehuf ans Transatlantischen Feldern
der Ethnologic, being the first volume of his Die Culturldnder des Alten America (Berlin, 1878), has a
section " Aus Religion und Sitte des Alten Peiu."

* After a cut in Squier's Serpent Symbol, p. 78.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS AND PERIODICALS.

By the Editor.

The oldest of existing American societies dealing with the scientific aspects of knowledge is the American
Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, whose Transactions began in 1769, and made six volumes to 1809.
A second series was begun in 181S.1 What are called the Transactions of the Historical and Literary
Committee make two volumes (1819, 1S38), the first of which contains contributions by Heckewelder and P. S.
Duponceau on the history and linguistics of the Lenni Lenape. Its Proceedings began in 1838. The Amer-
ican Academy of Arts and Sciences was instituted at Boston in 1780, a part of its object being "to promote
and encourage the knowledge of the antiquities of America," 2 and its series of Memoirs began in i7&3,s and
its Proceedings in 1846. These societies have only, as a rule, incidentally, and not often till of late years,
illustrated in their publications the antiquities of the new world ; but the American Antiquarian Society was
founded in 18 12 at Worcester, Mass., by Isaiah Thomas, with the express purpose of elucidating this depart-
ment of American history. It began the Archceologia Americana in 1820, and some of the volumes are still
valuable, though they chiefly stand for the early development by Atwater, Gallatin, and others of study in
this direction. In the first volume is an account of the origin and design of the society, and this is also set
forth in the memoir of Thomas prefixed to its reprint of his History of Printing in America, which is a part
of the series. The Proceedings of the society were begun in 1849, and they have contained some valuable
papers on Central American subjects. The Boston Society of Natural History 4 published the Boston Jour-
nal of Natural History from 1834 to 1863, and in 1866 began its Memoirs. Col. Whittlesey gave in its first
volume a paper on the weapons and military character of the race of the mounds, and subsequent volumes
have had other papers of an archaeological nature ; but they have formed a small part of its contributions.
Its Proceedings have of late years contained some of the best studies of palaeolithic man. The American
Ethnological Society, founded by Gallatin (New York), began its exclusive work in a series of Transactions
(1845-53, vols, i., ii.j and one number of vol. iii.), but it was not of long continuance, though it embraced
among its contributors the conspicuous names of Gallatin, Schoolcraft, Catherwood, Squier, Rafn, S. G.
Morton, J. R. Bartlett, and others. Its Bulletin was not continued beyond a single volume (1860-61 )? The
society was suspended in 1S71.

The American Association for the Advancement of Science began its publications with the Proceedings of
its Philadelphia meeting in 1848. Questions of archaeology formed, however, but a small portion of its
inquiries6 till the formation of a section on Anthropology a few years ago.

The American Geographical Society has published a Bulletin (1S52-56) ; Journal (or Transactions) (1859),
etc., and Proceedings (1862-64). Some of the papers have been of archaeological interest.

1 First series: vol. iv., W. Sargent on articles from an old New series: vol. i., Rasle's Abenaki dictionary", vol. v.,
grave at Cincinnati, exhumed in 1794; vol. v., G. Turner W. Sargent's plan of the Marietta mounds, etc.

on the same; vol. vi., W. Dunbar on the Indian sign Ian- 4 This society published the original edition of S. G.

guage ; J. Madison on remains of fortifications in the west ; Morton's Inquiry i)ito the distinctive characteristics of

B. S. Barton on affinities of Indian words. New series : the aboriginal rare of America (2d ed., Philadelphia, 1844),

vol. i., H. H. Brackenridge on Indian populations and which glances at their moral and intellectual character, their

tumuli; C. W. Short on an Indian fort near Lexington, habits of interment, their maritime enterprise, and their

Ky. ; vol. iii., D. Zeisberger on a Delaware grammar; vol. physical condition,

iv., J. Heckewelder on Delaware names, etc. B Field's Ind. Bibliog., no. 1564.

2 It celebrated its centennial in 18S0, when an impromptu 6 Vol. ii., S. S. Haldeman on linguistic ethnology; vol.
address was delivered by R. C. Winthrop, which is printed iii., J.C. Nott and L. Agassiz on the unity of the human
by this society, and is also contained, with a statement of race ; vol. v., Col. Whittlesey on ancient human remains in
the occasion of it, in his Speeches and Addresses, 1878- Ohio; vol. vi., J. L. Leconte on the California [ndi
1886. For a record of the interest in archaeological studies vol. xi., Whittlesey on ancient mining at Lake Superior;
about 1790, see Reports of the American Philosophical So- Morgan on Iroquois laws of descent : I». Wilson on a imi-
ciety, xxii. no. 119. form type of the American crania; vol. xiii., Morgan on

3 First series: vol. i., S. H. Parsons on discoveries in the bestowing of Indian names ; vol. xvii., Whittlesey on the
the western country: vol. iii., E. A. Kendall and J. Davis antiquity of man in America; W. Dc Haas on the ik lie-
on an examination of the much controverted inscription of ology of the Mississippi Valley; W. H. Dall on the Alaska
the so-called Dighton Rock ; E. Stiles on an Indian idol. tribes; vol. xix., Dall on the Eskimo tongue, etc.

438 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The Anthropological Institute of New York printed its transactions in a Journal (one vol. only, 1872-73).

The Archaeological Institute of America was founded in Boston in 1S79, and has given the larger part of
its interest to classical archaeology. The first report of its executive committee said respecting the field in
the new world : '• The study of American archaeology relates, indeed, to the monuments of a race that never
attained to a high degree of civilization, and that has left no trustworthy records of continuous history. . . .
From what it was and what it did, nothing is to be learned that has any direct bearing on the progress of
civilization. Such interest as attaches to it is that which it possesses in common with other early and unde-
veloped races of mankind/' Appended to this report was Lewis H. Morgan's " Houses of the American
Aborigines, with suggestions for the exploration of the ruins in New Mexico," etc.. — advancing his well-
known views of the communal origin of the southern ruins. Under the auspices of the Institute, Mr. A. F.
Bandelier, a disciple of Morgan, was sent to New Mexico for the study of the Pueblos, and his experiences are
described in the second Report of the Institute. In their third Report (1882) the committee of the Institute
say : " The vast work of American archaeology and anthropology is only begun. . . . Other nations, with more
or less of success, are trying to do our work on our soil. It is time that Americans bestir themselves in earnest
upon a field which it would be a shame to abandon to the foreigner." Still under the pay of the Institute, Mr.
Bandelier, in 1881, devoted his studies to the remains at Mexico, Cholula, Mitla, and the ancient life of
those regions. At the same time, Ayme, then American consul at Merida, was commissioned to explore
certain regions of Yucatan, but the results were not fortunate.

The Institute began in 1881 the publication of an American Series of its Papers, the first number of which
embodied Bandelier s studies of the Pueblos, and the second covered his Mexican researches. In 1885 the
American Journal of Archaeology was started at Baltimore as the official organ of the Institute, and occasional
papers on American subjects have been given in its pages. The editors were called upon to define more par-
ticularly their relations to archaeology in America in the number for Sept., 1888. In this they say : " The
archaeology of America is busied with the life and work of a race or races of men in an inchoate, rudimentary,
and unformed condition, who never raised themselves, even at their highest point, as in Mexico and Peru,
above a low stage of civilization, and never showed the capacity of steadily progressive development. . . .
These facts limit and lower the interest which attaches ... to crude and imperfect human life. ... A com-
parison of their modes of life and thought with those of other races in a similar stage of development in other
parts of the world, in ancient and modern times, is full of interest as exhibiting the close similarity of primitive
man in all regions, resulting from the sameness of his first needs, in his early struggle for existence." The
editors rest their reasons for giving prominence to classical archaeology upon the necessity of affording by such
complemental studies the means of comparison in archaeological results, which can but advance to a higher
plane the methods and inductions of the prehistoric archaeology of America.

The American Folk-Lore Society was founded in Jan., 1888, and The Journal of American Folk-Lore
was immediately begun. A large share of its papers is likely to cover the popular tales of the American
aborigines.

The Anthropological Society of Washington is favorably situated to avail itself of the museums and
apparatus of the American government, and members of the Geological Survey and Ethnological Bureau have
been among the chief contributors to its Transactions^- which in January, 1888, were merged in a more general
publication, The American Anthropologist. A National Geographic Society was organized in Washington in
1888.

There are numerous local societies throughout the United States whose purpose, more or less, is to cover
questions of archaeological import. Those that existed prior to 1S76 are enumerated in Scudder's Catalogue
of Scientific Serials ; but it was not easy always to draw the line between historical associations and those
verging upon archaeological methods.2

The oldest of the scientific periodicals in the United States to devote space to questions of anthropology is
Silliman's American Journal of Science and Arts (181S, etc.). The American Naturalist, founded in 1867,
also entered the field of archaeology and anthropology. The same may be said in some degree of the Popular

1 Abstracts of tlte Transactions prepared by J. W. Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, Bulletin, 1870,
Powell (Washington, 1879, etc.). and Transactions, 1870 ; Davenport (Iowa) Academy of

2 The student will find some general help, at least, from Science, Proceedings, 1867 ; St. Louis Academy of Science,
the publications of such as these : the Peabody Academy Transactions, 1856 ; Kansas Academy of Science, Trans-
of Science (Salem, Mass.), Memoirs, 1869, etc ; Essex In- actions, 1872; California Academy of Sciences, Proceed-
stitute (Salem, Mass.), Bulletin, 1869, and Proceedings, ings, 1854, etc., and Memoirs, 1868, etc. ; Geographical
1848, etc; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Society of the Pacific, its official organ Kosmos, — not to
Memoirs, 1810-16; Transactions, 1866, etc. ; the Lyceum name others.

of Natural History, become in 1876 the New York Academy In British America we may refer to the Natural History
of Sciences, A nnals, 1823, etc.; Proceedings, 1S70, etc. ; Society of Montreal, publishing The Canadian Natural-
Transactions', the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society ist, 1857, etc.; the Canadian Institute, Proceedings; the
of Philadelphia, Proceedings; Wyoming Historical and Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings; the Nova Scotia
Geological Society, Proceedings and Collections (Wilkes- Institute of Natural Science, Proceedings and Transac-
barre, Pa., 1884, etc.); the Cincinnati Society of Natural tions, 1867, — not to mention others; and among period-
History, Journal and Proceedings, 1876; Indianapolis icals the Canadian Monthly, the Canadian Antiquarian,
Academy of Sciences, 'Transactions, 1870, etc. ; Wisconsin and the Canadian Journal.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS AND PEPIODICALS. 439

Science Monthly (1877, etc.), Science (1883), and the Kansas City Review. The chief repository of such
contributions, however, since 1878, has been The American Antiquarian (Chicago), edited by Stephen D.
Peet. Its papers are, unluckily, of very uneven value.1

The best organized work has been done in the United States by the Peabody Museum of American Archae-
ology and Ethnology, in Cambridge, Mass., and by certain departments of the Federal government at Wash-
ington.

The Peabody Museum resulted from a gift of George Peabody, an American banker living in London, who
instituted it in 1866 as a part of Harvard University. 2 It was fortunate in its first curator, Dr. Jeffries Wyman,
who brought unusual powers of comprehensive scrutiny to its work. 3 He died in 1874, and was succeeded by
one of his and of Agassiz's pupils, Frederick W. Putnam, who was also placed in the chair of archaeology in
the university in 1S86. The Reports, now twenty-two in number, and the new series of Special Papers are
among the best records of progress in archaeological science.

The creation of the Smithsonian Institution in 1846, under the bequest of an Englishman, fames Smithson,
and the devotion of a sum of about $31,000 a year at that time arising from that gift, first put the government
of the United States in a position " to increase and diffuse knowledge among men."' 4

The second Report of the Regents in 1848 ccntains approvals of a manuscript by E. G. Squier and E. II.
Davis, which had been offered to the Institution for publication, and which had been commended by Albeit
Gallatin, Edward Robinson, John Russell Bartlett, W. W. Turner, S. G. Morton, and George P. Marsh.
Thus an important archaeological treatise, The Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, comprising
the results of extensive original surveys and explorations (Washington, 184S), became the first of the Smith-
sonian Contributions to Knowledge. The subsequent volumes of the series have contained other important
treatises in similar fields. Foremost among them maybe named those of Squier on the Aboriginal Monu-
ments of New York (vol. ii., 185 1) ; Col. Whittlesey on The Ancient Works in Ohio (vol. iii., 1852) ; S. K.
Riggs' Dakota Grammar and Dictionary (vol. iv., 1852) ; I. A. Lapham*s Antiquities of I Wisconsin (vol. vii.,
1855); S. F. Haven's Archaeology of the United States (vol. viii., 1856); Brantz Mayer's Mexican History
and Archaeology (vol. ix., 1857); Whittlesey on Ancient Mining on Lake Superior (vol. xiii., 1863); Mor-
gan's Systems of Consanguinity of the human family (vol. xvii., 1871) ; — not to name lesser papers. To
supplement this quarto series, another in octavo was begun in 1862, called Miscellaneous Collections ; and in
this form there have appeared J. M. Stanley's Catalogue of portraits of No. Amcr. Indians (vol. ii., 1S62) ; a
Catalogue of photographic portraits of the No. Amer. Indians (vol. xiv., 1878).

Of much more interest to the anthropologist has been the series of Annual Reports with their appended
papers, — such as Squier on The Antiquities of Nicaragua (1851) ; W. W. Turner on Indian Philology
(1852) ; S. S. Lyon on Antiquities from Kentucky (185S), and many others.

The sections of correspondence and minor papers in these reports soon began to include communications
about the development of archaeological research in various localities. They began to be more orderly arranged
under the sub-heading of Ethnology in the Report for 1867, and this heading was changed to Anthropology in
the Refort for 1879. Charles Rau (d. 1887) had been a leading contributor in this department, and no. 440 of
the Smithsonian publications was made up of his Articles on Anthropological Subjects, contributed from
i8bs to /8j7 (Washington, 1882). No. 421 is Geo. H. Boehmer's Index to Anthropological Articles in the
publications of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, 1SS1). Among the later papers those of 0. T.
Mason of the Anthropological Department of the National Museum are conspicuous.

The last series is the Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, placed by Congress in the charge ot the Smith-
sonian. The Reports of the American Historical Association will soon be begun under the same auspi

Major J. W. Powell, the director of the Bureau of Ethnology, said that its purpose was "to organize
anthropologic research in America." 5 It published its first report in 1881, and this and the later reports have
had for contents, beside the summary of work constituting the formal report, the following papers : —

1 The tendency of general periodicals to questions of this The early management of the Smithsonian decided that
kind is manifest by the references in Poole's Index, under the " knowledge " of its founder rrftanl science, and from
such heads as American Antiquities, Anthropology, Archae- the start gave not a little attention to art :

ology, Caves and Cave-dwellers, Ethnology, Lake Dwell- science. When the Bureau of Ethnolo

ings, Man, Mounds and Moundbuilders, Prehistoric Races, the Institution, and its AV/W<S in. luded paper* necessarily

etc. historical as well as archaeological, the way was pre]

2 The history of its mcipiency and progress can be for a broader meaning to the term " knowledge,'1 and as
gathered from the Reports of the Museum, with summa- a significant recognition of the allied field i the
ries in those numbered i., xi. and xix. present government of the Smith

3 Cf. Waldo Higginson's Memorials of the Class of/Sjj, currence to the at I of ( longresfl whi< h in Dei J, made
Harvard College, p. 60, and the contemporary tributes also the American Historii il Associati 1 had e
from eminent associates noted in Poole's Index, p. 1 434- : without incorporation since '•' the

* The documentary history, by W. J. Khees, of the Smithsonian Institution.
Smithsonian Institution, forms vol. xvii. of its Miscellaneous mound exploration

Collections. Cf. J. Hanry on its organization in the Pro- Thon

ceedings of the Amer. As?o. for the Adv. of Science, vol. i. Jan.,. Stevenson (d 1888); whi

A Catalogue of the publications of the S. I. with an has controlled personally the bod; in lheU°-

alphabetical index of articles, by William J. Rhees (Wash- guistic fields (A mtrican Antiquarian, viii U ''",ld

ington, 1882), constitutes no. 478 of its series. seem that its profession " to -1 re-

440 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Vol. i. : J. \V. Powell. The evolution of language. — Sketch of the mythology of the North American Indians.—
Wyandot government — On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data. — H. C. Yarrow. A further contribu-
tion to the study of mortuary customs among the North American Indians. — E. S. Holden. Studies in Central Amer-
ican picture-writing. — C. C Royce. Cessions of land by Indian tribes to the United States: illustrated by those in
Indiana. — G. Malleky. Sign language among North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and
deaf-mutes. — J. C. Pilling. Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library. — Illustration of the method of record-
ing Indian languages. From the manuscripts of J. O. Dorsey, A. S. Gatschet, and S. R. Riggs.

Vol. ii. : F. H. Cushing. Zufii fetiches. — Mrs. E. A. Smith. Myths of the Iroquois. — H. W. Henshaw. Animal
carvings from mounds of the Mississippi Valley. — W. Matthews. Navajo silversmiths. — W. H. Holmes. Art in
shell of the ancient Americans. — J. Stevenson. Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the Indians of
New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 ; — Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the Indians of New Mexico in
1

Vol. iii. : Cyrus Thomas. Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts. — W. (C.) H. Dall. On masks,
labrets, and certain aboriginal customs, with an inquiry into the bearing of their geographical distribution. — J. O. Dor-
sey. Omaha sociology. — Washington Matthews. Navajo weavers. — W. H. Holmes. Prehistoric textile fabrics
of the United States, derived from impressions on pottery ; — Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made
by the Bureau of Ethnology during the field season of 1881. — James Stevenson. Illustrated catalogue of the collections
obtained from the Pueblos of Zufii, New Mexico, and Wolpi, Arizona, in 1881.

Vol. iv. : Garrick Mallery. Pictographs of the North American Indians. — W. H. Holmes. Pottery of the
ancient Pueblos; —Ancient pottery of the Mississippi Valley; — Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic
art. — F. H. Cushing. A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zufii culture growth.

Vol. v. : Cyrus Thomas. Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States. — C. C. Royce. The
Cherokee nation of Indians. — Washington Matthews. The Mountain Chant : a Navajo ceremony. — Clay Mac-
Cauley. The Seminole Indians of Florida. — Mrs. Tilly E. Stevenson. The religious life of the Zufii child.

What is known as the United States National Museum is also in charge of the Smithsonian Institution,1
and here are deposited the objects of archaeological and historical interest secured by the government explora-
tions and by other means. The linguistic material is kept in the Bureau of Ethnology. The skulls and phys-
iological material, illustrative of prehistoric times, are deposited in the Army Medical Museum, under the
Surgeon-General's charge.

Major Powell, while in charge of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region,
had earlier prepared five volumes of Contributions to Ethnology, all but the second of which have been
published. The first volume (1877) contained W. H. Dall's " Tribes of the Extreme Northwest M and
George Gibbs' " Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon." The third (1877) : Stephen
Powers' "Tribes of California." The fourth (1SS1): Lewis H. Morgan's "Houses and house life of the
American Aborigines." The fifth (1882) : Charles Rau's " Lapidarian sculpture of the Old World and in
America," Robert Fletcher's "Prehistoric trephining and cranial Amulets," and Cyrus Thomas on the
Troano Manuscript, with an introduction by D. G. Brinton.

Among the Reports of the geographical and geological explorations and surveys west of the 100th meridian
conducted by Capt. Geo. M. Wheeler, the seventh volume, Report on Archaeological and Ethnological Col-
lections from the vicinity of Santa Barbara, California, and from ruined pueblos of Arizona and New
Mexico and certain Interior Tribes (Washington, 1879), was edited by F. W. Putnam, and contains papers
on the ethnology of Southern California, wood and stone implements, sculptures, musical instruments, beads,
etc. ; the Pueblos of New Mexico, their inhabitants, architecture, customs, cliff houses and other ruins, skel-
etons, etc. ; with an Appendix on Linguistics, containing forty Vocabularies of Pueblo and other Western
Indian Languages and their classification into seven families.

The Reports of the Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, under the charge of F. V.
Hayden, brought to us in those of 1874-76 the knowledge of the cliff-dwellers, and they contain among the
miscellaneous publications such papers as W. Matthews' Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians
and W. H. Jackson's Descriptive Catalogue of photographs of No. Atner. Indians.

There are other governmental documents to be noted : The Exploration of the Red River of Louisiana in
1852, by R. B. Marcy and G. B. McClellan (Washington, 1854), contains a vocabulary of the Comanches and
Witchitas, with some general remarks by W. W. Turner. There is help to be derived from the geographical
details, and from something on ethnology, in the Reports of Explorations and Surveys for a Railroad from
the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean (Washington, 1856-60, in 12 vols.); in W. H. Emory's Report
on the United States and Mexican Boundary Survey (Washington, 1857-58, in 2 vols.); J. H. Simpson's
Report of Explorations across the great basin of the territory of Utah in i8jq (Washington, 1876) ; J. N.
Macomb's Report of the Exploring Expedition from Santa Fc to the function of the Grand and Green
Rivers of the Great Colorado of the West in i8jq (Washington, 1876).

There were also published, under the auspices of the government, the conglomerate and very unequal work of

search " is not to its full extent true, since the physiological Contributions, xx., with many illustrative woodcuts ; and
side of the subject seems to be left in Washington to the a paper by Ernest Ingersoll in The Century, January,
Armv Medical Museum. 18S5. Cf. also F. W. Putnam's contribution on Amer-
1 ("f. Charles Kan's Archceological Collections of the ican Archaeological Collections in the A merican Natural-
United States National Museum (1876) in Smithsonian ist, vii. 29.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS AND PERIODICALS. 441

Henry R. Schoolcraft, Historical and Statistical Information respecting the history, conditions, and pros-
pects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, collected and prepared tender the direction of the Bureau
of Indian Affairs (Philad., 1851-57, in 6 vols., with a trade edition of the same date). An act of Con-
gress (March 3, 1847) authorized its publication. As reissued it is called Archives of aboriginal knowledge,
containi?ig original papers laid before Congress, respecting the Indian tribes of the United States (Phil-
adelphia, i860, '68, 6 vols.). It has the following divisions: General history. — Manners and customs.—
Antiquities. — Geography. — Tribal organization, etc. — Intellectual capacity. — Topical history. — Physical
type. — Language. — Art. — Religion and mythology. — Demonology, magic, etc. — Medical knowledge. — Con-
dition and prospects. — Statistics and population. — Biography. — Literature. — Post-Columbian history.—
Economy and statistics. An edition of vols. 1-5 (1856) is called Ethnological researches respecting the Red
Men of America, Information respecting the history, etc. The sixth volume is in effect a summary of the
preceding five.1

At a recent meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, a committee was charged
with preparing a memorial to Congress, urging action to insure the preservation of certain national monu-
ments. There is a summary of their report in Science, xii. p. 101.

Of all European countries, the most has been done in France, by way of periodical system and corporate
organizations, to advance the study of American anthropology, ethnology, and archaeology. The Annalcs des
voyages, de la geographic ct de Phistoire, tradztits de toutcs les langues Europcennes ; des relations origi-
nates, ineditcsp the publication of which was begun by Malte-Brun in 1808 and continued to 1814, and the
Nouvelles Annates des Voyages,\>z%\\XL in 1819 and continued with a slightly varying title till 1870, are sources
occasionally of much importance. At a later day, Edouard Lartet and others have used the Annates des
Sciences Naturelles as a medium for their publications. We hardly trace here, however, any corporate move-
ment before the institution of the Societe de Geographie de Paris in 1820. In 1824 it issued the first volume
of its Recucil de Voyages et de Memoires, which reached seven volumes in 1864, and had included (vol. ii.)
an account of Palenque and the researches of Warden on the antiquities of the United States. Since this
society began the issue of its Bulletin in 1827, it has occasionally given assistance in the study of American
archaeology.

The earliest distinctive periodical on the subject was the Revue Americame, of which, in 1826-27, three
volumes, in monthly parts, were published in Paris.3 In 1857 a movement was inaugurated which engi
first and last the cooperation of some eminent scholars in these studies, like Aubin, Buschmann, V. A. Malte-
Brun, Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, Jomard, Alphonse Pinart, Cortambert, Leon de Rosny, Waldeck, Abbe"
Domenech, Charencey, etc. The active movers were first known as the Comite d'Archeologie Americaine,
and they issued an Annuaire (1863-67) and one volume, at least, of Actes (1865), as well as a collection of
Memoires sur I'archeologie Americaine (1865). This organization soon became known as the Societe Ame-
ricaine de France, and under the auspices of this name there has been a series of publications of varying
designation.4 Its Annuaire began in 1868, and has been continued. The general name of Archives de la
Societe Americaine de France covers its other publications, which more or less coincide witli the Revue
Orientate et Americaine par Leon de Rosny, the first series of which appeared in Paris in 10 vols., in 1859-
65, followed by a second, the first volume of which (vol. xi. of the whole) is called Revue Americaine, public
sous les auspices de la Societe d Ethnographic et du Comite d'Archeologie Americaine, and is at the same time
the fourth volume of the Actes de la Societe d Ethnographic Americaine et Orientate. The whole
sometimes cited as the Memoires de la Societe d Ethnographies* The series, already referred to. of the Ar-
chives de la Soc. Amer. de France is made up thus : Premiere s6rie : vol. i.. Revue Orient ale ct Amiricaine :
ii., Revue Americaine ; iii. and iv., Revue Orientate ct Americaine.^ The nouvellc serie has no sub-titles,
and the three volumes bear date 1875, ^o, 1884.

1 B. P. Poore' 's Descriptive Catal. Govt. Pub., p. 593; Serials, 1633-1876, published by the library of Harvard
Field's Ind. Bibliog., no. 1379; Allibone's Dictionary, University in 1

iii. p. 1952, for references and opposing criticisms. Some ' Sabin, xvii., no. 70354. The Congrea Archeologique
of the condemnation of the book is too sweeping, for de France began its Seances genrfrales in 1834,0111 tb
amid its ignorance, confusion, and indiscrimination there terest of its Compttt rendu* for Americanists i^ for cm-
is much to be picked out which is of importance. Cf. narative illustration. The two volumes of M
Parkman's Jesuits, p. lxxx ; Wilson's Prehistoric Man, Sociiti Ethnologiqut (Paris, X841-45) contain nothing
ii.ch. 19; Brinton's Myths, p. 40. Cf. on Schoolcraft's death tag directly on American archeology. Much the samemay
(with a portrait) Historical Mag., April, 1865; Amer. be said of the Annates A rchiobgujuee fondi
Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1865. aine, in 1844, and continued to 1870; of the Bulletin Ar

F. S. Drake's Indian Tribes of the United States logiqve (1844-46)0! the Athenaeum Fl

(Philad., 1884) is, with some additional matter, a re- tinuation, the Bulletin Arck

arrangement of Schoolcraft, the omission to acknowledge and of the Annalcs of the [nttitui A

which on the title-page being an unworthy bibliographical etc.).

deceit. Schoolcraft's rivalry of Geo. Catlin and his ignor- * Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc , April, 1

ing of Catlin's work is commented on at some length by r' A Revue Etkncgrupkujue was begun in 1869. A S...

Donaldson in the Smithsonian Inst. Report, 1885, part (AM Ethnologique, publishifl •.■-47) ■nd *&•

ii. pp. 373-383. moires (1841-45), is a di

2 For full details of this and other publications mentioned ,; S. H. Scudder, in l.i- Catalc

in this paper, see S. H. Scudders Catalogue of Scientific no. .52S, endeavors to put into something like orderly

442 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

The student of comparative anthropology will resort to the Materiaux pour Vhistoire positive et philoso*

ue (later primitive et naturcllc) de I'homme, the publication of which was begun at Paris in 1864 by

Gabriel de Mortillet, and has been continued by Trutot, Cartailhac, Chautre, and others. This publication

has contained abstracts of the proceedings of an annual gathering in Paris, whose Comptes rc7idu have been

printed at length as of the Congres int 'cr national d 'anthropologic et d'archeologic prehistoriques (1865, etc.).1

Leon de Rosny published but a single volume of a projected series, Archives palcographiques de rOrie?it
et de PAmerique (Paris, 1S70-71), which contains some papers on Mexican picture-writing. Rosny and
others, who had been active in the movement begun by the Comite d'Archeologie Americaine, were now in-
strumental in organizing the periodical gathering in different cities of Europe, which is known as the Con-
gres international des Americanist es. The first session was held at Nancy in 1875, and its Conipte Rendu
was published in two volumes (Nancy and Paris, 1876). The second meeting was at Luxembourg in 1877
{Conipte Rendu, Paris, 1878, in 2 vols.); the third at Brussels in 1879 (Compte Rendu) ; the fourth at Madrid
in 1SS1 (Congreso internacional de Americanist as. Cuarta reunion, Madrid, 1881) ; the fifth at Copen-
hagen {Conipte Rendu, Copenhagen, 1S84) ; and others at Chalons-sur-Marne, Turin, and Berlin. The papers
are printed in the language in which they were read.

The Me moires de la Societe d' Ethnographic (founded in 1859) began to appear in 1881, and its third volume
(1882) is entitled Les Documents ecrits de V Antiquite Americaine, compte rendu dhine mission scientijique
en Espague et en Portugal, par Leon de Rosny, avec tine carte et 10 planches. The fourth volume is P. de
Lucy-Fossarieu's Ethnographie de I " Amerique Antarctique (Paris, 1884). In the second volume of a new
series there is an account by V. Devaux of the work in American ethnology done by Lucien de Rosny as a
preface to a posthumous work2 of Lucien de Rosny, Les Antilles, etude d\Ethnographie et d^Archeologique
Americaines (Paris, 1886).

Latterly there has been a consolidation of interests among kindred societies under the name of Institution
Ethnographique, whose initial Rapport annuel sur les recompenses et encouragements decernes en 1883 was
published at Paris in 1883. This society now comprises the Societe d'Ethnographie, Societe Americaine de
France, Athenee Oriental, and Societe des Etudes Japonaises.

In England, organized efforts for the record of knowledge began with the creation of the Royal Society,
though certain sporadic attempts had earlier been known. America was represented among its founders in
the younger John Winthrop, and Cotton Mather was a contributor to its transactions, and there has occasion-
ally been a paper in its publications of interest to American archaeologists.3 The Society of Antiquaries
began to print its Archceologia in 1779 and its Proceedings in 1848, and the American student finds some
valuable papers in them. The British Association for the Advancement of Science began its Reports with
the meeting of 1831, and it has had among its divisions a section of anthropology. In 1830 the Royal Geo-
graphical Society began its Journal with a preliminary issue (1830-31, in 2 vols.), though its regular series
first came out in 1832. Its Proceedings appeared in 1855, and both publications are a conspicuous source in
many ways relating to early American history .4 Closely connected with its interest has been the publication
begun under the editing of C. R. Markham, and called successively Ocean Hig/nvays (1869-73, vol. i.-v.),
with an added title of Geographical Review (1873-74), and lastly as The Geographical Magazine (vol. i.-iii.,
1874-76).

The Ethnological Society published four volumes of a Journal 5 between 1844 and 1856, and resuming pub-
lished two more volumes in 1869-70. Its contents are mainly of interest in comparative study, though there
are a few American papers, like D. Forbes's on the Aymara Indians of Peru. This society's Transactions
was issued in two volumes, 1859-60 ; and again in seven volumes, 1861-69.

Meanwhile, some gentlemen, not content with the restricted field of the Ethnological Society, founded in
London an Anthropological Society, which began the publication of Memoirs (1863-69, in 3 vols.); and in
this publication Bollaert issued his papers on the population of the new world, on the astronomy of the red
man, on American paleography, on Maya hieroglyphics, on the anthropology of the new world, on Peruvian
graphic records, — not to name other papers by different writers. The Transactions and Journal oi the
society, as well as the Popular Magazine of Anthropology (1866), made part in one form or another of the
Anthropological Review, begun in 1863, and discontinued in 1870, when the Journal of Anthropology suc-
ceeded, but ceased the next year. The Proceedings of the society make one volume, 1873-75, under the title
of Anthropologia, and the society also maintained a series of translations of foreign treatises, the first of which

arrangement the exceedingly devious devices of duplication 3 Its publications began in 1665. Cf. synopsis in Scnd-

of this and allied publications. der's Catalogue, pp. 26-27. Cf. C. A. Alexander on the

1 A Revue aT Anthropologic was begun at Paris, under origin and history of the Royal Society, in Smithsonian

the direction of Eroca, in 1872. A Societe d'Anthropolo- Rept., 1863.

gie began two series, Bulletins and Mhnoires, in i860. 4 Some of the local societies deal to some extent in Am er-

Mortillet conducted IJ* Homme from 1883 to 1887, when he ican subjects ; e. g. , the Journal of the Manchester Geo'

and his associates in this work suspended its publication to graphical Society, begun in 1885.

devote themselves to a Dictionnaire des Sciences Anthro- c Not to be confounded with The Ethnological Journal,

pologii/iif\ and to a Bibliothique Anthropologiqite. vol. i., 1848-40, and vol. ii., 1854, incomplete; and Tlte

8 Rosny died April 23, 1871. Ethnological Journal, 1 vol., 1865-66.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS AND PERIODICALS. 443

was Theodor Waitz's Introduction to Anthropology, ed. from the German by J. F. Collingwood (1863) ; and
this was followed by a version by James Hunt, the president of the society, of Professor Carl Vogt's Lectures
on Man, his place in Creation and in the history of the Earth (1864), and by other works of Broca, Pouchet,
Blumenbach, etc.

What is known as the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland united some of these separate
endeavors and began its Journal in 1871. The Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society has also at times
been the channel by which some of the leading anthropologists have published their views, and a few papers
of archaeological import have been given in the Transactions (1884, etc.) of the Royal Historical Society.
Professedly broader relations belong to the Transactions {Comptes rendus) of the International Congress of
prehistoric (anthropology and) archaeology, which began its sessions in 1866.1 The latest summary is the
Archceological Review, a journal of historic and prehistoric antiquities, edited by G. L. Gomme. of which
the first number appeared in March, 1888, which has for a main feature a bibliographical record of past and
current archaeological literature.2

It is, however, in the volumes of the Hakluyt Society's publications, beginning in 1847, in the annotated
reprint of the early writers on American nations and on the European contact with them, that the most
signal service has been done in England to the study of the early history of the new world. They are often
referred to in the present History.

In Germany a Magazin fiir die Naturgeschichte des Menschen was published at Zittau as early as 1 788-
1791.

Wagner published at Vienna, in 1794-96, two volumes of Beitrdge zur philosophischcn Anthropologic;
and Heynig's Psychologisches (zugleich Anthropologisches) Magazin was published at Altenburg in 1796-97.

The Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaft began its Abhandlungen in 1804, but it was not till long after
that date that Buschmann and others used it as a channel of their views.

Vertuch's Archiv fur Ethnographie und Linguistic (Weimar, 1807) only reached a single number.

The Zeitschrift fur physische Acrzte, which was published by Nasse* at Leipzig, 1818-22, was succeeded
by the Zeitschrift fiir die Anthropologic (Leipzig, 1823-24), and this was followed by a single volume, Jahr-
biicher fur Anthropologic (Leipzig, 1830).

Bran's Ethnographisches Archiv was published at Jena from 1818 to 1829.

It was not till after i860 that the new interest began to manifest itself, though Fechners Centralblatt fiir
Naturwissenschaften und Anthropologic was published at Leipzig in 1853-54.

Ecker's Archiv fur Anthropologic was published at Braunschweig in 1866-68, which came in 1870 under
the direction of the Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, which also began
a Correspondenzblatt in 1870, and a series, Allgemeine Versammlung, in 1873. This is the most important
of the German societies.

Bastian's Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie was begun at Berlin in 1869, and later added a Supplement.

The Anthropologische Gesellschaft of Vienna began its Mittheilungen in 1870; and in 1887 the Prahis-
torische Commission of the Kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften at Vienna printed the first number of its Mit-
theilungen.

The Verein fiir Anthropologic in Leipzig published but a single number of a Bcricht in 187 1.

The Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte continued its Vcrhandluugcn
for 1871-72 only; and the Gottinger Anthropologischer Verein made but a bare beginning (1S74) of its Mit-
theilungen.

The Bericht of the Museum fiir Volkerkunde was begun in Leipzig in 1874.

The MUnchener Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte began the publication of
Beitrdge in 1876.

In all these publications there have been papers interesting to American archaeologists, if only in a compar-
ative way, and at times American subjects have been frequent, especially in later years. The publications of
zoological and geographical societies have in some respects been at times of equal interest, but it has not
been thought worth while to enumerate them.3

The Konigliche Museum at Berlin has a considerable collection of American antiquities, which has been
fostered by Humboldt and others, and the ethnological department has made some important publications like
those relating to Amerikd 's NordwestkiisteA

Waitz in his Anthropologie der Naturvblkcr (vol. iii. ; Die Amcrihancr, Th. i., Leipzig, 1S62) has enumer-
ated the literature of American anthropology upon which he depended.

The interest in most of the other European countries is more remotely American. The Museum of Ethnog-
raphy at St. Petersburg is not without some objects of interest/'

1 Cf. J. R. Bartlett on an Antwerp meeting, in Amcr. * The third volume of Bastian's Culturl&nder des A /ten
Antiq. Soc. Prdc, 1868. America (Berlin, 1886) comprise! " tfachtragi und I

2 Such periodicals as Nature and Popular Science Re- zuneen aus den SammlunRen des Ethnologischen Ml
view show how anthropological science is attracting atten- urns''

tjon 5 Congrh des Americanistes, Compte Rendus, Nancy,

3 See Scudder's Catalog ue. u« 27l-

444 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.

In Sweden the Antropologiska Sallskapet of Stockholm began a Tidsskrift in 1875 ; but it affords little
•.nice to the Americanist except in comparative study.l

The student will rind some suggestions in a little tract by J. J. A. YVorsaae, De Vorganisation des musces
.ircheologiqucs dans le Nord ct aillcurs. Tr adult par E. Bcauvois (Copenhagen, 18S5), which is
extracted from the Memoir es de la societe royale des antiquaires de Nord, 1883.

There has begun recently in Leyden 2lti Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographic Heransg.von Krist.
Balm son, Guido Cora [etc.] (Leiden, 1SS8).

In Italy the Archivio per I' Antropologia et la Etnologia was begun at Florence in 1871, and was later
made the organ of the Societa Italiana di Antropologia di Etnologia. There is an occasional paper in the
Bollcttino del I a Societa Gcografica Italiana, published at Rome.

In Spain the Sociedad Antropologica Espanola began at Madrid the publication of its Rcvista de Antropo-
logia in 1S75.

