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Full text of "Narrative Of Various Journeys In Balochistan Afghanistan The Panjab And Kalat Vol IV"

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Objects of Journey. Determination of route. State of the conn- 
try. Capt. Outranks narrative. Imputations on R4him Khan. 
Departure from Karachi. Route to Sunmiani. Reception at Sun- 
miani. Interview with the Jim. Darbar. -Deportment of Rdhim 
Khan. State of feeling in Las. Interview with Rehim Khan. 
His satisfaction. Exculpation of R4him Khan. Departure from 
Stinmiani. Incidents at Obddi. Whirlwind. Arrival at B6k. 
Delays and disastrous rumours. Indecision of my companion. 
His departure* Mehrab Khan's brother. Capt. Wallace's letter. 
Lieut. Loveday's messenger. Interview with Melirab Khan's 
brother. His distress and intentions. Departure from Bela. 
Reflections on iihe uncertainty existing in Las, The appoint- 
ment of an agency and its abolition , 


Walipat. Entrance of the Hills. Old Acquaintance. Route to 
Miran Kushteh. Route to Baran Lak. Turkabar. Kala Dara. 
Review of route. Day at Kala Dara. Approach to Wad. 
Reception at Wad. Mir Rahmat's arrival. His amusements. 
Afghan H^ji. Mir Rahmat's frivolity. Negro slaves. Opinions 
at Wad. Shir Mahomed's return. Departure from Wad. Isa 
Khan's garden. Route to Baghwan. Meeting with Khan Maho- 
med Khan. Lead Mines of Kappar. Gohar-basta. Arrival at 




Baghwan. Civilities of Shah Nawaz Khan.- Interview with him. 
Mir Atta Kh&i. Route to Kalat. Zohwar. Lakorian. Gohar- 
basta. Anjirah. Civil reception at Sohrab. Route to Rodinjo. 
Reception there. Arrival at Kalat. Welcome of friends. Lieut. 
Loveday's remark. Reputation of Lieut. Loveday. Interview with 
Lieut. Loveday. Conversation. Second interview. Conversation 
with Munshi Grhulam Hussen. Selection of residence. Objection 
to revisit Lieut. Loveday . . . . . .36 


Condition of Kalat. Events producing it. Origin of intercourse 
with Mehrab Khan. Sir Alexander Burnes^s information. Protest 
against treaty. Capture of Kalat, and death of Mehrab Khan. 
Changes in the government and dismemberment of Kalat. Opinions 
of Mehrab Khan's guilt or innocence.' Charges against him. 
Explanations thereof. Proceedings of the envoy and minister, 
His bribery of Naib Mulla Hassan. The nib's duplicity and 
knavery. Mission of Sir Alexander Burnes to Kalat, The results. 
March of troops upon Kalat. Continued knavery of the khan's 
agents. His neglect of defensive arrangements. Assault on Kalat. 
Detection of the villany of Naib Mulla Hassan and others. 
Mehrab Khan's injunctions to his son. Prize jewels. Impolitic 
measures of the political authorities. Partition of the country. 
Recognition of Shah Nawziiz Khan. Political appointment. 
Activity of Lieut. Loveday. The son of Mehrab Khan a fugitive in 
Kharan 77 


Residence at Kalat. Panic in the country. Arrival of kafila. 
Misfortune of Yaiya, a de*hwar. Consternation. Commencement 
of revolt and slaughter of a party of sipahfs at Mastung. Refuse to 
leave Kalat. Proceedings of darogah Gul Mahomed, Alarm at 
Kalat. Removal to the Babi suburb. Darbar of Shall Nawaz 
Khan. Abode in Atta Mahomed's garden. Faiz Ahmed's pre- 
cautions. Attack upon Quetta. Lieut. Leech's promptitude. 
Retreat of the insurgents from Quetta. Lieut. Loveday^s remark, < 
Shah NawHz Khan's measures. His levees. Intrigues at Kalat. 
Causes of dissatisfection. Diplomatic blunders in Kachi. Lieut. 



Loveday's invitation. Inter view with him. Consent to remain 
with him during the siege. Haji Osman. State of the defences. 
Efforts to improve them. Manning of the walls. Disposition of the 
fortifications, Preparations. Scarcity of grain . , 116 


Appearance of the enemy. Instantaneous attack, Assailants 
repulsed. Enthusiasm of Kamal Khan's men, Discourse with 
Kamal Khan and Khan Mahomed. Illiberally of Shah Nawaz 
Khan and of Lieut. Lovcday. Conversation with Mir BoheV. Bis 
scruples set at rest. Practice with the guns. Renewed attack. 
Plans of the rehels. Firing the suburbs. Assad Khan's careful- 
ness. Expectation of an assault, Preparations to meet it. Assault. 
Its repulse. Gallantly of Nasrulah and a party of sipahis. Peril 
of Shah Nawaz Khan. Surrender of the son of Jelal Khan.* Results 
of the discomfiture. Treachery of part of the garrison. Visit to 
the scene of the assault. Renewed attack. Lieut. Loveday in 
danger. Repulse of attack. Panic in the town. Equivocal con- 
duct of Kamal Khan. Shah Nawaz Khan dejected. Arrival of 
vakil from the rebels. Conference between Kamal Khan and the 
rebel chieftains. Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Boher anxious to con- 
tinue the defence. Lieut. Loveday's indecision. Arrangement of 
Shah Nawaz Khan. Evil counsels of Lieut. Loveday's advisers/ 
Lieut. Loveday's missions to the rebel camp. Frustration of Shah 
Nawaz Khan's endeavours to support himself. Knavery of Lieut. 
Loveday's agents. Their exultation at his credulity. Lieut. Love- 
day refuses to leave Kalat, Communications from Quetta. Final 
effort of Shah Nawaz Khan to induce Lieut. Loveday to accompany 
him. Renewed missions to the rebel camp. Terror of Mir Fati 
Khan. Shah Nawaz Khan repairs to the rebel camp. His abdica- 
tion and solicitude for Lieut. Loveday. Entry of the son of Mehrab 
Khan into the town. Visit of Faiz Ahmed, Farewell visit of 
Shah Nawaz Khan. Lieut. Lovcday presents nazzers to the young 
khan and Bibi Ganjanf. His fatal errors. My counsels and con- 
duct. My further stay, and causes thereof 142 




Continued delusion and treachery. Distraction of Brahui coun- 
cils. Mahomed Szdik's appointment. Orders from the citadel. 
Communications with and from Capt. Bean. Advance of troops to 
Mobah. Their retreat. Haji Osman's defection. Capt. Bean's 
proposals. Efforts to procure a letter to the king. The darogah's 
obstinate convictions. Arrangements contemplated. Their rejec- 
tion. Departure of Grafur to Quetta. Capt. Bean's replies. De- 
mands on Lieut. Loveday. Nasrulah's final acts of treachery. 
Meditated attack. Preliminary steps. Attack from the citadel and 
surrounding houses. Operations during the night. Parley. Defec- 
tion of part of the sipahis. The daxogah*s measures. The house 
entered. Transfer of Lieut. Loveday and myself to the citadel. 
Incidents there. Interview with the son of Mehrab Khan. Apart- 
ment assigned for our confinement. Rejoicings of the Brahuis,' 
Loss of property and manuscripts . 181 


Chamber of Blood. Nature of our custody. Insults of Brdhuis. 
-Shaghassf Wall Mahomed. Treatment. Lieut. Loveday's 
attendants. The darogah's disappointment. Interview with da- 
rogah. His proposition.' Lieut. Loveday's stipulation. The 
darogah's anger. The darogah's intention. Abstraction of Sampat. 
His return. Suspicions as to treasure and jewels. Lieut. Love- 
day's danger. Averted by Faiz Ahmed. Interview between Lieut* 
Loveday and the darogah. Letters written for Capt. Bean. 
Intended advance of Brhus from Kalat to Mastung. My release 
refused on account of Lieut. Loveday's sayings. Arrival of letter 
and messenger from Reliim Khan. Regret of messenger. Arrival 
of Mir Azem Khan at Kalat ..... 203 


Departure for Mastting. Scene at Kalat. Nasrtilah. The 
young khan. Route to Mastung. Incident at Kare*z Amanulah. 
Arrival of darogah and sirdars. Interview with darogah. Capt. 
Bean's letters. The darogah's vigilance. Lieut. Loveday fettered 



at night. Yusef Khan's rancour. Entry into Mastung. Place of 
confinement. Interview with Kalikdad. Preparation of letters for 
Quetta. Intelligence respecting Ghulam Khan. His arrival in 
camp. Captured daks, or posts. Indignation of the Brahuis. 
Kalikdad's apology for me. Interview with the darogah. Report 
of conversation. Extra guards, and their evils. Incidents at Mas- 
tung. Mahomed Khan's discontent, Kotru chiefs and Mir Bohe'r 
join. Major Clihborn's disaster. Arrival of Saiyad Mobarak Shah. 
His instructions from Capt. Bean. Indulgence to Lieut. Loveday. 
Formal interview with the young khan and sirdars.- Capt. Bean's 
letters. Indignation of the Brahuis. Repetition of fatiha, and de- 
termination to slay us. Misgivings of Lieut. Loveday. Terror of 
his domestics. Good offices of Rais Harun. Interview with the 
darogah. Intercession of Reliimdad's relatives and friends. Dis- 
gust at Capt. Bean's letter. The darogah accords protection to 
Lieut. Loveday. Permission obtained by Rais Hfotin for my depar- 
ture to Quetta. Leave Mastung. Incidents on the route. Arrival 
at Quetta. Interview with the political officers . . . 220 


Conversation with Capt. Bean. Placed in arrest, Singularity 
of the proceeding. Capt. Bean's queries. Meeting with him, 
His reason for his conduct. Impressions as to the Envoy and Mi- 
nister. Inhuman treatment of Capt. Bean. Apprehensions at 
Quetta. The Envoy and Minister's letter. Defeat of the Brahuis, 
and death of Lieut. Loveday. Recovery of Kalat. Revolution in 
feeling. Letters from Calcutta. Inquiry of Mr. Ross Bell. Capt. 
Bean's confession. Close of Mr. Bell's inquiry. His recommenda- 
tion to Government. Support of the Envoy and Minister. Evasion 
of the Government, Col. Stacey's generosity, Departure from 
Quetta. Incidents in the Bolan Pass. Arrival at Dadar. Molah- 
dad's testimony. Route through Kachi. State of the country. - 
Mir Fati Khan. His gratitude and offers. Arrival at Karachi. 
Bombay. Settlement of Balochistan. Col. Stacey's acknowledge- 
ment. Benefits of Col, Stacey's successful exertions. Departure 
from Bombay to England. Memorial to the Court of Directors, 
Second Memorial. Results. Concluding remarks . . .253 






Nusliki ....... 283 

Kharan ....... 286 

Mushki 288 

Kolwah 289 

Jhow 290 

Panjghur ....... 291 

Kej 292 


Las 296 

Hormara ....... 307 

Pessan! . . . . ' . .308 


Saharawan ....... 309 

Shall 311 

Mastung . . . . . . .313 

Mangachar .... . . 315 

Dasht Bidowlat . . . . . .318 

Kalat, and its Environs ..... 319 

Districts in the Hills between Saharawan and Kach Gandava 322 
Districts in the hilly Tracts west of Saharawan . . 324 

Jhalawan . . . . . . ,327 


Kach Gandava ...... 329 

Harand and Dajil ...... 335 





Sect. I. Tribes of the Western Provinces . . 340 

II. Tribes of Saharawan . . . .340 

IIL Tribes of Jhalawan .... 345 

Rind Tribes in Each Gandava .... 346 

The Jets of Kaeh Gandava . . . .351 

Lumris of Las ...... 352 

Marine Tribes of the Sea Ports .... 353 

Dghwars of the Capital and fixed Villages . . .353 

A%hans of Shall 353 





Antiquities ...... 386 

Dialects . . . . . . .393 



Military Force ...... 404 

Revenue ....... 407 

Trade 408 

Agriculture ....... 412 

Horticulture ...... 415 







Quadrupeds ...... 444 

Insects 447 

Amphibia ....... 448 

Botany ..... 449 

Mineralogy ...... 459 






Objects of Journey. Determination of route. State of the 
country. Capt. Outram's narrative. Imputations on Rehim 
Khan. Departure from Kardchi. Route to Sunmiani, - 
Reception at Sftnmi&nl. Interview with the Jam. DarMr. 
Department of Rehim Khan. State of feeling in Las. Inter- 
view with R6him Khan. His satisfaction. Exculpation of 
Rehim Kh^n. Departure from Sunmiani. Incidents at 
Obadi. Whirlwind. Arrival at Bela. Delays and disastrous 
rumours. Indecision of my companion. His departure. Meh- 
rab Khan's brother. Capt. Wallace's letter. Lieut. Loveday's 
messenger. Interview with Mehr&b Khan's brother. His 
distress and intentions. Departure from Bela. Reflections on 
the uncertainty existing in Las. The appointment of an agency 
and its abolition. 

HAVING despatched for publication in England 
a variety of manuscripts, in the early part of 1840, 
I found myself at Karachi, in Sind, as I supposed 
free to move where I pleased; and with reference to 
farther literary and scientific projects I determined, 
with the unemployed materials in my possession, to 



return to Kabal, and the countries to which they 
related, judging I could there arrange them for 
the press with accuracy and advantage. I was 
also desirous to continue my antiquarian researches 
with the due prosecution of which government 
employ had interfered, and to carry out the 
examination of certain points I felt assured to 
be within the power of verification ; which, for the 
same reason,. I had been compelled to neglect. 
I estimated that a period of two years in Afghan- 
istan would suffice for my objects, and that I 
should be altogether about three years absent. 

Disposed to take the road to Kalat, which I 
had twice before travelled, it behoved me to 
ascertain if I could do so prudently : being, of 
course, aware that a new order of things pre- 
vailed, and it was possible that recent political 
accidents might have caused, amongst the people 
I should meet, feelings to which, ten years ago, 
they were strangers. Moreover, Rehim Khan, 
son of the Minghal sirdar, Wall Mahomed Khan, 
slain at Kalat, was now residing in Las, and in 
power, from having married a sister of the young 
chief, or jam, as he is entitled. 

In this suspence, my former companion, Kdlikdad, 
with whom I made my first journey to Kalat, 
as related in my work before the public,* visited 
Karachi on his commercial business. I could have 

Vide vol. ii. chap. 2, Journeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan, 
and the Pan jab, &c. 


no better counsellor ; and on communing with him 
lie encouraged me, and well remarked, that he 
should himself be with me. I had heretofore 
experienced that his company was sufficient pro- 

At this time the Government of India was in- 
tensely anxious it should be believed, that every 
object of the expedition beyond the Indus had been 
attained ; that the countries affected by it were in a 
state of quiet and happiness hitherto unknown, and 
that their inhabitants hailed with delight the inno- 
vations introduced amongst them, and the changes 
which had been brought about. The ministers in 
England were eager to circulate the same impres- 
sions, whether in the houses of Parliament or at 
other public meetings. I had, however, doubts 
upon these points, which led me to interrogate 
Kalikdad as to the amount of force at Quetta and 
Kalat, when, learning that there were twelve hun- 
dred men at the first place and two hundred at the 
latter, I felt easy, as there could then be little 
apprehension of any immediate outbreak. That 
there was a large force at Kdndahar, as well as at 
Kbal, I was myself informed. KUikdad, indeed, 
admitted that the Brahui and Baloch tribes, while 
passive, were in a sad state of irritation, more parti- 
cularly on account of the annexation of Kach Gan- 
d&va to the dominions of Shah Sujah al Mulkk 
He farther told me, that Mir A#em, the brother 
of the late Mehrab Khan, was at Bela in Las, sab- 

B 2 


sisting on tlie slender bounty of the jam, and that 
M&homed Hassan, the young son of the late Kalat 
ruler, was a fugitive at Kharan, accompanied by 
Darogah Gul Mahomed. As regarded the govern- 
ment of Kalat, he knew nothing more than that 
Shah Nawaz Khan was seated there, but whether as 
an independent chief, or merely holding authority 
on trust, he could not tell ; and all other arrange- 
ments respecting the country were equally enigma- 
tical to him. 

I concerted with the merchant to accompany his 
k&fila, about to form at Sunmi&ni, as far as Bela, 
and thence together to proceed rapidly to Kalat ; 
it being his desire to look after his land there, and 
mine to gain a cool and agreeable climate. The 
kafila was to follow leisurely, and in company there- 
with my servants and effects. Kalikdad returned 
to Sunmiani, promising to write when the kifila 
was ready, and to inform me as to the reception 
I might expect from Kehim Khan. In process of 
time I received two letters from him, affirming 
generally that all was right, but not specifically 
mentioning Rehim Khan, or the temper he was in. 
In my solicitude to be moving, I did not criticise 
too narrowly the deficiency in these epistles, and 
put the most favourable construction on them, that, 
if there had been evil, Kalikdad would have re- 
ported it, knowing, besides, that he was personally 
intimate with the chief. 

A night or two before I left Karachi I dined 


with Captain Wallace, assistant political agent, 
Major Forbes, commanding the 2nd Bombay gre- 
nadiers, and Captain Le Mesurier, of the quarter- 
master-general's department. The latter was good 
enough to give me a sight of Captain Outram's pub- 
lished narrative, which, including a flying trip from 
Kalat to Sunmiani, he judged would interest me. 
The concluding paragraph of that brochure, in truth, 
contained matter to arrest my attention, as it related 
to this very Rehim Khan, of whose disposition I 
had doubts, which K&likdad had not by his letters 

Captain Outran writes " From Curachee I pro- 
ceeded to Bombay, and not many days after my 
arrival there a party of Beloche horse-dealers also 
landed, who had embarked at Sonmeanee very 
shortly after my departure from that seaport. They 
state, that at midnight of the evening on which I 
sailed, the son of Wullee Mahomed Khan, (the 
chief of Wudd, who was slain at the storm of Khe- 
lat,) arrived in great haste, with a party, in pursuit 
of me ; and, on learning that I had already gone, 
displayed extreme disappointment and irritation. It 
would appear, that information of my journey, and 
disguise, had been received by this chief the day 
after I passed through NalL To the forced march 
of fifty miles> therefore, which was made thence by 
our party, with the design of outstripping the flying 
tidings of the overthrow of Khelat, I, may consider 
myself principally indebted for my escape ; my pur- 


suers having missed me at the seaport of Sonmeanee 
only by a few hours," 

Although I could not doubt that Captain Outram 
had received the information he speaks of from the 
horse-dealers, I was willing to hope they had mis- 
informed him. I knew no more of Rehim Khan 
than that he was the son of an estimable father ; but 
reflecting on the obligations to avenge blood, which 
are remarkably stringent upon the tribes of the 
Brahui community, and on the course which Eehim 
Khan was likely to adopt in his situation, I could 
conceive it possible that he might have sought to 
gratify his revenge in the hills between Bela and 
Nail, but could hardly credit that he would venture 
upon such a step upon the soil of Las; for there the 
equally stringent obligation to respect the interests 
of the young jam would have deterred him. Be- 
sides, in Las, whatever influence Rehim Khan pos- 
sessed, he was still an alien, and too many persons 
were concerned to have allowed him, by so rash an 
action, to have brought down vengeance upon them 
and their little province. 

I had no fear of Rehim Khan at Las, but Rehim 
Khan in the hills was to be suspected; however, 
confiding on KalikdSd and my own good fortune, I 
decided to prosecute the journey, for which I was 
prepared, without waiting for further explanation. 

On the evening of the 30th of April I left Ka- 
rachi, attended by an old servant, Rastil, a Kash- 
mirian, and a chance companion, a Mjf of Ghazni, 


who attached himself to us with the idea of being 
provided for on his journey homeward. I had also 
engaged the services to Sunmiani of two guides 
across the country; while their camels served to 
lighten the loads on my own animals, of which I 
numbered three. I was mounted on an excellent 
Kdbal horse, and my people were on foot, I was 
attired in my ordinary Kabal costume, but never 
intended to conceal for a moment, if that were pos- 
sible, that I was a Peringhi. 

Our road led across the level plain, until we ap- 
proached low detached hills, preceding the valley of 
the Hab river. During the night we came upon 
a party of men, so soundly asleep on the road-side 
that we did not arouse them in passing, although 
B&dil, a young lad, one of the guides, who was in 
advance, leading the camels, carolled blithly as he 
trudged along. The day dawned upon us in the 
Hab valley before we had reached the river. There 
was ample space, and the surface, chequered with 
stunted trees and bushes, afforded good camel fo- 
rage, and much grass for other cattle. We descried 
no huts or habitations, but columns of smoke 
ascending in various parts above the scanty foliage 
of the scenery around, indicated where they might 
be found. From Karachi to the valley the milky 
tur-bush, or prickly pear, had never failed ; and now 
we had dwarf trees, as bers, karers, and mimosas. 
The bed of the river was wide and sandy, but at 
this time without a continued stream of water in it. 


The valley, in its placid and serene aspect, opposed 
a strong contrast to that exhibited in the upper 
part of the course of the river, which I had the 
opportunity to witness some years since, when I 
crossed it in progress from Daggar di Got to Sun- 
miani. The river banks were some twenty feet in 
height, and the bed included between them about 
two hundred feet in breadth. 

Immediately beyond the river the surface, rocky 
and sprinkled with tur-bushes, ascends gradually 
to a range of hills. Some of them are of con- 
siderable elevation, but they are not continuous; 
and the road leads through an opening, without 
much variation in level. At the foot of the su- 
perior hills, on the right hand, large fragments of 
rock lie by the path. The front of one of these 
is daubed with white paint, on which is marked, in 
red and black colours, many symbolic characters, 
pointing out the frontier boundary between Sind 
and Las. 

These axe curious, being those found on many of 
the Indo-Scythic coins so numerously discovered in 
Afghanistan and the Panjab, and which are gene- 
rally supposed to be Buddhist emblems. The first 
in order .from the left is, undoubtedly, the Swastica, 
or sanctified cross; the remainder may be literal 
combinations of mystical or secular import. 


The basis of the hills is shelly limestone ; frag- 
ments of amygdoloid and pudding-stone strew their 
skirts. Fossilized shells, chiefly ammonites, are so 
common that the smallest pebble shows traces of 
them ; and this remark applies to the entire tract of 
country between Karachi and Sunmiani. 

From the boundary rocks we trayersed an arid, 
cheerless plain, until we reached a pool of brackish 
water, where we halted. Considering that we had 
marched nearly the whole night, and that the day 
was well advanced, we could scarcely have travelled 
less than twenty or twenty-two miles to this spot, 
named Bhowani. 

The heat was most intense, and the trivial shade 
of a diminutive ber-tree, near the margin of the 
muddy pool, was the only protection at command. 
The camels, whether weary, or oppressed by the sul- 
try weather, sluggishly browsed on the scant bushes 
fringing the water. During the day flocks of sheep 
and of goats would occasionally appear, as did a nu- 
merous herd of humped horned cattle, in condition 
so excellent, that it was plain, however unpromising 
the aspect of the country, that good and abundant 
pasture was to be found in the neighbourhood. 
These animals belonged to the Shekhs, one of the 
Lassi tribes, dwelling west of the Hab river. 

A little beyond us was a k&fila from Sunmiani, 
carrying ghee to Karachi; at the spot they had 
chosen to halt at were a few wells, the water less 
palatable than that of our turbid pool. The day I 


passed here was a long and listless one. We started 
from Bhowani before sunset, a broken and sterile 
tract lying before ns. The night had far advanced, 
when the sound of waves breaking on the shore 
proclaimed in hoarse murmurs our vicinity to the 
sea. Some time after, the road winding round a 
frightful precipice, led into a dark and narrow defile 
between high walls of rock for about one hundred 
and fifty yards, emerging from which we stood upon 
the seashore. We halted a few minutes to admire 
the luminous and phosphorescent billows as they 
magnificently rolled upon the coast, and then pur- 
sued our journey until, by the break of day, we 
reached Karirah, a spot uninhabited, but used as a 
.station or place of rest. Here was a well of bad 
water, and, we were told, a village of huts over the 
hills on our right. Coarse grass was plentiful, with 
camel forage. 

I could find no more efficient shelter than that 
afforded by a tur-bush, shifting my ground as the 
circuit of the sun changed the varying shadow it 
projected. The crows and mainas were so voracious, 
that they perched on the humps of the camels, and 
actually pecked holes in them ; the mainas treated 
my horse in the same manner, and the poor animal 
was so incommoded by them, and swarms of flies 
and gnats, that he broke loose, and was secured only 
after a long chase on the shore, where the novelty 
of the waves seemed to confound him, and he stood 
still allowing himself to be caught. 


In the evening we were glad to leave this vex&^pus 
spot ; and, following the shore, we reached at "rtigte 
Bagh Amb, (the mango garden,) where we found a 
solitary mango-tree and a pool of water; there 
were also a few wells and huts near. 

In the morning we started for Stinmiani, over 
a hard and level plain, passing midway some Lumri 
huts. The peasantry, males and females, carry- 
ing jars of milk and curds, announced our vicinity 
to the little seaport. I had considerably preceded 
my companions, and overtook some men driving 
camels towards the town. One of them asked if 
I was not Masson, and informed me that he was 
one of Kalikdad's men, and putting himself in front 
of my horse, led the way to his master's quarters. 

Kalikdad, aware of my approach, had gone to 
tell Rehim Khan, and to procure a house for me. 
He returned with Diwau Tirat, the Jam's Hindu 
agent, and after a profusion of welcomes, the 
temple of Raja Gopind Chand (the Mussulman's 
Pir Pattar) was thought best fitted to receive me, 
and I was conducted to it. The diwan left me, 
and shortly returned with a sheep, baskets of rice, 
flour and sugar, a vessel of ghee, wood, and other 
necessaries. Poles were brought to erect tents, but 
I protested against so much trouble being taken. 

The Hindu temple comprised but one small 
room, and when Klikdad had brought half a 
dozen fowls, and others of my old acquaintance 
had testified their pleasure at seeing me again, by 


offerings of various supplies, the place had much the 
appearance of a well-stocked dokan, or shop. I had 
learned at Karachi that my former Hindu friend, 
Tah Mai, had died in reduced circumstances, aud 
his son Papa not presenting himself amongst my 
visitors, I inquired for him. He soon appeared, 
remarking, when told a Feringhi wished to see him, 
that he knew it could be no other than Masson. 
In the evening, a formal deputation of four persons 
waited on me, by order of the jam, to convey his 
welcome, and wish to see me at the darbar in the 

In due time I was sent for, and went to the 
jam's residence, where the darbar was held. The 
young chief, fifteen or sixteen years of age, was so 
small for his years, that had I not seen him in 
1831, when yet an infant and carried in arms, I 
could scarcely have credited his being so old. I 
was told that his career had been sickly. He ex- 
pressed himself glad to see me, and alluded to 
some bhuts, or pictures, I had given to him on my 
former visit. He was attired in a plain muslin 
shirt and red silk trowsers, with an ordinary Sin- 
dian cap on his head, while a silk kes, or shawl, 
supported his knees, being carried around them 
and his waist. On his fingers were four or five 
emerald and turquoise rings, and a sword was lying 
before him. His features were regular, without 
being prominent, and his countenance fair and 
pleasing, but rather feminine. On his right hand 


sat Rehiin KMn, and next to him the vakil Alia 
Rikka, much advanced in age. On his left hand 
were Ibrahim Runjah, a relative of the jam, the 
Darogah Sahow, and others. The sides of the 
apartment were lined with persons of all descrip- 
tions, some seated, and some, less privileged, stand- 
ing. Nothing could be more homely than the 
darbar of Las. The greeting of the young jam, 
was succeeded by the same token of civility from 
all those near him, each individual standing while 
he repeated it. 

