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Exploits and Adventures as a Loyalist of North Carolina in the 

American Revolution, supplying important omissions in 

the copy published in the United States. 

With an Introduction and Notes by 

A. W. SAVARY, M. A. 

Member of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, and Corresponding 

IViembei of the New York Genealogical and Biographical 

Society; author of the Savary Genealogy 

and the Calnek-Savary Hictcry 

of the County of 


Reprinted from The Canadian Magazine 
Toronto, 190S 

Copyright, Canada, 19o;, by a. W. Savary. 


(From the manuscript, adapted to paging of this edition.) 


The Narrative of David Fanning 9 

Major Robinson took the command 9 

The first time my being taken , lo 

My going to the Indians lo 

John York in East Florida n 

Colo. Mills taken 12 

Gilliam took me 12 

My wounds dressed 13 

Treaty with the rebel, Colo. Williams 13 

The reduction of Charleston 14 

Colo. Innis' Engagement in South Carolina 14 

Went to Deep River, North Carolina 14 

Col. Hamilton's advertisement rs 

A skirmish with Duck 15 

Joined Lord Cornwallis 15 

A skirmish with Capt. John Hinds 16 

The Three Skirmishes 16 

The Skirmish with Collier and Balfour 16 

My appointment from J. H. Craigg 17 

A copy of the commission, I gave i? 

The names of the different Officer* 18 

Chatham taken 19 

The Regulations of the Loyalists 19 

The oath to the Loyalists 20 

Engagement with Col. Alston 21 

Copy of a parole 21 

Major Cage's letter 22 

Col. Slingsby wounded 22 

The Engagement with Wade 23 

McDougald and McNeal join me 23 

My advertisement 23 

Hillsborough taken, (Gov. taken prisoner) 24 

Colo. McNeal killed, and myself wounded 24 

Skirmish with O Neal 24 

J. H. Craigg's letter 25 

Colo. Edmund Fanning's letter 25 

Colo. McDougal's list of Ofl&cers 25 

Colo. McNeal's do do 26 

The Volunteers from Wilmington 26 

Different skirmishes with Rutherford's men 26 

Rebel proclamation 27 

& Col. Isaacs from the mountains 27 

Skirmishes with the Rebels 27 

Golstons's House burnt and two Rebels killed 28 

l^DEX— Continued 


Terms required by me of the Rebels 28 

Williams' a nswer 28 

Ramsey's Letters 29 

Williams, Burns, & Clarke's letter 29 

Capt. Linley murdered, and two men banged for it 30 

Col. Alston came to me 30 

My articles presented again 30 

General Butler's letter 31 

Walker, and Currie's skirmishes with the Rebels 31 

Balfour killed 32 

Bryan killed 32 

Rebel Commisary hanged 32 

Capt. Williams from Gov'r. to me 32 

Griffith's Letter 33 

Rosur and Goldston's letters 33 

Capt. Dugin's and Guin's letter 33 

The answer from the Assembly 33 

Myself married, and Capt. Hooker killed 34 

The forged letters 35 

My answer in Major Rains' name 35 

My riding Mare taken 36 

Hunter's and Williams' letter 36 

My arrival in Charleston 36 

The names of the gentlemen Committee in Charleston 37 

Rebel proclamation 37 

Embarked for East Florida 38 

Major Devoice's Articles 38 

A certificate of my Services signed by officers in East Florida 39 

An estimate of my property 40 

King's Speech 40 

My speech to the inhabitants 42 

Myself and others set out for East Florida 43 

My arrival at New Providence 46 

Col. Hamilton's Letter 4^ 

My Memorial to the Commissioners 46 

Lieut. Colo. McKay's letters 47 

Commissioners' certificate • 48 

Memorial for half pay to Sir George Young 48 

My letter to George Randal 49 

The Rebel Act of oblivion 5° 

The Narrative of Col. Fanning 

Introduction by A. W. SAVARY 

^"^ North Carolina, was one of the 

most remarkable characters developed 
by the American Revolution. His own 
narrative of his sufferings, exploits, mar- 
vellous adventures and hairbreadth es- 
capes during the war has for years past 
been an object of quest by writers and 
students of American and Colonial his- 
tory, especially in the Maritime Provinces. 
It was not until quite lately that I suc- 
ceeded in tracing and getting temporary 
possession of the manuscript, and to my 
surprise afterwards discovered that it 
had been printed — first at Richmond, 
Virginia, in 1861, "in the first year of 
the Independence of the Confederate 
States of America," in an edition of fifty 
copies "for private distribution only," 
with a preface signed "T.H.W." and an 
introduction by John H. Wheeler, author 
of a History of North Carolina, and 
that it was reprinted in New York in 
1864 in an edition of 200. The fact of 
these pubHcations is not generally known 
to American, and still less known to 
Canadian, readers of to-day. Neither 
the first copy nor the reprint is entire 
or quite faithful to the original, and 
both are out of print, and a complete 
and true copy will, I am sure, be valued 
both in Canada and the United States. 
Not only are the incidents related of 
thrilling niterest, but the narrative is a 
self-vindication of one whom American 
writers of every grade have agreed in 

execrating as the very incarnation of 
wickedness and ferocity. It was not 
until about the middle of the last century 
that the American public awoke to the 
fact that there could have been any 
patriotism or public or private virtue in 
the breast of any one who espoused the 
loyal side in the American Revolution. 
It was the melancholy fate of a Loyalist 
to be written down a villain before the 
eyes of posterity; and it has been labor- 
ious and difficult to uncover and bring 
to light the real characters of many wor- 
thy men from under the vast load of 
obloquy with which American writers 
had overwhelmed them. As an American 
litterateur of note once remarked to me, 
Sabine's "American Loyalists" was a 
"revelation" to the American people, 
who had never before known that there 
could possibly be two sides to the ques- 
tion. "Here then rests a Tory, and you 
say, judge, that he was a good man," 
exclaimed Sabine himself in surprise, 
when the grave of the Rev. Roger Viets was 
pointed out to him in Digby. Sabine, 
no doubt, was as impartial as he dared 
be in view of the public to which he was 
catering, and he ventured to record and 
condemn many of the violent excesses 
of the Whigs, but often fails to connect 
cause and effect in relating the reprisals 
on the part of outraged Loyalists which 
those excesses naturally provoked, and 
he enters no extenuating plea for Fan- 
ning, while as to Moody, whose similar 



narrative in full the reader will find in 
the "History of Annapolis," and who 
was pursued in his own State by the 
same vindictive hatred that followed 
Fanning in his, he difl'idcntly concludes 
that "evidence is wanting to show that 
he violated to a serious extent the rules 
of civilised warfare." Both these men 
desired to remain at peace, but like 
many and many another similarly in- 
clined were driven into the war by the 
homicidal or predatory violence of their 
rebel neighbours. As the numerous 
town histories of New England show, 
it was the function of the "Committee 
of Correspondence and Safety," organ- 
ised as a sort of Inquisition in every 
township, to visit every man in the town- 
ship and compel him to sign or refuse 
to sign a pledge to support the Contin- 
ental cause with his life and property. 
Any who declined from conscientious 
religious scruples, as a Quaker, might 
be excused, and such was the number 
who sought immunity under this plea 
that the Reverend Jacob Bailey* wrote 
that he expected that at the close of the 
war, if the result should be favourable 
to the British cause, the Society of Friends 
would be found to have ver>' largely 
increased. Those, however, who re- 
fused on any other ground were sub- 
jected to treatment in contrast to which 
the modern boycott were mercy itself. 
The cases of Moody, Budd.f Fanning 
and Thomas Brown, are only examples 
of an immense number whose story 
never has been and now never can be 
told. Tarring and feathering a neutral, 
or a "Tor}'," and carrj'ing him astride 
a fence-rail, was a favourite pastime of 
"patriots" all over the country. Be- 
sides, pending the achievement of 
their independence, the various State 
governments assumed the prerogatives 
of recognised nations in respect to the 
crimen lasa. majestatis, and tried and 
executed as rebels against the State those 
who refused to be rebels against their 
king. Men who were unwilling to join 

♦Manuscript letters of Rev. Jacob Bailey, 
Loyalist Rector of Annapolis. See "A 
Frontier Missionary." Boston: Ide & But- 
ton, 1853. 

fHistory of Annapolis, p. 430. 

in subverting by force the government 
de jure, were thus held guilty and made 
pay the fatal penally of treason against 
the usurped government de facto. Two 
instances unrecorded in history come 
readily to my mind as I write: A brother 
of the father of the Honourable James 
W. Johnstone, the eminent Nova Scotian 
statesman and jurist, a mere boy, was 
so put to death in Georgia,* and one 
Hutchinson, son of the second wife of 
the Rev. John Wiswall, loyalist Rector 
of Aylesford and W'ilmot, N.S., was 
hanged by the rebels when attempting 
to visit his parents. f The^je two cases 
are not mentioned by Sabine, and his 
book abounds in such. "Proscribed 
and banished" is the sentence he con- 
tinually records, and the banishment 
was usually on pain of death. J Impar- 
tial historians cannot but put down 
these deeds as "cold-blooded murder," 
to use the exact term applied to Fan- 
ning's acts in the preface before me. 

Nor does Sabine deal much more 
justly with the memory of Col. Edmund 
Fanning and Richard Lippincott, known 
in this country after the Revolution as 
most worthy and estimable as well as 
able men, and as late as 1879, on the 
occasion of the bi-centennial celebration 
of Rochester, Mass., one of the orators 
of the day branded with shame the 
memory of General Timothy Ruggles, 
a native of the town, whose talents and 
virtues would probably have made him 
President, perhaps the first President of 
the United States, as he had been of 
the first Congress of the disaffected col- 
onies, if his conscience and judgment 
could have permitted him to espouse 
what proved to be the winning side. 
He fell, politically, in a lost, although an 
honourable and chivalrous, cause. Bui 
more recent American writers have been 
fairer than Sabine, and more courag- 
eous, and many of them are now treat- 

♦Recollections of a Georgia Loyalist, edited 
by Rev. A. W. H. Eaton, New York, 1901. 

tMS. Letters of Rev. Jacob Bailey. 

JThree ladies of social distinction were 
attainted of high treason by the Legislature 
of New York, and banished on pain of death 
the only instance where women were so 
treated in the history of the English people 


ing the events of the American Revo- declares that the narrative "from its 
lution, and the characters and motives minuteness of detail and accuracy of 
of its actors, in a judicial spirit. Doctor dates (which have been compared with 
Hosmer, in his life of Governor Hutch- reliable authorities) may be depended 
inson, does full justice to his worthy and on as a truthful record," and quotes the 
distinguished subject, but we are sur- testimony of the historian Bancroft to 
prised that he justifies the expulsion its "authenticity, fidelity and value." 
of the Loyalists, not apprehending that But the author of the preface starts 
the same spirit of chivalrous and relig- with an error as to Fanning's birth-place, 
ious fidelity that marked their dutiful which he says was in Johnston County, 
allegiance to the old government would North Carohna, whereas Fanning de- 
have been transferred to the new, once clares in his will that he was the son of 
the terrible struggle in which they had David Fanning, and was born at Beech 
fought and lost was over; and that the Swamp, in Amelia County, Virginia, 
ability and patriotism of their leaders where his father left a considerable 
would have been of immense value in estate of which he was "the rightful 
helping to overcome, instead of, as he heir," and which he still hoped at that 
suggests, promoting or accentuating the date (1825) that his family might re- 
initial difficulties and troubles that un- cover, although he had evidently given 
avoidably beset the new republic. Syd- up, as irretrievably lost, his former pos- 
ney George Fisher, with obvious pro- sessions in North Carolina. The hope 
priety, entitles his most valuable book, of recovering his Virginia property, it 
which has been very recently published, is clear, led him to refuse* to allow his 
"A true History of the American Revo- narrative to be published, lest it should 
lution." He faithfully exposes and ac- weaken his claim in that regard. Other 
counts for the suppression and distor- statements of the writer of the preface 
tions of the truth by the earlier writers, respecting Fanning's boyhood and phy- 
but entirely misunderstands the modern sical idiosyncrasies, given as "princi- 
colonial policy of England, and traduces pally traditionary," such as his being 
her conduct of the Boer war. A perusal afHicted with "scald head," and unfit 
of his book is absolutely necessary to to sit at table with his fellows or to sleep 
a fair understanding of the facts of the in a bed, and designed to stigmatise him 
revolutionary period. as a degraded character, belonging to 
In Fanning's original manuscript the ^he dregs of society, are evidently un- 
chirography is excellent, but there is reliable, and of doubtful good faith, 
little or no punctuation, and the orthog- He speaks of the "self-satisfaction" 
raphy and too free use of initial capitals ^^'ith which, after relating his "cold- 
is perhaps a little more irregular than blooded murder of his neighbours and 
was common in those days, and these fellow-citizens," he applies to himself at 
errors are aggravated and a distorted the close of his "Address to the Reader," 
punctuation introduced in the printed the words of the Psalmist: "Mark the 
edition. In fact, there is reason to sus- perfect man and behold the upright, for 
pect that the Richmond editor tried to ^^^ ^nd of that man is peace." But 
make Fanning appear a more illiterate ^^^^ ^^^^ is not in Fanning's handwriting, 
man than he really was.* It is better, ^^^ ^^'^^ ^'^ doubt written there after 
I think, that all these eccentricities ^^^ death by his widow or son. As to 
should be rectified in the present re- ^^^ alleged "cold-blooded murder" it 
print, as manuscripts of that period are ^''^^ .^e seen that in every case Fanning 
usually so dealt with in these days. It specifically mentions the offence which 
is satisfactory to note that Mr. Wheeler ^^^ victim was condemned to expiate, 
— — . alwavs the cold-blooded murder bv the 

H *w-'°'*^'''^'=- ?^^^'^°'''^^T"'^"'^?"^^' victim himself, singly or with others, 

derivatives are always spelled correctly in ' -^ ■' ' 

the manuscript, and always persue in the *A letter from him, dated in 1S22, printed 

printed copy, but I have changed was to were in Mr. Wheeler's introduction, points to-this 

in many place . conclusion. 



of one of Fanning's men or some other 
Lovalist. For instance, we find in his 
index : " Col. Lindley murdered and 
two men hanged for it." I will itali- 
cise this and several other instances in 
the narrative. I refer also to Fanning's 
account of the barbarous treatment by 
the insurgents of his companion, Thomas 
Brown, whose terrible reprisals on his 
persecutors are fully related by Sabine. 
Mr. Wheeler has not a word of condem- 
nation for these atrocities; they do not 
shock him in the least; while the deeds 
of their avenger excite in him the most 
intense horror. He says in his copious 
and doubtless locally valuable biograph- 
ical notes that Col. Balfour was 
"cruelly murdered" by Fanning, al- 
though he had read in the narrative 
that in a previous negotiation as to the 
terms of a proposed peace between 
the contending factions, Balfour had 
laid it down that there was "no resting 
place for a Tory's foot on the earth," 
showing that a cessation of hostilities could 
only be secured by Fanning's surrender 
and execution. The conflict, therefore, 
was renewed with more desperate and 
fatal furv, and seeing that certain death 
awaited him at Balfour's hands in the 
event of his capture, it is hardly to be 
wondered at that at their next encounter 
Fanning should try to get in the first 
shot, or should seek the first opportunity 
of slaying his intended slayer. 

I conclude that Fanning has been 
grievously maligned by American writ- 
ers, who have been unable to view his 
career v.ith other than the jaundiced 
eyes of the partisan. If he had done 
just what he did in the American in- 
stead of the loyal cause, he would have 
been acclaimed as one of the bravest and 
best of their heroes. Mr. Wheeler says: 
"Had the daring, desperate temper of 
Fanning been elevated by education, 
chastened by religious influences, and 
directed in proper and patriotic channels, 
his name might have been associated 
with that of the Marions and Waynes 
of the eventful epoch in which he was 
notorious." To this I would say that 
if he had fought on the revolutionary 
instead of on the loyal side, IMr. Wheeler 
ancf every other American writer would 

have described him as a man whose 
"daring, desperate temper" was emi- 
nently "elevated by education," and 
"chastened by religious influences," as 
well as "directed in proper and patriotic 
channels," and truly illustrious among 
the Waynes and Marions of that event- 
ful epoch. His enemies' reports of his 
character and conduct probably influ- 
enced the British government, by whom 
he was not treated with the same gener- 
osity as others who had done and sufi'ered 
less. Mob violence and outrages on 
person and property began* with the 
insurgents; wrong begets wrong, and 
Fanning, resolute, daring and resource- 
ful, fought his enemies with their own 
methods, the only methods available 
to him in a war that set family against 
family, and neighbour against neighbour, 
and was waged by small, irresponsible 
bands all through the Province, over 
which a reign of terror, appalling to con- 
template, made wreck of the humane 
sentiments that cast a glamour over the 
operations of regular warfare between 
Christian' nations. As each petty leader, 
fired with party rage or thirsting for re- 
venge, gained a temporary advantage 
over his opponents, 

Hope withering fled and mercy sighed 

He was animated by a chivalrous loyalty 
to his lawful sovereign, and the idea of a 
"united Empire," at least as disinterested 
and quite as commendable as the similar 
sentiments which fired the breast of the 
most faithful soldier of the Union who 
fought in the great American Civil War, 
and he was patriotically devoted to the 
interests of his country as he saw them. 

The author of the preface asserts that 
the people of the Southern States, "ere 
the actors in the old struggle had all 
passed away, ^^•ere obliged to again draw 

*It was not till after this paper was written 
• hat I found a complete confirmation of these 
conclusions in another fair and impartial 
American book recently published. Van 
Tyne, in his "Loyalists' of the American 
Revolution," p. 184, says that the hanging of 
five Loyalist prisoners of war by the rebels, 
in North Carolina, led to reprisals which were 
continued in that region through the war, 
clearly referring to the events recorded by 


the sword to protect their homes and 
firesides from an oppressor (the North), 
who attempted to impose on them burdens 
more odious than those they refused to 
bear from that nation to which they 
owed their existence as a people"; that 
the "mad efforts" of the North to subdue 
the South had "brought about the re- 
enacting of scenes such as disclosed by 
our veracious chronicler"; scenes, "at 
the recital of which decency revolts, and 
before the perpetrators of them even the 
Tories of the first revolutionary war might 
'hide their diminished heads'." Ameri- 
cans of the present day will consider him 
as wrong in these extravagant pronounce- 
ments as we consider him in his estimate 
of Fanning. 

Sabine, who, strange to say, knew 
nothing of this narrative, says that Fan- 
ning's correspondence (although where 
and how he got access to it is hard to 
conjecture, and he could have seen but 
little of it) affords "ample evidence" that 
he was "often involved in quarrels with 
his neighbours," which is scarcely com- 
patible with the fact that he was chosen 
three times to represent them in the 
Provincial Parliament, in which he sat as 
member for Queen> County from 1791 
to January 27th, 1801. His will, how- 
ever, dated at Digby, March loth, 1825, 
four davs before his death, shows him to 
have had at that time some difference with 
Elkanah jNIorton, the Judge of Probate, 
a widely known and esteemed* but some- 
what punctilious and stern magistrate 
and official, for he expresses a wish that 
he should have nothing to do with the 
probating of the will, but that some 
other judge should deal with it. 

A sad and most extraordinary episode 
put an untimely end to his career in the 
legislature, by calling for the vacation of 
his seat, he being the only member of a 
British colonial legislature ever so 
affected. A black woman of bad repute, 
known as Sail London, charged him with 
an offence for which at that day there was 
no alternative but the death penalty. To 
the astonishment of the public he was 
convicted on her unsupported evidence, 
but the judgment was promptly nullified 
by the Governor of the Province, who was 

*S€e History of Annapolis, page 426. 

convinced that he had been falsely accused 
and wrongly convicted, and did all he 
could in such a case by exercising the 
"royal prerogative" in his favour. After 
this he* removed to Digby, Nova Scotia, 
near which he lived on a farm at the base 
of the picturesque mountain that lifts its 
lofty head between the town and the 
strait on the old road to Point Prim 
Lighthouse. Here still nestles cosily the 
old farmhouse in which he restfully passed 
the declining years of his chequered life, 
and here lived his son, Ross Currie Carr 
Fanning, when the writer knew him from 
the early sixties of the last century till 
his death. 

In New Brunswick his name is per- 
petuated in a stream known as Fanning's 
Brook, forming part of the boundary line 
between Kings and Queens Counties on 
the west side of the River St. John. On 
this stream he built a mill, part of the 
dam of which still exists, and the cellar 
of his house can be seen about half a 
mile distant. f In his will, besides the 
mention of his inheritance in Georgia, 
he spoke of the claim his family had on 
the generosity of the British Government, 
but although that Government granted a 
pension to Moody's widow, nothing was 
ever done for the widow or children of 

In the cemetery of Holy Trinity Church, 
Digby, is a stone with the following in- 

In memory of 

Col. David Fanning. 

who departed this life 

March 14th, 1825, 

in the 

seventieth year of his age 

Humane, affable, gentle and kind; 
A plain, honest, open, moral mind; 
He lived to die, in God he put his trust, 
To rise triumphant with the just. 

On another stone near by, evidently 
erected by himself, is the following 
epitaph, curious for its "minuteness of 
detail": In memory of David William, 
son of David and Sarah Fanning, who 

*Not in 1790, as Wilson in his History of 
Digby says, nor in 1799, as stated by Sabine. 

fFor the facts mentioned in the preceding 
paragraph the writer is indebted to Dr. 
Hannay, the able historian and archaeologist 
of New Brunswick. 



died July 15, iSio, aged 16 years, 11 
months, and i day, and 11 hours and 37 

He left a daughter, Fercbec, who mar- 
ried first Simeon Smalle, of Maine; 
second, Peter Hanselpiker of a New 
York Dutch Loyalist family, and left 
issue. His only surviving son, Ross C. 
C. Fanning, lived and died on the paternal 
homestead, where he conducted the farm 
and operated a carding mill. He it was 
who permitted Mr. Porter C. Bliss, on 
behalf of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, to copy the manuscript, probably 
not long after his father's death. It is to be 
hoped he never saw the printed version 
with its "Introduction" and "Preface." 
He was a burly looking man with a some- 
what austere aspect, and long a much 
respected and efficient Justice of the 
Peace. In the General Sessions of the 
Peace, which formerly regulated municipal 
affairs, he was recognised as a man of 
good judgment but of very determined 
will. He was born May 30, 1791, mar- 
ried Sarah Woodman of Digby, and died 
Sept. 8, 187 1, leaving an estate of 
about $20,000 to be divided among five 
daughters. Mr. Wheeler states that Rev. 
E. W. Carruthers, D.D., in a work 
entitled "Incidents and Sketches of 
Character, Chietly in the Old North State," 
1854, has devoted more than 150 pages 
to the life and character of Fanning, and 
quotes Dr. Carruthers as saying that this 
son was a Ruling Elder in the Church. 
But he was a member of the Church of 
England until about ten years before he 
died, when he united himself to the 
Methodist Society, in neither of which 

Churches is there such an ofhce as 
Rilling Elder* 

I propose to omit the "Address to the 
Reader" and the instructions to the 
printer at the end, and to insert all that 
was omitted by Mr. Wheeler, including 
the adventurous escape to Florida and 
the West Indies, and the proclamation of 
amnesty or "Act of Pardon and Oblivion 
of the State of North Carolina," the latter 
to show how limited and illiberal was its 

*The Rev. A. M. Hill, in a little book, 
"Chapters in the History of Digby," professes 
in a humorous vein to give the reason for 
this change of religion. Under the heading, 
"How Ross Currie became a Methodist," he 
says that Mr. Currie was "a perfect picture 
of a prosperous, contented farmer," but "not 
the gentlest of mortals or the meekest of men, 
for the law of heredity had made him obstin- 
ate, dogmatic and strong-willed." He was 
the owner of a pew in Trinity Church. It 
came to pass that the ladies "considered that 
more of the Earth's surface should be covered 
by them," and adopted hoop skirts. They 
got along with them tolerably well in the 
streets by "in extreme cases making detours, 
or describing a series of semi-circles" in meet- 
ing each other. The projection of some of 
the pews into the aisles, among them Mr. 
Currie's, "affected the graceful carriage of 
the fair dames," and threatened the crushing 
and destruction of the cherished garment. 
Appealed to to allow a part of his capacious 
and comfortable pew to be cut away, Mr. 
Currie indignantly refused, and when "some 
of the Wardens, probably henpecked hus- 
bands, armed with a saw, accomplished the 
work of demolition," Mr. Currie "renounced 
all connection with the Episcopal Church, 
consigned the thirty-nine articles to oblivion, 
forgot in his wrath Apostolic Succession, and 
became an ardent disciple of Wesley. Styles, 
fashions, hoops and skirts had carried the 
day in Trinity." 