The session of the Congres des Americanistes at Madrid in 18S1 gave a new life in Spain to the study of
American archaeology and history, and out of this impulse there was begun a Biblioteca de los Amcricanistas,
publicala D.Justo Zaragoza ; Editor D. Luis Navarro ; and the series has been begun with the Recordacion
florida, discurso del rcino de Guatemala, an hitherto unpublished work (1690) of Francisco Antonio de
Fuentes y Guzman, edited by Justo Zaragoza ; and with the Historia de Venezuela, being a third edition of the
work of Jose de Oviedo y Bafios, edited by C. F. Duro.

The Museo Nacional in Mexico has grown to have a proper importance,2 since the Mexican government has
prevented the further exportation of archaeological relics. It was founded in 1824 by Fathers Icaza and
Gondra, but it owes its creation largely to the skill of Professor Gumesindo Mendoza, its curator, by whose
death it lost much.3 There is a tendency to draw to it other collections. There was a beginning made to
publish illustrations of the relics in the museum sixty years ago, but it came to little,4 and it was not until
recently the publication of Anales del Museo Nacional de Mcjico was begun that there seemed to be a
proper effort made. The periodicals Revista Mexicana (1S35), an<^ Museo Mexicano (1843-45) have done
something to illustrate the subject, — not to name others of less importance. The principal periodical source
farther south, the Rcgistro Yucatcco, only ran to four volumes, published at Merida in 1845-46.

The most conspicuous archaeological repository in South America is that of the National Museum at Rio de
Janeiro, whose published Mcmoires contain important contributions to Brazilian Archaeology.

1 Cf. Oscar Montelius, Bibliographic de V archeologie ology. There are some private collections mentioned in
prehistorigue de la Suede pendant le iqe siecle, suivie d'un the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, Nouv. Ser.f
expose succinct des societes archeologigues suedoises (Stock- vol. i. A. de Longperier's Notice des Monuments dans la
holm, 1S75). Salle des A tit ignites Atnericaines (Paris, 1880) covers a

2 It is described by Tylor in his Anahuac, ch. 9; by part of the great Paris exhibition of that year. Something
l3rocklehurst in his Mexico to-day, ch. 21 ; by Bandelier in is found in E. T. Stevens's Flint Chips, a guide to prehis-
the American Antiguariati (187S), ii. 15; in Mayer's tor ic arclueology as illustrated in the Blackmore Museum
Mexico; and in the summary of information (fifteen years [at Salisbury, England], London, 1870.

old, however) in Bancroft's Mexico, iv. 553, etc., with ref- 3 There is an account of Mendoza in the Amer. Antiq.

erences, p. 565, which includes references to the Uhde col- Soc. Proc, April, 1888, p. 172.

lection at Heidelberg, the Christy collection in London 4 Coleccion de las Antigiiedades Mexicanas que ecsisten

(Tylor), that of the American Philosophical Society in en el Museo Nacional, litografiadas por Frederico IVal-

Philadelphia (Trans., iii. 570), not to name the Mexican deck (Mexico, 1827 — fol.); Sabin, iv. 15796. See miscel-

sections of the large museums of America and Europe. laneous references on Mexican relics in Bancroft's Nat.

Henry Phillips, Jr. (Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc, xxi. Races, iv. 565.
p. m) gives a list of public collections of American Archae-

*** The editor must be understood as approaching the purely archceological side of the study of Aboriginal
America, as a student of the literature pertaining to it, rather than as a critic of phenomena. He has not
proceeded even in this course without consultation with Professors Putnam, Haynes, and Brinton, with
Mr. Lucie n Carr and with Seizor Icazbalceta.

INDEX.

[Reference is commonly made but once to a book, if repeatedly mentioned in the text; but other references are
made when additional information about the book is conveyed.]

Aa, Van der, Voyagien, xxxv.

Abancay, 236.

Abbot, C. C, associates the rude im-
plements of Trenton with Eskimos,
106, 366 ; his discoveries in the Dela-
ware gravels considered, 330 et seq. ;
Implements in the river-drift at
Trenton, 333 ; Supposed paleolithic
implements front the valley of the
Delaware, 334, 388; on the pre-In-
dian race, 336; importance of his
discoveries, 356; on the origin of
Americans, 369 ; on the tertiary man,

387 ; researches in the Trenton grav-
els, 388; finds a molar tooth, 388;
and a human jaw, 388; Antiq. of
Man in the Delaware Valley, 388;
Evidences of the Aniiq. of Mart,

388 ; on archaeological frauds, 403 ;
Primitive Industry, 358, 416 ; on
Atlantic coast pottery, 419.

Abbott, Brief Description, 109.

Abelin, J. P., Theatrum Europeum,
xxxiii. See Gottfried, J. L.

Abenaki, 322.

Abert, J. W., Examination of New
Mexico, 396.

Acagchemeni, 328.

Acaltecs, 191.

Achilles Tatius, Isagoge, 8.

Acolhua, forms a confederacy, 147.

Acolhuacan conquered, 147.

Acoma, 396.

Acora, burial-tower at, 248 ; cut, 249.

Acosta, Jose de, in De Bry, xxxii ;
East and West Indies, 45, 262 ;
Historia, 155, 262; corresponds with
Tobar, 155 ; in Peru, 262; Concilium
Limense, 268; Nueva Granada,
282.

Adair, Jas., Amer. Indians, 116, 320,
424; on the lost tribes, 116; on the
mounds, 398.

Adam, Lucien, on Fousang, 80 ; op-
poses Irish connection with Mexico,
83 ; on the Eskimo language, 107 ;
on the Quichua, 281; criticises Ho-
ratio Hale, 422 ; edits the Taensa
grammar, 426 ; Le Taensa, 426 :
Etudes sur six langues, 425, 427;
Lengua Chiquita, 425; Exa7nen
grammatical, 425.

Adam of Bremen on Vinland, 89 ;
Hist. Eccles., 89, 94.

Adam, a race earlier than, 384.

Adams, Davenport, Beneath the Sur-
face, 412.

Adelung, J. C, xxxv, 422.

Adh^mer, Rev. de la Mer, 387.

Aelian, Varia Historia, 21, 40, 42.

Aeneas Silvius, 26.

iEschylus, Prometheus Bo7ind, 13.

Africa, ancient views of its extension
south of the equator, 7, 10; circum-

navigated, 7; migrations from, to
America, 116 ; its people in Yucatan,

37°-.
Agassiz, Alex., Cruises of the Blake,

i7- .

Agassiz, Louis, on the autochthonous
American man, 373 ; portrait, 373 ;
his views attacked, 374; on the ear-
liest land above water, 384 ; Geol.
Sketches, 384.

Agatharcides, Geography , 34.

Agnese map (1554), 53-

Agnew, S. A., 410.

Agriculture in pre-Spanish America,
173, 417; in Peru, 252.

Ahuitzotl, 148.

Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty, 306.

Alabama, shell-heaps, 393; mounds,
410.

Alaguilac language, 428.

Alaska, 77 ; caves, 391 ; Indians, 328.

Albany, treaty at (1674), 304 ; (1684),
304.

Albinus, P., 370.

Albornoz, J. de, Lengua Chiapaneca,

425-

Albyn, Cornells, Nieuwe Weerelt, xxv.

Alcavisa, 224.

Alcedo, Ant. de, Bibl. Amer., ii.

Alcobasa, 265.

Aleutian islands, as a route from Asia,
78; caves, 391 ; shell-heaps, 393.

Alexander, C. A., on the Royal Soci-
ety, 442.

Algonquins, trace of die Northmen
among, 99 ; hero-gods, 430 ; legends
of, 431.

Allan, John, his library, xiii.

Allard, Latour, 192.

Allday, Jacob, 107.

Allen, Chas., Stockbridge Indians,

323-
Allen, Edw. G., iv.
Allen, F. A., 379; Polynesian Antiq.,

82.
Allen, Harrison, 201.
Allen, Joel A., Works on the orders

ofCete, etc., 107.
Allen, Zachariah, Condition of In-
dians, 323.
Allibone, S. A., xii.
Alligator mound, 409.
Allouez, reference to copper mines,

417.
Alloys of metals, 418.
Almaraz, R., Memoria, 182.
Alpacas, 213, 253.
Alsop, Richard, 328.
Alzate y Ramirez, J. A., Xochicalco,

180.
Amaquemecan, 139.
Amat de San Filippo, Pietro, Plant-

sferio del 143b, 56.
Amautas, 223, 241.

Amegluno, F., La Antigiiedad del
Hombre en la Plata, 390.

America, early descriptions of, xix ;
early voyages to, xix ; how far
known to the ancients, 1, 15, 22,
29; held to be Atlantis, 16; to be
the land of Meropes, 22 ; men sup-
posed to reach Europe from, 26;
early references to, 40; Egyptian
visits, 41 ; Phoenician, 41 ; Tyrian,
41 ; Carthaginian, 41 ; Asiatic con-
nection, 59, 76; Basques in, 75;
early visits by drifting vessels, 75 ;
voyage to Fousang, 78 ; maps of
routes from Asia, 81 ; by the Poly-
nesian islands, 81 ; state of culture
reached in, 329; origin of man in,
369; climate, 370; autochthonous
man in, 372; held to be, later than
Europe, the home of man, 377 ; stone
age in, references, 377; ethnological
maps, 378; connections with
383 ; earliest land above water, 384 ;
geological connection with Europe,
384; bibliog. of its aboriginal aspe< ts,
413; comprehensive treatises on the
antiquities, 415; arts in, 416. See
Africa, Asia, Chinese, Jews, Madoc,
Man, Northmen, Phoenician, Scy-
thian, Tartar, Zeni, Vinland, etc.

American Academy of Arts and
Sciences, 437.

American Antiq. Soc. Catal., xvii ;
founded, 371, 437; Archwologia
Americana, 437.

American Anthropologist, 438.

American Antiquarian, 43'j.

American Association for the Advance-
ment of Science, 437 ; would protect
antiquities, 441.

American Ethnological Society, 320,
399, 437 ; its publications, 370.

American Folk- Lose Society, 43S.

American Gazetteer, 321.

American Geographical Society, xvii,

American Historical Association.

American Journal of Arckaology,
438.

A merican Journal of Science and
Arts, 4vS.

American Naturalist, 43s-

American Philosophical Society, their
publications, 437.

A merican Traveller (1743)1 xxxv, 37°-

Americana, i ; bibliographies, 1; deal-
ers in, xiii.

\ merit anism, 100.

Ammianus Marcellinus, 42.

Ampere, Promenade en Amfrique, 81.

Anahuac, history of, 139; map ol, in
Clavigero, in facs., 144; its limits,
1X2 ; map, 182.

Anaxagoras, 3.

446

INDEX.

Anchorena, J. D., on the Quichua
grammar, -vo.

Ancients, their knowledge of America,

i.
A neon, burials at, 276, 373 ; cut of

mummy, 27''; of cloth, 278.
A ik on. 1. Kligio, Yucdian, 166.
Ande, 428.
Anderson, Rasmus B., translates

Horn's Lit. Scandin. North, 84;

A merica not discovered by Colum-
bus, Q7 ; on Dighton Rock. 104.
Anderson, Winslow, on human bodies

found in California, 138.
Andrade, J. M., 170; Catalogue, 414.
Andree, Richard, Ethnog. Paralleleu,

105.
Andrews, Edmund B., on geological

evidence from the great lakes, 382 ;

on the Ohio mounds, 402, 407, 408.
Angliara, Johan von, xxi.
Angrand, L., on Waldeck, 194; Les

A utiquites de Tiaguanaco, 273.
Anguilla island, 496.
Animal mounds, 400.
Animals, domestic, hardly known in

pre-Spanish America, 173.
Animas River, ruins, 396.
A nnales maritimos, xix.
Ann ales Archeologiques, 441.
A unals of Science, 41S.
Antarctic continent, 10.
Anthropologia, 442.
Anthropological Institute of Great

Britain, 443 : Journal, 443.
Anthropological Institute of New

York, 43 8.
A nthropological Review, 442.
Anthropological Society of Washing-
ton, 43S.
Anthropology and its method, 378, 41 1 ;

hist, of, 411.
Antichthones, 9.
Antilles, remnants of Atlantis, 44. See

Antillia.
Antillia, island, 31, 48; bibliog. 48; in

Bianco and Pizigani maps, 54.
Antipodes, ancient views of, 9, 31, 37.
A ntiquarisk Tidsskrift, 94.
Antiquity of man. See Man.
Antisell.'Thos., 78.
Antonio, Nic. , Biol. Hispana nova,

4i3-
Apaches, 327
Apalaches, 426, 431.
Apes, Wm„ Kingdom of Christ, 116;

Son of the Forest, 323.
Apianus's map, xxi.
Apollonius Rhodius, Argo?iautica,

35-
Apponyi, Libraries of San Francisco,

xviii. «

Aprositos, 48.
Arabian geographers, 48.
Arabic maps, 53.
Arabs, their knowledge of the Atlantic

islands. 47.
Arana, D. B., Notas, vi.
Arana, Bibliog. de obras anon.% xxiv.
Aratus, Phaeuomena, 35.
Araucanians, 428.
Arcelin, 357.
Archaeological Institute of America,

i6q, 438.
ArchcEological Review, 443.
Archer- Hind, Ed. Plato's Tim&us,

46.
Archimedes, his globe, 3.
Architecture of Middle America, 176,

1 77 ; in Peru, 247.
Archiv fur Ethnographie, 444.
ArcltiTo des A cores, xix.
Archivio per P A nihropologia, 444.
Arctic peoples. See Eskimos.
Arequipa, 277.

Argillite, 417 ; spear-points, 359 ; com-
monness of the mineral, 363.
Argonauts, 6.

, Duke of, Primeval Men, 381.
An< ;>, 275.
Arickarees, 417.
Aristotle on the form of the earth, 2 ;

Meteorologia, 7; De Mirab. Auscul-

laliotiibus, 24; on the Atlantic, 28;
his scientific treatises, 34 ; his influ-
ence in the West, 37.

Arizona, caves in, 391; ruins in, 397;
map, 397.

Armin, Heutige Mexico, 178.

Armstrong, Col., 312.

Army Medical Museum, 440.

Arnold, Gov., his stone windmill at
Newport, 105.

Arrawak, 428.

Arriaga, Jose de, 264; La Idolatria
del Peru, 264.

Arrow-heads, art of making, 417.

Arroyo de la Cuesta, F. , Mutsmi lan-
guage, 425.

Artaun, S. de, 262.

Arthur, King, in Iceland. 60.

Arthur von Dartzig, xxxiii ; Hist.
Ind. orient. , xxxiii.

Arts in America, 416.

Arundel de Wardour, Lord, Plato^s
Atlantis, 45.

Asguaws, in.

Asher, David, 200.

Ashtabula Co. , Ohio, mounds, 40S.

Asia, emigration to America, 59, 76,
329> 37J». 383 i similarity of flora, 60;
of physical appearance of peoples,
76 ; migration to Fousang, 78 ; maps
of routes to America; 81 ; supported
by Humboldt, 371 ; testimony of
jade, 417; ancient views of its east
coast, 7. See Fousang, Mongols,
etc.

Aspinwall, Thomas, his library, iv ;
burned, iv ; sold to S. L. M. Bar-
low, iv.

Assarigoa, 289.

Astley, Voyages, xxxv.

Astor Library, xvii.

Astrolabe, 37.

Astronomy among the Mexicans, 179.

Atahualpa, his portrait, 228 ; his
palace, 231 ; meets Pizarro, 231.

Atenco, 139.

Ateneo de Linia, 282.

A thence Rauricce, xxvi.

Atlantic islands, ancient names at-
tached to, 14 ; remnants of Atlantis,
21, 45; fabulous ones, 31, 46; in
maps, 47, 48 ; known to the Arabs,
47 ; as mapped by Gaffarel {fac-
simile), 52.

Atlantic Ocean, contour of its bottom,
map, 17; depth of, 17; its plateaus,
21; dreaded by the ancients, 28;
myths of, 31; soundings in, 44;
Toscanelli's ideas of, 51 ; early maps
of, 53 ; Arabs on, 72.

Atlantis, story of, 15; in Plato, 16;
interpretations of it, 16; held to be
America, 16, 43 ; maps of, 18, 19,
20; merely a literary ornament, 21 ;
interest in it on the revival of learn-
ing, 33 ; history of the belief, 41 ;
various identifications, 42 ; the At-
lantic islands remnants, 43; Gaffa-
rel's map of the remnants, 52 ; Daw-
son's views, 382.

Atonaltzin, 148.

Attu, 78.

Atwater. Caleb, Indians of the N. IV.,
327; on the origin of Americans,
372; on the shell-heaps of the Mus-
kingum, 392; Antiquities in the
State of Ohio, 398 ; Writings, 398 ;
Tour to Prairie du Chien, 298.

Aubin, his ace. of Boturini's collec-
tion of MSS., 159; purchases what
was left of it, 160; aids in establish-
ing the Soc. Americaine de France,
161 ; describes his own collection,
162; list of his MSS., 162; Mem.
sur lapeintnre didactique, 176, 200 ;
Exatnen des anc. peinturcsfig. de
Pane. Mexique, 200; La langue
MSxicaitie, 427.
Aughey, Samuel, 348.
Autochthonous theory, 375.' See

Man.
Avallon, 32.
Avendano, F. de, 280.

Avendano, H. de, 264 ; Idolatrios de
los Indios, 264.

Avienus, Ora maritima, 25 ; De-
scriptio orbis terrce, 36.

Avila, F. de, 264 ; his Indian mythol-
ogy as translated by Markham," 436 ;
his chapter on the Quichua, 274.

Aviles, Estavan, Guatemala, 16S.

Axapusco, 173.

Axayacatl, 148.

Axelsen, Otto, 107.

Axon, W. E. A., on Triibner, xvi.

Aymara Indians, 226, 428, 442 ; Ian.
guage, 279, 428.

Ayme, L. H., on Mitla, 1S5.

Azangaro, 271.

Azatlan, Fort, 408.

Azcapuzalco, 146.

Azores, known to the Arabs, 47; on
the early maps, 49 ; statue in, 49.

Aztecs, origin of, 135; traces of their
tongue in the north, 13S; their mi-
gration maps, 138; their cradle in
the north, 137, 138; in the south,
139 ; arrive in Mexico, 142 ; Ran-
king's map of their dominion, 144;
divided into Mexicans and Tlatelul-
cas, 146; confederation formed, 147;
laws and institutions, 153 ; Mappe
Tlotzin, 163; their profiles, 193; the
curve of the nose helped by an orna-
ment, 193 ; their military dress, 193 ;
picture-writing, 197 {see Hieroglyph-
ics); Aubin's studies of it, 200;
their books described, 203 ; their
paper, 203 ; music of, 420 ; language,
426; hero-gods, 430; alleged mono-
theism, 430 ; mythology, 431 ;
prayers, 431 ; priesthood and fes-
tivals, 431; sacred buildings, 431;
goddess of war, 435. See Mexico,
Nahua.

Aztlan, 137; map of, 394: a myth,
138; its situation, 138; in the south,
139-

Babbitt, Miss F. E., Ancient Quartz
Workers, 345; Glacial Man in
Minnesota, 388.

Babel, dispersion of, 137.

Bachiller y Morales, on the North-
men, 94.

Bachman, John, Unity of the Human
Race, 374.

Backer, Louis de, Saint Brandan,
48; Misc. Bibliog., 48.

Backofen, J. J., Mutterrecht, 380.

Bacqueville de la Potherie, Hist, de
PAmerique, 321, 324.

Baffin Land, 107.

Baguet, M. A., Races prim, des deux
A meriques, 369.

Bahnson, K., 444.

Baily, John Cent. America, 197;
Guatemala, 168.

Baird, S. F., on shell-heaps, 392.

Bake, J., Posidonii reliquice, 34.

Balboa, M. C, Miscellanea Austral.,
262.

Baldwin, Cornelius, on burial cists,
408.

Baldwin, C. C, 399; on the mound-
builders, 402; Relics of Mound-
builders, 403.

Baldwin, E., La Salle County, III.,
408.

Baldwin, John D. , A nc. A ?nerica, 412,

4'5-

Ballesteros, Ordeuanzas del Peru,
268.

Baltic Sea, early maps, 119, 124, 125,
126, 129.

Baltimore, libraries, xviii.

Bamps, L^homme blafic, 195.

Bancarel, Voyages, xxxvi.

Bancroft, Geo., his library, xvii; on
the Northmen, 93; his map of In-
dian tribes, 321 ; on the origin of
Americans, 375 ; believes in the
unity of th« race, 375.

Bancroft, H. H., aids to bibliog. of
Indian languages, vii; buys the
Squier MSS., viii, 272; his library,

INDEX.

44/

viii, ix ; his Native Races, viii, 169,
415, 430 ; his lists and foot-note ref-
erences, 414, 415; Literary Under-
takings, viii; Works, viii ; his Cen-
tral A merica, ix ; Early A merican
Chroniclers, ix ; criticised, ix ; Es-
says and Miscellanies, ix ; Hist, of
the Pacific States, ix ; Hist, of
California, ix ; on Mexican history,
150; on Sahagiin, 157; on Clavigero,
158; on Maya history, 166; con-
denses the Popul Vruh, 166; on the
anc. Mexican magnificence, 174: on
their warfare, 175; attacks Morgan,
176; his estimate of Prescott, 269;
on the moundbuilders, 401 ; on the
general sources of aboriginal Amer-
ica, 413 ; his opinions, 415 ; on the
aboriginal arts, 416 ; on American
myths, 430.

Bandelier, A. F., on early Mexican
chronology, 133, 155 ; on the Toltecs,
141 ; on the Aztec arrival, 142; on
the Mexican confederacy, 147; on
Torquemada, 157; on Ixtlilxochitl,
157 ; promises an ed. of the Codex
Chimalpopoca, 158; on the Popul
Vuh, 167 ; Sources of the Aborig.
History of Spanish A merica, 167 ;
Warfare of the A ncient Mexicans,
J69, 175; Tenure of lands, 169;
Mode of government, 169, 175 ;
Archaeological Tour in Mexico, 169,
180, 185 ; on the Mexican civiliza-
tion, 173; Morgan's pupil, 174, 175;
his papers on Mexican life, 175 ; ad-
miration for Morgan, 175: on cal-
endars, 179; Studies about Cholula,
1 80 ; A rchceolog. Notes on Mexico,
182 ; on Mitla, 185 ; on the Mexican
paintings, 200; on the Pueblo ruins,
396 ; Sedentary Indians of New
Mexico, 396 ; Riatis of Pecos, 306 ;
his use of sources, 413; Bibliog. of
Yucatan and Cent. America, 414;
on American Monotheism, 430 ; on
Quetzalcoatl, 432 ; his labors in
Mexico, 438.

Baradere, 192.

Barber. Hist. Coll. Mass., 104.

Barber, E. A., 395, 419 ; Les anciens
ptteblos, 397.

Barcia, annotates Garcia, 369.

Bardsen, Ivan, his sailing directions,
109.

Barentz, voyage, 36.

Baring-Gould, Sabine, Iceland, 84, 85.

Barlow, S. L. M., his library, iv, xviii;
Rough List, iv ; Bibl. Barlowiana,
v.

Barnard, M. R., 85.

Barranca, J. S., Ollanta, 281.

Barrandt, A., 409.

Barrientos, Luis, Doct. Cristiana, 425.

Barrow, John, Voyages into the Polar
Regions, xxxvi, 93.

Barry, Win., 408.

Barter. See Trade, Traffic.

Bartlett, John R., edits the Murphy
Catalogue, x ; the Carter - Brown
Catalogues, xii ; Bibliog. Notices,
xii ; drawing of Dighton Rock, 101,
104; Personal Narrative, 139, 396;
on rock inscriptions, 410.

Bartlett, S. C, on Dartmouth College,
322.

Bartoli, Essai sur P Atlantide, 46.

Barton, Benj. Smith, New Views, 76,
37i, 398, 424; on the Madoc voyage,
no; his linguistic studies, 424; on
the location of Indian tribes, 321 ;
portrait, 371 ; his career, 371 '; Amer.
Antiq., 371; Observations, 398;
thought the mounds built by the Tol-
tecs, the descendants of the Danes,
398; on the Ohio mounds, 407 ; on
affinities of Indian words, 437.

Bartram, John, Travels, 398, 410.

Bartram, Wm., Travels, 398, 410.

Basadre, Modesto, 214; Riquezas
Pernanas, 244 ; on Tiahuanacu, 273.

Basalenque, San Augustin de Me-
choacan, 168.

Basques in America, 74; their lan-
guage, 75.

Bassett, F. S., Legends of tlie Sea,
46.

Bastian, Adolf, on Yucatan, 166 ;
Geschichte des Alten Mexico, 172;
Stein Sculpture?i aus Guatemala,
197; Der Mensch in der Geschichte,
378; Ein Jahr a if Reisen, 436 ; on
the religion of Peru, 436; Zeit-
schriftfur Ethnologie, 443 ; Cultur-
lauder, 443.

Bates, H. W., Ethnog. of America,
76; Cent. A mar., 76, 422.

Baylies, Francis, 104.

Beach, W. W., India7i Miscellany,
320.

Beamish, N. L., Disc, of A mer. by the
Northmen, 96.

Bear Mound, in Kentucky, 409.

Beatty, Chas., 'Tour in A merica, no,
116,325; on the lost tribes, 116.

Beauchamp, A. de, Conquete du Pi-
rou, 228.

Beauchamp, W. W., 323, 325.

Beaufoy, M., Alex. Illustrations, 180.

Beaumes Chaudes caves, 357.

Beauvois, Eugene, L' Ely see transat-
lantique. 31, 47; L'Edeu, 33, 50;
on St. Malo;s voyage, 48; on the
Irish discovery of America, 83 ;
JMarkland et Escociland, 83 ; Les
relations des Gaels avec le Mexique,
83 ; A ncien Eveche du Nouveau
Decouvertes des Scandinaves, 96;
Les derniers Vestiges du Christ ia-
nisme dans le Markland, 97 ; Les
Colonies Europee7ines du Markland,
97 ; Les Skrcelings, 105.
Beccario, his map, 49.
Becher, H. C. R., Trip to Mexico,

170.
Becker, J. H., 403; Migratio7ts des
Nahuas, 139.

Beckwith, H. W., 327.

Becmann, I. C, Hist. Orbis terrarum,

43-
Bede, De Natura Rcrum, 37.
Beeche, G., his books, xiii.
Behaim on the Seven Cities (island),

49 j globe (i492)> 58> J2o.
Behring's Straits, route by, 77; map

of, 77 ; in quaternary times, 78 ; once

land, 383.
Behrnauer, W., Commerce dans l\zu-

cien Mexique, 420.
Belknap, Jeremy, on the Norse voy-
ages, 92.
Bell, A. W.. 397.
Bell, J. S., 184.
Bellegarde, Abbe, xxxv.
Belt, Th., Stone implements, 388.
Beltran de Santa Rosa, P., Idioma

Maya, 427.
Beltrami, J. C, Pilgrimage, 369.
Beloit, Wise, mounds, 409.
Belt, Thos., on the Trenton gravels,

337; finds a skull in Colorado, 349.
Bembo, Cardinal, his history of Venice,

26.
Benasconi, A., on Palenque, 191.
Benavides, Alonso, Memorial, 395.
Bendyshe, T., 411.
Benes, J. B., 265.

Benincasa, Andreas, his map (1476),
« cut, 56 ; other maps. 56.
Bennet and Wijk, Ncderl. Ontdek-

kingen, xxxvii : Zeereizen, xxxvii.
Benzoni, New World, xxxii ; printed

with Martyr, xxiii.
Beothuks, 321. See Newfoundland.
Berenger, Voyages, xxxvi.
Berendt, C. H., his Maya collection

bought by Brinton, 164; memoir by

Brinton, 164; on Guatemala

166; Centres of Anc Civilization,

176; notes on Central America, 196;

his books, 414; his linguistic stud-
ies, 426; Analytical Alphabet, 426,
427; his papers, 420; memoir by
Brinton, 420; on the Mnva tongue,
427; Ancient Civilizations in Cent.
America, 427.

Bergen, 68.

Berger, H., Eragmente des Hippar-

chus, 34; des Eratosthenes, 9, 34;

Gesch. der W/ss. Erdkunde, 36;

Geographie, 28.
Beristain de Souza, Bibl. Hisp.-

A mer., ii, 413.
Berlin, A. F., 347.
Berlin, Akad. der Wissenschaft, 443 ;

Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, 443 ;

Konigliche Museum, 443.
Berlin tablet, 404.
Berlioux, E. I'., Les Atlantcs, 43.
Bernard, Voiages, xxxv.
Bernhardy, G., Eratosthenica, 34.
Berniggerus, Quest iones, 40.
Bernoulli, Dr., 200.
Berthelot, Antiq. Cauariennrs. 116.
Berthoud, E. L., 397; Natchez In-
dians, 326; on human relics in Wy-
oming, 389 ; Creek I 'alley, Colorado,

416.
Bertonio, L., his Aymarn grammar,

279.
Bertram Giacomo, map, 58.
Bertrand, Memo/res, 1 16.
Betanzos, J. J. de, Doctrina, 260;

Sutna y Narracion de los Incas,

260.
Betoner, Wm, (of Worcester), 50.
Beughem, C, Bibl. Hist., i.
Bianco, Andreas, his map (1436), 50,

53>55> 56, 114; cut of, 54; (144

53; Carta Nautica, 55 ; assists Fra

Mauro, 117.
Biart, Lucien, Les Azteques. 143, 172;

The Aztecs, 172.
Bibliographies, Americana, i; Livres

payes 1 ,000 francs et au dessus,XK.
Biblioteca de los Americanistas, 444.
Bibliotheque linguist ique Amir., vii.
Biddle, Sebastian Cabot, 112 ; believed

the Zeni story a fraud, 112.
Big Bone Lick, 388.
Bigelow, A., 409.
Bigelow, Nalick, 322.
Bigmore, Bibliog. of Printings xvi.
Billable, Recueil de divers Voyages,

xxxiv.
Bimini island. 47.
Birch, Robt. Boyle, 322.
Birchrod on Atlantis, 43.

Bird mounds, 409.

Biscayans in America, 75.

Biarni Asbrandson, his voyage, 82.

Blackamoors found in Central America,

117.
Blackett, W. S., Lost Histories of

America, 40, 43.
Blackmore collections, 399, 444.
Blade, J. F., L,Origine des Basques,

75-

Blake, C. C, on Peruvian skulls, 244.

Blake, John H., his Peruvian collec-
tion, 273.

Blenheim Library, xiii.

Blome, Jamaica, xxxiv.

Blondel, S., Reckerckes, 419.

Boas, Franz, on the Eskimos, 107; his
papers, 107.

Boban, 179.

Bod fish, J. P., on the Northmen
voyages, 104

m Library, Codex Mr ndoza, 203.

Boehmer, Geo. H., Index to Anthro-

pol. .1 rib Irs, 4^9-

Bohn. 11. ( '■., xvi.
Bolivia, map, 309.

Bollaert, Win., on the Mexican 1

dars, 179; on Amer. palaeography,

201; Cent. Amer. hieroglyphics.

201; Antiq. Researches,

Peruvian graphic records, 270;

Incas, 270 ; on Tiahuanat u -

AnthroPol. of ike New l

375 : hi-- publications, 1 1 1
BollandistS, Acta Sanctorum, 4S.

iurt, I ., 1^2.
Bone-workers, t 17.
Bonneville, C. de, 370.

Boon, K P., his libr.try, xiii.

Bordone, B. , his map of the Atlantic
islands (1547), 57, 58 ; map of

44S

INDEX.

dinavia. 114, 126; had access to the

Zeno map. 7}.
Borgia, Cardinal, his museum, 205.
Bory tie St. Vincent, J. B., Les Isles

I-'vrtioiccs, 19, 43: map, 19.

Boscana, (l.. Chiuigchiuich, 32S.

Bossange, Hector, xvi.

Boston, private libraries, x; Public
Library, its catalogues, xvii ; as cen-
tre of study in American history,
xvii : its libraries, xvii.

Boston Athenaeum, its catal., xvii.

Boston Society of Natural History,

437-

Botanical arguments for the connec-
tion of Asia and America, 383.

Boturini, Beneduci, books on Indian
tongues, vii ; his collections in Mex-
ican history, 159; its vicissitudes,
159; described by Aubin, 159 ; Idea
de una mtcva Hist., 159; facs. of
title, 161 ; portraits, 160, 161 ; his
catalogue, 159; his collection suffers
in government hands, 162; conten-
tions over it, 162.

Boucher de Perthes, his discoveries,
390; Antiq. Celtiques, 390; De
Phomme antediluvien, 390 ; Bid/.

Univ.,q2-
Boucher de la Richarderie, Bibl. Univ.

des Voyages, ii.
Boudinot, Elias, Star in tJte West,

116.
Boue, A., on the floras of the earth,

44.
Bouquet, Col., secures captives from

the Indians, 290.
Bourgeois, Abbe, on tertiary man, 387.
Bourke, J. G., Snake Dance, 429.
Bourne, Wm., Treasure for Travel-
lers, 369.
Bovallius, K., Nicaraguan Antiq.,

197.
Bowen, B. F., America discovered by

the Welsh, in.
Boyle, Fred., Ride across a Continent,

197.
Bracir (island). See Brazil.
Braddock, Gen., his inarch, 294, 296.
Bradford, A. W. , Amer. Antiq., 376,

4'5-

Brahm, Ger. de, 116.

Brainerd, David, his Life, 431.

Bran, Etlinographisclies Archiv, 443.

Bransford, J. F. , Antiq. at Panlaleon,
197.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, Abbe, his aids
in linguistics, vii; his writings and
career, vii, 170; Coll. de docs, dans
les langues Amer., vii ; his library,
xiii ; on Egyptian traces in Amer-
ica, 41, 167 ; on the Atlantis theory,
44, 172; on Fousang, 80; on the
Northmen and their traces, 94, 99 ;
on scattered traces of the Jews, 116;
on the Votan myth, 134 : on the Chi-
chimecs, 136; on the Nahua migra-
tions, 138; his easy credence, 139;
begins Mexican hist, at b. c. 955,
155; on Sahagiin, 157; Lettres an
due de Valmy, 158; on the Toltecs,
1 58 ; Nations civilisees die Mexique,
158, 171; chief sources of, 171; uses
the Codex Chimalpopoca, 158; the
Codex Gondra, 1 58 ; describes All-
bin's collection, 162; his own collec-
tion, 162 ; edits Landaus Relation,
164, 165, 200; Mission scientijique
ate Mexique, 164, 170; on Yucatan
history, 105 ; edits the Popul Vuh,
<)<), 166 ; Dissert, sur les my t lies de
P Antiq. Amer., 166; his theory of
cataclysms, 166 ; a Quiche MS., 167;
translates Mem. Tecpan- Atitlan,
\('1\ on Oajaca, 168; on Fuentes y
Guzman, 168; portrait, 170; Hist,
dii Canada, 170; in Mexico, 170;
Esquisses Pnistoire, 170; Ruines de
Mayapatu, 170; Lettres pour servir
l' introduction a Vhistoire du Mr r-
ique, 171; helped by Aubin, 171;
search for MSS., 171 ; Quatre Let-
tres, 171; bibliog., 171; his MS.

Troano, 172. 200, 206, 207; Chronol.
hist, des Mr.ricaius. 179; on the
ruins of Yucatan, 188; at Uxmal,
189 ; furnishes a text to Waldeck's
Monuments A nc. die Mexique, 194;
R nines de Paleuquc, 171, 194; Let-
tre a Leon de Rosny, 200 ; Landa's
alphabet explained, 200 ; futile at-
tempts at interpreting the hieroglyph-
ics, 201 ; on the Codex Tclleriano-
Rciueusis, 205 ; Systeme graphique
des Mayas, 207 ; Diet, de la Langue
Maya, 207, 427; his Rapport on the
MS. Troano, 207 ; on the Codex
Perezianus, 207 ; on the origin of
Americans, 369 ; on the mound-
builders, 401; Bibl. Mex.-Guat.,
172, 414, 423 ; on Mexican philology,
427; finds Greek roots, 427; La
leugua Quiche, 427.

Brazil (country), rock inscriptions, 411.

Brazil (island), 31 ; bibliog., 49 ; origin
of name, 50 ; on recent maps, 53 ;
in Bianco and Pizis;ani maps, 54.

Brebceuf, the best observer of Indian
traits, 317.

Breckenridge, H. H., on Indian popu-
lations, 437.

Breckenridge, Louisiana, 398.

Bredsdorff, T. H., on the Zeni, 112.

Breed, E. E., 409.

Brenden. See St. Brandan.

Brenner, Oskar, 9S ; Gronland, 85 ;
his map of Olaus Magnus, 125; Die
dchte Karte des O. Magnus, 125.

Brerewood, E., Enquiries, 369.

Bretschneider, E., Fusang, So.

Bretton, Baron de, Origines des peie-
ples de PA merique, 369.

Breusing, Nautik der Alien, 24.

Brevoort, James C, his likeness, x;
his library, x, xviii ; supt. of Astor
Library, x; on Leclerc's Bib. Am.,
xvi.

Priganti, A., xxix.

Bri°ham, W. T., Guatemala, 166,197.

Brine, Lindesay, Ruined Cities of
Cent. A mer., 176.

Brinley, Geo., his library, xii.