I was pleased to observe that the appearance 
and manner of R6him Khan were prepossessing 
in his favour, and a pause occurring after the sa- 
lutations were exchanged, I put his feelings to the 
test, by raising my hands to repeat fatiha on. ac- 
count of his father's death. .Had he not joined 
in the ceremony, he would have been deficient in 
courtesy, and there would have been no doubt of 
his exasperated state of mind, if he joined, his 
resentment, if any, became disarmed, or he was no 
longer at liberty to gratify it. He instantly up- 
lifted his hands ; the company present did the same, 
and fatiha was repeated by all. When concluded, 
I remarked that his father had honourably lived 
and died; that his death was the will of God, 
and I trusted all prosperity would attend himself. 
He observed, that his father had fallen, as became 
a brave man, by the side of his aga (master). I 
rejoined, that his death was an enviable one, and 


that his fame had spread throughout the world. 
Rehim Khan was evidently proud of the attention 
thus publicly paid to him, and no longer maintained 
reserve in conversation. During the fatiha tears 
trickled down the furrowed cheeks of old Alia 
Rikka ; and the remembrance of the worthy Wall 
Mahomed sensibly affected many of the group. 

I may notice, that the fatiha is no more than 
a repetition of the opening verse of the Korin, 
and terminates by passing the hands, already raised, 
down the beards of the parties engaged in it. 
On the death of a Mahomedan, his relatives 
receive this mark of respect from their friends, 
to neglect which would be an affront. 

The Vakil Alia Rikka, being the jam's minister^ 
put a variety of questions as to the politics of the 
day; on the war with Chin, and on Mahomed 
Ali Pashas rebellion against the Sultftn. Rehim 
Kh&n spoke of Karachi and the amirs of Sind ; 
observing, in a laughing mood, that they had done 
much kidmat (service), and had shown much saluk 
(good-will). I smiled at such remarks ; but when 
he said that the late khan of Kal&t had, ridiculously 
enough, lost his life and country, I answered : " It 
was true, he had allowed himself to be com- 
pletely deceived," The climates of various coun- 
tries were discussed; on which topic Alia Rikka, 
who had probably never been out of Las, was 
most conversant, when my friend Kilikdad asked 


whether we should retire. An affirmative reply 
being given, I rose, when the jam being about to 
stand also, I prayed him to continue seated. Rehim 
Khan and the others stood ; and saluting them en 
masse, I left the apartment. 

Throughout this interview a loquacious parrot, 
or maina, amused the company by his chattering, 
otherwise the greatest order prevailed, and had 
possibly been enjoined. Occasionally a wild Lumri 
appeared, who kissed the hand of his young lord. 
It was usual for the jam's mother to sit in darbar ; 
and the lady, accounted clever, with Rehim Khan, 
her son-in-law, are supposed, in great measure, 
to rule the country. 

Some two or three days elapsed, and I saw no 
more of the son of Wall Mahomed ; but Kalikdad, 
who was a good deal with me, informed me of 
some complaints made by the Las authorities, as 
to the conduct of the Sindian governor of Karachi, 
who, it was asserted, made unjust and vexatious 
demands, threatening them with the vengence of 
the gentlemen there, in case of their non-com- 
pliance. They had also a serious cause of com- 
plaint, on account of Shdh N^twaz Khan, the chief 
set up at Kalat, who had written letters, peremp- 
torily forbidding the levy of more than half the 
previously fixed duties, on merchandise entering 
the port. Anxiety to avoid giving offence had 
induced obedience to the mandate ; although the 


revenue of the state, of which the Sunmiani cus- 
toms formed the principal item, was grievously 
diminished, and inconvenience resulted. 

I found that Kalikdad, contrary to the tenour 
of his letters, had yet to await the arrival of a 
vessel from Bombay. It might be expected in 
ten or fifteen days; but I knew as many more 
would be employed in the package of goods, the 
hiring of camels, and other preparations for the 
journey. I regretted, for the moment, my hasty 
departure from Karachi ; but it chanced there 
was a pirzada of Kalat about to proceed imme- 
diately, and K&likdad proposed that I should 
accompany him; to which, as the holy man had 
no objection, I consented. 

I had received an intimation from my friend 
that Rehim Khan wished to see me privately; but 
returning for answer that, while I had no objection 
to see him, or any one else, privately, it must be 
understood that I had no official character, and 
could only sit and converse with him as any other 
friendly disposed person would do; I suspect it 
was considered that I declined the meeting, and 
I heard no more on the subject. From Diwan 
Tirat and others, who called upon me, I heard 
sometimes the wish expressed that the young jam, 
with them an object of affectionate interest, should 
be a nihal, or plant of the Sahiban's growth and 

On the eve of departure from Sunmiani I pur- 


posed to write two or three letters to my friends 
at Karachi, amongst them one to Captain Wallace, 
in return for the civility he had shown to me. I 
told Kalikddd that he might mention to Rehim 
Khan that I was about to do so ; and that, if he 
pleased, I would point out the practices of the 
Karachi governor, and I had little doubt that, 
trifling as they were, a stop would be put to them, 
as the Feringhis were not likely to allow their good 
name to be profaned. 

Kalikdad apprised Rehim Khn, who expressed 
so much satisfaction that the merchant told me 
he could have been scarcely less delighted had 
his father been restored to life. He sent a message 
that he would be thankful if I called upon him 
in the 'evening. 

It had not escaped me, that a dread seemed to 
infect the minds of the Las authorities, that the 
gentlemen at Karachi intended either to take their 
country or to transfer it to the chiefs of Sind. I 
knew such alarms were groundless ; indeed, before 
leaving Karachi I had taken the necessary trouble 
of making myself acquainted whether any commu- 
nication subsisted with the government of Las. I 
found there was none ; but that letters had once 
been received, expressing the desire of the jam 
to pay his respects to the general, and that he 
had been referred to the political agent at Quetta. 
I also learned, that on the first landing of the 
British force in Sind the jam's advisers had sent 

VOL. rv. c 


letters to Colonel Pottinger, offering assistance; 
a -war with Sind, with English allies, being ex- 
tremely to their taste ; moreover, I became informed 
of the intended location of Lieutenant Gordon (then 
at Bombay) as agent at Sunmiani, and that he 
was to be accompanied by two companies of native 

When I stepped over to Eehim Kh&n, he dis- 
missed his attendants, and we discoursed for some 
time. He was very straightforward, and spoke 
Persian fluently. I was surprised to find that, so 
far from having any objection to visit Karachi, he 
was now, understanding there was no unkindly 
feeling towards him, anxious to go there but for 
fear of offending Captain Bean at Quetta, and Shah 
Naw&z Khan at Kalit. He expressed a warm 
desire of being connected with the Sahibs rather 
than with Shah Nawaz Khan, who, he observed, 
was not a good hakam, or ruler. As, in the same 
breath, he alluded to the elevation of certain per- 
sons to offices about the new chief of Kal&t, I sus- 
pected his dislike to him was principally owing to 
his not being called upon to take a part in affairs. 
He regretted that he was unacquainted with the 
mode of transacting business with Feringhis, and 
I assured him that it was not so difficult a matter 
as he seemed to apprehend ; that little more was 
necessary than to mind his own business, and ab- 
stain from connexion with bad men : to be honest 
himself, and believe what the Feringhis told him. 


He talked of sending a vakil to Karachi. I ob- 
served he could have no business that would not 
be better done by himself, and instanced the un- 
happy catastrophe at Kal&t as entirely arising from 
the ill-fated khan's mistrust, and the treachery of 
his agents. Rehim Khan added, that he saw no- 
thing would be so good for him as an interview 
with the Sahibs at Kardchi, assuring me that had 
he known I had been so long residing there, he 
would, without hesitation, have come over. Advert- 
ing to the diminution of duties, I found the man- 
date from Kal&t on that score was considered a 
stretch of prerogative, no preceding khan having 
interfered with the administration of the country in 
such a manner. Rehim Kh&n then noted that Mr. 
Elphinstone corresponded with the late jam, Mihr 
Ali, and sent him presents ; and that now the jam 
was thinking of shipping camels and mares to the 
actual governor of Bombay. I asked whether it 
would not be as well to apply to the gentlemen at 
Karachi, and to send the presents with their con- 
currence. He replied, they had not thought of that, 
but he felt it would be proper. Finally, he pro- 
posed that the jam and himself should write letters 
to Captain Wallace. I consented to forward them, 
as I could explain under what circumstances they 
were given, and because I was aware that the in- 
struction to refer to Kalat had emanated from the 
military authorities at Karachi at a time when no 
political agent was fixed there. Rehim Khn 

c 2 


further proposed to address Major Outram, who 
had succeeded Colonel Pottinger as Resident in 
Sind. I said there could be no harm done. I with- 
drew from this meeting well pleased with the good 
sense and honest, unaffected manners of Rehim 
Khan, I could not, of course, divine what might 
result from his letters, but, as I wrote to Captain 
Wallace, they would at least show that the son of 
Wall Mahomed did not wish to be considered 

Rehim KMn never so much as hinted at the 
establishment of a British agent at Sunmiani, al- 
though it was publicly known that such a mea- 
sure was contemplated, and the knowledge of it, 
I should think, had suggested the intended pro- 
pitiatory mission to Bombay. On parting, Rehim 
Khan said, that as I had visited him, he must in 
return visit me, and next morning Kalikddd came 
to inquire if I was prepared to receive him. I 
replied, that I was always happy to see him, but 
that merely for the sake of etiquette, I did not 
wish to give him the trouble to walk over. Rehim 
Kh4n, however, insisted that it behoved him to re- 
turn the compliment; and accordingly I was fa- 
voured with his company. We then discoursed as 
freely as if we had been friends of long standing. 

The task of writing the letters for Karachi de- 
volved upon Diwan Tirat. He asked me what he 
should write. I replied, what he pleased. He then 
inquired if he should write at my house, and I 


told him to put them together at his own house 
and bring them to me when finished. During the 
day he brought four letters, addressed to Captains 
Outram and Wallace, from the Jam and Rehim 
Khan respectively. The metlaf, or purport, of all 
of them being, that they wished to be enumerated 
amongst the slaves of the British government. 
I enclosed them in a letter I had prepared for 
Captain Wallace, and despatched them the same 

I never ventured to ask any one at Sunmiani 
if Rehim Khan had pursued Captain Outram, as 
represented by the horse-dealers, although I inferred 
he had not, because some person or other would 
probably have mentioned it. Subsequently, how- 
ever, at Bela, and afterwards at Kalat, I became 
assured that not only had no such thing occurred, 
but that Rehim Khn did not go to Sunmiani 
until thirty-five days after Captain Outram's de- 
parture from that place, and then accompanying 
the jam in one of his ordinary excursions. More- 
over, Rehim Khdn was at Walfpat, a little north 
of B61a> when Captain Outram passed, stood with 
others by the road side when he did pass, was 
aware of his father's death, knew Captain Outram 
to be an European, and took no further notice, 

I was therefore very glad that I had forwarded 
his letters, as, if nothing better resulted from them, 
the unfavourable impression originated by the horse- 
dealers might perhaps be removed, and I rejoiced 


to find that I could continue to think well of him 
without regarding him as the pursuer of an English 

I left at Sunmiaoi my servants and luggage, to 
follow with Kalikdad and the kafila, and the mer- 
chant made over to me for the journey a young lad, 
named Hassan, to attend to my horse. I put a few 
changes of linen in saddle-bags, which the pirzada 
carried for me on- his camels. 

I joined the holy man without the town after sun- 
set, and we started amid the benedictions of a crowd 
of merchants and townspeople. My companion had 
three camels, on one of which he rode himself; on 
another was a negress, with the elegant designation 
of Zafrani, or the saflron-coloured lady, and the 
third was laden with gleanings from his disciples and 
flock. Two young lads of Kabal were his attendants, 
and trudged on foot, as did Hassan. 

We marched the whole night over the level plain, 
passing a tract of sand called Regh Till&hi (golden 
sand), and by daybreak found ourselves at the skirt 
of the wooded belt, in which the village of Liari is 
situated. During this progress I had, of course, some 
conversation with my new companion, the pirzada* 
I had not taken the trouble to see him at Sunmiani, 
taking it for granted that he was sufficiently respect- 
able, and aware that he was the son of Zeya al H&k, 
Nijrohi, of the Nakshbandi Sirindi sect, who resided 
at Kabal, and by repute was known to me. His fri- 
volous discourse on the road, however, gave me no 


great idea of him, and, when daylight revealed his 
features, I doubted whether, if I had before seen 
them, I should have sought his company. 

At Liari, a house in the bazar was set apart for 
the pirzada, and another in a retired part of the vil- 
lage was appropriated to me. 

In the evening we took the road to Pati, but 
although we had guides we strayed from our path, 
and, after wandering throughout the night, found 
ourselves in the morning but just beyond the belt of 
Liari, and, averse to encounter the hot winds which 
now raged, we decided to repose for the day at a few 
huts, inhabited by the Gunga tribe, which we des- 
cried not far off. We were civilly welcomed ; and 
it was no sooner known that a pirzada's party had 
arrived than the females hastened to offer their 
salutations. Amongst them was one particularly 
beautiful, and before my companion had time to ex- 
plain that I was a Feringhi, and not entitled to so 
much respect, she had, supposing I must be a pir- 
zada, favoured me by placing her hands on my feet, 
and then kissing my hands. She was accompanied 
by her mother, also well looking, and with them the 
pirzada soon arranged to take up his abode. A hut 
was erected expressly for me, and with such speed 
that in five minutes it was completed. 

The pirzada had much professional employment. 
The first applicant was a cripple, for whom he pre- 
scribed a large bowl of water, over which he 
breathed, and directed to be drank off at v> draught. 


The poor Gunga complied, with the best faith, but 
with some difficulty, as the quantity was immoderate, 
and the pirzada, who enjoyed his distress, insisted that 
every drop should be swallowed. A good repast was 
soon provided, and set before us, an equivalent, no 
doubt, for my friend's charms and antidotes, although 
he wished me to believe he paid for every thing. 

During the day I paid him a visit, and found 
that our evening's repast was the subject of de- 
bate. The pious man had taken a fancy to a kid, 
and took pains, at least in my presence, while in- 
sisting he would not brook disappointment, to en- 
gage to pay for it. His fair hostesses had furnished 
the fowls in the morning, but the kid unfortu- 
nately belonged to other people, who, too needy 
to give their animal away, scrupled to receive 
money from a pirzada. In this dilemma, the 
mother requested a taviz, or charm, for her hand- 
some daughter, who bashfully drooped her head, as 
the tale was told of her being married some five 
or six years without having any owlad, or family. 
One of the holy man's Kabal lads immediately 
pricked up his ears, and leaning over to his master, 
said, " a camel, a camel as shukarani," or offering. 
The mother entered into particulars, with the view 
of exciting commiseration, and remarked, that her 
daughter had but one husband; which caused the 
pfrzada to inquire how many she wanted. Per- 
ceiving the case to be one from which something 
might be gained, the good man dismissed me, or 


what was the same thing, intimated his desire to 
repeat his prayers. I had not left him many mi- 
nutes before I saw his two lads, with some Gungas, 
carrying off the kid for slaughter, which it required 
no great judgment to surmise had been given as 
the price of becoming a mother by the fair but 
barren bride. The spot was named Obadi, and 
the water, wretched and unpalatable, was drawn 
from a well. 

After sunset we moved towards Pti, and next 
morning reached the uninhabited spot so called, on 
the bank of a branch from the Purali river. We 
passed the day here, but ill sheltered from the heat 
by the tamarisk-trees fringing the banks. 

In our progress towards Bela, a little before 
sunset, we became enveloped in a khakb&d, or 
whirlwind of dust. We had it for some time in 
sight, and moved into it, while by halting when we 
first observed it, we might have escaped it. The 
wind was very violent and the dust intolerable, 
although we were far from the vortex, and it speedily 
passed by. A few drops of heavy rain fell, and 
vivid flashes of lightning illumined the dense mass. 
By marching all night, we reached Osmn di Got, 
a small village, in the morning, when, being but 
a small distance from Bla, we agreed to push on 
to it. 

On reaching the old bed of the Purali, on the 
farther bank of which the town stands, the pir- 
zada expressed feats on account of Mir Azem 


Khan, the brother of the late Mehrab Khan of 
Kalat, "who we knew was residing there, and he 
wished me to remain under the bank until he had 
gone into the town and ascertained all was right. 
I saw no necessity to be so cautious, and joking 
with him, that if he was afraid at Bela, how would 
it be amongst the hills, crossed over to a masjit 
immediately without the place, and sent Hassan 
with a message to Omar, the son of the late Arab 
vakil, with whom I was acquainted. 

Presently Omar came, attended by Ibrahim, a 
son of the Vakil Alia Rikka, and they conducted 
me to a house belonging to the former. The jam's 
orders, that I should receive every attention had 
preceded my arrival. The pirzada was accom- 
modated separately. I had reckoned on the delay 
of a day or two at Bfla, but I soon discovered that 
my companion was fearful my presence might em- 
barrass him amongst the hill tribes. One evening 
he sent for me at a late hour, but having retired 
to rest, I did not wait on him. Neither did I in 
the morning when I heard he had some news from 
K&bal to tell, and which I could fancy was non r 
sensical enough. This induced him to send Mulla 
Hdshem, a native of Kalat, with a man, in reality 
pr pretending to be, a messenger from Nail. This 
fellow affirmed, that, before starting from Nail, 
Shah Naw&z Khan arrived, and an entertainment 
was in course of preparation for him, when an 
express reached from Kalit with tidings which 


made the khan remount and proceed towards his 
capital, without waiting for the intended repast. 
The tidings brought were, that Lieut. Loveday and 
Fati Khan had been defeated at Nushki by the 
Zigger Minghals, assisted by the Memasenis and 
Posht Kohls, and that, with the loss of one hun- 
dred men, they had fled to Kalat. 

I readily understood this tale was a manoeuvre, 
put in play to terrify the merchants into payment 
of the duties, which the letters of Shah Nawaz 
Khan forbade to be enacted, and to compel them 
to engage badraggars, or safe-conductors; but as 
the pirzada had also commissioned Mulla Hashem 
to tell me that he was going that night, and had 
no fears for himself but for me, and that he would 
be pleased if I released him from the obligation 
to accompany me to Kalat, I immediately replied, 
that he stood absolved, as I should be sorry that 
any one should think even that he was in danger 
on my account. I sent Hassan for my saddle- 
bags, but the good man detained them, and re- 
turned a message that it would be better to wait 
a day or two until sounder intelligence arrived. 
Next morning he again sent, praying I would step 
over to him. I did so, and found Ibrahim, Alia 
Bikka's son, with him. Both urged the propriety 
of waiting a little ; yet Ibrahim, while professing 
great desire to be useful, made use of some ex- 
pressions, that, had I been so disposed, I might 
fairly have taken offence at. The pirzada was ex- 


ceedingly civil, and we parted on the understand- 
ing that we should wait a day or two. He was 
now indeed only a poor faquir, and Ibrahim took 
care to inform me, that if any one put hands on 
me during the journey the pirzada could only look 
on, and not interpose to prevent it. I had barely 
regained my dwelling, when Hassan came with a 
message from the pirzada, that he should start in 
the evening. I declined to do so, and sent for 
my saddle-bags, which anew were detained, when 
I grew, in turn, serious, and despatched Haji Khadar, 
a Jtikia inirza, or scribe, in the jam's employ, for 
them, and they were brought to me. A Kalat 
merchant afterwards came to express the pirzada's 
sorrow that I had sent for the bags, how delighted 
he would have been had I accompanied him, and 
craving a reza nameh, or letter of approbation, 
which I said was unnecessary, as I was not angry. 
This point, however, was pressed, and Haji Khadar 
wrote something to satisfy him. 

The pirzda departed that evening, and it be- 
hoved me to think as to the course I should adopt ; 
and I saw no better than to await Kalikdad's 
arrival with the kafila, although a residence at 
B&a was not desirable while the hot winds were 
prevalent. I might perhaps have passed on to 
Kalat by dint of money, but I had left nearly all 
behind with my other effects at Sunmiani. 

Before I left Karachi, Captain Wallace had men- 
tioned, that he had received a letter written by 


KMdar Dinna, respecting Adam Khan, or 
Mir Azem Khan, as officially called, the only 
brother of Mehrab Khan, now residing at Bela, 
and asked if I knew the h&ji; I replied, no. It 
turned out that he was the Haji Khadar I have 
before had occasion to notice, a deaf Jukia mirza, 
an old acquaintance of mine, but formerly known 
to me as plain Khadar,* and whom I did not re- 
cognize under his lengthened name and the title 
of hajf, which three pilgrimages to Mecca had, how- 
ever, fully entitled him to bear. He brought me 
the reply of Captain Wallace. It seemed Mir 
Azem doubted its authenticity. There was no 
question on that point, and I was given to under- 
stand Mir Azem was much pleased when informed 
that I pronounced it to be genuine. It recom- 
mended the mir to apply to Captain Bean, at 
Quetta, but if he objected, or had insurmountable 
scruples, to come to Karachi, when representations 
should be made to government concerning him. I 
declined at this time to visit Mir Azem, being 
aware of the distress he was in, even for common 
necessaries, and it was not in my power to supply 
them ; still I urged Haji Khadar to persuade him 
to act upon Captain Wallace's letter, and go to 
Karachi, and put an end to his misery. 

Trustworthy intelligence from Kalat had con- 
tradicted the report of disasters set on foot by in- 

* Vide vol. ii. p. 1 8, Journeys and Residence in Balochlstan, 
Afghanistan, and the Panjab. 


terested persons ; and we learned that Lieut. Love- 
day had dispersed the Minghals of Nushki, and 
that Shah Nawaz Khan was at B&ghwana, cele- 
brating his nuptials with a sister of Kam&l Khan, 
one of the widows of the late Jdm Ali of Bela. 
Fresh rumours, however, were circulated of the 
arrival of Shh Sujah al Mfilkh at Shikdrpur, a 
fugitive from Kabal, and that Sind was in arms. 
It was determined to perplex the poor merchants. 
During the day the hot winds were constant, but 
although fully exposed to them, I suffered no in- 
convenience. I had, however, need of all my 
patience to support the delay circumstances had 
produced in my journey. 

I was reluctantly lingering at Bela, when, one 
morning, a stranger came and asked me if I was 
Masson Sahib? and informed me that he had 
brought letters to me from Lieut. Loveday. I was 
surprised, but as the fellow had my name so ready 
at his tongue's-end, I requested to see his letters. 
A Minghal, who accompanied him, was sent for 
them. The stranger was very talkative, and soon 
let me know that he was Amir Khn, in the service 
of Lieut. Loveday ; that his funds were exhausted 
in his trip from Kalt, and that he expected me to 
renew them, an unfortunate expectation, as I had 
no more money than I knew what to do with. He 
insisted that Lieut. Loveday had despatched him 
expressly to me, and had said to him in parting, 
" Amir Kh&n, how delighted I shall be when Mas- 


son Sahib arrives! tell him the climate here is 
lovely !" And farther, that when Mr. Loveday was 
walking in his garden at Mastung, and picking 
flowers, he would exclaim, " Ah ! Amir Khan, what 
avail flowers and their fragrance when Masson 
Sahib is not present to enjoy them with me!" I 
thought this mighty strange ; however, the Minghal 
returned with Amir Khan's saddle-bags; the let- 
ters were produced ; and, lo ! they were addressed 
to " Lieut. Gordon, British Agent, Sunmiani " ! 

The authorities received Amir Khan and his 
party as guests. He soon after went to Sunmiani, 
while the Minghal who had escorted Mm from 
Wad proposed to do the same service for me to 
that place. He was a superior man, and admitted 
to be so by the good people at B61a, therefore I 
was glad of his ofler, and prepared to start with 
him. He only demanded two rupees and a-half for 
the journey, and carried my saddle-bags on his 
camel, a trained animal. I had constantly declined 
to see Mir Azem Khan, poor Mehrab EMn's bro- 
ther ! Now, that I was about to leave, I was so 
importuned by many persons to visit him, that I 
was obliged to yield, especially as they urged he 
would be pleased ; that he had expressed a wish 
to see me ; and that he said he remembered me at 
Kalat. I therefore ordered my horse to be gently 
led along the road, while I walked over to the jam's 
house, where he resided. I found him in the most 
miserable condition ; and, after we had exchanged 


salutations, he dismissed the five or six attendants 
still adhering to him, and asked me about his jour- 
ney to Karachi, and whether he would not run the 
risk of being detained a prisoner, or of being put to 
death. I assured him that, on the contrary, he 
would be kindly received, and strongly urged him 
to go, pointing out that delay, in his circumstances, 
would be fatal. He talked about the Sirkar Com- 
pany Sahib being generous, and I told him it was 
justly so reputed, and he might depend upon its 
liberality. He mentioned a plan that had occurred 
to him, of going to Kh&ran, and taking his nephew, 
the young son of Mehrab Khan, to Maskat, and 
craving the intercession of the Imam, who was a 
great friend of the British government. I repre- 
sented that the Imam was a great friend, but his 
own presence at Karachi would answer every pur- 
pose, and, I did not doubt, his reception would be 
such that his nephew would soon be glad to join 
him. He inquired whether, instead of going to 
Karachi directly himself, he had not better first 
send a vakil, and I replied, that the time for send- 
ing vakils was passed ; he admitted as much, and, 
encouraged by what I had told him, promised to go 
as soon as the jam returned to B61a. He remarked 
that he was very miserable. I said that was too 
evident, and entreated him, in God's name, to see 
what the government would do for him. He fur- 
ther observed, that he had seen me before at Kalat ; 
but I explained to him that his memory deceived 


Mm, as, when I was there, he came to Sohrab from 
Gandava, and thence proceeded to Kej, so that I had 
not the opportunity of meeting him. I thought I 
had succeeded in removing from the mind of Mir 
Azem KMn the impressions that he would be neces- 
sarily made a victim because it was the misfortune 
of his brother Mehrab to be slain, and that he 
might be unfairly dealt with at Karachi, and left 
him apparently cheered, and determined to visit 
Captain Wallace at no distant period. 

I heard afterwards, that when Kalikdad with his 
k&fila reached Bela the mlr embraced him, saying 
he knew that he was indebted to him for my call. 
His intention was to have visited Karachi, but he 
complained that he had not clothes fit to go in. 
K&likdad, who has a fast tongue, and is not very 
competent in state affairs, advised him to send a 
vakil, which caused delay. The revolt at Kalat 
took place, and when his nephew recovered the 
capital, the mir, of course, joined him. 

Mir Azem was at this time so much reduced, 
that he was in receipt of a daily allowance from 
the jam of two pounds of rice, eight pais (about 
threepence) worth of meat, with a little butter, 
&c. ; his followers, eight or ten slaves, were also 
supplied with prepared cakes of judri and rice- 
flour. He had not a change of linen, having been 
plundered by Is& Khan of Wad, as he passed 
through that place in his flight from Kaldt. His 
wife was with him, and he beguiled his leisure by 



reading Persian poems to her, for although so dis- 
sipated as to be nearly useless for business, he is 
highly taught, and considered to be very accom- 
plished. At Bela, one of the widows of the late 
Mehrab Khan, was also subsisting on the bounty 
of the jam. 

Before leaving the little state of Las, let me 
briefly revert to the confusion and uncertainty 
which then deranged its whole economy. To de- 
scribe it would exceed my ability, yet a little of 
its nature may perhaps be understood by the facts 
I have related. 

The fears of the authorities were groundless; 
there was no desire to take possession of the coun- 
try; none to transfer it to Sind, and none to in- 
terfere in its internal arrangements, so far as the 
English government was concerned. Still, there 
was no authorized person informed of the panic 
which prevailed, to explain it away, and the efforts 
of the jam and his counsellors to open a communi- 
cation with the gentlemen at Karachi had hitherto 
failed. Colonel, now Sir Henry Pottinger, I be- 
lieve justly appreciated the friendly sentiments of 
the Las chief; and T afterwards heard from Lieut. 
Loveday that he proposed the intercourse between 
Las and the British government should pass 
through the resident in Sind, a proposition so 
manifestly reasonable, that it must have been op- 
posed merely for the sake of opposition. The con- 
sequence was, that Las became entirely neglected, 


and, by the politicals at Kalat and Quetta, was 
even reputed to be hostile, when it was eager, 
by the most abject submission, to confirm its ex- 

I had always feared that the presence of troops 
at Sunmiani, being wholly needless, would have 
led to evil consequences ; I was, therefore, rejoiced 
subsequently to learn that Lieut. Gordon, soon after 
his arrival, in conformity with his appointment, had 
sent them back ; a circumstance which impressed 
me with favourable notions of his judgment, and 
allowed me to hope that the young jam and his 
subjects might not lament his appointment. Since, 
a treaty, regulating the amount of duty to be levied 
at the port of Sunmiani, has been notified in the 
Bombay gazettes, which was in one sense unneces- 
sary, as the amount fixed is merely what was here- 
tofore levied without treaty ; still, if it was thought 
fit so to legalize it, and harmony has thereby be- 
come established, there is no great harm in it, 
and there may be good, as the right of the jam 
to conclude treaties has been acknowledged. I 
have now heard with satisfaction, that the agency 
has been abolished by the orders of the present 
Governor-General of India. 