Annapolis Royal. N.S. 
June 10, I 90S 

The Narrative of Col. Fanning 

/^OL. THOMAS FLETCHALL, of Captains' companies, and continued for 

^^ Fairforest, ordered the different Cap- several days under arms, and then both 

tains to call musters, and present two parties were determined on this condition, 

papers for the inhabitants to sign. One that neither party should intercept each 

was to see who were friends to the King other. This continued for some time, 

and Government, and the other was to see until the rebels had taken Thomas Brown, 

who would join the rebellion. who after that had the honour to be 

The first day of May, Capt. James Colonel of the regiment of the East 

Lindley, of Raebern's Creek, sent to me, Florida Rangers, at Augusta, burnt his 

as I was a Sergeant of the said company, feet, tarred and feathered him, and cut off 

to have his company warned to meet at his hair. After he got so he was able to 

his house 15th of said month. I did sit on horseback, he came to our post, and 

accordingly, and he presenting the two the rebels then began to embody again, 

papers there were 118 men signed in Col. Fletchall found a large camp, and 

favour of the King, also declared to de- marched from Liberty Springs to Mill 

fend the same, at the risk of lives and Creek on our way towards Ninety-Six. 

property. Twelve miles from Ninety-Six the rebels 

In July, 1775, there were several found that they were not strong enough 

advertisements set up in every part for us, and sent an express to Col. Fletchall 

of the said district, that there was a to come and treat with them, which said 

very good Presbyterian minister to call at Fletchall did. But the terms of their 

the different places to preach and baptise treatment I don't know. We were all 

children. dismissed until further orders. In a 

But at the time appointed, instead of short time after, the rebels took Capt. 

meeting a minister we all went to meet Robert Cunningham and carried him off 

two Jews by name of Silvedoor and to Charlestown. Our party was then 

Rapely, who, after making many speeches informed of his being taken off in the 

in favour of the rebellion, and using all night time, and by making inquiry after 

their endeavours to delude the people him, we got information of a large quantity 

away, at last presented revolution papers of ammunition that was there, on its way 

to see who would sign them; they were to the Cherochee Nation, for Capt. 

severely reprimanded by Henry O'Neal Richard Paris to bring the Indians down 

and many others. It came so high, that into the settlement, where the friends of 

they had much ado to get off with their the Government lived, to murder all they 

lives. The rebels then found that we could. We intercepted the ammunition 

were fully determined to oppose them, and took Capt. R. Paris, who swore to 

They began to embody in the last of said these facts. We then formed a large 

month; to compel all to join them, or to camp, and Col. Fletchall, being so heavy, 

take away our arms. Our officers got he gave up the command to Major Joseph 

word of their intentions. I then got Robinson. 

orders from the Captain to warn the In the month of November, 1775, the 

militia to assemble themselves at Hugh South Carolina Militia, of which I was 

O'Neal's mill; which was done by several at that time Sergeant, under the com- 




mand of Major Joseph Robinson, laid 
siege to a fi^t, erected by the rebels 
at Ninety-Six, commanded by Col. Mason; 
which continued for the space of three 
days and three nights — at the expiration 
of which time the rebels were forced to 
surrender, and give up the fort and 
artillery. Major Robinson then ordered 
the militia to the north side of Saluda 
River, and discharged them for eighteen 
days. Afterwards orders were issued for 
all Captains to collect their respective 
companies at Hcndrick's Mill, about 
twenty miles from Ninety-Six; the rebels 
having received intelligence of our in- 
tended motion, they immediately marched 
before us and took possession of the 
ground, which prevented our assembling 
there. But about 300 of our men met at 
Little River and marched thence to Reedy 
River, and encamped at the Big Cane 
Break for several days. The rebels being 
informed of our situation, marched un- 
expectedly upon us, and made prisoners 
of 130 of our men; the remainder lied into 
the woods and continued there with the 
Cherochee Indians until the iSth January, 
1776, when I was made a prisoner by a 
partv of rebels commanded by a Capt. 
John Burns, who after detaining mc four 
days and repeatedly urging me to take 
the oath of allegiance to the United States, 
stripped me of everything, and made me 
give security for my future good behaviour, 
by which means I got clear. On the loth 
of May, 1776, hearing the rebels had 
issued a proclamation to all the friends of 
Government, offering them pardon and 
protection provided they would return to 
their respective habitations and remain 
neutral, induced me to return to my home, 
where I arrived on the 15th of June. 

On the 20th, the rebels being appre- 
hensive of the Cherochee Indians breaking 
out, dispatched several of their emissaries 
among the Loyalists to discover their 
intentions, one of which was Capt. Ritchie, 
who came to me and told me he was a 
friend to Government, and some time 
before left the Indian Nation, and then 
v.-anted a pilot to conduct him to the 
Indian Nation again. I agreed to con- 
duct him to any part of the countr}'' he 
wanted to go to, provided he would keep 

it secret. This he promised to do. But 
immediately he went and lodged informa- 
tion against me, and swore that I then had 
a company of men ready, in order to join 
the Indians. In consequence of this, I 
was made prisoner again, on the 25th, 
by a Capt. John Rogers, and thrown into 
close confinement with three sentinels 
over me. On the ist of July, the Indians 
came down into the back country of South 
Carolina and killed several families, at 
which time, the rebel camp being in great 
confusion, I made my escape, and went to 
my own lu)use at Raebern's Creek; but 
finding a number of my friends had 
already gone to the Indians, and more 
disposed so for to do, I got twenty-five 
men to join me, and on our arrival at 
Parisher's plantation, on Reedy River, 
in the Indian land, we formed a junction 
with the Indians. On the 15th inst., in the 
evening, the militia and the Cherochees 
to amount of 260 surrounded the fort 
built with logs, containing 450 of the 
rebels, and after a smart fire on both sides 
for two hours and a half, we retreated 
without any injury except one of the 
Indian Chiefs being shot through the 
hand. I then left the Indians and pur- 
sued my way to North Carolina, where 
on my arrival, I was taken up again and 
close confined, but was rescued by my 
friends three different times, after which I 
made my escape good. I then endeavour- 
ed to go home again, and after experienc- 
ing numberless hardships in the woods, 
I arrived the loth of March. 1777, at 
Raebern's Creek, South Carolina. 

I was made prisoner again on the nth, 
by a Capt. Smith, bound hand and foot, 
and carried under guard towards Ninety- 
Six gaol; after marching twelve miles, 
the company halted for the evening, and 
watching an opportunity I cut the ropes 
I was bound with and stripped myself 
when the guard was asleep; I threw 
myself out of the window and returned 
back to Raebern's Creek by a different 
way from that which they had carried me 
prisoner. I was obliged now to secrete 
myself in the woods, and was supplied 
with provisions by some Quakers and 
other Loyalists in the neighbourhood. 

A company of Loyalists, of which I was 



one, was then raised by a Richard Parish, 
and it was determined to go to Mobile 
and join the British army, but one of the 
company proving treacherous, gave in- 
formation to the rebels, who raised a body 
of troops to suppress us. They took me, 
with five more prisoners, and carried us 
to Ninety-Six gaol on the 5th August, 
1777. Captain Parish escaped with some 
Loyalists belonging to the company, and 
made his way good to the British army at 
Mobile, in West Florida. Myself, with 
five others who were taken, remained 
in close confinement until November 
f oUowing, and we were tried for our lives 
on a charge of high treason for rising in 
arms against the United States of America, 
but were acquitted and went home. The 
fees and expenses of my confinement 
amounted to £300, Virginia money, 
allowing dollars at six shillings each, 
which I paid, and was then ordered back 
to the gaol for the rent of the room. 

On the ist of March, 1778, Capt. John 
York, of East Florida, received orders 
from the Commander-in-Chief for the 
Loyal jMilitia of Georgia and South 
Carolina to assemble themselves. Ac- 
cordingly, they were embodied. The 
majority of the peopjle chose me their 
commanding officer. We took a number 
of prisoners, furnished ourselves with 
horses, and marched to Savannah River 
on the borders of Georgia (two miles 
above Augusta). Capt. York, who was 
our pilot, then got discouraged, and would 
not suffer any of the militia to proceed 
with him back to East Florida except 
three men; we were then under the 
necessity of returning home, upwards 
of one hundred miles, through the rebel 
country, and betake ourselves to the 
woods as formerly. During our retreat 
we were pursued by three hundred of the 
rebels, but we got back home to Raebern's 
Creek safe. When the rebels found we 
were returned, they raised a bodv of men 
to take us, and for the space of three 
months kept so constant a look-out that 
we were obliged to stay in the woods; six 
weeks of which time I never saw a man, 
except Samuel Brown (who was after- 
wards killed at Tigo River), who shared 
my sufferings, and we lived entirely. 

without either bread or salt, upon what 
we killed in the wilderness. We deter- 
mined, let the consequences be what they 
would, to proceed to the settlement of 
Green River, North Carolina, where we 
rested ourselves at a friend's house about 
a week. Here we parted. I then pro- 
ceeded to Tigo River, where I arrived 
safe on the ist of June, 1778. Myself and 
one Samuel Smith now associated and 
were taken by a company of rebels, com- 
manded by a Capt. Going. We made our 
escape the second night by bribing the 
sentinel, and parted company. I met 
with one of the horses belonging to the 
rebels, about a mile from the house I had 
escaped from, and mounted him. They 
pursued me through the woods by the 
horse's tracks upwards of seventy miles, 
and came to Raebern's Creek where I 
lived. They were anxious to recover their 
horse from me, and promised to return one 
of four they had taken from me if I would 
deliver up the said horse. This being 
agreed upon, I went with them to receive 
my own horse back again; when we had 
advanced thirty miles we came near to 
where a rebel fort was. I desired them to 
go a little out of the way and avoid it, 
which they had promised to do before we 
proceeded on our journey. One of them 
laid hold of my horse's bridle and told me 
to surrender myself a prisoner, for they 
were determined to confine me in the fort 
or carry me to Ninety-Six gaol, about 
eighty mile? off. They said I v/as not 
in that damned tory country at that 
time. I therefore, after some conversa- 
tion, concluded to submit to be disarmed 
at the time, as they threatened blowing a 
ball through me every instant if I did not 
surrender, which I did. On my arrival 
at the fort I was stripped of my clothes 
and confined close till morning, when they 
tied mv legs under a horse's belly and took 
me before a magistrate to commit m.e to 
gaol. However, I was admitted to bail 
for my good behaviour. On my return 
to the people who took my horse and 
clothes, upon asking for them I w^as 
retaken before another magistrate, and 
committed to gaol under a strong guard. 
On my proceeding towards the gaol the 
guard was particularly careful about 



securing me; and in order to do it the 
more effectually, tied me with a rope to a 
stout fellow who was one of them. When 
I found him asleep I took the opportunity 
to cut myself loose with a knife (or rather 
with a pair of horse fleames) which was 
accidentally left lying in the road, and 
throwing myself out of the window made 
my escape, and took to the mountains for 
shelter. I continued there for some time, 
when Col. ]Mills of the Loyal Militia, on 
knowing where I was, proposed at several 
meetings we had, to raise a company, 
which we did, of 500 men, for the purpose 
of going to St. Augustine. One of the 
company proved faithless and gave in- 
formation to the rebels, who immediately 
embodied themselves and took Col. Mills 
prisoner with sixteen of the company, and 
carried them off to Salisbury gaol. My- 
self, with fourteen more, pursued about 
twenty miles with an intention of rescuing 
them, until we were in sight of Gilbert 
town where the rebels had a guard; and 
finding we could not effect our purpose 
at that time, our numbers being so small 
and theirs increasing, we returned back. 
The rebels pursued us all night, and in 
the morning we perceived them within shot 
of us. We tired upon them, which they 
returned, and continued skirmishing with 
them in the woods about an hour, when 
they retreated. WTiat injury we did 
them we could not tell; on our part we 
suffered no loss. Here our party separ- 
ated, and I made way for Holsten River, 
abo'it 140 miles through the woods. I 
had proceeded about forty miles on my 
way when I was met by three men, one of 
whom knew me. He came to me with 
seeming friendship, and on taking my 
hand called his companions to assist him 
in securing me, which they did, and made 
me a prisoner. They tied my hands 
behind my back, and feet to each other 
under the horse's belly, and took me 
to Ninet\'-Six gaol again, where I was 
closely confined for seventeen days. Dur- 
ing my confinement I got acquainted with 
a friend to Government, who lived there, 
by talking to him through the gates; he 
furnished me with two files and a knife, 
bv which means I cut throusrh the iron bars 
and escaped. I returned again to Rae- 

bern's Creek, and after remaining some 
time in the woods there I was advised by 
friends to make peace with Capt. Gillian, 
who commanded a company of rebels on 
the Indian lines. As I durst not be seen 
by any of the rebel party, I got one of my 
friends to go to him, desiring him to meet 
me alone at a particular place, and give 
him my word I would not injure him. 
We met accordingly, and passed our 
words not to disturb or injure each other. 
We continued our meetings in the woods, 
generally every day or two for the space 
of a month, until we were discovered by 
some of his company, who threatened to 
have him punished for treating with me. 
However, he still met me, now and then, 
and introduced a friend of his to me, 
who, he told me, I might depend upon. 
One day I observed an alteration in their 
behaviour, and asked them, when at some 
distance, if he meant to keep his word 
with me; he replied, "by all means." 
We were all on horseback, and I had my 
rifle across my saddle. When we were 
going to part, as I expected, he suddenly 
seized my ritle, and the man who was 
with him laid hold of my horse's bridle. 
He presented his rifle to my breast and 
told me I was his prisoner or a dead man. 
I was under the necessity to surrender, and 
they carried me again to my old quarters 
at Ninety-Six, where we arrived on the 
nth of October, 1778. I was stripped 
entirely naked, thrown into irons and 
chained to the floor, and remained in that 
situation until the 20th of December 
following, when I again made shift to get 
my irons off, and having sawed one of the 
grates some time before, I again escaped 
by means of a fellow-prisoner, who sup- 
plied me with some old clothes, of which 
I made a rope to let me down. I re- 
ceived a fall in getting down, but luckily 
did not hurt mvself. The gaoler heard 
me fall and presented a musket at me out 
of a window, but I avoided him. He 
alarmed the guard and they pursued me; 
but, however, I got clear off. I found 
myself much hurt by a fall I got in their 
chasing me. I got back to Raebern's 
Creek, but was taken in three days, and 
again introduced at Ninety-Six. I was 
chained and ironed as before, in the 



centre of a room thirty feet square, 
forty-five from the ground, the snow beat- 
ing in through the roof, with four grates 
open night and day. I remained in this 
state eleven days. I got my chains off in 
the night of the twelfth. The gaoler did 
not chain me down again, but I had 
still part of them remaining on one of my 
legs, which weighed seven pounds and 
three-quarters. I continued loose in gaol 
until the 13th of February, 1779, when I 
took a bar out of the window in the night, 
and pried one of the planks out of the floor 
of the room and thence went down stairs. 
I found the door fast secured, but I went 
to a breach I had formerly made in the 
back of the chimney, and got out, and 
one of my fellow-prisoners escaped with 
me, and we kept together for some time 
after. We found a number of horses 
grazing in a field belonging to a company 
of rebels, under the command of Capt. 
Farr, who had that night come into town. 
We mounted each of us one and rode 
off to Raebern's Creek. On our way, we 
stopped at a house, and furnished our- 
selves with a rifle and a pair of pistols; 
we also supplied ourselves with clothing. 
By this time the neighbourhood was 
alarmed, and the rebel militia sent in 
pursuit of us. They laid several ambus- 
cades, but without effect, and continued 
embodied for six months. But, however, 
I was so fortunate as to escape; but my 
companion was taken. The day after he 
was taken I was riding through a piece of 
timbered woods, when I discovered a 
party of men — they discovered me, and 
pursued on full speed for seven miles, but 
I was lucky enough to escape them, but 
my horse falling, threw me, and I unfor- 
tunately lost my rifle. An advertisement 
was then made public for apprehending 
me, and a reward of seventy silver dollars 
and 300 paper ones was offered as a 
reward to take me. This made me very 
cautious, notwithstanding which I was 
betrayed and fired upon by a party of 
rebels, in number sixteen; I received two 
bullets in my back, one of which is not 
extracted. I luckily kept my seat in the 
saddle and rode off. After proceeding 
about twelve miles I turned my horse 
into the woods, and remained there eight 

days, having no support but herbs, except 
three eggs, my wounds at this time being 
very troublesome and offensive for the 
want of dressing. I got my horse again 
and moved about twelve miles to a friend's 
house, where on my arrival I made a 
signal, which they knew, to acquaint them 
of my being alive, and a young girl of 
fourteen years old came to me; but when 
she came near enough to see me she was 
frightened so at the sight she ran off". I 
pursued after her on horseback, telling 
her w^ho I was. She said she knew it was 
me, but I was dead; that I was then a 
spirit. I was a long time before I could 
get her to come to me, I looked so much 
like a rack of nothing but skin and bones, 
and mv wounds had never been dressed 
and my clothes all bloody. ]My misery 
and situation was beyond explanation, and 
no friend in the world that I could depend 
upon. However, these people seeing me 
in that distressed situation, took the 
greatest care of me, and dressed my 
wounds. I then got assistance and sup- 
port, and my wounds dressed and taken 
good care of. My horse having been seen 
by some of the rebel party, they concluded 
I was not killed, and wrote several letters, 
which they gave one of my friends, offer- 
ing to treat with me, and advising me to 
surrender, threatening at the same time, 
in case I did not, to banish eight families 
of mv friends out of South Carolina. A 
limited time was given for my answer, but 
it had expired before I received the letters; 
in consequence of which their threats were 
put in execution, and the people's proper- 
ties were taken from them, and themselves 
confined. On the receipt of my letters 
the people were liberated, but their proper- 
ties were still detained. 

The second day after, I treated with the 
Colonel of the rebel militia, and had an 
express sent off to Gov. Rutledge at 
Charlestown. About a week after his 
answer came back with a conditional 
pardon, that which I had done should 
be forgotten, and that I should live quietly 
and peaceably at home, and be obliged to 
pilot parties through the woods as occa- 
sion might require. 

Before I accepted of these conditions 
I advised with my friends and company, 



who all approved of it, as it conduced 
both to their ease and safety. 

I remained at home a year and twelve 
days, and was repeatedly urged to accept 
of a company in the Continental service, 
which I always refused. 

After the reduction of Charlestowi. 
one William Cunningham and I con- 
cluded to embody a party of men, which 
we eflected. 

We determined to take Col. Williams 
of the rebel militia prisoner, and then to 
join Capt. Parish, who was to raise a 
company and assist us. Col. Williams 
got notice of it and pushed o£f, and though 
we got sight of him he escaped us. 

We now found ourselves growing 
strong, and numbers flocking daily to us. 
I then took the King's proclamations and 
distributed them through the country for 
upwards ' 'f a hundred miles. 

Capt. Parish had the command of the 
party and marched up to Ninety-Six, 
which he took possession of without 
firing a shot; where I found him again. 
The day after, we marched about twelve 
miles to Gen. Williamson's at Whitehall, 
who commanded a fort with fourteen 
swivels and two companies of provincial 
troops. On our approach he met us 
about three miles from the fort, attended 
by several officers, requesting that he 
might discharge the troops and have 
protection for himself and them. 

We granted him what he requested, 
and took possession of the fort and their 
arms which they piled up; after that they 
marched out of the garrison. 

Three days after that, Col. Pickins, 
with 300 men, marched in and laid down 
their arras. 

General Robert Cunningham of the 
Loval ^Militia now took the command, 
and formed a camp. 

We kept scouting parties through the 
country and had many skirmishes, but 
none of consequence. 

After the British-American troops had 
taken possession of Ninety-Six, I con- 
tinued scouting on the Indian lines until 
Col. Innis forwarded his march up to 
Musgrove's Mill, on the Innoree River. 
I then joi ed them w-ith a party of four- 
teen me\ 

The morning following the pickets were 
attacked by a party of rebels. Col. Innis 
ordered us to advance and support them, 
which we did, and followed them until 
we arrived where the main body lay in 
ambush, under the command of Col. 
Williams. Col. Innis was unfortunately 
wounded, with several other officers. 

We engaged them for some time, and 
then retreated about a mile and a quarter, 
where we encamped, and in the night 
marched off towards Ninety-Six, under 
the command of Capt. DePeyster, and 
the next murning I and my small party 
returned back to the Indian lines. We 
continued scouting on the lines for some 
time, until I met with Capt. Parish of the 
British-American South Carolina Regi- 
ment, who gave me a list of several 
soldiers that had permission to visit their 
friends in the country. On the return 
from Florida to Ninety-Six, I was desired 
by him to go to give them notice to join 
their regiments; and on this expedition I 
fell in with Major Furgesson's party, 
which was defeated five days afterwards. 
The rebels after that began to be numer- 
ous and troublesome; and little or no 
regulation amongst us, I made the best of 
my way to Deep River, North Carolina, 
where I remained until the month of 
February, 1781. 

I was, during this time, discovering the 
disposition of the people. Being informed 
that Lord Cornwallis was marching that 
way, I kept my intentions secret until I 
received certain accounts. I then caused 
this advertisement to be published, and 
used all my influence to get all the Loyal- 
ists to join me and defend ourselves when 
occasion might require. A true copy 
is here set forth: 

Any of his Majesty's loyal and faithful 
subjects, able and willing to serve in the 
Royal North Carolina Regiment commanded 
by Col. Hamilton, are hereby requested to 
repair to his encampment. The Bounty 
allowed for each man is three Guineas; and 
the terms of the engagement are that he shall 
serve during the relDellion and within the 
Provinces of North and South Carolina and 
Virginia onlv; that during his service he 
shall be entitled to clothing, pay, provisions, 
and all the advantages of his Majesty's 
Regular and Provincial Troops, and at the 



end of the rebellion, when he becomes dis- 
charged, of course, he is to receive as a reward 
for his services during the war a free grant of 
land agreeable to his Majesty's proclamation. 

Of his pursuing Gen. Greene as far as 
Hillsboro, this struck such a terror on the 
rebels and was so pleasing to us, that we 
immediately disarmed the disaffected, 
and embodied about 300 men under the 
command of Col. Pyles. He fell in with 
a party of rebels (Col. Lee's dragoons), 
and lost twenty men killed, besides the 
wounded that died afterwards. At this 
time I was with a small party at Deep 
River, where I took two rebel officers 
prisoners and several soldiers. I then 
directed my march to the place where I 
left Col. Pyles and came within a little 
distance of the dragoons that had cut him 
up, when I was informed of his misfor- 
tune by some of his party that had fled; 
we|the'n separated into small parties and 
took to the woods for some time. 

The day Lord Cornwallis defeated Gen. 
Greene at Guildford, I was surprised by a 
Captain Duck, with a company of rebels, 
where I sustained the loss of all our horses, 
and arms; we had one man killed on 
each side. 

The day following, myself and three 
more of the company furnished ourselves 
with arms, and pursued the rebels, who 
we discovered had parted and gone to 
their respective homes with their plunder. 
We visited one of the houses and found 
fourteen horses which had been taken 
from the friends of the Government; 
and discovering one of the said party in an 
outhouse, I fired at him and wounded him 
in the neck with buckshot, but he escaped. 
We then mounted ourselves and turning 
the other horses into the woods we re- 
turned back to Deep River. We kept 
concealed in the woods and collected 
twenty-five men, having scouts out con- 
tinually until we proceeded to Dixon's 
Mills, Cane Creek, where Lord Cornwallis 
was then encamped. On our arrival 
there his Lordship met us, and asked me 
several questions respecting the situation 
of the country and disposition of the people. 
I gave him all the information in my 
power, and leaving the company with his 
Lordship, I returned back to Deep River 

in order to conduct more men to the pro- 
tection of the British arms. 