Brinton, D. G. ,Abor. A mer. Authors,
vii, 426; on Algonquin legends, 99;
on Aztlan, 138; considers the Tol-
tecs merely a dynasty, 141 ; on the
Votanic Empire, 152 ; owns Berendt's
collection, 164 ; portrait, 165 ; on Dr.
Berendt, 164 ; on Central American
MSS., 164 ; Books of Chilan Balam,
164 ; Chac-Xulub-Chen, 164 ; on edi-
tions of Landa, 165 ; on the Popul
Vuh, 167 ; Names of the Gods in the
Kiche myths, 167, 436 ; A finals of the
Cakchiquets, 167, 425 ; on the eth-
nology of the Cakchiquels, 167; on
Nicaraguan history, 169; on Bras-
seur, 171 ; on Landa's alphabet, 200 ;
A nc. Phonetic A Iphabet of Viecatau,
201, 427; Graphic system of the
Mayas, 201 ; Phonetic elements,
201 ; Ikonomic method, 201 ; on the
MS. Troano, 207 ; on Peruvian
myths and literature, 270; on the
effect of missions on the Indians,
318; " Archaeology corrects Geolo-
gy," 350; on Theo. Waitz, 378; on
the Nicaragua footprints, 385 ; Flo-
ridian Peninsula, 391, 393 ; on shell
heaps, 393 ; opposes Carr's views on
the moundbuilders, 402 ; his own
views, 402 ; Rev. of data for the
study of prehist. Chronology, 412,
413; Recent European Contribu-
tions, 412; Prehist. A rchceology,
A,\2. ; on the use of mica, 416; Lin-
eal measures of Mexico, 420 ; Lan-
guage of the paleolithic man, 421 ;
Polysyntheism of Amer. languages,
422; Amer. Aborig. languages,
425; Chronicles of the Mayas, 164,
425 ; Gueguence, 425, 428 ; the Ta-
ettsa Grammar, 426; Philos. Gram-
mar of the A mer. languages, 426 ;
Memoir of Berendt, 164, 426; A nc.
Nahuatl Poetry, 426; Nahua 1 1 lan-

guage, 426 ; Cakchiqieel language,
427; Xinca Indians, 427; Alagui-
lac language, 427 ; on the Nicara-
gua tongues, 428 ; Mangue dialect,
428 : Lenape and their legends, 325;
Nat. legend of the C hata-mus-ko-kee
tribes, 326; on the Shawanees. 326;
on the mental capacity of the In-
dian, 328 ; Myths of the New World,
429; on sun-worship, 429; on phal-
lic worship, 429 ; A merican Hero-
Myths, 430; on monotheism, 430;
Religious sentiment, 430 ; youruey
of the Soul, 431; on Quetzalcoatl,

432-
Bristol, Eng., sends out expeditions

westward, 75.
Britain, the Island of the Blessed, 15.
British Assoc, for the Adv. of Science,

Reports, 442.
British Columbia mounds, 410.
British Sailor'' s Directory, no.
Brixham cave, 390.
Broadhead, G. C, 409.
Brocard, Descriptio, xxi.
Brockhaus (Leipzig), Bibl. Amer.,

xvii.
Brocklehurst, T. U., Mexico To-day,

177, 182.
Brodbeck, J., 109.
Bronze Age in America, 418.
Brooks, C. T., Newport Mill, 105.
Brooks, Ch. W., on the emigrations to

China, 81.
Broughton, Richard, Mouasticon Brit.,

83-
Brown, Dewi, 326.
Brown, D., on Georgia shell heaps,

393-

Brown, G. S., Yarmouth, 102.

Brown, John Carter, his library and
its catalogues, xii.

Brown, J. Madison, on the ten lost
tribes, 116.

Brown, Marie A., Icelandic Discov-
erers, 96.

Brown, Nathan, 81.

Brown, Dr. Robt., on the Eskimos,
107.

Brown, Thomas J., 407.

Browne, J. M., 328.

Browne, J. Ross, 32S ; Apache Coun-
try, 396.

Bruff, J. G., on rock inscriptions, 104,
410.

Briihl, Gustav, Culturv'olker, 195, 411.

Brunet on De Bry, xxxii.

Brunn, Bibl. Dauica, 40.

Brunner, D. B., Indians of Berks
County, 325.

Brunson, Alfred, 408.

Bruyas, J., Radices Verborum Iro-
qu&orum, 425.

Bryce, Geo., on Manitoba mounds,
410.

Brynjalfson, G., on Scandin. polar ex-
plorations, 62.

Buache, Philippe, 20; Anlillia, 49;
map of the route to Fousang, 79; on
the Zeni, 112; Sur Frisland, 112.

Buchholtz, Die Homerische Realien,

13-
Biichner, L., Der Mensch, 3S3 ; Man,

3S1.

Buck, W. J., Lappaivinzo, 325.

Buckland, Dr., Reliq. Diluviance, 390.

Buckland, Miss, 417.

Buckle, Hist. Civilization, 41.

Buddhist priest in Fousang, 78.

Buffon, Epoques de la Nat., 44; on
stone implements, 387 ; on bones from
the Big Bone Lick, 388.

Bull, Henry, 323-

Bull, Ole, and the statue of Leif Eric-
son, 98.

Bull, Mrs. Ole, on the Northmen, 98.

Bulletin Arclieolofique Franca is. 441.

Bullock, Wm., collection of pottery,
418.

Bullock, W. H., Six mos. in Mexico,
180.

Bumstead, Geo., xvi.

Bumstead, Jos. (Boston), xv.

INDEX.

449

Bunbury, E. H., Anc. Geog., 36; on

Atlantis, 46.
Burder, Geo., Welsh Indians, no.
Bureau of Ethnology, Reports, 439.
Burge, Lorenzo, Preglacial Alan, 387.
Burgoa, F. de, Geog. Description, 168.
Burkart, ]., Reisen in Mexico, 183.
Burke, L., 46.

Burke, J., at Chichen-Itza, 190.
Burney, Jas. , Chron. History of Dis-
covery, xxxvi.
Burns, C. R. , Missoicri, 409.
Burr, R. T., 397.
Burton, R. F., Ultima Thule, 84, 85,

118.
Bus, land of, 47.
Buschmann, J. C. E., Die Spuren der

Aztekischen Sprache, 138; Die

Lautveranderung A ztek. W'drter,

138; his linguistic studies, vii, 425 ;

Die A ztekischen Ortsnamen, 427 ;

Die V'dlker Neu-Mexicos, 427.
Bussiere, Th. de, Le Perou, 275.
Bustamante, C. M. de, edits Leon y

Gama's Piedras, 159; Mafianas de

la Alameda, 179.
Butler, Amos W., Sacrificial Stone,

183.
Butler, J. D., Prehistoric Wisconsin,

408; on copper implements, 418;

Copper Age in Wisconsin, 418.
Butler County, Ohio, mounds, 408.
Butterfield, C. W., 326; on the

mounds, 407.
Buxton, Migrations of the Ancient

Mexicans, 169.
Byles, Mather, xxviii.

Cabot, John, xxviii, xxxiv; in De

Bry, xxxii ; bust of, 56.
Cabot, J. Elliot, on the Northmen, 96.
Cabot, Sebastian, in Bristol, 50.
Cabrera, Felix, Teatro Crit. Amer.,

134. i9r> 433-
Cacama, 149.

Cassar, Julius (Englishman), xxiii.
Cahokia mound, 408.
Cakchiquels, in Guatemala, 150; their

geog. position, 151; their ethnog.

relations, 167; their dialect, 427.
Calancha, A. de la, Coronica Morali-

zada, etc. , 264 ; Hist. Peruana,

etc., 264.
Calaveras skull, 351, 352, 384; cut,

385-

Calaveras County (Cal.) cave, 390.

Calculiform characters, 201.

Calderon, J. A., on Palenque, 191.

Calendar disks, 179; stone of Mexico,
159, 178.

California Acad, of Science, 438.

California, gold drift, 384; its Indians,
81, 328; an island in Sanson's
map, 18; alleged tertiary relics, 351 ;
mounds, 409 ; the original home of
the Nahuas, 137, 138; linguistic
confusion in, 138; pottery, 419;
shell heaps, 393.

Cal lender, John, Voyages, xxxvi.

Callieres, 303.

Camargo, D. M., Tlaxcallan, 163.

Campa, 428.

Campanius on the Sagas, 92.

Campbell, John, Voyages, xxxiv.

Campbell, John, 322, 369 ; on the
Hnguistic affiliations with Asia, 77;
on traditions of Mexico and Peru,
81 ; on the Davenport tablet, 404.

Camus, A. G., De Bry, xxxii.

Canaanites, ancestors of the Ameri-
cans, 371.

Canada, Indians, 321; their arts, 416;
library of Parliament, xviii; mounds,
410.

Canadian Antiquarian, 438.

Canadian Institute, 438; Ann. Repts.,
416.

Canadian yournal, 438.

Canadian Monthly, 438.

Canadian Naturalist, 438.

Canaries, called Ins. Fortunw, 14, 27,
47; known to the Carthaginians, 25.
See Fortunate Islands. Known to

the Arabs, 47; island seen from, 48;
Noticias by Viera y Clavijo, 48; in
the Bianco map, 50, 54 ; in Sanuto's
map, 53; in Pizigani's map, 54; re-
lations with America, n6. See
Guanches.
Canas, 226.

Candolle, De, Geog. botanique, 212.
Canepa map, 58.
Cariete, 275.

Canfield, W. H., Sauk County, 409.
Cannon, C. L., 397.
Canoes, 420; drifting, 78.

Canstadt, race of, 377.

Cantino map (1501-3), 53, 120.

Canto, Ernesto do, Archivo des
Acores,xix; Os Corte-Reaes, xix.

Cape Cod, map of, 100 ; ancient hearth
on, 105 ; map of shell heaps, 393.

Cape Prince of Wales, 77.

Cape de Verde islands known to the
ancients, 14, 25.

Capel, Vorstellungen des Nor den,
xxxiv, in.

Capella, Marcianus, De Nuptiis, etc.,
36.

Caradoc, 109.

Cardiff giant a fraud, 41.

Carelloy Ancona C, La lejigua Maya,
427.

Carette, E. , Les temps antehistoriques,
421.

Carey, Amer. Museum, no.

Cari, 229.

Caribs, origin of, 117; descendants of
the Chichimecs, 136.

Carignano map(xiv. cent.), 53.

Carleton, J. H., 397.

Carli, Count Carlo, Briefe ilber Ame-
rika, 20 ; controverts DePauw, 370;
Delle Lettere Amer., 43, 44, 370.

Carlson, F. F., 84.

Carolina, Indians of, 325. See North
Carolina.

Carolus, J., map of Greenland, 131.

Carr, Lucien, 412 ; on the position of
Indian women, 328 ; Crania of No.
Amer. Indians, 356; on the study
of skulls, 373; on the Trenton im-
plements, 337, 388 ; Mounds of the
Mississippi Valley, 402 ; on Virginia
mounds, 410.

Carrasco, C, Ollanta, 281.

Carrenza, L., 282.

Carrera, F. de, Yunca Grammar,
274, 279> 280.

Carreri, G. F. G., Giro del Mofido,
138, 158; attacked by Robertson and
defended by Clavigem, 158.

Carriedo, J. B., on Oajaca, 168; Los
Palacios antiquos de Mitla, 184.

Carrillo, Canon (now Bishop), Crescen-
do, his collection ot MSS., 163 ; on
Zumarraga, 203 ; Vucalau, 164, 166;
Geog. Maya, 188 ; La langua Maya,
164.

Carrington, Margaret J., Absaraka,

32 7;

Cartailhac, E., 411, 442; L'age de

pierre, 387.
Carter-Brown. See Brown, J. C.
Carver, Jona., on the mounds, 398.
Carthaginian discoveries, 14, 25.
Casa Blanca, 395.
Casa Grande of the Gila Valley, 395,

397-
Casas Grandes, 395.
Caspari, Otto, Urgeschichte der

Menschheit, 8i, 383.
Caspi, Marquis de, 20;.
Cass, Lewis, on Heckewelder, 39^-
Casselius, De nav. fortuitis in A me-

ricam, 7s.
Cassell, J. P., Observa do hist.
Casino, Standard Nat. History, 34,

412.
Castaing, Alphonse, Lit /UtM d<"'<

Vanttq. Aeruvienne, 23H; Syttimt

rrlig. dins Vanttq. feruvienne,

241.
Castafieda, drawings of Palenque, 191,

192.
Castell, America, xxxiv.

Castelnau, F. de, Expedition, 271; on
the antiquities of the Incas, 271.

Castillo, G., Diet, de Yucatan, 166.

Castillo y Orozco, E., Vocab. I'aez-
Castel/ano, 425.

Cat, Edouard, Decouvertes Maritimes,
xxxvii.

Catalan map (1375), 49j cut» 55 (»v.
cent.), 53 ; carta nautica (1487), 58.

Catcott, A., Deluge, 370. ■

Catecismo de la doctrifia Cristia/ia
vii.

Catherwood, Frederick, Anc. Mts. in
Cent. A mer., 1 76.

Catlin, Geo., on the Welsh Indians, iii,
finds analogies to Hebrew customs
in the Indians, 116; Lifted and
subsided rocks, 46 ; Life among the
Indians, 369 ; Last Rambles, 369 ;
North American Indians. 320;
bibliog., 320; his Indian Gallery,
320 ; Illustrations of the Manners,
etc., 320; portraits, 320; map of the
Indian tribes, 321.

Cauchis, 226.

Cavate dwellings, 395.

Cave-bear epoch, 377.

Cave roan, 377, 390 : held to be speech-
less, 377 ; represented to-day by the
Eskimos, 377; drawings of, ;,

Cavendish, xxxiv^xxxv, xxxvi ; in De
Bry. xxxii; in Claesz, xxxiii.

Caves in America, 389.

Caxamarca, 231.

Cayaron, Chaumont, 321 ; Autobiogra-
phic, 321.

Celedon, R., Lengua gocejra, 425.

Cellarius, Notit. orb. antiq., 37, 45.

Celoron. 286, 310.

Cenecu, 394.

Central America, Scandinavians in,
99; map of, by Malte-Brun, 151;
notes on the ruins, 176. See Yuca-
tan, Guatemala, Nicaragua.

Central Ohio Scientific Assoc, 407.

Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen,.
xvii.

Ceramic art. See Pottery.

Chac-Mool, statue, 180, 190, 434.

Chaca, 224; ruins, 224; described by
Squier, 224.

Chaco Canon, 395, 396.

Chadbourne, P. A., on shell heaps,
392.

Chahta, 402.

Chalcedony, 417.

Chalco conquered, 147.

Challenger ridge in the Atlantic, 44.

Chalmers, interpreting the geological
record, 383.

Chama, 428.

Chamberlin, T. C, Our glacial drift,
332.

Champlain, his friendship with the
Hurons, 285.

Chancas, 210, 227, 230.

Chanes, 135.

Changos, 275.

Chapultepec, Aztecs at, 142 ; sculp-
tured likeness on its cliff, 14S

Charencey, H. de, Melanges, v,

langttc Basque, 7^; Mytlir de l~<<-
tan, 81; Djemschtd tt Qu*ttalcoh~
uatl, 8t ; Myth <P linos, 1345 Civi-
lisation du Me. vit/ue, i-''-. on tin-

Maya hieroglyphics, 1951 Fragment

cT inscription />a/enqueeus, to 1 , his
linguistic studies, 425; Me/.:-
420, 427; Chrestontaihie de la Ian-
gue Maya, 427; Dei moti en lingua

Mara, 437; I.e Dilugt, 431.

Charlevoix, Notev. France, ii ; on

\:nrr. linguist
Charna finds Buddhist I

in M I lite . : l 1 ;

Cites et A' nines .liner., 17'.

Inter Rev., 1:7: i" Tom* du
Monde, 1775 I Villei, 177,

186, r05i I 'i. irnt Cities, 177; in

Yh. atan, iW ; portrait,

ront<- in Yin .it. in. 188; at Chichcn-
It/..i. 1 ,-> . a' Palenque^ 195.

VOL. I. — 29

450

INDEX.

Cbarton, Ed., J'oyageurs, xxxvii.

Chase, A. W., .

Chata-mus-ko-kee tribes, 326.

Chatinos, 130.

«. hautre, 442.

Chavanne, Lit. Polar Regions, 7S.

Cfiavero, A.. Sahagun, 157; Mexico

a travis tie los Siglos, 172; on the
odar Stone, 179: his old view of

Mexico, 1S2 ; La Piedra del Sol,

43i- . _

Chaves. Francisco de, in Peru, 260.

Chekilh, 326.

Chellean period, 377.

Chelly, Canon, cliff-houses, 395.

Cheney. T. A., 405.

Chenooks, 99. See Chinook.

Cherbonneau on Arab geographers,
48.

Cherokees, Timberlake on, 83; En-
quiry into the origin, 370; held to
be mound -builders, 402; council-
house. 402 ; sources of their history,
326 ; their case with Georgia, 326.

Cherry, P. P., 403.

Chert, 417.

Chesapeake Bay, shell heaps, 392.

Chevalier, Michel, Du Mexique avant
et pendant la Conquete, 172, 176; Le
Mexique, 172.

Chiapaneca language, 425.

Chiapas, 433 ; MS. Concerning, 16S;
sources of its history, 16S ; map,
188; ruins in, 191.

Chibchas, 2S2, 428 ; their language,
425; origin of, 80; position of, 210.

Chicama, 276.

Chi-Chen, 186.

Chichimecs, barbarians or a tribe, 136;
etymology, 136; in Mexico, 139; in-
vade Anahuac, 142 ; their stock, 142 ;
adopt the Nahua tongue, 142 ; form
alliances, 142 ; authorities, 147; anc.
MS. on, 157; MS. annals, 162;
genealogy of their chiefs, 162 ; their
language, 426.

Chichen-Itza, 434; position of, 151,
188; Charnay at, 186; Le Plongeon
at, 186, 190; accounts of, 190; orna-
ments, 190; statue of Chac-Mool,
190 ; wall paintings, 190; hieroglyph-
ics at, 200.

Chiclayo, 276.

Chicomoztoc, 138.

Chil, Dr., on Atlantis, 46.

Chilca, 277.

Chillicothe, map, 406.

Chimalpain, Domingo, notes on Mexi-
can history, 162.

Chimalpain, A. M., Cronica Mix.,
164.

Chimborazo, 275.

Chimus, 227,275; burial habits, 276;
character of the people, 277.

Chinantecs, 136.

Chinchas, 227, 277.

Chinese emigration, 369 ; in Peru, 82.
See Fousang.

Chinese Recorder, 80.

Chinook jargon and language, 422,
425.

Chippewas, 326.

Chiquimala, 168.

Chiquita language, 425.

Christianity introduced into Green-
land, 62.

Christy collection, 444.

Chocope, 276.

Cholula, temple built by the Olmecs,
1-57; a shrine, 140; views, 177, 178;
account of, 17S; when built, 178;
dimensions, 17S ; arms of, 17S ; res-
torations, 17S; early mentions, 180;
maps, 1S0; communal house at, 175.

Chontales, 136.

Chucuito, ruins at, 245.

Chumeto language, 426.

( Ihun-kal-cin, 1 ^7.

( Ihuquisaca, 27*.

Churchhill's I'oyages, xxxiv.

Cibola, leven cities of, 138,396; held

to be Fousang, 805 ma]) of, 394,
1 .,7; Tutcitlatl Disputations, 9;

Respublica, 9 : on geog. questions,

36 ; dream of Scipio, 36.
Cicogna, Bibl. I eneziana, xxix.
Cicuye (Pecos), 396.
Cieza de Leon, P., as an authority on

anc. Peruvian history, xxxv, 259.
Cimmerians, 13.

Cincinnati, Nat. Hist. Soc, 407, 438.
Cincinnati tablet, 404 ; cut, 404 ;

mounds, 408.
Circleville, Ohio, mounds, 407.
Cisneros, Garcia de, 155, 276.
Cisternay du Fay, xxxii.
Ciudad Rodrigo, A. de, 155.
Civilization of the ancient nations of

middle America, 173; bibliog., 176.
Claesz, C, coll. of voyages, xxxiii.
Clallam language, 425.
Clark, Gen. J. S., map of the Iroquois

country, 323.
Clark, J. V. Jti., Onondaga, 325.
Clark, W. P., Indian Sigu-language,

422.
Clarke, Hyde, Legend of Atlantis,

43, 383 ; K hita-Peruvian Epoch, 82 ;

Researches, 369.
Clarke, P. D., fVyandotts, 327.
Clarke, Robt., his book-lists, xv ; on

the Cincinnati tablet, 404.
Clarke County, Ohio, mounds, 408.
Claus, C, Den Grolandske Chronica,

85-. . ....

Clavigero, Storia del Messico, it ; his

beginning of Mexican hist., 155; on

the sources of Mexican history, 158 ;

describes the material, 158; belittled

by Robertson, 158; portrait, 159;

his bibliog., 413.

Clavus, Claudius, his map, 114, 117;
facs., 118, 119.

Clay, moulding in, 419 ; masks of, 419.

Claymont, Del., deposits, 342.

Cleomedes, 4.

Cleomedes, De sublimibus circulis, 8,

35- , ..

Clermont, college of, 11.

Cliff-dwellers' pottery, 419; their
houses, 395.

Climate, influence on man, 372, 378;
theories of changes in, 387.

Clint, Wm., 322.

Clinton, De Witt, on the Northmen re-
mains, 102 ; on mounds, 398; Antiq.
of Western N. Y., 414.

Clodd, Edw. , 387; Childhood of the
•world, 412.

Cloth. See Textile arts.

Cluverius, 43 ; Introd. in univ. geog.,
40.

Coahuila cave, 390.

Coate, B. H., Discourse, 369.

Cobo, B., Lima, 274.

Cochrane, J., 408.

Cocomes, 152.

Codex CJii7iialpopoca, 135 ; named by
Brasseur, 158; ace. of, 158; copies,
1 58 ; Hist, de los Reynos de Colhua-
can, 158; Anales de Cuauhtitlan,
158; owned by Aubin, 162.

Codex Cortesianus, 206, 207.

Codex Flaioyensis, 88, 92.

Codex Gondra, 158.

Codex Mendoza, 203.

Codex Mexicanus, 162, 207.

Codex Perezianus, 207 ; cut, 207.

Codex Troano, 205 ; ed. by Brasseur,
207.

Cogulludo, Yucathan, 165 ; Los ires
Siglos en Yucatan, 165.

Colin, Albert, xxxii.

Cohuixcas, 136.

Coins, Roman, found in America, 41.

Colaeus at Gades, 25.

Colden, Cadwallader, among the Mo-
hawks, 289; Five Indian Nations,
324; editions, 324; his career, 324.

Colhuacan, founded, 139; seat of
power, 139; its league, 140.

Colhuas, 136, 139; vassals of the Chi-
chimecs, 142.

Colijn, M., joumalcn, xxxiv

Collahuaso, J., Inca Atahualpa, 268.

Collas, 226.

Collingwood, J. F., 443.

Colorado Canon, explored by Powell,

39°-

Colorado caves, 391.

Colorado, expeditions in, 395.

Columbia River Valley, centre of mi-
grations, 381.

Columbus, Christopher, ace. of his
voyages, xix, xxiv, xxxiv, xxxvi ; be-
lieved he found Asia, 1 ; inherited
the idea of the sphericity of the
earth, 31 ; inspired by anc. writers,
40; his idea of the width of the At-
lantic, 51 ; Toscanelli's letter to him,
51 ; in Iceland, 61 ; Tratado de las
cinco zonas,bi : supposed knowledge
of the Norse discoveries, 96 ; efforts
to canonize him, 96 ; attacks on his
character, 96 ; meets a Maya vessel,
173 ; his Garden of Eden, 372.

Columbus, Ferd., his library, vi ; life
of C. Columbus, xxxiv.

Comanches, 327 ; vocabulary, 440.

Comfort, A. J., 409.

Comite d'Archeologie Americaine, its
members, 441; Annuaire, 441 ; Ac
tes, 441 ; Mhnoires, 441.

Commelin, Isaac, Oost-Indische Com~
pagnie, xxxiv.

Communal customs, 420; life, 175,
176.

Conant, A. J., 409; Footprints of a
vanished race, 400.

Conant, H. S., 177.

Concacha, ruins, 220, 221.

Conchucus, 227.

Condamine, C. M. la, Voyage, 271;
on Peruvian monuments, 271.

Congres International des Ameiica-
nistes, 442 ; its sessions and Comptes
rendus, 442.

Congres Internat. d'Anthropologie,
442.

Connecticut Acad, of Arts, etc., 438.

Connecticut Indians, 323.

Conover, G. S., on the Seneca burial
mound, 405.

Contractus, H., Dentil, astrolabii, 37.

Conybeare, C. A. V., Place of Iceland,

85.
Cook, G. H., Reports, 388.
Cooke, J. J., his library, xii.
Cooley, W. D., Maritime Discovery,

72> 93-

Copan (ruins), 135; position of, 151;
plan, 194; statues, 196; early ac-
counts, 196; seen by Stephens, 196;
plans, 197.

Copan (town), 196.

Cope, Edw. D., Mesozoic and Cceno-
zoic of N. America, 353; on cave
deposits, 390.

Copenhagen, Royal Soc. of Northern
Antiquities, 93 ; its publications, 94.

Copper, mining, 417; tools of, 417,
418; moundbuilders' use of, 4°8.

Copway, Geo., Ojibway nation, 327-

Cora, Guido, 444 ; Precurson di Co-
lombo, 115.

Coras, 136.

Cordeiro, L., Les Portugal's dans la
decouverte de PA merique, xix.

Cordoba, Andres de, 155.

Cordova, H. de, first sees the Yucatan
ruins, 173.

Cordova y Salinas, D. de, 264.

Coreal, Francois, Voyages, 145.

Corlear, 289.

Cornelius, E., 410.

Cornell University, Sparks's library at,
vi.

Corni, C. M., 263.

Corroy, F., 193.

Cortambert, RiMiard, Voyages, xxxvii.

Cortereal, John Vas Costa, at New-
foundland, 75, 125.

Cortereal, Gasper, xix, xxxiv.

Cortereals, the, xix, xxxiv.

Cortes, his lost first letter, xxi ; his let-
ters, xxv ; sought a passage to Asia,
1 ; arrives on the coast (1579), 149;
hailed as Quetzalcoatl, 149; his state-
ments about the native displays, 173;

INDEX.

451

his knowledge of Palenque, 191 ;
sends feather work to Charles V,
420.

Coruna, Martin de, 155.

Corvo, equestrian statue, 49.

Coryat, Crudities, 32.

Cosmas, 30, 38.

Cosmogonists, 383.

Cosmology of the Middle Ages, 36.

Coursey, Col. Henry, 304.

Court, Dr. J., his library, xiii.

Cousin, on the So. Amer. coast, 76.

Cowles, Henry, Pentateuch, 374.

Cox, Mythology of the Aryan na-
tions, 430.

Coxe, Daniel, Voyages, xxxv ; Caro-
lana, 326.

Cozumel, ruins in, 185, 188, 434.

Cozzen, Marvellous Country, 396.

Craniology, diversified in America,
356 ; science of, 373 ; capacity no
sure guide to intelligence, 373 ; kinds
or» 375 ? long-headed, or dolichoce-
phalic, 375 ; short-headed, or brachio-
cephalic, 375; medium, or mesoce-
phalic, 375 ; Cromagnon skull, 377,
389; Calaveras skull, 384, 385 ; Tren-
ton gravel skulls, 388 ; Enghis
skull, 3^9; Neanderthal skull, 389,
390 ; Hochelagan skull, 389 ; mound-
builders' skulls, 399, 400, 403.

Crantor, commentator on Plato, 41.

Crantz, David, Gronland, 86 ; edi-
tions, 86 ; on Hans Egede, 108.

Crates of Mallus, 7 ; his globe, 9.

Crawford, Chas., Indians descended
from the Ten Tribes, 116.

Crawford and Balcarres on De Bry,
xxxiii.

Crawfordville, mounds, 400.

Cresson, H. T., finds palaeolithic im-
plements, 341 ; discoveries at Naa-
man's Creek, Del., 363; finds piles,
364, 395; Aztec music, 420.

Crevaux, J. (with P. Sagot and L.
Adam), Langues de la region des
Guyanes, 425.

Croghan, Col. George, 318.

Croll, James, Climate and Cosmology,
3^3, 387 ; his theory of climatic
changes, 387 ; Clifnate and Time,
387 ; controversy with Newcomb,

387.
Cromagnon skull, 377, 389 ; cut of,

377 ; of the cave race, 377.
Cromlechs in Peru, 2T4.

Crook, G., on making arrow-heads,

417.
Crosby, Dr. Howard, on Geo. H.

Moore, xii.
Cross, the, among the Mayas and Xa-

huas, 195; held to be a symbolized

fire drill, 195 ; the symbol of life,

195-
Crow Indians, 327.
Crowninshield, E. A., his library, xii.
Ctesias, India, 39.
Cuella, Juan de, 265.
Cuesta, Fernandez, Enciclopedia de

viajes, xxxvii.
Cuextecas, 136.
Cuitatecs, 136.
Cuitlahuac conquered, 147.
Cukulcan,434.
Cumanagota, 428.
Cuming, F., Tour, 398.
dimming, Thos., 306.
Cuoq, J. A., on the Algonquin dialects,

425 ; Etudes, 425 ; La langue Iro-

quoise, 425.
Currency. See Money.
Cuscatlan, 168.
Cushing, F. H., on the habitation of

man as affected by surroundings,

378 ; on the Pueblo architecture, 305 ;
on the Zuni, 396 ; on N. Y. mounds,
405; Pueblo pottery, 419, 440; Zuni

feticJies, 440.
Cushites of Egypt, 41.
Cusiek. David, Anc. History of the Six

Nations, 325.
Cutler, Manasseh, on the Ohio mounds,

407.

Cutter, Chas. A., edits Sparks's Cata-
logue, vii; on bibliog. of De Bry,
xxxii.

Cutts, J. B., 409.

Cuvier opposes Lamarck, 383.

Cuyahoga Valley n^ounds, 408.

Cuzco, great wall in, 220 : its fortress,
220; plans of, 229; old view, 229;
zodiac of gold found at, 235 ; foun-
dation of the city, 246.

D'Akbois de Jubainville, H., LMt.
Celtique, 50 ; Litt. E pique d' Ir-
ian de, 50.

D'Autun, Honore, Imago Mundi, 48.

D'Avalos y Figueroa, Diego, Misce-
lauea Austral, 2 So.

D'Avezac, lies d'Afrique, 43, 47 ; Lcs
iles de St. Brandan, 47 ; Les iles
fantastiques, 43, 47; on the Laon
globe, 56.

Da Gama, xxviii.

Dabry de Thiersant, Origiue des In-
diens, 77, 176.

Dacotahs, 327: bibliog., 424; mythol-
ogy, 431 ; mounds, 409 ; linguistic
connection with Asia, 77. See
Sioux.

Dahlman, F. C, Danemark, 84.

Dahlmann, Forschuugen, 99.

Dalin, Olaf von, Svearikes Hist., 84.

Dall, W. H., on the peopling of Amer-
ica, 76, 77, 78 ; on the Polynesians,
82; on the Eskimos, 107, 437; Alas-
ka, 107 ; on the origin of the Ameri-
cans, 369 ; against the autochtho-
nous theory, 375; on Alaska caves,
391 ; on shell heaps, 393 ; on Aleu-
tian islands, 393 ; edits Nadaillac,
412, 415; on prehistoric man, 412;
on Indian masks, 419; on the Alas-
ka tribes, 328, 437.

Dallas, W. S., 383.

Dalrymple, Alex., Voyages, xxxv.

Dalrymple, Bibl. Amer.,\\.

Daly, D., 432.

Damariscotta, Me., shell heap, 392.

Dammartin, La Pierre de Taunston,
104.

Danforth, Dr., on Dighton Rock, 103.

Danilsen, A. F., 410.

Danish peat beds, man of, 395.

Danmar, 31, 47, 49.

Dapper's collection, xxxiv.

Daremburg and Saglio, Diet, de C An-
tiq., 36.

Dartmouth College founded, 322.

Darwin, Chas., Descent of Man, 375 ;
on the degeneracy of the savage, 381.

Darwinism, 383.

Dasent, G. W., Burnt Njal, 85 ;
Norsemen in Iceland, 85 ; introd. to
Vigfusson's Icelandic Diet., 88.

Daux, A., Etudes prchistoriques, 416.

Davenport Academy of Sciences, 43S.

Davenport tablets, 404; controversy,
404.

Davilla Padilla, Prov. de Santiago,
156; Varia hist., 156.

Davis, Asahel, Antiq. of Cent. Amer.,
176.

Davis, A. C, t

Davis, And. McF., on Indian games,
328.

Davis, E. H. Sec Squier, E. G.

Davis, Horace, Japanese blood on our
N. IV. coast, 78.

Davis, John (navigator), xxxiv; in
Davis Straits, 107.

Davis, John (Judge), on the Dighton
Rock, 104.

Dawkins, W. I'.., on the Basques, 7j \
on the Eskimos, 105 ; on the tertiary
man, 353 : Early man i?t No. A mer-
ica, 353 : Early man in Britain, 356;
on prehistoric Study, 37O; on the an-
tiquity of man, 383; on the Cala-
veras skull, 38=: on man and ex-
tinct animals, 388; Care Hunting,
300.

Dawson, Sir J. W., on the Skr.x-hngs,
lOS : on the early migration
follows Morgan in his communal

theory, 176; on the unity of the
human race, 374 ; believes the bib-
lical account literally, 375 ; portrait,
3S0: on No. Amer. migrations, 381 :
Fossil Men, 382, 383, 416 ; advocates
the theory of degeneracy, 3S2 ; Na-
ture and the Bible, 3S2 ; Story of
the Earth, 3^2,386; Origin of the
World, 382; on the Calaveras skull,
385; on the moundbuilders, 401.

Day, St. John V., Prehistoric Use of
Iron, 41, 418.

I tayton, E. A., 410.

De Brasses, Hist, des Navigations,
xxxv.

De Bry, Theodore, portrait, xxx ; I 'oy-
aga, xxxi ; his heirs, xxxi ; Collet-
tioues peregrinationum, xxxi ; bib-
liog., xxxii; Eleuchus, xxxii; coun-
terfeit eds.. xxxii ; his other publica-
tions, xxxiii; abridgments, xxxiii;
original Wyth drawings, xxxiii.

De Bure on De Bry, xxxii.

DeCandolle, Geog. botauique, 117. See
Candolle.

De Costa, B. F., Pre-Columbian Dis-
covery, 97 ; Notes on a Review, 97 ;
Northmen in Maine, 97 ; Sailing
Directions of Hudson, 97 ; Colum-
bus and the geographers of the
North, 97; on Dighton Rock, 104;
on the Eskimos, 105 ; on the Zeni,

115-

De Courcy, Hist. Chh. in A merica,
69.

De Ferry, H., Le Macofiuais prehis-
torique, 357.

De Forest, Indians of Conn., 323.

De Haas, W., Archaeology of tlu: Mis-
sissippi Valley, 437.

De Hart, J. D., 408.

De Hart, J. M., 409.

De la Porte, Abbe, Voyageur Frati-
cais, xxxvi.

De Laet, on Madoc, 109; on the Zeni,
m. See Laet.

De Leyre, xxxv.

De Pauvv, C. , his depreciation of Amer-
ican products, 370; Recherches
I'hilos., 370; editions, 370; De-
fenses, 370.

De Tocqueville on the Indians, 320.

Dean, C. K. , 4

Deane, Chas., his library, x; his like-
ness, xi ; on James Lenox, xi ; on
E. A. Crowninshield, xiii ; on the
Northmeii.

Degrees, length of, 32.

Delafield, John, A ntiq, of A mer.,272.

Delamar, island, 49.

Delaware River gravels, 360, 361, 388.
See Trenton.

Delawares, in Penna., 306; in Pon-
tiac's conspiracy, 316; souro
their history, 325; their language,
42): their legends, 431.

Deluge, myths of the, 4^1.

I >eman, island.

Demmin, A.. La < rramique, 419.

I >emons, isles of, j2>

I ' ,, Ferd., Jkrte plumarui, 420.

Dennie, Portfolio, on the mounds,

on, Desc. of N. I .. vi.

I >erby, J. * '.., Fifty years, viii.

oni, Corneho, or. the Atlantic
islands, 47 ; Le carte nauticfu del
medio evo, 53 ; on the Zeni, 1 1 )■
Desjardins, Ernest, Rapport $ur Har*
rissr, v : Perou avant la conquete,
270.

Desnoyers on tertiary man,

I I

1 . \ \ Gttch. <Ur

fahrt im At I. Osean. 60.
Manuel, xxvii.
Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Anthropolo-
gic, 44 1 ; Corrrspondeti-J'/at.'
A Ugemeine ! 'ertammht
Devau) \

reux on Arkansas pottery, 419.
I tewitt, s .
Dexter, Henry M., his library, xvit;

45^

INDEX.

his bibliog. of Congregationalism,
xvii.

1 Huuilcarnain, 4 1.

Dialects, 422. See Linguistics.

Bernal,his stories. of regal pomp,
175: as a chronicler, 153; facs. of
his M.S., 154.

Dibden on L)e Brv, xxxii.

Didroni Aine, Annates Archeolo-
fiaws, 441.

Die^kau, Baron, on his Indian allies,
296.

Dighton Rock, held to be Phoenician,
41, 104; Rafn's view of it, 101 ;
various drafts of its inscription, 103 ;
account of, 104 ; work of the Indians,
104; of Siberians, 104; of North-
men, 104; of Roman Catholics, 104.

Dilie, I., 407, 410.

Diman, J. L., on the unhistoric qual-
ity of the sagas, 97.

Dimning, E. 0., 408.

Dinwiddie, Gov., on the Indians as
allies, 296.

Dionne, N. E., 317.

Diodorus Siculus, 14.

Diogenes Laertius, 3.

District Historical Soc.,407.

D'Orbigny, A., L 'homme Americain,
412 ; on the religion of the Quichuas,

436- .

Doddridge, Jos., Settlement and In-
dian wars, 319; his career, 319.

Dodge, David, 347.

Dodge, J. R., Red Man, 326.

Dodge, Wm. (Cincinnati), xv.

Dodsley, Voyages, xxxvi.

Dolfus, Montserrat and Pavie, Me-
moires, 170.

Dolphin ridge in the Atlantic, 44.

Domenech, Abbe, Seven years'1 resi-
dence, 80 ; Manuscrit pictogra-
phique^ 163; on the American man,
369.

Donaldson, Thomas, Geo. Catlings In-
dian Gallery, 320.

Doncker, H., map of Greenland, 131.

Dongan, Gov., 304.

Donis, his Ptolemy map, 114; sketch
of northern parts, 122.

Donnellv, Ignatius, Atlantis, 16, 45,
46.

Dorman, R. M., Primitive Supersti-
tion, 431.

Dorpfeld, Metrologie, 5.

Dorr, H. C, 327.

Dorsey, J. O., 423; on the Omahas,
327-

Douglass, A. E., 393.

Doutrelaine, Mitla, 170, 185.

Doyle, English in America, 325.

Drake, Daniel, Cincinnati, 398.

Drake, E. C. , Voyages, xxxvi.

Drake, Sir Francis, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi,
xxxvii ; on De Bry, xxxii ; on Claesz,
xxxiii.

Drake, F. S., his deceptive Indian
Tribes, 320, 441.

Drake, Samuel G., dealer in Ameri-
cana, xv ; dies, xv ; his library, xv;
sold to Conn. Hist. Soc. , xv; sold
coll. of school-books to the Brit. Mus.
xv ; his books on the Indians, 318 ;
Aborig. Races 0/ No. America, 318.

Draper, hitellectual development 0/
Europe, 176.

Draudius, Bibl. Classica, i.

Dresden Codex, 204, 205 ; ed. by
Forstemann, 205.

Drogeo, 72, 128.

DM 'rban, 43.

I'u IVrier, Voyages, xxxv.

Du Pre\ L. J., on a prehistoric thresh-
ing floor, 210.

Ducatel, J. T., on shell heaps, 392.