Walipat. Entrance of the Hills. Old Acquaintance. Route 
to Miran Kushteh. Route to Baran Lak. Turkabur Kala 
Dara. Review of route. Day at Kala Dara Approach to 
Wad. Reception at Wad. Mir Rahmat's arrival. His 
amusements. Afghan Haji. Mir Rahmat's frivolity. 
Negro slaves. Opinions at Wad. Shir Mahomed's return. 
Departure from Wad. Isa Khan's garden. Route to 
Bdghwan. Meeting with Khan Mahomed Khan. Lead 
Mines of Kappar. Gohar-basta. Arrival at Baghwan. Ci- 
vilities of Shah Nawdz Khan. Interview with him. Mir Atta 
Khan. Route to Kalat. -Zohwar. Lakorian. Gohar-hasta. 
Anjirah. Civil reception at Shorab. Route to Rodinjo. 
Reception there. Arrival at Kalat. Welcome of friends. 
Lieut. Loveday's remark. reputation of Lieut. Loveday. 
Interview with Lieut. Loveday. Conversation. Second inter- 
view. Conversation with Munshi Ghulam Hussen. Selec- 
tion of residence, Objection to revisit Lieut* Loveday. 

FROM Bela we passed through the jangal of 
peru trees surrounding it on the north, and then 
skirting midway the hamlet of Khaira, reached 
Walipat by night, where we halted in a grove of 
palm-trees, where the jam's stud was picketed. 
There were some thirty mares and colts. The 
darogah in charge supplied us with grain and chaff, 
prepared our food, and was anxious to show civility. 
Before daybreak next morning we were crossing 


the bare and pebbly plain stretching from Walipat 
to the hills, and before sunrise we came to the 
P6rali river, which we traversed six times, and 
arrived at the opening of the defile Koharn Wat, 
where we halted for the day, leaving the river 
behind us, flowing from the north-east. Two tra- 
vellers here joined us, coming from Kalat ; one of 
them, Ghulam, a Babi merchant, instantly recog- 
nised me, and, after we had embraced, he sat down, 
refreshed himself, and gave the news of the day. 
He came, he said, on Lieut. Loveday's business, 
and told me, that I was expected at KaMt, for 
Lieut. Loveday had told my friends that I should 
soon be there. 

In the evening we entered the defile, which did 
not appear so formidable as the impressions of 
memory had pictured; and although in its actual 
state it might be barely practicable to artillery, a 
good road could easily be made through it ; the 
rock being schistose, and soft, while it readily sepa- 
rates. The length of the defile is, moreover, tri- 
fling. From it we emerged upon the wild and 
broken plain of Boher, and struck across it to- 
wards the range of hills confining it on the north. 
This range we penetrated by the valley or stream- 
bed of Ping, a Brahui term, meaning long, and, 
with reference to the extent of the valley, correctly 
applied. By reason of the long and continued 
drought, I had been cautioned at Bela not to ex- 
pect to find the hills as I had before seen them, 


green with verdure, and their valleys garnished "with 
copious and transparent rills of water; therefore I 
was not surprised to find Ping abandoned by its 
rivulet* and displaying few traces of the luxuriant 
vegetation which used to embellish it. A slight 
ascent, or pass, from the head of the valley brought 
us upon the table-land of Selloh, from which we 
descended into the bed of a water-course, called 
Mir&n Kttshteh, from Miran, a Brahui robber, at 
some period slain there. We had travelled the 
whole night, and, as we found water at this spot, 
we halted for the day. Near us were a few BraMi 
huts ;. and we were visited by shepherds, from whom 
we purchased a lamb. 

In the evening we followed the course of the 
valley, and crossing the difficult ascent of Lohi, 
passed through a singular and extended defile, called 
Anraveri. It was enclosed on either side by walls 
of rock, nearly perpendicular, to the right, of forty 
or fifty feet in height, to the left, of about twenty 
feet. Its breadth varied from ten to twenty feet, 
and the narrow passage was in some places much 
choked up with flags and tall grass. The whole of 
the hills naturally abound in strong and defensible 
positions, and this defile seemed capable of being 
made a most formidable one. The rude tribes of 
the country, however, if not altogether insensible 
to the facilities of defence it offers, are too ignorant 
to profit by them, and, in their own petty warfare, 
have never been known to do so. From Anraveri 


we toiled over the rocky pass of Karraroh, from 
whose summit we had an extensive but dreary view 
of mountain ranges in the distance, and of deep and 
dark glens around us, and finally halted at the foot 
of Baran Lak (the naked pass). In this march the 
roads were frequently troublesome; still, a little 
labour would suffice to put them in order. 

We had again marched the whole night, and, 
leaving the road, had fixed ourselves on the bank of 
a large hill torrent, in whose rocky bed we met with 
water in a cavity. Many of the pebbles strewed 
about the surface were encrusted on the one face 
with chalk, both soft and indurated, and small pieces 
of the mineral, a rare one in these countries, were 
also scattered about. On the pass, in our front, I 
afterwards found specimens of zeolites in some abun- 
dance, but very inferior to the beautiful masses to 
be seen on the table hills of Malwa, in Central 
India. The fossilized remains of bivalves, ammo- 
nites, with what I supposed to be the jaw-bones and 
teeth of fishes, were common in every stone or frag- 
ment of stone, about us. In the evening we re- 
sumed our journey, and ascended the lak. I was 
surprised^and I may say almost disappointed, to find 
it was by no means so difficult as the reminiscences 
of two former transits had led me to anticipate. It 
was neither long nor very precipitous, and the road, 
while narrow, was even tolerable ; but near the sum- 
mit is a kand, or hewn passage through the rock, 
which would require to be widened before wheeled 


carriages could pass. The rock is yielding, and favour- 
able for the operation. From the pass we descended 
into a retired glen, to allow my guide's camel to 
"browse on a few trees sprinkled over its sides, and 
again started at night. In our progress we crossed 
the dry bed of a considerable hill-torrent, which I 
well remembered as the spot near which I had 
passed the day in 1831, and where we had been over- 
taken by a heavy fall of rain ; and thence by a 
small pass we came upon the plain of Turkabur, so 
called from a tradition that Amir Taimtir, or, as 
some say, Jenghiz Khan, encamped there. The name 
in the dialect of the Brahuis, signifies a horseman. 
Thence we entered the fine level and spacious plain 
of Kla Dara (the black valley), and having -tra- 
versed the larger portion of it, we struck off the road 
for some Minghal huts, where we halted under cover 
of some perpuk trees. We had not intended to dis- 
turb the inmates, but the barking of their own dogs 
awaked them, and an old man rose to inquire who his 
visitors were On being informed, he was satisfied 
and retired to his hut, promising to supply our 
wants in the morning. 

On crossing the pass of Turkabur we had left the 
mountainous country behind us, and henceforth our 
road to Kalat became comparatively easy and safe. 
In the hills we had met very few people, and only at 
the halting-places. Shir Mahomed, with whom I 
never interfered, invariably told them that I was a Fe- 
ringhi, going to Kalat on my own business ; and this 


information, given with the most perfect indifference, 
was received in the same manner. The pass of 
Baran Lak is the limit to which, in severe winters, 
snow has been known to fall ; in most seasons, how- 
ever, it seldom extends to Khozddr, and Baghwana. 
I examined the road more carefully than I had for- 
merly done, in consequence of an anxiety at Karachi 
to be acquainted with its exact nature, with refer- 
ence to the march of troops; the idea being cherished, 
that if at all practicable, it would be highly advan- 
tageous to open it, as the route through Sind and 
Kachi, besides being so much longer, was in some 
seasons of the year absolutely closed by the fearful 
character of the climate. From the remarks I have 
occasionally made, it may be gleaned that my opin- 
ions of the road were favourable to its mere prac- 
ticability, which indeed had no right to be ques- 
tioned, as large Mfilas are constantly in the habit of 
travelling by it; but these assemblages can pass 
where armies with their encumbrances perish ; and 
in their case many things are to be thought of 
which kafilas can afford to dispense with. From 
Bela to Wad no supplies of grain are procurable, 
and from Wad to Kal&t very little could be de- 
pended upon. In the hills, both water and forage 
are precarious, or regulated by the supplies of rain. 
In the present journey my horse suffered from want 
of provender ; so did my companion's camel ; and 
the kafila, which followed us, was disabled by the 
loss of two-thirds of its cattle, from the same cause. 


At our first halting-place at Koharn Wat, at the 
entrance of the hills, we drew our water from the 
Purali river. At Miran Kushteh, and Baran Lak, our 
halting-places within the hills, there was little water, 
and they were the only two spots where it was found 
on the line of road. . In my former journeys I had 
crossed numerous rivulets, and the river Ornach, a 
deep and powerful stream, now they had ceased to 
flow, and I must have passed the dry bed of the 
river without being aware of it. At this time, there- 
fore, I held the march of a large body of troops to 
be a dangerous measure ; and at any other time it 
would be requisite to ascertain the state of the hills 
as to water and forage. From the tribes perhaps 
serious opposition need not be apprehended, but 
their petty thefts would have to be provided against. 
The drought, which has oppressed this country for 
the last ten years, would appear to have prevailed 
over a wide space, and I have observed that a similar 
calamity has befallen some of the Russian provinces, 
where a commission was appointed to examine into 
its effects, and probable causes. Subsequently, I 
believe, the route has been surveyed by British offi- 
cers, but I have not learned the results. 

In the morning, the old gentleman, who proved to 
be a dependant of Isa Khan of Wad, was as good 
as his word, and speedily set before us a breakfast, 
and we purchased a sheep to return his civility, and 
because we proposed to rest our cattle that had fared 
badly since leaving Bela. In the neighbourhood 


were several huts, and many of the inmates came 
and fayoured us with their company. It was debated, 
whether or not it was lawful to kill me, in retaliation 
for the Wood of those slain at Kalat; but it was 
generally conceded to be unlawful, as I was not pre- 
sent at the slaughter, and because I had appeared 
unarmed amongst them. Those who maintained the 
contrary seemed to do so for the mere sake of argu- 

We passed not only the day, but the better 
portion of the following night here ; and then 
continued our journey towards Wad. The morning 
broke before we had cleared the low hills, which 
separate the plain from the principal village of the 
Minghal tribe. On the road Shir Mahomed ob- 
served to me, that Khn Mahomed Elan, the 
elder son of Is& Khan, being absent, as we learned 
at Kala Dara, he did not exactly know whether, 
from the manners of the younger branches of his 
family, I might be altogether at ease there ; and 
proposed, if I approved, that" we should go on 
straight to his residence, some three or four miles 
distant, where, if the fare was humble, I should be, 
at least, civilly treated. I was obliged for the 
consideration which had prompted the suggestion* 
but resolved to take my chance at Wad. The 
sun had not risen when we descended upon the 
plain, with the little town before us; and the 
first objects presenting themselves to our sight 
were three new tombs, covered with white cement, 


erected over the remains of Wall Mahomed, Taj 
Mahomed, and another of the Wad chiefs, who 
had fallen at the same time with their ill-fated 
lord, Mehrab Kh&n, They were buried on the open 
plain, beneath a mulberry-tree, and contiguous to 
each other. In death they had been united, and 
their countrymen now reverenced them as shedidan, 
or martyrs. 

I may acknowledge that I approached the town 
with clouded feelings; I was conscious there was 
no cause for apprehension ; still there was the awk- 
wardness of a meeting with the relatives of the 
slain to be encountered; and, worse than all, I 
knew that the calamity, which had involved so 
many chiefs of the family in destruction, might, with 
due understanding, have been averted. On cross- 
ing the dry bed of the torrent, on which Wad 
stands, we came upon the houses inhabited by 
the chiefs now living ; and the first person we met 
was a darogah of Isa Khan, who conducted us 
to the vacant house of Mir Eahmat, a son of Tj 
Mahomed, above noted as one of the slain at Kalat. 
Mir Eahmat was with Kh&n Mahomed, in atten- 
dance upon Shah Nawaz Khan, the new ruler of 
Kalat in Zfdi The darogah hastened to report 
our arrival to the family of IsS, Khan, leaving me 
to my reflections on the strange accident of being 
quartered in the house of a chief who had fallen 
by the hands of my countrymen. 

Presently Malek Dinar, the younger son of Isa 


Khan, a youth of sixteen or seventeen years of 
age, brought a polite message of welcome from his 
mother ; and he was followed hy slaves, the bearers 
of a couch, with carpets and gold embroidered 
coverlets. Scarcely had these been arranged when 
an excellent repast was also brought in. Shir Ma- 
homed soon after departed for his home, engaging 
to return at sunset, on the day after the morrow, 
as he proposed to escort me to Baghwana, for a 
further sum of three rupees. 

Malek Dinar, I soon found, was the mother's 
favourite ; and, during the day, was generally with 
me. He appeared well conducted, therefore I was 
glad of his company ; in the evening Mfr Rahmat 
was announced, and the noise attending his arrival 
proclaimed he was an important personage. He 
had returned from Zidi, where he had left Khan 
Mahomed. He was about twenty-five years of age, 
and extremely thoughtless and vulgar in manners. 
He professed to be delighted with me, and his 
mode of showing it was most troublesome, for he 
allowed me no rest. 

Next morning, in consequence of a family 
quarrel, Mir Hassan, his brother-in-law, left Wad 
with his wives, children, and dependants, intending 
to reside on the estates of Rehim Khan. When 
this was known, Malek Dinar mounted his camel, 
and pursued the fugitives, in the hope of inducing 
the females to return ; Mir Rahmat requested my 
horse to follow Mir Hassan, with the same object. 


Considering the case to be urgent, I obliged Mm. 
It proved that the offended mir was not to be 
appeased ; and both returned unsuccessful. 

Mir Rahmat did not permit* me to enjoy much 
repose this day ; and as he became familiar, so 
the levity of his manner became more conspicuous 
and annoying. His conversation was of the most 
frivolous description ; and, compelled to endure it, 
I consoled myself by the thought that I was enabled 
to acquire an insight into the state of society at 
Wad; and truly the shifts and expedients he 
resorted to for the purpose of killing time were 
often amusing. Sometimes the minstrel, an in- 
variable component part of a Brahui sird&fs house- 
hold, clad in the rejected garments of his superiors, 
struck up a tune on the sehtar, a three-stringed 
lyre, and accompanied the melody with his voice ; 
and anon Mir Rahmat, who, like Nero, piqued 
himself on his vocal talent, delighted us with his 
strains. Occasionally he stretched himself on his 
couch, while a female slave shampooed him; and 
the language he addressed to her was neither re-, 
fined nor very delicate. Games of chance were 
however, his great stand-by ; and these he played 
sprawling on the ground, with Malek Dindr or the 
tawdry, yet ragged minstrel. 

The arrival of an Afghln haji, whom I had 
seen at Bela with my faint-hearted friend, the 
pirzada, contributed towards the amusement of Mir 
Rahmat. This map had left Kalat on the haj, 


or pilgrimage, to Mecca; and, as happens to many 
of his countrymen, his h&j terminated at Bombay. 
Being destitute, he there established his quarters 
at the government hospital, of course pretending 
to be sick. Craving the assistance of the pirzada, 
to regain Kalat^ he related this circumstance, and 
enlarged upon .the liberal fare and great attention 
he received in the hospital; the pirzada asked 
him, why he had not stayed there. Haji said, he 
would have stayed, but the hakim s&hib (doctor) 
turned him out. The pirzada consented to feed 
him on the road to Kalat ; Haji, in return, was 
to make himself useful. Now Haji arrived very 
sore with the pirzada, accusing him of brutality, 
in not allowing him to ride, and for forsaking him 
in the hills, and he vowed to expose him when 
he reached Kalat. Haji desired Mir Rahmat not to 
estimate him by the homely garb he then wore, 
as, when at home, at Kandahar, he was a great 
man. Addressing me, he requested the loan of a 
rupee, to be repaid at Kalat; to which, at the 
moment, I made no reply. H&ji was still sitting, 
twirling with his fingers the large black wooden 
beads of his rosary, when Mir Rahmat was under- 
going the process of shampooing ; and the indecent 
remarks he made to the sable artiste so powerfully 
moved the wonder of the Afghan that he could 
not contain himself, and said: "Khanzada, have 
you a wife?" The question, if abruptly, was well 
put ; and Mir Rdhmat stared at him, a little con- 


founded ; but soon recovering himself, he answered, 
66 Yes, Haji Gul." And then, with happy impu- 
dence, said, "Haji Gul, you shall stay with me 
and teach me to say prayers." Haji replied, that 
he should be happy to teach him prayers, but and 
he shook his head he feared the Khanzda was 
not likely to prove an apt scholar. My snuff-box 
was empty, and the bazar of Wad was inadequate 
to replenish it. Haji thought it a pity I should 
need what he was able to supply, and taking the 
box, emptied into it the contents of his own lea- 
thern bag. I could not forbear telling him that 
he had paade me ashamed of myself; as he had 
asked me for money, and I had not given it, 
while he had given me snuff without my asking 
for it. I therefore prayed him to accept a rupee, 
to buy more for himself. 

I left Haji at Wad, to await a kafila, and to 
divert the society there, which he appears to have 
done, if his own accounts may be credited. Some 
days after I had been at Kal&t, Haji came to see 
me, in his best apparel, and covered with an old 
chintz fargal. Inquiring how he got on after I 
left, with Mir Rahmat, and the host of slave- 
girls, black and white, he exclaimed, " Ramah ! 
ramah ! a flock ! a flock !" but the best of it was, 
he said, that Is& Khan's daughter fell in love 
with him, that she came to the masjit to him, and 
was so affectionate that he said to her, " Bibi 
Sahib (my lady), I am a woman." " No," she re- 


joined, " Hiji, I know you are a man, and a 
good man." He protested, as he hoped to be saved, 
he was bnt a woman. Then, he continued, Malek 
Dinar had a fever, and one moment his mother 
and female relatives were by his side, weeping and 
tearing their hair, and the next, the musicians were 
playing and singing, and such a scene of mingled 
grief and merriment occurred, as the Haji had never 
before witnessed. At length a k^fila came, and 
Mir Rahmat so worried the merchants, on the 
pretence of making purchases, that many of them 
were glad to resign their goods to escape his an- 
noyance. Haji abundantly amused me by the re- 
lation of his adventures, and the sights he had seen 
at Wad, and he took his leave, overjoyed that he 
had afforded me subject of mirth. 

I had not, however, got through the first day 
with Mir RChmat, the second of my sojourn at 
Wad ; and in the afternoon, two Jogis (Mho-r 
medans) were sent for to exhibit their serpents. 

In the evening, Mir Rahmat insisted, that as, 
on the preceding night, I had been the guest of 
Malek Dinar and his mother, so it behoved him 
to provide my entertainment for the one near at 
hand, and this allowed him to vociferate a Yariety 
of orders. His commands for a. sheep, rice surkh- 
dassi, corianders, carroways, onions, roghan, and 
every single ingredient, were so loudly and in- 
cessantly repeated, that I thought he would never 
have ceased. After our meal, we had a regular 



concert, and, after much of the night had passed, 
with difficulty I induced him and his friends to 

By daybreak next morning Mir Rahmat was 
in attendance with his lyre, and, after a few of 
his tunes and plaintive airs, he led me into a con- 
tiguous house full of his negro slaves. His object 
was to show me how rich he was in this species 
of wealth. I should think, at least, some twenty 
or twenty-five individuals, chiefly women and chil- 
dren, were here living promiscuously together. He 
did not know how many slaves he had, as he said 
he never counted them, but computed their number 
broadly at fifty, sixty, or seventy. 

The slaves of the Brdhuis are of two classes, 
negroes brought from Maskat, and the issue of cap- 
tives made in war, with the people of the western 
provinces of the country, as Kej, Turbat, &c. ; 
some have, at various times, been brought from 
Cashmir and the eastern provinces of Persia. These, 
in colour and features, in no respect vary from 
their masters, and some of the females are remark- 
ably handsome. They are better treated than their 
negro associates in bondage, and less onerous duties 
are assigned to them. Few of the negroes, and 
those only who are really useful, are even decently 
clad, and it is common for them so to multiply, 
that their masters, from inability to clothe and 
feed them, dismiss them to provide for themselves 
in other lands. 


Mir Rahmat was so well pleased with my horse 
on the preceding day, that he again asked me, this 
morning, to allow him to gallop the animal to 
some cultivated lands, distant some three or four 
miles. As I expected to leave Wad in the even- 
ing, I demurred, which he did not take in good 
part, and became a little sulky, which so far be- 
nefited me, that, instead of plaguing me through- 
out the day, he amused himself in his own apart- 
ment with Malek Dinar, his minstrel, and slaves. 
Malek's mother sent a message that I must not 
be offended, and that she was sure Malek would 
not have asked for the horse. 

The absence of Mir Rahmat permitted the pre- 
sence of more reasonable visitors, and they dis- 
coursed in the most frank manner on all subjects, 
public and private. The misfortunes of Kalat were 
spoken of without any expression of ill-will, and 
even Mir Rahmat never alluded to his father's 
fate but in a careless tone. I soon found that 
great enmity existed between Rdhim Khan, and 
Khan Mahomed Khan, but perceiving a dislike 
to relate the reason, I did not press the question, 
presuming it might be of a delicate nature. Mir 
Rahmat, indeed, when I asked if Rehim Khan 
was likely to return to Wad, replied, How could 
he return, when he had estranged himself from 
his relatives and tilus ? alluding, I supposed, to his 
alliance with, the Jadghals, or Ltimris, of Las. 
Whatever were the sentiments of Mir Rhmat 

E 2 


and the family of Isi KMn, those of their re- 
tainers, of the people of Wad, and of the tribe in 
general, were altogether favourable to R6him Kh&n, 
who, it was asserted, was the only respectable chief 
amongst them. Some of Rehhn Khan's family 
were residing here, and one of his infant children 
was frequently brought to me, as was Bdin, a 
young child of KMn Mahomed. The cultivated 
lands belonging to Wad were owned principally, 
perhaps exclusively, by the chiefs. R6him Khan 
had as much as yielded him five hundred gunis, 
or fifty thousand Wad maunds of grain (wheat, 
barley, and rice); while Isa Khan, Mir Rahmat, 
and others of the family, held what yielded them 
as much more ; the lands of the latter being chiefly 
irrigated, while those of Rehim Khan were prin- 
cipally khushk-awh, or dependent on rain. 

The minstrel of the chiefs informed me, that 
he had composed a jang nameh in honour of the 
martyrs of Kalat, but that he had not yet recited 
it, reserving if for the period when Rehim Kh&n 
returned, and all the family were assembled. 

During the day several of those who had ac- 
companied KhSn Mahomed made their appearance. 
They had left their master still in Zidi, and nar- 
rated the results of the excursion of Shah Nawaz 
Kh&n, and the submission of Mir Atta Khan, the 
Sah Saholi chief. It seemed that the chief of 
Kalt had exposed himself to danger, by having, 
at a conference, made use of strong language while 


he grasped the hilt of his sword. The Sah Saholis 
retired and lighted their matches, and evil might 
have ensued, but for the intervention of saiyads, 
as the khan's followers were few, and his oppo- 
nents were many. 

I could but observe that all spoke lightly of 
the new khan, and had no better opinion of his 
rank than to designate it as maskert, or a farce. 

I had all faith in the promise of Shir Mdhomed, 
and close upon sunset I saw him walk steadily 
into the court-yard, leading his camel. We were 
ready, and Hassan began to saddle my horse, when 
a message came from Malek Dinar's mother, be- 
seeching me to wait until the evening's repast was 
prepared, or, if determined to proceed at once, 
first to partake of what could immediately be set 
before me. We soon despatched a hasty meal, 
and desiring our best thanks to the hospitable 
lady, we took leave of her son, and his graceless 
cousin, who, as poor Mehrab Khan used to observe, 
should have been named Mir Zahmat (Mir Trou- 
blesome), instead of Mir Rahmat (Mir Merciful). 

We crossed the plain to the sirdars' garden, 
some five or six miles distant, where we halted 
for the night. It was dark, but we found many 
huts, occupied by slaves, employed in agricultural 
labour, and now watching the kannins, or heaps 
of corn. They supplied us with chaff, and we re- 
tired to rest. 

In the morning, a youth presented me with a 


dish of apricots, and said lie was a younger brother 
to Mir Bahmat. We remained until afternoon 
here, and then crossed the nullah beyond the 
garden, when Shir Mahomed proposed to take the 
nearest and direct road to Baghwana, by Kappar, 
which avoids Khozdar. As I had twice before 
seen the last place, I consented without difficulty. 
In our progress we passed a spot called Langleji, 
where, I learned, are many vestiges of the olden 
times, and that medals are sometimes, but rarely 
found. Similar indications, I was assured, are 
abundant in Ornach, and in the hills near Wad 
are numerous ghorbands, or ancient mounds, and 
ramparts. We travelled the greater part of the 
night, and halted at the commencement of some 
low hills, in a place without water. 

Towards morn we continued our journey through 
the maze of hills, with a tolerable road, and halted 
awhile to prepare our food at a locality, Churani 
(the place of robbers), where the bed of a water- 
course had a scanty rill in it. We were joined by 
two or three small parties of Brdhuis, going to or 
coming from Baghwina; and, before we had left, 
Khan Mahomed KMn, with a couple of horsemen, 
arrived. He embraced me, on learning I was a 
Feringhi, inquired much after his young son, Bdin, 
and hoped that I had received all civility from 
Malek Dinar. Drawing me aside, he desired me to 
tell Lieut. Loveday that the road from Kalat to 
Sunmiani would never be safe to merchants, unless 


Rehim Khan were decoyed to Karachi and made 
prisoner, for he was the cause of all the mischief. 
He shrewdly instructed me to say little on his part, 
but a good deal on my own, adding, that I should 
naturally be asked, having travelled by the road. 
If Rehim Khan were not secured, he said, he should 
be obliged to abandon Wad, for he should acquire 
an evil repute; and, as he acknowledged the Fe- 
ringhi rule, he must reside at Kalat. I secretly 
admired the dexterity of Khn Mahomed, but pro- 
mised to report what he had told me, as I did when 
I saw Lieut. Loveday at Kalat, taking care, however, 
to put the matter in its true light. In the after- 
noon we started from Churani, and a slight detour 
brought us upon a wide and level plain, called Wir. 
It was chequered with cultivated patches, and there 
were a few mud apartments, to house chaff. Be- 
yond Wir, a short transit through other low hills 
conducted us to the commencement of the plain 
of Perozabad, with a rivulet flowing from Kappar. 
Here we halted for the night, with the village of 
PerozaMd about two miles in advance. 