Two days following I returned to the 
armv at Chatham Court House, after 
being surprised and dispersed by the rebel 
dragoons, on my bringing in seventy Loyal- 
ists. I joined my company again and 
went with his Lordship to Cross Creek, 
and as we had lost most of our horses, we 
determined to return to Deep River and 
join his Lordship when on his way to 
Hillsboro. General Greene followed 
his Lordship as far as Little River, and 
then returned to Ramsey's Mills on his 
way to Camden; his men marched in 
small parties and distressed the friends to 
Government through the Deep River 
settlement. I took eighteen of them at 
different times, and paroled them, and 
after that we were not distressed by them 
for some little time. After a little while 
some of us had assembled at a friend's 
house, where we were surrounded by a 
party of eleven rebels under the com- 
mand of Capt. John Hinds. We per- 
ceived their approach and prepared to re- 
ceive them. \\Tien they had got quite near 
us, we ran out of the doors of the house, 
fired upon them, and killed one of them; 
on which we took three of their horses 
and some firelocks. We then took to the 
woods and unfortunately had two of our 
little company taken, one of which the 
rebels shot in cold blood, and the other they 
hanged on the spot where we had killed 
the man a few days before. We were so 
exasperated at this that we determined 
to have satisfaction, and in a few days I 
collected seventeen men, well armed, and 
formed an ambuscade on Deep River at 
Coxe's Mills, and sent out spies. In the 
course of two hours one of my spies gave 
me information of a party of rebels 
plundering his house, which was about 
three miles off. I instantly marched to 
the place and discovered them in a field 
near the house. I attacked them immedi- 
ately, and kept up a smart fire for half an 
hour, during which time we killed their 
Captain and one private on the spot, 
wounded three of them, and took two 
prisoners besides eight of their horses, 
well appointed, and several swords. This 
happened on the nth May, 1781. The 



same day, we pursued another party of 
rebels and came up with them the morning 
following; we attacked them smartly and 
killed four of them on the spot, wounded 
three dangerously and took one prisoner 
with all their horses and appointments. 
In about an hour after that, we took two 
men of the same party, and killed one 
more of them. The same evening we had 
intelligence of another party of rebels, 
which were assembling about thirty miles 
off in order to attack us. As I thought 
it best to surprise them where they were 
collecting, I marched all night and about 
ten o'clock next morning we came up 
with them. We commenced a fire upon 
each other which continued for about ten 
minutes, when they retreated. We killed 
two of them, wounded seven, and took 
eighteen horses well appointed. We then 
returned to Deep River again. I still 
kept the company together and waited 
for another opportunity, during which time 
I took two rebel soldiers and paroled 
them, who gave me information of a Col. 
Dudley coming from Gen. Greene's camp 
at Camden, with baggage. 

I mounted my men and set forward in 
search of them. I concealed my men by 
the side of the road; and I thought the 
time long according to information I had 
from the soldiers. I took one man with 
me, and went to see if I could make any 
discover)'. I rode a mile and a half when 
I saw Col. Dudley with his baggage. I 
then wheeled my horse and returned to 
my men. When I came within a hundred 
yards of them, Dudley and his dragoons 
were nose and tail, and snapped their 
pistols several times. I then ordered a 
march after them, and after marching 
two and a half miles I discovered them, 
and immediately took three prisoners, 
with all the baggage and nine horses. 
The baggage I divided among my men, 
which according to Col. Dudley's report 
was valued at £i,ooo sterling. I returned 
to Coxe's Mill and remained there till the 
8th June, when the rebels embodied i6o 
men to attack me, under the command of 
Cols. CoUyer and Balfour. I determined 
to get the advantage of attacking them, 
which I did with forty-nine men in the 
night, after marching ten miles to their 

encampment. They took one oi my 
guides, which gave them notice of my 
approach; I proceeded to within thirty 
steps of them; but being unacquainted 
with the ground advanced very cautiously. 
The sentinel, however, discovered my 
party, and firing upon us retreated in, 
where they secured themselves under 
cover of the houses, and fences. The 
firing then began, and continued on both 
sides for the space of four hours, being very 
cloudy and dark, during which time I 
had one man killed and si.x wounded, 
and the guide, before mentioned, taken 
prisoner, whom they killed next morning 
in cold blood. What injur}' they suffered 
I could not learn; as the morning appeared 
we retreated, and returned again to Deep 
River, leaving our wounded men at a 
friend's house, privately. 

The rebels then kept a constant scout- 
ing, and their number was so great that 
we had to lie still for some time; and 
when Collier and Balfour left the settle- 
ment, the said Col, Dudley, before men- 
tioned, took the place with 300 men from 
Virginia. He took a negro man from me 
and sold him at public auction among 
themselves for ;;^iio; the said negro was 
sent over the mountains, and I never saw 
him since. At length they all began to 
scatter, and we to embody. V\'illiam 
Elwood being jealous of my taking too 
much command of the men, in my 
absence, one day persuaded them that I 
was going to make them regular soldiers, 
and cause them to be attached to Col. 
John Hamilton's Regiment, and vindicat- 
ed it by an advertisement that I had 
handed to several of the Loyalists that I 
thought had the greatest influence with 
the Loyalists. He so prevailed with the 
common sort, that when I came to camp 
I found most of my men gone; I then 
declared I never would go on another 
scout until there was a field officer. The 
majority chose me; they then drew up a 
petition to the commanding officer of the 
King's troops. 

A general meeting of the Loyalists was 
now called, in order to appoint a com- 
manding officer of the militia; it was still 
determined that I should be the person. I 
accordingly set off for Wilmington, 160 



miles, with a petition of the people to the 
officer commanding at that post for his 
approbation. On my arrival there, Major 
Craigg, who was commander, treated me 
with every respect in his power, and ap- 
proved of said petition and gave me a 
commission as Colonel of the Randolph 
and Chatham Militia — a copy of which 
is hereunto annexed: 

By James Henry Craigg, Esqr.; Major in his 
Majesty's 82d Reg., commanding a de- 
tachment of the King's Troops in North 
Carolina, &c., &c. 
To David Fanning, Esqr. 

These are to appoint you to be Colonel of 
the Loyal Militia in Randolph and Chatham 
Counties, who are directed to obey you, as 
such, in all lawful commands whatsoever, 
and you are authorised to grant commissions 
to the necessary persons of known attach- 
ment to his Majesty's person and Govern- 
ment, to act as Captains and subalterns to the 
different companies of militia aforesaid. As 
Colonel, you are hereby fully empowered to 
assemble the militia, and lead them against 
any parties of rebels or others the King's 
enemies, as often as necessary — to compel all 
persons whatsoever to join you, to seize and 
disarm, and when necessary to detain in con- 
finement all rebels or others, acting against 
his Majesty's Gov't; and to do all other 
acts becoming a King's officer and good 

Given at Wilmington, this 5th July, 1781. 

J. H. Craigg, 
Major Commanding the King's Troops. 

On the 1 2th July I returned from Wil- 
mington and ordered a general muster, 
and then gave the following commission 
to the gentlemen hereinafter named, of 
their respective companies: 

By David Fanning, Esq. 
Colonel of the Loyal Militia of No. Ca. 
To Greeting 

Having received sufficient testimony of 
your loyalty and zeal for his Majesty's ser- 
vice, and relying on your courage and good 

conduct, I do hereby appoint you to be 

of a company in the district of . 

You are, therefore, diligently and carefully 
to discharge the duty of such; obeying all 
orders and directions which you may receive 
from time to time from any superior officers 
in his Majesty's service, and all others; the 
inferior officers of his Majesty's subjects of 
that and every other company are directed 

and requested to obey you as of 

said company. 

Given under my hand at Coxe's Mill this 

•^'^^' David Fanning, 

Col. Com'g his Majesties Loyal Militia, &c. 

The names of the Officers of Randolph 
County, as they were commissioned in 
their different companies: 

1. John Rains, Capt., i6 July, pro- 
moted Major 13 Oct., 1781. 
William Rains, Lieut, (in N.C.), pro- 
moted Capt. 13 Oct., 1781. 
Thomas Donnelly, Ensign, died in 
Charleston, Lieut. 13 Oct., 1781. 
John Spinks, Ser.-Maj., promoted 

2. Geo. Rains, Capt. In Charleston at 
the peace. 

Ebenezer Wollaston, Lieut. In 
Charleston at the peace. 
Robt. Rains, Ensign. In N.C. 

3. Wm. Fincannon, Capt., 2nd Aug., 
1781. In N.C. now. 

Richard Bird, Lieut., 2nd August, 
1781. In N.C. now. 
Cornelius Latham, Ensign, 2nd Aug., 
1781. In N.C. now. 

4. Michael Robens, Capt., last account 
in N.C. 

William Hillis, Lieut. Went to East 
Florida at the peace. 
Daniel Brown, Ensign. Killed in 
N.C. by the rebels. 

5. Robert Turner, Capt. Last ac- 
counts in N.C. 

Absolem Autrey, Lieut. In East 


Wm. King, Ensign. Joined the 


6. Stephen Walker, Capt., 17 Sept., 
1 781; shot, caught wounded, and 

Frederick Smith, Lieut. Hanged at 
Hillsboro for his loyalty. 
Wm. Hunsucker, Ensign. Hanged 
at Hillsboro for his loyalty. 

7. Jos. Currie, Capt. In Florida at the 

Benj. Shields, Lieut. In N.C. 
Jas. Rains, Ensign. In S.C. 

The names of the Officers of the different 
Companies in Chatham County: 

8. Thomas Dark, Capt., 16 July, 1781. 
Hanged at Hillsboro for kis loyalty. 
Wm. Hoocker, Lieut. Murdered by 
the rebels, after promoted Capt. 
Henry Ramsour, Ensign. In Char- 
leston, S.C, at the peace. 



9. Wm. Lindley, Capt. Murdered by 
the rebels after evacuation. 

Wm. Piles, Lieut. Went to Penns. 
Wm. McPherson, Ensign. In Char- 
leston at the evacuation. 

10. Samuel Dark, Capt. At last ac- 
count in N.C. 

James Ellett, Lieut. Drowned in 
East Florida. 

Thos. Ellett, Lieut., ist Sept., 1781. 
In East Florida. 

11. Benj. Underwood, Capt. Late in 
New Brunswick. 

Fred. Smith, Lieut. In N.C. 
Adam Smith, Ensign. In N.C. 

12. Wm. Deaton, Capt. Killed in 
battle on the day after the rebel Gov. 
Burke was taken. 

Wm. Carr, Lieut. Promoted Capt. 
In New Passadena, West Indies. 
John Ervin, Ensign. In Florida. 

13. jNIartin Kendrick, Capt. In N.C. 
Thos. McDowell. Now (17S9) rebel 

Wm. Brown. Joined the rebels. 
Names of Officers in Orange County: 

14. Richard Edwards, Capt., i6th July, 
17S1. Killed in battle. 

Edward Edwards, Lieut. Promoted 

Capt. Killed 13th Sept. 

Thos. Estrich, Ensign. Promoted 


15. Stephen Holloway, Capt. Killed 
in battle. 

John Hastings, Lieut. Now in N.C. 
Ab'm Nelson, Ensign. Wounded, 
and now in N.C. 

The names of the Officers in the different 
Companies in Cumberland County: 

16. John Cagle, Capt. Hanged by the 
rebels at P.D. 

Jacob Mauness, Lieut. In N.C. 
Wm. Dunn, Ensign. In N.C. 

17. !Meriday Edwards, Capt., ist Sept., 
1781. In East Florida. 

Reuben Shields, Lieut. In N.C. 
Wm. Hancock, Ensign. In N.C. 

18. Alex. iSIcIver, Capt., 2nd of Aug., 
1781. In N.C. 

jSIurdock Martin, Lieut., 2nd of Aug., 
1 78 1. Went to England. 

19. W^m. McLoud, Capt., 2nd of /Vug., 
1 78 1. Went to Europe. 

Ale.x. McLoud, Lieut. Went to 
The names of the Officers in Anson County: 

20. Wm. Price, Capt. Killed by the 

Wm. Fanning, Lieut. Hanged by 
the rebels. 

21. W'm. McKnight, Capt., i6th July, 
1781. Murdered by the rebels. 
Stephen Phillips, Lieut. In S.C. 

22. Abner Smally, Capt. In Burke 
County, N.C. 

Jas. Hodge, Lieut. Murdered by the 

These gentlemen had their appoint- 
ments from Major Ferguson in South 
Carolina in July, 1780, but joined all 
according to the dates opposite their 

On my return to Deep River I immedi- 
ately caused a general muster of the 
loyalists, which I collected to the amount 
of 150 men, but finding them deficient in 
arms I discharged all of them e.xcept fifty- 
three, which I appointed fully; out of 
which I collected from the v.-hole, and 
ordered the rest to be ready to join me 
when I called for them. I also gave the 
foregoing commissions to the different 
ofi&cers set forth, who rendered many ser- 
vices to the British Government during 
the late war, who signalised themselves 
with me in the interior parts of that rebel- 
lious country, and subdued the greatest 
part of the province; so far that the worst 
of rebels came to me, begging protec- 
tion for themselves and property. The 
exertions of myself and the other ofificers 
had the whole country under the protec- 
tion of the British Government until long 
after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis 
and the evacuation of Wilmington; and 
after all the British troops were called to 
their dift'erent posts on the seashore I 
continued acting in the interior parts of 
North Carolina, and was like to obtain a 
truce with the rebels in the heart of the 
countr}\ Those people have been in- 
duced to brave every danger and difl&culty 
during the late war rather than render 
any service to the rebels, had their prop- 
erties real and personal taken to support 
their enemies, the fatherless and widows 
stripped, and every manner of support 



taken from them, their houses and lands 
and all personal property taken, and no 
resting place could be found for them. As 
to placing them in their former posses- 
sions, it is impossible — stripped of their 
property, driven from their homes, de- 
prived of their wives and children, robbed 
of a free and mild government, betrayed 
and deserted by their friends, what can 
repay them for the misery? Dragging 
out a wretched life of obscurity and want, 
Heaven, only, which smooths the rugged 
paths, can reconcile them to misfortune. 
Numbers of them left their wives and 
children in North Carolina, not being able 
to send for them owing to the distresses, 
and now in the West Indies and other 
parts of the world for refuge, and not 
returned to their families yet. Some of 
them, that returned under the Act of 
Oblivion passed in 1783, were taken to 
Hillsboro and hanged for their past ser- 
vices that they rendered the Government 
whilst under my command. I am fully 
sensible of the good designs that Govern- 
ment intends for the loyalists in so repeat- 
edly renewing the Act. If the inability 
and distressed situation of those people, 
who have suffered and experienced every- 
thing but death to support British Gov- 
ernment, cannot reap the fruits of their 
labours, and now join under every species 
of mortification, I can solemnly declare 
that I think Major John Rains and Capt. 
George Rains two of the most deserving 
officers that ever acted in America during 
the late war, either in the provincial or 
militia; and to my certain knowledge 
John Rains had two mills burnt, three 
dwelling houses, and besides a barn and 
property totally taken away. I have 
given as direct account of the officers op- 
posite their names as I possibly can; also 
their promotions and deaths. What I 
have set forth, I will forever vindicate. 
Besides other officers of other counties 
that joined me at different times and 
places, as I shall refer to in other parts of 
my journal, in particular Col. Arch. 
McDougald and Samuel Andrews, who 
joined me several times. 

Given at King's County, New Bruns- 
wick, Nov. 29th, 1789. 

The rebels on the same day held a gen- 

eral muster at Chatham Court House, 
about twenty-five miles from where I had 
assembled, and the day following were to 
call a Court Martial for the trial of several 
loyalists who had refused to bear arms in 
opposition to Government. Upon receiv- 
ing this intelligence I proceeded towards 
the Court House, 17 miles, that night, 
with the men I had armed, and the morn- 
ing following, by seven o'clock, I arrived 
there. I surrounded the place, where I 
expected to find members of the Court 
Martial, but they had dispersed the even- 
ing before, and were to meet at 8 o'clock. 
I then posted pickets on every road, and 
within the space of two hours took fifty- 
three prisoners— among them the Colonel, 
Major, and all the militia officers of the 
county, except two, who had not attended 
and also one Continental Captain, with 
three of the delegates of their General 
Assembly. I immediately marched them 
to Coxe's Mill, and paroled all except 
fourteen, who I knew were violent against 
the Government. Those I conducted to 
Wilmington and delivered to Major 
Craig. I then represented to Major 
Craig that with his approbation I would 
establish certain regulations for the con- 
duct of the militia, which he approved of; 
and he was obliging enough, on my giving 
them to him, to correct and confirm the 
following rules, which were printed and 
distributed in the country: 
well governing of the Loyal Militia of 
the Province of North Carolina: 
ist. No person to be admitted a militia 
man until he takes the oath of allegiance 
to His Majesty, which is always to be done 
before the senior oflQcer of the Regiment 
on the spot. 

2nd. AH persons once enrolled in a 
militia company, and having taken the 
oath above mentioned, will be considered 
as entitled to every privilege and protec- 
tion of a British subject; and will, on 
being detected joining the rebels, be treat- 
ed as a deserter and traitor. 

3rd. Every militia man is to repair, 
without fail or excuse, except sickness, at 
the time appointed, to the place assigned 
by his Colonel or Captain with his arms 
and accoutrements, and is not to quit his 



company on any pretence whatever, with- 
out the knowledge and permission of his 
Captain or Commanding Officer. 

4th. The Colonel of every county has 
full power to call his Regiment together, 
and march them when necessary for his 
Majesty's service; the Captain of each 
company has also power to assemble his 
company when any sudden emergency 
renders it necessary, and which he is to 
report as soon as possible to his Colonel. 

5th. Mutual assistance is to be given 
on all occasions, but as it is impossible to 
give positive directions on this subject, it 
is left to the discretion of the Colonels of 
Regiments, who must be answerable that 
their reasons for not affording assistance 
when required, are sufficient. 

6th. \\'hen the militia of different coun- 
ties are embodied, the senior officer is to 
command; Colonels of Regiments are 
immediately to determine the present rank 
of their Captains, in which regard is to 
be had to seniority of commission or ser- 
vice. In cases of vacancies the Colonels 
may grant temporary commissions, till 
recourse can be had to the Commanding 
Officer of the King's troops. 

7th. The men are to understand, that 
in what relates to the service they are 
bound to obey all officers, though not im- 
mediately belonging to their own com- 

8th. Courts Martial may sit by the ap- 
pointment of the Colonel or Commanding 
Officer; and must consist for the trial of 
an officer, of all the officers of the Regi- 
ment he belongs to, except the Colonel or 
Commanding Officer; and for the trial of 
a non-commissioned Officer or Private, 
of two Captains, two Subalterns and three 
Privates — the latter to belong to the same 
company as the person to be tried; the 
eldest Captain to preside; and the sent- 
ence of the Court to be determined by 
plurality of votes, and approved by the 
Commanding Officer. 

Oth. No Colonel is to supersede an 
officer without trial; but he may suspend 
him till he can be tried. 

loth. Quitting camp without permis- 
sion, disobedience of orders, neglect of 
duty, plundering, and all irregularities 
and disorder to be punished at the discre- 

tion of a Court Martial constituted as 
above mentioned; and by the approba- 
tion of the Colonel or Commanding Offi- 
cer, who has power to pardon or remit any 
part of a punishment, but not to increase 
or alter it. 

nth. Every man must take the greatest 
care of his arms and ammunition; and 
have them always ready for service. 

1 2th. When the militia is not embodied 
they are at all times to be attentive to the 
motions of the rebels; and immediately 
to acquaint the nearest officer of anything 
he may discover, who is to communicate 
it to his Colonel or other officers, as may 
be requisite. 

13th. It is the duty of every person 
professing allegiance to His Majesty to 
communicate to the Commanding Officer 
of the nearest British post any intelligence 
he can procure of the assembling or mov- 
ing of any bodies of rebels. Persons em- 
ployed on this occasion shall always be 

14th. Colonels of Regiments may as- 
semble any number of their men they 
think necessary, to be posted in particular 
spots of their districts — their time of 
service on these occasions is to be limited 
and they are at the expiration of it to be 
relieved by others. Great care is to be 
taken that no partiality is shown, but that 
each take an equal proportion of duty; 
for which purpose alphabetical rolls are 
to be kept, by which the men are to be 
warned. Every Captain is to keep an 
account of the number of days each man 
of his company serves. 

The strict observance of the above 
regulations is strongly recommended as 
the best means of giving to the King's 
faithful subjects a manifest superiority 
over the rebel militia; and to insure them 
that success their zeal and spirit in the 
cause of their country entitle them to 

Head Quarters, Wilmingfon, 2^th Sept., 

I then thought prudent to administer 
the following oath of allegiance unto those 
people I was dubious of: "I — A B — do 
swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty 
God to bear true allegiance to our Sov 



ereign Lord, King George the Third, and 
to uphold the same. I do voluntarily 
promise to serve as militia, under any 
of the officers appointed over me; and 
that I will, when lawfully warned by our 
said officers, assemble at any place by 
them directed in case of danger, in the 
space of eight hours. I will go, with my 
arms and accoutrements in good order, 
to suppress any rebels or others, the King's 
enemies; that I will not at any time do, 
or cause to be done, anything prejudicial 
to His Majesty's Government; or suffer 
any intercourse or correspondence with 
the enemies thereof; that I will make 
known any plot or plots, anywise inimical 
to His Majesty's forces or loyal subjects, 
by me discovered, to His Majesty's officers 
contiguous, and it shall not exceed six 
hours before the same is discovered, if 
health and distance permit. This I do 
solemnly swear and promise to defend in 
all cases whatsoever. So help me, God!'' 

I then returned to the head of Little 
River, on my way to Coxe's Mill, where 
I was met by two men who informed me 
that the rebels had separated into two 
small parties, thinking I should never 
return from Wilmington. I passed on 
and got intelligence of Col. Alstine lying 
on the banks of Deep River with a party 
of twenty-five men. We marched all that 
day and night following, and just as the 
day dawned we advanced in three divi- 
sions up to a house they had thrown them- 
selves into. On our approach we fired 
upon the house, as I was determined to 
make examples of them, for behaving in 
ihe manner they had done to one of my 
pilots, by name Kenneth Black. They 
returned our fire, and the action continued 
upwards of three hours, when after kill- 
ing four of them and wounding all the 
rest, except three, they sent out a flag to 
surrender, Col. Alstine's lady begging 
their lives; and on her solicitation I con- 
cluded to grant her request. After the 
capitulation I gave the folloAving paroles to 
Col. Philip Alstine and his men: 

"I do hereby acknowledge mvself a 
prisoner of war upon my parole to His 
Excellency Sir Henrv Clinton, and that I 
am hereby engaged till I shall be ex- 
changed, or othenvise released therefrom, 

to proceed immediately to my plantation 
on Dunham's Creek, Cumberland County 
(or elsewhere), in North Carolina, there 
to remain, or within five miles thereof — 
and that I shall not in the meantime do, 
or cause anything to be done, prejudicial 
to the success of His Majesty's arms; 
nor have intercourse or hold correspond- 
ence with the enemies of His Majesty, and 
that upon a summons from His Excel- 
lency, or other persons having authority 
thereto, I will surrender myself up to him 
or them, at such time and place as shall 
hereafter be required. 

Philip Alstine, 
Cumberland County, Colonel. 

Deep River, Jidy 2gth, 1781. 
Witness: David Fanning, Colonel Com- 
manding Loyal Militia." 

In the course of this aSair we had two 
men killed and four wounded, who after- 
wards recovered. A party of rebels ap- 
peared in sight a little time after the firing 
began, but they did not approach to afford 
Col. Alstine any support. When the ac- 
tion was over they ran off, and our horses 
being quite fatigued, rendered it impos- 
sible for me to pursue them, and I then 
pursued my route to Coxe's Mill, where, 
on my arrival, I gave twelve hours' leave 
to the men (after detaining a sufficient 
number for the necessary guard) to go 
to their respective homes. Immediately 
after that I heard that a waggon loaded 
with salt for the use of the rebel army had 
passed about twelve hours before. I took 
eight men with me, and after a chase of 
sixteen miles I overtook it and conducted 
it back to Coxe's Mill. On my return I 
found that Major Rains had been at- 
tacked by a party of 150 rebels, who had 
attempted to secure the fort of Deep 
River, at Coxe's Mill; however, it was 
without success. He had one man 
wounded and several horses in the attack, 
and on my approach they retreated. 
They then sent a flag with offers of peace. 
I returned for answer, "I was determined 
to make peace with the sword — or other- 
wise they should become subjects of 
Great Britain." My men now being col- 
lected to the amount of 140, who by this 
time were well armed, and hearing noth- 



ing further from them the next morning, 
we marched to the place where I had been 
informed they were, but found them gone 
off. I discovered some of their scouts, 
but on firing on them they took to the 
woods. I heard that they had marched 
and joined another party of 250 men, 
commanded by Cols. Paisley and Balfour, 
upon which I returned to Coxe's Mill; I 
sent out spies that night, who returned 
before morning and informed me that the 
two rebel parties had joined, being about 
400 in number, and encamped at Brown's 
plantation, about two miles up the river 
on the opposite side. I dispatched a flag 
to them, acquainting them, as before, of 
my determination in support of Govern- 
ment, and proposed a meeting of both 
parties to determine the matter by force 
of arms; at the same time acquainting 
them that the ill-treatment of some prisoners 
they had taken a little time before had de- 
termined me to retaliate in case an end was 
not put to it, should any in future have cause 
to complain. I directed the f^ag to Major 
Cage, who commanded at the time before, 
and I received the following answer: 

"Sir, — I received yours by a flag, and 
can assure you that I should be as sorry 
as any person living to misuse a prisoner; 
but at the same time I think it is my duty 
to oppose my enemies, and if any of your 
men should fall into my hands I shall 
endeavour to use what influence I can to 
have them treated as prisoners; and I 
hope you will do the same. I must also 
inform you that I am not the command- 
ing ofl5cer; if I was, I should immediately 
return you an answer, and as your letter 
was not directed to the commanding 
officer, he will not undertake it without 
you will direct to him. Col. O'Neal is 
Commander at present. 