Duchateau, Julien, LVcriture calculi-
fnrme des Mayas, 20 J.

1 )uf r>ss(' , Americana, xvi.

Dunbar, Jas., Hist, of Maryland, 398.

Dunbar, 7. I'.., 327.

Dunbar, W., on the Indian sign lan-
guage, 437-

Dunn, Oscar, 60.

Dunning, E. O., 410.

Dupaix, on Mitla and Palenque, 192;
Antiq. Mexicaines, 192; on the
monuments of New Spain, 203.

Duponoeau, P. E., 423; Mem. sur le
systeme grammatical, 425.

Duran, Diego, Laslndias, 155.

Duro, C. F., 444.

Duro, Ferd., Disquis. Nauticas, 75.

Dury, John, 115.

Dussieux, L., Hist, de la Geog., 94.

Dutch, early, in Newfoundland, 75.

Dwight, Theo. F., xv.

Eames, Wilbekforce, vi; bibliog. of
Ptolemy, 35; continues Sabin'sZVo
tionary, 414.

Earl, title of, 61.

Earth, spherical theory, 2 ; the an-
cients' notion of its size, 4, 8; meas-
ured, 4 ; distribution of land and sea,
6; shape of the part known, 8; no-
tions respecting the unknown parts,
8 ; a supposed southern continent,
9 ; size supposed in the Middle Ages,
30; rectangular map of, 30; sphe-
ricity taught in the Middle Ages, 31 ;
the word " rotundus " as applied, 36 ;
its sphericity ignored by the Church
Fathers, 37 ; acknowledged by others,
37 ; theories respecting its form, 38;
a plane in Homer, 39.

Easter Island, 81.

Eastman, Mrs. Mary, Dacotah, 327,

43 '•
Ebeling, Professor, his likeness, iii;

library, iii ; his own books on Amer.
history, iii.

Ebn Sayd, 47.

Ecker, Archiv, 443.

Ecuador, map, 200.

Eden, Richard, Decades, xxiii ; Hist.
0/ Travayle , xxiii.

Eden, Garden of, 372.

Edkins, J., 78.

Edrisi, Geography, 33, 48, 72; on
Arab voyages on the Atlantic, 72 ;
his map, 72.

Edwards, Jona., on the lost tribes,
116; on linguistic traces, 116; Muh-
hekaneew Indians, 116 ; on the Mo-
hegan language, 423.

Effigy mounds, 408.

Egede, Hans, in Greenland, 69, 107 ;
Gronland, 107 ; facs. of its title, 108;
bibliog. 10S; his map, 131.

Egede, Paul, in Gieenland, 69; Gron-
land, 108, 131; his map in facs.,
131 ; ace. of, 131.

Eggers, H. P. von, Om Gronlands
oslerbygds, 108 ; Ueber die ivahre
Lage des Ostgronlands, 108; on the
Zeni, in.

Eg Us saga, 88.

Eguiara y Eguren, Bibl. Mex. 413.

Egyptian migrations, 372 ; visits to
America, 41 ; analogies in Mexico,
183 ; built the mounds, 405.

Eichthal, Gustave de, on Fousang, 80;
Le s origint s Boudcihiques de la civi-
lisation A mer. , 80 ; Races oceani-
ennes, 82.

El-Ghanam, 47.

Elephant mound, 409.

Eliot, John, apostle, on Jews in Amer-
ica, us; his letters, 322; Brief
Narration, 322 ; Grammar Mass.
I )idian Language, 423.

Eliot, Samuel, Early relations "with
the Indians, 323.

Eliot, Samuel A., iii.

Ellicott, Andrew, on mounds near
Natchez, 398.

Elliott, C. W.. New England, 96.

Elliott, E. T., 391.

Ellis, F. S., Americana, xvi.

Ellis, Geo. F., on Sparks, vii ; "The
Red Indian of North America,"
2^3 ; Red Man and White Man,
322 ; on the Indians of Mass., 323.

Ellis, Robt., Peruvia Scythica, 82,
241, 281.

Ellis and White, xvi.

Elton, C. A., Remains of Hesiod, 2.
Elysian Fields, 12, 13.
Emblematic mounds, 400.
Emerson, Ellen R. , Indian Myths,

43i-
Emery, Geo. E., on the Zeno map,

Emory, W. H., Mil. Reconnoissance,
327, 396; on the Mexican boundary
survey, 396, 440.

Enciso, M. F. d', Suma de Geog.,

173-
Engel, E. B. d', Essai, 370.
Enghis skull, 389.
England, archaeological studies in,

442.-

English colonists in North America,
their treatment of the Indians, 283 ;
compared with the French, 298;
exceed the French in number, 299 ;
number of, 310.

Engroneland, 72. See Greenland.

Engronelant sometimes made distinct
from Greenland, 121, 122.

Enriques, Martin, tries to gather Mex-
ican relics, 155.

Ens, Gasper, West-und-Ost Indischer
Lustgart, xxxiii.

Eocene man, 387.

Epstein, I., 426.

Equinoxes, precession of, 387.

Eratosthenes, on the form of the earth,
3 ; measured it, 4 ; Hermes, 7 ; his
view of the habitable earth, 9; and
the western passage, 27; his age,

34-

Eric Upsi, Bishop, 65.

Eric the Red, his career, 61 ; saga, 85,
90, 94.

Erizzo, Le Scoperte Artiche, 127.

Erslef, Ed., on the Zeni, 114.

Erytheia, 14.

Escoma (Bolivia) ruins, 250.

Escudero, Chihuahua, 396.

Eskimos, their boats drift to Europe,
61; appear in Greenland, 68, 107 ; near
Behring's Straits, 78 ; described by
La Peyrere, 86 ; known to the North-
men as Skraelings, 105 ; bibliog., 105,
108 ; their former southern range,
106. 336; their intellectual char.,
106; their migrations, 106, 321 ; their
skulis, 106, 377; bone implements,
106 ; their linguistic differences, 107,
425 ; missions among, 108 ; De Pauw
on, 370; allied to the cave race of
Europe, 377, 390 ; of the primitive
race of America, 336, 367 ; their
stone implements, 336.

Esparza, M. de, Informe, 183.

Espinosa, J. D., 427.

Essex Institute, 438.

Estes, L. C, 409.

Estete, M., 277.

Estienne, Jean d', on Atlantis, 45.

Estotiland, 72, 128; identification of,
114; not America, in, 115; was
America, 114, 115.

Eten, 277.

Eternal Islands, 47.

Ethnographical collections, 412.

Ethnological Journal, 442.

Ethnological Society, Journal, 442;
Transactions, 442.

Etowah valley mounds, 410.

Ettwein, Traditions of the Indians,

325-
Etzel, Anton von, Gronland, 107.
Eudoxus, 35.
Eumenius, 47.

Euphemus in the Atlantic, 26.
Euripides, Helena, 13 ; Hippolytus,

14.
Euseues, 22.
Euthymemes, 26.
Evans, John, A nc. stone implements,

384.

Evans, A. S., Our Sister Republic,

180.
Everett, Alex. H., in Spain, iii; on

the Norse voyages, 94.
Everett, Edw., on the Norse voyages,

94.

INDEX.

45.

Everett, Wm., on the Northmen, 98.

Evers, E., Archeology of Missouri,
419.

Ewbank, T., Rock-ivriting, 105; In-
dian Antiq. and Arts, 416.

Eyrbyggja Saga, 83.

Fabricius, Dissert. Crit., 372.
Fabulous islands, 46. See Atlantic

islands.
Faidherbe, Gen., 25.
Fairfield County, Ohio, mounds, 408.
Falb, R., Land der Inca, 275.
Falconer, Hugh, Palo?ontol. Memoirs,

384 ; Primeval Man, 390.
Falconer, Richard, Voyages, 31 8.
Falies, L., Populations primitives de

P Amerique, 415.
Fall River, " Skeleton in Armor ';

found, 105.
Fancourt, C. G., Yucatan, tS8.
Farcy, Ch , 192 ; A ntiq. de PA me-
rique, 77.
Faria y Sousa, Hist. Portuguezas,

49.
Faribault, G. B., Catalogue, iv.
Farnham, Luther, Private Libraries

of Boston, x, xvii.
Farnum, Alex., Northmen in Rhode

Island, 102.
Faroe Islands, 114.
Farquharson, R J., 404.
Farrar, Families of Speech, 75.
Farrer, J. A., Primitive Manners,

379-

Favyn, Andre, Navarre, 75.

Fay, Jos. S., 99.

Fay, S. L., 403.

Feather work, 420.

Fechner, Centralblatt, 443.

Fegeux, Quemada, 183.

Fej ervary Codex, 205.

Fernandez, Melchior, 279.

Ferrer de Conto, Jose, La Marina
real, xxxvii.

Feudal system in anc. Mexico, 173.

Feyerabend, Sigmund, portrait, xxxi.

Field, Thomas W. , hid. Bibliog., xiii,
414 ; his Catalogue, xiii, 414.

Field of Delight, 32.

Fifteenth-century maps, 53, 57.

Figusredo, J. de, 279.

Figuier, Louis, L'homme primitif,
388, 412 ; Human Race, 412 ; World
before the Deluge, 375, 412.

Finseus, Orontius, his map, xxiv.

Finlay, J. B., Wyandotte Mission,
116.

Finley, E. B., 403.

Finley, I. J., Ross County, Ohio, 408.

Finns build the mounds, 405.

Fiorin, Nic, his map, 58.

Fischer, Abbe, edits Ramirez's Cata-
logue, 414; Bibl. Mejicana, xiii,

Fischer,Theobald, edits Ongania maps,

Fischer, Origine des Americaines,
76.

Fish-hooks of bone, 417.

Fish-spears, 360.

Fish-weirs, 365.

Fiske, Moses, 371.

Fiske, Willard, Bibliog. Notices, 93.

Fitch, John, his map on the mounds,

.398.
Fitzer, W. , xxxi; Orient. Indian,

xxxiii.
Five Nations. See Iroquois.
Flat-heads, 425.
Flath Inis, 32.
Flaloyensis Codex, 99.
Fleming, Abraham, Registre of Hys-

torie, 21.
Fletcher, Alice C, Indian Fducation

and Civilization, 321 ; her studies

on the Sioux, 327 : Omaha Tribe,

327-

Fletcher, Robt., Prehist. trephining,
440.

Flint, Earl, on the Nicaragua foot-
prints, 385 ; on Palenque, 191.

Flint chips, 388. See Stone.

Flint folk, 416 : in America, 417.

Flora, that of South America con-
nected with Polynesia, 82.

Flores, I. J., La lengua del Regno
Cakchiquel, 427.

Florida, calcareous conglomerate, re-
ported human remains in, 389 ; mi-
gration from, to Mexico, 136;
mounds, 410; pile-houses in, 393;
pottery, 419; shell heaps, 393.

Flower, W. H., 106; on the study of
skulls, 373.

Folsom, Geo., on the Northmen, '96 ;
on the Zeni, 112.

Fondouce, C. de, Les temps prehis-
toriques, 390.

Fontaine, Edw. , How the World was
Peopled, 374; on the recent origin
of man, 382.

Fontpertuis, A.F. de, Canaries, 116;
on the mounds, 403.

Footprints in geological times, 385 ; cut
of one, 386.

Forbes, D., 442.

Forbiger, Haudbuch der Alien Geog.,

4, 3°-

Force, M. F., on the mounds, 402.

Force, Col. Peter, his library, vi, 171 ;
dies, vi ; tributes to, vii.

Forged relics made in Mexico, 180.

Formaleoni, Saggio sulla Nautica
Ant. dei Veneziani, 47.

Forrey, Samuel, 374.

Forshey, C. G., 409.

Forstemann, Ed., edits the Dresden
Codex, 205 ; Die Maya Handschrift,
205 ; Der Maya Apparat in Dres-
den, 205 ; Erlduterungen zur Maya-
haudschrift, 202, 205.

Forster, J. R., Geschichte der Entd.
und Schifffahrten, xxxvi ; Entdeck-
ungejt im Norden, 92 ; on the Zeni,
in.

Fort Ancient, Ohio, 408.

Fort Chartres, last French flag at, 316.

Fort Duquesne, 310.

Fortia, 43.

Fortunate Islands, 15, 22, 27, 47, 48.
See Canaries.

Fossey, M., Le Mexique, 180, X84.

Foster, G. E., Se-quo-yah, 326.

Foster, J. W., Prehistoric Races, 401,
412; on the moundbuilders, 401,
409 ; (with Whitney), Geology of
Lake Superior, 418.

Four Worlds, doctrine of, 11.

Fourteenth-century maps, 55.

Fousang, in Buache'smap, 79 ; discus-
sions on, 81 ; voyage to, 78.

Fox, A. L. , on earlv navigation, 8i.

Fox, Luke, on the Zeni, in.

Fraggia, Coleccion de MSS. , ii.

Frampton, John, translates Monardes,
xxix.

France, archaeological efforts in, 441 ;
Congres archeologique, 441 ; Societe
Americaine, 441: Annuaire, 441;
Archives, 441 ; Revue A mericaine,
441 ; Actes de la Soc. d' Ethnogra-
phie, 441.

Franciscans in Mexico, 154.

Franciscus, E., Ost-und Wesl-Iudi-
scher Luslgarteu , \jo.

Francisque, Michel, Le Pays Basque,

75-
Franco, Alon/.o, [62.
Franco, P., Initios de Veragua, 425.
Franklin, B., his papers in Henry

Stevens's hands, xv ; on the

voyages, 92 ; on the mounds,
Franklin Co., Ohio, mounds, 1
Frantzius, A. von, Sun Salvador, etc.,

196.
Fraser, W., ;r.
Frnssus, Re^io, etc., ii.
Frauds, archaeological, 403.
Frazier, J. G.,

French colonists in North \m
their treatment of the Indians, 283,
297; compared with the English,

20 > : aim to

country, 301, 102; their fort-, along

the 1 ike- 1 use of Indian

lands, 303: numbers, 310: the testi-
mony of their early explorers, 318;
their manoeuvres to monopolize the
fur trade, 324.

Fresnoy, Lenglet du, Methode, xxxii.

Freville, Cosmog. du Moyen .1 ..
76 ; Commerce de Rouen, 70.

Frey, S. L., 405.

Frezier, A. F., Voyage, 243, 271.

Friederichsthal, Baron von, in Yuca-
tan. 1

Friends. See Quak.

Frisch, E. F., lVikingziige,^$.

Frisius, Laurentius, map, 114.

Frislanda, 72 : name used by Colum-
bus, 73 : " Fixlanda," 73; in maps,
73; in the Zeno map, 114: different
identifications, 114, 115; in Stepha-
nus's map, 130.

Fritsch, J. G., Disputatio, 93, 371.

Frobisher, xxxiv; and the island of
Bus, 51.

Frode, Are, 84.

Froebel, Seven Years' Travel, 410.

Fry, J. B., Army Sacrifices, 319.

Fuenleak Bishop, 155.

Fuensalida, Luis de, 155.

Fuentes y Guzman, F. A. de, Guate-
mala, 107, 196; Recordation Flori-
da, 168, 444.

Fullroth, Dr., 390.

Fur trade, 302.

Fusang. See Fousang.

Fuster, Bibl. Valeuciaua, ii.

Gabriac, Cte. de, Promenade a tra-
versl "Amerique du Slid, 231.

Gacetas de Literatura, 180.

Gade, G., on an ancient Norse ship,
62.

Gades (Cadiz), 13, 24.

Gaffarel, Paul, L'Atlautide, 16; Les
isles fautastiques, 31, 47; Relations
entre Vane, monde et l' .\ merique,
38,60; Etude sur les rapports de
V Amerique, 40; Les Grecs ont-ils
couuu PA merique ? 40 ; on the
Phoenician visits to America, 41 ; on
Roman inscriptions in America, 41 ;
Rapports deP Atlantis, 44, 46; his
later studies of it, 44, 46; bibl
Atlantis, 46 ; Voyages de St. Bran-
dan, 48; his map (facsimile) of
the Atlantic islands, ^2 ; on the Arab
voyages, 72; on Vinland, 97; on the
Newport mill, 10^; on the Zeoo
voyage, 115: on the lost tribes of
Hebrews, 116; on blackamoors in
America, 1 17.

Galapagos, si.

Gale, G., Upper Mississippi, ^27; his
annotations on Laphams Antiq. of
Wisconsin, 40 S.

Galibi, 428.

ia, F. C, 171.

Gallindo, J., 193.

Gallaeus, Ph., Enchiridion, 129; map,
in facs., 1 29.

Gallatin, Albert, on Polynesian con-
nections of tin- American man, 82;
on pre- Spanish migration
the Toltecs, 141 : notes <"/ thtstmu

civilized nations of M

424; Synopsis <>/ the Indian I

320 ; his map of the Indian ;
321 ; a student of ethn<
on the pueblos, $96; on American
langv w of

; k .>ii the Wilkes Exped .
424; on Teoyaomiqui, 133; founds
American Ethm
1 ommendi the work of Squier
and I >avi
< ; illowa; , W. B.,

ino, xxxvi ; on the seven cities,

7s-

( Gannett, II , v>7-

< .ante. Pedro de, 1 v; ( 'At
nd., \^.

la Rtpui /'ir.i-

mieL

454

INDEX.

Garcia, Gregorio, Origen de los Indios,
i. 1 1 : his Monarquia de

los I nets lost.

I lar, Cathedral, 10S.

:lO.

i den, 372.

• ■ r. Job, on Dighton Rock, 103,
104.

< r. I. S.. Eocenes of England,

44-
Gamier. Jules. Les migratio>is polync-

■>/,."■. 82.
Gamier, J. L., 1-2.
Garrigue and Chiistern, Livres cu-

rieux, xv.

* las-, Rev. J.. 404.

Gatschet. A. S.,on the Beothuks, 321 ;
Migration legend of the Creeks, 326,
425,426; his linguistic studies, 423,

42'>.

Gavarrete. Juan, 167.

Gavilan, A. R., Hist, de Copacabana,

-(,4-
Gay, Sydney H., on the Norse voyages,

":- . . .

Gebelin, Count, 104 ; Monde primi-

tif 41, 424.
Geiger, Lazarus, Dcvelopme7it of the

human race, 200.
Geijer, E. J., Hist, of Sweden, Z^.
Geikie, A., Search for Atlantis, 45.
Geikie, Jas., Great Ice Age, 332, 386.
Gelcich, E., Fischgang des Gas-

coguer, 75.
Geminus, Isagoge, 7; Elementa as-

tron. or Isagoge, 35,
Gendron, Pays des Huro'ns, 321.
Genesis, a record of the "Jews only,

372.
Genesis of Earth and JIan, 373.
Geografisk Tidsskrift, 113.
Geographi Grceci minores, 25.
Geographical Society of the Pacific,

438. ,
Geological Society, Quarterly Jour-
nal, 443.
Geologv as controverting theology,

George, Wm., xvi.

Georgia, case with the Cherokees, 326;

mounds in, 410; Reck in, 326; shell

heaps, 393.
Germany, archaeological studies in,

443-

Gesner, \V., 416.

Gesture-language, 422.

Ghetel, Henning, xx.

Gheysmer abridges Saxo, 92.

Giants in Mexico, 133; references,
133 : their bones proved to be masto-
don's, 133 ; the Toltecs, 141.

Gibbs, Geo., 409, 422; on the Oregon
tribes, 3 2S; Chinook Diet., 423; his
linguistic studies, 424 ; memoir of,

424 : Vocabularies of the Clalain
and Lummi, 425 ; Chinook jargon,

425 ; Chinook language, 425.
Gila Valley, 395.

Gilbert, J. K., Niagara falls, 333.
Gillies, John, Hist. Collections, 322.
Gilliss, G. M., 275.
Gillman, H., Anc. men of the great

lakes, 403 ; papers on the mounds,

408 ; A nc. works at Isle Royale,

418.
Giroldi map ''1426), 53.
Gist, Christopher, 287.
Glacial age, how long ago, 333, 382,

386; in America, 332, 386; man in
/he, 343, 387,
Glacial gravels, 387. See Trenton.
Gladiatorial stone, 182.
Gladstone, W. E., Homer, 12, 39.
Glareanus, revised Strabo, 34; on early

references to America, 40.
' in pre-Spanish times, 177.

in, Cath. Chh. in California,

R. See Nott, J. C.
segundo siglo de la com-
' ' .317.

Goajra language, 425.

Gobineau, Moral Diversity of Races,

374-
Godron, A., on Fousang, 80.
Godthaab, 69.

Gold found in the mounds, 418.

Goldsmidt, Edmund, 370.

Gomez, Estevan, his voyage, xxxvi.

Gomme, G. L. , 443.

Goncalvez de Mattos Correa, Descober-
tas, xix.

Gondra, Padre, 170, 444.

Gonino, J., 177.

Gobdell, A. C, jr., on the Norse voy-
ages, 98.

Gooding, Jos., 103, 104.

Goodnow, I. P., 390.

Goodrich, Aaron, The So-called Co-
ininbus, 97.

Goodrich, S. G., 328.

Goodson, Straits of Anian, no.

Gookin, Daniel, 322.

Goranson, 92.

Gorgon islands. 13.

Gosnold found metal in use in New
England, 417.

Gosse, L. A., Deformations du crane,
373-.

Gosselin, P. F. J., Geog. des Grecs,
36 ; Recherche s sur la geog., 36 ; lies
de P ocean, 46 ; on Atlantis, 46.

Gottfried, J. L., Newe IVelt, xxxiii.

Gottingen, Anthropol. Verein, 443;
Americana in, iii.

Gotz, Drcsdener Bibliothek, 205.

Goupil, Rene, 323.

Gowans, Wm., bookseller, vi ; dealer
in Americana, xv.

Graah, W. A., Reise till ostkysten of
Grouland, 109.

Grammar as an ethnical test, 421, 422.

Granados y Galvez, J. J., Tardes
Amcricanas, 172.

Grant, E. M., 410.

Gratacap, L. P., 177, 377.

Grave Creek mound, 403 ; alleged
Scandinavian inscription in, 102,

4°3;

Gravier, Gabriel, Les Normands, 76,
97 ; Decouverte de PA 7>ierique, 97 ;
on Norse civilization among the Az-
tecs, 99; on the Dighton Rock, 104;
Le Roc de Dighton, 104; on the
Newport mill, 105.

Gray, Asa, on the flora of Japan, 44;
in Da'nviniana, 60 ; on Jeffries
Wyman, 392.

Gray, D., 325.

Gray, Thomas, his copy of the Novus
Orbis, xxv.

Greek allied to the Maya, 427.

Greeks, cosmography among, 2 ; in
the Atlantic, 26.

Green, John, xxxv.

Green, Dr. S. A., 102.

Green rock (in the Atlantic), 51.

Greene, Albert G., his books, xiii.

Greenland, in the Ptolemy of 1482,
xii ; its name, 61 ; earliest people
there, 6t ; its folk lore, 61 ; Norse
visits in eighth century, 61 ; churches
in, 63, 86; East and West Bygd, 63,
108; Norse occupation, 6S; bishops
of, 68 ; extinction of the colonists,
68, 69: efforts to learn their fate, 69;
climatic changes, 69; its colonists
perhaps merged in the Eskimos, 69;
ancient bishopric, 85 ; its ruins, 85 ;
bibliog., 85; runes in, 87; seals of
the bishops, 87 ; voyages hence to
Vinland, 87; Antiq. Amer., 94;
map, 95 ; a prolongation of Europe,
</';, 122, i2v See Eskimos. Some-
times confounded with Spitzbergen,
107; bibliog. of the lost colonies,
107; voyages to discover them, 107,
109; Hans Egede on, 107; sites of
the colonies disputed, 108, 109; scant
population on east coast, 100; the
Zeni in, 114; cartography of, 117,
132; oldest map yet found, 117; in
tin- Genovese portolano, 117 ; in the
Tab. Reg. Sept., 117, 121 : maps by
Hans Egede, 10S; by G. Fries, 108;

by Paul Egede, 108; by Anderson,
108; by Rafn, 109; by Claudius
Clavus, 117, 118; by Era Mauro,
117; by Behaim, 120; by Sylvanus,
120; by Waldseemiiller, 122; by
Apian, 122; by Frisius, 122; by
Olaus Magnus, 123, 125; by Mini-
ster, 126 ; by Bordone, 126; by Vo-
pellio, 126; by Gallaeus, 129; no-
tions of Greenland in Columbus'
time, 120 ; in Portuguese chart
(1503), 120; Ruysch made it a part
of Asia, 120; made to stretch north-
erly from Europe, 125; to connect
Europe with America, 126; called
Labrador by Rotz, 126 ; severed from
Europe in the alteration of the Zeno
map (1561), 128, 129; made an island
by Mercator and others, 129 ; earliest
Scandinavian maps to illustrate the
sagas, 129; maps of xvith cent., 130;
Moll's confusion, 131; maps by
Hans Egede, 131 ; by Paul Egede,
in facs., 131 ; by Jovis Carolus, 131 ;
by H. Doncker, 131; by J. Meyer,
131 ; De la Martiniere connects it
with northern Asia, 132 ; La Pey-
rere's map in facs., 132.

Greenwood, Dr. Isaac, on Dighton
Rock, 103, 104.

Greg, R. P., Fret ortiament, 176.

Gregg, Commerce des Prairies, 396.

Gregory IV., his bull, 61.

Grenville, Thos., Bibl. Grenvil., iv.

Griffis, W. E., Arent van Curler,

323-

Grijalva, Juan de, on the Mexican
coast (1518), xxi, 149.

Grimm's Law, 421.

Grinlandia. See Greenland.

Griswold, Almon W„ his library, xiii.

Grocland, a geographical misapprehen-
sion, 129; on maps, 129.

Gronland, or Gronlandia. See Green-
land.

Gros, Sur les Monuments de Mexico,
170.

Grossmann, F. E., 397.

Grote, A. R., 369; on the Eskimos,
105.

Grote, Greece, 28.

Grotius, Hugo, on Scandinavia blood
in Central America, 99 ; De Origine
A merica7tarum, 369 ; his contro-
versies, 370.

Grotlandia. See Greenland.

Gruppe, Die Kosmischen Systeme der
Griechen, 39.

Grynasus, Simon, portrait, xxiv; No-
vus Orbis, xxiv ; Die neue IVelt,
xxy ; map (1532), 114.

Guajiquero Indians, 169.

Guanches in the Canaries, 25, 116, 377.

Guano, 253.

Guaranis, 136.

Guarini language, 278.

Guatemala, linguistic evidence of
Norse influence in, 99; early hist,
of, 135, 150; the ethnological con-
nection of its people in dispute, 150;
native sources, 166 ; Popul Vuh,
166; Memorial de Tecpan Atitlan,
166 ; bibliog., 166. See Quiches,
Cakchiquels.

Guatusos, 169.

Guaxtecas, 136.

Guazucupan, 168.

Gucumatz, 135, 435.

Gudmund, Jonas, his Vinland map,
130. .

Gudrid, 65.

Guerrero, ruins in, 184.

Guerrero, Lobo, Constituciones Syno-
dales, 26S.

Guest, Dr., Origines Celtics, 45.

Guest, W. E., 410.

Guignes, on the Arab voyages, 72 ; Les
navigations des Chinois, 78.

Guillot, Paul, 93.

Guimet, Emile, Anc. peuples de Mtx-
ique, 81.

Guiyard, Geog. d'Abul-Fada, 47.

Gumilla, 75.

INDEX.

455

Gunnbiorn, his voyage, 61 ; his Sker-
ries, 109.

Giinther, Siegmund, Hypothese, 37 ;
Die Lchre von der Erdrundung,

38.
Gurnet Head, 102.
Gutierrez, Manuel, 183.

Haas, Wills de, on the moundbuild-
ers, 401, 403.

Habel, S., on sculptures in Guate-
mala, 197.

Haeckel, Hist, of Creation, 375; Na-
tiirl. Schopfungsgesch., 383.

Hakluyt, Richard, edits Peter Martyr,
xxiii ; used by Lok, xxiii ; Divers
Voyages, xxix ; Principall Navi-
gations, xxix; on Madoc, 109; on
the Zeni, m.

Hakluyt Soc. publications, xxxvii, 443.

Haldeman, S. S., 437; discovers rude
implements, 347 ; on a Rock shelter,
in Penna., 416.

Hale, Capt. Chas. R., on the Dighton
Rock, 102.

Hale, E. E., on the Madoc voyage,
hi.

Hale, Horatio, Iroquois Book of
Rites, 325, 425; on the tribes of the
N. W. coast, 328 ; Origin of Lan-
guage, 377, 421; on the Cherokees,
402 ; Primitive money, 420 ; Indian
migrations, 403, 422; in Wilkes'
Exploring Exped., 423, 424 ; his lin-
guistic studies, 424.

Hale, Nathan, 320.

Haliburton, R. G., on Bjarni's voy-
age, 63 ; on the Norse voyages, 98.

Hah, Jacob, 107.

Hall, James, Ijidian Tribes, 320.

Hall, Joshua, 410.

Hamconius, Frisia, 75.

Hamlin, A. C, 102.

Hampstead, G. S. B., Portsmouth,
Ohio, 408.

Hamor in De Bry, xxxii.

Hamy, E. T., on a Chinese inscription
at Copan, 81 ; Crania Etkica, 373 ;
Precis de paleontologie humaine,

383.
Hanno, on the coast of Africa, 25 ;

Periplus, 34; his voyage, 45.
Hanson, Gardiner, Me., 322 ; Nor-

ridgewock, 322.
Happel, Thesaurus, 320.
Hardiman, Irish minstrelsy, 50.
Hardin Co., Ohio, mounds, 408.
Hardy, Michel, Les Scaudinaves, 97.
Hariot, Virginia, xxxi.
Harrassowitz, Otto, xvi, xvii.
Harris, G. H., Lower Genesee County,

323-

Harris, John, Voyages, xxxiv.

Harris, T. M., on the mounds, 398;
Tour, 405.

Harrison, Gen. W. H., on the mounds,
407.

Harrison, John Howard Payne, 326.

Harrisse, Henry, Bibl. Am. Vet., v,
414 ; Notes on Columbus, v; contro-
versy with Henry Stevens, v; Sur
la nouvelle France, v ; A dditions,
v ; La Colombine, v ; Les Corte-
real,xi\; on Peter Martyr, xx : on
early Basque voyages to America, 75.

Hartgers, Joost, Voyagien, xxxiv.

Hartman cave, 391.

Harvard College library, rich in Ame-
ricana, hi; Sparks MSS. in, vii; its
catalogue, xvii.

Hassaurek, F., Spanish- Americans,
272.

Hassler, Buchdruckergeschichte Uhns,
118.

Hatfield, R. G-, on the Newport mill,
105.

Hatun-runas, 226.

Haumonte, J. D.,La Langue Taensa,
425.

Harard, V., 328.

Haven, S. F., on the Northmen, 96;
portrait, 374 ; his Reports, 374 ; his
career, 376 ; A rchceology of the

United States, 376 ; revises Lap-
ham's A ntiq. of Wisconsin, 400 ; on
mound exploration, 400; believes in
their Indian origin, 400 ; Prehist.
Amer. Civilization, 412.

Haven, S. F., jr., bibliography, ii.

Hawkins, Benj., Creek Country, 326,
429.

Hawkins, Voyage, xxxvi.

Hay, Texcoco, 170.

Hayden, F. V., Ethnography and
Philology of the Missouri Valley,
424 ; Survey of the territories, 440 ;
among the cliff houses, 395.

Hayes, I. I., Land of Desolation, 69,
98.

Haynes, H. W., on runic frauds, 97 ;
on Vinland, 98 ; on the Monhegan
runes, 102; "The prehistoric Ar-
chaeology of North America," 329;
discovers rude implements in N. E.,
347i 303 '» Bow and arrow unknown
to the palceolithic man, 355 ; believes
in interglacial man, 355; at Solutre,
357 ; on the Eng. trans, of Grotius,
370; on the Trenton implements,
388; Copper implements, 418; on
the Taensa fraud, 426.

Hayti held to be Ophir, 82.

Haywood, John, Tennessee, 372.

Headlee, S. H., 409.

Heart, Maj. J ona., Ancient Mounds,
398, 410.

Heaviside, J. T. C, Amer. Anti-
quities, 41.

Hecataeus, 34.

Heckewelder, J., on Delaware names,
437 ; on the mounds, 398 ; on the
Delaware language, 423 ; correspon-
dence with Duponceau, 425.

Heer, Flora tert. Helv. , 44 ; Urwelt
der Schweitz, 44.

Hegewisch, Prof., iii.

Heidenheimer, H., Petrus Martyr,
xx.

Heimskringla, 83.

Heller, C- B.,on Uxmal, 189: Reisen,
189.

Helluland, 63, 130.

Hellwald, F. von, on Amer. migra-
tions, 139 ; on the autochthonous
theory, 375; Naturgeschichte des
Menschen, 412; on Mexican min-
ing, 418. n t

Helps, Sir Arthur, xn ; gives the first
English condensation of the Popul
Vuh, 166 ; on Zumarraga, 203 ;
Spanish Conquest, 269; on Peru,
269 ; Realmah, 379.

Henao, G. de, Antig. de Cantabria,

75-
Henderson, Ebenezer, Iceland, 93.
Henderson, Geo. 7., 'The Republic of

Mexico, 427.
Henotheism, 430.
Henry, Alex., Travels, 318; mentions

copper mines, 417. 1
Henry, David, Voyages, xxxvi.
Henry, Joseph, 139; on Lake Supe-
rior mining, 418.
Henshaw, H. W., on the mounds,

401; Animal carvings, 404; on

sinkers, 351, 417.
Herbert, Sir Thomas, Travaile into

Africa, 109.
Hetbruger, E., Album de Mitla, 185.
Herckmann, Der Zeevaerl, etc.,

xxxiv.
Hercules' twelve labors, 13.
Heredra, J. M. de, ed. Bernal Diaz,

154.
Heremite, J. d', Jouriiael, 271.
Herjulfson, Bjarni, his voyage, 63.
Hermes, K. H., Entdeckung von

A merica, 96.
Herodotus. 39.

Herr, Michael, Die neue Welt, xxv.
Herrera, H. A. de, Ditputatia, xx.
Herrera in De Bry, xxxii; made use

of the Relaciones descriptivas, 266;

title-page of his fifth book, showing

portraits of Incas, 267; Historia, 1,

155-

Hervai, ruins, 271, 277.

Hervas, L., Lenguas y naciones
Americanas, 422; Catdlogo de. las
Lenguas, 422.

Hervey de St. Denis, Fou-Sang, 80.

Hesiod, Theogony, 2 ; on the Elysian
Fields, 13; Works and Days, 13.

Hesperides, 14.

Heve language, 425.

Heynig, Psychologisches Magazin,
443-

Hidatsa language, 425.

Hieroglyphics, invented, 152; of Yu-
catan, attempts to decipher, 195 ; by
Charencey, 195 ; used by Spaniards
in relig. instruction, 197; stages of,
197 ; color and forms, elements, 197 ;
not easily read even by natives, 198 ;
Mrs. Nuttall's complemental signs,
198; phonetic scale, 198, 200; Lan-
da"s Alphabet, 198 ; general refer-
ences, 198 ; on a Yucatan statue, 199;
early descriptions, 200; sculptured
in wood, 200 ; inscription on the
Palenque tablet, 200; cut of the
same, 201 : comparative age of those
on stone and in MS., 202 ; rebus
character, 202 ; Codex Mendoza, 203 ;
tribute rolls, 203, 205 ; Dresden Co-
dex, plate of, 204: explained, 205;
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, 205 ;
Codex Vaticanus, 205 ; Fejervary
Codex, 205 ; other Maya MSS.,
205 ; Codex Troano, 205, 207 ; Co-
dex Cortesianus, 207; facs. of plate,
206; Codex Perezianus, 207.

Higginson, T.W., Larger Hist. U. S.,
98, 176.

Higginson, Waldo, Memorials of
Class of 18 jj, H. C, 439.

Highland County, Ohio, mounds, 408.

Hildebrand, H. O. H., Island, 85.

Hilder, F. F.,409.

Hildreth, Richard, on the Northmen,
96.

Hildreth, Dr. S. P., Pioneer History,
319; Pioneer Settlers, 319.

Hilgard, E. W.,386.

Hill.G. W., 408.

Hill, Horatio, iii.

Hill, Ira, Antiq. of America, 104,

4i5
Hill, S. S., Peru and Mexico, 272.
Himilko on the ocean, 25.
Hindoos, migrations, 371, 372.
Hipkins, A. J., Musical instruments,

420.
Hipparchus, 34 ; on the form of the

earth, 3; on the oceans, 7.
Hispanicarum rerum Scriptores,

xxix.
Historical societies, their libraries,

xviii.
Hobbs, James, Wild life, 327.
Hochelagan skull, 377.
Hochstetter, F. von, Ueber Mex. Re-

liquien, 420.
Hodgson, Adam, Letters, 76.
Hoei Shin, 78, 80.
Hoffman, VV. J., 347.
Holden, Edw. S., Cent. Amer. Pic-
ture-writing, 201, 202,440
Holden, Mrs. H. M., on Atlantis, 45.
Hole, tin.- None Holt, 99.
Holguin, D. (1., his grammar, 279.
Holm, Lieut., on the Greenland ruins,

86.
Holmberg, A E., Nordbon, etc., ^5.
Holmes, O- W., on Jeffries Wyman,

392-

, W. H ., on the sacrificial

..1 Teotihua< an, 183 : on the cliff
houses, 395; survey of the serpent
mound, 401 ; on shell work, 41;
of gold 111 (It iiii/ui, 41s; on textile
art, .119; Ctramtt art, 419; <»n pot-
tery in tli>- Mississippi Valley, 419;
Pueblo Pottery, 419, 440.

Homer, Arthur, Bibl. Amer , ii.
Homer, his World, 6; his ideas of the

earth, 38 ; his geography, 39.
Hondt. F. de, xxxv.
Honduras Indians, 169.

456

INDEX.