In the morning we passed the lead mines of 
Kappar on our left, seated in a hill, that seemed 
entirely composed of the metal. About two hundred 
workmen are constantly employed, and they are a 
peculiar race, not Brahuis, or esteemed people of the 
country. Lead is a most abundant metal in the hills 
of central Balochistan, but is said to be extracted 
only on a regular system at these mines. They are 


near to Bdghwana, before reaching which, however, 
we passed another small plain, crossed by a re- 
markably substantial rampart, or ghor-basta, one 
of the most perfect I had seen, and which could 
hardly be supposed to have been constructed for 
any other purpose than that of a defensive nature. 
On arrival at the cluster of villages on the plain of 
BSghw&na we halted, under some trees near the old 
village of Kama! Khan, and were soon apprised 
that Shah Nawaz Khan was near us. He had 
lately celebrated his nuptials with the sister of 
Kama! Khan, a widow of the late jam of Las, and, 
in two or three days, intended to escort his new 
bride to Kalat. He had also received a visit from 
Lieut. Loveday, who brought him a treaty, ratified 
by the Government of India, and congratulations on 
his marriage. A little after our arrival, Mir Atta 
Khan, the Sah Saholi chief, came with twenty-five 
or thirty horsemen, and took up his quarters at 
an adjacent ziarat, or shrine. He had, in return for 
his submission to the authority of Shah Nawaz 
Khan, just received a khelat, or honorary dress, 
arrayed in which, he passed in procession before 
the khan's tent, two young saiyads, on very good 
horses, at a slight distance, leading the van. M- 
homed Khan, Raisani, the khin's ndib, or deputy, 
at Baghwana, accompanied the Sah Saholi caval- 
cade, and being told that I was a Feringhi, in- 
quired if the . khan knew of my presence, and 
immediately went to announce it. He speedily re- 


turned with the khan's Hindu diwan, and it was 
asked what could be done to oblige me. The kMn 
was desirous to send a tent, with sheep and other 
things, as the kMn was himself my servant, and his 
country was mine. I explained that I was but a 
traveller, and not even in the employ of govern- 
ment, therefore there was no occasion for the kMn 
to put himself to trouble or expense on my ac- 
count ; that I was grateful for his good intentions, 
but that, if he fulfilled them, I should be uneasy, 
as I was unworthy of them. They went away, but 
soon returned, imploring me to accept sheep, &c. ; 
but I prayed to be excused, as I had not even 
vessels to cook them in. Mahomed KMn now 
recognised me as the companion of Gul Mahomed 
Kambarari, in my trip to Chehel Tan in 1831, and 
as a former resident at his tom&n at Khanak.* His 
countenance instantly brightened, for the slightest 
acquaintance amongst all rude people is acknow- 
ledged; and, truly, his memory was better than 
mine, for I did not remember him ; yet he dropped 
all restraint and formality, and ran off to tell the 
khan the new Feringhi was an old friend. 

In the course of the day a rather sumptuous re- 
past was sent by the khan, and in the evening a mes- 
sage came expressive of his wish to see me, brought 
by his shahghassi, who alike claimed previous ac- 
quaintance, as did most other persons who now 

* Vide Narrative of Journeys and Residence in Balochistan, 
Afghanistan, and the Panjab, &c. vol. ii. p. 71. 


came to see me. I went to tlie tent of Sh&h 
Nawaz Khan ; on entering it he rose and embraced 
me, and then seated me by his side. We discoursed 
some time, and I repeated what I had before told 
his people, that I was not in government employ, 
and therefore entitled to no attention on that ac- 
count. He asked if troops had been sent to Sun- 
miani ? I told him " No :" and, in answer to an- 
other question, whether they had not been " mo- 
karrar," or appointed, replied, that I had heard as 
much. Relating my detention at Bla, and the 
false rumours then prevalent there, he smiled, and 
was most profuse in his declarations of gratitude 
and attachment to the British government. In 
justice to Shah Nawz KMn, I may here observe, 
that, whether in public or private, he invariably 
expressed the same sentiments, and in terms so 
abject that the Brahuis were ashamed of him. 

In conversation and manners the khan was with- 
out the least formality or reserve, having, perhaps, 
acquired the ease and freedom of the Duranis dur- 
ing his stay of three years at K&ndahar. I should 
not have judged his affability amiss, but it is taken 
very ill by his subjects generally, and particularly 
so by the Brahuis, who expect their khan to be 
grave and dignified in converse and deportment. 

Besides the khan, Mir Kamal Khan, of B%h- 
wana, whom I saw for the first time, was the only 
person of note present. He was sitting entirely 
sans fafon, with -no upper garment except his shirt, 


and without a turban on his head. Shortly Mir 
Atta Khan was announced, and the very small tent 
became crowded with his followers. The two 
young saiyads who had been instrumental in pro- 
moting an understanding between the khan and 
the Sah Saholis were placed on the khan's right 
hand, and, beyond them, sat Mir Atta Khan, and 
his attendants in succession. Much conversation- 
passed with the Brahuis in Kur Gali, and I noticed, 
that although on one occasion some good thing said 
by Shah Nawaz forced a laugh from most of them, 
at other times his propensity to jeer and jest was 
by no means approved of; and I fancied that Kaml 
Kh&n's features denoted regret that his kh&n and 
brother-in-law should talk so much, and to so little 
purpose. With the two young saiyads, and an older 
one, named Fazil Shah, their opponent, the khan 
had to sustain a desperate controversy. The youths 
claimed some lands and certain rights, which F&zil 
Shah, once a dependent of their family, had, as they 
contended, unfairly usurped. It was easy to per- 
ceive that the khan and Kaml Khan favoured 
Fazil Shah, but the young saiyads were very tena- 
cious of their rights, and talked much and ear- 
nestly : indeed, between them and the khin there 
seemed to be a struggle who should speak most. , 
Fazil Sh&h occasionally put in a few words, but 
Kam&l Khan, by whose side he sat, checked him, 
and pulled his shirt-sleeve whenever he evinced the 
inclination to display his volubility. The sum of 


the khan's argument, in opposition to the impor- 
tunity of the young saiyads that an immediate judg- 
ment should be pronounced upon the merits of their 
case, was, that he could not venture to interfere 
between saiyads, as all the disputants were, and 
that the matter must be debated in form before 
a competent tribunal ; in other words, that delay 
Vas necessary. I was very pleased when the 
saiyads and Mir Atta Khan departed, as I was also 
enabled to take ray leave of the khan, who told me 
that a party of horsemen should escort me to Kalat, 
which I submitted was wholly unnecessary. 

The conversation between the khan and the 
saiyads was sustained in Sindi, the young men, 
although the spiritual guides of the Sh Sholi, a 
Brahtii tribe, being of Sindian extraction, and igno- 
rant of the Brahui dialect ; and this fact brought 
me to the knowledge that the Brahtiis, unlike all 
other Mahomedan people, have no saiyads, pirs, 
mullas,, or faquirs, or any persons pretending to 
inspiration or sanctity amongst them, and are com- 
pelled, while holding the craft in due reverence, 
to seek them amongst strangers. I asked the 
khan's servants which party was right in the 
lengthened debate which had just passed, and was 
told, as I expected, that the young saiyads were. 

This evening the bard of Mir Att4 Khan kept 
us long awake, singing to his chief the jang nameh 
of the devoted Mehrab KMn. Wonderful were 
the exploits attributed to him ; and the Feringhi 


army was described as the " lashkar khodahi," or 
the army of God, and as innumerable, or lakhs 
upon lakhs. The ditty concluded with the remark, 
that " All the Ahmed Zais had died worthily, but 
that Mehrab in death had surpassed all others: 
wa tiUa $Md 9 and had become gold. 1 ' 

I was surprised to find that the personal attend- 
ants of Shah Nawaz Khan considered his dignity 
in no better light than did his adherents at "Wad, 
or that it was other than "maskeri," or a farce. 
He must have felt himself placed in a ridiculous 
position. He had not more than twenty-five or 
thirty attendants and armed men, a retinue inferior 
to that of the robber chief Mir Atta Khan, who 
found it convenient at this time to make his sub- 
mission. The remark was constantly made here 
as elsewhere, that, to tell the truth, the country 
was the sahibs', and Sh&h Nawaz merely their naib, 
or deputy. To remove this impression, which the 
state of things justified, was impossible, and so 
awkward had been the arrangements relating to 
the unfortunate country of Balochistan, that while 
understood by no one, they were such as made 
it impossible for the khan to establish a govern- 

Early the next morning, soon after breakfast, 
Shah Nawaz sent me a large dish of fine apri- 
cots. His cuisine seemed at least well managed; 
and I learned that he had cooks from Kandahar, 
Shir Mahomed, my Minghal guide, had engaged 


to go no farther than Baghwana, I therefore hired 
another man and camel to carry my effects to Kalat 
for a sum of three rupees. 

I had arranged to start for Kalat in the after- 
noon, and Shah Nawaz, unremitting in civility, 
sent hy his Hindu dfwan a sheep and a basket of 
flour, explaining, that I should get no provisions 
on the road (an assertion more polite than true), 
and insisting upon acceptance. The escort of horse 
I had refused, but a single horseman, one Ghdzi 
Khan, was sent, to whom I did not object, aware 
that he was the bearer of the kh&n's own letters 
to Kalat. 

From B&ghw&na we marched about ten or 
twelve miles over a fairly open country, and halt- 
ed at a spot called Zohwar, where was a rivulet, 
but no habitations. We found there the pesh- 
khana, or advanced tent, of Shah NawSz, but the 
attendants were either too sound asleep to be 
aroused, or declined to answer the calls of GhSzi 
Khan. We stayed a few hours of the night here, 
amid the constant howling of wild animals in the 
surrounding hills; and before daybreak recom- 
menced our journey. A slight detour led us into 
the spacious plain of Lakorian, at the northern 
extremity of which are some important ghorbands, 
or bastas. I had a better opportunity than before 
of examining these . remains, and I could not but 
conclude that, with those near Baghwaua, they were 
defensive works, or intrenched lines. They com- 


pletely covered the entrance of the defile connect- 
ing the plain of Lakhori&n with that of Anjirah, 
and the minor passages by which the defile might 
have been penetrated were all carefully protected. 
The principal rampart ran parallel to a deep ravine 
and joined a small eminence. These vestiges are 
remarkable for their magnitude, as well as for their 
solidity, and the skill, I might say science, evident 
in their construction. The wonder is, to what 
people they may be ascribed ; and this is a question 
to which the traditions of the country offer no 
reply. Passing through the defile, the plain of 
Anjirah opens with a descent, and we traversed 
it until we reached a rivulet, where there was no 
shade, but patches of verdure on elevated ground, 
from whence several small springs issued, and there 
we halted. Below us on the plain were two ka- 
filas, one of Kambardri Brahuis, the other of 
saiyads of Peshing, Terins, &c., on their way from 
Sunmiani. The saiyads wished me to accept a 
sheep ; and on my declining it, as from the bounty 
of Shah Nawaz, we were well supplied with meat, 
they brought some Bombay rice, and vessels to 
prepare it with. There was no dwelling on the 
plain, but much cultivated land, and heaps of chaff, 
the product of the recent crops, were scattered 
about. Near our position was also a rud-khana, 
its banks fringed with oleander bushes, which, since 
leaving Wad, had constantly occurred in similar 
localities. During the day numbers of BrShui 


females from the Mils came to the springs. The 
Peshing saiyads commiserated the hardship of their 
lot, compelled to walk barefooted for three or four 
miles for water. Having seen the Peshing ladies 
in much the same predicament, I observed that 
such remarks came oddly from them whose wives 
underwent the like hardship. An excuse was offer- 
ed that water in Peshing was not distant. 

Towards evening we started for Sohrb, and 
arrived there at night, halting at one of the hamlets, 
called Shehar Bakh&l, from the Bakhals, or Hindus, 
residing at it. The people were asleep ; but Ghazi 
Khan contrived to find chaff for our cattle, being 
all we needed. On awaking next morning, we 
were told that chaff, and all other necessaries, 
had been collected for me, at a neighbouring 
hamlet, by the orders of Sh&h Nawaz Khan, who, 
it proved, without apprising me, had despatched a 
messenger before me ; a mark of attention for which 
I could not but feel indebted to him. Scarcely had 
I heard this when a shahghassi, the khan's officer 
here, came with his train to welcome me, and 
informed me a house was ready for my abode, and 
that he had sat up the whole night expecting , me. 
We therefore removed to the quarters assigned 
us, and the shhghassl, in obedience to the or- 
ders he had received, was willing to have put 
himself very much out of the way ; but I would 
not allow him, though I could not prevent the 
slaughter of a lamb. He prayed me not to go 


to sleep, as he would bring a nri, or breakfast, 
and immediately produced some fine cakes, with 
excellent butter, and a quantity of delicious apricots. 
In due time a more substantial repast was set 
before me; and in the afternoon we took leave 
of Sohrab, and the attentive shahghassi, whose 
last act was to give my people a basket of apricots, 
saying, I should not find them yet ripe at Kalt. 

By night we reached an uninhabited spot, called 
Gandagben, where we slept until near daybreak, 
and then continued our course to the village of 
Rodinjo ; where we were rather coolly received by 
the Rais Rahmatulah. I had reposed awhile, when 
I was awakened by Hassan, who told me some of 
the villagers had brought me an entertainment. 
I found that the family of M611a Izzat had done 
the hospitable office, and that her two sons were 
the bearers of the rural fare. Rais Rahmatulah and 
his people, without being rude, were yet reserved 
and formal ; until one, Shaffi Mahomed, recognized 
me as having been his companion in the journey 
I made, in 1831, from Kalat via the Mulloh pass 
to Jell, Sind, and Sunmiani. I also remembered 
him well, as he was one of Kalikd&d's camel-drivers* 
who at that time seriously annoyed me, when 
suffering from sickness. I reminded him of it, 
in a laughing mood, and he said, that he did not 
then know who I was. The information he im- 
parted instantly removed the reserve of the Rais, 

VOL. iv. F 


who, oil taking leave of me in the evening, when 
he went to his family on the Dasht Gharan below 
Rodinjo, left some of his people expressly to attend 
to any call I might make, which was, in one sense, 
needless ; as I took care not to be troublesome. 

Being near to Kalat, we did not leave Rodinjo 
until noon of the following day; when, crossing 
the extensive plain beyond it, we entered the low 
hills of Takht Badshah and Pul Sanjfoi, and as- 
cending a slight pass, beheld the gardens of the 
Brahui capital before us. I made for the Babi 
suburb, Hassan preceding me to announce my 
approach, and my old friend, Faiz Ahmed, with 
some of his family and neighbours, advanced to 
meet and to welcome me. 

Their first care was to consider where I should 
most comfortably reside during my stay; and a 
small garden, near the suburb, was fixed upon, 
to which I went against the consent of the owner, 
whose fears of Feringhis seemed so great that 
Faiz Ahmed could scarcely overcome his objections 
to receive me. Abd61 Wahid, a former acquain- 
tance, came and 'greeted me ; his relative, Faiz 
Ahmed, returning to his house to bring a repast 
and tea. Abdul Wahid told me I was expected, 
both from the advices of Kalikdad and the an- 
nouncement of Lieut. Loveday, who had so assured 
him but a short time ago. It being afternoon when 
I reached Kalat by the time Faiz Mahomed had 
brought his tea it grew late ; while former acquaint- 


ances poured in upon me, and I did not, therefore, 
call upon Lieut. Loveday that evening. He, how- 
ever, heard of my arrival, and remarked, that I must 
be a low fellow, for, if I had been a gentleman, 
I should have come to him. This observation was 
reported to me, and I smiled at it. 

Not only, ever since I left Karachi, but even 
when at that place, I had heard the most astonish- 
ing accounts of Lieut. Loveday, or Labadin Sahib, as 
he was called by the natives. Actions so singular 
were imputed to him, and of a nature so different 
from what are usually looked for from British 
officers, that I was disinclined to credit them, 
and felt disposed to attribute the unfavourable 
impressions current, to the irritated feelings and 
fertile imaginations of the late khan of Kalat's 
subjects. And this view seemed the only rational 
one to take, for the alleged enormities could 
not have been committed without the knowledge 
of his superiors ; and, it was inconceivable to sup- 
pose that, with such knowledge, they would tolerate 
them. Still, the reports were so universal, in all 
places and with all parties, that it was difficult to 
avoid the suspicion that he must be a strange 
person. I knew nothing of him, and even at 
Karachi was unable to ascertain whether he was a 
military officer or civilian. 

At sunrise next morning, notwithstanding the re- 
pulsive remarks of Lieut. Loveday, I called upon him 
at his tent, perhaps a hundred and fifty yards from 


my garden, where he was superintending the erection 
of a house. As I approached him, in company with 
Abdul Wahid, he- said, "Mr. Masson, I believe?" I 
replied " Yes ;" when he continued, " We may as 
well walk into the tent." He led the way, and I 
followed him. There was, in fact, hut one chair in 
the tent, which certainly I would not have taken 
had he offered it ; however, he did not permit me to 
show my breeding, but gave me an example of his, 
by telling me to sit on the ground, as I was used to 
it. He then changed his clothes, and threw down 
three or four newspapers before me, that I might 
amuse myself the while. Breakfast was brought ; 
after which we conversed for some hours, or until 
noon. He inquired particularly about Las ; and I 
discovered the meaning of the obnoxious orders of 
Shah Nawaz Khan, relating to the duties there. 
He denied, however, having sent any letters to the 
jam, or even to the petty chiefs, exacting fees on 
the road from Bela to Wad. He silenced me on 
remarking upon the injustice of the arrangement 
as concerned the jam, by asserting that- "might 
was right." I explained to him the situation and 
feelings of Rehim Kh&n, as far as I could judge of 
them, and he said, that if I had sufficient influence 
with him, to induce him to come to Kalat, no 
harm should happen to him. He vaunted the ex- 
pulsion of the Brahuis from Kachi, and its annexa- 
tion to the kingdom of Kabal, as a brilliant political 
measure. I did not ask why he so considered it ; 


but when he stated that Lord Auckland's wish was 
to consolidate the Brahui state, I could not forbear 
observing, that a most infelicitous plan had been 
adopted for the object, by dislocating its provinces, 
and setting up a ruler without revenue or resources 
of any kind. He admitted the khan was needy, 
and said he wished to raise a disciplined corps of 
three hundred men for him, but there was no money. 
He narrated his attempts to surprise the son of 
Mehrab KMn, in Panjghtir and Nushkl, and in- 
formed me that had he been captured he would 
have been sent to Quetta, and taught English, 
while Darogah Gul Mahomed would have been 
blown from a gun. I inquired in what particular 
the Darogah had so grievously offended ; and Lieut. 
Loveday replied, that many of his letters had been 
intercepted before the taking of Kal&t, and that 
there numbers had come to light, furnishing proof 
of a most diabolical conspiracy, and for that reason 
he was not to be forgiven. He explained the 
arrangements made, with regard to the resumed 
districts of Mastung and Quetta, and told me I 
should be delighted when I saw Mastung, the 
revenue of which he had fixed himself at twenty- 
seven thousand rupees, farming it, for the present 
year, to Diwan Ramu, but intending on the en- 
suing one to collect it himself. He also took much 
credit for opening the Mulloh pass, by blowing from 
a gun the petty chief who infested it, and said he 
wished he could get hold of Fati All of Orndch, to 


treat him in the same manner. Also with reference 
to Mastting, he expressed regret that he had failed 
to persuade Capt. Bean to blow Mahomed Khan 
Sherw^ni from a gun, in place of appointing him the 
Naib of the Shah, as questionable letters from him 
to the late Mehrab Khan had been found. We 
talked much on the policy of the measures which 
had brought our armies beyond the Indus, and I 
freely stated my opinions on the blunders and mis- 
management which had spoiled everything, and on 
the fearful confusion that must inevitably at some 
period follow. Without altogether coinciding with 
me, or rather perhaps not choosing to say openly 
that he did, he made one good remark, that it would 
cost the Conservatives millions to repair the errors 
of the Whigs, as had always been the case. He 
inquired about the road from Sunmfani, and for 
what sum I would undertake to put it into good 
order, which obliged me to answer that I did not 
understand roadmaking. He also put the question, 
whether I intended to write a book ; and then told 
me he purposed to make a journey to Kerman in 
Persia. I* explained my objects in* travelling, and 
my intention to proceed to KandaMr and thence to 
Kabal, as soon as my servants with my baggage 
joined. He was particular in his inquiries about 
the kafila, as a very large quantity of his supplies 
from Bombay were coming with it, and I had seen 
his men at Stinmiani ; moreover, Ghulam, the Babi 
merchant I met at Koharn Wat, had been sent by 
him on their account. 


At length several persons haying collected out- 
side the tent, I suggested that he might have busi- 
ness to transact, and took leave, when he took me 
to see his Arab horses, and then asked me to dine 
with him at his house in the town, between three 
and four. I at first demurred, but consented when 
he said he should like me to see the house. 

In the afternoon, when I judged it was about the 
hour, I walked over to his town-residence, formerly 
that of Naib Mulla Hassan, from which the jewels 
taken at Kalat were extracted. I found Lieut. Love- 
day in a spacious apartment, hung round with suits 
of armour, and the corners filled with pikes, hal- 
berds, battle-axes, and warlike weapons, the poil 
of the late khan's armoury. He was stretched on 
his couch, and told me that he had long since dined, 
but that something had been set by for me. I re- 
marked, he did well not to wait. We again con- 
versed some time, but he was extremely restless, 
sometimes rising suddenly from his couch and tak- 
ing a chair, and then as suddenly leaving it for his 
couch. He showed me the plan of the house he 
was building, and of the Gothic windows he had 
designed for it ; but when it drew near to sunset 
he rose to retire to his tent outside the town, where 
he slept. I wished him good evening, and was about 
to leave also, when he prayed me to talk to his 
munshi. I urged that I had nothing to say to the 
mfinshi, when he assured me the man was most 
intelligent, and that I should be quite astonished 


at Ms sense. I then said there could be no harm, 
and he introduced me to the munshi in the terraced 
court without, and level with the room. This was the 
unfortunate man who was afterwards slain with a 
party of Sipahis at Mastung, the first overt act of 
rebellion shown by the Brah6is. He related many 
particulars of the capture of Kalat. His account 
of the death of Mehrab Khan varied a little from 
that given by Lieut. Loveday, who, indeed, confessed 
it was not exactly ascertained further than that 
he was killed in the melee, unrecognised by those 
who brought him to the ground. He informed me 
that Lord Auckland, in the first instance, was de- 
cidedly opposed to the deposition, of the Kalat 
chief; and that he never approved of it, but, in 
consequence of the representations made to him, 
was reduced, finally, to leave it a discretionary 
measure. With respect to the treaty with Mehrab 
Khan concluded by Sir Alexander Burnes, on my 
asking why Sir Alexander had protested against 
it, he replied, that Burnes Sahib left Quetta boast- 
ing that he would bring in Mehrab Khan, and that 
returning without him, the gentlemen laughed, 
on which he grew angry and protested against 
the treaty. I had seen a letter from Sir Alexander 
Burnes, in which he stated, that on his return from 
Kalat with the treaty he had made, he was waylaid 
by a party sent by Mehrab Khan, who re-possessed 
themselves of it; on which account, immediately 
on reaching Quetta, he entered his protest against 


it. He added, that lie believed Mehrab KMu had 
despatched the party before signing the treaty, and 
that his counter-orders had missed it, but that, in 
his opinion, the circumstance did not affect the 
view he took of the business, or diminish the vil- 
lany of the khan. Lieut. Loveday had not alluded 
to this imputed crime of Mehrab, and I was a little 
surprised to find that his munshi did not mention 
it, although strenuously insisting upon the many 
offences he had committed. He dilated upon the 
spoliation of the baggage of the army in the passage 
through the Bolan Pass ; and urged, that although 
Mehrab Khan disavowed any participation in it, 
yet penknives and surgical instruments had been 
purchased from the Brahui tribes of Merv and 
Isprinji, which, in his estimation, amounted to proof 
that he had. He confessed, however, that no arti- 
cle which could be supposed to have belonged to 
the army was found with the property of the khan 
captured at Kalt ; and that no money was 
discovered but the twenty thousand Company's 
rupees given by Burnes Sahib to the khan. I 
inquired how it happened that the political autho- 
rities had been so completely deceived by the un- 
principled Mulla Hassan. He answered, that they 
had been deceived, and would not have been un- 
deceived but for the letters which turned up at 
Kalat : that the envoy and minister, on hearing of 
Mulla Hassan's imprisonment, wrote to know why 
his old friend had been so ill-used ; and, in answer, 


Capt. Bean forwarded copies of his detected let- 
ters, -while the originals were despatched to Cal- 
cutta. I further learned, that Shah Nawaz Khan 
had been preferred to the government of Kalat on 
the score of legitimacy, being the descendant of 
Mohabat Khan, the elder brother of the famous 
Nassir Khan ; and the munshi said in his favour, 
that lie acted " ba mirzi," or according to the plea- 
sure of the Sahibs. 

From the munshf s conversation I could agree 
with Lt. Loveday that he was an intelligent man ; 
but, it growing late, I took leave of him, and 
found that Nalrusah, a person high in the lieu- 
tenant's favour, had been directed by his master 
to convey me home on a riding-camel. Lt. Love- 
day, moreover, had, on leaving, requested me again 
to breakfast with him at his tent on the following 

The man, in whose garden Faiz Ahmed had 
fixed me, was by no means pleased with my pre- 
sence; for the reputation acquired by Feringhis 
was so evil, that he could not conceive it pos- 
sible that one could reside so close to him without 
bringing down mischief upon him, and my visits 
to Lt. Loveday only confirmed him in his gloomy 
foreboding. Faiz Ahmed strove in vain to re- 
concile him, and I intimated that I would shift my 
quarters, as it was unpleasant to my own feelings 
to be considered troublesome. Faiz Ahmed, there- 
fore, sought out another suitable place, and found 


it in a garden once belonging to F&zil Khan, 
now a fugitive at Maskat, but which had been 
assumed by Shah Nawaz Khan. To it I went, 
being a little nearer to Lt. Loveday's tent, though 
more distant from the Babi Khel, where my friend 

In charge of this garden was an old lady, pre- 
viously dependent on Fazil Khan, but who had 
not been removed by Shah Nawaz Khan. She 
was also much averse to my living in her 
garden, and went straight to the citadel to com- 
plain of my intrusion, and of Faiz Ahmed for 
having caused it. She saw Mir Fati Khan, the 
khan's brother, who received her rudely, and told 
her the garden was mine as long as I chose to 
remain in it. The old lady returned and never 
said a word ; but, in the course of a day or two, 
told me that fear had overcome her, and now she 
was as desirous I should stay as she had before 
been to eject me. 

I rose in the morning with the momentary inten- 
tion of walking over to Lieut. Loveday's tent ; but, 
reflecting on the nature of the reception he had 
favoured me with, his objectionable remarks, and 
even on the strangeness of his manner and conver- 
sation, I reasoned, what have I to do with him? 
and what occasion have I to trouble him with 
my company, or to be annoyed with his ? and did 
not go again to him. So little did I think of 
the transaction at the time that the terms in which 


I alluded to my intercourse with Lt. Loveday in the 
notes which have by accident since come into my 
possession, are simply these : " On the next 
morning I went to call on Mr, Loveday, whom 
I found at a place opposite the town, where he 
was superintending the erection of a house. I 
breakfasted with him, and afterwards he invited 
me to dine at his house in the town at half- 
past three o'clock. I had no means of ascertain- 
ing the hour; and, the weather being cloudy, I 
may not have been quite punctual, for when I 
reached, Mr. Loveday had dined, and I had to 
sit and eat by myself." So little importance did 
I attach to him or to what occurred, that I did 
not deem one or the other worthy of more ex- 
tended notice or comment. 



Condition of Kalat. Events producing it. Origin of intercourse 
with Mehrab KhUn. Sir Alexander Burnes's information. 
Protest against treaty. Capture of Kalat, and death of Meh- 
rab Khan. Changes in the government and dismemberment 
of Kalat. Opinions of Mehr4b Khan's guilt or innocence. 
Charges against him. Explanations thereof. Proceedings of 
the envoy and minister. His bribery of Naib Mulla Hassan. 
The naib's duplicity and knavery. Mission of Sir Alex- 
ander Burnes to Kalat. The results. March of troops upon 
Kaldt Continued knavery of the khan's agents. His neglect 
of defensive arrangements. Assault on Kalat. Detection of 
the villany of Naib Mulla Hassan and others. Mehr&b 
Khin's injunctions to his son. Prize jewels. Impolitic mea- 
sures of the political authorities. Partition of the country. 
Recognition of Shah Nawaz Khan. Political appointment- 
Activity of Lieut. Loveday. The son of Mehra*b Khan a fugi- 
tive in Kharan. 