I am yours, &c., &c., 

Wm. Cage. 
Aug. 2nd, 1781. 

To Col. David Fanning." 

I also received a message from Col. 
O'Neal that wherever they met mc they 
would fight me, but not by an immediate 
appointment. I directly ordered a march 
and proceeded to the place where I was 
informed by the bearer of the flag they 
lay encamped; but on my arrival there. 

they had marched oiT. From intelli- 
gence I had procured, I had reason to 
suppose they had gone to Salisbury to 
be reinforced by General Rutherford. 
I then concluded to go to Wilmington 
for a supply of ammunition, finding my 
stock began to grow low. I got to Cross 
Creek on the nth of August; and early 
in the morning following crossed Cape 
Fear River, when Maj. Samuel Andrews 
joined me with his company and scouted 
through all the rebel settlements on the 
north side of the river, and took a number 
of prisoners, arms and horses. I also dis- 
covered where twentv-five barrels of 
salt were concealed, designed for the 
rebel army. I destroyed it, and then 
marched down the side of the river and 
came to a plantation belonging to a 
Capt. Robertson, which I burned. Thence 
I marched to his brother's, Col. Rob- 
ertson, which I served in the same man- 
ner. On my march I took several pris- 
oners, whom I paroled, except twenty; 
those I delivered to Capt. Legett, then 
commanding at Wilmington, where I 
arrived on the 24th. Having got sup- 
plied with ammunition, I proceeded up 
the country on the 26th on my march to 
Elizabethtown, where on my arrival I 
found Col. Slingsbee, of the Loyal Militia, 
of Bladen County, with a number of 
paroled rebels in his camp. I dis- 
approved of keeping them there, and 
told him I thought it imprudent and 
unsafe. The event proved so; for that 
night, they having arms concealed, fired 
upon his camp and wounded him mor- 
tally. Five captains also were wounded, 
some of whom died afterwards of their 
wounds. The day following I arrived 
at iMcFall's -Mills, about sixty miles, 
where I dispatched ninety of my men 
back to render assistance, on receiving 
the unfortunate account of Col. Slings- 
bee's misfortune; but it was too late, as 
the rebels had taken to the woods and got 

I here had information that the rebel 
Col. Wade with 450 militia was then 
on his march to attack Col. McNeal, 
who had assembled seventy of the Loyal 
Militia of Bladen, and then lay on the 
side of Drowning Creek. I instantly 



despatched an express to know his situa- to Col. SUngsbee's assistance. The day 
tion, and offering assistance; in three following I arrived at Coxe's Mill, thirty 
hours I received for answer he would be miles, where I issued the following ad- 
glad to see me and my party. I marched vertisement, and circulated it through 
direct, and by daylight arrived there the country: 
with 155 men. Our pickets were fired 
upon, and retreated into camp, having 
exchanged several shots with those of "This is to let all persons know that 
the rebels. We had information they do not make ready and repair immediate- 
were crossing a bridge on Drowning ly to camp, that their property shall 
Creek, about three miles off, when the be seized and caused to be sold at pub- 
pickets fired on them, and retreated to lie sale; and if they are taken and brought 
the camp, who informed me that 420 into camp, they shall be sent to Wil- 
men crossed that bridge. I immediately mington as prisoners, and there remain 
ordered all my men to arms, and count- as such in the provost and be consider- 
ed them; which in number was 225, ed as rebels; also, if any rebel is willing 
horse and foot. I then marched imme- to surrender and come in he shall reap 
diately to attack them. When I formed the benefit of a subject, 
my little party I left great vacancies in David Fanning, 
order to appear as numerous as possible, Camp Coxe^s Mill ) Col. Com'g Loyal 
and to prevent their turning my flanks. 6th Sept., 1781. f Militia." 
We attacked them at 11 o'clock, and en- On the 9th of Sept., I was joined by 
gaged them an hour and a half, when on Col. McDougald of the Loyal Militia of 
my ordering a charge, they retreated. We Cumberland County, with 200 men; 
pursued them seven miles, and took and Col. Hector McNeal*, with his party 
fifty-four prisoners, four of whom died from Bladen of seventy men; and in 
that night. On our return we found consequence of my advertisem.ent I had 
nineteen dead, and the next day several also 435, who came in; and many joined 
came in and surrendered, all of whom me afterwards. 

were wounded, and we had reason to I had previously determined within 

suppose that several died in the swamps, myself to take the rebel Governor Burke 

by accounts we received from those who of North Carolina, and I had a conversa- 

came in afterwards. Our loss was only tion with Maj. Craig on the subject, 

five men wounded, one of whom died, I now thought it a favourable opportunity, 

and five horses killed, beside a few as I found myself at the head of 950 

wounded. We took 250 horses, most men of my own Regiment, exclusive of 

of which were loaded with effects they McDougald and McNeal's regiments, 

had plundered from the friends of Gov- I acquainted Maj. Rains of my resolu- 

ernment; and as I had formerly ordered tion, who approved of it. The rebel 

that whoever found concealed goods of General John Butler, and Col. Robert 

any kind should hold them, I also now Maybin, of the Continental line, lay 

ordered that every man should keep that within forty miles of our encampment 

he had taken that day, after mounting on the Cape Fear River, with 400 Con- 

and equipping those fifty who were not tinental soldiers and Butler's militia, 

mounted in the action. I then paroled It was supposed by my officers that I 

the prisoners, except thirty of them, whom intended to attack them. After march- 

I sent to Wilmington under a guard of ing sixteen miles to Rocky River, I went 

Col. McNeal's men. Then, with my a little distance out of my road to a 

party, I marched that evening to little friend's house, for intelligence of the 

River, sixteen miles from McFall's Mill, situation of the rebels; during which 

where the party returned who had gone time the guide led my little army about 

* It is evident that there were two Colonels of this name, one on each side. A third, CaDtain Daniel 
McNeill, of North Carolina, was the maternal grandfather of the late able phvsician and public man of Nova 
Scotia, Hon. D. McNeill Parker, M.L.C. No doubt the latter is the correct spelling. 



two miles out of the way, towards Gen- 
eral Butler. On my return above to them 
I was under the above necessity of making 
my intentions known; and immediately 
directed my march for Hillsboro. I 
pushed on all that day and the following 
night; at seven o'clock on the morning 
of the 1 2th we entered the town in three 
divisions, and received several shots 
from different houses. However, we 
lost none and suffered no damage, ex- 
cept one man wounded. We killed 
fifteen of the rebels, wounded twenty, 
and took upwards of two hundred pris- 
oners; amongst whom were the Governor, 
his Council, and part of the Continental 
Colonels, several captains and subal- 
terns, and seventy-one Continental sol- 
diers out of a church. We proceeded 
to the gaol and released thirty loyalists 
and British soldiers, one oj which was to 
have been hanged that day. About 12 
o'clock I left Hillsboro, and proceeded 
eighteen miles that night towards Coxe's 
Mill; in the morning I pursued my march 
about eight miles further, to Lindsey's 
Mill on Cane Creek, where General 
Butler and a party of rebels had con- 
cealed themselves. Col. McNcal, who 
had the advance guard, had neglected 
to take the necessary precautions for our 
safety; and by information of Capt. 
McLean, Cumberland County, Little 
River, as soon as I had discovered the 
situation we were in, and having so great 
a number of prisoners, I left my station 
and pushed for the advanced guard; on 
my coming up with Col. McNeal, I in- 
quired the reason of his neglect, and be- 
fore he could answer we were fired upon 
by the rebels. They killed eight men, 
among whom was Col. McNeal, who 
received three balls through him, and 
five through his horse. I then ordered 
a retreat back to where I left the prisoners, 
and after securing them, I made the 
necessary preparations to attack the 
enemv. vhich we did; and after engag- 
ing them four hours, they retreated. I 
lost twenty-seven men killed, and sixty 
so badly wounded that they could not be 
moved, besides thirty slightly, but so 
that they could keep up with our main 
body. At the conclusion of this action 

I received a shot in my left arm, which 
broke the bone in several pieces, and 
the loss of blood was so great that I was 
taken ofif my horse and led to a secret 
place in the woods. I then sent Lieut. 
Wolcston to my little army for Col. Arch. 
McDougald and Major John Rains and 
Lieut. -Col. Arch. McKay to take com- 
mand; to send an express to Wilmington 
for assistance, as I was not able to take 
any command. I also desired that 
Major Rains should return as soon as 
he could leave Col. McDougald, as I 
thought he might be the means of sav- 
ing me from the hand of my enemies. 
These gentlemen conducted themselves 
in such a manner that I think they de- 
serve the applause of every loyal subject 
both for their valour and good conduct, 
as Col. Maybin and General Butler 
pursued them all the way until they 
met Major Craig coming to their assist- 
ance. They made their march good 
for 160 miles, and never lost one prisoner, 
but introduced Thos. Burke, their Gov- 
ernor, and his regiment of rebels to 
Major Craig, who very well accepted 
them; and Major Craig introduced His 
Excellency and regiment to the Provost 
Master. I am informed by letters from 
Col. Arch. McDougald, dated 6th Aug., 
lySq, that no provision has been made 
for him yet. Also Major Rains the 2nd 
of October, 1789. But I am in hopes 
when the Government comes to be in- 
formed of the many services that they 
have done, they will consider them, and 
make some allowance for them. I am 
personally acquainted with their ser- 
vices. Major John Rains was the first 
man that ever took up arms with me in 
North Carolina, and the last man with 
me in that country, and took an active 
part in command in six and thirty skir- 
mishes in N.C., (also Capt. George 

At the departure of ? y little army I 
was left with three men; (nd in four days 
seventeen more came ' my assistance. 
I made enquiry respecting the loss of the 
rebels in the late action, and found that 
the inhabitants had buried twenty-four 
and that the wounded they had left be- 
hind were ninety, besides those that went 



off, and that my party had taken ten 
prisoners. Of the number of the killed 
was Col. GuttrcU and Major Knowles, 
who were inveterate enemies to the 

The party we had engaged I found 
to have consisted of 400 Continentals 
under the command of Col. Maybin 
and General Butler's militia. In twenty- 
four days I found myself able to sit up, 
and then dispatched four of my captains, 
Hooker, Rains, Knight, and Lindly, to 
Wilmington for a supply of ammunition; 
and before their return I had sent out 
and embodied 140 men, during which 
time I heard of a quantity of leather 
which was preparing for the use of the 
rebel army, and v/as ordered for General 
Green's quarters at Camden. I went 
to the place, and finding the leather 
agreeable to my information, I took 
enough thereof to equip the company 
completely, and ordered the rest to be 
destroyed. On my return to Brush Creek, 
near where I had been secreted during 
my illness occasioned by my wounds, I 
sent out spies for discovery. Two of 
them returned in less than an hour with 
information of six hundred rebels who 
were advancing to attack me, but they 
proved no more than 170. ac- 
counts disheartened a number of my 
men. From my being in so weak a 
state, they apprehended I would not be 
able to command them. However, they 
lifted me on my horse, and I formed my 
men then in two ranks and showed two 
fronts, as they appeared both in my 
front and rear. The fire continued for 
near an hour. I lost three m.en killed, 
and three badly wounded. The rebels 
had one killed and several wounded. 
Then they retreated, and rallied and 
attacked again, after retreating about a 
mile, which was so unexpected that I 
concluded they had been reinforced. I 
then retreated, but without loss, except 
my baggage, which they made a prize of. 
I then separated my men into small 
parties, until the arrival of the four 
of^cers I had dispatched for ammunition 
to Wilmington, who brought the follow- 
ing letter from Major Craig, v/ith 5,000 

Wilmington, 13th Oct., 1871. 
"Dear Sir: 

Your letter gave me infinite satisfac- 
tion from the favourable accounts it 
contained (A your health, and the prob- 
ability of your soon being restored to 
that service in which you have done so 
much to your honour. I beg you to 
accept for yourself, and convey to those 
of your officers whom I have not yet 
seen, my warmest thanks for their gal- 
lantry and good behaviour. I enclose 
you the commission you desired for 
Major Rains, who I am persuaded will 
endeavour to answer your warm recom- 
mendations. I have been unfortunate 
enough to lose the list of medicines you 
sent for; however, I will desire the sur- 
geon to send you such as he thinks most 
likely to be serviceable to you; though 
from his not being acquainted with your 
case, is all by guess. I am mv;ch con- 
cerned to find the probabilities of so 
many of your people suffering from want 
of attendance or necessaries. Nothing 
shall be wanting in my power either in 
that respect or that of salt for their re- 
lief. I am not at liberty to explain my- 
self in a letter, but I hope I shall very 
soon have it in my power to assist you 
with greater care than at present. The 
moment I returned here, and was in- 
formed of the circumstances of the stal- 
lion you mention, I determined it in 
your favour, and took him arvay from 
Mr. Campbell, or rather from a gentle- 
man v/hom he had sold him to. He has 
been with my horses ever since, and 
never rode. I now send him to you by 
Capt. Liveley. 

The long northerly winds has pre- 
vented any arrivals from Charleston, so 
that we are totally without nev.-s. 

I wish I had got Mr. Burke's papers. 
I am, with much regard, 

Your most ob't faithful servant, 

J. H. Craig." 
The following is a copy of the letter 
I received of Colonel Edmond Fanning, 
of King's Americans: 

(Blank in the manuscript) 
The names of the Officers of Cumberland 
County who acted under Col. McDou- 
gald, as they was commissioned in their 



different companies, who were with me 
at the taking of HiUshoro: 
Archibald McDougald, Col. 
Archibald McKay, Lieut. -Col. 

{Another blank) 

The names of theOfficers of Bladen Counts 
who acted under Lt.-Col. Hector MC 

Hector McNeal, Lt.-Col. 
John Watson, Major. 

{Another blank) 

The names of the Gentlemen Officers who 
came as Volunteers from Wilmington 
for recreation and to explore the country, 
and was at the taking of Hillsboro 
with tne: 
Alexander McCraw, Capt. of Gov. 

Martin's Regt. 
Daniel McDonald, Lieut, of Gov. 

Martin's Regt. 
Malcolm McKay, Ensign of Gov. 

Martin's Regt. 
John McKenzie, Capt. 
Hector McNeal. 
Charles Campbell. 
James Dawson. 

Sometime after the receipt of the 
foregoing letter from Col. Edmond 
Fanning, I intercepted an express from 
Virginia bound for Gen. Greene's camp, 
which was at that time near the lines 
not far from Charleston; amongst which 
was Lord Cornwallis's capitulation, which 
I have since lost. We continued in small 
parties until Major Craig evacuated 
Wilmington, when one day I took a man 
with me to go for intelligence and to 
provide oats for the party I kept with 
me. WTien at a house I spied a party 
of thirty rebels coming towards said 
house where I was. We instantly mount- 
ed and rode off. On my return to my 
men, I ordered sixteen of them to mount, 
and went back to the house we had left, 
but found them gone off. I pursued 
them about sixteen miles, when we came 
up with them. We killed three of them 
and wounded two, whom I took prison- 
ers. I had no loss or accident on our 

I had now certain intelligence of Major 

Craig's evacuating Wilmington; and that 
the rebels in consequence of it had 
separated into small parties, and were 
returning toward their homes, and for 
the space of fourteen or fifteen days I 
fell in with and took more or less of 
them every day, during which time I had 
information of a Capt. Kennedy and his 
party, who had taken a number of 
horses and a quantity of household fur- 
niture. I followed him about five miles, 
and after a smart firing, took him and 
eight of his party, with the booty they 
had plundered. He gave intelligence 
that a Capt. Lopp with a party of sixty 
men who had been discharged by Gen. 
Rutherford were on their way home up 
the country. The said Capt. Kennedy 
(Cannady) all the time of our attacking 
Lopp stood and looked on; and as he 
declared that he would not make his 
escape, neither would he let any of his 
men, if we beat and drove off Capt. Lopp. 
I left him in a house with only two men 
to guard eleven, and found them all 
there. The guard informed me that he 
would not let any of his party make 
their escape. He proved so much to 
his honour that I gave him up one of 
his horses, saddle and bridle; and par- 
oled him with all his men. I at this 
time had but thirteen men with me at a 
house near the road not far from where 
they were to pass. I mounted my men, 
and placed them in concealment along 
the road. On their coming up, I or- 
dered them to fire and then to charge, 
which we did, three times, through them; 
they immediately dispersed through the 
woods; it being nearly dark, we could 
not tell what injury they suffered. 

On the loth of December Col. Isaacs 
came down from the mountains with a 
party of three hundred men, and formed 
his camp at Coxe's Mill, in the settle- 
ment I had formerly ranged in, in order 
to take me; where he continued nearly 
three months, during which time the 
following proclamation was issued: 

"State of North Carolina. 
Bv the Hon. Alexander Martin, Esq., 
'Speaker of the Senate, Captain Gener- 
al, Governor and Commander-in-Chief 
in and over the said State. 



Whereas divers of citizens of this State 
have been deluded by the wicked arti- 
fices of our enemies, and have revolted 
and withdrawn themselves from the 
faith and allegiance which, before God, 
they plighted to owe their country, and 
treacherously have taken up arms against 
the same; being convinced that they 
have been betrayed by false hopes, sup- 
ported by deceit, and now find them- 
selves deserted by our feeble and de- 
spairing enemy, and left unprotected to 
the vengeance of the State, to inflict 
those punishments due to their crimes, 
in tender compassion to the feelings of 
humanity to spare such who are willing 
to return, and to stay the hand of execu- 
tion in the unnecessary effusion of the 
blood of citizens who may be reclaimed, 
I have thought fit to issue this my proc- 
lamation of pardon of such of the above 
persons who may surrender themselves 
before the loth day of INIarch next, on 
this express condition, that they imme- 
diately enlist in the Continental bat- 
talions, and there render a personal 
service for twelve months after the time 
of their rendezvous at headquarters, 
and having faithfully performed the 
same for the said term, it shall be deemed 
as having expiated their offences, and be 
entitled to, and be restored to the privi- 
leges of citizens. All officers finding men 
of this class guilty of murder, robbery, 
and housebreaking, to be precluded 
from the above notwithstanding; and I 
do hereby require the Honourable the 
Judges of the Superior Courts of law, 
of oyer and terminer, and general jail 
delivery, and all officers, civil and mili- 
tary, within the State to take notice of 
this my proclamation, and govern them- 
selves accordingly. Given under my 
hand and seal at arms at Halifax this 
25th of December, 1781, and in the sixth 
year of our Independence. 

Alexander Martin. 
Bv his Excellency's command, 

John Hawkins, D. Sec'y. 
"God save the State." 

During Col. Isaac's stay at Coxe's 
Mill he ravaged the whole settlement, 
and burnt and destroved a number of 

houses belonging to the friends of Gov- 
ernment. They frequently applied to 
me privately for advice. I recommended 
it to them, if possible, to remain neutral, 
and make their peace; as it was entirely 
out of my power to protect or relieve 
them. A Capt. Stinson of this party 
took one of my men named David Jack- 
son, a7id hung him up "without ceremony. 
A few days before Col. Isaac's departure 
from Coxe's Mills, he sent out notice 
for the friends of Government to meet 
him, and he would give them protection 
agreeable to proclamation; but on their 
assembling, he made them prisoners of 
war, and marched them under a strong 
guard to Salisbury gaol. Not many 
days after, they broke out and knocking 
down the sentinels, made their escape 
except one, who was shot in the attempt. 
Two Captains in each county were 
appointed by Col. Isaacs, on his leaving 
Coxe's Mill, to keep the friends of Gov- 
ernment down; and were going with 
their own men continually through the 

During all this time I was in the woods, 
and kept moving with a small party as 
occasion required. One evening I had 
assembled thirty men at a friend's house, 
and sent out spies; they soon returned 
with accounts of a party of rebels within 
four miles of us, distressing and plun- 
dering our friends. We immediatelv set 
forward to render our assistance, and got 
within half a mile of them. I then sent 
out to get information how they were 
situated, and receiving intelligence by 
break of day came upon them. We re- 
took seven horses, which they had car- 
ried off, with a large quantity of bag- 
gage. W'e wounded two of them mor- 
tally and several slightly; we came off 
without injury, except two horses wound- 
ed. The day following we pursued them 
to Cumberland county, and on my way 
I burnt Capt. Coxe's house, and his 
father's. I had also two skirmishes and 
killed two of the rebel party. On my 
return to little River I heard of a Capt. 
Golson who had been distressing the 
loyalists, and went in search of him my- 
self, but unfortunately I did not meet 
him, but fell in with one of his men, who 



had been very assiduous in assisting the 
rebels. I killed him. I mounted a man 
of my own on his horse and returned 
back. I then took Capt. Currie and the 
man of my own before mentioned, and 
went with a design of burning Capt. 
Golson's house, which I did; and also 
two others. In my way I fell in with a 
man who had been very anxious to have 
some of my tnen executed. I sent him 
word to moderate and he should have 
nothing to fear, but if he persisted, I 
would certainly kill him. He took no 
notice of this, but persisted for several 
months, and on ob5er\'ing me that day, 
he attempted to escape; but I shot him. 

Two days after Capt. Walker joined 
me, which made four of us, and hearing 
that one Thompson, a rebel magistrate, 
had taken up a horse belonging to one 
of my men, I went to claim him; he gave 
him up without hesitation, and upon 
examining what arms he had, he owned 
to one rifle, which I took from him; he 
also informed me that the rebels were 
willing to make peace with me on my 
own terms, and would allow me any 
limited bounds I would require, pro- 
vided I would not be troublesome to 
them. I therefore concluded after con- 
sulting Capt. Walker and Currie, to 
demand the following terms, which I 
forwarded by a prisoner I had taken; 
and in order to convince them that my 
intentions were sincere, I released him 
for that purpose, though he had been the 
means of murdering several. 

Terms required by Col. David Fan- 
ning from Gov. Burke, forwarded to 
him by La\A-)'er Williams and Capt. 
Ramsay, of ist battalion of North Caro- 
lina Continentals: 

1. That every friend of the Govern- 
ment shall be allowed to return to their 
respective homes unmolested. 

2. That they shall be under no re- 
strictions of doing, or causing to be done, 
any thing prejudicial to his Majesty's 

3. That they shall not be under any 
obligation to act in any public station, 
or ever to take up arms, or be com- 
pelled to do anything injurious to his 
Majesty's good government. 

4. That they shall not pay, or cause to 
be paid, any taxes or money so levied by 
your laws during the continuance of the 
present war, to support your army by 
their industry. If these terms are grant- 
ed, I request that they may be imme- 
diately conveyed to me at my quarters 
by a flag of truce, appointed for that 
purpose, and by such officers as I can 
rely upon, from your hands and seals. 

If these terms are not granted you 
may depend upon my sword being con- 
tinually unsheathed; as I am determined 
I will not leave one of your old offenders 
alive that has injured his Majesty's 
Government, and friends who would 
have been of service to your country in 
a future day, and I do hereby recom- 
mend it to you to govern yourselves 

Jan. 7th, 1782. D.\\7D F.\NNING, 

Joseph Currie, 
Stephen \\'.\lker, 
To Mr. James Williams and Capt. Mat- 
thew Ramsay. 
To be forwarded by them to the Commander 

in Chi^f for the time being, Hillsboro 


I received the following answer from 
Lawver Williams: 

Ch.atham, Jan. 8th, 1782. 

Sir, — I received yours by Mr. Riggin 
at the Court House on Sunday last, and 
immediately wrote to Gen. Butler on 
the subject of your surrender, as men- 
tioned in yours. His answer is that he 
cannot receive you himself but will di- 
rectly write to the Governor, and as soon 
as he receives his answer, he will transmit 
it to Maj. Griffith, who will send it to 
Winsor Pearce's on Deep River. If I 
obtain liberty, I will bring it myself. In 
the meantime I would recommend a 
moderate conduct as the best step to 
bring matters to an accommodation. 
The bearer, Mr. Riggin, has executed 
the trust you reposed in him; I therefore 
hope you will restore to him his property. 
For your civility to me when I was a 
prisoner, I ivill do anything I can in 
honour. Concerning your surrender. 
Col. Ray and Col. McDougald have 



surrendered and gone to Charleston. 
I am informed by Col. Thackston I am 
exchanged with a number of other pris- 
oners at Charleston under a cartel 
which is renewed. You may depend as 
soon as I get the Governor's answer, 
you shall know it. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, 
James Williams. 