II. H»ker, J. P., Botany of the J'oyage
rebus, etc., 82 ; Flora of
Tasmania, 82.
Hopkins, A. G., 323.
Hopkins, Samuel, Hoiisatunnuk In-

(Unas, 32;,.
Horace, and Atlantic islands, 27.
Horn, F. W., Lit. 0/ the Scandina-
vian Norths s4. 98.
Horn (Hornius), Geo., Responsio ad

diss. //. Grotii, 370 ; on the Zeni,

1 1 1 ; on Madoc, 109.
Hornstone, 417.
Horsford, E. N., Disc. 0/ America by

Northmen, 98 ; edits Zeisberger's

Dictionary, 424.
Hosea, L. M., 408.
Hospitality, laws of, 175.
Hotchkiss, T. P., 409.
Hotten, J. CM xvi.
Hough, F. B., on the N. Y. Indians,

325 ; on mound in N. Y. State, 405.
Houghton, Jacob, Copper mines of

Lake Superior, 418.
Housatonics, 323.
Houses of the American aborigines,

420.
Howard, Lord, gov. of Virginia, 304.
Howe, Hist. Coil. Ohio, 407.
Howell, G. R., on Munsell, xv.
Howells, Jas., Fain, letters, 109.
Howgate polar exped., 106.
Howland, H. R., 408.
Howley, M. F., Eccles. Hist. New-

fonndland, 69.
Howonh, H. H., Irish monks and

Northmen, 61 ; Mammoth and the

Flood, 45, 382 ; on Genesis, 384.
Hoy, P. R., 402 ; Copper implements,

418.
Hoyt, Epaphas, Antiq. Researches,

323-
Huacabamba, 276.
Huacrachucus, 227.
Hualli, 275.
Huamachuchus, 227.
Huanacauri hill, 224.
Huanaco, 213.
Huanapu, 275.
Huancas, 227; allies of the Chancas,

230.
Haanuco el viejo, 247.
Huaraz, ruins, 220.
Huarcu, 277.
Huarochiri, 277, 436.
Huascar, 231.
Huastecs, 136.
Huayna Ccapac, 231.
Hubbard, Bela, Mem. of half century,

408.
Hudson, Hendrick, voyage, xxxiv.
Hudson Bay connected with the Great

Lakes, 79.
Hudson Bay Company, its relations

with the Indians, 297.
Hudson Bay Indians, 321.
Hudson, Geog. vet. script. Greed mi-

nores, 34.
Hudson River Indians, 325.
Huebbe and Azuar, map of Yucatan,

188.
Huehue-Tlapallan, 136, 137.
Huemac, 140, 432.
Huerta, Alonso de, 279.
Huinaque, ruins, 220.
Huitramannaland, 82.
Huitzillopochtli, 148, 432, 435.
Hulsius, bibliog., xii.
Hultsch, Metrologie, 4, 5.
Human sacrifices, 140, 145, 147, 148,

185; in Peru, 237, 238; in Mexico,

43 ' ■
Humboldt, Alex, von, his library, vi ;

E in men Critique, vi, 40 ; Crit.

I ' 'utrrsHchitngen, vi ; Geog. du nou-

veau monde, vi ; Cosmos, vi ; his

MSS., vi ; on early mentions of
rica, 40; on Atlantis, 46; on the

fabulous islands, 47; on the Arab

voyages i" the Atlantic, 72; on the
rigin of Americans, 76; on

the Icelandic sagas, 94; on the Norse

discovery, 96 ; on the Dighton Rock,

104 ; on the Eskimos, 105 ; on the
Zeni, 115; on the Aztec wanderings,
138 J on their migration maps, 139;
on Carreri, 158 ; buys some part of
the Boturini collection, 160, 162 ; on
the ruins of Middle America, 176 ; on
the Cholula mound, 180; on Mitla,
184 ; describes Aztec MSS., 203 ; on
the Codex Teller iano, 205 ; in South
America, 270; Vues de Cordilleres,
271,371; Eng. transl., 271; Voyage
an regions equinoxiales, 271 ; An-
sichten der Natur, 271 ; Aspects of
Nature, 271 ; Views of Nature, 271 ;
on the Chibchas, 282 ; on the origin
of Mexicans, 371 ; his bibliog. in his
Vues, 413 ; on arts in America, 416 ;
(with Bonpland) Voyage, 426.

Humboldt, Wm. von, his linguistic
studies, 426.

Humphrey, D., Soc. for propagating
the Gospel, 323.

Humphrey and Abbott, Physics of the
Mississippi Valley, 393.

Hunt, Jas., 443.

Hurakan, 435.

Huron River, Ohio, mounds near, 408.

Hurons, 321 ; their language, 423.

Hutchinson, Thos., his library, i.

Hutchinson, T. J., on Peruvian skulls,
244 ; Two years in Peru, 272 ; Some
fallacies about the Incas, 272.

Huttich, John, Novus Orbis, xxiv.

Huxley, on cataclysmic force, 382 ;
Distribution of Races, 383 ; Man's
place in nature, 390.

Hygden maps (1350), 55, "7? Poly-
chronicon, 117.

Hyginus, on the form of the earth,
3; Poetic on astron., 36.

Hyperboreans, 12.

Hyrcanian ocean, 382.

Icaza, Father, 444.

Icazbalceta, J. G., on Indian lan-
guages, vii ; Don Fray Zumdrraga,
1 55, 156, 203; on Sahagun, 157; ed.
Mendieta, 157; Apuntes, 157; por-
trait, 163 ; prints the Hist, de los
Mexicanos por sus Pinturas, 164 ;
defends Zumarraga, 203 ; Destruc-
cion de Antigiiedades, 203 ; Las
bibliotecas de Eguiara y de Beris-
tain, 413 ; Cat. de escritores e?i
lenguas indigenas, 414 ; Bibl. A mer.
del Siglo xvi., 157, 414, 426; his
MSS., 427.

Iceland, visited by King Arthur, 60 ;
by Irish, 60, 82 ; by the Norse, 83 ;
bibliog., 84; millennial celebration,
85 ; books printed in, 93, 94 ; Antiq.
Amer., 94; map, by Rafn, 95; by
Claudius Clavus, 117, 118; other
maps, 118; in Mauro's map, 120;
in map (1467), 121 ; in Martellus'
map, 122 ; Olaus Magnus, 123, 124,
125; Seb. Miinster, 126; Zeno map,
127, 128 ; by Gallaeus, 129.

Icelandic language, 66.

Icelandic sagas. See Saga.

Ideler, J. I., vi.

Idols still preserved in Mexico, 180.

Igh, 134.

11 genio vagante, xxxiv.

Illinois, Indians, 327 ; mounds, 408.

Ilustracion Mexicana, 184.

Imlay, G. , Western Territory, 398.

Imox, 134.

Inca civilization. See Peru.

India, supposed westerly route to, 27.

Indian languages. See Linguistics.

Indian Ocean once dry land, 383.

Indian summer, origin of the term,

Indians, variety of complexion among,
in, 370; Morgan on their houses,
175; their contact with the French
and English, 283; their feuds, 284;
acquire fire-arms, 285, 301 ; deed
lands, 286, 296 ; trade with the whites,
286 : lose skill with the bow, 287 ;
adoption of prisoners, 287 ; sell them
for ransoms, 287, 289; treatment of

captives, 290 ; captives cling to them,
291 ; life of, 293; trails, 294 ; traders
among, 294, 297; as allies, 295; trea-
ties with the English, 300, 304, 305 ;
French missionaries among, 301 ;
fur-hunters, 301 ; attempts to chris-
tianize, 307; the French instigations,
313; number of souls, 315; bibliog.,
316; character in war, 318; govern-
ment publications on, 320, 321 ; their
shifting locations, 321: reservations
for, 321 ; life of, as depicted by Mor-
gan, 325 ; tribal society, 328 ; position
of women, 328 ; medicine, 328 ; mor-
tuary rites, 328 ; their games, 328 ;
their mental capacity, 328; myths,
429; non-pastoral, 379; map of
tribes, 381 ; decay of tradition among
them, 400; degraded descendants of
the higher races of middle America,
415 ; industries and trade, 416; lost
arts, 416; copper mining, 418; in-
fluence of missions, 430 ; belief in a
future life, 431 ; scope of School-
craft's work, 441.

Indiana, Geol. Report, 393; Indians,
327 ; mounds, 408.

Indianapolis Acad, of Sciences, 438.

Indio triste, statue, 183.

Industries of the Amer. aborigines, 416.

Ingersoll, Ernest, 440; Village In-
dians, 396 ; on Indian money, 420.

Ingolf in Iceland, 61.

Ingolfshofdi, 61.

Ingram, Robert, 115.

Institut Archeologique, Annates, 441.

Institution Ethnographique, 442 ; Rap-
port, 442.

Insulae Fortunatae, 14. See Fortu-
nate Islands, Canaries.

Interglacial man, 334, 355.

International Congress of Prehistoric
Archaeology, Trans., 443.

Inwards, Richard, Temple of the
Andes, 219, 273.

Iowa mounds, 409.

Ireland the Great, 61 ; references, 82 ;
variously placed, 82, 83 ; Rafn's
map, 95.

Ireland, early map of, 118.

Irish legends about the island Brazil,

5°-.
Irish in Iceland, 60, 61, 82.

Irland it Mikla, 82. See Ireland the
Great.

Irminger, Admiral, on the Zeni, 114.

Iron, meteoric, found in the mounds,
418. _

Iroquois, held to be Turks. 82 ; Sir
Wm. Johnson breaks their league,
284, 300; attacked by the French,
300 ; extend their hunting grounds,
303; war against the Illinois, etc,
303; addicted to rum, 303; treaty
with the English (1764), 304; sources
of their history, 323 ; map of their
country, 323 ; in Colden's Five Na-
tions, 324 ; their cession of western
lands to the English in 1726, 324;
sacrifice of the white dog, 325 ; build
the mounds in New York, 402, 405;
their arts, 416 ; hero-gods, 430 ; their
monotheism, 430; myths, 431; lan-
guage, 425.

Irving, Washington, on O. Rich, iii ;
on the Norse voyages, 93, 96.

Isla Verde, 31, 47, 51.

Islands of the Blest, 13, 15. See Ca-
naries, Fortunate Islands.

Isle Royale, copper mines, 418.

Islenzkir A nndler, 83.

Israel, lost tribes. See Jews.

Italy, anthropological studies in, 444.

Itzamna, 434.

Itzcohuatl, 203.

Ivory workers, 417.

Ixtlilxochitl (ruler), 146.

Ixtlilxochitl (writer), 148 ; beginning of
Mexican history, 155; gathers rec-
ords, 157; his character, 157; his
MS. material, 157; part secured by
Aubin, 162; Hist. Chichimeca, 162;
chief instigator of the feudal view of

INDEX.

457

Mexican life, 173 ; his illusive char-
acter, 174.

Izalco, 168.

Izamal, 186, 188, 434.

lztachnexuca, 139.

Iztcoatl, 146.

Jacker, E., 327, 328.

Jackson, C. T., Geo/. Report, 418.

Jackson, Jas., Liste de bibliog. geog.,
i, xvii.

Jackson, W. H., among the cliff dwell-
ings, 395 ; in the Chaco canon, 396 ;
Photographs of N. A m. Indians,
440.

Jacobs-Beeckmans, Les iles A tlantique,

53-

Jacobs, Praying Indians, 322.

Jacquet Island, 53.

Jade, 417 ; in Asia and America, 81.

Jadite, 417.

Jahrbiicher fur Anthropologie, 443.

Jalisco, 139, 433.

James, Capt. Thomas, his voyage,
xxxv.

Japan discovered, 32 ; held to be Fu-
sang, 78.

Jargons, 422.

Jarl, 61.

Jarvis, S. F., 381 ; Religion of the In-
dian Tribes, 429.

Jarz, K., on the Homeric islands, 40.

Jasper, 417.

Jaubert, trans, of Edrisi, 48.

Jay, John, early navigator, 50.

Jefferson, Thos., his anthropological
collections, 371 ; on the mounds,
398; on Amer. linguistics, 424; his
MSS. burned, 424 ; Notes oti Va., ii.

Jeffreys, French Dominion, 326.

Jemez, 394.

Jeremias, Die Babylon.-Assyr. Vor-
stellungen, 13.

Jesuits, their Relations as a source of
Indian history, 316; their bibliog.,
xii ; their missions, 317; travels of
their missionaries, 318 ; in Peru, 262.

Jewitt, J. R. ,. Journal at Nootka
Sound, 327.

Jews, Grave Creek tablet, 404; migra-
tions to America, 115.

Jimenes de la Espada, Marcos, Bib-
lioteca H ispa?io-ultramarina, 260 ;
edits Santillan, 261; edits Monte-
sinos, 263 ; edits the Reiacion of the
Anonymous Jesuit, 263 ; Coleccion
de libros Espanoles raros, 263 ; Tres
Relaciones, 263 ; edits Salcamayhua,
266 ; edits the Informaciones por
matidado de Don F. de Toledo, 268 ;
his editorial labors, 274 ; edits Cieza
de Leon, 274; edits Betanzos, 274;
portrait, 274.

Jogues, the missionary', 323; sources,

323-

Johannes, Count. See Jones, George.

Johnson, Elias, Six Nations ,.325.

Johnson, G. H. M., 325.

Johnson, Sir William, and the Iroquois,
284 ; on his influence among the In-
dians, 31S.

Jolibois, Abbe, on the anc Mexicans,
81.

Joly, L'homme az'ant metaux, 383 ;
Man before metals, 383 ; on the
moundbuilders, 403.

Jomard, Les Antiq. Amer., 80; line
pierre gravee , 404.

Jones, C. C, Tomo-chi-chi, 326 ;
finds rude stone implements in
Georgia, 344; Antiq. of No. Amer.
Indians, 344 ; on the making of
arrow-heads, 417 j on the Georgia
mounds, 410; Indian Remains, 410;
A 7ic. tumuli, 410 ; Antiq. of South-
ern Indians, 293, 410: on effigy
mounds, 410; on bird -shaped
mounds, 410; on rock inscriptions,
411.

Jones, David, Two visits, no, 326,

398-

Jones, Geo., Orig. Hist, of Ancient
America, 41, 190.

Jones, H. G., on Madoc's voyage,

no.
Jones, Jos., 419; on the mounds,

410.
Jones, J. M., on shell heaps, 392.
Jones, Morgan, on the Tuscaroras,

109.
Jones, Peter, Ojibway Indians, 327.
Jones, Oneida County, 323.
Jones, Stockbridge, 323.
Jonsson, Arngrimur, 84 ; Grdnlandia,

85.
Jordan, Francis, Aboriginal En-
campment at Rehoboth, Del., 393.
Jordan, Fr., jr., 419.
Jorell, Otto, Naviresdu Nord, 62.
Jotunheimer, 130.
Jourdain, A., traductions d"1 Aristote,

37-
Jourdain, Ch., Influence d'' Aristote,

37, 38.
Journal of A merican Folk Lore,

438.
Journal of Anthropology, 442.
Jowett, B., Dialogues of Plato, 46.
Joyce, Old Celtic Romances, 33, 50.
Juarros, Domingo, Guatemala, 168,

196.
Jubinal, Legendes de S. Brandaines,

48-
Julianehaab district, maps, 87, 89.
Junks, drifting of, 78.
Junquera, S. P., 115.
Justiniani, Dr. Pablo, 281.

Kabah, 188, 200.

Kabah-Zayi, 186.

Kakortok, 86, 88.

Kalbfleisch, C. H., his library, xviii.

Kalm, Peter, on the Norse voyages,
92 ; Travels, 325 ; on the mounds,
398; on the formation of soil, 361.

Karnes, Lord, Hist, of Man, 380.

Kan-ay-ko, 394.

Kane, Paul, Wanderings, 321.

Kansas Academy of Sciences, 438.

Kansas City Review, 439.

Kansas mounds, 409.

Keane, A. H., 273, 410 ; Ethnology of
America, 412, 422.

Keary, C. F., Dawn of History, 412,

4i5-

Keller, Dr., on the Swiss lake dwell-
ings, 395.

Kelley, O. H., 409.

Kemp's discovery in London, 388.

Kendall, E. A., 104; Travels, 104.

Kennebecs, 322.

Kennedy, James, Origin A mer. In-
dians, 117.

Kennedy, J., Probable origin of the
Amer. Indians, 369 ; Essays, 369.

Kennett, White, Pibl. Amer. Prim.,
i ; his library, i.

Kennon, B., 78.

Kentucky caves, 390.

Kentucky mounds, 409.

Keppel, Gestalt, Gr'dsse, und Welt-
stellung der Erde, 39.

Kerr, Henry, Travels, m.

Kerr, Robert, Voyages, xxxvi.

Keyport, N. Jersey, 363, 393.

Keyser, J. R., Private life of the
old Northmen,^; Religion of the
Northmen, 85.

Kevser, K., Norges Hist., 85.

Kich-Moo, 187.

Kiche\ Brinton's spelling of Quiche",
167.

Kidder, F., 325.

King, Richard, 106.

Kingektorsoak stone, 66.

Kingsborough, Edward, Lord, his be-
lief in the lost-tribe theory, 1x6;
ace. of, 203; his MSS. in Rich's
hands, 203 ; in Sir Thomas Phil-
ipps', 203; Antiq. of Mexico, 203;
copies, 203 ; finds no MSS. in Spain,
203.

Kingsley, Chas., Lectures, 98.

Kingsley, J. S«, Standard Nat. Hist.,

1.56.

Kino, Padre, 396.

Kircher, A., Mundus Subterraneus,

9, 43 ; GEdipus AUgypticus, 204.
Kiriri, 428.
Kirkland, the missionary, on the

mounds, 399.
Kitchen-middens. See Shell heaps.
Kittanning, 312.

Kiaproth, J. H. von, Fousang, 78.
Klee, Le Deluge, 390.
Klemm, At/gem. Culturgesch. der

Mcnschheit, 377, 431 ; Allgem.

Culturwisseuschaft, 377.
Kneeland, Samuel, Amer. in Iceland,

85 ; on the skeleton in armor, 105.
Kneip, C. H., iii.
Knight, Mrs. A. A., 45.
Knox, Robert, Races of Men, 369.
Knox, Voyages, xxxvi.
Koch and the Missouri mastodon.

388.
Kohl, J. G.| on the Northmen voyages,

97; on Frislanda, 114 ; Kitchi-Gami,

327-
Kolaos, voyage, 40.
Kallmann, Dr., 384.
h'osmos, 438.
Koriaks, 77.

Kramer, J., ed. Strabo, 34.
Krarup, F., on the Zeni, 113.
Krause, E. , Northwest Coast of A mer-

ica, 328.
Kristni Saga, 85.
Krossanes, roi, 102.
Kublai Khan, 82.
Kukulcan, r52. See Cukulcan.
Kumlein, L.,Nat. Hist. A relic A mcr-

ica, 106.
Kunstmann, Memoires, 53.

La Borde, Mer du Sud, 43 ; L'ori-

gine des Caraibes, xxxiv, 117.
La Harpe, Voyages, xxxvi.
La Mothe Cadillac at Detroit, 303.
La Peyrere, map of Greenland, 132;

Relation du Groenlaud, 132.
La Roquette on the Zeni, ir2.
La Salle and the Indians, 318.
Labarthe, Charles, La civilisation

pernvienne, 275 ; Doc. inedits sur

V Empire des Incas, 275.
Labat, Nouveau Voyage, 117.
Labrador, name of, 31, 74.
Lacandons, 188.
Lacerda, Jose de, Doutor Livingstone,

i'4-
Lachmann, Sagcnbibliothek, 91.
Lacustrine deposits, 347; habitations,

393-

Laet, Joannes de, Niewwe U ereldt,
i ; Notce ad diss. If. Grotii, 370;
further controversy with Grotius,
370. _

Lafieri, Geografia, r2$.

Lafitau, on the Asiatic origin of Amer-
icans, 76; Mururs des SttUl'aget%
317; on the Tartar origin. of Amer-
icans, 371.

Lagerbring, Sven, 84.

Laguna, Col. de la, 184.

Laing, Ed., Heimskringla,<)2 ; on the
sagas, ()().

Lake Bonne vine, 347.

Lake Lahontan, 347.

Lake Superior, copper mines, 4x7.

Lamarck, J. B. A., his transformation
theory, 3S5; Philosophic Zool.,

383.
Lambayeque, 275.

'■
Landa, Bishop, Rtiacion, 164, 200;
, exited 1)'. I r6j ; by Rada v

ido, 165; critical account of
editions by Brinton, 165; his alpha-
bet, i'/v : fa< %, of part of it.

ly in a < ppy, 198 ; pro-
nounced a fabrication, aoo, 202;
anal-. 1 ; misleading! 202;

his destruction "i M

Landino, 35.

Landnamabdk, 83 ; editions, ^t.

Landry, S. F\, Moundlmilder 'j lirain,
40V

Lands, tenure of, 175.

45S

INDEX.

Lang, A., 281.

Lang, J. D., Polynesian Nations, 82.

Langdon, F. W , 408.

Langebek, Jacobus, Scriptores rerum

llanicarum, S3.

Laogius, Med. Epist. 'Misc., 41.

Langlet du Fresnoy, Methode, i.

Language, as a test of race, 421, 422;
failed in the palaeolithic man, 421.
See Linguistics.

Laon globe (14S6), 119; cut, 56.

Lapham, I. A., on the Indians of Wis-
consin, 327; Antiq. of Wisconsin,
400, 40S.

Lappawinzo, 325.

Larenaudiere, Mcxique, 190.

Larkin, F., Anc. man in America,
384, 405, 415.

Larrabure y Unanue, E., on the Ollan-
tay drama, 282.

Larrainzar, M., E studios sobre la hist,
de A merica, 172, 195 ; on Palenque,
195.

Lartet, Ed., Nouvelles Recherches,
3S8 ; A nnales des Sciences, 441.

Lartet and Christy, Reliq. Aquitani-
cce, 389.

Las Casas, Narratio, xxxiii ; Apolog.
hist., 155.

Latham, Nat. Hist, of Man, 374;
Man and his migrations, 381.

Latreille, 16.

Latrobe, C. J., Rambles in Mexico,
180.

Laud, Archbp., 205.

Laurentian lulls, 384.

Laurenziano-Gaddiano portolano, 55.

Law, A. E., 410.

Lawson, Carolina, xxxv.

L'Estrange, Sir H., Americans no
yeives, 115.

Le Beau, Voyage, 321.

Le Hon, H., Infltience des lot's Cos-
miques, 387 ; IJhomme fossile, 383.

Le Moyne, Florida, xxxii.

Le Noir on the Dresden Codex, 205.

Le Plongeon, Dr., on Atlantis, 44; on
the connection of the Maya and
Asiatic races, 81 ; on traces of the
Guanches in Yucatan, 117; his stud-
ies in Yucatan, 166, 186 ; his discov-
ery of the Chac-mool, 180, 181, 190;
Sacred Mysteries, 180, 187 ; his
over-confidence, 187, 200 ; contro-
versies, 187; at Chichen-Itza, 187,
190 ; on the Maya tongue, 427.

Le Plongeon, Mrs. Alice, her studies
on the Mayas, 166, 169, 187; Ves-
tiges of the Mayas, 187; Here and
There in Vucatan, 187.

Leardo, Giovanni, map (1448), 56;

(1452), S3» 56, 115-

Leclerc, Ch., Bibl. Amer., vii, xvi,
413, 423-

Leclercq, Gaspesie, 321.

Leconte, J. L., on the California In-
dians, 437.

Lee, Arthur, on the mounds, 398.

Lee, J. C. Y., 397.

Lee, J. E., Lake dwclli?igs of Switz-
erland, 395.

Leffler, O. P., 84.

Legendre, Napoleon, Races de FA me-
rique, 369.

Legis-Glueckselig, Die Ritnen, 66.

Legrand d'Aussy, Image du monde,

V-

Leibnitz, Opera philol., 40.

Leidy, Jos., 374; discovers rude im-
plements in lacustrine deposits, 347 ;
on a mustang skull found in the
California gravels, 353 ; Extinct
mammalia, 3.HS ; on shell-heaps,
303 ; on the Hartman cave, 391.

Leif Ericson, his career, 62 ; his voy-
age to Vinland, 63; described, 90;
in Boston, 98.

Leipzig, Museum fiir Volkerkunde,
Bericht, 443; V ere in fiir Anthro-
pologie, 443.

Lejand, Ch. G., California and Mex-
ico in the Fift. Cent., So; Fusang,
80 ; Mythology of the A tgonquins,

99; Algonquin legends, 99, 431 ; on
the Norse spirit in Algonquin myths,
99.

Lelewel, on the Arab voyages, 72 ; on
Frislanda, 114.

Lemoine, J. M., on the Hurons, 321 ;
on Indian mortuary rites, 328.

Lemuria, 383.

Lenape stone, 405.

Lenni Lenape, 325, 437. See Deia-
wares.

Lenoir, A., on Egyptian traces in
America, 41 ; compares Palenque
with Egyptian remains, 192.

Lenox Library, xi ; its bibliographical
contributions, xi.

Lenox, Jas., his library, xi ; Recollec-
tions by Stevens, xi ; his De Brys,
xxxiii.

Leon y Gama, A. de, Desc. de las Dos
Piedras, 159, 182; chronol. tables
of Mexico, 133.

Leon y Pinelo, Epitome, i.

Leone, Giovan, Viaggio, xxix.

Lepsius, Das Stadium, 4.

Lesage, S., 317.

Lesley, J. P., Origin and Destiny of
Man, 379, 383 ; his independent
views, 384.

Lesson and Martinet, Les Polynesiens,
82.

Letheman on the Navajos, 327.

Letronne, on the size of the earth, 5;
on the views of the extension of
Africa, 7 ; Opinions Cosmog. des
Peres, 38.

Levinus printed with Martyr, xxiii.

Levy-Bing on the Grave Creek mound
tablet, 404.

Lewis, Sir Geo. C, Astron. of the
A ncients, 36.

Lewis, H. C, Geol. Survey of Penna.,
388 ; Trenton gravels, 337, 388.

Lewis, T. H., on the mounds, 400, 403;
on a snake mound, 401 ; on Iowa
mounds, 409; on Kentucky mounds,
409; on Red River mounds, 410; on
Rock inscriptions, 410.

Lewis and Clarke, on the Indians, 320 ;
discover mounds, 409 ; their Indian
vocabularies lost, 424.

Lexington, Ky., Indian fort, 437.

Li Yan Tcheou, 80.

Libraries, American, i ; in New Eng-
land, i ; private, of Americana, vi.

Libretto de tutta la navigazione, etc.,
xix.

Libyan relic in America, 404.

Lick Creek mound, 408.

Lima, audience of, 211.

Linares on Teotihuacan, 182.

Lindenow, G., voyage to Greenland,
107.

Linguistics, American, bibliog. of, vii,
421, 423 ; affiliations with Asia, 77;
with China, 81 ; used in studying
ethnical relations, 421 ; number of
stocks, 422, 424; dialects, 422 ; maps
of America, by languages, 422 ; poly-
synthesis, 422 ; collections, 425 ; vo-
cabularies in Wheeler's Survey, 440.

Linschoten, xxxvii.

Lisbon Academy, Memorias da Lit-
teratura, xix.

Little, Wm., Warren, 322.

Little Falls, Minn., 346.

Little Miami valley, mounds in, 403,
408.

Littlefield, Geo. E.. xv.

Livermore, Geo., on Henry Stevens,
xiv.

Lizana, B., 165.

Liung, E. P., Disscrtatio, 370.

Llamas of Peru, 213, 253 ; cut of, 213.

Llanos, Adolf o, Sahagun, 157.

Lloyd, Humphrey, Cambria, 109.

Llovd, H. E., 10S

Lloyd, T. G. B.,321.

I.oaysa, 162.

Locke, Caleb, Hist, de la navigation,
xxxiv.

Locke, John, on the Wisconsin
mounds, 400 ; Mineral Lands, 400.

Locket, S- H.,409.

Lockwood, Rev. Samuel, 363 ; collec-
tion, 393.

Lodge, Henry Cabot, review of Gra-
vier's Decouverte par les Nor-
viands, 97.

Loess, 332, 348 ; of the Mississippi
Valley, 388.

Loew, 0., 394.

Loffler, E., on Vinland, 98.

Logan, James, his position in Penna.,
308.

Logstown, 287.

London Anthropological Society, Me-
moirs, 442 ; Trans, and Jour7ials,
442.

London Society of Antiquaries, Ar-
cha>oiogia, 442.

Long, R. C, Anc. Arch, of America,
176.

Long, Bibl. A mer., ii.

Longfellow, H. W., Skeleton in Ar-
mor, 105.

Longperier, A. de, Notice des Monu-
ments, 444 ; Bronzes A ntiques, 26.

Loo-choo Islands, 80.

Lopez, V. F., on Quichua roots, 280;
Les Races Aryehnes du Perou, 82,
241, 281 ; on the Ollantay drama,
282.

Lorente, S., Hist. Antiq. del Peru,
270 ; papers in the Revista Peru-
ana, 270; Revista de Lima, 270.

Lorenzana, Hist. Nueva Espana, 203.

Lorillard, Pierre, 177.

Lorillard City, 177 \ situation, 188.

Lort, Michael, 104.

Loskiel, G. H., Mission., 371, 429.

Lothrop, S. K., Kirkland, 323.

Loudon, Archibald, S elect ioji of nar-
ratives, 319.

Louisiana, missions in, 326 ; mounds,

Low, Conrad, M~eer Buch, xxxiii.

Lowenstern, Le Mexiq?te, 182.

Lowndes, the bibliographer, xvi.

Lubbock, Sir John, Origin of Civili-
zation, 377, 380; as an anthropolo-
gist, 379; portrait, 379; Prehistoric
Times, 379 ; on No. A mer. A rchce-
ology, 379 ; on the degeneracy of the
savage, 381 : Early Condition of
Alan, 381 ; Scientific Lectures, 387 ;
on prehistoric archaeology, 412.

Lucy-Fossarieu, P. de, Ethnographic
de FA mcrique A ntarctiqtte, 442.

Ludewig, Hermann E., Amer. local
History, v; Amer. Aborig. Lin-
guistics, v, Lit. of Amer. Aborig.
Language, vii, 423.

Lule, 428.

Lummi language, 425.

Lumnius, J. F., De Extremo Deifu-
dicio, 115.

Lunarejo, Dr., 280.

Lund, Dr., on caves in Brazil, 390.

Lurin, £77.

Lyctonia, 46.

Lydius, B., xxv.

Lyell, Sir Charles, on Atlantis, 44;
Antiquity of Man, 384; eds. ,384;
Second Visit, 393 ; on the mound-
builders, 402.

Lykins, W. H. R., 409.

Lyman, Theodore, 3d, 412.

Lyo-Baa, 184.

Lyon. G. F., Journal, 170; Mexico,
183'. x

Lyon, S. S. , 410; Antiquities from
A'entucky, 439.

Lyon, W. B., 397.

Maccauley, Clay, on the Seminole
Indians, 326.

Macedo, Dr., on Inca and Aztec civi-
lizations, 275.

Machimus, 22.

Maciana library (Venice), vi.

Mackenna, B. V., his books, xiii.

Maclean, J. P., on Atlantis, 45; Mas-
todon, Manrmolh and Man, 38S;
Moundbuilders, 401 ; on the serpent
mound, 401 ; on the Grave Creek

INDEX.

459

tablet, 404 ; mounds in Butler

County, 408.
Maclovius, Bishop of Aleth, 48.
Macomb, J. N., Exploring Exped.

from Santa Fe, 440.
Macrobius, 13, 31 ; Comm. in Sontn.

Scip., 9, 10, 11, 36 ; his maps, 10, 11,

12.
Madeira, 48 ; known to the ancients,

x5> 25> 27 ! m 'he Bianco map, 50.
Madier de Montjau, Chronol. hierog. ,

133; on Mexican MSS., 163:

Chronol. des rois Azteques, 200.
Madison, Bishop J., on the mounds,

398 ; on fortifications in the West,

437-
Madisonville, Ohio, Archaeolog. Soc,

407 ; mounds, 408.
Madoc, Prince, his voyage, 71; bib-

liog. , 109, no, in; linguistic traces

of the Welsh in America, 109 ;

English eagerness to substantiate

his voyage, 109 ; some believe he

went to Spain, in; his people are

the Mandans, 111; possible, but not

probable, 11 1.
Madriga, P. de, 271 ; voyage to Peru,

xxxiv.
Madrinanus, A., xx.
Maelduin, 33, 50.
Mag Mell, 32.
Magazin filr die Naturgeschichte des

Meuscheu, 443.
Magellan, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi,

xxxvii.
Magio, Ant., Lengua de los Indios

Baures, 425.
Magnus, Olaus, Hist, of the Goths,

84; maps #(i 539), 123; (1555), 124;

(1567), 125 ; Historia, 125 ; Von dem

alt 'e n Goettenreich, 125.
Magnusen, Finn, 86, 96; on Scand.

divisions of tints, 99 ; an instance

of his over-eagerness, 102.
Magnussen, Arne, 88.
Magrurin, 33.

Mahudel on stone implements, 387.
Mailduin, 33, 50.
Maillard, Abbe, Miconaque language,

4?5-

Maine Indians, 322 ; Indian missions,
322; shell heaps, 392.

Maisonneuve, Bibl. Amer., xiv, xvi;
Collection linguistique, 425.

Maisonneuve. See Leclerc.

Maize in PeTu, 213.

Major, R. H., on the Atlantic islands,
47 ; on Arab voyages in the Atlan-
tic, 72; on the Northmen, 96; on
the sites of the Greenland colonies,
109, 113; on the Madoc voyage,
in ; advocates the Zeni story, 112 ;
portrait, 112.

Mala, 277.

Malay emigration to America, 60.

Malay stock in America, 81, 82.

Mallery, Col. Garrick, on the Dighton
Rock, 103; on Indian inscriptions,
104; on pictographs, 410; on ges-
ture language, 422 ; Study of Sign
language, 422, 440.

Mallet, P. H., Dannemark, 92 ;
Northern A ntiq. , 84 , 92 .

Malte-Brun, Annates des Voyages,
xxxvi, 441 ; Nouvelles Annates,
xxxvi, 441 ; on the Arab voyagers,
72; on the sagas, 92 ; on the Zeni,
112; Precis de la geog. , 112; map
of Central America, 151; map of
Yucatan, 188; L'epoque des monu-
mens de POhio, 398 ; Nations et
langues au Mexique, 427.

Mame-Huasteque language, 426.

Mamertinus, 47.

Mammoth, 3S8.

Man Satanaxio, 31, 47, .49, 54:

Man, origin and antiquity of , in Amer-
ica, 330, 369; bibliog., 369 ; plural-
ity of origin, 372 ; autochthonous, in
America, 372; references on. 375;
prehistoric, 377 ; stages of prehis-
toric existence, 377; his progress
from barbarism to civilization, 378 ; i

influenced by climate, 378 ; degen-
erate in the modern savage, 380;
controversy on this point, 381 : ar-
guments against his antiquity, 3S2 ;
for it, 383 ; English, French, and
German schools of opinion, 383 ;
original home in the Indian Ocean,
383 ; his geological remoteness in
Europe, 330, 384 ; references on his
antiquity in America, 384 ; in the Gla-
cial age, 387 ; existence with extinct
animals, 388; in American caves,
389 ; scarcity of human remains of
the palaeolithic era, 390 ; early
man in So. America, 390 ; as lake
dweller, 395 ; of the Danish peat
beds, 395 ; general references on
prehistoric man, 412, 415; as a
speaking animal, 421; unity of the
American race, 429; the thoughts of
early man, 420. See Anthropology.

Manasseh Ben Israel, 115.

Manchester Geographical Society,
Journal, 442.

Manco Ccapac, origin of, 225 ; at
Cuzco, 224 ; portrait, 228.

Mancos River, 395.

Mandans, in.

Mange, Padre, 396.

Mangue dialect, 428.

Mangues, 169.

Mani, 153; archives, 189.

Manilius, on the form of the earth, 3 ;
Astronomicon, 36.

Manitoba Hist. Society, Trans., 410;
mounds, 410.

Ma pa de Cuauhtlantzinco, 1S0.

Marana, J. P., Turkish Spy, no.

Marcay, De, Decouvertes de VAme-
rique, 45.

Marceau, E. , Les anc. peuples d'A mc-
rique, 412.

Marcel de Serre, Cosmog. de Moise,
41.

Marcellus, Ethiopic History, 41.

March y Labores, Jose, xxxvii.

Marcoy. Travels in So. Amer., 209;
Voyage, 272.

Marcy, R. B., Border Reminiscences,
319; (withG. B. McClellan) Explo-
ration of the Red River, 327, 440.

Margry, Pierre, Mcmoires, 302, 317.

Maricheets, 321.

Marietta, mounds, plan of, by W. Sar-
gent, 437 ; Harris, view of the
mounds, 405 ; mounds at, discovered,
407.

Marinelli, G. , Erdkunde be i den Kir-
chcn-Vatern, 30, 38.

Marinus of Tyre, 34; on the size of
the known earth, 8.

Markham, C. R., on the Eskimos,
107 ; " The Inca civilization in
Peru," 209 ; translates Report of On-
degardo, 261 ; Molina's Rites of the
Incas, 262, 436 ; translates Avila's
narrative, 264 ; edits Salcamayhua,
266 ; Cuzco and Lima, 271 ; Travels
in Peru and India. 271 ; Peru, 271 ;
portrait, 272; on Tialuianacu, 273;
his editorial work, 274: on the Qui-
chua language, 2*0; Ollanta, 2^r ;
reply to Mitre, 2S2 ; Ocean Ifigh-
-tvays, 442; Geog. Review, 442;
Geog. Mag., 442.

Markland, 63, 1 $0.

Marmier. X., Island, 84.

Marmocchi, F. C, Viaggi, xxxvii,

l63-

Marquesas islands, Si.

Marque/, 1'., Antichi mon. de Arch.
Meesicana, \ ■

Marriott mound, 408.

Marryat's Travels^ 321.

Marsh, ( reo, 1' • . 1

Mir li, 0. C.,on the Newark mounds,

Marshall, 0. H., Hist. Writings,
323; on the Ohio Valley Indians,

Marsc,

Martellus, H., fnsularium illustra-
tum, 114, 119; map sketched, 122.

Marten, Voyage to Greenland, xxxiv.

Martha's Vineyard, tracts on the con-
version of the Indians, 322.

Martin, Felix, Hurous et Iroquois,
321 ; Jogues, 323.

Martin, Gabriel, xxxii.

Martin, Henri, Dissertation sur
I'Atlantide, 46; Tiinee de Platou,

Martin, Luis. 1S4.

Martin, T. H., his astron: papers, 36;
Cosmog. Grecquc, 39 ; Sur le Timce,
42.

Martin of Valencia, 150.

Martinez, J., Quichua vocabulary, 279.

Martiniere, map of Greenland, 132 ;
Voyages, 132.

Martius, F P. von, Sprachenkunde
Amerikas, 42S ; Glossaria, 42 s ;
Beitrage, 136.