KALAT presented in aspect and. condition a 
melancholy contrast to the tranquil and flourish- 
ing 1 state in which I had formerly beheld it. The 
greater part of the town was uninhabited, and the 
little bazar, once busy and well supplied, was now 
nearly deserted. The inhabitants themselves were 
oppressed with gloom and despondency, as they 
were clad in the coarse and abject garb of poverty. 
All of my old acquaintances had suffered most 


cruelly in the spoil of their property, and I was 
hurt to see those -who had so recently been affluent 
and comfortable, present themselves before me 
necessitous and destitute. The sky, indeed, was 
as serene as ever, the orchards displayed their ver- 
dure, and the valley, as before, was adorned with 
cultivation, yet there was a loneliness, real or 
imaginary, on my part, cast over the scene, that 
was infectious, and 'with every disposition to be 
cheerful, I was, in despite of myself, dejected and 
sorrowful. A notion I had entertained at Karachi 
of remaining here two or three months to arrange 
some of my MSS. for publication, had been dis- 
sipated on arrival, as I plainly saw that the Brahtii 
capital was no longer the abode of peace and 
security it had formerly been, and it was, moreover, 
painful to witness the desolation and misery around 

But it was necessary to await my servants and 
effects coming with Kalikdad and his kifila. I 
had, therefore, leisure to discotirse on the events 
which had occurred since I left the country in 
1831, and to learn what was understood with 
reference to the calamities which had attended 
the appearance of British armies in Balochistan. 
To the public little else is known of these lament- 
able events than that Kalat was taken by storm 
by a detachment of British troops, commanded by 
Major-General Wiltshire, and that the ruler, Meh- 
rab Khan, with many of his chiefs, was slain. The 


motives influencing the revengeful deed have never 
been revealed, nor are likely officially to be dis- 
closed, because they would too clearly demonstrate 
the incapacity, delusion, and errors, not to say the 
bad passions, of the unhappy men selected by Lord 
Auckland to work out his visionary projects beyond 
the Indus. I may, therefore, in throwing what 
light I am able upon the proceedings, contribute 
a few pages to the history of an eventful period, 
and, although they will relate to past crimes and 
occurrences, they may be useful in setting forth 
the truth, and in serving to avert future mischief, 

When the expedition in 1838 was determined 
upon, and it was further decided that it should- 
march through the dominions of the khan of Kalat 
upon Kandahar, it became obviously necessary to 
secure the co-operation of that chief. Before no- 
ticing the steps taken to ensure it, a glance at 
the intercourse subsisting .(if any could be said 
to subsist) with the unfortunate Brahui khan, may 
be requisite. In 1837, when Captain Burnes was 
ascending the Indus in progress to Kabal, he des- 
patched a complimentary letter, with presents, to 
the young son of the khdn, then residing at Gan- 
dava in Kachl, and received a letter of acknow- 
ledgment* and thanks in return. When Capt. 
Burnes, failing in his mission to Dost Mahomed 
Khan, returned from Kabal, he directed Lt. Leech, 
then detached at Kandahar, to fall back upon 
ShikSrpur, and there to place himself under the 


orders of Colonel Pottinger, the Govenor-General's 
agent for Sind. Lieut. Leech, in pursuance of such 
instructions, reached Quetta within the Kal&t 
Khan's territories, and thence, by invitation, con- 
tinued his journey to Kalat. He was received 
with respect and civility ; presents were exchanged 
between him and the khan; but the latter, in 
course of time, grew displeased with some points 
in the conduct of his guest, and -was very glad 
when Lieut. Leech finally left him and his country. 
By this time the knowledge of the intended* resto- 
ration of Shah Suj&h al Miilkh had transpired. 
What passed on the subject between Lieut. Leech 
and the khan I know not, or whether he was 
authorized to communicate with him on the 
matter, yet, as it was then the fashion for all 
men to do what they were unauthorized to do, 
it may be suspected that Lieut. Leech would scarce- 
ly neglect the opportunity of showing his zeal, 
and the result, from the opinion Mehrab Khan 
had been induced to form of him, would scarce- 
ly have been satisfactory. Certain it is that 
Lieut. Leech left Kalat in no good humour with 
the kh&n. 

Lt Leech had reached Shikarpur, and had been 
joined by Sir Alexander Burnes, deputed by Lord 
Auckland to arrange a treaty with the chiefs of 
Khairpur in Northern Siud, and to accumulate 
supplies and necessaries for the army, on its arrival. 
Sir Alexander left Shikarpur, to meet the army 


on its approach to the frontier of Sind, and at his 
interview with Sir Henry Fane, at the ferry near 
Sabzal Kot, I saw him for the first time since his 
departure from Peshawer for Simla. Amongst the 
many topics we then discussed, the question of the 
affairs of Kalat was naturally one. Sir Alexander 
observed, that Leech had put everything wrong at 
Kalat. As one of the principal points for which 
I was then contending was employment, from which 
my exertions might deserve and obtain credit, I 
could not forbear asking him if I might be allowed 
to go to Kalat, and put everything to rights ; but 
Sir Alexander hung down his head, and made no 
reply. Subsequently I saw Sir Alexander at Roh- 
ri, and he told me, that Mehrdb Khn had confis- 
cated the grain collected by Lieut. Leech's agents 
in Kachi, and that he had addressed a letter to the 
khan, which, to use his own phrase, "would as- 
tound him;" and further, that Shah Sujah al 
Mulkh, who had now also reached Shikarpur, had 
written to the same chief, reminding him, that 
Shah Nawaz Khan was in the royal camp. From 
such information, it was reasonable to conclude the 
unlucky khan of Kalat would fare but badly with 
his English friends. 

For some time after I heard nothing more con- 
cerning the affairs of Kalat. The papers of the 
day, indeed, abounded with statements of the trea- 
chery of Mehrab Khan, but I was free to suspect 
their accuracy. At Karachi, however, I saw a 



letter from Sir Alexander to a friend, giving an 
account of his mission to the khan, of the treaty 
he had concluded with him, of an attempt to way- 
lay him on his return, and of his protest against the 
treaty at Quetta. From the same channel I learned 
that it was the intention to retaliate upon the than, 
when the army returned from Kabal, and that he 
was doomed to loss of power, and, if secured, to 
linger out his existence as a state prisoner. 

In process of time, the Bombay division of the 
army of the Indus having retrograded from Kabal 
to Quetta, a detachment was ordered upon Kalat, 
to carry out the long-meditated plan of vengeance 
upon Mehrab Khan. The consequences were, the 
capture and plunder of the place, the slaughter of 
the ruler, and a number of his dependent chiefs- 
They afforded subject for temporary triumph and 
exultation, but, unhappily, the seeds of future evil 
were sown, and the germs of iniquity were destined 
to ripen into confusion and disgrace. 

The territories of the fallen chief were dismem- 
bered, the provinces of Saharawin and Kach Gan- 
dva were annexed to the dominions of the new 
king of Kabal, and the resentment of the political 
authorities was so uncompromising, that, to the 
exclusion of the son of the late Kalit ruler, Shah 
Nawaz Khan, a descendant of the elder branch of 
his family, was raised to the masnad, and placed 
over the wreck of the ill-fated country. 

While these changes were effected, and no doubt 


vindicated in elaborate state papers, it had never been 
thought necessary to explain them to the subjects 
of the late khn of Kalat. They beheld, indeed, 
the imposition of a new chief, and the dislocation 
of their country, but could only refer the events 
they -witnessed to the pleasure of the sahibs, alike 
to them extraordinary and incomprehensible. 

Amidst the general depression and poverty which 
the calamity of war had inflicted upon the popu- 
lation of Kal&t, I was pleased to observe, that the 
evils were borne with resignation. Those who had 
suffered most allowed no rancorous or violent ex- 
pressions to escape their lips, but, as good Mussul- 
m&ns, imputed their misfortunes to their own errors 
and to the will of Heaven. There was, however, 
but one opinion, that Mehrab KMn was guiltless 
of treachery to the British government, and had, 
therefore, been undeservedly sacrified. If asto- 
nished at this sentiment, I was more so to find, 
that the crimes charged to his account were wholly 
unknown, which was extremely singular; for, if 
there had been reason for them, they must have 
been familiar to the people here. When I urged 
the confiscation of grain in Kachl, a fact stated to 
me by Sir Alexander Burnes, as no friendly proof 
on the part of the late khan, I was met by the 
assurance, that it had never taken place. Still 
unwilling to give up the point, I insisted there 
must be some ground for the accusation, and at 
length elicited from an individual an explanation 



tending to throw light upon the business. It 
seemed that Mahomed Azem KMn, the brother 
of Mehrab Khan, was despatched to Kotru with a 
party of horse, to see that no impediments were 
thrown in the way of the march of the British 
troops, and to take care that none of the inhabi- 
tants committed themselves in quarrels with the 
soldiery or camp-followers. When there, Mahomed 
Azem Khan, in need of money, and acting on his 
own counsel and authority, demanded a sum from a 
Hind6 of the place, and, on his refusal to comply, 
seized his property, amongst which was a parcel 
of grain. The Hindu pretended, whether truly or 
not, that he had purchased the grain for the Eng- 
lish ; his fellow-traders, as is usual with them, when 
an act of tyranny is practised towards one of their 
body, closed their shops and ceased to transact 
business. A compromise was speedily effected, 
however, and Mahomed Azem Khan receiving a 
consideration of four hundred rupees, the Hfndu 
shops were reopened, and business conducted as 
before. In this case, the report, probably, of the 
British native agent at Kotru wonderfully exagge- 
rated the affair, and the English officers to whom 
he made it were, perhaps, too eager to listen to any 
complaints of Mehrab Khan ; and the consequences 
of an attempt at extortion by Mahomed Azem 
Khan from one of his own subjects were construed 
into an undisguised and wanton confiscation of the 
grain collected by British agents in Kachl, which 


even Mahomed Azem Khan, worthless as he was, 
never dreamed of. Mehrab Khto, further, on hear- 
ing of the extortion, addressed a letter of severe 
rebuke to his brother, and cautioned him against 
a repetition of his unbecoming conduct. I cannot 
forbear mentioning, to the honour of Mehrab KMn, 
that in his instructions to his subjects in Kachi 
he expressly enjoined them, in case of any dispute 
with a person belonging to the British army, on no 
account to resent it, but to carry a complaint to 
the general; an order so considerate that I won- 
dered he should have thought of it. 

Admitting the confiscation of grain as somewhat 
explained, the waylaying of Sir Alexander Burnes, 
on his return from Kalat to Quetta, which caused 
his protest against the treaty he had made with the 
unlucky khn, had still to be accounted for. Had 
Mehrab Khan been guilty of so foul a deed, it were 
criminal to urge any argument in his favour, and 
he must be held to have merited the vengeance 
which fell upon him. -I was bewildered to learn, 
that all were unconscious of such waylaying, and to 
find myself laughed at for supposing that the khan 
would have committed himself in so flagrant a 
manner. I must confess, from what I knew of his 
disposition, and from what I could infer of his 
probable course of policy, I doubted it; but, in 
opposition thereto stood the clear testimony of Sir 
Alexander Burnes. All inquiries on the subject 
appeared to be fruitless of explanation, and I began 


to despair of obtaining a solution of the mystery ; 
yet, as such an action could not have happened to 
such an individual without being generally known, 
I almost suspected, what the character of Sir Alex- 
ander would well justify, that some very trifling and 
unimportant occurrence had been magnified by him 
into one of consequence, and that, without due in- 
quiry, it had been made fetal to the khan. If that 
unhappy chief were not guilty in this instance, a 
lamentable proof is afforded of the combination 
of unfavourable circumstances which precipitated 
his 'fate; and the expression which many apply to 
him, that he was stricken by God, becomes justi- 
fied. We may even believe, with the pious Mus- 
sulman, that man cannot relieve or assist him whom 
God has abandoned. 

To the khan's vindicators I still urged the base 
outrage on Sir Alexander as an unanswerable proof 
of his guilt, but found no one able to explain a 
circumstance which, for the first time, they had 
learned from myself, and I became hopeless of 
being better informed on the subject ; accidentally, 
at last, a discourse on other topics revealed the fact, 
on which the accusation had been founded. 

From Quetta Sir Alexander proceeded to Kalat 
to negotiate a treaty with Mehrab Khan. He 
was accompanied by one Mdhomed Sherif, a saiyad, 
who had conspicuously figured in the treasons 
which had disturbed the rule of the Brahui 
khan. He had, moreover, already been practised 


upon by the envoy and minister, and was now, 
although a subject of Mehrab KMn, in the in- 
terests of the British government. Mehrab KMn 
concluded a treaty in conformity to Sir Alexander 
Burnes's wishes, and with it Sir Alexander re- 
turned towards Quetta, leaving his Munshi Mohan 
Lall to accompany the khan to the British camp, 
there to pay his respects to his Majesty the Shah, 
and to the envoy and minister. The treaty had been 
concluded contrary to the wishes of Saiyad Sherif 
and his colleague in villany, Naib Mulla Hassan, 
both of whom had been bought over by the envoy 
and minister; and who had for common object 
the ruin of their khan and master. It consisted 
with their views to annul the treaty, which, if 
carried into effect, secured the stability of the 
khan, and entirely frustrated their bad intentions. 
Naib Mulla Hassan, who remained with the khan, 
persuaded him that the object of Sir Alexander 
was to decoy him to Quetta, when he would be 
sent a state-prisoner to Calcutta. The khan, prone 
to suspicion, became irresolute ; but his anxiety was 
removed, and no further evil might have happened, 
for a letter from Sir Alexander informed him, that 
the sh&h had marched from Quetta ; it was there- 
fore needless that he should give himself the trou- 
ble to go there. 

Saiyad Sherif now decided upon a bold step to 
counteract the effects of this intimation, and to 
assure the kMn's ruin. He represented to Sir 


Alexander, that the crafty and wicked Mehrdb re- 
pented of tlie treaty, and had commissioned a party 
to intercept him. Sir Alexander, giving entire 
credence to his villanous companion, made over 
to his charge the treaty, with two thousand rupees 
in money, to be secreted. The document and the 
money were placed within coverlets carried on the 
back of a camel. Robbers were appointed by the 
saiyad himself to attack the equipage of Sir Alex- 
ander, some of his camels were made booty, and 
amongst them the one bearing the treaty and 
money. If I remember rightly, Sir Alexander 
stated, that two or three of his followers were 
killed or wounded. The feat of the saiyad had 
been successful ; he had too much experience of 
the Feringhls to fear that they would penetrate 
his stratagem, and the odium of the monstrous 
action was imputed to the innocent Mehrab Khan. 
Sir Alexander reached Quetta, and protested against 
the treaty. The Kalit chief, hearing of the rob- 
bery, but unconscious that he was suspected of 
having instigated it, set inquiries on foot, and par- 
ticularly called his naib, Rehimdad, located at 
Quetta, to account, as it happened within his ju- 
risdiction. The naib informed him, that Saiyad 
Sherif was the offender, and that his nephew and 
gardener were the leaders of the band, to whom 
he had paid, as fee and reward, the sum of fourteen 
hundred rupees. The khan, aware that the saiyad 
was in the pay and interest of the British govern- 


ment, did not deem it necessary to take further 
measures, regarding the matter as one which in- 
terested the Feringhis rather than himself, all the 
while ignorant that he was suspected, or accused 
of it. This disclosure gave me great pain, but 
hardly surprised me, as I knew the haste with 
which Sir Alexander Burnes was apt to jump at 
conclusions, and that he never sought to ascertain 
whether they were correct or otherwise ; still the 
results were so fatal as to cause a sensation of 
disgust and horror, that the fate of men should 
have been placed at the mercy of the miserable 
political officers, in whom, at that time, Lord Auck- 
land was pleased to repose confidence. 

If an explanation had been afforded to the ac- 
cusation of waylaying Sir Alexander Burnes, there 
was yet another charge which required to be re- 
moved before the khan could be acquitted of 
enmity to the British government, and this was 
the opposition offered to the passage of the troops 
through the Bolan pass, and the serious depre- 
dations committed on the baggage. I could readily 
comprehend that the rude and lawless tribes neigh- 
bouring to that route little needed the incitement 
or encouragement of the kMn to exercise their 
natural instincts and propensities to plunder and 
destroy; yet it was necessary to be assured, that 
the chief did not instigate them, as he was de- 
nounced to have done. In this instance also, the 
character of Mehrab KMn stood the test of in- 


quiry, for it proved that not only did he never 
promote or recommend such aggressions, but they 
likewise were in a great measure owing to the 
enmity of his own faithless subjects; and these 
again were the bribed and trusted agents of the 
British political authorities. The criminals in this 
case were Ghulam Khan and KMn Mahomed, 
brothers to Daoud Mahomed, the late Ghilji adviser 
of Mehrab Khan, and who had been slain by Naib 
Mulla Hassan, by the khan's order; an event 
which relieved the khan from an imperious, if not 
treacherous minister, and replaced the mtilla in 
power and active employment. 

The Ghilji brothers had, when Daoud Mahomed 
was living, and ail-powerful, married into the Bangui 
Zai tribe of Brahtiis, and established an influence 
in it. Their desire to avenge their brother's death 
had induced them to court a connexion with the 
British, and their services had been eagerly ac- 
cepted; the treachery of Mehr&b Khan was, of 
course, the burden of their story, and the cause 
they had for dissatisfaction became a recommenda- 
tion to them. It behoved them to substantiate 
the treachery they asserted ; to do so, and at the 
same time to implicate the khan, they set the 
Bangdl Zais, the Khurds, and other tribes adjacent 
to the Bolan, in motion. It must be understood, 
that Mehxab Khan had no real control over the 
Bolan pass, and, had he traversed it with an army, 
he would have been as liable to acts of petty 


plunder as Sir John Kean, or any other general 
would be; but the depredations would have been 
confined to the carrying off a stray, or weary camel, 
as opportunity presented ; and, moreover, it must 
be borne in mind that -some of the tribes, and those 
who generally infest the pass, are Harris and 
Khakas, not even subjects of Kalat. But for the 
artifice of Ghulam Khan, and Kh&n Mahomed, 
the British army would have passed the Bolan 
defiles without loss, or any that a little vigilance 
might not have prevented. That the contrary 
happened, is to be ascribed to those men, the 
friends of the envoy and minister, and not to the 
hostility of Mehrab Khan. That unfortunate chief 
was constantly urged by the Kandahar sirdars, 
and by Assad Khan of Kharan, with other people, 
to erect sanghars and defend the passage, Assad 
Khan volunteering to conduct the defence ; but 
the khan as constantly refused, adhering to his 
determination to oppose no obstacle to the march 
of the British army. As the charge of inciting 
the robberies in the Bolan pass was one of the 
graver kind advanced by the political authorities 
against Mehrab Kh&n, and to substantiate which 
they gave themselves no little trouble, $, smile is 
due to the proof they obtained, by purchasing 
penknives and surgical instruments from the tribes 
of Merv and Isprinji. Every one knew that the 
tribes plundered, but it was omitted to ascertain 
by whom they had been instigated; and, on this 


subject, no one knew better than Ghulam Khan, 
the friend of the envoy and minister. 

If the treason of the brothers of Daoud Mahomed 
vindicated the khan, as regarded the Bolan, there 
yet remained a point on which I desired to be 
satisfied, before I could assent to the conclusions 
of my Kalat friends, as to his innocence in his 
dealings with the British authorities, or before 
I could admit, with them, that he did not en- 
deavour to obstruct the march of the army. This 
related to the large quantity of grain he had stored 
up in Kalat, because I could not but conceive that, 
if professing to throw the country open to British 
agents for the purchase of supplies, he had secretly 
issued orders forbidding sales, and diverted all 
the grain into his own magazines ; such a mode 
of proceeding could not well be deemed friendly, 
for it was immaterial if the destruction of an 
army be effected by the sword or by famine, by 
open violence or secret fraud. The accumulation 
of grain at Kalat proved, according to my in- 
formants, to have had no reference to the march 
of the British force, but was owing to the advice 
of Diwan Bacha, the khan's Hindu agent, who re- 
commended it as a financial measure, the operation 
of which had commenced three years before the 
English expedition was thought of. The Hindu 
proposed to profit by the drought, and consequent 
scarcity of grain, and amused Mehrab Khan with 
the hopes of filling his coffers ; but, it was supposed, 


that he profited more than his master by the 
speculation and monopoly he created, for all that 
Mehrab Khan did in the affair was to deposit, 
in store, the quantity of grain usually given to his 
dependents, paying them with cash, in lieu thereof; 
while the Hindu, with his own capital, made exten- 
sive purchases throughout the country, and made 
the khan's authority subservient to his ends. The 
monopoly was exceedingly distasteful to the people, 
and when the diwan was slain (for he also shared 
the fate of his lord) no one lamented him. 

There was yet another charge I had to prefer 
against Mehrab Khan ; which, if it did not imply 
any great villany on his part, might evince that 
he did not estimate lightly the benefits of his 
alliance. I had learned from Sir Alexander Burnes, 
that the kh&n had demanded the restoration of 
the port of Karachi by the amirs of Sind, as the 
price of his friendship. I was a little amused at 
the time, not so much at the demand as at the 
rage Sir Alexander affected, in consequence of 
it; as I could not forget, that the modest 
demand of Dost Mahomed Khan at Kabal, for 
Peshewar and its territory, which had never belong- 
ed to him, was very kindly listened to; and I 
could not but know, that Karachi had once belonged 
to the Kalat family. Now, however, when pressing 
this convincing proof of the presumption and crime 
of Mehrab Khan, I was rather ashamed to find 
my own good sense questioned for noticing it; as 


it seemed the demand was only diplomatically set 
forth, neither the khan, nor any other person, sup- 
posing that Karachi would be restored. If such 
be the case, and I believe there is little reason to 
doubt it, the inexperience of Sir Alexander Burnes 
in oriental diplomacy, conduced to the same errors 
here as at Kabal; Dost Mahomed Khan lost his 
authority, and Mehrab KhAn his throne and life, 
because Sir Alexander, and the envoy and minister, 
were ignorant that it was the process, in eastern 
negotiations, to start with great and extravagant 
pretensions, and then gradually to diminish them, 
and finally to abandon them altogether. A depar- 
ture from this rule, as was observed to me, would 
have exposed Mehrab Kh&n and his statesmen to 
the charge of dulness and incapacity; and those 
who laughed at the notion that he expected Karachi, 
insisted, that he was most unfairly judged to be 
untractable and presumptuous, from having followed 
merely the forms of a science which his opponents 
had not the sagacity to comprehend. 

Such were the explanations and statements I 
received relative to some of the charges against 
Mehrb Khan, of which I had become cognizant. 
Those who advanced them, and those who advised 
and sanctioned the measures which led to the 
fall of the unhappy man in consequence, are of 
course free to offer invalidating testimony. Until 
they do, I fear the opinion may be too justly enter- 
tained that the chief of Kalat was sacrificed to the 


want of common sense and the resentment of the 
political officers employed west of the Indus. 

When the army had concentrated at Shikarpur, 
and was about to march towards Kandahar, if a per- 
son in any way acquainted with the state of the 
countries through which it would pass, and with the 
situation, and policy of the chiefs, had reflected on 
the contingencies likely to happen, the contumacy or 
hostility of the Kalat ruler was one of the events 
the least to "be expected, for he had everything to 
gain by the movement, supposing, which was reason- 
able to be supposed, that no evil was intended him. 
His announced treachery was therefore to me a 
most unlooked-for piece of intelligence, and al- 
though I knew that he was surrounded by evil coun- 
sellors, and that he had but an ordinary capacity, I 
still suspected that much of his misfortune was 
rather owing to misunderstanding than to his guilt. 
I was anxious therefore to ascertain the feeling as 
to his sentiments when the expedition across the 
Indus became known to him, because the advant- 
ages which it placed within his reach were so pal- 
pable, that, in rejecting them, if cleared from the 
imputation of crime, he was still liable to the minor 
charge of folly. I was assured that he heard the 
tidings of the advance of the British army with high 
gratification ; that he was so overjoyed, that, as my 
informant expressed it, "had he had wings, he would 
have flown to its meeting." At that time he justly 
appreciated the nature of his position, and the 


benefits wMch must have followed his furtherance of 
the views of the British authorities. He saw himself 
about to be relieved from the continual dread he 
lived in, of the capricious and tyrannical sirdars of 
Kandahar, and of any mistrust he must have occa- 
sionally felt of the confederated chiefs of Sind. He 
also saw the certainty of his authority being firmly 
established in his own dominions, and his imagina- 
tion presented the agreable picture of the unruly 
and rebellious chieftains, who during his sway had 
given him so much trouble and disquietude, at his 
feet, as submissive and humble suppliants for 
mercy. In this happy temper, he addressed Sir 
Alexander Burnes, expressing his anxiety and wish 
to see him, but craving to be excused from the 
presence of Lieut. Leech, whose conduct had dis- 
pleased him. 

With the khan of Kalat in this disposition, a 
glance may be directed at the contemporaneous pro- 
ceedings of the British authorities at Shikarpur, for 
it is but just to inquire what steps they took to 
secure and confirm the good feelings of the khan, 
and in what manner they thought fit to conciliate 
him. I have noticed, that, as regarded the alleged 
confiscation in Kachi, Sir Alexander had addressed 
a letter to the khan, which would " astound " him, 
and that Shah Sujah al Mulkh had reminded him, 
that SMh Nawaz Khan (a claimant and pretender 
to the Kalat throne) was in the royal camp. The 
opening of the communications between the khn 


and the authorities at Shikarpur, was not therefore 

At Kalat the necessity was acknowledged of an 
attempt to remove misunderstanding, and a mission 
to the envoy and minister was determined upon ; 
but the difficulty was to select a proper representa- 
tive, and it may be truly said the khan had not a 
proper person to send. The aspirants for the 
honourable employ were numerous, but Naib Mulla 
Hassan, in virtue of his office, carried the day. 
Here the weakness and infatuation of Mehrab 
Khan were first manifested. He did not oppose 
the mission of the naib, although conscious of his 
ill feeling, and morally certain that he should be 
betrayed by him. The only excuse for the extreme 
imprudence of the khan was, that from the recep- 
tion and countenance afforded to Shah Nawaz Khan, 
the menacing letters of the shah and Sir Alexander 
Burnes, and the notion he had that Lieut. Leech 
would injure him, he already considered himself a 
doomed man ; a fact pointed out and insisted upon 
by those near him who desired his downfall, and 
particularly by Naib Mulla Hassan, who aggravated 
the danger, with the view of displaying the urgency 
and importance of his mission. 

The naib selected for companion Saiyad Maho- 
med Sherif, another traitor, equally mistrusted and 
obnoxious. While this strange mission was in pro- 
gress, the khan followed, on his own part, the pre- 
cautionary policy of using every endeavour to avoid 



giving cause for offence, and his instructions to his 
chiefs and subjects in Kachi were all framed in the 
same spirit. 

I know not whether the interview between the 
envoy and minister and Naib Mtilla Hassan took 
place at Shikarptir or Bagh in advance. Its results 
were remarkable. To accomplish the ruin of Meh- 
rab Kh&n, it was necessary for Naib Mulla Hassan 
to deceive the envoy and minister, as well as the 
intended victim. He perfectly succeeded. In 
place of advocating his master's interests, he ac- 
cused him of the most mischievous plots and inten- 
tions, and was unhappily credited by the credulous 
envoy and minister. In the same breath he avowed 
his own ardent attachment, was believed, and the 
chief political authority with the army of the Indus 
signed a document, by which he engaged to recom- 
pense the service and goodwill of a traitor. What- 
ever may be thought of this transaction, I fear it 
tells unfavourably for the common sense and prin- 
ciple of the envoy and minister ; for how could a 
man with common sense have been so easily de- 
ceived, and how could a man of ordinary principle 
have confided in the representations of a scoundrel, 
exerting himself to injure the ruler whose servant 
he was, and whose cause he had undertaken to 
defend ? Another mischief attending the affair was, 
that it was not so secretly done but that it trans- 
pired, and consequently confirmed all the gloomy 
forebodings of Mehrab Khan. 


The British functionary did not, however, at this 
time contemplate the destruction of the Kalat chief, 
or even his deposition ; but Mulla Hassan was 
instructed to return to Kalat, and to persuade the 
khan from his evil course ; and he took leave, re- 
joicing in the success of his villany, while his dupe, 
the envoy and minister, plumed himself on having 
made a clever diplomatic hit, in having gained over 
the minister of Mehrab KMn. 