Col. D.AVID Fanning. 

I also received another letter from 
Capt. Ramsay by another conveyance: 

Jan. 8th, 1782. 

Sir, — I saw a letter to Mr. Williams 
and observed what you say concerning 
my case. As to breaking my parole, 
that I am clear of; as Major Craig a few 
days before he left Wilmington sent a 
party of dragoons to where we were 
paroled at the Sound and ordered us 
under the main guard, whence I made 
my escape; which I am certain you will 
not blame me for, as you are well ac- 
quainted with my honour; when I was 
taken prisoner, I had it in my power to 
escape many a time, but as long as I 
was treated like a gentleman, or agree- 
ably to the rules of war, I would rather 
suffer death than forfeit my honour. I 
observe what you say concerning your 
parole; for the kind treatment I received 
at your hands, yon may rely on it, any- 
thing Mr. Williams or myself can do 
for yon in honour shall not be wanting. 
Your letter I understand is transmitted 
to the Governor, who I make no doubt 
will comply with your request. For 
my part I wish for nothing else but peace. 

I am. Sir, your humble servant, 

Matthew Ramsay. 

I lay neutral until I got further ac- 
counts and on the 15th Jan., 1782, 
Messrs. Williams, Clark, and Burns, 
were kind enough to wait on me at Mr. 
Winsor Pearce's with respect to my 
former proposals which I had requested 
of them, with the letter as follows: 

iSth Jan., 1782. 

Sir, — Agreeable to your request I 
have received order to offer you a parole 
on the terms you desired, thirty miles 
east and west, fifteen miles north and 
south. Hammond Co.xe's mill to be the 
centre of your bounds. Should you incline 

to go to Charleston at a future day, let 
me know it, and I will endeavour to get you 
that liberty when I see the Governor. 
You mentioned being waylaid; you 
may be assured that I know nothing of it. 
Mr. Williams, Mr. Clark and John Burns 
are the gentlemen that are kind enough to 
wait upon you with this fiag, and a blank 
parole for you to sign, and they will give 
you a certificate for your security against 
any of the American troops to remain as 
prisoner of war in the bounds specified. 
You may rely on it, nothing dishonourable 
shall be done on my part; and I have the 
greatest reason to believe that you will 
act on the same principles. No inhabit- 
ants of this county shall be molested, 
either in person or property, who have 
not been guilty of wilful murder, or plun- 
dering; it is the duty of every honest man 
to bring all such to justice in order to 
restore harmony and peace once more to 
our country. 

I am your obedient humble servant, 
M.-VTTHEw Ramsay. 
To Col. David Fanning 

per flag. 
Also the following letter was left at Mr. 
Pearce's by the three gentlemen before 
mentioned : 

Tuesday Morning. 
Sir, — Agreeable to Capt. Ramsay's let- 
ter left for you, we came up to Mr. Pearce's 
when we made no doubt of seeing you. I 
have seen his instructions to parole you, 
and you may depend no trap is meant for 
you, to any of our knowledge. Ray and 
McDougald were received in the same 
manner, and no man offered to molest 
them. Our orders were to have returned 
last night, and the Light Horse under the 
command of Capt. Ramsay kept back 
until our return; therefore we cannot 
possibly stay any longer. If you incline 
to accept the terms offered, which Capt. 
Ramsay cannot alter, you will meet us at 
Baalam Thompson's with as many of 
your men as you please, such as can be 
received according to the terms you pro- 
pose, and are your obedient servants. 

James Williams, 
A. Clark, 
Jno. Burns. 
To Col. David Fanning. 



In the course of this correspondence 
endeavouring to make peace, I had reason 
to believe they did not intend to be as good 
as their v.-ords; as three of their people 
followed Capt. Linley of mine, who had 
moved to Wittoguar, and cut him to 
pieces with their swords. I was immedi- 
ately informed of it, and kept a look-out 
for them. Five days after their return, I 
took two of them and hung them, by way 
of retaliation, both on a limb of one tree, 
they being deserters from the British (Col 
Hamilton's Regiment); the third made his 
escape. After this Col. Alstine, who was 
a prisoner of war at this time, came to 
me at Gen. Butler's request, to know if 
I was willing to come to any terms. I 
asked the reason why the Governor had 
not answered my letter, and what was the 
cause of their behaviour to Capt. Linley. I 
then, with a number of my officers, sat 
down and wrote the following letter to 
General Butler: 

"Sir, — On Friday, the 7th of January 
last, I wrote to Mr. Williams the terms I 
was willing to come under; he wrote for 
answer that he could not comply v;ith my 
terras until he had the approbation of the 
Governor. On Wednesday, the nth 
January, a dag was to meet me at Winsor 
Pearce's with a letter. But on its ap- 
proach it was waylaid by Capt. Golston 
with a party of men, which had more the 
appearance of treachery than a wish for 
peace, had not the gentleman (Mr. Baalam 
Thompson) acted as honourable; for the 
minute he arrived he let me know it, and 
declared himself innocent. This gave me 
reason to think he would act with honour. 
Still on t'ne 15th January, Messrs. Williams, 
Clark, and Burns, the three gentlemen 
that were kind enough to wait upon me, 
with a blank parole, and letter from Capt. 
Ramsay — who mentioned in his letter 
that my request was granted by the Gov- 
ernor; in the meantime, the gentlemen 
waiting on me at the place appointed, 
there came around a company from the 
Hawnelds, commanded by Capt. Scorely, 
which plainly and evidently appeared to 
me there was nothing but treachery 
meant." On Sunday, the loth of Febru- 
ary, I fell in the rear of Capt. Colestons 
and Capt. Hinds, and following their trail, 

came on them at dark. After some firing 
that night I rode off, and came on them 
ne.xt morning, and we came upon terms 
of peace till I could write to their 
superior officer, for which I consulted 
my officers, and we joined hand and 
heart to comply with the terms here- 
under written. 

"We, the Subscribers, do acknowledge 
ourselves subjects to his Britannic Majesty, 
as you are well assured of our fidelity, 
zeal, and loyalty to his Majesty's Govern- 
ment, as it has been daily the case that 
we have been destroying one another's 
property to support and uphold our opin- 
ions, and we are hereby willing to come to 
a cession of arms, not under six months, 
nor exceeding twelve; conditions under- 

I. Our request is from Cumberland, 
twentv miles N. & S., and thirtv miles 
E. & \V., to be totally clear of your Light 

2nd. Request is for every man that has 
been in actual arms, in a permanent man- 
ner, in order to establish a British Gov- 
ernment (except those who have deserted 
from a regular troop that has voluntarily 
listed themselves), them we do obligate 
to deliver up, and each and ever)' man that 
are at liberty, shall have a right to with- 
draw themselves in said district. 

3rd. If any of our men should go out of 
said district to plunder, or distress, or 
murder any of the American party, we will, 
by information made to me. Major Rains, 
or any of the Captains, return their names 
(if the request is granted) ; they shall im- 
mediately be apprehended and sent by 
any officer appointed by you to be tried by 
your own laws. 

4th. If any of your party shall be caught 
plundering, stealing or murdering, or 
going private paths with arms, signifying 
as if they were for mischief, these are to 
be left to our pleasure to deal with as we 
see cause agreeable to our laws. All 
public roads to be travelled by any person 
or company unmolested if he behave 
himself as becomes an honest man, or any 
army or company or waggons keeping the 
public roads. 

5th. Every person that has been in ac- 
tual arms in manner aforesaid, in order to 




support or establish a British Govern- 
ment, shall not be interrupted of their 
arms, provisions, person or property. If 
any one residing within the said district 
who are subjects to the States that you 
should want provisions or any other 
article from, by sending to either of the 
officers that I shall appoint for that pur- 
pose or use, we will send a sufficient 
guard to see them safe in and out un- 
molested. Quakers excepted from any- 
thing whatever. 

6th. That I will not in the meantime 
disturb or distress any person or persons 
abiding by your laws in said district. All 
back plundering shall be void, as it is im- 
possible to replace or restore all the plun- 
der on either side. 

7th. Our request is to have free trade 
with any post with waggons, or on horse- 
back without arms; with a pass from any 
appointed officer for salt or any other 
necessaries and use, except the two Coxe's 
mills, to be free from any incumbrance of 
all armies belonging to the Americans. 

8th. Any of my men that has been re- 
turned a Continental without taking the 
bounty, that has been in actual service as 
above mentioned, shall return in said 

9th. If our request is granted as above 
written I request it may be sent to me by 
8th of March, as I may forward my 
further determinations; if I cannot have 
my request granted, I shall exact and 
point out every feasible measure in 
order to suppress every person in arms 
against his Britannic Majesty. I am 
your most obedient humble servant. 

Given under my hand at arms as afore- 

David Fanning, Col. Com. Loyal Militia. 
John Rains, Major Loyal Militia. 
William Rains, Captain. 
John Cagle, Captain. 
Wm. Price, Captain. 
Abner Smally, Captain. 
Jacob Mannies, Lieutenant. 

To John Butler, Gen'l of Hillsboro District 

Pr favour of Col. Philip Alstine. 
A copy of a letter received from Gen. 


Mount Pleasant, 5th March, 1782. 

Dear Sir: 

Your letter of 26th of last month was 
handed to me last night. I have observed 
the contents. Had you proposed that 
you and the men now in actual service 
with you would have taken a parole to 
some certain bounds, until you could have 
been sent to Charleston to be exchanged, 
I should have entered on that business. 
But as your propositions are many, and 
some of them uncustomary in like cases, 
I conceive it out of my power. However, 
his Excellency Governor Burke is now at 
Halifax, and I will send him your letter 
with the proposals to him by express. 
This is now the 5th day of March; of 
course, it must be several days after the 
8th before his answer can come to hand; 
in the meantime it may be as well to post- 
pone the desperate measures you have in 

I am your obedient servant, 

John Butler, B.G. for 

Hillsboro District. 

P.S. — If you would not choose to be 
confined to bounds any length of time, it 
might be contrived so that you might be 
sent oS immediately under an escort of 
my appointing to General Greene. He 
has promised me to have all such ex- 
changed which I send to his quarters. 
John Butler, B.G. 

About the 7th of March, 1782, Capt. 
Walker and Currie of the Loyal Militia 
fell in v/ith a party of rebels and came to 
an engagement, and fired for some time, 
till the rebels had fired all their ammuni- 
tion, and then wished to come to terms of 
peace between each party; and no plun- 
dering, killing or murdering should be 
committed by either party or side, which 
was to be concluded upon by each Colonel 
for such certain limited bounds which 
were to be agreed upon by each Colonel; 
and if they could not agree, each party 
was to lie neutral until matters were made 
known respecting the terms which they 
wished to agree upon; soon after which 
my men came to me and informed what 
they had done; we received the rebel Col. 
Balfour's answer, that "there was no 
resting place for a Tory's foot upon the 
earth." He also immediately sent out 
his party, and on the loth I saw the same 



company coming to a certain house where 
we were fiddling and dancing. We im- 
mediately prepared ourselves in readiness 
to receive them, their number being 
twenty-seven and our number only seven; 
we immediately mounted our horses, and 
went some little distance from the house 
ajid commenced a fire, for some consider- 
able time; night coming on they retreated, 
and left the ground. 

On the 1 2th of March my men being all 
properly equipped, assembled together in 
order to give them a small scourge, which 
we set out for. On Balfour's plantation, 
where we came upon him, he endeavoured 
to make his escape; but we soon pre- 
vented him, having fired at him and 
wounded him. The first ball he received 
was through one of his arms, and ranged 
through his body; the other through his 
neck; v/hich put an end to his commit- 
ting any more ill deeds. 

We also woundedfanother of his men. 
We then proceeded to their Colonel's 
(Collier), belonging to said county of 
Randolph; on our way we burnt several 
rebel houses and caught several prisoners, 
the night coming on and the distance to 
said Collier's was so far, that it was late 
before we got there. He made his escape, 
having received three balls through his 
shirt, but I took care to destroy the whole 
of his plantation. I then pursued our 
route, and came to one Capt. John Bryan's, 
another rebel ofl5cer. I told him if he 
would come out of the house, I would give 
him a parole, which he refused, saying 
that he had taken a parole from Lord 
Cornwallis, swearing by God, he had 
broken that and that he would also break 
our Tory parole. With that I immedi- 
ately ordered the house to be set on fire, 
which was instantly done, and as soon as 
he saw the flames of the fire increasing, 
he called out to me, and desired me to 
spare his house for his wife's and chil- 
dren's sake, and he would walk out with 
his arms in his hands. I immediately 
answered him, that if he walked out his 
house should be saved for his wife and 
children. He came out, and when he 
came out he said, "Here, damn you, here 
I am." With that he received two balls, 
one through his head and one through his 

body; he came out with his gun cocked, 
and sword at the same time. 

Next day I proceeded to one Major 
Dugin's house, or plantation, and I de- 
stroyed all his property, and all the rebel 
officers' property in the settlement for the 
distance of forty miles. 

On our way I caught a commissary from 
Salisbury who had some of my men 
prisoners and almost perished them, and 
wanted to hang some of them. I carried 
him immediately to a certain tree, where 
they had hung one of my men by the name 
of Jackson, and delivered him up to some 
of my men, whom he had treated ill when 
prisoners; and they immediately hung 
him. Afteer hanging fifteen minutes thy 
cut him down. In the meantime there 
was about 300 rebels who had embodied 
themselves and came after us; on account 
of the rainy weather our guns would not fire 
on either side. We were obliged to retreat, 
on account of their numbers being so much 
superior. We had received no damage. 

About the 8th of April, a certain 
Capt. Williams came into the settle- 
ment and sent an old woman to me, to 
inform me that he had arrived from Gov- 
ernor Burke that instant, and had come 
in order to see me; by her description I 
and my little party immediately met 
him, and he informed me that he had 
come to know if I was willing to come 
upon those terms I had already pre- 
sented; and requested to have from under 
my own hand a true copy of them, and 
that Governor Burke would do every- 
thing in his power to have the same 
agreed upon by his Council and Assem- 
bly; for which purpose the said Wil- 
liams was sent from the Governor. He 
also told me that the Governor had said 
that anything I should do, or cause to be 
done, from the character he had heard 
from the British at Charleston, that 
he had not the least doubt they would 
assent to any proceedings I should un- 
dertake to do; he wished to make peace 
with me; and also saying if I was taken 
prisoner and killed, that 100 would cer- 
tainly lose their lives for it, and he looked 
upon it much better to come upon terms 
of peace — that he heard in Charleston 
that I was killed, which occasioned him 


to run away from Charleston; upon rupt any of the inhabitants of Chatham 

which I gave him a copy of the articles until matters are further settled, 

which I wished to comply to; with which Willi.\m Golston. 

he ordered the Light Horse to depart to Sir, — I received your letter, which 

their different stations till they had re- gives me great satisfaction to hear that 

ceived orders from the Governor and you and some of the officers have come 

Council. upon terms of peace, which is all I would 

As I was obliged to lay neutral until crave; but I should be glad with one of 

I received their answer, which was to the officers in company to meet you and 

be upon terms of honour between both have some conversation together, and 

sides, with which the different captains be upon honour, and if we can come 

commanding the Light Horse wrote to upon terms agreeable to both, I should 

me respecting the same; which appears immediately march my company home; 

by the following letters: so I shall be at Mr. MuUins this evening 

Sir, — I received a few lines this day at two o'clock; and if you can meet 

from Capt. Edward Williams, inform- and converse across the river, or any 

ing me that you and he had come down other place you \vill choose. 

yesterday, and signified that you and I am, sir, your obedient 

he are upon terms of compromising Thomas Dougan, 

matters, on condition that I will stop the Captain of Light Horse. 

County Light Horse from pursuing you. April 12th, 1782. 

You may rest assured that it is my de- To Col- David Fanning. 

sire to be at peace with all men. Capt. April 17th, 1782. 

Riddle and his company are at the Court Sir, — I, as an officer in behalf of the 

House. I have ordered him to stand State of North Carolina, have turned 

there until further orders, and will send out in order to suppress any persons dis- 

after Capt. Golston and desire him in turbing the peace of said State; but when 

also. I shall set off this morning to the I arrived at Deep River, I understood 

Assembly, and if it is in my power to that you and Capts. Williams and Dougan 

do or cause anything to be done that were about to make a treaty of peace 

shall cause peace and harmony over (which I approved of very well), and with- 

the land, you may rest assured I will do drew my troop towards home. But to 

my best, and second Capt. Williams, my surprise, on my way I understood 

though he gave me no account of your that your men were robbing the peaceful 

proposals; and am and inoffensive people of Cane Creek 

With respect your humble servant, and Rocky River, which wicked conduct, 

Roger Griffith, Major, and the great desire I had for the welfare 

April 9th, 1782. of my country, induced me to stay a 

little longer, and endeavour to stop such 

To Col. David Fanning. robbery. I therefore wish to inform 

Cajvip at Mr. Carr's, Apr. 10, 1782. you that I did not pretend with any view 

Sir, — I received orders from ISIajor of making you any way dishonourable, 
Griffith concerning some terms between but many persons not owing a true alleg- 
him and you and shall withdraw my iance to the laws of this State are run- 
men and Capt. Colston's as we are both ning at large and call you their officer, 
together, and will not proceed any fur- As I hope you are a gentleman, and will 
ther after apprehending you or yours, not protect any vagabond, I will thank 
unless you come into our county doing you to let me know every particular of 
mischief, until further orders. your treaty, or what bounds you have; 
From your humble servant, and upon the honour of a gentleman I 
Joseph Rosur. will not interrupt any person within 

said bounds that is of good character 

To Col. David Fanning. with you. I would recommend that 

Hoping you nor yours will not inter- you order Joseph Currie and Blair to 



return the widow Dixon's property, 
which they robbed her of, and I will not 
write to the Governor concerning it, as 
you want peace. He would think very 
little of your honour if he heard that 
your men were robbing his people after 
you had petitioned to him. 

I am, sir, in behalf of the State, 

Edw.vrd Guin, Captain. 
To Col. David Fanniug. 

About the i8th of April Capt. Wil- 
liams came to me again at Fort Creek, 
and informed me that the original ar- 
ticles of treaty had been laid before the 
Governor and Assembly, and they were 
upon a conclusion of granting me the 
terms I wanted; but were prevented by 
a Colonel who came from over the moun- 
tains and was one of the Assembly, who 
did ever}'thing against it. Their objec- 
tions were the articles respecting the 
Continental soldiers to be taken off, 
and also that they could not think of 
allowing any passports for any of the 
friends of Government to have any cor- 
respondence or connections with the 
British. Everv other article thev were 
willing to grant. Their Assembly con- 
tinued on the business for three days, 
as Mr. Williams informed me. My 
answer was that I would forfeit mv life 
before I would withdraw any one of the 
articles that I had presented, as I still 
wished to hold the same connection 
with the British as formerly; I likewise 
told him, that I understood that they 
had picked out twenty-four of their best 
horses and men from Virginia in order 
to pursue me, and my answer to Mr. 
Williams was that they might do their 
best, and be damned, as I was fully de- 
termined to still support my integrity, 
and to exert myself in behalf of the King 
and country' more severely than ever I 
did. ^^'ith this Mr. Williams departed. 

I then set out for Chatham, where I 
learned that a wedding was to be that 
day. On my way I took one prisoner 
before I came to the house. There be- 
ing but five of us, we immediately sur- 
rounded the house in full charge. I 
ordered them immediately out of the 
house. Three of my men went into the 
house and drove them all out one by 

one. I caused them all to stand in a 
row to examine them, to see if I knew 
any of them that were bad men.* I 
found one, by the name of \\illiam 
Doudy, concealed upstairs. One of my 
men fired at him as he was running 
from one house to the other; he received 
the ball in his shoulder. I then having 
my pistols in my hand, discharged them 
both at his breast, with which he fell, 
and that night expired. I then paroled 
the rest on the 25th. 

I concluded within myself that it was 
better for me to try and settle myself, 
being weary of the disagreeable mode 
of living I had borne with for some con- 
siderable time; and for the many kind- 
nesses and the civility of a gentleman 
who lived in the settlement of Deep 
River, I was induced to pay my addresses 
to his daughter, a young lady of sixteen 
years of age. The day of marriage be- 
ing appointed, on making it known to 
my'^ people, Capt. William Hooker and 
Captain William Carr agreed to be mar- 
ried with me. They both left me to 
make themselves and their intended 
wives ready, and the day before we were 
to be coupled, the rebels before men- 
tioned, with those good horses, came upon 
them. Capt. Hooker's horse being tied 
so fast he could not get him loose, they 
caught him and murdered him on the 
spot. Myself and Capt. Carr were 
married and kept two days' merriment. 
The rebels thought they were sure of 
me then; however, I took my wife and 
concealed her in the woods with Capt. 
Carr's; and caused an oration to be put 
out that I was gone to Charleston. In 
order to be convinced, the rebels sent a 
man in as a spy, with two letters from 
Gen. Leslie with instructions for me to 
enlist men for the sen'ice, which I knew 
was forged, in order to betray me, and 
from the person or commanding officer 
of the rebel Light Horse. The following 
is one of which I gave Gen. Leslie, that 
had his name signed to it: 

* Thi"? and the -^hootin^ of Capt. Bn-an supra, 
appear uniustifiable; but by "bad men" Fanning 
evidently means men who had murdered Loyalists, 
and Bryan had broken his parole. Both ocpurred 
after Balfour's pronouncement in the neg"tiation 
for peace that "there was no resting- place for a 
Tory's foot on earth. ' ' See also note to pp. 17. 18 inf. 



Charleston, 20th Jan., 1782. 

Dear Colonel, — 

Although I have not as yet the happiness 
of being acquainted with you, yet I can 
but applaud you very much for your 
spirited conduct and activity. The only 
objection I have to your conduct is your 
being too strenuous with those who 
have been subjects to his Majesty, and 
whom the rebels have overcome and 
forced them to comply with their laws. If 
you would let them alone, the severity 
of the rebels would cause them to return 
to their allegiance again. But, sir, since 
you have made so brave a stand already, 
pray stand steadfast to the end, and we 
shall be well rewarded at the last. Try 
to spirit up your men, and enlist, if pos- 
sible, three hundred men this spring, 
ready to join three hundred more; which 
shall be put under your command, and 
you be Brigadier-General of them, and as 
many more as you can get. We shall, 
I hope, in the month of May land 1,300 
troops in North Carolina, 300 for you to 
join your corps, 1,600 in the whole, to 
act upon the defensive until you are 

Keep good discipline among your 
troops, and keep out fellows who will 
do nothing but plunder from amongst 
your people. They are but false de- 
pendence, and will not fight, but only 
corrupt good men. Every man you en- 
list for twelve months shall receive ten 
guineas and a full suit of clothes as soon 
as we land our troops, and they appear 
under your command ready for action. 
I can assure you, 'tis your fame and 
worthy actions has, through and by 
Major Craig given, reached his Majes- 
ty's ears, and I expect perhaps by the 
ne.xt packet boat you will get a genteel 
present from our gracious Sovereign. 
So hoping that you will be in the way 
of your duty, I will take leave of you, 
without mentioning your name, or sub- 
scribing mine, lest this might miscarry — 
the man who is entrusted with the care 
of this dares not at present be seen in it, 
but a friend, and send it to the man it is 
directed to. 

Sir, yours. 

To Col. Fanning in No. Ca. 

A letter from the traitor who brought 
these two letters from Gen. Leslie: 
Dear Sir,— ^ 

I would come to see you myself, but 
am afraid of the rebel Light Horse. I 
have a great many things to acquaint 
you with and a good deal of good news, 
but dare not write for fear of miscar- 
riage. If you have any desire of seeing 
me you must come soon, nay, instantly. 
Don't let the bearer know the contents 
of the letters — the fewer trusted the bet- 
ter. In the meantime, 

I am your friend and servant, 
Joseph Wilson. 

April 2qth, 1782. 
To Col. Fanning. 

My answer was in Major Rains' name 
as follows: 

Sir, — I am very sorry to think that 
there is so many damned foolish rebels 
in the world, as to think Col. Fanning 
would be ever deceived by such damned 
infernal writing as I have received from 
you. Col. Fanning is gone to Charles- 
ton, and is not to return here till he 
comes with forces sufficient to defend 
this part of the country, and I would 
have you to disband, and be gone im- 
mediately; for if I ever hear of any of 
your people coming with anyching of 
the sort, I will come and kill him myself. 
I am in behalf of his Majesty's armies, 

John Rains, 
Major of the Loyal Militia. 
To Jos. Wilson. 