Martyr, Peter, bibliog., xx; his first
decade, xx ; Legatio Babylonua,
xx ; ace. by Harrisse, xx; by Schu-
macher, xx ; by Heidenheimer, xx ;
Die Schiffung, xxi ; Poemata, xxi ;
De Nupcr sub D. Carolo repertis
insulis, xxi ; facs. of title, xxii ; De
orbe novo, xxi ; Extrait on Recited,
xxi ; De rebus oceanicis, xxiii ;
Summario, xxiii ; joined with Ovie-
do, xxiii; Eden's Decades, xxiii;
Willes' Hist, of Travayle, xxiii ;
edited by Hakluyt, xxiii ; by Lok,
xxiii; Opus Epistolarum, xxiv ;
on the Ethiopian origin of the tribes
of Yucatan, 117 ; describes the
Maya and Nahua picture-writings,

Maryland, docs, in her Archives, xiv ;
Hist. Soc. .xviii; Indians, 325.

Masks, Mexican, 419.

Mason, Geo. C, on the Newport mill,
105; Rem. of Newport, 105.

Mason, O. T. , on the mounds, 402;
bibliog. of anthropology, 411 ; on
anthropology in the U. S., 411 ; his
anthropolog. papers, 439.

Massachusetts Bay map, 100.

Massachusetts Hist. Soc, Library Cat-
alogue, xvii ; on the statue or Leif
Ericson, 98 ; on Rafn's over-confi-
dence, 100.

Massachusetts Indians, 323.

Massachusetts Quart. Rev., 96.

Massachusetts State Library, xvii.

Massilia founded, 26.

Mastodon, carvings of. 405 ; mound,
409; remains of man associated with
the, 388; how long disappeared, 389.

Materiaux pour I histoire primitive,
411.

Mather, Cotton, on Dighton Rock,
103, 104; Wonderful works of God,
104: on Jews in S'cw England, 115;
on supposed remains of a giant
and the Royal Society, 442.

Mather, Increase, his letter to I
den, 322.

Mather, Saml., America known to

the ancients, 40.
Mathers, their library, i.
Matien/o, Juan de, Gobierno de el

Peru, a6l,

Matlaltzroca, 148.

Matthews, \Y\, Language of the ///'-

datsa, 425 ; Hidatsa Indians.
Maudsley, A. 1'., Guatemala, 1
Maurault, Abenakis,
Maurer, Konrad, Altnord. Soroche,
'eland, 85; Isldndieche Volke-
•In- Zeni, 115; Rechi-
■';. dei Nordens,
Maun., Fra, map (1457), 53, 117; iacs-

of northern parts, 1
Maury, Alfred,
Mavor, / itvi

Maximilian. Emperor <>i Mexico, his

library, viii.

Maximilian, Prii 1 119; Prav-

e/s ,
Maxtla

['Ahkuii-Chel, ■

ipan, 152 ; deserted, 15?.

460

INDEX.

Mayas, origin of, 134, 152; name first
heard. 135; nations comprised, 135;
of, 152; hieroglyphics, 152,426;
Katunes, 152; calendar, 152; man-
. uscripts, 162; Chilan Balam, 164;
Pofrul I'uh, their sacred book, 166;
their last pueblo, 175; picture-writ-
ing, 107: metals among, 418; lan-
guages ('[,427: dialects, 427 ; allied
to the Greek, 427; general refer-
ences, 427; religion of, 433; hero-
gods, 430, 434.

Mayberry, S. P., on Florida shell
heaps, 393-

Mayda, 31, 47. 51* 53-

Mayer, Brantz, on Sparks, vii ; Mexico,
170; Observations on Mex. hist.,
184.

Mayhews, the Indian missionaries,
322.

Mayta, Ccapac, Inca, 229.

Mazahuas, 136.

Mazetecs, 136.

McAdams, \V., 409; Anc. Races in
the Mississippi Valley, 403, 410;
Cahokia, 408.

McCaul, John, 99.

McCharles, A., 410.

McClellan, G. B., 440.

McClintock and Strong's Cyclop, bibl.
lit., 384-

McClure and Parish, Mem. of Wheel-
och, 322.

McCoy, Isaac, Baptist hidian mis-
sions, 369.

McCulloh, James H., Researches on
America, 169, 372; on the mounds,

399-

McCullough, John, captive to the In-
dians, 292, 319.

McElmo canon, 395.

McFarland, R. W., 408.

McGee, W. ]., 377; on glacial man,
33°* 343 i on the Columbia period,
343 ; his lacustrine explorations, 349 ;
on Iowa mounds, 409.

Mcintosh, John, Disc, of America,

372-

McKenney, T. L., Memoirs, 320; his
career, 320; (with James Hall) In-
dian Tribes. 320.

McKinley, Wm., 410.

McKinney, W. A., 41.

McLennan, J. F., Primitive Mar-
riage, 3 So ; Studies in Anc. Hist.,
3S0.

McMaster, S. Y., in.

McParlin, J. A., 397.

McWhorter, T., 408.

Measures of length used by the Mexi-
cans, 420.

Meddelelser om Gronland, 86.

Medel on the Mex. hieroglyphics, 2co.

Megatherium, 389

Megiser, H., Sept. Novantiquus,
xxxiv, 11 1.

Meigs, J. A., on Morton's collection,
372 ; Catal. human crania, 372 :
Obs. on the cranial forms, 374 ;
Form of the occiput, 375.

Meineke, A., ed. Strabo, 34.

Mela, Pomponius, his views of the ex-
trusion of Africa, 10; relations with
Ptolemy, 10 ; on men supposed to
be carried from America to Europe,
26 ; De Situ Orbis, 36.

Melgar, E. S. de, 279.

r, J. M., De las Teogonias en
I os manuscritos Mexicanos, 431.

Melgar, Sefior, 1 16.

Melkarth, 24.

Melo, Garcia de, 260.
n.i, 102.
ieta, Hist. Juries, hid., 157.

Mendoza, Gumesindo, 155; curator of
Mm eo Nacional in Mexico, 444.

Menendez, Geog. del J'eru, 212.

/■lat-head Granunar,

Menti

■1, Bibl. Hist., ii.

A in., his library and cata-
logue, xii.

I Mer de l'Ouest, 79.

Mercator map (1538), 125.

Mercer, H. G., 405.

Mercuric Peruano, 276.

Meredith, a Welsh bard, 109.

Merian, M., xxxi.

Merida, 188.

Meridian, the first, where placed by
the ancients, 8.

Merivale, C, Conversion of the North-
ern Nations, 85.

Merom, Ohio, 408.

Meropes, 22.

Meny Meeting Bay, 102.

Mesa, Alonso de, 260; Anales del
Cuzco, 2 jo.

Metal, use of, 418 ; working in Peru,
256 ; among the early Americans,
417.

Metz, Dr. C. L., finds palaeolithic im-
plements in Ohio, 340, 341 ; Prehist.
Mts. Little Miami Valley, 408.

Meunier, V., Les ancetres d'Adan:,

383.

Mexia y Ocon, J. R., 279.

Mexico (country), linguistics of, viii;
held to be Fousang, 78, 80, 81 ; cor-
respondences in languages with Chi-
nese, 81 ; with Sanskrit, 81 ; Asiatic
origin of games, 81 ; jade ornaments
in, 81 ; Asiatic origin, references on,
81 ; obscurities of its pre-Spanish
history, 133; early race of giants,
133 ; chronologies, 133 ; the Toltecs
arrive, 139; the confederacy grow-
ing, 147 ; its nature, 147 ; portraits
of the kings, 148; sources of pre-
Spanish history, 153 ; the early Span-
ish writers, 153; the courts and the
natives, 160 ; MS. annals, 162; gen-
eral accounts in English, 169; Ar-
chives de la Com. Sclent, du Mex-
ique, 270; ethnology of, 172; char-
acter of its civilization, 173, 176; the
confederacy, 173; diverse views of
the extent of the population, 174;
disappearance of their architecture,
174 ; map by Santa Cruz, 174 ; mode
of government, 174, 175; their pal-
aces, 175, 176; notes on the ruins,
176: astronomy in, 179; idols still
preserved, 180 ; superstitions for writ-
ings, 180 ; origin of the people, 375 ;
copper, use of, 4 iS; variety of tongues
in, 426; culture, 329, 330. See Tol-
tecs, Nahuas, Anahuac, Aztecs, Chi-
chimecs.

Mexico (city), founded, 133, 144 ; Cla-
vigero's map in facs., 143 ; its lakes,
143 ; other maps, 143 ; facs. of the
map in Coreal's Voyages, 145 ; a na-
tive ace. of the capture, 162 ; calen-
dar stone, 179 ; used to regulate mar-
ket days, 179; Museo Nacional, 419,
444; hs Anales, 444; view of, 180,
181; forgeries in, 180; no architec-
tural remains, 182; the city gradu-
ally sinking, 182 ; relics still beneath
the soil, 182; Bandelier's notes,
182 ; old view of the city, 182 ; early
descriptions, 182: its military aspect,
182 ; relics unearthed, 182 ; temple
of (views), 433, 434.

Meye, Heinrich, Copan tmd Quiri-
gud, 196, 197.

Meyer, A. B., 417.

Meyer, J., map of Greenland, 131.

Mica, 416.

Michel, Francisque, Saint Brandan,
48. m

Michigan mounds, 408.

Michinacas, 136.

Michoacan, 140, 433.

Micmacs, 321 ; language, 425 ; legends,
431 ; missions, 321 ; traditions of
white comers among, 99.

Mictlan, 184, 435.

Mictlantecutli, 435.

Middle Ages, geographical notions, 30.

Miedna, 78.

Migration of nations in pre-Spanish
times, 137, 139, 369; disputes over,
138; Gallatin's view, 138; bibliog.,

139; Dawson's map of those in

North America, 381 ; generally from

the north, 381.
Mil, A., De origine Animalium, 370.
Milfort, a creek, 326.
Miller, J., Modocs, 327.
Miller, W. J., IVampanoags, 102.
Mindeleff, V., on Pueblo architecture,

395-
Minnesota mounds, 409.
Minutoli, J. H. von, on Palenque,

191 ; Stadt in Guatemala, 195.
Miocene man, 387.
Miquitlan, 184.
Mirror of Literature, no.
Mission Scie7itifique au Mexique,

Ouvrages, 207.
Missions' effect on the Indians, 318.
Mississippi Valley, loess of, 388;

mounds, 410.
Missouri, mounds, 409; pottery, 419.
Missouri River, lacustrine age, 348.
Mitchell, S. L., on the Asiatic origin

of the Americans, 76, 371 ; on the

Northmen, 102.
Mitchell, A., 410.
Mitchell, W. S., on Atlantis, 44.
Mitchener, C. H., Ohio Annals, 407.
Mitla, ruins of, 184; plan, 184.
Mitre, Gen. B., Ollantay, 282.
Miztecs, 136; subjugated, 149.
Mochica language, 227, 275, 276.
Modocs, 327.
Mohawks put English arms on their

castles, 304, 324.
Mohegan Indians, their language, 423.
Moke, H. T., Hist, des peuples Ame-

ricaius, 172.
Moletta (Moletius) on the Zeno map,

129.
Molina, Alonzo de, 156.
Molina, Christoval de, in Peru, 262;

Fables and Rites of the Incas, 262;

on the Incas, 436.
Molina, Vocabulario, viii ; Arte de la

lengua Mex., viii.
Mollhausen, Reisen, 396 ; Tagebuch,

396.
Moluccan migration to South Amer-
ica, 370.
Monardes, Dos Libros, xxix ; Hist.

Medicinal, xxix ; likeness, xxix ;

Joyfidl Neives, xxix.
Monboddo, Lord, on Irish linguistic

traces in America, 83.
Moncacht-Ape, 77.
Money, 420.
Mongolian stock on the Pacific coast,

82.
Mongols in Peru, 82.
Monhegan, alleged runes on, 102.
Monogenism, 374.
Monotheism in America, 430.
Monro, R., Anc. Scotch lake dwell-
ing, 393-
Montalboddo, Paesi Nov., xix.
Montana mounds, 409.
Montanus, Niewwe VVeereld, i ; on

the Zeni, in; America, xxxiv ; on

the sagas, 92 ; on the Madoc voyage,

109.
Monte Alban, 184.
Montelius, O., Bibliog. de Varcheol.

de la Suede, 444.
Montemont, A., Voyages, xxxvii.
Montesinos, F., in Peru, 263; Memo-

rias antiguas, 82, 263 ; Anales, 263 ;

Mhnoire historique, 263 ; on Jews

in Peru, 115; Memoires, 273.
Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, 380.
Montezuma (hero-god), 147, 150.
Montezuma (first of the name), 146 ;
in power, 147 ; various spelling of

the name, 147; dies, 148.
Montezuma (the last of the name),

148; forebodings of his fall, 148 ;
hears of the coming of the Spaniards,

149; his " Dinner," 174, 175.
Montfaucon, Collectio, 30.
Montgomery, James, Greenland, 69.
Moore, Dr. Geo. H., at the Lenox Li-
brary, xii; account of, xii.
Moore, Martin, 322.

INDEX.

* 461

Moore, M. V., 41.

Moore, Thos., Hist. Ireland, 61.

Moosmiiller, P. O., Europaer in
America, 88, 90.

Moquegua, 277.

Moqui Indians, 397, 429 ; representa-
tives of the cliff dwellers, 395.

Moravian missions, 308, 318.

Moravian Quarterly, 109.

Morellet, Arthur, Voyage, 194 ; Trav-
els, 195.

Morgan, Col. Geo., 319.

Morgan, L. H., his Montezuma's din-
ner, ix, 174; attacked by H. H. Ban-
croft, ix, 174; on the cradle of the
Mexicans, 138; his exaggerated de-
preciation of the Mexican civiliza-
tion, 173, 174; his relations with the
Iroquois, 174; Houses and House
life, 175, 420; Ancient Society, 175,
382 ; controverted, 380 ; his publica-
tions, 175 ; his death, 175 ; on Rau's
views as respects the Tablet of the
Cross, 195 ; on centres of migrations,
381 ; on human progress, 382 ; on the
Pueblo race, 395 ; on the ruins of the
Chaco canon, 396; on the ruins on
the Animas River, 396 ; on the social
condition of the Pueblos, 397; on the
moundbuilders, 401 ; finds their life
communal, 402 ; on their houses,
402; League of the Iroquois, 325,
416; on bone implements, 417; on
linguistic divisions, 422; on Indian
life, 325 ; Iroquois laws of descent,
437 ; Bestowing of Indian names,
437 ; Houses of A mericati A bori-
gines, 437.

Morgan, Thomas, on Vinland, 98.

Morillot, Abbe, Esquimaux, 105.

Morisotus, C, Epist. Cent, duce, 370.

Morlot, A., 395 ; on the Phoenicians in
America, 41.

Mormon bible, its reference to the lost
tribes, 1 16.

Morris, C, 403.

Morse, Abner, Anc. Northmen, 105.

Morse. Edw. S., Arrow Release, 69;
on the tertiary man, 387 ; on prehis-
toric times, 412.

Morse, Jed., Report on hidian affairs,
320.

Mortillet, G. de, Le Signe de la Cross,
196 ; A ntiq. de Vhomme, 383 ; founds
the Materiaux, etc., 411, 442;
L'homme, 442 ; Diet, des Sciences
Anthropologique, 442.

Morton, S. G., Inquiry into the dis-
tinctive characteristics of the aborig.
race, 437; Crania Amer., 372; liis
collection of skulls, 372 ; Physical
type of the A merican Indian, 3 72 ;
Aboriginal Race of A merica, 372 ;
Some observations, 372 ; on the
moundbuilders' skulls, 399, 403.

Morton, Thomas, New English Ca-
naan, 369.

Mossi, H., on the Quichua language,
280.

Motolinfa, Historia, 156.

Motupe, 276.

Moulton, J. W., New York, 93.

Moulton, M. W., 409.

Moundbuilders, connected with the
Irish, 83 ; with the Welsh, 111 ; with
the Jews, 116 ; with the later peoples
of Mexico, 136, 137 ; Morgan on their
houses, 175; Haynes's views, 367;
literature of, 397 ; early Spanish and
French notices of, 398 ; accounts by
travellers, 398, 402 ; held to be ances-
tors of the Aztecs and other southern
peoples, 398 ; emblematic mounds,
400 ; the most ancient, 402 ; believed
to be of the Indian race, 400,401,
402 ; earliest advocates of this view,
400; vanished race view, 400, 401,
402 ; Great Serpent mound, 401 ; no
clue to their language, 401 ; mounds in
New York built by the Iroquois, 402 ;
date of their living, 402 ; divisions of
the United States by their character-
istics, 402 ; held to be Cherokees,

402 ; agriculturalists, 402, 410 ; sun-
worshippers, 402 ; age of, 403 ; con-
tents of the mounds, 403 ; fraudulent
relics, 403 ; geographical distribution
of their works, 404 ; built by Finns,
405 ; by Egyptians, 405 ; maps, 406 ;
use of copper, 408 ; pipes, 409 ; mil-
itary character, 409 ; turned hunters,
410: their textile arts, 419; cloth
found, 419 ; pottery, 419.

Movers, Die Phoenizier, 24.

Mowquas, in,

Moxa, 428.

M:Quy, Dr., 191.

Mudge, B. F., 409.

Muellenhof, Alterthumskunde, 4.

Muhkekaneew Indians, 116.

Miihlenpfordt, E. L., Versuch, 184.

Muiscas. See Muyscas.

Mujica, M. A., 282.

Miiller, C, Geog. Grceci, 34.

Miiller, F., Allgemeine Ethnographie,

375-

Miiller, J. G., on the Peruvian reli-
gion, 270 ; A mer. Urreligiotien, 380,
430; on Quetzalcoatl, 433.

Miiller, J. W. von, Reisen, 185.

Miiller, Max, on early Mexican his-
tory, 133; on Ixtlilxochitl, 157; on
the Popul Vuh, 167; on E. B. Tylor,
377 ; on American monotheism, 430.

Miiller, P. E., Icelandic Hist. Lit.,
84; (with Velchow, J.) ed. Saxo
Gram., 92; Sagenbibliothek, 85.

Miiller, H andbuch des klas. A Iterth., 5.

Muller, Frederik, xvi.

Mummies, in American caves, 391; of
Incas, 234, 235 ; Peruvian, 276, 277.

Munch, P. A., Det Nor ske Folks H ist.,
84; Olaf Tryggvesdn, 90; Norges
Konge-Sagaer, 90.

Munich, Gesellschaft fur Anthropolo-
gic, 443- . . ..

Muiioz, J. B., 191; Historia, 11; on
the Norse voyages, 92.

Munsell, Frank, xv.

Munsell, Joel, xv ; his publications,
xv ; sketch by G. R. Howell, xv.

Miinster, Sebastian, his map, xxv ;
Cosmographia, xxv ; likeness, xxvi,
xxvii; Kosjnograffia, xxviii ; trans-
lations, xxviii ; on the Greenland
geography, 126.

Murphy, H. C, his library, ix; his
Catalogue, ix; dies, ix.

Murray, Andrew, Geog. Distrib. Mam-
mals, 82, 106.

Murray, Hugh, Travels, 93, in;
Disc, in No. America, 72; on the
Northmen, 93.

Miirua, M. de, Hist. gen. del Peru,
264.

Museo Erudico, 296.

Museo Guatemalteco, 168.

Museo Mexicano, 444.

Music, 420.

Musical instruments, 420.

Mutsun language, 425.

Muyscas, myths of, 436 ; idol, 281 ; or-
igin of, 80.

Myths, not the reflex of history, 429;
literature of American, 429.

Naaman Creek, rock shelter at, 365.

Nachan, 135.

Nadaillac, Marquis de, VAtnerique
prehistorique, 369, 412, 415 ; Prehis-
toric America, 415; on the autoch-
thonous theory, 375; De la periode
glaciaire, 388 ; Les prem. hommes,
369, 412; Mceurs des peuples prehis-
torique, 412; Les pipes et le tabac,
416; L^art prehist. en Amerique,
419.

Nahuas, origin of, 134; direction of
their migration controverted, 134,
x36, 137, 138; earliest comers, 137;
from the N. W., 137; date disputed,
137; their governmental organiza-
tions, 174; places of their kings, 174;
their buildings, 182; picture-writing,
197; myths, 431. See Aztecs, Mex-
ico.

Narborough, Magellan Straits, xxxiv.

Narragansetts, 323.

Nasca, Peru, 271, 277.

Nasmyth, J., 50.

Natchez Indians, 326; supposed de-
scendants of Votanites, 134.

Natchez, relics at, 389.

Natick language, 423.

National Geographic Society, 438.

Natural Hist. Soc. of Montreal, 438.

Nature, 443.

Naugatuck valley, 323.

Naulette cave, 377.

Nauset, 102.

Navajos, 327; expedition against, 396;
weaving among, 420.

Neanderthal, race, 377 ; skull, 377,
389-

Nebel, Carlos, Viaje pintoresco, 179,
180.

Negro race, as primal stock, 373 ; of a
stock earlier than Adam, 384.

Nehring, A., on animals found in Peru-
vian graves, 273.

Neill, E. D., on the Ojibways, 327.

Neolithic Age, 377 ; implements of,
377. See Stone Age.

Nepena, 276.

Neue Berlinische Monatsschrift, 371.

Neumann, K. F., Amerika nach Chi-
nesischen Quellen, 78, 80.

Nevome language, 425-

New Brunswick shell heaps, 392.

New England Hist4 Geneal. Society,
xvii.

New England Indians, 322; mounds
in, 404 ; visited by the Northmen,
94, 95, 96; shell heaps, 392.

New Grenada, map, 209; tribes of,
282.

New Hampshire, bibliog. , xv; Indi-
ans, 322.

New Jersey, copies of docs, in her
Archives, xiv ; Indians, 325 ; shell
heaps, 393.

New Mexico, map of ruins in, 397.

New Orleans, human skeleton found
near, 389.

New York Acad, of Science, 438.

New York city, as a centre for the
study of Amer. hist., xvii; its Hist.
Soc. library, xvii ; Astor Library,
xvii : private libraries, x, xviii.

New York State, local history in, v;
its library at Albany, xviii; the
French import goods into, for the
Indian trade, 311 ; its trade with the
Indians, 311 ; Indians, 323; missions,
323 ; mounds, 404.

Newark, Ohio, map of mounds at,
407; described, 408.

Newcomb, Simon, opposes Croll's
theory, 387.

Newfoundland, early visited by the
Basques, 75 ; in the early maps, 74 ;
Eskimos in, 106; Indians of, 321.

Newman, J. B., Red Min, 46.

Newport stone tower claimed to be
Norse, 105.

Nezahualcoyotl, 146, 147; dies, 148.

Nezahualpillu 148.

Nicaragua, early footprint in. 385 ; ex-
plorers of , 197 ; mythology, 434 ;
sources of its history, 169.

Nicholas V, alleged bull about Green-
land, 69.

Nicholis and Taylor, Bristol, 50.

Nienhof, Brasil. Zee- en Lantreize,
xxxiv.

Nijhoff, Martin, xvii.

Nilsson, Stone Age, 412.

Niza, Marco de, Quito, 268.

Noah, M. M., American Indians de-
scendants of the Lost tribes, 116.

Nodal, J. F., on the Quichua tongue,
280; Ollauta, 281.

Nonohualcas, 136.

Nordenskjold, A. E., Exped. till
Grdnland, 86; his belief in a colony
on east coast of Greenland, 109 ; por-
trait, 113; on the Zeni, 114; Br'o-
derna Zenos, 114; Trois Cartes
Precolumbiennes, 114, 117; Studien

462

INDEX.

und Forschungen, 1x4; finds the
oldest maps of Greenland, 117 5 his
projected Atlas, 125: on the Olaus
Magnus map (1567), 125.

Norman, 13. M., Rambles in Yucatan,
■

Norman sailors on the American
coasts, 07.

Norris, P. W., 409.

Norse. See Northmen.

North Carolina, antiquities, 410; rock
inscriptions, 411.

Northmen, cut of their ship, 62; plan
of same, 63 ; ship discovered at
Gokstad, 62 ; another at Tune, 62 ;
one used as a house, 64 ; depicted in
the Bayeux tapestry, 64; flags, 64;
weapons, 64 ; characteristics, 67 ;
in Greenland, 68; in Iceland, 83;
alleged visits to America, 98 ; their
voyages seldom recognized in the
maps of the xvth cent., 117.

Northwest coast, the Berlin Museum's
Xordwest Kilste, 76.

Nortmanus, R. C., De origine gent.
A mer., 370.

Norton, Charles B., his Lit. Letter,
xv.

Norumbega held to be a corruption of
Norvegia, 98.

Norway, early map, 11S ; in Fra Mau-
ro's map, 120 ; in Olaus Magnus,
124,125; by Bordone, 126; in Gal-
lasus, 129.

Nott, J. C. (with Gliddon), Types 0/
Mankind, 372; Physical Hist, of
the Jews, 373 ; Indigenous Races,

374-

Nova Scotia, Indians, 321 ; shell-
heaps, 392.

Nova Scotia Institute of Nat. Science,
438.

Novo y Colson, D. P. de, and Atlantis,

45-

Noyes, New England's Duty, 322.

Noymlap, 275.

Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Phila-
delphia, 438.

Nuttall, Thomas, Arkansa Territory,
326.

Nuttall, Mrs. Zelia, on Mexican com-
munal life, 175 ; on the so-called
Sacrificial Stone, 1S5 ; on comple-
mental signs in the Mexican graphic
system, 198 ; on Mexican feather-
work, 420 ; on terra cottas from
Teotihuacan, 182.

Nyautics, 323.

O'Brien, M. C, grammatical sketch
of the Abnake, 423.

O'Curry, Eugene, Anc. Irish history,
So.

O'Flaherty, Islands of Arran, 50;
Ogygia', 51.

Oajaca, 149, 433 ; sources of its history,
168 ; ruins.in, 184; teocalli at (view),
436-

Obando, Juan de, his Quichua dic-
tionary, 279 ; grammar, 279.

Ober, FA., Travels in Mexico, 170;
Anc. Cities of America, 177.

Obsidian, 417 ; implements, 358.

Ocean, ancient views of the, 7; depth
of, 383.

(Iran Highways, 442.

0< ocingo, 135.

Odysseus, voyage of, 6 ; his wander-
ings, 40.

Ogallala Sioux, 327.

Ogilby, America, i, xxxiv.

Ogygia, 12, 13, 23.

Ohio Archaological and Hist. Quar-
terly, 407.

Ohio Land Company (1748), formation
of the, 309.

Ohio, mounds in, 405; bibliog. and
lii t., 406; Centennial Report, 406;
Dictographs, 410; State Board of
* entenmal managers, Final Report,
407.

Ohio Valley, ancient man in, 341; an-
cient hearths in, 389; caves, 391;

English attempts to occupy, 312 ;
frontier life, 319; Indians, 326.
Ojeda, A. de, desciibes pile dwellings,

.364-
Ojibways, 327.

Olaf, Tryggvesson, 62 ; saga, 90 ; edi-
tions, 90.
Olaus Magnus, 65 ; Hist, de Gentibus

Septent. 67.
Olivarez, A. F., 282.
Ollantai or Ollautay, 425 ; drama,

274, 242, 281; different texts, 281;

its age, 282.
Ollantay-tampu or iambo, ruins, 220,

221, 271.
Olmecs, migration of, 135 ; earliest

comers, 135 ; overcame the giants,

r37-

Olmos, A. de, 156, 276, 279.

Olosingo, 196.

Omahas, 327.

Onas, 289.

Ondegardo, Polo de, in Peru, 260, 261 ;
Relaciones, 261.

Onderdonk, J. L., 412.

Ongania, Sai7imlu7ig, 47, 53.

Onondaga language, 424.

Onontio, 289.

Ophir of Solomon, 82, 369; found in
Palenque, 191.

Orbigny, A. d', L'homme Americain,
271 : Voyages, 271 ; his ethnograph-
ical map of South America. 271.

Orcutt, S., Indians, 323; Stratford,

323^

Ordonez, Ramon de, La Creadon del
Cielo, etc., 168; Palenque, 191.

Ore, L. G. de, Rituale,22j, 280.

Oregon, Indians, 328; mounds, 409;
shell heaps, 393.

Orozco y Berra, helped by the collec-
tions of Icazbalceta and Ramirez,
163 ; Geog. de las lenguas de Mex-
ico, 135, 172, 427 ; Die. Universal
de Hist., 172; Mexico, 172: El
Cuauhxicalli de Tizoc, 185 ; Codice
Mendozino, 200.

Orrio, F. X. de, Solution del gran
problema, 76.

Ortega, C. F., ed. Veytia, 159.

Ortelius, on the Zeni, in : holds Plu-
tarch's continent to be America, 40 ;
believed Atlantis to be America, 43 ;
map of the Atlantic Ocean (1587), 58;
map of Scandia, 129; and the sagas,
92.

Otomis, 136, 424; their language, 81.

Otompan, 140.

Otte, E. C, 271.

Otumba, fight at, 175.

Ovid, Fasti, 3.

Oviedo y Banos, J. de, Venezuela,

AAA-
Oxford Voyages, xxxiv.
Oztotlan, 139.

Paccari-tampu, 223.
Pachacamac, 234, 277.
Pachicuti, J. de S. C, Reyno del Piru,

436.
Pachaciuec, Inca, 230, 277.
Pacific Ocean, great Japanese current,

78; its islands in geol. times, 383;

long voyages upon, in canoes, 81.
Pacific Railroad surveys, 440.
Packard, A. S., on the Eskimos, 105.
Padoucas, no.
Pa>si Novame?ite, xix ; Newe unbek.

landte, xx ; fac-simiie of title, xxi ;

Nye unbek. lande, xx ; Itinerariii

Portugal, xx ; Sensuyt le nouveau

monde, xx ; Le notcv. monde, xxi.
Paez, 428.

PaeVCastellano language, 425.
Page, J. R., 410.

Paijkull, C. \V., Summer in Iceland,
. 83.

Paint Creek, map, 406.
Painter, C. C, Mission Indians, 328.
Palacio, Diego Garcia de, Carta, 16S,

427.
Palacio, M., 2S1.
Palaeolithic age, named by Lubbock,

377 ; its implements, 331 ; cut of,
331; man in America, 357, 358;
could he talk? 421; developments
towards the neolithic state, 365. See
Stone Age.

Palenque, position of, 151 ; ruins de-
scribed, 191 ; first discovered, 191 ;
age of, 191 ; restorations, 192 ;
tablet, 193 ; sculptures from the
Temple of the Cross, 193, 195 ; seen
by Waldeck, 194; plans, 195; views,
195 ; statues, 196.

Palfrey, J. G, on the Northmen, 96;
on the Newport tower, 105 ; on the
Indians, 323.

Palin, Du, Study of hieroglyphics,
204.

Pallas, Vocab. comparativa, 424.

Palmer, Edw., 409; on a cave in

< Utah, 390.

Palmer, Geo., Migrations from Shi-
nar,T,lA-

Palomino, 260.

Palos, Juan de, 155.

Palszky, F., 374.

Panchaea, 12.

Pandosy, M. C, Yahama language,

425.
Papabucos, 136.
Papantla, 178.
Paracelsus, Theoph., on the plurality of

the human race, 372.
Paradise, position of, 31, 47.
Paraguay, 370.
Paravey, C. H. de, Fou-Sang, 80;

Nouvelles preuves, 80 ; Plateau de

Bogota, 80; replies to Jomard, 80.
Pareja, F., La Lengua Timuquana,

425-

Pareto, Bart, de, his map (1455), 56.

Paris, peace of (1763). 312, 313 ; So-
ciete de Geographie founded, 441 ;
Recueil de Voyages, 441 ; Bulletin,
441.

Parkman, F., California and the
Oregon trail, 327 ; France and
England in North America, 316;
on the Indian character, 317; La
Salle, 318.

Parmenides, 3.

Parmentier, Col., 81.

Parmunca, 275.

Parsons, S. H., 437.

Parsons, Usher, on the Nyantics, 323.

Passamaquoddy legends, 431.

Patin, Ch., xxiv.

Pattison, S. R., Age of Man, 387;
Earth and the Word, 383.

Patton, A., 408.

Pauw, De, Recherches, 173. See De
Pauw.

Pawnees, 327.

Paynal, 432.

Payta, 275.

Pazos-kanki, V., his Quichua work,
280.

Peabody, Geo., 439.

Peabody Academy of Science, 438.

Peabody Institute (Bait.), xviii.

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, 439; Reports, 439;
Special Papers, 439.

Peale, T. R., 409, 410.

Pech, Nakuk, 164.

Peck, W. F., Rochester, 323.

Pecos, ruins, 396.

Pederson, Christiern, ed. of Saxo, 92.

Peet, S. D., The Pyramid in A mer-
ica, 177 ; on Pueblo architecture,
395; on the serpent symbol, 401;
. on the moundbuilders, 403, 408, 409;
oh mounds as totems, 40S ; on the
Saint Louis mounds, 409 ; on early
agriculture, 417; human faces in
American art, 420 ; Religious beliefs
of the Aborigines, 431 ; Animal
worship and Sun worship, 431 :
Religion of the Moundbuilders, 431 ;
edits Amer. Antiquarian, 439-

Pegot-Ogier, E., Archipel des Cana-
ries, 48.

Peirce, C. S., on the Newport mill,
105.

INDEX.

463

Pelaez, Paula G., Guatemala, 168.

Pemicooks, 323.

Pemigewassets, 322.

Penafiel, Antonio, Nombres geog. de

Mexico, 427.
Penn, Wm., on Jews in America,

"5-

Pennant, Tour of Wales, ill.

Pennock, B., 85.

Pennsylvania, Indians in, 306, 325;

mounds, 405 ; settlers of, 307; their

treatment of the Indians, 309.
Penobscots, 322 ; their legends, 431.
Pentland, J. B., map of Lake Titicaca,

246.
Pequods, 323.
Percy, Bishop, ed. Mallet's Northern

Antiquities, 91.
Perdita, island, 48.
Perez, Jose, 77, 117, 404; preserver of

Maya MSS., 163.
Perez, Pio, Chro7i. Yticateca, 164 ;

his notes, 164.
Periegetes, D., Periplus, 39.
Peringskiold, ed. Heimskruigla, 91.
Perizonius, 22, 40.
Perkins, Fred. B., his sketch of

Gowans, xv ; Scrope, xv.
Pernetty, D., controverts De Pauw,

370 ; Examen, 370 ; De V A merique,

37°-

Perrine, T. M., 408.

Perrot, Nic, Memoires, 429.

Pertuiset, E., Le T^esor des Incas,
272.

Pertz, G. H., Mon. Germ. Hist., 88.

Peru, Mongols in, 82; giants in, 82;
the Ophir of Solomon, 82 ; Chinese
in, 82; Jews in, 115; Votanites in,
134; civilization in, 209; evidences
of it, 209; maps, 210, 211; bounds,
212 ; length of the settled condition
of the Inca race, 212; plants and
animals domesticated, 212; ancient
burial-places, 214 ; pre-Inca people,
214; cyclopean remains, 220; water
sacrifices, 221 ; deity of, 222 ; Pirua
dynasty, 223, 225; its people, 227;
Tampu Tocco, 223 ; Inca dynasty,
223; its duration, 225: list of the
kings, 223 ; origin of the Incas, 223 ;
their rise under Manco, 225 ; their
original home, 226 ; their subjuga-
tion of the earlier peoples, 227 ;
establish their power at Cuzco, 228 ;
portraits of the Incas, 228, 267 ;
picture of warriors, 230 ; Chanca
war, 230; Inca Yupanqui, 230; war
between Huascar and Atahualpa,
231,262; names of the Incas, 231;
succession of the Incas, 231, 232 ;
their religion, 232; belief in a Su-
preme Being, 233 ; sun - worship,

233 ; plan of the Temple of the Sun,

234 ; religious ceremonials, 236,
240; astronomical knowledge, 236;
their months, 236 ; festivals, 237 ;
human sacrifices, 237, 238 ; learned
men, 241 ; the Quichua language,
241 ; the court language, 241 ; refer-
ences on the Inca civilization, 241 ;
their bards, 242 ; dances, 242 ; mu-
sical instruments, 242 ; dramas, 242 ;
quipus records, 242 ; healing art,
243; the central sovereign, 244;
tributes, 245 ; the Inca insignia,
245; their architecture, 247; two
stages of it, 247; their thatching,
247 ; ruins, 247 ; social polity, 249 ;
the Inca family, 249; divisions of
the empire, 249 ; provinces, 250 ;
ruins of a village, 251 ; laborers,
251; bringing up of children, 251;
land measure, 251 ; their agriculture,
252 ; hanging gardens, 252 ; irriga-
tion, 253; peculiar products, 253;
their flocks, 253; their roads, 254,
261; travelling, 254 ; map of roads,
254; colonial system, 255; military
system, 255 ; arts, 255 ; metal-work-

. ers, 256 ; pottery, 256, 257, 258 ;
weapons, 257 ; spinning, weaving,
and dyeing, 257; cloth-making, 258 ;

authorities on ancient Peruvian his-
tory, 259 ; the conquerors as authors,
260 ; lawyers and priests, 261 ;
poetry, 262 ; chronology, 262 ; efforts
to extirpate idolatry, 264 ; native
writers, 265 ; Relaciones descrip-
tivas filled out in Peru, 266; the
Iuformaciones respecting the usur-
pation of the Incas, 268; pedigrees
of the Incas, 268; ordinances, 268;
works of travellers, 270, 272 ; origin
of its civilization, 273 ; the great work
of Raimondi, 273 ; on the geography,
273 ; editors of old works, 273 ;
songs of the Incas, 274 ; ancient
people of the coasts, 275 ; native lan-
guage, 278; iron in, 418 ; cloths of,
420 ; mythology of, 436.
Peschel, O., Gesch. der Erdkunde, 36 ;
Erd- und Volkerkunde, 48; on the
Arab voyages, 72 ; Gesch. des Zeit-
alters der Entdeck., 96; portrait,
391; Abhandlungen, 391; ace. of,
391 ; on the Polynesians, 82 ; Races
of Men, 381 ; on Orozco y Berra,

427-.
Petavius, Dionysius, Uranologion, 6,

8,35-

Peter, R., 410.

Peter of Ghent. See Gante.

Peters, Richard, on the lost tribes,
116.

Petersen, N. M., Danmarks Hist.,
84.

Peterson, J. G., 84.

Peterson, Rhode Island, 105.

Petit Anse Island, basket-work discov-
ered at, 348, 386.

Pettitot, P. K., Lang7ie Dene-Dindj'ie,
425 ; Vocab. Francais - Esquimau,

425-

Petzholdt, Bibl. Bibliog., xvii.

Peyrere, Isaac de la, Groenland, 85 ;
editions and translations, 86 : Prce-
adamitce, 384 ; Man before A dam,

3^4-

Peyster, J. W. de, Miscellanies by an
officer, 321.

Phallic symbols, 81, 195, 429.

Philadelphia libraries, xviii.

Philip, King, his war, 297 ; prisoners
in, 289.

Phillips, H., jr., 155, 444; on the
alleged Nova Scotia runes, 102.