At Kal&t, Mulla Hassan assured the kh&n that 
the English were faithless, that their intentions 
were to send him to Calcutta, and that lie had 
nothing to hope from them ; that they had sought, 
by bland speeches and the lure tff money, to secure 
him, but, God be praised! his devotion to the 
khan was unalterable. He consoled the khn, by 
representing that they were comparatively weak, 
that the amount of real force was small, and there 
was little to fear from them. Mulla Hassan did 
not confine his dexterity to such statements, but 
while he reported to the envoy and minister that all 
his efforts to induce the perverse khan to a becom- 
ing sense of his situation were useless, and that he 
still persisted in a course of opposition, and was 
constantly intent upon new plots and conspiracies, 
he issued a variety of letters in the khan's name, 
and authenticated by his seal, which by virtue of 
his office he had in possession, addressed to various 
parties throughout the country, calling upon them 
to molest the march of the British troops by every, 

H 2 


means in tlieir power. Many of these letters were 
intercepted, as probably they were intended to be, 
and tended of course to convince the envoy and 
minister of the turpitude of the khan of Kalat, 
who, in truth, knew nothing of them. The coadju- 
tors of Mulla Hassan, Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, and 
the brothers of the late Daoud Mahomed, were 
alike indefatigable in inciting the tribes to rapine, 
at the same time ascribing the evils occasioned by 
themselves to the unquenchable enmity of the 

Under this complication of villany and infa- 
tuation, the British army passed through Kachi, 
the defiles of the Bolan pass, and encamped at 
Quetta. While in Kachi, as far as the khan was 
concerned, free permission was given to traverse 
the province by any and whatever route, and to 
an application made that the Bombay division 
should pass by the Mtilloh route, and therefore to 
Kalit, no opposition was made. The route was 
not, indeed, followed, but the khan had shown that 
he was not hostile, for he offered no objection to 
it ; and his submissive disposition may be conceived 
when he consented to allow a force to approach 
his capital. 

Notwithstanding the depredations committed in 
the Bolan pass, and that they were ascribed to 
the hostility of Mehrb Khan, it does not ap- 
pear that the idea of revenge was yet cherished 
against that chief, and a final effort was made to 


enumerate him in the list of friends. Sir Alexander 
Burnes, attached to the mission with the title of 
envoy to Kalat, and other places, was, of course, 
destined to effect a reconciliation with* the im- 
placable khan, and for that purpose left Quetta, 
So little was he, in common with the envoy and 
minister, acquainted with the nature of things at 
Kalat, that he selected for his companion Saiyad 
Sherif. It is believed that Sir Alexander offered 
the khan the sum of one lakh and a half of rupees 
per annum to keep the road open from Shikarpur 
to Quetta. A treaty to such effect was signed 
and sealed, and it remained merely for the kh&n 
to accompany Sir Alexander back to Quetta, there 
to pay his respects to the shah, and the envoy 
and minister. To this visit the khn, no doubt, 
had great averseness, as, while very willing to see 
the envoy, he much disliked to be compelled to 
wait upon the shah, of whom he thought less fa- 
vourably than did his English allies. The oppo- 
sition of naib Mulla Hassan, and Saiyad Sherif, 
had proved ineffectual to prevent the treaty ; but 
they did not cease to represent to the khan, that 
his journey to Quetta would prove fatal to his 
liberty, if not to his life. As soon as the envoy 
and minister arrived at Quetta, it would appear 
that the naib and his associate traitors were in 
his presence; the point then insisted upon was, 
that Mehrdb Khan should come to Quetta, which 
Mulla Hassan signified to the khan, but, while 


promising to persuade him to comply with the 
request, he dissuaded him in the strongest terms, 
urging that it was certain destruction, and con- 
cluded by imploring that, if the khn, in his wis- 
dom, should take the fatal step, he might not be 
charged with the neglect of his duty, or of omis- 
sion in having warned him of evil. The letters 
were full of the most violent denunciations of the 
perfidious intentions of the British authorities. Sir 
Alexander Burnes had left Quetta, boasting that 
he would return with Mehrab Khan ; that he might 
the more certainly succeed, he gave the khan 
twenty thousand rupees for expenses on the road. 
So much unexpected liberality gave force to the 
insinuations poured into the khan's ears, and when 
the poor man wished to take a party of five hun- 
dred followers, that he might appear as became 
his rank, Sir Alexander told him that twenty were 
sufficient, which afforded a triumph to Mulla Has- 
san and his gang, who appealed to the kMn whe- 
ther it was or not plain enough that the only wish 
of Sir Alexander was to decoy him to Quetta, 
there to be seized and sent to Calcutta. Still 
Merab Khan ordered his tents to be pitched with- 
out the town, preparatory to his march, but the 
precipitancy of Sir Alexander Burnes, who was in 
haste to convey the tidings of his own success, 
and to receive the gratulations his vanity sug- 
gested would be offered to him, gave the final blow 
to the arrangement, as he started for Quetta, 


leaving his munshi, Mohan Lall, to attend upon 
the khan. The unfortunate man observed, that 
Sikandar (Sir Alexander) fancied to delude him 
by grinning and leering, and now he had left his 
munshi behind him, of whom he spoke even more 
disrespectfully. Mohan Lall profited by the ab- 
sence of his indulgent patron, to pretend that he 
had a juda rdh, or distinct influence with Lord 
Auckland, on the strength of which he was anxious 
to purchase a beautiful kaniz, or slave girl. The 
bewildered khfin was disgusted. Whether he would 
have proceeded with Sir Alexander is uncertain, 
but it was too much to expect he would follow 
the cortege of Mohan Lall. He delayed until a 
letter reached from Sir Alexander, stating that 
there was no longer occasion to visit Quetta, as the 
sMh had inarched; on which Mohan Lall left 
Kalit, and was escorted by Darogah Gdl Mahomed 
to the foot of the Khwojak pass. 

The bold and villanous expedient resorted to by 
the subtle Saiyad Sherif to consummate the khan's 
ruin, and the protest of Sir Alexander Burnes 
against the treaty concluded by himself, have been 
before noticed. 

The fate of Mehrab Khan was henceforth de- 
creed, and it was determined eventually to make an 
example of him. I shall not stay to moralise upon 
these startling events, or by any remarks endeavour 
to influence the judgment which may be formed 
upon them. At Quetta, when the army advanced, 


Capt. Bean, in command of the 1st regiment of the 
sMh's contingent, was left by the envoy and minis- 
ter in political charge. Apparently as deeply con- 
vinced of the criminality of the khan as his patron, 
and aware that the unhappy chief was proscribed, 
he, it is complained, refused to see the persons de- 
puted by the khan to open an intercourse with him. 
When the shah and his allies had entered Kan- 
dah6r, the khan, ignorant that his treaty had been 
protested against, ordered Naib Mulla Hassan to 
proceed there, with congratulatory letters and pre- 
sents for the king and political officers. The naib 
went as far as Quetta, where, no doubt, he practised 
upon the imagination of Capt. Bean, as he formerly 
had upon that of the envoy and minister, and wrote 
to the khan that the British army had been de- 
feated, and that in a few days he would hear of 
them as fugitives in his country; that he was 
willing to go to Kandahar, as the khan wished, but 
it was better to wait awhile; and he wished to 
avoid the reproach of being considered unskilful, 
or neglectful of his duty. The n&ib's letter, as 
usual, teemed with the most virulent assertions of 
the perfidy of the English. He delayed at Quetta, 
disobeying the repeated injunctions of the khan 
to proceed to the allied camp, until Ghazni was 
captured, and Kdbal was in possession of the shah. 
The khan, in despair, directed Naib E6himdad, 
his governor at Quetta, to take up the mission 
which Miilla Hassan declined, and to make the best 


of his way to Kabal, with letters, and an increased 
stock of presents. This worthy, either in 'tea&afS 
with Mulla Hassan, or alike desirous to implicate 
the khan, invented fresh falsehoods, and excused 
himself; while he set on foot a series of depreda- 
tions upon the troops cantoned at Quetta, by carry- 
ing off the camels when foraging, and sending them 
for sale to Sistdn, not daring to send them to Kalat. 

In process of time, the brigade under Major-Gen. 
Wiltshire reached Quetta, in its return from K&bal, 
and the opportunity presented itself to avenge the 
crimes and treasons of the Kalat chief. Naib 
Mulla Hassan was again in the British camp, exercis- 
ing the same manoeuvres he had constantly put into 
play, and with the like success. He assured the 
political officer that all his endeavours had failed 
to alter the feeling or disposition of the khn ; and 
wrote to the latter on no account to repair to 
Quetta, or he would be sent a prisoner to Calcutta. 

A remarkable proof was now afforded of the 
delusion in which the khan had been kept, or, it 
may be, of his little expectation of being visited 
with vengeance for crimes which he was uncon- 
scious of having committed ; for it was not until 
he heard of the advance of British troops upon 
Kalat that he thought of making preparations for 
defence. On the spur of the moment he appealed 
to the tribes, and despatched his son, Mahomed 
Hassan, under charge of Darogah Gul Mahomed, 
to Nushki. In the hour of need Mehrab Khan 


found himself abandoned; he had alienated the 
chiefs of tribes, and few responded to his call. As 
the British force approached, he deputed Akhund 
Mahomed Sidik to confer with the political officer 
attending it. The reckless man observed that he 
knew the Akhund was a traitor, and would betray 
him. He was quite right, the Akhund did betray 
him, as far as it was in his power, and received 
drafts on Hindus of Kalat for sums of money. 
The interview of this representative of the kMn 
with the political officer took place at Mangachar. 
The Akhund stipulated that the force was not to 
appear before Kalat until the morning of the 6th 
of November, which was acceded to, without the 
intention of abiding by the stipulation; the Ak- 
hund purposing that Mehrab Khan should have 
time for flight, to which he meant to persuade him. 
It was not, however, the intention to permit the 
khan or the booty to escape, and the force arrived 
before Kalat on the morning of the 5th of Novem- 
ber, when an attack on the place immediately fol- 
lowed, as its defences were too weak to require 
delay. The garrison consisted, with few exceptions, 
of the villagers neighbouring to Kelat, and the 
greater part of them dropped from the walls and 
made off when the assault commenced. The gates 
were blown open, the town entered, and the citadel 
forced, when Mehrab Khan was slain, with many 
chiefs, of more or less distinction, in one of the 
lower apartments. In an upper apartment were 


Naib Mulla Hassan, Naib Rehimdad, the Akhund 
Mahomed Sidik, and some thirty persons; they, 
of course, surrendered when the khan was no more. 
It is supposed by the Brahuis that the ultimate 
design of Mulla Hassan was to procure his own 
advancement to the masnad of Kalat, but, unfor- 
tunately for him, in the search made by the politi- 
cal officers for documents, his letters to the khan 
were discovered under the pillow of that wretched 
man. His arrest followed, and, with Eehimdad, 
he was sent prisoner to the fortress of Bakkar. 
Capt. Bean is said to have reproached him with 
the death of Mehrab Khan ; he might have justly 
done so ; and, if he did, his reproach was a testi- 
mony to the innocence of the fallen chief. 

The scenes following the capture of the Brdhtii 
capital may be passed unnoticed; the calamities 
suffered by the inhabitants were the inevitable con- 
sequences of war ; yet, it is due to relate, that the 
deportment of the general of the British force is 
spoken of with approbation, and the respect shown 
to a bed-ridden lady, one of the wives of the slaugh- 
tered khan, is remembered with gratitude. 

On the approach, of the force, the first step of 
the khan was to order his brother, Mir Azem 
Khan, to leave the town, and provide for his safety. 
When the attack commenced, his wives and female 
attendants were put without the gates, and some of 
them, even on foot, were left to shift for themselves. 
When the town was entered, and all hope extin- 


guished, the khan entrusted to some one^as a pre- 
sent for his son, deputed to Nushki, a rifle, on 
which were inlaid, in golden characters, the names 
of twenty-three of his ancestors. This was to be 
preserved as a token by which, wherever the son 
went, he might be recognized. Three injunctions 
accompanied it. 1st. Not to surrender to the 
Feringhis with too much haste. 2nd. Not to con- 
fide in the Brahuis until they had committed them- 
selves inextricably with the Feringhis, or he would 
be betrayed by them, as his father had been. 3rd. 
Not to smoke tobacco or to take snuff, as such 
indulgences would lead to drinking wine, and he 
would become as useless as his uncle, Mir Azem. 
This injunction the khan seemed to think the most 
particular, for he desired his son to be warned, that 
if he disobeyed it he would arise from his grave 
and reproach him. 

The khan's personal property (excepting cash "and 
jewels) fell into the possession of the captors, and 
to save them the trouble of collecting it, he had 
already packed it, as if for removal. The khan 
being reputed rich in jewels, inquiries were made 
for them, and in a few days information was given 
which led to their discovery in the house of Naib 
Mulla Hassan ; so it proved that the wily traitor 
had been sufficiently adroit to have them depo- 
sited there, of course intending to reserve them for 
his own benefit. Wonderful were the expectations 
raised by the discovery of the jewels, a portion only 


of the khan's store, though probably the greater por- 
tion. But a fatality attended them ; the vessel in 
which the gems were despatched for Bombay was 
lost, and the treasure itself, although preserved, was 
found to be of little value, as the stones, although 
large and uncut, were flawed ; and, at the auction, 
by which they were sold, obtained but 60,000 ru- 
pees, or 6000?. The person who revealed the secret 
of their deposit received a reward, became the con- 
fidant of Lieut. Loveday, and eventually one of the 
evil geniuses who consigned him to destruction. 
In the house of Naib Mfrlla Hassan a discovery of 
another nature was made, not only furnishing evi- 
dence of his guilt, but curiously illustrating the 
mode by which he had effected the ruin of Mehrab 
Khan. Above one hundred blank sheets of paper 
were found, sealed, and ready to be filled up at 
discretion. They explained the origin of the mis- 
sives by which the tribes were inflamed and incited 
to action, the odium of which had been, it may be 
feared unjustly, ascribed to the Brahuf chief. 

Kalat being in possession of the British, its chief 
slain, and his son a fugitive, it naturally became 
a subject of consideration as to the future govern- 
ment. The claims of the son never seem to have 
been thought of for a moment. Had his father 
been ever so guilty, their recognition would not 
have been the less politic or advisable ; but now 
that the train of events and disclosures had evi- 
denced that he was not so criminal as had been 


supposed, and that lie had fallen a victim to treason, 
to the display of which the errors of the political 
authorities had unconsciously contributed, the claims 
of the son demanded every attention, not merely on 
the abstract principles of rightful descent and es- 
tablished usage, but on the score of generosity, 
which, with a British government, should have had 
equal weight. 

Had the claims of the son at this early period been 
acknowledged, or had the circumstances extenuating 
the supposed guilt of his sire been made known, it 
might be conjectured that the plunder found in the 
palace, being entirely personal property, could not 
have been retained ; if inconvenient to admit them 
on this account, it was doubly so as in a manner 
confessing that the khan had been sacrificed to 
error and misconception ; and this was an alterna- 
tive which honourable and high-minded men only 
could have been, expected to embrace. It would 
have been unjust to have hoped so much from the 
political authorities of the army of the Indus. 

The foul deed had been done : it was necessary 
to preserve unsullied the reputation of Lord Auck- 
land's political clique, and, to conceal their inca- 
pacity, the injustice shown to the father was to be 
perpetuated by that offered to the unoffending son. 
Those so mal-adroit in matters of right were expert 
in matters of evil, and Shah Nawaz Khan, a de- 
scendant of Mohabat Kheln, who ruled at Kalat a 
sentury before, was placed on the masnad of Kalat, 


on the plea of legitimacy. I know not with whom 
this arrangement originated ; it suffices that it was 
approved and adopted. The Brahuis were asto- 
nished to learn that their three preceding khans 
were illegitimate rulers ; but, unhappily, they did not 
acquiesce in the validity of the decision, and their 
sympathies were directed to the son of Mehrb 
Khan in exile. 

By the partition of the country which accompa- 
nied the elevation of Shah Nawaz Khan, the north- 
ern province of Saharawan, with Quetta and its 
dependent districts, and the province of Kach Gan- 
dava, with the mountain districts east of it, were 
annexed to the dominions of the king of Kabal, 
and by this dismemberment, the provinces border- 
ing on the Indus, of Harand and Dajil, were quietly 
transferred to Ranjit Singh. 

An object of this wholesale partition, is said to 
have been the desire to consolidate the Brahui 

The real purpose, if a judgment may be allowed 
from the dismemberment of the country, and the 
transfer of the Saharawan tribes, was to disse- 
ver the Brahuis as a people, and thereby to aug- 
ment the importance and revenue of the newly 
formed kingdom of Kabal, for SMh Nawaz Kh&n, 
by being inducted into Kalat, had no authority be- 
yond that place, and no means to enfore it. 

The first step of the new khn proved, however, 
that he understood the principles of legitimacy, 


which had placed him in Kalat, for obtaining a 
loan of 60,000 rupees from Mr. Ross Bell at Shi- 
karpur, he gave him in payment thereof orders 
on the customs of Las, affecting to cancel the re- 
mission granted, a century before, by Nassir Kh&n, 
and although this liberty was afterwards disap- 
proved by Lord Auckland, it was strictly in accord- 
ance with the legitimate notion of his lordship and 
his advisers, which influenced their recognition of 
the claims of the new khan. 

It may be observed that, prior, to the fall of Meh- 
rab Khan, the chiefs of Jhalaw^n, as M Khan of 
Wad and Kamal Khan of Baghwana, emboldened 
by the distracted state of affairs at Kalt, and of 
the khan's danger from the British, were in open re- 
volt, and Rashid KMn of Zehri, the Sirdar of Jhala- 
wan, who had been for some years disaffected, had 
entirely ceased from attendance at Kaldt, and all 
these chiefs had rejected the appeal to cooperate in 
the defence of the capital. They therefore became 
the friends of the British and of Shah Naw&z 
Khan ; and it was peculiarly unfortunate, and what 
might, and ought to have been avoided, that both 
in Balochistin and Afghanistan the traitors to the 
old order of things became the favoured and trusted 
adherents to the new. As might have been expected, 
the confidence unwisely reposed in them was be- 

The establishment of Sh&h Naw&z? Khan led to 
the appointment of a political officer at Kal&t, and 


Lieut. Loveday, an assistant to Capt. Bean at the 
time of its capture, was nominated to the post. 
The first object of attention with the new khan 
was the young son of Mehrab Khan, who had taken 
refuge in Panjghur, and, accompanied Tby Lieut. 
Loveday, he started with a small party to dislodge 
him, and, if possible, to secure his person. His plans 
were well laid, and, but for secret intelligence con- 
veyed, be it remarked, by Kamal Khan of Bagh- 
wan, the youth no doubt would have been made a 
prisoner. His escape did not prevent the general 
plunder of the tribes who had afforded him shelter, 
and scenes were enacted so infamous, that those 
present spoke of them with horror. A large 
amount of spoil was obtained, and Shah Nawaz 
Khan returned to Baghwan and married a sister 
of Kama! Khan. Lieut. Loveday returned to Kalat 
from Panjghur, but made a visit to Baghwan, 
bringing to Shah Naw&z a treaty ratified by the 
governor-general, from which had been expunged 
an article binding the British government to main- 
tain the khan on the masnad in which they had 
placed him. Lieut. Loveday, again returning to 
Kalat, hearing that the son of Mehrab Khan had 
sought refuge in Nushki, started with Mir Fati 
Khan, the brother of Shah Nawaz Khan, to expel 
him. Intelligence conveyed to the youth, again 
enabled him to escape; but the Zigger Minghal 
tribe were no better treated than the tribes of Panj- 
ghur, and the chief, Fazil KMn, who submitted, was 
VOL. iv. * 


brought to Kalat. Shah Nawaz Khan, about the 
same time, compelled the nominal allegiance of the 
Sah Saholi tribe, near Khozdar ; soon after which 
he returned to Kalat. 

The zeal of Lieut. Loveday obtained the appro- 
bation of Capt. Bean, and afterwards his disapproba- 
tion, when the envoy and minister expressed his 
displeasure at the excursions into Nushki and Panj- 
ghiir i and Lieut. Loveday was instructed, that it 
was not his duty to interfere in the affairs of the 
country at all, much less to accompany the khan in 
his forays. But for this prohibition, it is probable 
that a third foray would have been directed upon 
Kharan, whose chief had, after some demur, received 
the wandering and destitute son of Mehrab Khan. 
Shah Nawaz Khan much urged the step, saying, 
the evil, if taken in time, would be easily removed, 
but that it might become dangerous if neglected. 
His prediction was soon verified. A step which 
might have prevented the revolt of the BrahMs was 
abandoned, because the khan was unable to follow 
it up unassisted, and Lieut. Loveday was forbidden 
to employ his guard or to lend assistance. 

I have now briefly explained the state of things 
at the period of my arrival at Kalat. The son of 
Mehrab Khan, while known to be in Kharan, had 
no intention of .appearing in arms, nor had Assad 
Khan any notion of interesting himself more in his 
favour, than to afford him asylum and subsistence 
as long as he continued his guest. Under the new 


distribution of the country, the district of Mastung, 
annexed with Quetta, to the dominion of Kabal, was 
governed by Mahomed Khan, chief of the Sherwani 
tribe of Brahdis, with a salary of two hundred 
rupees per annum, and the title of Naib to his 
Majesty Shah Sujah al Mulkh. The revenue, which 
had been most arbitrarily fixed, was farmed to 
Diwan Ramu, previously in the employ of Mehrab 
Khan ; the district of Quetta, or Shall, the head- 
quarters of Capt. Bean and a military force, was 
governed, under the political officer, by Mahomed 
Sidik Khan, a son of the late Sainander Khan, Popal 
Zai. The resumed province of Kach Gandava was 
governed under Mr. Ross Bell, the political agent in 
Northern Sind, by Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, whose 
treason to Mehrab Khan had elevated him to the 
rant of Naib to His Majesty Shah Siijah al Mulkh. 



Residence at Kalat. Panic in the country. Arrival of kafila. 
Misfortune of Yaiya, a dehwar. Consternation. Commence- 
ment of revolt and slaughter of a party of sipahis at Mastung. 
Refuse to leave Kalat. Proceedings of darogah Gul Mahomed. 
Alarm at Kalat. Removal to the Babi suburb. Darbar of 
Shah Nawaz Khan. Abode in Atta Mahomed's garden. 
Faiz Ahmed's precautions. Attack upon Quetta. Lieut. 
Leech's promptitude. Retreat of the insurgents from Quetta.- 
Lieut. Loveday's remark. Shah Nawaz Khan's measures. 
His levees. Intrigues at Kalat. Causes of dissatisfaction. 
Diplomatic blunders in Kachi. Lieut. Loveday's invitation. 
Interview with him. Consent to remain with him during the 
siege. Haji Osman. State of the defences. Efforts to im- 
prove them. Manning of the walls. Disposition of the forti- 
fications. Preparations. Scarcity of grain. 

I MIGHT have reasonably looked for the arrival 
of the kafila eight or ten days after my own, at 
Kalat, as, before leaving B61a, we heard of its 
departure from Sunmiani, and we knew that it 
had no object to tarry on the route. My inter- 
course with Lieut. Loveday had ceased, in the 
manner I have before described ; and that I had acted 
discreetly, I inferred from the nature of his obser- 
vations, which, from time to time, were reported 
to me. 


While residing in the garden, I was repeatedly 
visited by Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Fati Khan, 
his brother, the garden of the latter joining the 
one in which I was located, and every morning 
he came to stroll in it. Shah Nawaz Khan never 
ceased to request I would call upon him in the 
mirf, or palace, and converse with him, but I 
constantly declined, although there could have been 
no harm, yet I was careful to avoid giving the 
least cause for umbrage to Lieut. Loveday. 

In course of time tidings reached Kalat, that 
the kafila had been seen at BarSn Lak, in a woful 
plight, from the failure of the camels, owing to 
the heat, want of water and forage, and other 
untoward causes. Subsequently we heard, that 
it had found its way to Wad ; but now symptoms 
of discontent in the country had become manifest. 

When I came to Kal&t, Lieut. Loveday had 
with him some sixty sipahis, of one of the shah's 
regiments. In obedience to Capt. Bean's orders, 
he had despatched twenty-five of them from Kalat, 
towards Quetta. His munshi, Ghulam Hussen, 
having business at Mastung, accompanied them. 
At the moment I, of course, regarded this as an 
indifferent circumstance. 

About this time an accident occurred, which 
served, perhaps, to precipitate the revolt which 
speedily followed. Amongst the many tyrannical 
acts, of which Lieut. Loveday stood accused by 
the general voice of the country, was that of worry- 


ing people with his dogs; and to describe the 
horror in which he was held, on that account, 
would be an impossible task. Yet, so incredible 
did such a charge appear to me, and so revolting 
was it to every notion of humanity, that I felt 
inclined to conjecture trivial circumstances had 
been magnified, and an accidental mishap construed 
into a premeditated deed. I was frequently told, 
that since I had been at Kalat he had discontinued 
to use his dogs ; and when I expressed anxiety 
to proceed, I was entreated to remain, that Lieut. 
Loveday might behave himself decently* However, 
any restraint he might have imposed upon himself, 
in consequence of my presence, did not suffice to 
prevent the ebullition of his passion ; and a miser- 
able and fatal testimony confirmed, beyond power 
of denial, how justly he was feared and disliked. 
Yaiya, a dehwar or agriculturist of Kalat, employed 
as a begar, or forced labourer, in some works con- 
nected with the house in progress of erection, in- 
curred the displeasure of Lieut. Loveday, who gave 
the necessary signal to his dogs, and they inflicted 
several -wounds on the wretched individual. He 
was carried home in a grievous state, and in a 
few days died. The consternation excited by this 
man's unhappy fate amongst the community of 
Kaldt, to be conceived must have been witnessed ; 
the dread of vengeance limited the expression of 
public feeling to low and sullen murmurs, but 
Tumour spread the catastrophe with rapidity over 


the country, and there indignation was loudly 
avowed, and revenge determined upon. 

It became known at Kalat that the munshi, 
with his party of sipahls, had reached Mastung, 
and contemporaneously that the kafila was on the 
road from Wad ; but a panic, the forerunner of 
the outbreak which ensued, had now seized the 
minds of all. Lieut. Loveday was anxious about 
the safety of the kafila, as a very large quantity of 
stores, from Bombay, belonging to him, were with 
it ; and he ordered a party, of the few soldiers with 
him, to march on the road to meet it. They were 
ready to have started, when the disastrous news 
arrived of the slaughter of the munshi and his 
party, at Mastung ; and of the revolt of the tribes 
of Saharawan. 

The first act of ShAh Nawaz Khan was to insist 
upon Lieut. Loveday, who was at the time in his 
tent without the town, to retire to his residence 
within the walls ; and thenceforth he never went 
beyond them. 

My friend, Faiz Ahmed, immediately called on 
me, and gave his opinion that the affair was serious. 
He said his chief solicitude was for me ; and urged 
me, in the most earnest manner, at once to provide 
for my safety, either by crossing the hills into 
Kachi or by retiring to Baghwan. He assured me, 
that he should be disgraced for ever if any mis- 
fortune befel me, his guest, or, to use his expression, 
that his nose would be cut off. I thought he over- 


estimated the danger, and determined to remain, 
at least until it was known what form the insurrec- 
tion would assume ; for, at the time, I was not 
aware that Quetta was unprovided with troops, 
and could not but suppose the revolt would be 
speedily suppressed. 

I may mention that, before these events tran- 
spired, there was a report at Kalat that Daro- 
gah Gtil Mahomed had the intention to proceed 
to Quetta and endeavour to negotiate with Capt, 
Bean in favour of the son of the late kMn. Va- 
rious were the opinions as to the probability of 
the report, and as to the darogah's intentions ; 
but many thought it possible, and wished it might 
prove true, from their desire to see the son of 
Mehrab provided for, and an end put to the un- 
easiness which his presence in Kharan kept up. 
It proved that the darogah did visit Mastxmg, and 
had a meeting at a village with some persons there, 
and amongst them with Diwan Ramu, the fanner 
of the revenue under the new order of things. 
What passed at this meeting I could never ascer- 
tain ; the darogah, if he ever had the intention of 
visiting Quetta, or of opening a communication with 
Capt. Bean, did neither, and returned to KharSn. 
In a few days followed the outbreak. 

Shah Nawaz Khan lost no time in summoning 
to Kal&t the levies from the neighbouring villages 
and tribes. His mother, and Mir Fati Khan, were 
sent in all haste to collect those of Zehri, while 


messengers were despatched to Kamal Khan of 
BaghwAn, and to other chiefs of Jhalaw&n. 