On the I St of May, 1782, I heard a 
waggon going in the road; I imagined 
she was going down to market, as I 
heard of a number of waggons which 
were to proceed down with liquors to 
the market. On the 2nd I mounted 
and pursued the waggon which I heard 
the day before, and as I was about set- 
ting out for Charleston I concluded to 
have a frolic with my old friends before 
we parted. After riding about ten miles 
I overtook the said waggon, which be- 
longed to a certain man who had been 
taken prisoner and paroled by the Brit- 
ish, and had broken his parole. In 
the meantime, I was examining his 
papers I set a sentinel over him. He, 



knowing himself guilty, expected nothing 
but death. He took an opportunity and 
sprung upon my own riding mare, and 
went off with my saddle, holsters, pis- 
tols, and all my papers of any consequence 
to me. We fired two guns at him; he 
received two balls through his body, but 
it did not prevent him from sitting the 
saddle, and he made his escape. I took 
the other man and caused him to take 
me to the man's plantation, where I 
took his w-ife, and three negro boys, and 
eight head of horses. I kept his wife 
in the woods for three days, and sent the 
other man to see if he would deliver up 
my mare and property containing my 
papers, for which he wrote me the fol- 
lowing answer or letter: 

Sir, — Col. Fanning, I hope that you 
do not blame me for what I did. Hop- 
ing you will have mercy on me, as I am 
wounded, and let my wife come to me. 
Your mare shall be returned to you 
without fail. Your mare I don't crave, 
and I hope you don't covet mine. I beg 
that you will have pity on my wife and 
children. The negroes and horses I am 
willing you shall keep until you get your 
mare. I have sent to a doctor. But 
the mare will be back to-night. No 
more, but you may depend upon my word. 

Andrew Hunter. 
To Col. David Fanning. 

I also received the following letter from 
Edward Williams on the subject of 
the mare: 

Sir, — These few lines comes to let 
you know that I have this day seen Mr. 
Hunter, and he is badly wounded and 
desires you would let his wife come to 
him immediately. As to the rest of the 
property, you are welcome to keep until 
such time's you get your mare returned, 
which will be as soon as possible, as she 
has gone at this time after the doctor. 
But she shall be returned to you with all 
speed as soon as she returns. Mr. Hun- 
ter is also very ill. 

I am your obedient humble servant, 
Edward Williams. 
Col. David Fanning. 

On the 7th of May, finding I could see 
no opportunity of getting my mare, not- 
withstanding she was one of my principal 

creatures, and a mare I set great store by, 
and gave one hundred and ten guineas for, 
I was obliged to let loose all his horses 
except one, as they were of no account to 
me in the situation I was in; the negroes 
I kept. I then proceeded on to Major 
Gainer's truce land on Pedee in South 
Carolina, where he had made a truce with 
the rebels some time before, and I con- 
tinued there until June, when I left my 
wife, horses and negroes, and then, as I 
was entirely a stranger to the situation of 
the country and roads, I was obliged to 
procure a pilot to proceed to Charleston; 
I could not get one for less than twenty 
guineas. After my departure I fell in 
with the rebel dragoons commanded by 
Col. Bailie, from Virginia. I was with 
them for about an hour; and informed 
them that we were some of the rebel party 
then on our way to General Marion's head- 
quarters. They never discovered us as 
otherwise than such, it being in the dusk 
of the evening. We fell into the rear, and 
went into the woods and struck our camp 
and promised them we would see them 
next morning. However, we proceeded 
on that night and arrived at Herald's point 
on the 17th of June, and immediately 
procured a passage to Charleston, where 
I immediately applied for a flag to send 
after Mrs. Fanning and property. The 
flag had left Charleston two days, when 
she came in, as Major Gainer had applied 
to General Marion for a pass for her to 
proceed to Charleston, but would not 
let her have any of our property, or even 
a negro to wait on her. 

In a short time loyalists that had got 
into Charleston from different parts of 
the world, hearing that the Southern Col- 
onies were to be evacuated by the British 
forces, called a meeting to point out some 
measures to try to hold some foothold in 
the country, until we had got some part 
pavment for our property which we were 
obliged to leave if we left the country. 
Handbills were struck and stuck up 
through the town for the loyalists to 
choose their representatives to represent 
our situation and the desire we had to sup- 
port ourselves and property. It was pro- 
posed that twenty-five gentlemen should 
be chosen a committee for that purpose. 



The days were appointed to take votes. 
I was chosen amongst others; and drew 
up a petition and sent to Sir GuyCarleton, 
Comnnander-in-Chief, praying the liberty 
of keeping the town and artillery, as they 
stood on the works, and despatched two 
gentlemen off with our petition; our re- 
quest was not granted. I have hereunto 
set forth the names of the gentlemen rep- 

Col. Ballingall, Jas. Johnston, Esq.; 
Robert Williams, Esq.; Lt.-Col. Dupont, 
Col. Robt. Wra. Powell, Col. Gray, John 
Gailliard, Esq.; Col. Cassels, John Rose, 
Col. Pearson, Maj. Wm. Greenwood, Col. 
Philips, Maj. Gabriel Capers, Col. Ham- 
ilton, Lt.-Col. Thos. Inglis, Wm. Carson, 
John Hopton, Esq.; Dr. Wm. Charles 
Wells, Robt. Johnston, Esq.; Col. Thomas 
Edgehill, John Champniss,Andrew Millar, 
Esq.; Col. Samuel Bryan, Col. David 
Fanning, Doctor Baron. 

I remained in Charleston until the 
5th of September, and my horses having 
got recruited, and one of my negroes hav- 
ing made his way good through the coun- 
try, came down to me; I then set out for 
the countrj'' again, on account of my mis- 
fortune of losing my mare, which was of 
great value to me. I went up to the set- 
tlement again, to the man I sent to Hunter 
before, and he informed me that Hunter 
refused five negroes for the mare and 
would not return her. He also went to 
where I left one of the negroes and took 
him and sent him over the mountains to 
keep him out of my way. I continued 
about in the settlement until the 22nd of 
the month, trying to get her, but was dis- 
appointed in my hopes. Knowing that 
Charleston was to be evacuated, I was 
obliged to return; and as I was on my 
way, I understood my mare was at a cer- 
tain place, about 125 miles from Charles- 
ton, being about half the distance from 
where I then was toward Charleston. I 
instantly pursued on my journey to the 
place where she then was. I came within 
a mile of where I heard she was, and my 
riding horse was so particularly known, 
I sent a man up to the house and he was 
known, and they directed us the wrong 
way, and immediately sent word to where 
my mare was. I found out we were 

wrong; and took through the woods and 
to a house within a half a mile, where 
they had word of my coming and were 
making ready to go to their assistance, 
but seeing us come up, he immediately 
left his horse, and was running off through 
a field, and turned round and presented 
his piece and snapped, but she missed fire; 
with this, I ordered one of my men to fire 
at him, who shot him through the body, 
and despatched his presence from this 
world. The other two men that was at 
the house that did not run, informed me 
that they had received word of my coming 
a half an hour before I arrived, and also 
that there were men lying in ambush 
ready to attack me. With this, the man 
who had my mare went off with her, and 
having only two men and my negro that 
set out with me from Charleston, also 
two little negroes that I had for my mare, 
I thought it was my best way to proceed 
to Charleston, and on the 28th Septem- 
ber I arrived at Charleston, where the 
shipping was ready for me to embark for 
St. Augustine. 

The following is a Proclamation which 
I got when I was out in the country, 
nailed to Coxe's Mill: 
State of North Carolina: 

By his Excellency Alexander ISIartin, 
Esq., Governor, Captain-General and 
Commander-in-Chief in and over the said 


Whereas divers citizens of this State 
have withdrawn themselves from their 
allegiance and joined the enemy of this 
and the United States, seduced by their 
wicked artifices, now find their hopes, sup- 
ported by deceit, totally blasted and left 
unprotected to the Justice of their coun- 
try ready to inflict those just punishments 
due to their crimes. But in compassion 
to such who are truly penitent and to stop 
the further effusion of the blood of citizens 
who may be reclaimed, by and with the 
advice and consent of the Council of 
State I have thought proper to issue this 
my proclamation of pardon to all such of 
the above persons who shall within ten 
days after the date hereof surrender them- 
selves to any commanding officer of any 
troops of the State or any of the United 



States acting in conjunction with the same, 
on this express condition that they renew 
the oath of allegiance and enter into one 
of the Continental battalions of this State 
and there serve twelve months after the 
time of their rendezvous, which service 
being faithfully performed shall expiate 
their offences and entitle them to the res- 
toration of their property and every other 
privilege of a citizen, precluding all those 
guilty of murder, robbing, house-break- 
ing and crimes not justifiable by the laws 
of war from the above pardon, notwith- 
standing notifying all such persons that 
unless they surrender at the time afore- 
said, those taken prisoners shall be 
deemed prisoners of war, and liable to 
exchange except as above provided. The 
enemy will exchange the same, otherwise 
they shall be subjected to the penalties of 
the said law which will be inflicted upon 

By Order of his Excellency Alexander 
Martin, Esq., 

Bennett Crofton, Major, 

States Legion. 
June the 15th, 1782. 

During my absence from Charleston, 
the loyalists were signing to go under my 
directions to East Florida, and as soon as 
I came to town I ordered them all to get 
on board, and on the 6th of November I 
went on board the transport ship, the 
Ne^v Blessing, commanded by Thomas 
Craven, where I continued on board the 
said transport for eight days before she 
set out for St. Augustine. Arrived the 
17th said month, where we came to 
anchor, and there laid eight days more; at 
the expiration of that time I went on shore 
and three days after had my property 
landed, about twenty-seven miles distance 
from St. Augustine, upon the Matanzeys, 
where I had some thought of settling. I 
continued there for some time and from 
thence proceeded to Halifax River, being 
about fifty-five miles from St. Augustine. 
There I undertook to settle myself and to 
make a crop, thinking to begin the world 
anew, being tolerably well provided for 
with negroes. 

In the last of February I met Major An- 
drew Deavoce, who was heating up for 
volunteers to go to take New Providence. 

I also agreed to join him and took a copy 
of the Articles and went home and raised 
thirty young men for that expedition, and 
had them in readiness to embark and 
waited for Major Deavoce arrival at 
the inlet of Halifax, until I heard he was 
gone. A true copy of the original is here- 
unto set forth: 

Articles of Agreement between Major 
Deavoce and the Volunteers, for an ex- 
pedition immediately against New Prov- 

Article ist. I do engage on my part 
to furnish the men with provisions, arms 
and ammunition for the expedition. 

and. That the men shall be altogether 
under my command and not to be trans- 
ferred to any other after the expedition, 
and that they rendezvous on the fifteenth 
of this month in town, and be ready to go 
on board on three hours' notice being 
given them. 

3rd. That all or any of the men who 
shall desire to settle in that country after 
the reduction of it shall be provided with 

4th. That all prizes taken by land or 
sea shall be equally divided among the 
officers and men according to their respec- 
tive ranks, first deducting the expense of 
the expedition. 

5th. That in case of mutiny or dis- 
obedience of orders the man or party con- 
cerned shall forfeit the whole of their prize 
monev and be subject to confinement for 
the offence according to the nature of the 

6th. That a certain number of dead 
shares shall be reserved for the support of 
all wounded men, widows and orphans of 
men that may unfortunately fall on this 
expedition. Ten dead shares shall be 
at the disposal of Capt. WTieeler and my- 
self for deserving men. 

7th. That the person who raises the 
most men shall be second in command, 
and I do engage if any person or persons 
should not be willing to remain in the 
Bahamas to furnish them with a passage 
to Jamaica or back to St. Augustine. 
St. Augustine, 3rd of March, 1783. 

We who have subscribed our names as 
under, do hereby agree to go with Major 
Andrew Deavoce on the within expedition 



as volunteers, complying with the within 
rules and to hold ourselves in readiness 
for embarking on said expedition on the 
fifteenth of this inst. Either of us refus- 
ing to comply with the above and 
within rules and articles shall forfeit to 
Major Andrew Deavoce, his heirs or as- 
signs, the sum of ten pounds sterling money 
of Great Britain. 

After this I began to notice my negroes 
beginning to get sick and six of them died. 
Some time after I went to St. Augustine 
I was taken sick and lay at the point of 
death for three weeks. I then began at 
last to walk, and one day I went to my 
field to where I had a young negro about 
twenty years of age at work. I took my 
rifle with me as usual; I set her down by a 
tree. I felt very sick and weak; I laid 
myself down on some grass and my negro 
took up my rifle and came within ten yards 
and set himself down and took aim at my 
head, but luckily the ball missed my 
head about one inch, but it split my hat. 
I then got up and went towards him, when 
he ran at me with the gun and struck at 
my head. But I fended it off with my 
arms. He however broke the stock, for- 
ward of the lock. I knowing myself weak, 
I turned and ran sixty yards, but found 
myself not able to run. I got my feet 
entangled in some vines and unfortunately 
fell, and he came to me and with the barrel 
of my rifle he struck at me many times. 
I lay on my back and fended his strokes 
with my heels until he had knocked all the 
bottoms of my feet to blisters. His great 
eagerness to kill me put him much out of 
wind. I accidentally got hold of the gun 
barrel and he tried to bite my hand for 
some time. During the time of his trying 
to bite me, I knocked all his fore teeth out. 
At last he run for his hoe and made one 
stroke at me and broke one of the bones 
of my left arm. But I took the opportun- 
ity of giving him a stroke on his temple 
with which I brought him down. I then 
mended my blows until he appeared to be 
dead. As I had got him down my wife 
came in sight of me, and he lay for some 
time to appearance dead, until two men 
came to me as they had heard me hollow- 
ing. He at length come to and walked 
home. I confined him to take him to 

justice. He lived till the next day, and 
at the same hour the next he was sitting, 
eating, and all of a sudden he fell dead. 

In a short time after I heard peace was 
proclaimed and for the loyalists to send an 
estimation of their losses and services; 
also, that the Province of East Florida 
was to be immediately evacuated, and the 
ships came to take all the provincial 
troops to Nova Scotia; the officers that 
were acquainted with me insisted for me 
to go with them, but I had not time to 
get my family and property to town in 
time, and as it was uncertain where I 
should go to, some of the gentlemen 
officers desired to give me a certificate to 
let my services be known, let me go where 
I would — a true copy of which is here- 
unto set forth: 

East Florida. 

We whose names are hereunto sub- 
scribed, do hereby certify that Col. David 
Fanning, late of the Province of No. 
Ca., acted in the station of Colonel of 
Militia of that Province, and was of the 
greatest service to his Majesty in suppress- 
ing the rebels during the late rebellion in 
North America, and that he is worthy of 
every loyal subject both for his valour and 
good conduct; that after he with his men 
took the town of Hillsborough, dispersed 
the rebel council, and took a great num- 
ber of prisoners, he was on that day 
wounded in the left arm — that finding the 
town of Wilmington evacuated by the 
British troops, and his wound not yet 
well, he, for the safety of his people, 
divided them into small parties, and con- 
tinued a long time in the back woods; that 
after many skirmishes in North Carolina, 
in the month of June, 1782, he with the 
utmost diflaculty made his way through 
many interruptions of the enemy to the 
Province of South Carolina, where his 
Majesty's troops then lay; and that he 
was obliged to leave the province where he 
lived, and his property, which we are in- 
formed was considerable; and that he is 
now without the means of subsistence, 
having lost his all for and on account of 
his services and attachment to his Ma- 
jesty's person and government. 

John Hamilton, 

Lt.-Col. Com. R. N. C. RegL 



John Legett, Capt. R. N. C. Regt. 
Alex. Campbell, Capt. S. C. Regt. 
Geo. D.awkins, Capt. S. C. Regt. 
Daniel McNeil,* Capt. R.N.C. Regt. 
Moses Whitley, Lieut. S. C. Regt. 
St. Augustine, 20th September, 1783. 

On the 25th November following, I 
drew up an estimate of the loss I had sus- 
tained during the late war in America, a 
true copy of which I hereto set forth: 
Schedule of the property of Col. David 
Fanning, late resident of the Province 
of North Carolina, but now of the Prov- 
ince of East Florida, lost to him on ac- 
count of his zeal and attachment to the 
British Government, and never received 
any part or parcel thereof, or any res- 
toration of the same, viz: 
550 acres of land in Amelia County 
in the Province of Virginia, with 
a dwelling house and other nec- 
essary buildings, a large apple 
and peach orchard, and large £ s 

enclosed improvements 687.10 

550 acres of land near said planta- 
tion, as heir to the estate of my 
father, and some improvement 

with a dwelling house 4 1 2 .00 

3 saddle horses 41.00 

12 plantation do., three unbroke do. 96.00 

2 negro slaves 100. 

Debts in notes, bonds, etc 289. 

Personally appeared before me, one of 
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, St. 
Augustine and Province of East Florida, 
the above-mentioned Col. David Fanning, 
who. beincr duly sworn and maketh oath 
on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God, 
that he lost all and every part of the above- 
mentioned property on account of his 
zeal and attachment to his Majesty's 
cause during the late war against the re- 
volted colonies in North America, and 
that he has not let, sold, bargained, bar- 
tered or disposed or impowered any person 
or persons to let, sell, bargain, barter or 
dispose of any part or parcel of the same 
in any manner whatsoever, nor received 
anv restitution for the same. Sworn at 

* This was tho erandfather of the recently de- 
ceased eminent physician and public man, Hon. 
Daniel McNeill Parker. M.D.. of Nova Scotia. 

St. Augustine, the 25th November, 1783, 
before me. 

John Mills, J. P. 

David Fanning. 

Personally appeared before me, one of 
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in St. 
Augustine, Province of East Florida, 
Lieutenant Charles Robertson, Neill Mc- 
Innis, and Philip Whisenhunt, refugees, 
of said East Florida, who being called 
upon by the within mentioned Col. David 
Fanning to value the within mentioned 
property, who being duly sworn, make 
oath upon the Holy Evangelists of Al- 
mighty God, that the within mentioned 
properties are well worth the sums 
affixed to each article, as near the value 
as possible if the same was to be sold, to 
their own knowledge and the best in- 
formation they could get. 

Charles Robertson. 
Neil McInnis. 
Philip Whisenhunt 
Sworn at St. Augustine, this 25th Novem- 
ber, 1783, before me. 

John Mills, J. P. 

(Here follows notarial certificate bv John 

After my many scenes and passages 
through and during the late war, and 
often hearing the Americans had got 
their request, I never could put any faith 
in it until I saw the King's speech, of 
which I have hereunto set forth a true 
copy for the better satisfaction of those 
loyalists that perhaps have never seen it 

New York, February 9th, 1783. 

By the brigantine Peggy, Capt. McNiel, 
in nineteen days from Tortola, we have 
received the following copy of his Majes- 
ty's most gracious speech to both houses 
of Parliament on Thursday, December 
5th, 1782 — which was brought to Tortola 
from Windward by Capt. Rodney, son of 
Lord Rodney: 
My Lords and Gentlemen: 

Since the close of the last session, I 
have employed my whole time in the care 
and attention which the important and 
critical conjuncture of public affairs re- 
quired of me. 

I lost no time in giving the necessary 
orders to prohibit the further prosecution 


of offensive war upon the continent of ness which has been she^\Tl by my subjects 
North America, adopting, as my inclination in my city of London and in other parts 
will always lead me to do with decision and of my kingdoms to stand forth in the gen- 
effect, whatever I collect to be the sense of eral defence. Some proofs have lately 
my Parliament and my people. I have been given of public spirit in private men 
pointed all my views and measures as well in which would do honour to any age and any 
Europe as in North America to an entire country — ha\ing manifested to the whole 
and cordial reconciliation with those col- world by the most lasting examples the sig- 
onies. nal spirit and bravery of my people. I 
Finding it indispensable to the attain- conceived it a moment not unbecoming my 
ment of this object, I did not hesitate to dignity, and thought it a regard due to the 
go the full length of the powers vested in lives and fortunes of such bra-\-e and gal- 
me and offered to declare them free and lant subjects to shew myself ready en my 
independentStatesbyanarticletobe inserted part to embrace fair and honourable terms 
in the treaty of peace. Provisional articles of accommodation with all the powers at war. 
are agreed upon to take effect whenever I have the satisfaction to acquaint you 
terms of peace shall be finally settled with that negotiations to this effect are consid- 
the court of France. In thus admitting erably advanced, the result of which as soon 
their separation from the crown of these as they are brought to a conclusion shall 
kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consid- be immediately communicated to you. I 
eration of my own to the wishes and opinion have every reason to hope and believe that 
of my people. I make it my humour and I shall have it in my power in a very short 
ever my prayers to Almighty God that Great time to acquaint you that they have ended 
Britain may not feel the evils which might in terms of pacification which I trust you 
result from so great a dismemberment of will see just cause to approve. I rely, how- 
the Empire, and that America may be free ever, with perfect confidence on the wis- 
from those calamities which have formerly dom of my Parliament and the spirit of my 
proved in the mother country how essential people, that if any unforeseen change in 
monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitu- the disposition of the belligerent powers 
tional liberty. Religion, language," interest, should frustrate my confident expectations, 
affections, may and I hope will yet prove they will approve of the preparations I 
a bond of permanent union between the have thought it advisable to make, and be 
two countries — to this neither attention ready to second the most vigorous efforts 
nor disposition shall be wanting on my in the further prosecution of the war. 
part. Gentlemen of the House of CoiiMONs: 

\\Tiile I have carefully abstained from all I have endeavoured by every^ measure in 

offensive operations against America, I my povrer to diminish the burthens of my 

have directed my whole force by land and people. I lost no time taking the most 

sea against the other powers at war with decided measures for introducing a better 

as much vigour as the situation of that force economy in the expenditure of the anr.y. 

at the commencement of the campaign I have carried into strict execution the 

would permit. I trust that you must have several reductions in my civil list expenses 

seen with pride and satisfaction the gallant directed by an act of the last session. I 

defence of the Governor and garrison of have introduced a further reform into other 

Gibraltar, and my fleet after having effected departments and suppressed several sine- 

the object of their destination offering bat- cure places in them. I have by this means 

tie to the combined force of France and so regulated my establishments that my 

Spain on their own coasts; those of my expense shall not in future exceed my income, 

kingdom have remained at the same time I have ordered the estimate of the civil 

perfectly secure, and your domestic tran- list debt laid before you last session to be 

quihty uninterrupted. This respectable completed. The debt proving somewhat 

state under the blessing of God I attribute greater than could be then correctly stated 

to the entire confidence which subsists be- and the proposed reduction not inunediately 

tween me and my people, and to the readi- taking place, I trust you will provide for 


deficiency, securing as before the repayment "My good and worthy friends: I am now 

out of my annual income. giving to make stime remarks as to your 

I have ordered enquiry to be made into disagreeable situation. The distresses to 

the application of the sum voted in support which the unfortunate loyalists in America 

of the American sufferers, and I trust you are now reduced are too poignant not to 

will agree with me that a due and generous command the pity and commiseration of 

attention ought to be shown to those who every friend to human nature. The man 

have relinquished their properties or pro- that is steeled against such a forcible impres- 

fessions from motives of loyalty to me and sion is a monster that should be drove from 

attachment to the mother country'." the circle of cultivated s^xiety. In most 

On the loth of March I had some busi- situations, when calamities and niisfortunes 

ness to St. Augustine, the inhabitants of press upon our minds, hope buoys us up 

Musqueto asked the favour of me to hand a and keeps us from sinking into the ocean 

petition to his E.xcellenc^ the Governor, of despondency and despair, but the un- 

and knowing the situation of the petitioners fortunate loyalists have no hopes to cheer 

I spoke in their behalf; asked his Excellency up their spirits; even this last refuge of the 

what answer he sent to the people, he said afflicted is denied us of enjoying peace and 

he should send for none of them, and if happiness which our forefathers and our- 

they were a mind to remove, they must get selves were born under. During a seven 

to the shipping as they could, for he said years' war we have been induced to brave 

he had no vessels at that time in Govern- every danger and difficulty in support of the 

ment's services. Government under which we were born, in 

"To his Excellency Patrick Tonyn, Escj., hopes that we and our children would reap 
Capt. General, Governor and Commander the fruits of our labour in peace and seren- 
and Chief in and over his Majesty's prov- ity. Instead of that reasonable expecta- 
ince of East Florida and vice-admiral of the tion, we find ourselves at the conclusion of 
same: whereas your humble petitioners a war sacrificed to the indignation of our 
showeth that they are rendered very poor enemies, expelled our native countr)', and 
and unable to remove ourselves to be in thrown on the wide world friendless and 
readiness to receive the opportunity offered unsupported. It is needless to repeat the 
for our removement from his Majesty's prov- many promises of support and protection 
ince of this East Florida which is to be held out to the public by the King and those 
evacuate'i; here is several poor widows as acting under his authority. These prom- 
well as poor men of his jSIajesty's loyal sub- ises have been violated in every instance, 
jects; we pray his Excellency would send a and that national faith which we had been 
schooner to remove us to the vessels provided accustomed to look upon as sacred, basely 
for our passage when his Excellency sees that bartered for an inglorious peace, even to 
this province will be given up; we would wish this province which the loyalists from 
to tarry here where we have good warm the other colonies have fled to for shelter, 
houses till his Excellency sees the time now denied us. The Spaniards are in a 
draws nigh; however, we would v.ish to short time to take possession of this province, 
refer it to his Excellency's opinion upon the and whilst we are together we had better 
matter, and in granting of your petitioners' draw up a decent petition to have protec- 
humble petition, your humble petitioners tion, and throw ourselves on their mercy. 
ever will be in duty bound to pray. If they deny us we will have few to condemn 

At the Musqueto, this 26th of January, us, for what cruel and relenting necessity 

1784. may compel us to adopt. Innumerable are 

Thomas Yountg, Capt. S. C. Mil. the' difficulties at present to encounter. 