Phillips, J. S., 372.

Phillipps, Sir Thomas, 155; receives
some of Kingsborough's MSS. ,203;
Catalogue, 203 ; his copy of Kings-
borough's book, 203.

Philoponus, Nova typis transacta
navigatio, 48.

Phoenicians and maritime discovery,
23, 29.

Photography of the Yucatan ruins,
186.

Picard, Peuples idolatres, xxxiii.

Pichardo, J. A., and the Boturini
collection, 160.

Pickering, Chas., his ethnolog. map,
82 ; Races of Man, 374'; Men and
their geog. distribution, 381.

Pickering, John, 423.

Pickett, E., Testimony of the Rocks,
403, 409.

Pictographs, 105, 410.

Picture-writing, notes on, 197 ; that of
the Aztecs and Mayas early con-
founded, 197, 205 {see Hieroglyph-
ics); recent sales of MSS., 200;
Maya method, 202 ; P. Martyr's de-
scriptions, 203 ; in Kingsborouglvs
work, 203.

Pidgeon, Wm., Traditions of De-coo-
dah, 400 ; on Fort Azatlan, 408.

Piedrahita, Granada, 436.

Pierre, Henry, xxviii.

Pile dwellings, 364.

Pillars of Hercules, 25.

Pilling, J as. C., Bibliog. Indian Lan-
guages, Proof-sheets, vii, 414, 423 ;
on linguistic MSS., 423.

Pirn, Bedford, Dottings, 197.

Pima language, 425.

Pimentel, Antonio, Relaciones, 164.
Pimentel, F., Lenguas indigenas de

Mexico, viii, 142, 425, 426.
Pinart, Alphonse, Les Aleoutes, 78;

Catalogue, 414, 423,425; Coleccion

de linguist ica, vii; Bibl. de Unguis'

tique Amer., 425.
Pinart- Brasseur Catalogue, vii, xiii.
Pindar on the Atlantic Ocean, 28.
Pinelo, Ant. de Leon, Biblioteca, 413;

Barcia's ed., 413.
Pinelo. See Leon y Pinelo.
Pinkerton, John, Voyages, xxxvi.
Pinzon's voyages, ace. of, xxiv.
Pipart, Abbe J., 200; Astronomie des

Mexicaines, 179.
Pipe-stone quarries, 416.
Piquet, Father, 308.
Pirinda-Othomi language, 426.
Piruas, 222.

Pisco, valley, 277 ; mummy from, 277.
Pissac, 236.
Pizarro, Pedro, 260.
Pizigani, Fr., map (1367), 50, 55 ; cut

of, 54; (i373), S3i 55-

Plato, on the form of the earth, 3 ;
Phacdo, 3; Timaeus, 3, 15, 42; on
the Atlantis story, 15, 41 ; his works,
34 ; editions, 42.

Platzmann, Julius, Grammatiken, vii.

Pleistocene man in America, 329, 357.
See Tertiary and Quaternary man,

Pliny on the form of the earth, 3 ; Nat.
Hist., 15, 35, 42; his Atlantis, 42.

Pliocene man, 385. See Pleistocene.

Plummets, 417.

Plurality of races, 372.

Plutarch. De Placitis PJiilosophorjim,
3 ; his Saturnian continent, 23 ;
Moralia, 35; on Solon, 42.

Poinsett, J. R., Notes on Mexico, 1S0.

Poisson, J. B., Animadversiones, 370

Polo, Marco, xxiv, xxviii, xxxv, xxxvi.

Polybius, 34; on the branches of the
ocean, 7.

Polynesians, their relations to the
Malays, 81 ; their route to America,
81 ; migrations, 82, 376.

Pomar, J. B., Antigiiedades de los
Indios, 164; Memorias historicas,
164; on a Mexican house, 420.

Ponce, Father Alonzo, 197.

Pontanus, Rerum et urbis Amst. hist.,
xxxiii ; on the Zeni, 11 1.

Pontiac's conspiracy, 284, 314; num-
ber of warriors, 315; posts captured,
316.

Pontoppidan, Norway, 92.

Poole, W. F., 43; on Donnelly's At-
lantis, 45 ; on Weise's Disc, of
America, 45.

Popular Mag. of Anthropology, 442.

Popular Science Monthly, 439.

Poptdar Science Review, 443.

Porcelain in pre-Spanish times, 177.

Porcupine bank, 51.

Portuguese discoveries in America,
bibliog., xix; the first explorers of
the African coast, 38 ; early views of
the American coast, 120.

Posidonius, 5, 34.

Post, C. F., in Ohio, 311.

Potato in Peru, 213.

Potter, W. P., 409.

Potter, Early Hist. Narragansett,

323-

Potter's wheel, 419.

Pottery, collections of, 418, 419; paper
on, 419 ; in Peru, 256, 257.

Pourtales, Count, on human remains
in Florida, 389.

Powell, David, 109.

Powell, Maj. J. W. , in the Colorado
canon, 396; portrait, 411; Survey
of the Rocky Mt. region, 412 ; Ann.
Reports Bur. Ethnol., 412 ; on the
mound-builders, 401 ; views on lan-
guage, 423; Evolution of language,
423, 440; on the Wyandots, 327, 440;
on tribal society, 328 ; Philosophy of
the No. Amer. Indians, 431; My-
thology of the No. A mer. Indians,
431,440; director of Bureau of Eth-

464

INDEX.

nology, 439: his linguistic studies,
430: edits Contributions to Eth-
nology, 440.
Powers, Stephen, on the California
Indians, 81 ; Tribes 0/ California,

Powna], Gov. Thomas, suggests the
cranial test of race, 372.

Prantl, Aristoteles, 7; Himmelsge-
biiiuir, 7.

Pratt. \V. H.,4oS.

Praying Indians, 309.

Preadamites, 3S4.

Preble, G. H., on Norse ships, 62.

Precession of the equinoxes, 387.

Prehistoric archaeology, canons of,
. : I nternat. Congresses, 411.

Prehistoric time, usual divisions of,
377 ; stages of development not de-
cided by time, 377.

Prescott, W. H., on the Northmen,
96 ; Mexico, 163 ; notes on it by
Ramirez, 163 ; on the Mexican civil-
ization, 174 ; his relative use of early
Spanish writers in his Peru, 263,
269; his library, 269; on the Mex-
ican connection with Asia, 375.

Prestwich, on cataclysmic force, 382 ;
on the age of man, 384; On the drift
containing implements, 384 ; Flint-
implement-bearing beds, 386.

Prevost, Abbe, Voyages, xxxv.

Price, E., 403.

Price, J. E., 258.

Prichard, J. C, Researches, 320, 412.

Priest, Josiah, Amer. Antiq., 2,72.

Prime, W. C, on Gowans, xv.

Prince, Thos., his library, i.

Prinz, R., De Solonis Plutarchifonti-
bus, 42.

Pritt, Jos., Olden Time, 319.

Proclus, comment on Plato, 35 ; Com-
me?it. iii Timaeum, 41.

Proudfit, S. V., 347.

Prunieres, 357.

Ptolemy, on the form of the earth, 3 ;
on the size of the known earth, 8;
his system revived, 32 ; his influence,
34; editions, 34; bibliog., 35; Al-
magest, 35; on the Atlantic islands,

47-

Pueblo Indians, arts of, 416; pottery,
419; connection with the Aztecs,
427 ; general references, 397 ; their
race, 395; ruins among them, 395;
their connection with the mound-
builders, 395. See Zuiii, Moqui, etc.

Pueblo region, maps of, 394, 397.

Pulgar, Fernando del, xxiv.

Pullen, Clarence, 397.

Pulszky, F., Hainan races and their
art, 420.

Pumpelly, R., Across America, 327.

Puquina, 274 ; language, 226, 280.

Purchas, Samuel, xxxiii ; on the Zeni,
in ; buys the Codex Mendoza, 204.

Purpurariae, 14.

Putnam, C. E., 404; Authenticity of
the elephant pipes, 404.

Putnam, F. W., on the California In-
dians, 328; on the origin of Amer-
icans, 375 ; on the Trenton imple-
ments, 334, 337, 388; Palaeolithic
implements, 388 ; on Kentucky caves,
300; on shell heaps, 392; on Jeffries
Wyman, 392; on the Great Serpent
mound, 401 ; his position on the
question of moundbuilders, 402 ; on
their skulls, 403 ; on Fort Ancient,
40H ; in the Little Miami Valley,
40S ; on Fort Azatlan, 408; on stone

S raves in Tennessee, 410; on the
Kentucky mounds, 410; in Cassino's i
Standard Nat. Hist., 412 ; on the
arts of Southern California, 416; j
etlits the archaeological part of Wheel-
er1's Survey, 416,440; on soap-stone
quarries, 416; on traces of stone-
working, 417; on jade in America,
417; on the melting of metal, 417;
finds meteoric iron in the mounds,

41S; silver, 418; gold, 418; on cop-
per objects, 418; in Mexico, 418;

on moundbuilders' pottery, 419; on
Tennessee pottery, 419; Convention-
alism in A nc. A mer. art, 420 ; on
cloth in the mounds, 420; as curator
of Peabodv Museum, 439 ; on Amer.
archaeological collections, 440; his
comments on the relics of the Naa-
man Creek rock shelter, 367.

Putnam, Rufus, Ross County, Ohio,
408. _

Pyramids in America, 177.

Pythagoras, 3.

Pytheas, 34; on the Atlantic, 28; at
Thule, 2S.

Quakers, bibliog., xvii ; in Pennsyl-
vania, oppose resistance to Indians,
308; relation to the Indians, 325.

Quaritch, Bernard, the London book-
seller, xvi ; his Museum, xvi ; his
General Catalogues, xvi ; in the
" Sett of Odd Volumes," xvi ; sketch
by W. H. Wyman, xvi.

Quarry of pipe-stones, 416.

Quarrying stone, 416.

Quartz, 417.

Quartzite, 417.

Quaternary man, the earliest, 387.

Quatrefages de Brean, A. de, LesPoly-
nesiens, 82 ; Crania Ethica, 373 ;
Unite de Vespece humaine, 374;
Races humaines, 374, 387 ; Human
Species, 374 ; Nat. Hist, of Man,
374> 387, 411; Les pr ogres de T An-
thropologic, 378; Homines fossiles,
389, 411 ; Rapport sur le pr ogres de
PA nthropologie, 411.

Quauhnahuac conquered, 147.

Quauhtlatohuatzin, 146

Queh, F. G., 167.

Quellenata, ruins, 249.

Quemada, ruins, 183.

Querez, 394.

Querlon, xxxv.

Quetzalcoatl (a king), 140; discredited
by Brinton, 141.

Quetzalcoatl (a divinity), a white-
bearded man, 137; the myth, 137;
identified with Cortes, 149 ; Bastian
on, 172; his mound, 179; oppressed
by Tezcatlipoca, 43 1 ; references,
432 ; historical basis of his story,
432 ; effigy, 432 ; under other names,

434-

Quiahuiztlan, 164.

Quiche-Cakchiquel peoples of Guate-
mala, 135; their geog. position, 151.

Quiches, language, 427; myths, 435;
origin of, 134; traditions, 135; their
power in Guatemala, 150 ; warned of
the Spaniards' coming, 151 ; their
geog. position, 151.

Quichuas, their language and litera-
ture, 82, 241, 278; grammars, 278;
vocabularies, 278 ; myths of, 436 ;
original home, 226.

Quignon, Mount, human jaw found at,
39o.

Quinames, 133, 136.

Quinantzin 142.

Quincy, Josiah, Hist. Harvard Uni-
versity, iii.

Quinsai, 51.

Quinte Bay mounds, 410.

Quipus, 242 ; cut, 243.

Quirigua, ruins, 196; plan, 196; refer-
ences, 197.

Quito, Hassaurek on, 272 ; map, 211 ;
early accounts lost, 268; later his-
tories, 268.

Quitus, 227.

Quivira, 394.

Races, unity or plurality of, bibliog.,

372.
Rada, De la, on Rosny, 201 ; Les

Vases pcruznennes, 257.
Rada y Pelgado, J. D. de la, publishes

Landa's Relation, 165.
Radisson, P. E., Voyages, 318.
Rae, John, 106.
Rafinesque, C. S., on Atlantis, 46; on

the Delawares, 325; Anc. Mis. of

America, 372 ; on the mounds, 409;
his character, 424 ; introd. to Mar-
shall's Kentucky, 424 ; Ancient His-
tory, 424 ; The A merican Nations,
424.

Rafn, C. C, Grdnlands Hist. Mindes-
vmerker, 86 ; autog. , 87 ; A mericas
Geog., 87; ed. Olaf Tryggvessoivs
Saga, 90; portrait, 90; his career,
93 ; Cabinet d'A ntiq. A mer. , 93 ;
Antiq. Americana*, 94; bibliog.,
94; his lesser statements about the
Northmen, 94 ; L' anc ienne geog. des
regions arctiques, 94 ; Antiq. Ame-
ricaines, 94 ; influence of Rafn, 96.

Ragine, A., Decouv. de PAmerique,
78.

Raimondi, Ant., El Peru, 273.

Rain-god. 180.

Ralegh, Sir Walter, on De Bry, xxxii.

Ramirez, Jose F., edits Duran's His-
toria, 155; on Sahagiin, 157; his
collection of MSS., 157, 163; notes
on Prescott, 163; Bibl. Mex., 414.

Ramirez de Fuenleal, Hist, de los
Mexicanos por sus Pinturas, 431.

Ramon de Ordonez, Hist, del Cielo,
134. See Ordonez.

Ramusio edits P. Martyr and Oviedo,
xxiii ; Navigazioni, xxiii, xxviii ; on
the Zeni, 1 11.

Randolph, J. W. , xv.

Ranking, John, Conquest of Peru by
the Mongols, 82.

Rask, Erasmus, 88 ; on the Irish dis-
covery of America, 83.

Rasle, S., Abnake language, 423.

Rau, Chas., on Dighton Rock 104;
on the Palenque Tablet, 195; on the
progress of study in the hieroglyph-
ics, 202 ; Catal. Nat. Museum, 403 ;
on Illinois mounds, 408; Articles,
etc., 411; on the aboriginal imple-
ments of agriculture, 417; Prehis-
toric fishing, 417; on the stock in
trade of an aboriginal lapidary, 417 ;
various papers on stone imple-
ments, 417; on Amer. pottery, 419;
Aboriginal Trade, 420; thought the
earliest man could not talkj 421 ; Ar-
ticles on A nthropol. Subjects, 439 ;
A rchaolog. Coll. of the U. S. , 440 ;
Lapidarian Sculpture, 440.

Rawlinson, Geo., Antiq. of Man, 381,
382.

Rawlinson, Sir H. C, on the Zeni,

"3-

Ray, Luzerne, 323.

Rea, A. de la, Mechoacan, 168.

Read, Harvey, 418.

Read, M. C, 407; Archeology of

Ohio, 407 ; on the Tennessee

mounds, 410.
Reade, John, 328.
Reck, P. G. F. von, Diarium, 326.
Recollects, missions, 317.
Recueil de Voyages, etc., xix.
Red River of Louisiana, 440.
Red River of the North, mounds, 410.
Red pipe-stone quarry, 416.
Registro Yucateco, 444.
Reynolds, E. R., 416; Shell-heaps at

Neivburg. Md., 393.
Reynolds, H. L., jr., Metal Art of

Anc. Mexico, 418.
Reid, Bibl. Amer., ii.
Reikjavik, 61.
Reillo, island, 49.

Reinaud, Relations de V Empire Ro-
ma ine avec rA sie, 1 1 ; Geog. d'A bul~

Fada, 47.
Reindeer Period, 339, 377.
Keisch's map, 122.
Reiss, W., and A. Stiibel, Necropolis

of A neon, 273.
Relics, spurious, 180.
Remesal, Ant. de, Hist. gen. de lat

Indias, 168 ; praised by Helps, 16S.
Renard, on St. Paul's Rocks in the

Atlantic Ocean, 45.
Repartimientos, 174.
Retzius, A., Present state of EthnoU

ogy, 44 ; on the human skull, 373 ,'

INDEX.

465

on the unity of man, 374; on the
Guanche skulls, 116, 117.

Reusner, Icones, xxiv.

Riville, Albert, Origin and growth
of religion, 241, 431.

Revista Mexicana, 444.

Revista Peruana, 276.

Revue Americaine, 441.

Revue d'A nthropologie, 442.

Revue d"1 'Architecture, 217.

Revue Ethnographique , 441.

Revue des Soc. Savantes, 38.

Rhees, W. J., History of the Smith-
sonian Institution, 439.

Rhode Island, docs, in her Archives,
xiv ; Indians, 323.

Rialle, G. de, La Mythologie, 430.

Ribas, Juan de, 155.

Ricardo, Ant., 278.

Riccioli, Geog., 5.

Rice, A. T., Essays from No. Amer.
Rev., 92.

Rich, Obadiah, his career, iii ; dies,
iv ; his catalogues, iv; assists Kings-
borough, 203 ; obtains his MSS.,
203 ; helped Prescott, 260.

Richarderie. See Boucher.

Richardson, J. M., 408.

Richardson, Voyages, xxxvi.

Riggs, R. S., 423 ; Dacota language,
424; on the Dacotah myths, 431.

Rigollet, convinced by De Perthes,
39o-

Rikardsen, K., 107.

Rimac, 277.

Rink, Hinrich, Eskimoiske Eventyr,
70; portrait, 106; best authority on
the Eskimos, 106; his publications,
106 ; Tales of the Eskimo, 107 ;
Danish Greenland, 107 ; Eskimo
Tribes, 107; on their dialects, 107;
their origin and descent, 107 ; their
primitive abode, 107 ; their tradi-
tions, 107 ; Ostgronlanderne , 131.
See Greenland.

Rio, Ant. del, at Palenque, 191 ; Ruins
of an anc. city, 191.

Rio de Janeiro, Nat. Museum, 444;
Memoires, 444.

Rios, P. de los, 205.

Riseiand, 130.

River drift, man of, 377.

Rivero, M. E. de, Antiguedades Pe-
ruanas, 270; translations, 270.

Rivera, P., 183.

Riviere, E., in the Mentone caves,
390 ; Un Squelette humain, 390.

Robertson, D. A., 40?, 405.

Robertson, R. S., 401, 403, 408.

Robertson, Samuel, 74.

Robertson, Wrn., America, ii. 169;
on the Norse voyages, 92 ; his nearly
correct view of the anc. Mexican
civilization, 173; severe on Clavi-
gero, 158; disbelieved in pre-Span-
ish ruins, 176; on the incas, 269;
portrait, 269; on the Amer. Indians,
320 ; on seventeenth-century litera-
ture of Americana, 413; his bibliog.,

4«*

Robin, Louisiane, 398.

Robinson, Conway, Disc, in the West,

93;

Robinson, Edw., 439.

Robinson, Life in California, 328.

Ro ca, inca, 229.

Rock inscriptions of the Indians, 104,
105, 410, 411.

Rock shelter at Naaman's Creek, 365.

Rock-writing, 1 5.

Rocks, cup- like cavities in, 417.

Rockall, 51.

Rockford tablet, 404.

Roehrig on the Sioux, 77.

Rogers, Horatio, Private libraries of
Providence, xvii.

Roisel, Etudes ante-historiques, 46.

Rojas, Cholula, 180.

Roman, G., 265.

Roman, H., Republica de las Indias,
434-

Roman coins, in the Danish shell-
heaps, 3S2 ; found in America, 41.

Romans, Bernard, Florida, 326, 372 ;

on the autochthonous Amer. man,

372.
Romans in the Atlantic, 26.
Rome, Societa Geog. Hal., Bollettino,

444-

Romero on Mexican languages, vii.

Roquefeuil, de, Voyage, 78.

Rosa, Gonzalez de la, 274, 280.

Rosas, Dr., 281.

Rosny, Leon de, L' 'Atlantide, 46; on
Fousang, 80; Varietes Orientales,
80 ; Les doc. ecrit. de Pantiq. A mer. ,
139, 201, 207, 442; on Sahagiin, 157;
gives fac. of Aztec map, 163 ; Essai
sur le dechiffrement, etc. 163,
198, 201, 207; on Landa's Alpha-
bet, 200 ; Les ecritures figuratives,
201 ; Archives paleographiques, 201,
442 ; A nc. textes Mayas, 201 ; Nou-
velles Recherches, 201 ; his studies
on Spain and Portugal, 201 ; Les
Sources d'histoire ante - Columbi-
enne, 201, 413 ; bibliog. 201 ; portrait,
202 ; on the Codex Telleriano-Re-
mensis, 205 ; on Brasseur's ed. of
the Codex Troano, 207; discovers
the Codex Perezianus, 207 ; Manu-
scrit dit Mexicain, No. 2 de la bibl.
imperiale, 207 ; his works on Amer.
archseology, 207 ; on jade industries,
417; Revue Orientate et Ameri-
caine, 441.

Rosny, Lucien de, Les Antilles, 412,
442 ; Le tabac, 416 ; La Cera-
mique, 419.

Ross, Thomasina, 271.

Rosse, Irving C, 106.

Rothelin, Abbe, De Bry, xxxii.

Rotz, his map of Greenland, 126.

Roujow, Races humaines, 390.

Rowbotham, J. F., Hist, of Music,
420.

Royal Geographical Society and its
publications, 442.

Royal Historical Soc. Trans., 443.

Royal Society of Canada, 438.

Royal Society, 442.

Royce, C. C, on the Cherokees, 326;
Indian Cessions of land, 440; on
the Shawanees, 326.

Royllo, island, 49.

Ruchamer, Neive unbek. landte, xx.

Rudbeck, on Atlantis, 16.

Ruffner, E. H., Ute Country, 327.

Ruge, Der Chaldaer Selenkos, 7.

Ruins in Middle America, notes on,
176.

Runes, alleged ones in Nova Scotia,
102 ; cuts of, 66, 67 ; age of, 66 ; ref-
erences, 66 ; in Greenland, 87.

Runnels, M. T., Sanbomton, N. H.,
404.

Rupertus, Dissertationes, 40.

Russell, I. C, Lake Lahontan, 349.

Ruttenber, E. M., Hudson River In-
dians, 325.

Ruxton, Life in Far West, in, 327.

Ruysch's map, 120, 122.

Saabye, Hans E., 108.

Sabin , Jos. , his publications, vi ; A tner.
Bibliopolist, vi ; Dictionary, vi, 414 ;
Squier Catal., viii, 414 ; Menzies
Catal., xii.

Sabine, Lorenzo, on the Indians in
Maine, 322.

Sac and Fox tribes, 327.

Sacrificial Stone in Mexico, 180, 181,
185.

Sacsahuaman, ruins, 220, 221.

Sagard, Canada, 429; reference to
copper mines, 417.

Sagas, when written, 84; credibility of,
87, 98, 99 ; fac-simile of script, 87 ;
largely myths, 88 ; when put in writ-
ing, 88 ; Codex Flatoyensis, 88, 99 ;
bibliog., 91 ; absurdities in, 99; old-
est maps in accordance with, 129.
See Northmen, Iceland, etc.

Saghalien, 80.

Sagot, P., 425.

Sahagiin, Father, as linguistic student,

156; portrait, 156; his true name,

156; bibliog., 157.
Sahuaraura, inca, Dr. J., 281 ; Reciter-

dos de la Monarquia Peruana, 270.
Saint. See St.

Sails used by the Peruvians, 420.
Salcamayhua, J. de, S. P. Y., Rela-

cion, 266.
Saldamando, E. T., Los Antiquos fe-

suitas del Peru, 223, 262.
Sale, Ant. de la, La Salade, 85.
Salisbury, Stephen, jr., 137; assists

Le Plongeon, 186, 187 ; The Mayas,

187 ; Terra Cottas of Isla Mujeres,

187.
Salone on Atlantis, 46.
Salter, John, 328.
San Juan, cliff houses on the, 395 ;

pueblo, 396.
San Miguel, 49.
San Tomas, his grammar, 278.
Sana, 276.

Sanborn, J. W., Seneca Indians, 323.
Sanbornton, N. H., Indian fortifica-
tion, 404.
Sanford, Ezekiel, Hist. United States,

320.
Sans, R., 264.

Sanskrit roots in Mexican, 81.
Sanson, Guillaume, on Atlantis, 16;

his map, 18.
Santa, 275.
Santarem, Hist, de la Cosmog., 38;

his atlas, 53.
Santillan, Fernando de, Relacion, 261.
Sanuto, Marino, his map (1306), 53;

ace. of, 53 (1320), 55.
Saravia, B. de, A ntig. del Peru, 261,

268.
Sargasso Sea, 25.
Sargent, Winthrop, on the Cincinnati

mounds, 398, 437 ; plan of the Mari-
etta mounds, 405.
Sarmiento de Gamboa, P., discovers-

islands, 268; Viage al estrecho de

Magellanes, 268.
Sars, J. E., Norske Hist., 85.
Satanagio. See Man Satanaxio.
Satanaxio. See Man.
Saunders, Trelawny, map of Peru,

211.
Saussure, H. de, Ruines d'une anc.

ville, 182.
Savage, A. D., 196.
Savage, Jos., 409.
Sawkins, J. G., 184.
Saxe-Eisenach, Duke of, 205.
Saxenburg, island, 47.
Saxo-Grammaticus, Hist. Danica, 91.
Scandinavia. See Northmen, Nor-
way, Sweden, Iceland.
Schaefer, Entzuicklung, etc., 3 ; Ge-

slalt und Gr'dsse der Erde, 39 ; Phi-

lologus, 5.
Schaghticoke Indians, 324.
Schellhas, Die Mayahandschrift, 205.
Scherer, J. B., Recherches, 76, 424,

445-
Scherzer, ~K.,Wanderungen, 166; Las

Hist, del Origen de los Indios, 166;

Quirigua, 197.
Schiem, F., Un Enigme, 26.
Schlagintweit, 412.
Schmerling, Dr., Recherches sur les

ossemens, 390.
Schmidel, Brazil, xxxii.
Schmidt, E. , 402 : Dissert. deA merica,

40 ; Die dltesten Spur en des Men-

schen, 384 ; A nthropol. Methode?i,

411.
Schmidt, Julius, Copan und Quirigua,

196, T97.
Schneider, C. E. C, 41.
Schoebel, C, among the pueblos, 397.
Schoning, Gerhard, Norges Riges

Hist., Q2.

Schonlandia, 129.

Schoolcraft, H. R., Books in the In-
dian tongues, vii ; on the Northmen,
96; on the Grave Creek inscription,
102; on the Dighton Rock, 102, 104;
Indiaii Tribes, 320, 376, 430,441,"
opinions of it, 320, 441 ; otherwise

VOL. I.

466

INDEX.

called Archives of Aboriginal
Knowledge, 441 ; and Ethnological
Researches, 441; F. S. Drake's ed.,
441; his notes on antiquities, 376;
Grave Creek Mound, 403 ; Report
on Iroquois, 324, -405 ; Notes o?i the
Iroquois, 3 -'4, 405 ; on Virginia
mounds, 410 ; on Florida potiery,
419; his linguistic studies, 424; dies,
441 ; rivalry of Catlin, 441.

Schouten in be Bry, xxxii.

Schrader, Namen der Meere, 13.

Schultz - bellack, Carl, Die Amer.
Gdtter, 202, 434.

Schultz, Travels, 405.

Schumacher, H. A., Petrus Martyr,
xx.

Schumacher, P., 393 ; on pottery mak-
ing, 419.

Schwab, Moi'se, 404.

Schwatka, F., on the Eskimos, 107.

Science, 439.

Scioto Valley, map of mounds, 406.

Scipio's dream, 9, 11.

Scoffern, John, Stray leaves, 383.

Scolvus, Jac, his landfall, 129. See
Skolno.

Scott, P. A., 350.

Scott, Sir Walter, on the Sagas, 83.

Scotland, early map of, 118.

Scudder, S. H.. Catal. 0/ Scientific
Serials, 43S, 441.

Scull, G. D., edits Radisson, 318.

Scylax on the Atlantic, 28; Periplus,
28.

Scythian migration to America, 370.

Sea of Darkness, 32, 74.

Seager, his drawing of the Dighton
Rock, 102.

Sebillot, Paul, Legendes, 47-

Seeman, B., Dottings, 197-

Selden collection, 205.

Selish grammar, 425.

Sellers, on arrow points, 417.

Seminole Indians, 326.

Semites, 25.

Seneca, L. A., Questionum Nat., 35;
works, 35 ; on the westward passage,
27; Iiis prophecy, 29 ; his "Ultima
Thule," 20 ; his Medea, 29.

Seneca Indians, 323 ; origin of the
name, 323 ; their burial mound, 405.
See Iroquois.

Septon, J., 85.

Se-quo-yah, 326.

Serpent mound, 401.

Serpent symbol, 401.

Serpent, worship of, 429.

Sertorius, 14, 26.

Seven Caves, 138.

Seven Cities, island of, 31, 47, 48.

Sewall, Samuel, on Hornius, 370; Phe-
nomena, 115.

Sewell, Stephen, on Dighton Rock,
103, 104.

Shaler, N. S., on the New Jersey
gravels, 334; their implements, 388;
on the disappearance of the masto-
don, -*8q ; on Ohio Valley caves,
30 1 ; Kentucky Survey, 402 ; on the
mounds, 410.

Shaw, J., 408.

Shawanees, 307, 326 ; in Pontiacs con-
spiracy, 316.

Shea, J. G., Library of Amer. Lin-
guistics, vii ; Cathoh'r Missions, 318;
on the Indians of Nova Sctia, 321 ;
translates Martin's Jogues, 323 : on
the Wisconsin Indians, 327; Diet.
Francais-Onontagui, 424 : Lib. of
Amer. Linguistics. 42^; its con-
tents, 425; French Onondaga Diet.,

. 42t;-
Shell-heaps, 391 ; contemporary with

the cave-men, 391 ; contents of those

in No. America, 392 ; general refer-

. 3<.2, 303.

l-money, 420.
Shell-work, 417.

ird, H. A., Anliq. of Ohio, 405,
407.
Sherman, D., 325.
Sherwood, J. D., 403.

Sherwood, R. H., 322.

Shetimasha Indians, 426.

Ships, speed of ancient, 24; of the
fifteenth century, 73 ; a British ship,
no. See Northmen.

Short, C. W., 437.

Short, J. T., No. Amer. of Antiq., vii,
412, 415; on Fousang, 81; on the
antiquity of man in America, 330.

Shoshones, arts of, 416 ; their migra-
tions, 381.

Sierra, Justo, 165.

Sign-language. See Gesture language.

Sigiienza y Gongora, C. de, his chro-
nology of Mexico, 133 ; collection of,
.158.

Silenus, 21.

Silliman, Journal of Arts, 371. See
Amer. Jourtial of Science and
Arts.

Sillustani, 236; Chulpas at, 248; cut,
250.

Silver, 418.

Silvestre, Paleographie, 205.

Simeon, Remi, Les Annates Mexi-
caiues, 164 ; La lengue Mexicaine,
427; Stir la numeration, 170.

Simms, Views and Reviews, 328.

Simon, Mrs. B. A., Hope of Israel,
116; Ten Tribes, 116.

Simonin, L., L'homme Americain,
.375, 38i.

Simpson, H. F. M., Prehist. of the
North, 85.

Simpson, J. H., Navajo Country,
327 ; Mil. Reconnaissance , 395, 396 ;
Explorations of Utah, 440.

Sinding, Paul K., Scaudi?iavia, 96;
Scandiu. Races, 96.

Sinkers, 417.

Sioux, 327. See Dacotahs.

Sitgreave, Capt. L., Expedition, 396.

Sitjav, B., language of the San Antonio
Mission, 425.

Six Nations. See Iroquois.

Skeleton in armor, 105.

Skertchly, S. B. J., 352.

Skolno on the Labrador coast, 76. See
Scolvus.

Skraelings, 68, 105. See Eskimos.

Skulls, trepanned, 244; deforming of,
244. See Craniology.

Sladen, Von, Brazil, xxxii.

Slafter, E. F., Voyages of the North-
men, 76.

Small, John, on Thule, 118.

Smedt, C. de, 48.

Smith, Alf. R., xvi.

Smith, B., 169; on the Dighton Rock,
104 ; Heve language, 425 ; Pima
language, 425.

Smith, C. D., 416.

Smith, C. H., 369; Human Species,

374-

Smith, Ethan, View of the Hebrews,
116.

Smith, Mrs. E. A., on the Iroquois,
42 5; Myths of the Iroquois, 431.

Smith, Col. James, 292, 319; Cap-
tivity, ^88.^

Smith, John, in De Bry, xxxii.

Smith, J. G., Alia, 45.

Smith, John Russell, xvi.

Smith, J. T. , Northmen in New Eng-
land, 96 ; Disc, of A merica by the
Northmen, 96.

Smith, T. W. C, 410.

Smith, J. Y.,369.

Smith, Jos., Friends'' books, xvii ;
A nti-quakeriana, xvii ; Bibl. Qua-
keristica, xvii.

Smith, Wm., New York, 324.

Smithsonian Institution, 439; its pub-
lications, 439.

Smucker, Isaac, 403; archaeology in
Ohio, 406 ; on the Newark mounds,
408; on the Alligator mound, 409.

Smvth, Thos., Unity of the Human
Race, 374.

Snorre Stnrleson, Heimskringla, 83.

Snorre, ancestor of Thorwaldsen, the
Danish sculptor, 65.

Soap-stone quarries, 416.

Sobolewski, S., his catalogue, xiii ; his

De Bry, xxxii.
Sobron, F. C. Y., Los idiomas, vii.
Societe" Americaine de France, 176,

Societe d'Anthropologie, 390; Bul-
letin and Memoires, 442.
Societe d'Ethnographie, Memoires,
442 ; Les Documents ecrits de V A n-
tiquite Amer., 442.
Societe Ethnographique, Bulletin and
Memoires, 441.

Soil formation in America, 461.

Solberg, Th., bibliog. of Scandinavia,
98.

Soldan, Paz., Geog. del Peru, 212.

Soligo, Christ., map (1487 ?), 58.

Solinus, Polyhistor., 35.

Sollars, W. J., 106.

Solomon, his Ophir, 82. See Ophir.

Solon and Atlantis, 15, 42.

Soloryano, Juan de, Politica Indiana,
268.

Soloutre, village, 357, 377.

Soltecos, 136.

Soto, Francis de, 155; on the mounds,
397-

South America, flora corresponds with
African, 117; prehistoric man in,
412 ; languages, 428.

Southall, Jas. C, on the Unity of
Races, 374 ; believes in the theory
of degeneracy, 382 ; Recent origin
of Man, 382, 384 ; biblical trust, 382 ;
Epoch of the Mammoth, 382 ; his
views, 382; controversy with the
archaeologists, 382 ; on his opponents,
382.

Southern States, Indians of, 326.

Southey, Robert, Madoc, in.

Spain, arms of, 267 ; hieroglyphic
MSS. in, 203; Sociedad Anthropo-
logica Espaiiola, 444 ; Revista, 444.

Spainhour, J. M., 410.

Spanish America, writers of, ii.

Sparks, Jared, his library, vi ; his
MSS., vii ; dies, vii.

Speaker's Commentary, 383.

Speech wanting in the palaeolithic
man, 377.

Speer, Wm., 81.

Spilbergen on De Bry, xxxii.

Spilsbury, J. H. G., his Quichua work,
280.

Spineto, Hieroglyphics, 205.

Spitzbergen sometimes called Green-
land in early accounts, 107.

Spizelius, Theoph., Elevatio, 115.

Sport big Review, 213.

Spotswood, Gov., on the frontier posts,

3°9-

Sprengel, M. C, Europder in Nora
A merika, 92.

Squier, E. G., on Zestermann's Col-
onization of America, 60 ; his pub-
lications and library, vii, viii, 169,
272, 414 ; Serpent Symbol, 76 ; notes
on Zestermann, 83 : on the Grave
Creek inscription, 102 ; Catalogue
of his library, 169; Central Amer-
ica, 169; Collection of Docs., 169;
The Great Calendar Stone, 179;
introd. to Morellet's Travels, 195;
on the Central America ruins and
their relative age, 196; Nicaragua,
197 ; on Tenampua, 197 ; criticised
by Bovallius, 197; on a defect in the
signatures of KingsborougrTs book,
203; in Peru, 224; at Chacha, 224;
at Lake Titicaca, 247 : La geog. du
Perou, 247 ■ ; Primeval monuments
of Peru, 249; Pern, incidents of
Travel, 272 ; his mission and studies
in Peru, 272 ; Les monuments du
Perou, 272; death, 272 ; Traditions
of the Algonquins, 325; on early
notices of the Pueblo race, 395 ;
Semi-civilized Nations of New
Mexico and California, 306; (with
Davis), Anc. Mts. of the Mississippi
Valley, 399; commended by Gallatin
and others, 439 ; on the New York
mounds, 399 ; Observatiotis on

INDEX.

467

mounds, 399 ; doubts the Grave
Creek tablet, 404; Aborig. Mts.
State of N. K, 405; Antiq. 0/
N. Y. State, 405 ; Monograph of
A uthors, 427 ; Serpent Symbol, 429.

Squier, Mrs. M. F., 195.

St. Bonaventure, G. de, 427 ; Gram-
maire Maya, 200.

St. Brandan, island of, 32 ; his story,
48 ; his island, 48.

St. Clement, 37.

St. Lawrence Island, 77.

St. Louis Academy of Science, 438 ;
mounds near, 409.

St. Malo, legend of, 48.

St. Patrick, 83.

St. Petersburg, Museum of Ethnog-
raphy, 443.

St. Thomas in Central America, 137;
connected with Quetzalcoatl, 432.

Stadium, length of, 4.

Stallbaum, ed. of Plato, 43 ; on Phoeni-
cian knowledge of America, 43.

Stanford, Compend. of Geog., 412.

Stanley, J . M. , Portraits of No. A mer.
Indians, 439.

Steenstrup, Japetus, on the Zeni, 114.

Steenstrup, K., on Scandinavian ruins,
86 ; Osterbygden, 131 ; on the Green-
land colonies, 109.

Steffen, Max, Landwirtschaft, 253,
417.

Stein, Gerard, Die Entdeckungsre isen,
72.

Steiner, Abraham G. , 408.

Steinthal, H., Ur sprung der Sprache,
421.

Stelle, J. P., 410.

Stenstrom, H., De America, 93.

Stephens, Geo., Oldest Doc. in Danish,
66; No. Runic Mts., 66; Runic
Mts. of Scandinavia, 66.

Stephens, J. L. , Yucatan, 164, 176,
186; prints a Maya doc, 164; held
responsible by Morgan for exagger-
ated notions of the Maya splendor,
176; Central America, 176, 186,
194; in Yucatan, 185, 186; map, 188;
at Uxmal, 189 ; at Chichen-Itza, 190 ;
his results in Yucatan, 190; at Pa-
lenque, 194 ; at Copan, 196.