It soon became known that the insurgents at 
Mastung had called the son of Mehrdb Khan to 
countenance their proceedings. Amidst the alarm 
produced by this state of affairs a part of the 
kafila reached Kalat ; many of the merchants thought 
it prudent to secrete their goods in the hills. My 
camels had perished on the road, from eating (I 
was told) the poisonous oleander shrub. I had my 
luggage brought to the garden in which I re- 

Some two or three days afterwards, a little past 
sunset, I was astonished at the discharge of large 
and small arms from the town, and still more when, 
after a brief interval, it was repeated. Before a 
third took place the young son of Faiz Ahmed ap- 
peared, and told me his father implored that I 
would instantly remove into the suburb. I had 
scarcely time to ask what had happened, when 
Faiz Ahmed himself came in the utmost trepida- 
tion. He besought me, for God's sake, to leave 
the garden, or I should be murdered; when I 
could get him to explain, he informed me that 
Mehrab Kh&n's son was said to be at Gartik, six 
miles distant, and that his chapow was expected 
during the night ; that the town gates were closed, 
and that the discharges I had heard were part of 
Shh Nawaz Khan's precautionary measures. Re- 
flecting, that if a chapow did make its appearance, 


there was little doubt that I should be murdered, 
I thought right to accompany him, and ordered 
his and my own servants to follow with the lug- 
gage. Before we left the garden a party of strangers 
had congregated around a fire, which they kindled 
at a little distance from me. They were unknown 
to the old woman in charge of the garden. I was 
surprised that Faiz Ahmed conducted me to the 
suburb by a circuitous path, and as he stumbled 
over stones, and into the pools of the narrow lanes 
he traversed, I could not forbear bantering him 
about it, and the terror he evinced, which occa- 
sioned him to complain that I was insufferably "jel," 
or rash ; I have since learned that he had received 
an intimation that two of the late khan's ghul&ns, 
or slaves, in full confidence that the chapow would 
arrive, had buckled on their arms, intending to have 
assassinated me that evening. On reaching the 
suburb, he showed me into the house of SahibdSd, 
adjacent to his own. In a few minutes Faiz Ahmed, 
Kilikdad, and two or three of their relatives, came 
and urged me immediately to leave Kaldt. I was 
still obstinate, and doubted if Mehrab Khan's son 
could be so near. Faiz Ahmed, in his anxiety, 
had engaged one Mahomed Arif to conduct me 
to Nich&ra, and had saddled my horse, but I over- 
ruled him. Completely beset by his terror, he 
upbraided me for my infatuation, and warned me 
I should repent the neglect of the opportunity. 
I had, however, the support of his relatives, less 


timid, and, perhaps, less wise than himself, and 
at length he yielded. My friends sat up with me 
through the night, well-armed, and in much anxiety. 
Discharges of arms were continued until morning 
from the town, and Shah Nawaz Khan was con- 
stantly on the alert, patrolling the streets and 
ramparts. The peril was believed to have been 
extreme this night, of an insurrection within and 
without the walls. No enemy appeared, and, in 
time, it was discovered that Mehrab Khan's son 
had not exactly been at Garuk, but that he had 
skirted Nfmarg and Mangachar, some eighteen 
miles from Kalat, to which he was desirous to have 
directed his steps, but that the insurgents at Mas- 
tung insisted upon his presence there, that they 
might make an attempt on Quetta, nearly destitute 
of troops, while Kalat they considered as always in 
their power. 

SMh Nawaz Kh&n continued his precautionary 
measures by night, until he was certain that the 
intention of the enemy was turned upon Quetta. 
For the first time, I was now aware that so im- 
portant a post had been denuded of troops,- as I 
afterwards learned, by the orders of the envoy and 

Faiz Ahmed, after the first alarm was over, at- 
tended the darbar of Shah Nawaz Khan, when 
Lieut. Loveday was present. The khan asked him 
what had become of me amidst the confusion, and 
Faiz Ahmed replied, that he had taken me to his 


house. The khan warmly commended him, and 
then asked what was my opinion on passing events. 
Faiz Ahmed answered, that I said the Brahiiis 
had brought destruction upon themselves. The 
khan observed, it was true. 

As soon as the immediate danger was over, aware 
that I was incommoding Sahibdad and Ms family, I 
proposed to return to the garden. Faiz Ahmed 
would by no means consent, and, in truth, as the 
times were troubled, it was an exposed situation. 
He selected, however, another garden more to his 
mind, and nearer the suburb, belonging to Att& 
Mahomed, a cultivator, which was small, and sur- 
rounded with fair walls. The owner being agree- 
able, I removed to it from the house of Sahibdad. 

While in Sahibdaxfs house, Faiz Ahmed, whose 
sense of danger was greater than mine, had sent to 
Nichara for Shadi Khan, a respectable native of the 
village, to whom he was connected by marriage, 
and to whose protection he had intended to have 
consigned me, when wishing me to accompany 
Mahomed Arif. Shadi Khan came, and I highly 
approved of him as a good and trusty man ; but as 
I determined to hold on at Kalat until sheer neces- 
sity compelled my departure, he returned to his 
home, leaving with me his brother Ibrahim, whom I 
took to the garden of Atta Mahomed, to be ready 
in case of emergency to conduct me to Nichara, it 
being arranged that Shadi Khan, with as many fire- 
locks as might be judged necessary, should escort 


me through the hills to Gandava, and thence to 
Shikarpur. I was also glad to have this man in 
the garden by night, as the Brahui levies were 
coming in, and had spread themselves over the 
gardens of the place, while they were not too much 
to be depended upon. 

The greatest anxiety prevailed as to the issue of 
the attack contemplated by the Mastung insur- 
gents upon Quetta. To the extreme astonishment 
of all, we heard that Quetta had been assailed, 
not by the Brahuis, but by the Khaka tribes of 
the neighbouring hills to the north and north-east. 
It had been understood that Capt. Bean was about 
to employ these tribes to coerce the Marri Ba- 
loche tribe in the hills of Kahan, east of Kachi; 
wonderful was the intelligence, therefore, that he 
had been attacked by his quondam allies. The 
amazement was not less, I afterwards learned, 
amongst the political officers of Upper Sind, who 
received letters from Capt. Bean, developing his 
plans of annihilating the Harris by means of the 
Khakas, and a week after other letters reached, 
with the tidings that he was in danger of being 
annihilated himself by these very Khakas. The 
mystery, however, was easy of solution. The Bra- 
huis wished the Khakas to have co-operated with 
them, and the latter, supposing the destruction of 
the small force at Quetta as pretty certain, saw 
no reason why they should not anticipate the attack 
of the former, and secure the treasure, which they 


believed to be immense, to themselves. The allies 
of Capt. Bean accordingly made a night attack 
upon his position in the cantonments near Quetta, 
and "were creditably repulsed. Urgent reports of 
the state of affairs were of course despatched to the 
political authorities in Afghanistan, and the error of 
the envoy and minister, in withdrawing the troops 
from Quetta, became too obvious. Lieut. Leech, 
then political agent at Kandahar, did his best to 
meet the evil. Lieut. Travers, with the reinforce- 
ment received from Quetta, returned to it by forced 
marches, and threw himself into it, I believe, before 
the Brahui insurgents had invested it. Lieut. 
Leech did not stay his exertions, but calling Salu 
Kh&n, Atchakzai, gave him a sum of money, I heard 
twenty thousand rupees, and directed him to make 
the best of his way to Quetta, with as many horse- 
men as he could collect. 

Before Salu Khan arrived it was surrounded by 
the insurgents. The Atchakzai chief forced his 
way through their host, and brought the effective 
aid of six hundred horsemen, some ten or twelve 
having been slain or captured by the Brahuis. 
There can be no doubt that the promptitude of 
Lieut. Leech did much to preserve Quetta at this 

The Brahuis still pressed the investment, and 
prepared ladders for an escalade. Disputes arose 
among them as to the points which particular tribes 
should assail, which ended in the nocturnal retreat 


of Wad Derah, the leader of one of the most nume- 
rous bands, which, when known by the rest, created 
a panic and cry of betrayal, and the host broke up 
and retired. Assad Khan of Kharan, who, with 
fifty followers, had accompanied the son of Mehrab 
Khan, reconducted him to Mastung, where the 
darogah again set to work to reassemble the dogs 
of Brahuis, for so he called them. 

The news of the retreat of the insurgents from 
Quetta gave great satisfaction at Kalat, it being 
argued that, foiled there, they would scarcely march 
upon the capital. I had misgivings on this point, 
from the circumstance of their having retired un- 
broken; and I signified to Faiz Ahmed, that the 
moment we were certain they had advanced from 
Mastung I was ready to start for Gandava or B&gh- 
wan, as might be thought best. Faiz Ahmed, at 
this period, saw me only at long intervals, for he 
was irritated that I had not followed his counsel ; 
and when he did favour me with a call, seeing I 
was disposed to ridicule his notions of danger, 
ceased to notice it. I was hurt that my presence 
should be a source of solicitude to him, as he had 
enough of thought with his own affairs, without 
being encumbered by the consideration of mine. I 
am sorry to confess that, although I did not attach 
much importance to the revolt, and supposed it 
would be readily put down, yet I remained not so 
much on that account, as from the apprehension I 
should be laughed at if I. returned to Karachi ; and 


this weakness, more than anything else, influenced 
my stay. 

During these days of alarm and consternation, 
Lieut. Loveday's people asked him why he did not 
send for me. He replied, that if he did, I might 
fancy that he was " mutahaj," or helpless. I did 
not understand by this remark that he considered 
his situation desperate, since it expressed only his 
dislike that I should consider it so, or that he 
stood in need of assistance. Shah. Nawaz Khn 
fired a salute in consequence of the retreat of the 
rebels from Quetta, and again another on the al- 
leged approach of succours from Shikarpur. These, 
however, were imaginary, and the salute turned 
out to be a stratagem. A call was also made upon 
the inhabitants of the town, and of the adjacent 
hamlets, to provide a certain number of water skins, 
and so completely in ignorance as to the real state 
of matters was the bulk of the people, that it was 
supposed the skins were required for the use of the 
kh&n and Lieut. Loveday, in a pursuit of the fugi- 
tive son of Mehrdb Khan ; whereas, they were in- 
tended to lay up a supply of water in the citadel, 
in expectation of a siege. So lax, however, was 
the khan's authority, that the call was not answered. 
Lieut. Loveday, moreover, ever since he had retired 
within the walls, had been busily engaged in 
strengthening his house. 

The appeal of Shah Nawaz Khan to the country 
had been but faintly received. Levies from the 


neighbouring villages were the first to join. Mir 
Fati Khan and his mother returned from Zehri, 
followed by Mir Boher, and the young son of Rashid 
Khan. Kama! Khan, Eltarz Zai, of Baghwan, 
afterwards arrived, with Khan Mahomed Khan, 
son of Isa Khan of Wad, Besides these, other 
petty chiefs, with small quotas, attended. Still 
there was no want of men to hold the place, could 
their fidelity have been assured. Of Mir Bohir, 
of Zehri, there was great distrust, and even Kamal 
Khan was suspected. Shah Nawaz strove by li- 
berality, and the lavish distribution of khelats and 
gratuities, to confirm the friendly, and to gain over 
those of dubious disposition. The task of providing 
subsistence for the rabble also devolved upon him ; 
and besides his own scanty magazine of grain, he 
drew upon the stores of Lieut. Loveday. 

I am incompetent to unravel the plots and in- 
trigues which at this period transpired at Kalat, 
but I heard that many of the Brahui leaders pro- 
posed to connect the interests of Shah Nawaz Khan, 
and those of the son of Mehrab Khan. I know not 
which of the chiefs were concerned in this pro- 
ject, but heard that Kamal Khan had said, that 
unless Lieut. Loveday was removed, he would be 
dragging them all about by their beards. Mir Fati 
. Khan was reported to have observed, that he would 
act in all things as his chiefs advised, but Shah 
Nawaz Khan entirely set his face against the pro- 
posal, and swore that as long as he possessed life 



Lieut. Loveday should be respected, and he would 
be faithful to his engagements with the Sirkar 
Company. The khan was universally commended 
on this occasion, even by those who otherwise ob- 
jected to him and his rule. He also displayed 
some dexterity in reconciling his disaffected par- 

The khan had professed a great desire to have 
marched to the relief of Capt. Bean at Quetta, 
and had pitched his tents beyond the Mastting 
gate. The intrigues and disagreements amongst 
his chiefs of course deprived him of the opportunity 
of acquiring the tclat which such service would 
have ensured him. I rather think Capt. Bean 
was angry that Shah Nawaz Khan did not march 
to his assistance, and that Lieut. Loveday had en- 
gaged that he would. 

The kMn, paralysed by poverty and faction, 
could not march; and here was again evidenced 
the want of foresight in setting up a ruler in- 
capable of aiding his friends or of supporting him- 

No sooner had the firmness and fidelity of Shah 
Nawaz Khan counteracted the plots of the chiefs, 
in the matter above-mentioned, than fresh causes 
of dissatisfaction were found by them, and, what 
was to be lamented, they had some reason on their 
side. At this critical conjuncture it became known, 
for the first time, that it was Sh&h Nawaz Khan 
who had assigned over a moiety of the Sdnmiani 


customs to the political authorities, and that he 
was chargeable with the iniquity of a deed, which 
had before been considered as an arbitrary exercise 
of power by the British government, against which 
there was no appeal. Kamal Khan, who is con- 
nected with the reigning family of Las, and has 
an interest in its affairs, was sorely indignant ; and, 
unsparingly reviling Shah Nawaz Khan for his 
part in - the transaction, retired from the town 
and threatened to return to Baghwan- To re- 
concile this chief, on whose support the khan mainly 
depended, Lieut. Loveday was obliged to enter 
into engagements, cancelling the demands upon the 
Sunmiani customs; and no sooner was this done 
than the Baghwan chief was furnished with a 
fresh cause of discontent, for the news reached 
him that his estates at Kotrti, in Kachi, were con- 
fiscated. It is impossible to describe the infatua- 
tion that could dictate such a step at such a mo- 
ment; yet it was merely consistent with the ex- 
traordinary method of administration which had 
been adopted in the province ever since the go- 
vernment had been conducted by the political 
authorities, in the name of the king of KabaL 
Kamal KMn's estates had been before resumed, 
then restored, and now again resumed. Those of 
Mir Boh6r had also been resumed, but were for- 
tunately restored at the very moment when Mir 
Fati Khan called upon him to attend at Kalat, or 
otherwise he would not have complied. Lieut 


Loveday was again obliged to pledge to Kamal the restoration of his lands at Kotru, and 
once more he was pacified. To this good end I 
was unconsciously instrumental, as, one day, Kamal 
Khan, and Khan Mahomed of Wad, called on me, 
and inquired whether Lieut. Loveday's engagements 
were valid and binding on his superiors, whether the 
documents should be signed or sealed ; and, again, 
in what manner they should be drawn up.- I re- 
plied satisfactorily to their queries, but did not 
trouble myself to ask what the engagements were. 
I questioned, however, Kamal Khan as to the 
probable number of the insurgents at Mastung, 
and, affirming that he knew the Brahuis well, he 
said they could not exceed two thousand men, 
but that had the revolt commenced in Kachi, six 
thousand might have assembled. At Kalat vulgar 
report made the insurgents eleven thousand strong, 
and even Capt. Bean, trusting to rumour, had esti- 
mated his antagonists at Quetta to be seven thou- 
sand. Lieut. Hammersley subsequently told me 
that Assad Kh&n, of Kharan, had, on that occasion, 
seven hundred excellent horse, whereas he had 
only fifty followers and twenty-five camels, two 
men on each animal, and no horsemen whatever. 

While never-ending causes of dissension were- 
distracting the attention of the khan and his chiefs 
from the measures requisite for the defence of the 
place, the D&rogah Gul Mahomed was reassembling 
the tribes at Mastung, and by a singular fatality 


Capt. Bean did not follow up their retreat from 
Quetta, and now allowed them to reorganize their 
host at leisure, although he had ample force to have 
dispersed them, and to have closed the rebellion. 

Abdul Wdhid, one of my friends, being in the 
town, voluntarily called on Lieut. Loveday, who, 
when he took leave, gave him a note for me. It 
commenced by stating that he had thrice sent to 
me, but his people had not found where I resided ; 
and then, in the most polite and handsome terms, 
invited me to call upon him. On telling those 
about me what was written, they at once exclaimed 
that he had written a falsehood, as to having sent 
for me. I knew as much, but regarded it as a 
harmless preface to his invitation. Again ques- 
tioned whether I should go, I said it was too late 
that evening, but that in the morning I would see 
him. Every one dissuaded me from going, alleg- 
ing that he had not treated me well. I replied, 
that, on that very account, I would see him, as it 
would never do for him to be civil and for me to be 

In the morning I sent for my horse from the 
suburb and rode to Lieut. Loveday's house* His 
reception was very different from what it had be- 
fore been. He started from his seat, came to meet 
me with extended hands, and exclaimed mildly, 
" Mr. Masson ! Mr. Masson !" I immediately gave 
him my hand, and we sat down ; for now I found 
there were chairs in the house. A few words ex- 


plained the state of things that the town was on 
the eye of a siege, as the insurgents had marched 
from Mastung, and that there was no hope of relief 
from any quarter. He requested me to remain 
with him, and I at once consented; willing he 
should see that- 1 had generosity, however his con- 
science might reproach him that he had been de- 
ficient. I sent for my luggage from the suburb, 
and with it came a message from my friends with- 
out, warning me that I had done wrong. I was 
quite alive to the danger I was incurring, and 
should have been much more gratified had it 
been my fate to be associated with a person in 
better estimation than Lieut. Loveday ; and I was 
also aware that, in mixing myself up with him, I 
was exposed to the vengeance which perchance 
awaited him. I should, moreover, have felt justi- 
fied in rejecting his invitation, with the knowledge 
of the remarks he had made from time to time; 
but my better regulated temper permitted me to 
overlook them at this crisis. Above all other 
reasons, I thought I might be useful; and I by 
no means considered the defence of the place as 
hopeless, in spite of the difficulties which beset it. 
Our garrison were men of Jhalawan, our opponents 
of Saharawan, between whom existed a certain 
degree of rivalry, and even of enmity ; and on all 
occasions of revolt they had espoused different 
sides. This circumstance was in our favour ; for I 
conceived that, with ever so little management on 


our parts, the Jhalaw&nis would never, from a feel- 
ing of shame, surrender the town to their oppo- 
nents. I knew also that the Saharawanis were a 
mere rabble, and incapable of taking the town by 
force of arms, if the garrison merely maintained 
their position on the towers and ramparts; and so 
much might with some reason be hoped from them. 
Further, I was conscious that Lieut. Loveday, from 
the feeling with which he was regarded, did not 
dare to move beyond his house ; a misfortune par- 
ticularly grievous when activity was so urgently 
required, and his presence everywhere necessary in 
the various operations of the siege about to take 
place. This misfortune I was bold enough to think 
I might in great measure obviate, as I had no fear, 
and could move freely about the town and amongst 
the Brahuis. Confident of my strength in this 
essential point, I did not despair of the issue ; and, 
though upon it depended life or death, my career 
had been one of adventures and perils, and the same 
good fortune, I was fain to hope, might still at- 
tend me as heretofore. Yieldihg solely to generous 
feelings and motives, I became an inmate of Lieut. 
Loveday's house, and prepared to encounter and 
share with him the evils which impended. 

I now, for the first time, saw Haji Osman, a 
worthless fellow, known to me by report as the 
confidant of Lieut. Loveday, and the man who had 
discovered the hidden jewels. When I oonsented 
to remain he made the remark to Lieut. Loveday, 


" Did I not tell you Masson Sahib would come ?" 
by which I presumed that officer had his doubts 
whether I should or not ; and then the haji expressed 
to me his satisfaction, and declared I had avoided 
a great danger, as Faiz Ahmed had purposed to 
deliver me to Darogah Gul Mahomed, to be de- 
tained as hostage for Rehimd&d, one of the Bakkar 
prisoners. I did not condescend to answer the 
scoundrel, but shuddered at the idea of how much 
evil such a man could effect, and regretted that 
Lieut. Loveday had no better counsellor or friend. 

I naturally inquired of Lieut. Loveday what 
measures had been taken to repel the expected 
foe. It was too plain that Shh Nawaz Khan had 
been either too much occupied in the management 
of his unruly Brahuis, or too naturally careless 
to take any. Neither had Lieut. Loveday inte- 
rested himself, although in this instance he had 
neglected the advice of Hji Osman, who had re- 
commended him personally to take charge of the 
defence, which certainly would have been his cor- 
rect course, had not' his unpopularity stood in the 
way. I had heard a good deal of the works with 
which Lieut. Loveday had strengthened his own 
residence; they were, however, trifling, and the 
place was untenable for a quarter of an hour un- 
der attack. I pointed out the sad state of the 
town walls, which I observed riding along them; 
and some of the apertures in them, by which people 
actually passed in and out from the town, were 


closed by orders of Shah Nawaz Khan, who, in the 
course of the day, came to visit Lieut. Loveday. 
The khan was much pleased to see me, and more 
so when he learned I intended to remain dur- 
ing the siege; and I told him that now I knew 
that matters were serious, saidlddri, duty to my 
friends had brought me into the town. I ques- 
tioned the khan as to the supply of ammunition 
at command, and found that there were -as many 
as sixty barrels of European powder in store in 
the citadel, and many pigs of lead ; but it had been 
omitted to convert any of them into bullets. I 
observed to him, that if he wished his men to fight 
he must provide them with the wherewithal to do 
so, and accompanying him to the citadel, saw the 
pigs of lead produced, and persons set to work upon 
them. I also at this time took a cursory view of 
the guns, and I was extremely sorry to find them 
useless; the largest, indeed, might be considered 
a curiosity, for it was cast at Modena in Italy, and 
above three centuries old. There were three of 
small calibre. Towards evening I made the circuit 
of the walls, and particularly examined-" the western 
line, having been informed there was a place where 
people could easily walk up and down. This I 
found at the point where the wall connected with 
the citadel, and on my return prevailed upon Lieut. 
Loveday to go and look at it ; and so much assur- 
ance had- he, in common with others, acquired by 
my presence, that he not only ventured to leave 


his house, which, excepting a hurried visit to the 
Miri, he had not done since the commencement 
of the outbreak, but actually accompanied me with- 
out the town to the spot. His sipahis walked up 
the breach ; and Shah Nawaz KMn, being apprised 
of the inspection we were making, appeared on the 
rampart, and promised to repair it, which he did, 
and placed a party of men there under one of his 
sMhghssis, in whom he could trust. 

I forbore in any manner to allude to the remarks 
which Lieut. Loveday had made concerning me, 
but in the course of conversation this evening, the 
topics we discussed allowed me to state such facts 
and explanations as must have convinced him of the 
error of his notions, and how unjust and unnecessary 
had been his observations. When I briefly related 
to him my reasons for resigning the service of go- 
vernment, he told me he admired my feeling of 
independence, and bore willing testimony to the 
good reputation I held at Kalat ; and, mentioning 
certain persons, said, it was astonishing how well 
they spoke of me. In the same casual mode I 
corrected tBe misconceptions under which, appa- 
rently, he had laboured, and, from the tone of his 
discourse and manner, I might have supposed he 
regretted he had formed them. 

Next morning Shah Nawaz KMn retired his Bra- 
hfii levies within the town, and told them off to 
their respective stations on the walls. With this 
task I did not interfere, presuming the khan would 


know best the dispositions of the chiefs and their 
followers, but was careful to see that the men at 
the citadel were constantly at work, and had some 
low walls and buildings near the northern gate of 
the town, which might serve as shelter to an enemy, 
levelled. I wished to have extended this operation 
to the buildings close to the eastern gate, but Shah 
Nawaz Khan did not like to destroy a masjit, the 
principal of them, neither did he choose to level 
the walls enclosing an orchard, because his father 
had planted it, although I explained that there was 
occasion only to remove the walls, not the trees. 
Lieut. Loveday told me that he had before tried in 
vain to induce the demolition of these buildings 
and the orchard, for they were manifestly too close, 
and, what was worse, afforded the opportunity for 
parley between the besiegers and besieged, which it 
was part of our plan to prevent, if possible. 

Kalat has three gates: the northern, or Mas- 
tung; the eastern, or Dil Dar; and the southern, 
or Gil Kan. Adjoining the latter is a triangular 
outwork, called the Sanghar, entered by a gate close 
to that of Gil Kan. There are no houses in the 
Sanghar, formed by the continuation of the western 
wall, along the ridge on the eastern face of which 
the town is built ; and by another wall carried from 
it to the gate Gil Kan. At the apex is a large 
tower. The work was probably erected to protect 
the Babi suburb lying beneath it, and to remedy 
its occupation by an enemy. To Kamal Khan, in 


concert with KMn Mahomed Khan, was confided 
the defence of the southern face, comprising that 
of the gate Gil Kan and the Sanghar. To Mir 
Bohr of Zehri, the portion of the eastern wall ex- 
tending from the position of Kamal Khan's party, 
and to the young son of Bashid, Khan and his fol- 
lowers the remainder of the eastern front, includ- 
ing the gate Dil Dar. From the youth of Rashid 
Khan's son, Mir Boher was held virtually the leader 
of the Zehris. On the western front, in the centre 
of which stands towering the MM, or citadel pa- 
lace, the line of wall from it to the south, and 
terminating at the Sanghar, was assigned to the 
Lutlanis and Kambararis, and the line to the north 
was guarded by the shahghassi, Khan Mahomed's 
party, and the people of Pandaran, Nichara, and 
Skalkoh, villages in the vicinity of Kalat, and by 
the Jetaks from the hills of Zehri. The northern 
gate being under the immediate observation of 
Lieut. Loveday, was considered under his protec- 
tion, although held by Omar Khan, Rakshani, of 
Nushki; and the wall extending from it to the 
west was occupied by small village levies. 

By all the rules of native warfare, the gates Gil 
Kan and Dil Dar should have been built up ; the 
Mastung gate, little liable to attack, only remain- 
ing open. When I suggested they should be 
closed, with the view of raising obstacles to com- 
munication between those within and without, I 
was told it could not then be done without imputa- 


tion on the valour of their defenders. Shah Nawaz 
Khan, moreover, had determined to pass his nights 
at the gate Dil Dar, to prevent the display of trea- 
chery. He also assumed the duty of patrolling the 
ramparts by night, and of exercising a general vigi- 
lance, while his brother, Mir Fati Khan, had espe- 
cial charge of the citadel palace* 

Such were the arrangements ; it remained to be 
seen whether the garrison would defend the walls or 
admit the foe. Of ammunition there was plenty, 
but of provisions there was only a scanty supply, 
the stores of Shah Nawaz Khan having already 
been exhausted by the levies, and he had been 
compelled to draw upon those of Lieut. Loveday, 
who still, however, had about a hundred kharwars 
of grain, besides a three months' supply for his own 
soldiers and establishment. 



Appearance of the enemy. Instantaneous attack. Assailants 
repulsed. Enthusiasm of Kamal Khan's men. Discourse 
with Kamal Khan and Khan Mhomed. Illiberally of Shah 
Nawaz Khan and of Lieut. Loveday. Conversation with Mir 
Boher, His scruples set at rest. Practice with the guns. 
Renewed attack. Plans of the rebels. Firing the suburbs. 
Assad Khan's carefulness. Expectation of an assault. Pre- 
parations to meet it. Assault. Its repulse. Gallantry of Nas- 
rftlah and a party of sip&hls. Peril of Shih Nawaz Khan 
Surrender of the son of Jelal Khan. Results of the discom- 
fiture. Treachery of part of the garrison. Visit to the scene 
of the assault. Renewed attack. Lieut. Loveday in danger. 
Repulse of attack. Panic in the town. Equivocal conduct 
of Kamal Kban Shah Nawaz Kha"n dejected. Arrival of 
va"kil from the rebels. Conference between Kamal Khan and 
the rebel chieftains. Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Boher 
anxious to continue the defence. Lieut. Loveday's indecision. 
Arrangement of Shah Naw&z Khan. Evil counsels of Lieut. 
Loveday's advisers. Lieut. Loveday's missions to the rebel 
camp. frustration of Shah Nawaz Khan's endeavours to sup- 
port himself. Knavery of Lieut Loveday's agents. Their 
exultation at his credulity. Lieut. Loveday refuses to leave 
Kal&t. Communications from Quetta, Final effort of Shall 
Nawaz Khan to induce Lieut. Loveday to accompany him. 
Renewed missions to the rebel camp. Terror of Mir Fatl 
Khan. Shah Nawaz Khan repairs to 'the rebel camp. His 
abdication and solicitude for Lieut. Loveday. Entry of the 
son of Mehrab Khan into the town. Visit of Faiz Ahmed. 
Farewell visit of Shall Nawaz Khan. Lieut. Loveday pre- 
sents nazzers to the young khSn and Bibi Ganjani. His fatal 
errors. My counsels and conduct. My farther stay, and 
causes thereof. 