Abraham Floyd, Joseph Currie, Magee Stripped of our property, drove from our 

Black, Agnes Wilson, Moses Barnes, homes, excluded from the company and 

Jacob Bams, Joseph Rogers." care of our dearest connections, robbed 

I left St. Augustine the 1.3th of said month of the blessing of a free and mild govem- 

and returned to the Musqueto and made the ment, betrayed and deserted by our friends, 

following speech to the inhabitants. what is it can repay us for our misery. 



dragging out a ^^Tetched life of obscurity 
and want? Heaven only that smooths 
the rugged paths of life can reconcile us to 
our misfortunes. Also, my hopes of ever 
receiving anything from Government for 
losses or services are vanished, as I cannot 
support any other opinion than whenever 
Great Britain sees it her interest to with- 
draw her force and protection from us, let us 
go where we will, we never can say we are 
safe from such difficulties as we have been 
induced to brave since the commencement 
of the late war, and for the same reason I 
shall in a few days get out in open boats 
to West Florida to settle myself at or near 
Fort Notches on the Mississippi River." 
 On the 2oth of March myself and seven 
other families set out, all in open boats. 
We kept company for i6o miles. I then 
left them and went forward to get to better 
hunting ground, and proceeded until I 
got to the Scibirsken, where I waited for 
the rest of my company twelve days; but 
not seeing them come, I concluded they 
had passed me, and must have proceeded 
on their journey. I hoisted sail and stood 
on until I came to Key \^'^est, and seeing a 
large schooner I stood for her. She hove 
to, and when I came alongside she informed 
me that I was then on the edge of the Gulf 
of Mexico, and then I turned and stood for 
that key. I got to the key at three o'clock, 
and the wind blew a gale for fifteen days, 
and whilst on board the before-mentioned 
schooner, who belonged to the Spaniards. 
They had some Creek Indians on board, and 
then bound to Havana; the Spaniards I 
could not understand, but they imderstood 
the Creek language and my speaking to 
the Indians and informing of the Indians 
that I was going to Mississippi, he told me 
that my boat was too small, and it would be 
impossible for me to make the main land, 
as it was three daj^' sail before I could make 
land. The Spaniards understood all my 
discourse, and upon finding where I was 
bound, they spoke to me in Indian and told 
me that there were six or seven families of 
the English had left St. Augustine some 
time before, and that they were all killed 
except the negroes, and they thought we 
would stand a poor chance to escape them, 
as I should be obliged to keep the shore. 
In an hour after I made the kev there came 

another Spanish schooner to anchor that 
I had passed the day before. They could 
not speak any English, but finding that the 
others could speak Creek, I also spoke to 
them in the same language, which they un- 
derstood very well, and informed me as 
the other schooner had done. They were 
windbound for fifteen days, and treated 
me with every civility. I had one white 
lad of eighteen years of age, and by the 
different accounts we had of the Spaniards 
he got scared. I told him not to lose his 
life on my account. He then went on board 
of the schooner, and on the night the wind 
abated, the Spaniards came on shore and 
took the most of myself and wife's wearing 
apparel and bedding. 

They informed me before their departure 
that they looked upon it that we could not 
proceed with our small open boats, the dis- 
tance of the bay where we had to cross being 
about 36 leagues to a key called Sandy Key, 
which is nine leagues from the main land, 
which in case of our not hitting that key 
the distance would be about 100 leagues 
before we should make land again. Upon 
which I turned and went back about twelve 
leagues to Key Bockes, and steered due 
north till we made the key, being about 
eight hours out of sight of land. WTien we 
made the key, being 19th of said month, 
I got to said land the 20th. I saw a small 
schooner standing for the land about four 
leagues distance from us, and cast anchor 
where the aforementioned Spaniards in- 
formed us that the Indians were very bad 
in killmg the English people that crossed 
the Bay of Tompay, as the man that started 
with me being much alarmed at the be- 
haviour of the Indians, set off back again 
with the Spaniards to the Havana. I 
then with my little family, consisting of my 
wife, self and two little negroes, I perceiv- 
ing it might be dangerous for me to pro- 
ceed, went on board the little schooner that 
lay at anchor about four leagues from me. 
I immediately took my boats and went on 
board of him, enquiring of one Baptist, who 
commanded her. I found he was an Ital- 
ian; asked him where he was from, he in- 
formed me from New Providence. I then 
applied to him to get a passage with him. 
He told me he could not tell me at that time 
whether he could carry all my property or 



not, desired me to pay my boats otT that 
night. The next morning he told me he 
could not give me a passage for less than 
200 dollars. The next day he fell to 150 
dollars. Then the wind blowing very fresh, 
I went on board my boat, and hoisted sail 
and went oQ for the land again. In the 
course of two or three hours he came round 
a point with a schooner to the land in order 
to mend some turtle nets which were much 
broken. He, during the time of his laying 
there, gave us liberty to come and sleep on 
board, and on the 23rd of the month I asked 
him if he would not take less than 150 dol- 
lars to carry me to Providence, as I told 
him I could not afford to give him so much, 
as it was more than I was able to give him, 
as I was entirely robbed of what little I 
had. He said he would not take less. The 
next morning I set off in my boat and sent 
my girl along shore to catch some fowls I 
had on shore, where I was to come back 
again to the place as soon as I got the dis- 
tance of about three miles round a point. 
When I got to the point I left my boat ashore, 
and went back in order to meet the girl 
where I expected to see her. I got about 
half the distance, but did not meet her, 
and coming there and not finding her I 
went some little distance back to where 
the schooner lay. As I expected, they were 
going to use me in the same manner the 
Spaniards had done before, when I saw 
them take my negro girl and carry her on 
board with them. I then sat down for the 
space of a half hour, and considering within 
myself what I had best do, and seeing the 
said Baptist, commander of the said schooner, 
and his man Thomas coming ashore again, 
after carrying my negro girl off into the 
woods and hid her. I then saw them com- 
ing out of the woods. Thinking within 
myself that they intended to kill me, 
with which I looked and examined my 
gun and powder; finding I had only one 
charge with me or nigher than my boats, 
and considering the present distressed 
situation I was in, obliged me to con- 
sider what w^as my best measure to pur- 
sue, and I immediately advanced to- 
wards them, they parting, one turned 
back to where the girl was, the other 
coming on a small distance, went from 
the beach and turned off into the woods. 

I intmediately ran and called to him 
and asked him concerning what he had 
done with the girl, with which he denied 
having seen her. I then told him he 
need not deny it, for I had seen him with 
her, and offered him four dollars if he 
would inform me where she was, so that 
I could get her. He immediately said 
that Mr. Baptist had the command of 
the schooner, and that I had better go 
back and speak to him myself. I also 
went back to where their boat lay, and 
continued there for the space of fifteen 
minutes, then I turned and walked back 
from the place I started from. During 
the course of my walking I looked be- 
hind and saw the said Baptist about 
150 yards in my rear, his gun lying across 
his left arm. I turned around and ad- 
vanced to him, and when near him I 
observed his gun cocked. I asked him 
at first what he had his gun cocked for; 
his answer was in order to fire at any- 
thing that came. With that I told him 
that he had better uncock his gun as I 
did not see anything to fire at there. I 
told him several times; he replied he al- 
ways carried his gun cocked, and kept 
her cocked for the space of fifteen min- 
utes. I asked if he had not seen my 
girl come that way. He told me no. 
I then told him that he need not deny it, 
for I had seen her on board his boat, he 
being in the boat at the same time, 
carrying her off to the schooner, not men- 
tioning to him that I saw him bring her 
back. I then told him I could carry 
him back and show him the girl's tracks 
where he had carried her along and took 
her on board. I then offered him four 
dollars to give her up, as I told him my 
present situations would not admit of 
my giving him as much money as he asked 
to carry me to Providence. He told me 
I talked like a boy, as no person would 
carry me to Providence under five hun- 
dred dollars, and he only asked one hun- 
dred and fifty, and also alluded to my 
going off and not speaking to him any 
more, and that if he had my girl he would 
keep her as he had lost a boy that cost 
him eight hundred dollars, and that he 
must make something before he returned 
to Providence. I asked him if he would 


carry me for either the boy or girl, al- the wind was blowing fresh. On the 
lowing me fifty dollars. He told me no. 15th of June he got his turtle and water 
I told him that it was but little less than on board where he had his turtle in a 
the half I was worth; he told me he crawl in the Bay of Fundy, where he had 
would carry me for one of them, or fifty supplied himself with wood and water, 
dollars. In my distressed situation, and and all his turtle on board, where he then 
my wife being pregnant, I thought I drew a note of hand for me to sign for 
had best endeavour to get a passage two hundred pieces of eight for my 
with him. I told him that I would passage. I immediately answered him 
sooner than to lose my negro girl give I would sooner suffer death than to sign 
him one hundred and fifty dollars than any instrument of writing. He then 
either the girl or the boy, as I was con- wished himself damned before I should 
vinced I should have justice done me on go with him, and ordered me to haul 
my arrival at New Providence, as I should up my boat and put what I could in her 
see some persons who were acquainted and go on shore with my family. My 
with me in Providence; he told me he boat being so small would not carry one- 
would. I then told him I wanted him fourth part of my property ofif. As there 
to drop his schooner down to where my lay a large boat alongside that they had 
boats were in order to get my property brought off their turtle wood and water 
out of the boats. He told me he could on board in, I asked them for the loan of 
not as he was going round the Key to her. They told me they could not as 
turtle. I then going back, I met with they were going to get under way. With 
the other man and wanted to hire him. that I brought my boat alongside, and 
He told me he could not unless I had they in the meantime took their two 
got liberty from Baptist. With that I boats and went on shore, 
went myself, and came to my boats and My wife being in a bad situation, fell 
told my wife the situation of matters, a crying and begged of me to do any- 
and we immediately started with only thing to get away for fear we might meet 
my boy's assistance and rowed back with others who might distress us of 
against the wind blowing fresh for seven everything. As I found that I should 
miles; then coming very near the schooner lose the greatest part in case I vrent on 
I threw out my anchor and lay there all shore, as I had left my large boat at Cape 
night, and the next morning I called to Sable on the mainland, and my little 
them several times and asked them if boat not being large enough to contain 
they had seen my girl. After some time over the one-fourth of my property, for 
they answered me. Ay, Ay! and told us which I told him to draw a note for one 
to come alongside. I told them I wanted hundred and fifty dollars, for which I 
my girl to come and assist me in taking signed, the note being dated 15th July, 
out my property. They answered me and was to be paid after my arrival in 
they would assist me in taking them out. Providence, to have thirty- five days after 
With that I weighed anchor and went my landing there before payment was 
alongside of the schooner and told my to be made. 

wife to go on board. When on board On the 30th of June, as we were lay- 
she went and called the girl several ing at New Madamcumba after our 
times. My wife then went down into having several words, he told me that he 
the hold with a stick, and she said that understood by my negroes that I intended 
she found the girl hid among the sails, to have him hung after my arrival at 
being stripped of all her clothes she had New Providence if he had turned my 
on the day when she left me. I had my wife on shore, and in case she had died 
property put on board, and soon after that I should do my endeavours to hang 
I set off to the shore and anchored my him in Providence, and told me if it 
large boat some little distance from the had not been for killing my wife he would 
shore, where I lay till some time in June, be damned if he did not drown me over- 
round the point where I came from, as board long ago, only on account of my 



wife. On the 12th July a Capt. Bunch, 
Capt. Clutsam, and Capt. \Vm. Smith, 
of New Providence, appeared, and Capt. 
Bunch came on board the small schooner 
commanded by the said Baptist. The 
said Mr. Bunch asked me my reasons for 
staying so long on board that small 
schooner, and why I gave the said Bap- 
tist my note of hand for one hundred 
and fifty dollars, of which Mr. Bunch 
informed me that it was contrary to the 
laws of the Government of New Prov- 
idence to make any agreement with 
any person or persons found in distress, 
but to render ever)' assistance. With 
this I found Mr. Bunch wished to render 
me a service in my distressed situation, 
and I opened to him all former proceed- 
ings respecting the ill treatment and be- 
haviour of the said Baptist. On the same 
account every gentleman of them oflfered 
me any assistance I wanted, and Mr. 
Bunch told me that in case I did not get 
a passage with Capt. Clutsam, which he 
did not doubt but what I should, he 
would give me a passage himself. How- 
ever, I procured a passage from Capt. 
Clutsam for fifty dollars, during which 
passage I was in every respect used and 
treated like a gentleman by the said 
Capt. Clutsam, and on my arrival at 
New Providence the said Capt. Clutsam 
behaved with so much honour that, 
instead of taking fifty dollars of me, he 
deducted twenty, and only charged me 
thirty, and upon finding who I was 
would not take but twenty dollars, and 
he at the same time refused taking any 
more of me. During the course of my 
being on board of Capt. Clutsam he 
found me in every necessary, and made 
no charge for any provisions or anything 
I received from him. His humanity 
was so great, that if ever in my power to 
render any ser\nce to him or any of 
those gentlemen, nothing shall ever be 
wanting on my part to do them service. 

I continued in Nassau for twenty days, 
and then took my passage with Capt. 
Jacob Bell to New Brunswick, where 
we cast anchor 23rd of Sept., 1784, and 
continued until the 25th of October, and 
then set out for Halifax to his Excellency 
Governor Parr, to know how I should 

get land, but as I got to Halifax his Ex- 
cellency Governor Carlton arrived, and 
I could do nothing, so I returned on 
the 7 th November, and in August I 
received the following letter from Col. 
John Hamilton in answer to mine in 
regard to my claims: 

Dear Sir, — I received yours of the 9th 
February, 1785, a few days ago and notice 
the ctmtents. I am sorry to inform you 
that your claims are not yet given in, but 
I expect the i)ffice for receiving claims will 
be opened again by act of Parliament this 
session, when you may depend proper 
care shall be taken of yours. I am sorry 
to hear of your losses. I hope you are now 
agreeably settled, and making something 
for your family. I think if you can leave 
your business in proper hands, a trip to 
this country would be of service to you, 
though I don't think vou would get half- 
pay. Government would settle an an- 
nuity on you for life; which cannot be 
done without your coming here. 

If you come you may depend on all my 
interest in your favour, and I cannot help 
thinking it worth your while to come home. 

I am, dear sir, your humble servant, 

John Hamilton. 
London, May loth, 1785. 

In a short time after I heard that there 
was another act of Parliament passed to 
receive claims for losses and services, also 
that the Commissioners had arrived at 
Halifax, and on the 20th March, I set out 
for Halifax, and presented a copy of my 
claim from East Florida, with the Me- 
morial as follows: 

"To the Honourable Commissioners, 
appointed by act of Parliament, further to 
enquire into the losses and services of the 
American Loyalists. 

The Memorial of David Fanning, late 
Colonel of the North Carolina Militia, 
humbly sheweth: That your Memorialist 
is a loyalist from North Carolina, who 
uniformly and religiously adhered to his 
duty and loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, 
for which he suffered persecution, and 
manv other inconveniences — that vour 
Memorialist, by a warrant from Major 
Craig, of the S2nd Regiment, then com- 
manding at Wilmington, was placed at the 
head of the militia of that province; that 



your Memorialist during the late war did 
command from one to nine liundred and 
fifty men, with whom he was engaged in 
six and thirty skirmishes in North Caro- 
lina, and four in South Carolina; all of 
which were of his own planning and in 
which he had the honour to command; 
that your Memorialist killed many of the 
rebels and took many of them prisoners; 
among the latter of whom were Governor 
Burke, his council, and many oflScers of 
distinction in the rebel army; that your 
Memorialist, during that time, was twice 
wounded, and fourteen times taken pris- 
oner; that, on the conclusion of the late 
peace, your Memorialist settled two hun- 
dred and fifty souls in East Florida; and 
himself having taken refuge in several 
parts of his Majesty's remaining posses- 
sions in America, finally settled in the 
Province of New Brunswick, where he is 
in great distress, with his family. That 
your Memorialist, in consequence of his 
said loyalty to his Sovereign, the many 
services rendered him, and attachment to 
the British Government, had his property, 
real and personal, seized, confiscated, and 
sold by rebel authority. Your Memorial- 
ist therefore prays that his case may be 
taken into consideration, in order that he 
may be enabled under your report to re- 
ceive such aid or relief as his case may be 
found to deserve." 

David F.a.nning. 
St. John, March ist, 1786. 
I also took the following oath before 
Peter Hunter, Secretary to the Commis- 
sioners, in favour of my claim at Halifax: 
Town of Halifax, [ ^ ^ 
Nova Scotia. / 

David Fanning, late of North Carolina, 
Colonel of Militia, but now of Kings 
County, in the Province of New Bruns- 
wick, maketh oath and saith that he 
resided in East Florida and the Bahama 
Islands from the 15th day of July, 1783, 
to the 25th of March, 1784, and this de- 
ponent further saith that he was utterly 
incapable of preferring or delivering to the 
Commissioners appointed by Act of Parlia- 
ment passed in the twenty-third year of 
his present Majesty entitled an Act for 
appointing Commissioners to enquire into 
the losses and services of all such persons 

who have suffered in their rights, proper- 
ties and possessions, during the late un- 
happy dissensions in America in conse- 
quence of their loyalty to his Majesty and 
attachment to the British Government, or 
at this office any Memorial Claim or re- 
quest for aid or relief on account of this 
deponent's losses during the late unhappy 
dissensions in America, within the limited 
time by the said Act for the receiving of 
such claims by the reason that this deponent 
during all such time, viz., Between the 
15th July, 1783, and the 25th March, 
1784, lived or resided in East Florida and 
the Bahama Islands; that this deponent 
did, however, send a claim to Col. John 
Hamilton, of the North Carolina Volun- 
teers in England, of his losses, but that 
by a letter that this deponent received 
from said Hamilton, bearing date loth 
May, 1785, he is informed that his claims 
were not then given to the Commissioners 
in England, and that this deponent be- 
lieves his said claim must have arrived in 
London after the time appointed by the 
late Act of Parliament for receiving such 
claims had expired, or that the Colonel, 
Hutchins, to whom I had entrusted the 
delivery of the said claim had neglected 
the trust reposed in him in giving in 
my claim. 

Sworn this day of March. 1786, 

before me — 

DAV^D Fanning. 
When I presented my Memorial and 
estimate of claim to Peter Hunter, Secre- 
tary to the Commissioners, he gave me no 
manner of satisfaction, and on my asking 
him if I could come under an examina- 
tion, he told me to be gone, he did not 
think the Commissioners would receive 
ray claim. When I found I could get no 
hearing at Halifax at that time, I returned 
home with a full resolution never to 
trouble myself any more. At the time of 
being in Halifax I met my old friend, 
Capt. John Legett, of the Royal North 
Carolina Regiment, who said he would 
speak to the Commissioners in my favour. 
He also gave me a copy of the following 
letter from Lieut. -Col. Arch. McKay: 
London, Nov. 15th. 1785. 
Dear C.\ptain, — 

Ever mindful of your good-will and the 


kindness you showed unto me since I had tion. I still retained my opinion, but on 
the pleasure of being acquainted with informing Col. Joseph Robinson, he pre- 
you, induces me to write you a few lines at vailed with me, after a long persuasion, to 
present informing you of my success since call and see the Commissioners, which I 
I came to England, knowing you would did, in company with Col. Robinson, 
be glad to hear of the provision made for where I was treated with every civility and 
me. When I came to England, I got a all attention paid to me. After my ex- 
hearing by the Commissioners of Ameri- amination they gave me the following 
can Claims, and they granted me thirty certificate: 

pounds yearly for temporary' subsistence. ,, ^ . _ 

T .\. r J • -1 » c- r> Office of American Ci-.-vims. 

I then laid m a memorial to Sir George wrriv^i:, v^r xuai:.rvi^,/i.. v.i..vimo, 

Young for Captain's half-pay; but I St. John, 2nd February, i-jSy. 
must confess I thought my chances for We do hereby certify that David Fan- 
that bad enough, as I was not acquainted ning has undergone an e.xamination on 
with any of the Generals who commanded oath before us, as an American sufferer 
in America; but since it was only amuse- from North Carolina. We are satisfied 
ment to try, I got a certificate from Col. by his own account, and by the evidence 
Craig, and another from Col. Hamilton he has prcxluced, that his exertions in sup- 
and laid them in with the memorial. It port of the British Government, as Colonel 
was, with a good many others, a long time of the Chatham and Randolph County 
from office to office; at length they have Militia, during the late troubles in Am- 
allowed me seventy pounds sterling, erica, have been very great and e.xemplary; 
yearly, for life, for my services in America, that he has been severely wounded in 
exclusive of the other thirty pounds, several engagements and has in other 
Upon the whole I do not repent coming to respects been a great sufferer; though, 
London, as things have turned out. from particular reasons, it will not be in 

I wrote to Capt. McNeill this morning, our power to make him any considerable 
not thinking I should have time to write allowance under our report. We there- 
to you before the ship sailed, and I had fore recommend him as a proper person 
not time to write to him so fully as I could to be put on the half-pay list as Captain, 
wish, but I will mind better next time. and to have an annual allowance from 

I intend to spend next summer in Scot- Government equal to that half-pay. 

land, if ever}'thing turns out here to my Thomas Dundas. 

expectations, and I would be glad to get J. Pemberton." 

a long letter from you concerning your I then empowered George Randall, 

new settlements. You will please to Esq., Whitehall, London, to act for me. 

write to me, under cover to Messrs. John I sent the original certificates and me- 

and Hector McKay, No. 5, Crown Court, morial in company with the letter. 

Westminster; and if I am in Britain I To the Right Honourable Sir George 

shall be sure to get any letter that may Yoiinge, Baronet, Secretary at War, etc., 

come for me. After my jaunt to Scotland etc.: 

I hope to do myself the honour to call and The Memorial of David Fanning, late 
see you on my way to New Providence, Colonel of the Chatham and Randolph 
where Alexander and Malcom McKay County Militia, in North Carolina, hum- 
are gone. I am, sir, with due respect, bly sheweth: 

Your sincere friend and humble servant, That in the year 1781, under an ap- 

Archibald McKay." pointment from Major Henn,' Craig, then 

To Capt. John Legett. commanding the British troops in North 

I returned home and continued until Carolina, your Memorialist embodied near 

the 27th June, 1787. When I was enter- one thousand men of the loyal inhabitants 

ing the suburbs of the city of St. John, I of that Province, and with them performed 

accidentally met Ensign Henry Niss, with singular service to the British Govem- 

a letter from the Commissioners, desiring ment; that he has been twice severely 

me to attend immediately for an examina- wounded in the course of the war; he has 



been fourteen times taken prisoner, and 
has been tried for his life by the rebels, 
and has ever exerted his utmost endeav- 
ours in support of the cause of Great 
Britain; he is disabled by wounds he has 
received and has no means of support. 
For the truth of these allesrations he bes:s 
to refer to his appointment of Colonel, to 
the certificates of several officers under 
whom he served, and to the certificates of 
the Commissioners of American Claims, 
forwarded herewith. 

Your Memorialist most humbly prays 
that he may be put on the Provincial half- 
pay list as Captain, fully confident that 
his past ser\aces and present necessitous 
situation will be thought desen'ing of that 
appointment, and your ^lemorialist, as in 
dut}-- bound, shall ever pray, 

Da\td Fanning. 