Stephens, Lit. of the Cymry, in.

Stephenson, Geo., 410.

Stephenson, M. F., 410.

Sterling, H. H., Irish Minstrelsy, 50.

Stevens, E. T., Flint Chips, 392, 444.

Stevens, Henry, controversy with Har-
risse, v; buys Humboldt's library,
vi ; on Humboldt, vi ; Recoil, of
Lenox, xi ; bought Crowninshield
library, xii ; dealer in Americana,
xiii ; Schedule of Nuggets, xiii, xiv ;
Bibl. Hist., xiii, xiv; dies, xiii; on
De Bry, xxxii ; proposed Bibl.
A mericana, xiv ; his transcripts of
MSS., xiv ; agent of the Smithsonian
Inst., the British Museum, the Bod-
leian, xiv; his English Library, xiv;
A mer. Bibliographer, xiv ; Books i?i
the Brit. Mus. , xiv ; Hist. Nuggets,
xiv; Bibl. A mer., xiv; Hist, and
Geog. Notes, xiv; Bibl. Geog. et
Hist., xiv; A mer. books with tails,
xv ; Hist. Collections, xv ; owns
Franklin MSS.,xv; list of his own
publications, xv ; Bibliog. of New
Hampshire, xv ; buys the Brock-
haus collection, xvii ; Zeni map, 113.

Stevens, H. N., xiv.

Stevens, John, Voyages, xxxv.

Stevens, J. A., Geo. Gibbs, 424.

Stevens, Simon, xiv.

Stevenson, J as., on the cliff houses,
395 ; Anc. habitations of the South-
west, 397 ; catalogue of pottery, 419 ;
researches among the Pueblos, 439.

Stevenson, J. E., 403 ; Zuni, 396.

Stevenson, Mrs. T. E., Religious life
of the Zuni child, 440.

Stevenson, W., on navigation, xxxvi.

Stickney, C. E., Minisink Region,
^23.

Stiles, Dr. Ezra, on the Dighton Rock,

104; The United States elevated to
glory, 371 ; on the origin of the Amer-
ican, 371 ; on an Indian idol, 437.

Stockbridge Indians, 323.

Stoddard, Amos, Louisiana, no.

Stoddard, Louisiana, 398.

Stoll, O., Republik Guatemala, 428.

Stone, O. M., Teneriffe, 48.

Stone, W. L., on the moundbuilders,
41 ; Uncas and Miantouomoh, 323 ;
his lives of Johnson, Brant, and Red
Jacket, 325 ; on the N. Y. mounds,

405-

Stone Age in America, oldest imple-
ments yet found, 343 ; different
stones used, 362. See Palaeolithic,
Neolithic.

Stone, artificial cleavages of, 388 ; chip-
ping, the process, 417; work in, 416.

Strabo, on the size of the known world,
8 ; his views of habitable parts, 9 ;
Geographia, 5, 34; editions, 34;
translations, 34 ; Gosselin's French
transl, 34; translated by order of
Nicholas V, 37.

Strebel, H., Alt-Mexico, 172, 420.

Strinhold, A. M., 85.

Stroll, Otto, Guatemala, 141.

Strong, Moses, 409.

Strutt, Diet. Engravers, xxvii.

Stuart and Kuyper, De Mensch, 320.

Stiibel, A., Necropolis of Ancon,
273; Ueber A Itperuvianische Gewe-
bejnuster, 273.

Studley, Cordelia A., 390.

Sturleson, Snorro, H reimskringla, 91.

Suite, B., on the Iroquois, 321.

Sumner, Chas., Prophetic voices con~
cerning A merica, 40.

Sun, worship of, 429.

Sunderland library, xiii.

Susquehanna Valley Indians, 325.

Sutcliffe, Thomas, Chili and Peru,
272.

Sutherland, P. C, 106.

Sweden, anthropological studies in,

444-
Sweden, early map, 119, 124, 125, 129.
Swedes, their blinding patriotism, 88;

on the Delaware, 307.
Sweetzer, Seth, on prehist. man, 412.
Swinford, Mineral Resources of Lake

Superior, 418.
Swiss lake dwellings, 395 ; relics from,

395 i general references, 395.
Switzler, W. F., Missouri, 409.
Sylvester, Northern New York, 323.

Tacitus, Germania, 28.

Tacna, 277.

Tamana, idol from, 281.

Tamoanchar, 135 ; geog. position, 151.

Tan mar. Sec Danmar.

Tanos, 394.

Taos, 394, 396.

Tapenecs. See Tepanecs.

Tapijulapane-Mixe, 426.

Tarapaca, 270, 275

Tarascos, 136.

Tarayre, G., L"1 Exploration minera-

logique, 170.
Targe, xxxvi.
Tartar migrations to America, 369,

370; traces in N. W. America, 78.
Tassin, French geographer, 51.
Tayasal, 175.
Taylor, A. S., bibliog. of California,

ix.
Taylor, Isaac, Alphabets, 200.
Taylor, Jeremy, Dissuasive from Po-
pery, 51.
Taylor, John, on the N. Y. mounds,

404.
Taylor, R. C, on the Wisconsin

mounds, 400.
Taylor, S., 400.
Taylor, Thomas, 41 ; Commentaries

of Proc/us, 35.
Taylor, W. M., on mounds, 405.
Techotl, 146.
Tecpan, 175.

Tccpaneca conquered, 147.
Tehna, 394.

Tehuelhet, 428.

'Telleriano-Re mensis Codex, 205.

Temple, Edw. , Travels in Peru, 272.

Temple, No. Brookfield, 323.

Tempsky, G. F. von, Mitla, 184.

Ten Kate, H. F. C, 356 ; Reizen, 395.

Tenampua, 197.

Tenayocan, 142.

Tennessee, aborig. remains, 410; pot"
tery, 419 ; stone graves, 410.

Tenochtitlan. See Mexico (city).

Teoamoxtli, 158, 167.

Teoculcuacan, 138.

Teotihuacan, Olmecs at, 135; a reli
gious shrine, 140; ruins, 182.

Teoyaomiqui, effigy, 182, 435.

Tepanecs, 136, 146.

Tepechpan, 162.

Tepeu, 435.

Tepeyahualco, 173.

Terceira, 49.

Ternaux-Compans, H., his library,
iv ; Bibl. A mer. , iv ; Voyages^
xxxvii, 2 3 ; his studies of Peru,
27} ; La theogonie Mexicaiue, 431.

Terra cotta, 420.

Tertiary man, 387; evidences, 353,

385, 387.

Tertullian, De Pallio, 42.

Teruel, Luis de, 264; MSS. on the
Peruvians, 264.

Textile arts, 419; impression pre-
served in pottery, 419 ; of the
moundbuilders, 419.

Tezcatlipoca, 431 ; oppressor of Quet-
zalcoatl, 431.

Tezcuco, growth of, 140, 142 ; alleged
empire at, 173; old bridge near,
182 ; old buildings, 182.

Tezozomoc, H. de A., 146; Cronica,
Mex., 155, 163; MSS. on Mexican
history, 162.

Theopompus of Chios, 21; his conti-
nent, 21.

Thevenot, bibliog., xii, xxxiv ; Voy-
ages, 204.

Thevet, A., on the Jewish migration
to America, 115.

Thiersant, Dabry de, Origine des In-
diens, 369.

Thomas, Cyrus, on Mexican MSS.,
163 ; on the Mexican astronomy,
179', on Landa's alphabet, 200;
MS. Troano, 201, 207; his course
of study, 201 ; on Maya numerical
signs, 205 ; on the mounds, 401 ;
Work on Mound Exploration, 401 ;
Burial Mounds, 401 ; disputes Put-
nam's view of the mounds, 402 ;
presentations of his views on the
moundbuilders, 402 ; on the elephant
pipes, 404; on the builders of the
mounds, 407 ; on the effigy mounds,
408, 409 ; on the stone graves of
Tennessee, 410; on the Etowah
mounds, 410 ; conducts mound ex-
plorations, 439 ; Maya and Mexican
MSS., 440.

Thomas, Mrs. Cyrus, bibliog. of Ohio
mounds, 406.

Thomas, David, Travels, 405.

Thomas, Isaiah, founds Amer. An-
tiq. Soc, 437.

Thompson, E. H., Atlantis not a-
Myth, 44; on Yucatan, 187; on the
" Elephants' trunks," 188.

Thompson, G. A., New Theory, 76.

Thompson, J., translates De Pauw,
370.

Thompson, T. P., Knot Records of
Peru, 243 ; Hist, of the Quipus,

243-
Thompson, Waddy, Recoil, of Mex-

ico, 180.
Thomson, Chas., Enquiry, 325.
Thorfinn Karlsefne, in Vinland, 65 ;

Saga, 90.
Thorlacius, G., his map of Vinland,

130, 131.
Thorlacius, Theod., 130, 131.
Thorlakssen. See Thorlacius.
Thorndike, Col., Israel, iii.
Thorne, Robt., his map, 125.

468

INDEX.

Thornton, J. W., 102.

Thoron, Onffroy de, 82.

Thorowgood, Thoaias^/ewes in A mer-
ica, 115; Vindicuz Jud., 115; Di-
gitus Dei, 1 1 5.

Thorwald on Vinland, 65.

Three Chimneys (islands), 53.

Thule 117; discovered, 26; in Seneca,
29; varying position, 118.

Thurston, G. P.. 81, 402.

Thyle, on Macrobius' map, 10. See
Thule.

Tiahuanacu, position, 210; architec-
tural details, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218;
ruins restored, 219 ; ruins described,
215; doorway, 216, 218; seen by
D'Orbigny, 271 ; various descrip-
tions, 272, 273 ; by Bollaert, 273 ; by
Basadie, 273 ; by Inwards, 273.

Tibullus, Elegies, 7.

Tides, Macrobius' view of, n.

Tiele, P. A., xxxiii.

Tiguex, 394.

Tikal, 200.

Tilantongo, 148.

Tillinghast, W. H., "Geog. Knowl-
edge of the Ancients," 1.

Timagenes, 42.

Timber brought from Vinland, 65.

Timberlake, Henry, on the Cherokees,
83-

Timucua language, 426.

Timuquana language, 425.

Tin mines, early, 24.

Tinneh, 77.

Tishcoban, 325.

Titicaca, lake, seat of worship, 222 ;
its myth, 222 ; seat of the Piruas,
223 ; connected with the Inca myths,
224 ; dwellers near, 226 ; views of
lake and ruins, 246; Squier's Ex-
plorations, 246 ; surveyed by J. B.
Pentland, 246 ; Inca palace, 247 ;
map, 248.

Tizoc, 148.

Tlacatecuhtli, 173.

Tlacopan forms a confederacy, 147.

Tlacutzin, 139.

Tlaloc, 435 ; rain-god, 18a

Tlapallan, 137, 139.

T'apallanco, 139.

Tlascalans, 149.

Tobacco, mortars for pounding it, 416.

Tobar, Juan de, Codex Ramirez, 155 ;
Relation, 155; printed by Sir Thos.
Phillipps, 155; Hist, de los Indios,

155-

To-carryhogan, 289.

Tollan, 137, 139.

Tollatzinco, 139.

Toloom, 190.

Toltecs, descendants of the Atlantides,
44; origin of, 135, 141 ; from Tollan,
137; their appearance in Mexico,
139; end of their power, 140; a na-
tion or a dynasty, 140; their story,
140; their later migrations, 140;
Brinton and Charnay disagree on
their status, 141 ; Bandelier consid-
ers them Maya, 141; Sahagiin the
"giants," 141; Bandelier's view,
141; sources of their history, 141;
MS. annals, 162; their astronomical
ideas, 179; build the ruins of Yuca-
tan, 191.

Tomo-chi-chi, 326.

Tomlinson, A. B., 403.

Tonocote, 428.

Topinard on the jawbone from the
Naulette Cave, 377.

Torfxus, Hist. Gronlandio?, 8,; his
character, SS ; Hist. Vinlandiee, 92;
facs. of title, <>i ; places Vinland in
Newfoundland, 99 ; gives maps, 129.

Toribio de Bcnevente, 155.

Torquemada, instructed by Ixtlilxo-
chltl, 173; on the origin of Anieri-
| MS. used by him, 162 ;
Monarchia />i<i., 157.

"' Rubin, [regode, in Peru, 279;

hua grammar, 27*.

Tomd zone, notions regarding it, 6 ;
they died; exploration, 6.

Toscanelli on Antillia, 49 ; his ideas of
the Atlantic ocean, 51 ; letter to
Columbus, 51 ; different texts of it,
51, 52; his working papers, 52; his
map, 56.

Totems, 408.

Totemism, 328.

Totonacs, 136.

Totul Xius, 152; sources, 153.

Toulmin, Harry, 1 10.

Tovar. See Tobar.

Trabega, 205.

Trade of the Amer. Aborigines, 416 ;
no good ace. of, 420.

Traffic, intertribal, 420.

Treaties with the Indians, methods of,

3°5- .

Trees, rings of, as signs of age, 191, 403.

Trenton gravel bluff, view of, 335 ; the
deposits described, 338; skulls found
in, 356; gravels, 388; traces of man
in, 388. See Delaware, New Jersey.

Trepanning in Peru, 244

Trephining, 244.

Trigoso, S. F. M.,Descob. e Commer-
cio dos Portuguezes, xix.

Triquis, 136.

Tritemius, Joannes, De Scriftoribzis,
xx.

Trivizano, Libretto, xx.

Trivulgiana library (Milan), vi.

Tro y Ortolano, J., 205.

Trocadero Museum in Paris, 177.

Troil, De tires sur I'Islande, 84.

Trojans, ancestors of the Indians, 369.

Trbmel, Paul, Bibl. Amer., xvii, 413.

Troost, G-, on Tennessee archeol. re-
mains, 410.

Tross, Edwin, catalogues, xvi.

Trowbridge, D., 405.

Troy on, Prof., Habitations lacustres.

395-

Trubner, K. J., xvi.

Triibner, Nic, Bibl. Hisp. Amer.,
xvi ; dies, xvi.

Trumbull, J. H., on Indian languages,
vii; edits the Brinley library cata-
logue, xii ; Indian Missions in New
England, 322 ; his studies in the
Indian languages, 322, 423.

Trutat, E., 411.

Trutot, 442.

Truxillo, Diego de, Relac'on, 260.

Truxillo, ruins near, 275.

Tschudi, J. D. von, on the llamas,
213 ; A ntig. Peruanas, 270 ; Reisen,
270; Travels, 270; Ollanla, 281 ; on
the Quichua language, 280 ; his gram-
mar, 280.

Tula, 137; ruin at, 177.

Tulan, 135.

Tulan, Zuiva, 139.

Tumbez, 277.

Tungus, 77.

Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 230.

Tupis of South America, 136, 428.

Turnefort, 43.

Turner, G. , 437.

Turner, Sharon, Anglo-Saxons, 88.

Turner, W., 423.

Turner, W. W., vii, 424, 440; Indian

r Philology, 439.

Tusayan, 394.

Tuscaroras, 310.

Tuttle, C. W., 102.

Two Sorcerers, island, 47.

Tylor, E. B., on Egyptian hieroglyph-
ics, 41 ; Scandin. civilization among
Eskimaux, 70 ; on connection of
Asia and Mexico, 77; Andhuac,
170, 174; applauds Prescott's view,
174; portrait, 376; his rank as an
anthropologist, 377; Early Hist, of
Mankind, 377, 3S0 ; Early Mental
Condition of Man, 378 ; Condition
of Prehist. Races, 378; on man's
progress from barbarism to civiliza-
tion, 37S; Primitive C?dlure, 378;
A?ithropology, 37S ; Amer. aspects
of Anthropology, 379; ace. of, 379;
on the degeneracy of the savage,
381.

Tynans on the Atlantic, 24.

Tzcndal language, 427.

Tzequiles, 135.

Tzetzes, Scholia in Lycophron, 15.

Ua Corra, 50.

Uhde collection, 444.

Uhle, Max, 404.

Uiracocha, 222, 229.

Ukert, Geog. der Grieche?i, 28, 36, 46.

Ule, Otto, Die Erde, 44.

Ulloa, A., Memoires, 271 ; Voyage
historiqiie, 271 ; Not. Amer., 370.

Ulloa, J. J., Voyage, 271.

Ulloa, Relation Hist., 228.

Ulpius globe, 126.

Uncpapas, 327.

Unger, F., Insel Atlantis, 44.

United States Army, Reports of Chief
Engineer, 396 ; geological survey,
Reports, 396 ; National Museum,
440.

Upham, Warren, 333 ; Recession of
the ice sheet in Minnesota, 346; Ohio
gravel beds, 388.

Urcavilca, 230.

Urco, 229.

Uricoechea, E., Memorias, 282; Len-
gua Chibcha, 425.

Urlsperger Tracts, 326.

Urrabieta, xxxvii.

Ursel, Comte d', Slid A merique, 272.

Ursiia, M., 175.

Urus, 226, 280.

Utah mounds, 409.

Utes, 327.

Utlatlan, position of, 151, 152.

Uxmal, position of, 151, 188; Totul
Xius in, 153 ; communal house near,
175; seen by Zavala, 186; by Wal-
deck, 186; by Charnay, 186, 18S; de-
scriptions, 188; so-called elephants'
trunks, 189; early accounts, 189;
view of ruined temple, 189 ; seen by
Brasseur, 189 ; inhabited when the
Spaniards came, 190; plans, 190.

Uzielli, G., on Toscanelli, 51.

Valades, Didacus, Rhetorica Christy

154-

Valdemar-Schmidt, Voyages au Groen-
land, 109.

Valdez, Ant., 281.

Valencia, Martin de, 155.

Valentini, P. J. J., Olmecas and Ttd-
tecas, 137; on the Calendar Stone,
179: on Landa's alphabet, 200 ; Mex-
ican copper tools, 418; Katunes of
Maya Hist., 152, 164.

Valera, Bias, his work lost, 209 ; his
career, 261 ; his MSS. used by Gar-
cilasso, 262.

Valera, Luis, 260.

Vallancey, Chas., 104.

Valmy, Due de, 171.

Valpy, Panegyrici veteres, 47.

Valsequa, Gabriell de, his map (1439),
56.

Vancouver's Island, 81, 393.

Van den Bergh, L. P. C., Amerika
voor Columbus, 75.

Van den Bos, Lambert, Zee-helden\
xxxiv.

Van der Aa. See Aa.

Van Noort, Olivier, xxxiii.

Vanuxem, Professor, on shell heaps,

392-
Varnhagen, F. de, L'Origine toura-

nienfie des A nicricains, 41, 117.
Vasquez, Francisco, Guatemala, 168.
Vasquez, T., 260.
Vater, J. S., Ueber Amerikas Bcv'dl

kerung, 60 ; (with Adelung), Mithri-

dates, 422 ; A nalekten der Sprachen'

ku?ide, 422.
Vaugondy, Atlantis, 16.
Veer, G. de, Voyages, 85.
Vega, Father, his collection of MSS.,

i57-
Vega, F. Nunez de la, knew the Pook

ofVotan, 134; Obispado de Chiap

pas, 134. t
Vega, Garcilasso de la, in Peru, 265,'

house in which he was born, 265 f

INDEX.

469

son of an Inca princess, 265 ; his ex-
pedition of De Soto, 265 ; Commen-
taries Reales, 265, 266 ; used Bias
Valera, 265 ; wrote on Spain thirty
years after leaving Peru, 266 ; cor-
rects Acosta, 266; critics of, 266;
dies, 266.

Velasco, Juan de, 279 ; Reino de Quito,
268, 273.

Ventancurt, Teatro Mex., 171.

Vera, F. H., 413.

Vera Cruz, ruins near, 178.

Verneau, Dans PArchipel Canari-
enne, 25.

Vtrreau, Abbe, on the beginnings of
the Church in Canada, 317.

Vertuch, Archiv fur Ethnographie,

443-

Ve>pucius in De Bry, xxxn ; voyages,
ace. of, xxiv ; mentioned, xxviii,
xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi ; map owned by
him, 56.

Vetanzos, Juan de, used by Garcia,
369. See Betanzos.

Vetromile, A bnakis and their history,
466.

Veytia, on the Toltecs, 141 ; Hist.
Antiq. de Mejico, 141, 159; better
on the Tezcucans than on the Mexi-
cans, 150 ; begins Mexican history
at A. d. 697, 155; used Boturini's
collection, 159; annotates Ixtlilxo-
chitl's MSS., 162; continues Botu-
rini's labors, 162.

"Vicary, J. F., Saga time, 92.

Victor, J. D., Disput. de Americano,

.37°^
Vicuna, 213.
Vienna, Anthropologische Gesellschaft,

443; Prahist. Commission, 443.
Viera y Clavijo, J. de, Islas de Canaria,

48.

Vigfiisson, G., Icelandic Eug. Diet.,
85 ; Icelatidic Sagas, 90.

Vigil, Jose M., 155.

Vikings, burial of, 62.

Vilcashuaman, ruins, 247, 271.

Villacastin, F. de, 260.

Villagutierre Soto - Mayor, Conquista
de Itza, 165.

Villar, Dr., 282 ; Uiracocha, 271.

Villar, Leonardo, 266.

Villebrune, J. B. L., 370.

Vincent, Commerce of the Ancients,
117.

Vining, E. P., An inglorious Colum-
bus, 80.

"Vinland, found and named, 64; at-
tempted identification, 65 ; last ship
to, 65; probability of voyages to, 67 ;
bibliog., 87,98; the sagas, 87, 88;
put in writing, 88 ; situated in
Labrador, 92, 93, 96,99; in New-
foundland, 92, 93, 94, 96, 99; in
Greenland, 92, 98 ; in New York, 93,
102 ; not in America, 93 ; in New
England, 93; in Maine, 102; in
Massachusetts, 94, 99 ; in Rhode
Island, 94, 96, 99, 102 ; in Africa,
100; maps, 94; those of Rafn re-
produced, 95, 100; probability of the
voyages to, 98 ; linguistic proofs of,
98; ethnographical proofs, 99 ; phys-
ical and geographical proofs, 99 ;
tides in, 99 ; length of summer day
in, 99 ; Rafn's attempts to identify
it, 100; his map, 100; held to be a
prolongation of Africa, 100; monu-
mental proofs, 102 ; has no frost,
102; natives called Skraelings, 105;
held to be north of Davis's Straits
by the oldest Norse maps, 130; that
by Stephanius (1570) in facs., 130;
separated from America, 130.

Vinsiui, Julien, La langue basque, 75.

Viollet-le-Duc, Habitation humaine,
64, 176; belief in a yellow race in
Central America, 81 ; on Norse cer-
emonials in the south, 99; his text
to Charnay, 176; a restoration of
Palenque, 192.

Viracocha, 436.

Virchow, R., on Peruvian skulls, 244;

on human remains found in Peru-
vian graves, 273.

Virgil, Georgics, 6; prophecy of An-
chises, 27.

Virginia, docs, in her Archives, xiv;
Indian conspiracy of 1622, 284; In-
dians, 325 ; mounds in, 410 ; graves,
410.

Visconti, 33; map (1311), 53 J (1318),

53-

Vitalis, Ordencus, Hist. Eccles., 88.

Vitziliputzli, 432.

Vivien de St. Martin, Hist, de la
Geog., 36; on Fousang, 80.

Vocabularies, numerous, 421 ; tests of
ethnical relations, 421; formed as
tests, 424. See Linguistics.

Vogel, Theo , xxxvii.

Vogeler, A. W., 393, 403.

Vogt, Carl, Vorlesungen, 369; Lec-
tures on Man, 369, 443.

Vblcker, H omersch. Geog., 39.

Volney on the mounds, 398.

Von Baer, K. E. , Fahrten des Odys-
seus, 40.

Voss, Die Gestalt der Erde, 39.

Votan, and his followers, 133, 141 ;
Book of Votan, 134; dim connection
with Guatemala, 150 ; with Yucatan,
152; myth of, 433-

Voyages, collections of, xxxiv; early
ones to America, bibliog., xix.

Vreeland, C. E., Antiquities at Pan-
taleon, 197.

Vries, voyage to Virginia, xxxiv.

Wadsworth, M. E., 334; Micro-
scopic evidence of a lost continent,

45-
Wagner, G., De originibus Amer.,
370; Beitrdge zur Anthropologic,

443-
Wahlstedt, J. J., Iter in Americam,

92.
Waiknas, 136.
Waitz, T., on Peruvian anthropology,

270 ; Naturvolker, 369, 430, 443 ;

A nthropologie , 378, 430 ; portrait,

378; Die Amerikaner, 172, 378;

Introd. to Atithropology, 370, 378,

443-

Wake, C. S., Chapters on Man, 82;
Serpent Worship, 429.

Walam-Olum, 325.

Waldeck, Frederic de, buys some of
the Boturini collection, 162 ; Voyage
pittoresque, 186; at Uxmal, 186,
188; portrait, 186; map of Yucatan,
188; in Yucatan, 194; Monuments
Anc.du Mexique, 194; liberties of
his drawings, 202 ; Coleccion de las
Antig. Mex., 444.

Walkenaer, C. A., Voyages, xxxvii.

Walkendorf, Bishop Eric, 107.

Walker, S. T., on Tampa Bay shell-
heaps, 393.

Walker, Athens Comity, Ohio, 408.

Walker River canon, 350.

Wallace, A. R., Antiq. of Man in
A merica, 330 ; on climate and its
influence on races, 378; Tropical
Nature, 383 ; does not believe in
sunken continents, 383 ; Geog. Dis-*
tribution of A nimals, 383 ; Malay
Archipelago, 383; on the antiq. of
man, 330, 384; Island life, 387.

Wallace, C. M., Flint implements,

345-

Wallace, Jas., Orkney Islands, 118.

Wallbridge, T. C, 410.

Wampanoag Indians, 102, 323.

Wampum, 420 ; belts, 420.

Ward, H. G., Mexico, 180.

Warden, David B., his library, iii ;
A rt de verifier des dates, iii ; dies,
iii ; translates Rio on Palenque, 191 ;
on the origin of Americans, 192 ; on
the mounds, 399; Recherches, 415.

Warner, J., 409.

Warren, Dr. J. C, on the mounds,
400.

Warren, W. F., Key to Ajic Cosmol-
ogies, 12; on Homer's earth, 39;

True Key, 39; Paradise Found,

39. 47-
Warren, W. W., 327.
Washington, Col., expedition against

Navajos, 396.
Washington, Geo., on the Dighton

Rock, 104.
Washington, D. C, as a centre of

study in Amer. history, xvii.
Water, proportion of, on the globe,

3»3-

Watkinson Library, xii.

Watrin, F., 326.

Watson, P. B., Bibliog. of Pre*
Columbian Discoveries, 98.

Watts, Robt., i.

Weaving, art of, 420.

Webb, Daniel, 370.

Webb, Dr. T. H., 94.

Webster, Noah, on the mounds, 398.

Wedgwood, Origin of language, 422.

Weeden, W. B., Indiati money, 420.

Wegner, G., De Nav. Solomonceis,
82.

Weigel, T. O., xvii ; on De Bry,
xxxii.

Weights used by the Peruvians, 420.

Weise, A. J., Disc, of America, 45,
98 ; on Atlantis, 45.

Weiser, Conrad, interpreter, 305 ; his
career, 305; his papers, 305.

Welch, L. B., Prehistoric Relics,
408.

Welsh in America, 72. See Madoc.

West India Island, Malay stock in,
82.

Western Reserve Historical Soc, 407.

Westropp, H. M., Prehistoric Phases,
412.

Whately, Richard, Polit. Economy,
381 ; Origin of Civilization, 381.

Wheaton, Henry, Northmen, 93 ;
French version, 93.

Wheeler, G. M., on the Pueblos, 395;
U. S. Geol. Survey, 396, 440.

Wheelock, Eleazer, his charity school,
322; founds Dartmouth College,
322 ; Indian Charity School, 322 ;
memoir, 322.

Whipple, Report on the Indian tribes,
in Pacific R. R. Repts., 396.

White's drawings in Hariot's Vir-
ginia, xxxiii.

White, John S., 62.

Whitney, J. D., Climatic Changes,
69, 383; searches in the Trenton
gravels, 337; on the neolithic man
in the tertiary gravels, 350; views
the Calaveras skull, 385 ; his accounts
of it, 385 ; A uriferous Gravels,
385 ; Human remains of the Gravel
series, 385 ; disbelieves the preces-
sion of the equinoxes as affecting
climate, 387 ; on the Trenton imple-
ments, 388 ; Geol. of Lake Superior,
418.

Whitney, W. D., Language, 74;
Bearing of language on the Unity
of Man, 372; Testimony of Ian-
guage respecting the unity of the
human race, 4,22..

Whitney, W. F., Bones of the native
races, 373.

Whittlesey, Col. Chas., on anc. hearths
in the Ohio Valley, 389 ; A ntiquity
of Man in the U. S., 391; portraits,
399 ; A ncient Works in Ohio, 399 ;
Weapons of the Race of the Mounds,
400 ; on the Grave Creek tablet,
404; on the Cincinnati tablet, 404;
surveys the Marietta mounds, 405;
on the Ohio mounds, 407, 408 ; Re-
port on the archeology of Ohio,
407 ; Fugitive Essays, 407 ; surveys
the Newark mounds, 408 ; on Rock
inscriptions, 410; Anc. mining at
Lake Superior, 418; on anc. human
remains in Ohio, 437.
Wicksteed, P. H, 241, 431.
Wiener, Charles, Perou et Bolivie,
271 ; Le commu7iisme des Incas,
271 ; Les institutions de P Empire
des Incas, 82, 271.

470

INDEX.

Wieser, F., on Zoana Mela, 122.
W'ildf , Sir W. R., on lacustrine dwell-
ings,

Wilder, I!, G., on Jeffries Wyman, 392.

Wilhelmi, K , Island, etc., 83, 96.

Willes, Richard, edits Eden, xxiii.

William of Worcester, 50.

Williams, C. M., So.

Williams, G., Guatemala, 197=

Williams, H. C, 410.

Williams, H. L.,3iS.

Williams, Helen M., translates Hum-
boldt's / 'ucs, 271.

Williams, Isaac, memoir, 319.

Williams, John, Prince Madog, no.

Williams, Roger, on the Jews in
America, 115; Key, 423.

Williams, S. W., on Fousang, 80.

Williamson, Jos., on the Northmen in
Maine, 97.

Williamson, Peter, Sufferings, 318.

Williamson on the Asiatic origin of
Americans, 371.

Williamson, No. Carolina, 93.

Willson, Marcus, A merican History,

4i5-

Wilson, Sir Daniel, Lost Atlantis, 46 ;
on Vinland, 97 ; Historic Footprints
in America, 97; on Dighton Rock,
104 ; on the exaggeration of Mexican
splendor, 174; on picture-writing,
198; on the Huron-Iroquois, 322;
on the Canada tribes, 322 ; Certain
Cranial Forms, 373 ; on the unity
of man, 374; American Cranial
Type, 374; portrait, 375; Prehis-
toric Annals of Scotland, 376;
first used the word " prehistoric,"
376; Prehistoric Man, 376, 379,
415 ; Pre- Aryan Amer. Man, 377 ;
Unwritten History, 377 ; Intergla-
cial Man, 388 ; on the moundbuild-
ers, 402 ; on the Grave Creek tablet,
404 ; accepts the Cincinnati tablet,
404 ; on Canadian mounds, 410 ; on
bone and ivory work, 417; on Amer-
ican pottery, 419; Artistic faculty
in the aborig. races, 419 ; A mer-
ican Crania, 437.

Wilson, R. A., New Conquest of Mex-
ico, 41, 174, 203.

Wimmer, L. F. A., Ru?ienskriftens,
etc. , 66.

Winchell, Alex., on Atlantis, 45; on
the retrocession of the falls of St.
Anthony, 382 ; Preadamites, 379,
384.

Winchell, N. H., Geol. of Minnesota,
333 ; discovers rude implements,
345 ; on copper mining, 418.

Winsor, Justin, "Americana," i;
" Early Descriptions of America,"
etc., xix ; Ptolemy's Geography,
xxv ; " Pre-Columbian Explora-
tions," 59; " Cartography of Green-
land," 117; "Mexico and Central
America," 133 ; sources of the his-
tory of the modern Indians, 316 ;
" Progress of Opinion respecting
the Origin and Antiquity of Man in
America," 369; " Bibhog. of Abo-
riginal America," 413; " Compre-
ive treatises on Amer. Antiqui-
ties," 415; " Industries and Trade of
the American Aborigines," 416;
" American Linguistics," 421 ;
" American Myths and Religions,"
429 ; "Archaeological Museums and
Periodicals," 437; Calendar of the
Sparks MSS., 423.

Winthrop, Jas., on Dighton Rock, 103,
104.

Winthrop, John, the younger, 442.

Winthrop, R. C, 437.

Wisconsin Academy of Science, 438.

Wisconsin, Indians, 327 ; mounds in,
400, 408.

Wiseman, Cardinal, Lectures, 372.

Witchitas, vocabulary, 440.

Withrow, W. H., on the last of the
Hurons, 322; on Jogues, 323.

Witsen, Nic, Tartarye, 123, 370.

Wittmack, L., on Peruvian plants
found on graves, 273.

Wollheim, A. E., Nat. lit.der Scand.,
66, 88.

Woodward, Ashbel, Wampum, 420.

Workshops of stone chipping, 417.

Wormskiold on the sites of the Green-
land colonies, 108.

Worsaae, J. A., Vorgesch. des Nor-
dens, 85 ; ace. of, 85 ; Prehistory of
the North, 62; L' organisation des
Musees, 444 ; Danes in England, 61.

Worsley, Israel, View of the Amer.
Indians, 116.

Worthen, A. H., 388.

Wright, B. M., Gold ornaments from
the graves, etc., 273.

Wright, D. F., 410.

Wright, Geo. F., on the antiq. of man
in America, 340 ; examines deposits
in Delaware, 342; Man and the gla-
cial period, 388 ; Preglacial man in
Ohio, 388; Ohio gravel beds, 388.

Wright, Thomas, St. Brandan, 48.

Wureland, 117.

Wuttke, H., Erdkunde, 38, 49; on
the Atlantic islands, 47.

Wuttke, Gesch. der Schrift, 205.

Wyandots, 327.

Wyhlandia, 117.

Wyman, Jeffries, 439; on the Calave-
ras skull, 353 ; portrait, 392 ; investi-
gates shell-heaps, 392 ; death, 392 ;
accounts of, 392; on the Florida
shell heaps, 393 ; on the St. John
River, 393.

Wyman, W. H., on Quaritch, xvi ;
Bibliog. of Printing, xvi.

Wynne, Private Libraries of N. Y.,
x, xviii.

Wyoming Hist, and Geol. Soc, 438.

Xahila, F. E. A., 167.

Xenophanes, 6.

Xeres, on Peru, xxxvii.

Xibaiba, 134; held to be Palenque,

135 ; Brinton's view, 135.
Xicalancas, 136.
Xicaques, 169.
Ximenes, Francisco, 155: finds the

Popul Vuh, 166.
Ximenes, Gnomone fioretino, 51.
Xinca Indians, 428.
Xochicalco, 180.
Xochimilca conquered, 147.
Xoioc founded, 142.
Xolotl, 162.
Xuares, Juan, 155.

Yahama language, 425.

Yahuar-huaccac, 229.

Yaqui, 135.

Yarrow, H. C, Mortuary Ctistoms,

328, 440; on mound-burials, 408.
Yates and Moulton, New York, 104.
Yea, 277.

Youmans, Eliza H., 411.
Yucatan. See Mayas ; difficulty of the

chronology, 152; the Perez MS.,
153; sources, 164; scant material,
164 ; Barendt's collection, 164; ruins,
185; early described, 186 ; seen by
Stephens, 186; ancient records, 187;
architecture, 188; Charnay's map,.
188; other maps, 188; ag'e of the
ruins, 191; types of heads, 195; bas-
relief, 208 ; had an Ethiopian stock,
370; crucible for melting copper
used, 418 ; folk-lore, 434.

Yucay, 247.

Yuma language, 426.

Yuncas, 227 ; grammar of, 280.

Yupanqui, Inca, his portrait, 228 ; in
power, 230 ; called Pachacutec, 230.

Zaborowski, L 'homme Prehistorique*
412.

Zacatecas, 183.

Zach, Correspondenz, 41.

Zachila, 184.

Zahrtmann on the Zeni, 112.

Zamna, 152, 434.

Zani, Count Y., 205.

Zapana, 229.

Zapata, MS. Hist, of Tlaxcalla, 162 \
Cronica de Tlaxcallan, 164.

Zapotecs, 146, 149.

Zaragoza, Justo, 167, 444.

Zarate, Augustin de, Prov. del Peruy
261.

Zavala, L. de, on Uxmal, 186.

Zayi, ruins, 188.

Zegarra, G. P., Ollantay, 281,282.

Zegarra, Pedro, 281 ; Ollantay, 425.

Zeisberger, David, missionary, 423 ;
Indian Dictionary, 423 ; on a Dela-
ware grammar, 437.

Zeitschrift fur die Anthropologic r

443-

Zeitschrift fiir physische Aerzte, 443.

Zeller, Gesch. der Griech. Philosophic,
36.

Zeni, brothers, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxvi;
northern voyage, 72, in; bibliog.,
115 ; Dei Commentarii del Viaggio,
73 : fac-simile of title, etc., 70, 71 ;
their map perhaps used by Bordone,
73; it made an impression, 74, 128;
history of the belief in their voyage,
in; the map, in, 112, 114; fac-
simile of, 11,127; altered in Ptoiemy,
in, 114; fac-similes of this altera-
tion, m, 128; maps possibly to be
used by the young Zeno, 114, 126;
map compared with that of Olaus
Magnus, 126; condition of northern
cartography at the date of the Zeno
publication, 126, 127.

Zerffi, Hist, development of art, 416.

Zestermann, C. A. A., Colonization of
A merica, 60, 83.

Ziegler, A merica, xxxiii, 125.

Zoana Mela, 122.

Zorzi, Pcesi Nov., xix.

Zumarraga, Bp., orders a collection of
traditions, 164; Hist, de los Mexi-
canos, 164; Codex Zumdrragay
164 ; his alleged destruction of MSS.,
203.

Zuni, representatives of the cliff dwell-
ers, 395 ; references on, 396 ; visits
to, 396.

Zurita, A. de, on the Quiches, 168 '>
Rapport, 153; character of, 153.

Zurla, Cardinal, on the Zeni, 112 ; Dis-
sertazione, 112; Di Marco Polo, 47,
1 12 ; Fra Mauro, 47.

Zutigils, 152.

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