Ciiy of St. John, 2nd February, 1787. 

Pursuant to the advice of Lieut. -Col. 
Joseph Robinson, I have transmitted a 
power of attorney to you in order to re- 
ceive half-pay, with a certificate from the 
Commissioners. !Mr. I. Pemberton and 
Colonel Dundas, Esq.; General Alexander 
Leshe, Col. Nisbet Balfour, Lieut. -Col. 
J. Henry Craig, of the i6th Regiment, and 
Lieut.-Col. John Hamilton, of the North 
Carolina Regiment, are witnesses of my 
services. If vou will be so crood as to 
accept the power and grant me your as- 
sistance in obtaining the same, you will 
highly oblige. 
Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

Da\td FA2«nNG. 
New Brunswick, 

Ciiy of St. John. February -jth, 1787. 
George Randall, Esq., Westmesster, 
Whitehall, London. 

Received July 20th, 17S7, the following 
from my agent: 

Whitehall, 15th May, 17S7. 

Sir, — On the 3rd inst., in a letter to 
Lieut.-Col. Robinson, I desired he would 
inform vou of mv havins; received vour 
Memorial, Certificate, etc., claiming the 
half-pay of a Captain or a mUitar}- pension 
equal to the rank. Since then I have 
received your letter with duplicates of the 
above papers, and your bill of £260 is. 
has been presented as you desired, and 

as I was also much disposed to do. I 
gave the holder a favourable answer and 
the true one, that you had reason to ex- 
pect that I should have effects in hand 
sufficient to pay the bill when it became 
due, but that a delay in settling your 
business and which you could not foresee, 
would for a time prevent my accepting 
your biU. 

I must now inform you that I took the 
earliest opportunity'- of presenting your 
memorial and the certificate of the Com- 
missioners, being highly honourable to 
you and recommending you for an allow- 
ance, or the half-pay of Captain. I 
think there is no reason to doubt you will 
have a sum equal to that rank allowed you 
by Government. You had omitted to re- 
quest that the grant might take place from 
the 24th of October, 1783, but I added a 
paragraph to the memorial for that pur- 
pose, but whether you wiU be allowed 
from that period is doubtful. I am sorry 
at the same time to acquaint you that it 
may be some months before the deter- 
mination of Government is known, but 
you may be sure that I shall pay a partic- 
ular attention to your business and give 
you the earhest notice of the event. The 
certificate you sent, though ver\' regular 
as to the periods, I think would not entitle 
me to receive the money from the pay 
office on your account, as I am inclined 
to believe your allowance wiU be a military 
allowance, and not half-pay, and for that 
reason I send you a printed certificate, 
which you can keep as a precedent, and 
desire you will transmit to me a sett, 
copied from it, for the same periods as 
them you have already transmitted, tak- 
ing particular care that there be no blot, 
alteration or erasure in the dates. I will 
be much obliged to you if you will ac- 
quaint Chillas that the answer of Govern- 
ment to his memorial is that he cannot be 
placed on the half-pay establishment, the 
commission he held being only in the 
militia of the tovrn of Nev.- York. 

The packet you sent with the certificate 
amounted to 12 shillings postage and your 
single letter to one shilling. 

I am, sir, your most obedient humble 

George R.\ndall. 



To David Fanning. 

Whitehall, ist August, 1787. 
Sir, — On the 15th May, I acknowl- 
edged the receipt of your letter and dupli- 
cate containing memorials, certificates and 
other papers relating to your claim of 
half-pay, or a military pension, and ac- 
quainted you that having presented those 
papers, I thought you had a very fair 
prospect of success. I am still of that 
opinion, but am sorry to acquaint you 
that the consideration of half-pay claims 
is again deferred and that it may be some 
months longer before I can acquaint you 
with the results. I conclude, therefore, 
that the bill you drew on me for ;^26o is. 
must be returned. 

I have received from the Treasury the 
sum granted to you by Government on 
account of your losses, for which I gave a 
receipt in the annexed form and am 
ready to accept your bill for £22 14s., as 
after deducting agency and postage, etc., 
and abstract herewith sent. 
Copy of a receipt: 

The 24th day of July, 17S7, received of 
Mr. Thomas Coffin by order of the Lords 
of the Treasury and according to a dis- 
tribution under the direction of the Com- 
missioners of American Claims, appointed 
by an Act of the 23rd of his present Ma- 
jesty, the sum of ^24, as a payment for 
present relief and on account of the losses 
during the late dissensions in America. 

Signed for David Fanning, 
;^24 OS. G. Randall, Attorney. 

After this I received the letter from my 
Agent and found I had lost property to the 
amount of ;^i,625 los. according to an 
appraisement of three men acquainted 
with the property. But, as it was not like 
a coat taken out of mv hand, or gold taken 
out of my pocket. I could not get anything 
for my losses, although I did not give in 
anything like the amount of my losses. I 
lost twenty-four horses, and only reported 
fifteen, one of which cost more than all 
I ever got from Government, and six 
head of cattle, £289 for property sold at 
the commencement of the war, and the 
land which I was heir to, and for which I 
refused, many times, ^3,000 Virginia cur- 
rencv. But because I turned out in 
the service of my King and country in the 

20th year of my age, and my exertions 
were very e.xemplary in support of the 
British Government, I have lost my all, 
for and on account of my attachment to 
the British Government — only ;^6o. which 
would not pay the expenses I have been at 
to obtain it. 

I can prove what I have here wrote to be 
facts, and the world will be able to judge 
after reading this narrative, and observe 
this Act of Oblivion passed in North 
Carolina, in the year 1783, which is here- 
with set forth — which is enlarged and im- 
proved in the London Magazine, which 
will be found on page 607, Vol. i, from 
July I to Dec. i, 1783. 

An Act of Pardon and Oblivion, by the 
State of North Carolina. 

Whereas, it is the policy of all wise 
States, on the termination of all Civil 
Wars, to grant an Act of Pardon and Ob- 
livion for past offences, and as divers of 
the citizens of this State and others, the 
inhabitants thereof in the course of the 
late unhappy war, have become liable to 
great pains and penalties for offences com- 
mitted against the peace and government 
of this State, and the General Assembly, 
out of an earnest desire to observe the 
articles of peace on all occasions, disposed 
to forgive offences rather than punish 
where the necessity for an exemplary 
punishment has ceased. Be it therefore 
enacted by the General Assembly of the 
State of North Carolina, and it is hereby 
enacted by the authority of the same, that 
all and all manner of treasons, misprisions 
of treason, felony or misdemeanour, com- 
mitted or done since the 4th day of July, 
1776, by any persons whatsoever, be par- 
doned, released and put in total oblivion. 
Provided always that this Act or any- 
thing therein contained, shall not extend 
to pardon or discharge, or give any benefit 
whatsoever to persons who have taken 
commission or have been denominated 
officers, and acted as such to the King of 
Great Britain, or to such as are named in 
any of the laws commonly called confis- 
cation laws, or to such as have attached 
themselves to the British and continued 
without the limits of the State and not 
returned within twelve months previous 
to the passing of this Act. 



Provided further, that nothing herein 
contained shall extend to pardon Peter 
Mallet, David Fanning and Samuel 
Andrews, or any person or persons guilty 
of deliberate and wilful murder, robbery, 
rape or house-breaking, or any of them, 
anything herein contained to the contrary 
notwithstanding. Provided, nevertheless, 
that nothing in this Act shall be construed 
to bar any citizen of this State from their 
civil action for the recovery of debts or 
damage. Provided, also, that nothing 
herein contained shall entitle any person 
by this law to be relieved to elect or be 
elected to any office or trust in this State, 
or to hold any office civil or military. 

And whereas by an Act passed at Wake 
Court House, all officers, civil and military, 
who have taken parole were suspended 
from the execution of their respective 
offices, and required to appear at the next 
General Assembly, to shew cause, if any 
they could, why they should not be re- 
moved from the said office; and, whereas, 
several of the officers aforesaid have 
neglected to appear agreeably to the re- 
quisition of the Act of Assembly. Be it 
enacted by the General Assembly of the 
State of North Carolina, and it is hereby 
enacted, by the authority of the same, that 
all such officers, both civil and military, are 
hereby declared to stand suspended from 
the execution of their several offices until 
they shaJl appear at some future Assembly 
and be restored to the execution of their 
respective offices or removed agreeable to 
their merits or demerits. Provided that 
nothin herein contained shall be construed 
to exclude a Justice of the Peace from ex- 
ecuting the duties of his office, who shall 

make it appear to the satisfaction of the 
Court of his County by oath or otherwise; 
that he was taken prisoner without his 
consent and privily, and that after his cap- 
ture he had not voluntarily stayed with 
the enemy, nor taken an active part in any 
manner by furnishing them willingly with 
provisions, bearing arms, or accepting any 
appointment in their civil regulations. 

Read three times and ratified in General 
Assembly, the 17th May, 1783. 

Ric. Caswell, S. Senate. 

E. Starkey, S. Commons. 

Many people are fools enough to think, 
because our three names are particularly 
put in this Act, that we are all guilty of 
the crimes set forth, but I defy the world 
to charge me with rape, or anything more 
than I have set forth in this Journal. 

All his Majesty's subjects or others that 
wish to know the truth of anything further 
than I have set forth, let them make en- 
quiry of those gentlemen whose names I 
have struck in; examine the letters of the 
rebels, and the recommendations of the 
officers who have been acquainted with 
me in person and with my services in the 
time of the late war. 

Although I have been prohibited from 
receiving any benefit from the laws of the 
State, all that I desire is to have the liberty 
of commanding 30,000 men in favour of 
the British Government. I flatter myself 
that there would be no doubt of my put- 
ting many of them to swing by the neck 
for their honesty, as John White did, after 
stealing 150 horses in North Carolina. 

Here follows a short address to the 
printer, signed. 







Id Sabin's "Dictionary of Books Relating to America," Vol. VI., at page 352, it 
ia stated that tho original manuscript belonged to a Mr. Deane, of Cambridge, who lent 
it to a friend, who in turn re-lent it to a Southern gentleman, who printed it. This is a 
mistake. The original manuscript has never yet left Digby, Nova Scotia. Mr. Sabin's 
statement can be true only of the copy made by Mr. Bliss for the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, of which Mr. Deane was some time Corresponding Secretary, and which copy is 
not in the Library of the Society. 

TAOES 5 and 8 

Mr. Wheeler gets his story of Fanning 's repulsive physical afflictions and early life 
from Dr. Caruthers' book, who says he received various and differing accounts from several 
sources, and selected those which seemed most likely to be true ; by which he evidently 
means those most damaging to Fanning. He says, "Fanning seldom murdered any except 
those who had proved treacherous to his cause and those who had excited his wrath by 
uttering threats, or by resisting his progress. ' ' To kill those who resisted his progress, 
in other words, opposed him on the field of battle, was murder in Dr. Caruthers' eyes, as 
well as to shoot deserters, and he may have thought of Balfour in connection with uttering 
threats. Nevertheless, he says later on that Fanning * ' pursued the same course of rapine, 
murder and devastation." The murder of a woman, which he so pathetically relates on 
page 254, is apocryphal on its face, for if it had taken place there could have been no one 
but Fanning himself to tell the tale. It is evidently a malicious fiction. How an intelligent 
man like Dr. Caruthers could have been imposed on by such a story as he relates on pages 
284 to 288.. it is difficult to conceive. Having heard of Fanning 's trial in St. John, the 
absurd details are filled up from imagination, while the facts could have been easily 
obtained by writing for information to New Brunswick. 


Thomas Fletchall was a man of considerable importance in South Carolina before 
the Eovolution. Like his older and more famous contemporary patriot, General Euggles, 
of Massachusetts, his sympathies were with the claims of the Colonists, but he refused to 
be dragooned into rebellion. He was therefore imprisoned by order of the Provincial 
Consrress in 1776, and his property, which included "Fair Forest," his home in Union 
District, S.C, was confiscated in 1782. 

Eaeburn's Creek was a branch of Reedy River, and in Laurens Co., S.C. Rev. William 
Tennent and W. H. Drayton travelled through the country together, the latter as an 
emissary of the "Committee of Correspondence and Safety" of South Carolina to stir 
the people against the Government; the former to perform Christian rites as well. He 
was probably a son of Rev. William Tennent, D.D., a colonial clergyman of some note, 
born in Ireland. 

SiLVEDOOR. The American Editor says the name was Salvador, and attributes Tan- 
ning's error to illiteracy, but it is no proof of illiteracy to misspell an unfamiliar foreign 

PAGES 4 and 9 

Thomas Broavn was of Aug\ista, Georgia. The reader is referred to Sabine's account 
of this man and his career. He is said to have been "one of the most malignant and 
vindictive among the Southern Loyalists," and to have been made so "by the illegal and 
unjustifiable means employed by the Patriots to make him otherwise." The five victims 
who, the American Editor says, were taken from the jail and executed by his orders at 
Augusta, probably suffered in direct retaliation for the five Loyalists, whose murder Van 
Tyne says led to reprisals through the whole war, and were probably deserters from the 

J^OTES- Continued 53 

British forces. Many of the tales quoted against him by Sabine are evidently legendary 
or fabulous, and he published an able vindication of his conduct. According to Sabine 
the British Government gave him £30,000 as compensation for his losses. He died at St. 
Vincent, W.I., in 1825, the same year that Fanning died in Digby. 

PAGES 9 and 14 

Robert Cunningham was an Irishman of ability and influence, as was also his brother 
Patrick. He was commissioned a Judge and the latter Surveyor General before the war. 

PAGE 12 

Colonel Mills was one of the twelve barbarously put to death by the victorious 
revolutionists after the battle of King's Mountain — "cold-blooded murders." Although 
from his rank he must have been a man of position and influence, he is not mentioned 
by Sabine. 

PAGE 14 

Abraham DePetster and his two brothers, James and Frederic, came to New 
Brunswick, where Abraham died February, 1798, aged 45. All three held high oflices in 
the new Province. Portraits of Abraham and Frederic, with extensive notices of them, 
appear in Lawrence's "Footprints of St. John" (St. John: J. & A. McMillan, 1883). 
See also Sabine. They were, like many other of the best families of New York, descended 
from a French Protestant who fled to Holland in the days of persecution. The descend- 
ants of these men are now for the most part in New York. Some of them rendered good 
service to the Union during the Civil War, professing to act on the same principles as their 
ancestors did in the Revolution. Colonel Johnston DePeyster, April 3, 1865, hoisted the 
first Union flag on the Capitol in Richmond. General George Watts DePeyster, of New 
York, a grandson of Frederic, delivered a notable address before the Historical Society 
of New Brunswick July 4, 1883, the centenary year of the landing of the Loyalists, in 
which he shows the analogy between the position of the Loyalists in the American Revo- 
lution, who fought for a United Empire, and the Union Loyalists of the Civil War. The 
address, which, is of much historic value, was published in New York by Charles H. 
Ludwig, 10 and 12 Read Street, 1883. Although the production of an American oflSleer 
of high rank, it glows with the spirit of his Loyalist ancestors. 

pages 14 and 18 

Major Patrick Ferguson, a promising British officer killed at the battle of King's 
Mountain. October 7, 1780, was a native of Scotland, son of James Ferguson, the eminent 
Jurist, and nephew of Lord Elibank. Fanning was with him on his retreat from Gilbert- 
town to King's Mountain. Colonel Williams, who fell in this battle, was a native of 
Gramdlle, N.C. 

page 15 

The American Editor corrects Dr. Caruthers' statement that Fanning was with Pyles 
when the latter was defeated by Lee. According to his own statement, he was then at 
Deep River. But to correct all the statements of Caruthers in detail were an idle task. 
For real historical purposes Ms book is of little value, but it served to help keep alive in 
the minds of American people that unrelenting hostility to Great Britain which was so 
long the settled policy of the United States statesmen and publicists. See page 333 of 
his book. To make the memory of the Loyalists odious was his unworthy aim. If a band 
of Loyalists made a gallant and successful attack, it was a diabolical massacre; if a body 
of " Whigs" did the same thing, it was a splendid feat of arms which entitled its heroes 
to immortality. His book was just such as the Americans used to love. 

page 16 

John Hamilton, a native of Scotland, and after the war British Consul at Norfolk, 
Virginia, was a man of great ability and culture, and very highly esteemed. He died 
in England in 1817. 

Guilford Dudley married a niece of John Randolph, of Roanoke, whose biography 
was published by Dr. J. B. Dudley, a sou of Guilford. The American Editor refers to 
the Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. 2, pp. 144, 257, 281-370. 

pages 17 and 18 

We gather from the American Editor, who gets it from Caruthers, that Major John 
Rains was a miller in Tennessee, and very poor in 1819. Richard Edwards was killed 

64 ISiOTES—Gontinuid 

at Kirk's Farm a week before the battle of Cane Creek, and his brother Edwakd, who 
jaioceoded him in commauil, was Killed the next week at LindJey "3 ALUls; Mekedith Kdwakds, 
Thomas Dark, Thomas Eastridqe and Thomas Richetts were all executed for their 
loyalty under a conviction for alleged treason against their "State" in January,, 1782. 
John Rains, Sr., was killed at Lindley 's Mills, and John Caqle and James Rice were 
hanged at Peo Dee, and David Jackson met the same fate in Randolph; Stephen Walkkr 
was shot in April, 1782, by Colonel Qholson, on Deep River, and James and Simon Lindley 
were shot "in the mountains." Thomas Blair settled at New River, built iron worka, 
and prospered, and John McLean, who had charge of Gkivernor Burke when a prisoner, 
was, through favor of a Wiig frieml, allowed to settle on the Lower Deep River. Alex- 
ander McKay died rich in the West Indies, and Col. Duncan Ray went to Nova Scotia. 
J-lo aJso' Bars that Peter Mallet, excluded with Fanning and Andrews in the "Act of 
Pardon, ' ' was the victim of prejudice. He might have said that most of the others killed 
otherwise than in battle were the victims of diabolical malice, and the barbarous method* 
of wa.ging war employed by their enemies, who hanged for treason against their country 
men who loved their country, as well aw thoy themselvee ilid, and conscientiously sought to 
promote its highest interests as they saw them, and, moreover, had law on their side. 

Doctor Caruthers publishes, pages 244-5, the report of John WUliamB, the Judge of 
the Court, to the Governor, in which he says: "Meredith Edwards and Thomas Eastridge 
were also indicted for treason. They are both men who appeared to be equally popular 
among the Tories, and very active, and men of Fanning 's gang, though generally kind 
ftild humane to prisoners while in their custody. * * * As to the general moral 
character of these men, it seemed to be pretty good, only great Tories." Then he publishes 
Fanning 's letter of February 26th, 1782, to the Governor, threatening reprisals if any 
more were hung. "I understand you have hung three of my men — one Captain and two 
privates — and have a Captain and six men under sentence of death. If the requisitiona 
of my articles do not arrive to satisfaction, and the effusion of blood stopped, and the 
lives of these men saved, I will retaliate blood for blood, and tenfold for one, and there 
shall never an oflBcer or private of the Rebel party escape that falls into my hand here- 
after." Alas, they were hangjed! an atrocity which after his caution naturally exas- 
perated Fanning to the highest pitch of fury, and the killing of Balfour, Doudy and 
Bryan, and the destruction of a number of plantations, followed in quick and ghastly 
succiession. As quaint old Thomas Fuller, in his ' ' Worthies of England. ' ' says. ' ' A sol 
dier's most proper bemoaning of a friend's death in war is in revenging it." 

Colonel Archibald McDougall was in Nova Scotia some years, then in England, 
where he obtained a pension, and finally settled in North Carolina, where he was a popular 
and useful citizen, as the Loyalists generally would have been, and were in the British 
Provinces to which they were exiled. 

PAGE 22 

Capt. John Leggatt, in Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Regiment, was one of 
those with Fanning at St. Augustine in 1783, but finally returned to North Carolina. 

pages 4 and 25 

i^DMUND Fanning was bom on Long Island. N.Y. Much abused by some American 
writers mioted with apparent approval by Sabine, he was a msn of much ability, excellent 
character and high ideals. He was Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia and assumed the 
duties of Governor of Prince Edward Island in 1786, and was an able, energetic and pat- 
riotic administrator, and managed peculiar difficulties with tact and firmness, leaving a 
lasting impress for good on the history of the Province. See Warburton'e "Historical 
Sketch of Prince Edward Island," pp. 35 et seq. He attained the rank of General in 
the British Army, and died in London in 1818. A large and beautiful lake in Yarmouth 
County. X.S.. is named "Lake Fanning," in his honor. 

page 31 

"(^iven xmder my hand at arms." The "at" is perfectly plain; it certainly is not 
"and arm,"' as the American Editor prints and ridicules it. 

pages 31 and 32 

Andrev? Balfour, like Hamilton, who espoused with equal zeal the other side of the 
unhappy controversy, was a Scotsman, bom in Edinburgh, and came to America in 1772. 
His rennark to Fanning, that there was "no resting place for a Tory's foot on the earth," 
which led to his own death March 10, 1782, as related in the narrative, proves him to have 
been among the more intolerant and uncompromising spirits who in the beginning of the 

^OTES— Continued 55 

war were so largely responsible for the excesses on both sides, and which reached their 
climax as the struggle was drawing to a close. Nothing is recorded against him except 
this utterance and Fanning 's reference to his "ill deeds." His posterity are numerous 
and respectable. His killing was simply an example of the way the war was carried on 
by both parties, beginning with the hanging of five "Tories" mentioned by Van Tyne, 
and the tarring and feathering of Brown. It followed close upon the execution of a 
number of Fanning 's officers and men. His brother, John Balfour, was a Loyalist. 

PAGES 23, 24, 40 

See footnote to page 40. Colonel Hector McNeill, who commanded a regiment of 
Cape Fear Scots, was an uncle of Capt. Daniel McNeill. Colonel Hector McNeill, who 
succeeded to the command, was a brother of Daniel. Daniel was a son of Archibald 
and Janet McNeill, and was born in 1752 at Lower Little Eiver, Cumberland Co., N.C. 
He espoused the Loyal cause on the outbreak of hostilities, and for a time served as 
Lieutenant in a regiment of the line, and was afterwards appointed Captain in a North 
Carolina regiment of Loyalists by Lord Comwallis June 24, 1780, but his commission 
In the North Carolina Volunteers, commanded by Lieut.-Col. John Hamilton, bears date 
August 20, 1781. He served bravely and honorably throughout the war, and was wounded 
at least once. A bullet consisting of a rough slug of rolled lead was embedded in his 
thighbone. Capt. McNeill was in Halifajs:, N.&., in November, 1783, in connection with an 
application for grants of land to Loyalists of the two Carolinas, and on May 13th fol- 
lowing a grant was made to about 400 oificers and men from those States at Country 
Harbor, now a part of the County of Guysborough, Nova >Scotia. They called the settle- 
ment Stormont, by which a district in that County ia still known. He married in Nova 
Scotia Mary, daughter of Capt. John Nutting, of the Royal Engineers in the British 
Army, of Massachusetts Loyalist ancestry. Her mother was Mary Walton, who was bom 
of Loyalist parents at South Eeading, Mass. From her father the village of "Wklton, 
in Hants Co., N.S., was named. Capt. McNeill finally removed to a place called "Loyal 
Hill, ' ' on the Avon Eiver, about eight miles below Windsor, N.S., and died of apoplexy 
May 5, 1818. His only son, Archibald John, died young. His daughter, Mary Janet, 
married at Windsor about 1817 Francis Parker, a grandson of a native of Yorkshire, 
who with three brothers had migrated to Nova Scotia in 1775, and was the mother of 
Hon. Daniel McNeill Parker, M.D., who as a physician of great learning and skill, a 
member of the Legislative Council of Nova Scotia, a holder of many important honorary 
offices, and a religious leader in the Baptist Church, was rightly esteemed as an example 
of all that is just, true and honorable in professional, political, social and private life. 

It appears that Capt. McNeill's father was not exiled, nor was his property confis- 
cated, as he left the Captain considerable property by his will, to realise which he visited 
North Carolina in 1811. He met with diJScultieB, resorting to litigation, which he was 
obliged to compromise by accepting a number of slaves. These, to his great loss, nearly 
all deserted him on his arrival in Nova Scotia, encouraged by public sentiment in the 
Province. Two plantations devised to him and his heirs, one in Chatham County, near 
the mouth of New Hope, the other on McKay's Creek, Cumberland Co., N.C, were never 
recovered by him or his daughters, to whom he devised them. Even the daughters could not 
be forgiven for their father's loyalty. 



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F2134n Narrative; ed, by Savary