ON the following morning, about nine -o'clock, 
for we had just breakfasted, the scouts of the 
enemy appeared on the summits of the low hills 
through which the road to Mastung leads. They 
halted awhile, as if to ascertain whether the fol- 
lowers of Shah Nawaz Kh4n were within or with- 
out the walls, and as their main body approached, 
descended into the plain, allowing their horses to 
graze in the fields of lucerne. Being within gun- 
range, a few rounds were fired upon them from 
the citadel. Some time elapsed before the main 
body arrived, when, crossing the plain, it filed round 
by the dry bed of a water-course into the gardens 
east of the town. Immediately, or as soon as the 
insurgents had alighted from their horses and camels, 
they advanced towards the walls, and one body 
rushing into the Bdbi suburb, attacked, under its 
shelter, the southern face, and the gate Gil Kan; 
another body occupied the buildings outside the 
gate Dil Dar, and thence attacked it, and the 
eastern line of wall stretching therefrom to the 
south. Kamal KMn and his party were as- 
sailed with much vivacity; the enemy's attempt on 
the eastern line was less determined. An inces- 
sant fire was maintained until two or three o'clock 
in the afternoon, when the rebels retired. 

^It was clear our antagonists had intended to 
despatch their work quickly, or, it may be, that 
they had expected the gates would have been 
opened to them. 


Two or three men were slain on either side, 
and some wounded, a great point in Brahui war- 
fare, as it authorized the hope that accommodation 
was out of the question, and that, as hlood had 
been shed, the hostile parties must now fight in 
earnest. We had waited with anxiety the result 
of the first conflict, became on it so much de- 
pended, not only as it would show the mettle 
of our opponents, but, what was of more importance, 
it would test the fidelity of our friends. As the 
event proved, we considered the chances of hold- 
ing the town as ten to one in our favour, and 
were justified in so doing. 

The enemy, I should have observed, were not 
above one thousand to twelve hundred men, of 
all descriptions, armed and unarmed, and in the 
number of firelocks our garrison must have ex- 
ceeded them, supposing it mustered from six hun- 
dred to seven hundred. Certainly we could have 
overpowered them on the plain, had it been pru- 
dent to trust our men so far ; unhappily, we could 

Shah Nawaz Khan offered his congratulations 
to Lieut. Loveday, and I made a tour of the walls, 
encouraging and conversing with the several chiefs. 
The followers of Kamal KMn received me en- 
thusiastically, exclaiming, they were not fight- 
ing for Shah Nawaz Khan, but for the Sirkar 
Company. I assured them the Sirkar Company 
would not forget them, applauded their good con- 


duct, and cheered them to continue it. I found 
Kamal Khan and Khan Mahomed Khan in the 
gateway, like their men, black with smoke and 
powder, and after wishing them joy of their suc- 
cess, discoursed for some time with them. I ob- 
served to Kamal Khan, that our task was not a 
difficult one, after all, land the Saharawanis were 
so few in number, that I wondered they had the 
confidence to present themselves. He agreed with 
me, expressed surprise there were not more of 
them, and even thought I overrated their number 
at one thousand. Both he and Khan Mahomed 
seemed to have a latent distrust that their exer- 
tions might pass unnoticed; and this notion I 
strenuously combated, conjuring them to believe, 
that their services would not merely be noticed, 
but recompensed. On the whole, they were in 
high spirits, and apparently well satisfied with the 
result of the day. On taking leave, I told them 
they had the good luck to have the merit of the 
defence, as the Saharawanis had honoured their po- 
sition by making it the principal point of attack, 
and jocularly remarked, that, as we had not been 
favoured with a visit, the enemy were unwilling 
we should get any share of the credit. ' Kamal 
Khan gave me a commission to procure some 
European gunpowder from Lieut. Loveday, for 
priming, and made a request concerning a sup- 
ply of provisions, which I promised should be at- 
tended to. 



Lieut. Loveday, in some mode, to have 
evinced his approbation on this occasion by a small 
largess, or by the distribution of provisions to the 
garrison, but he first hesitated, and finally sent 
parcels of dates to Kamal Khan's party and to the 
Zehris, but to no others. It was a time when a 
little liberality was necessaty, and he well knew the 
men were fighting on no better subsistence than dry 
bread and parched grain, and against their country- 
men, for a cause in which they had no interest, and 
even disapproved. It appeared to me that bounty 
would have been seasonably shown, and that no 
harm would have been done in proving to the men, 
that we thought of their wants, and appreciated 
their labours. Lieut. Loveday hardly thought this 
necessary, and Shah Nawaz Khan affected no other 
opinion ; and when I urged him to distribute some 
sheep amongst the levies, laughed, and said he 
would keep them to eat himself. , 

The care of attending the wounded men devolved 
upon me ; and Lieut. Loveday having a quantity of 
medicines and ointments, I did as well as I was 
able with them. The wounds were, of course, gun- 
shot ; and although I was not skilful enough to ex- 
tract the balls, my patients did very well, and grate- 
fully acknowledged the inadequate attention they * 
received. During the night a firing was again 
opened upon KamikI Kh&n's position and that of 
the Zehri levy, and continued throughout the next 
day and night, but no particular attempt upon the 


gates, as before, was made, the rebels having deter- 
mined to attempt an escalade, and were therefore 
busy in the preparation of ladders. 

My calls upon the wounded men brought me into 
the company of Mir Boher of Zehri, who had been 
always a suspected man, but who, in common with 
Kam&l Kh4n, had fought with sincerity since the 
attack. In conversation with him, I found that he 
had the same misgivings as Kamdl KMn, and others, 
that his exertions would be little prized or regarded ; 
and he farther complained of the precarious tenure 
on which he held his lands in Kachi. I assured 
him that he might rest perfectly satisfied on all 
these points; for now the course of events would 
press these matters on the consideration of govern- 
ment, and, for the future, such arrangements would 
be made that all irregularities and annoyances would 
cease. Mir Boher was a staunch old man, and, like 
Kamil Kh&n, had a reputation for valour ; I there- 
fore spared no trouble to convince him, that he 
was right in the support of Sh4h Nawaz Khan, and 
that he might depend upon the countenance of the 
government. I could perceive he was pleased to be 
so assured, and henceforth he became very zealous 
in the defence of the place. 

* This day, moreover, I went to the citadel, both 
to see that the casting of bullets was not inter- 
mitted, and to try if anything could be done with 
the guns. The enemy occupied the houses of the 
Babi suburb, which were nearest to Kamal Khan's 

L 2 


position, and again, the houses without the Dil Dar 
Gate, particularly the large masjit, which Shh 
Nawaz Khan had neglected to level. I wished, if 
possible, to compel them to retire. The artillery- 
men at Kalat, old servants of tlie late Khan, had 
discontinued to work the pieces, being exposed 
to the musketry of the sheltered insurgents. For 
shame's sake, they returned to them, when I stood 
by them, although, in truth, the shots whizzed freely 
about Even Shah Nawaz came for a moment; 
but I bade him go away, telling him he might 
not be charmed against Brahui shots, as I hoped 
I was. It was a sad pity the guns were unservice- 
able ; they were fixed on their uncouth carriages by 
rolls of cord, intercepting the sight, and rendering it 
impossible to point them with any tolerable precision. 
In place of vents were apertures as large as the 
palm of a hand, and the chambers were so honey- 
combed, that it startled me to think how they could 
stand being fired. One of them was three centuries 
old, as I have noted before, and the others had not 
a more youthful appearance. I first tried the old 
one, as being the largest, and, as well as I could, 
painted it to the garden in which we knew that the 
son of Mehrab Khan, Assad Khan of Kharan, and 
other principal chiefs, had taken up their quarters*. 
After a few rounds in that direction, I had it much 
at heart to have knocked in the side door of the 
large masjit, without the gate Dil Dar, which was 
full of the enemy. The effect would have been 


excellent ; and, had the attempt succeeded, no one 
would have dared to venture there again. On 
bringing the gun to bear upon the point, the tipper 
part of the gate only was visible above the line of 
rampart, and to have hit it, it was necessary that 
the ball should exactly clear the parapet. The 
distance was, indeed, trifling, but the impossi- 
bility of pointing the gun correctly perplexed me ; 
and, ' I was demurring whether to fire or not, 
when I saw the Zehri people forsake the walls; 
I then abandoned the intention, fearful of doing 
more harm than good, as the chance was against 
success ; while, if a ball had struck the parapet, the 
men of Zehri, not too trustworthy, might have 
found a pretence for withdrawal from their post. I 
then repaired to the other guns, but being on the 
same level, similar obstacles presented themselves, 
and I could do no more than fire random shots 
amongst the gardens, and, as nearly as I could, 
direct them towards that occupied by the khan and 
the ilite of the insurgents. 

I next urged upon both Lieut. Loveday and 
Shah Nawaz Khan the necessity of firing the sub- 
urbs adjacent to the two exposed gates, and the 
measure was at length agreed upon. That near the 
Dil D6r gate was effectually fired, but the Babi 
suburb suffered little injury from Kamal Khan, who 
undertook the task. 

The good consequences that would have attended 
an effective shot at the door in .the masjit were 


acknowledged by all ; and subsequently, when pri- 
soner, I heard at frequently remarked by the rebels, 
that it would have ruined them. It was a singular 
misfortune there was not a serviceable piece of 
ordnance ; the valley of Kalat is entirely within 
range 5 and the insurgents, in that case, could not 
have stayed in it. This had been exemplified in 
former years, when the tribes of the country were 
in revolt against Mehrab Khan, and were com- 
pelled, by the fire from the citadel, to break up 
their encampment and disperse. 

On this occasion, owing to my presence, the 
artillerymen were obliged to be honest, and dis- 
charge ball; and it was afterwards known that a 
shot had passed close to the young khan's tent, and 
that another had killed the charger of Assad Khan, 
picketed with the khan's, which so terrified the 
Kharan chief, that he removed from the garden to 
the Babi suburb. His subjects had implored him, 
when he accompanied the khan, to take care of 
himself, and he promised them he would, assuring 
them he did not intend to expose himself to Fe- 
ringhi grape. The Brahuis used to laugh at this 
promise, which, however, he religiously kept, and 
was now driven away by a round shot. 

We were perfectly aware of the determination 
of the rebels to attempt a nocturnal escalade, but 
were ignorant as to the point they intended to 
assail. Their ladders were prepared from the tim- 
bers they found ready for them at Lieut. Love- 


that of repose after some great exertion, a sudden 
and violent renewal of firing announced that an 
attack was made ; and we soon discovered that the 
point menaced was the part of the wall on the 
western side held by the levies of the villages near 
Kalat, and the Jetaks of Zehri, and therefore near 
us. The four or five Brahuis we had in the house 
were instantly despatched to the several quarters of 
the town for intelligence, and Nasrtilah, a servant 
of Lieut. Loveday, and much trusted by him, re- 
turned, informing us that ladders were fixed, and 
implored that a party of sip&his should be hastened 
to the spot. Lieut. Loveday permitted his havil- 
dar Allabaksh to select eight men ; they were ac- 
companied by two or three others, as amateurs, 
and conducted by Nasrulah. 

Their presence was most opportune. A party of 
the enemy, about forty-five or fifty, had entered the 
town, and their companions were being assisted 
over the walls by those stationed to defend them. 
The little band of sipahis most admirably per- 
formed their duty ; some fifteen of the rebels and 
their friends of the garrison were brought down on 
the walls, and the remainder, with the son of Jelal 
Kh&n at their head, dropped into the town and 
secreted themselves, as they saw their retreat cut 
off. Nor was this the extent of the service done; 
the insurgents, persisting in the attempt to escalade, 
were completely baffled, and fled, leaving their lad- 
ders, and a number of dead, at the foot of the walls. 


The party under the son of JelM Khan left their 
hiding-place, and fell in with Sh&h Nawaz Khan 
and a few attendants, advancing to the perilled 
point. Being desperate, they attacked the khan, and 
slew two or three of his men. The khan himself 
cut down one of his opponents, but, "being nearly 
alone, retreated to the gate Dil Dar, with torches 
before him. The son of J[elal Khan, unsupported 
in the town, made the best of his way to Kamal 
Khn, and craved his protection. He was allowed 
to retain his arms, but was held a prisoner, with his 
men, whose arms were taken from them. It was 
reported that Shahghassi Wali M&homed was also 
in the town, and Lieut. Loveday, through Nasru- 
lah, offered a reward for his discovery and appre- 
hension. The conduct of Nasrtilah on this occasion 
was eminently zealous and deserving. We after- 
wards heard that Mahomed Khan Sherwani, who 
conducted the escalade, was so surfeited with his 
reception, that he took the road to Mastung, and 
was induced to return only by the darogah and 
others, who hastened after him, praying him, in 
God's name, to await the morning. 

Most of the men slain proved to be Langhows, 
residents at Mangachar. When the young khan 
first arrived amongst them, en route to Mastung, 
they at -once espoused his cause, and delivered to 
him the grain reserved as tribute for Shah Naw&z 
Khan. They pretended to have serious cause of 
complaint, both with the khan and Lieut. Loveday, 


on account of one of their chiefs, who, as they as- 
serted, had been innocently blown from a gun, and 
for other reasons. Being an inferior tribe, the duty 
of carrying the ladders was assigned to them. It 
proved that the insurgents were, unprovided with 
ammunition, and that the garrison lowered down 
supplies to them, while they themselves fired blank. 
The garrison, also, by means of their united lunghis, 
helped the assailants over the walls, the ladders 
being too short by nearly a third of the requisite 

The victorious sipahis, on their return to quar- 
ters, wished that a guard should be set over the 
slain on the ramparts until morning, in order to 
secure their spoils, and to prevent them being taken 
by the Brahuis. I very much opposed this measure, 
from its obvious indelicacy, and hoped it would be 
considered enough to have killed the men. Lieut. 
Loveday tartly replied, that the spoils were the 
" H&k," or right of the soldiers, and a guard was 
sent. Nasrulah was desired to accompany it, but, 
conscious of the impropriety, he declined. 

In the grey break of day Lieut. Loveday left his 
house, to visit the scene of the achievement. I 
would rather he had stayed until broad daylight, 
and then have gone in company with Shah NawSz 
Khan, or his brother, or with some of the chiefs ; 
and this because I thought it would be the safer 
course. He, for the same reason, went now with 
the notion he should not be .recognized, which was 


hardly possible, with, his soldiers crowding around 
him. As he went, I accompanied him, and we as- 
cended the walls, and cast a glance on the corpses 
strewed about, and on the broken ladders, some 
resting still against the walls, and some fallen on the 
ground. We had scarcely time to do this, when a 
brisk fire re-opened on the opposite side of the town 
in Kamal KMn's quarter. The levies amongst 
whom we were, immediately loaded and lighted 
their matches. Lieut. Loveday as speedily descend- 
ed, for his situation was perilous, his sip^hls fol- 
lowing and surrounding him. I had difficulty in 
getting down, and when I did, as the best thing 
for myself, and to cover Lieut. Loveday's retreat, 
I fronted the walls and stepped backwards, until 
a corner was rounded which screened us from the 
fire of the traitors, had they, exasperated by the 
loss of their comrades, opened it upon us. 

Nasrulah and our Brahuis were sent forthwith 
to ascertain the meaning of this fresh attempt, and 
if Kamal Khan required aid, for our sipahis were 
in such good-humour that they were eager to go 
and acquire more fame, and we had found that we 
could detach a party without risk. Kaml Khau 
was too proud to accept assistance, and, after a 
period of two hours, the insurgents retired. We 
understood that the assailants did not know that 
the son of Jelal Khin had surrendered, and that 
they had hoped, that he and his party would have 
been able to open the gates from within. Kamal 

156 PANIC. 

KMn pretended that the attack was most furious, 
and that the sanghar was once in possession of 
the enemy. 

The nagara khana, or band of Shah Nawaz Khan, 
had, with martial melody, commemorated the re- 
pulse of the escalade, and again resounded with 
notes of triumph at the success of the morning. 
We were momentarily expecting a visit from the 
khan, as the occasion seemed to demand, but were 
disappointed; and, on inquiry after him, learned 
that he was fatigued, and asleep in the citadel; 
although he sent a supply of sweetmeats for the 
soldiers who had so distinguished themselves. 

We were not long allowed to rejoice at the 
events of the past night, for the symptoms of a 
general panic were too plain to be mistaken. They 
communicated to our own people, who universally 
exclaimed, there was treachery, and that the guns, 
occasionally discharged from the citadel, were load- 
ed with blank cartridges ; judging from the reports. 
I was quite at a loss to account for the extra- 
ordinary and sudden change in feeling at a moment 
when victory had left us nothing to fear, and our 
enemies nothing to hope ; but so it was. The sipahis 
indeed, with a number of the assailants, had slain 
and wounded some of the traitors of the Jetaks and 
village levies, and on this account some precautionary 
step was necessary, but that was all ; and although 
I saw a cause for the panic in this circumstance, 
I did not think it a sufficient one to create so much 


alarm. From the first we were aware our men 
were not too trustworthy, and our house had been 
continually fired upon by various parties within the 
town, and, as we knew, in some cases, by the Zehris 
under Rashid Khan's son; the act, however, of 
individuals, without the order or knowledge of their 
chiefs. Succeeding events better explained the 
cause of the panic, and of its origin. I believe 
Kamal Khan first, on a visit to Lieut. Loveday, 
informed him, that it was dangerous to continue 
the defence, and that it was necessary to negotiate. 
This was strange news. The very notion of further 
resistance seemed as if, by common consent, to be 
abandoned; the workmen at the citadel ceased 
their labour, and all preparations were suspended, 
In the evening Shah Naw&z Khan appeared down- 
cast and dejected. I strove to encourage him, and 
proposed to dismiss, armed or disarmed, the traitors 
of the garrison. He thought it unadvisable, and 
in his gloomy mood seemed reconciled to submit 
with composure to his fate. He represented, wit! 
Kam&l Kh&n, that the defence of the place was 
hopeless. Lieut. Loveday concurred, although ] 
could not conjecture why. Shah Nawaz Khan had 
I suspect, not been sleeping, as he had given out 
but had been painfully kept awake in expostula- 
tion and remonstrance, in supplication and reproach 
with Kamal Khn, upon whom, and upon whos< 
fidelity, he principally confided. This man declarec 
the place untenable ; that arrangements were indis 


pensable, and all but avowed that lie would fight no 
more ; and, perhaps, went so far as to threaten that 
he would betray the town. A kind of mystery hung 
over the morning attack ; and it seems the enemy, 
enraged at Kamal Khan's opposition, affirmed they 
would send to Baghwan, lay waste his property, and 
bring up his wives and children, then placing them 
in front of their host, advance upon the town, 
and compel him to surrender it, or to fire upon 
those dearest to him. Whether affected by this 
menace, or that he had previously inclined to play 
a double part, he wavered, and Shah Nawaz Khan 
could no longer reckon on him. It may be, also, 
that communion with the son of Jelal Khan did 
the Baghwan chief no good. It was too evident 
that we had more to dread from the defection of 
this man than the treachery of the Jetaks and vil- 
lage levies. 

About sunset a vakil arrived on the part of the 
enemy, either in pursuance of some arrangement 
mutually concerted, or that, finding force ineffect- 
ual, it was deemed necessary to have recourse to 
fraud. I know not to whom he was commissioned, 
but Shah Nawaz Khan brought him to Lieut. 
Loveday. I pointed out to the khan his error in 
receiving him, but Lieut. Loveday did not oppose 
it ; and an elchi, on the part of Shah Nawaz Khan, 
was, in return, despatched to the rebel camp. This 
was again a capital error; but neither the khn 
nor Lient. Loveday seemed to look upon it in that 

TREATY. 159 

liglit. I never learned to whom these elcliis were 
deputed. It was easy to predict what would "be 
the fruit of negotiation. 

On the next day it was arranged that Kamal 
Khan was to meet the sirdars of Saharawan, and 
on the following one the meeting took place in 
a garden without the town. God knows what 
passed between them. We afterwards learned that 
the Saharawanis joked with Kamal Khan for having 
married his sister to Shah Nawaz Khan. The 
Baghwan chief observed, he had been shetdbi, or 
precipitate; and was asked, in retort, why he had 
been precipitate. The result of the conference was 
an eJcrdr ndmeh, or engagement between the sir- 
dars of Saharawan and Jhalaw&n, by which the 
tcikJit, or sovereignty of Kal&t, was vested in the 
son of Mehrab Khan, and the districts of Bagh- 
wan, Zi&i, and Khozdar were ceded to SMh Na- 
w&z Khan, who was to vacate Kalat after three 
days ; while Lieut. Loveday was to be escorted in 
safety to Quetta, with his sipahis, establishment, 
and property. Kamal KMn brought a copy of 
the ekrdr ndmeh to Lieut. Loveday, attested by 
the seals of himself, on behalf of the Jhalawan 
sirdars, and by those of M&homed Khan, Sher- 
wni, Malek Dinar, Mahmud Sh&hi, Jan Mahomed, 
Bangui Zai, and Mahomed KMn, Lari, all sirddrs 
of Saharawan, or so calling themselves. Kamal 
Khan vindicated his proceedings on the plea of 
necessity, and Lieut. Loveday expressed his satis- 


faction. I could not forbear expressing great in- 
dignation at the transaction, and Kamal Khan 
reproached me with not understanding the matter, 
and represented that he wanted to gain time. 

When he left I pointed out to Lieut. Love- 
day, as forcibly as I was able, the absurdity of the 
whole business, and how unlikely it was that the 
government would recognize the engagements of 
such men, at all times incompetent to make treaties, 
but more particularly so now, when one of the par- 
ties, the sirdars of Sahdrawan, were traitors, and 
very probably denounced outlaws. Besides, I re- 
minded him how carefully the principals had avoid- 
ed to commit themselves, and that they might 
hereafter plead the treaty was not binding upon 
them. To all the objections I raised, Lieut. 
Loveday, as usual with him, made few remarks, 
but in consequence of the absence of the seals of 
the principals, he made an effort to obtain them 
through Kamal Khan. They were not given, as 
the engagement was declared to be, and truly, one 
between the sirdars of Saharawan and Jhalawan, 
but the seal of Assad Khan of Khar&n, was affixed 
to the instrument, as a further proof of its validity. 
This, in my opinion did not mend the matter ; but 
Lieut. Loveday was satisfied. 

In Lieut. Loveday's household and establish- 
ment were four persons, in an especial and singular 
degree possessing his confidence, and admitted to 
council, Haji Osman, Nasrulah, Sampar, a Hindu 


servant, and the Havildar Allabaksh, the two 
latter in political questions being influenced by the 
opinions of the two former. All these men ap- 
plauded the ekrar nameh, encouraged Lieut. Love- 
day in the belief that its engagements would be 
fulfilled, and anticipated the increased honour and 
fame he would secure under the accession of Mir 
Nassir Khan, the name conferred on the son of 
Mehrab Khan, Mahomed Hassan, now that he as- 
sumed sovereignty. 

No sooner had the ekrd-r ndmeh been concluded 
than free intercourse was established between the 
town and rebel camp, and Nasriilah, with Lieut. 
Loveday's permission, went to pay his respects to 
Darogah Gul Mahomed, his ancient master. Of 
course he made Ms peace, and in return for his par- 
don, which, with tears, he implored, consented to be- 
come an instrument to further the darogah's vie,ws. 
On his return Nasrulah brought the kindest assur- 
ances from the old man, never made, or made only 
to deceive ; but, I afterwards learned, never made. 

Shah Nawiz KMn, as soon as he had recovered 
from the consternation into which the treachery 
of KamAl Khan had thrown him, and upon a cooler 
view of the transactions, in which he had implicated 
himself, sought to retrieve his errors, and being 
supported by Mir Boh&r, and others, proposed to 
reject the ekrar ndmeh of the sirdars, and to con- 
tinue the defence of the town. Many circum- 
stances confirmed him iii this resolution. From the 



communication opened between the town and rebel 
camp, it became known that the insurgents had 
neither ammunition nor provisions. Mir Boher, 
Rehim Khan, Liatunf, and all the Kambararis 
of the garrison inveighed against the disgrace of 
surrendering the place to the Saharawanis, and it 
was discovered that, contrary to the reports circu- 
lated, no persons of respectability had joined the 
rebel standard from the neighbourhood. The khan 
had, moreover, received letters from Kachi, repre- 
senting Saiyad M&homed Sherif active in seizing 
Brahuis : from which he became assured of his 
fidelity, before suspected, it having been surmised 
that the saiyad had favoured the flight of Mehrab 
Khan's widow, Bibi Ganjni, from Bagh, when she 
joined the rebels at Mastting. 

Mir Boher came several times to Lieut. Love- 
day alone, or with Shah Nawaz Khan. Once, when 
both were visitors, I so far prevailed with that 
officer as to induce him to give them his hand, 
and to promise his support to a continued defence, 
but the fatal influence of Haji Osm&n, Nasrtilah, 
and the rest, paralyzed and defeated everything. 
These men made the grossest misrepresentations 
as to the number of the rebels, and the abundance 
of grain and necessaries in their camp, and were 
too readily credited. 

Mir Boher proposed to obviate treachery in 
future by a change in the disposition of the men 
on the ramparts. He, with Shih Naw&z Khan, was 


averse to ejecting the traitors, which I still thought 
the wisest measure, but did not press when a re- 
medy was suggested. I asked Mir Boher what had 
come over Kamal Khan's mind. He replied, that he 
had become faint-hearted ; and engaged to bring him 
round. The Zehri chief spoke with real anguish 
to Sh&h Naw&z Khan of the disgrace about to fall 
on them, affirming that it was "bini burida," or 
equivalent to cutting off their noses. He further 
bitterly lamented that Kamal Khan had spoiled all. 
I must always consider it most unfortunate that 
Lieut. Loveday did not at this period give his hearty 
support to Shh Nawaz Khdn, and the chiefs 
desirous of breaking up the treaty. I recommended, 
and had done so from the first of the siege, that a 
little liberality should be displayed, not as being 
prudent only, but what was reasonable on such an 
occasion. I failed to make any impression on either 
Lieut. Loveday or the khan. I had even suggested, 
when it was decided to retain within the walls the 
traitors discovered by the attempt at escalade, to 
give them the merit of a triumph, and to make a 
small donation to the garrison of some five rupees 
each, and try what effect it might produce. Subse- 
quently, when we became prisoners to the insur- 
gents, the Brahuis, while indulging in invective 
against Mir Boher, constantly alluded to the receipt 
of money by him from Lieut. Loveday. I hardly took 
notice of it, further than supposing their imagination" 
had prompted the invention of a tale in unison with 

M 2 


their hate, until, one day at Mastiing, I asked Lieut. 
Loveday if he did give money to Bohr. To my 
surprise, he said yes, two or three thousand rupees ; 
and then regretted that he had not taken better 
care to see it distributed. I had always understood 
that he would not give money, but never had the 
opportunity to ascertain whether Boh6r had received 
the sum, or, what was quite as likely, that one of 
Lieut. Loveday's people had intercepted it. 

Shah Nawaz Khan, in his anxiety to secure Mir 
Boh6r, had made an arrangement with him, in which 
Lieut. Loveday, I believe, had no part, nominating 
him sirdar of Jhalawan, to the detriment of the 
young son of Rashld Khan, a minor, and now 
with his followers in the town. The Zehri levies 
never had a friendly feeling to Shah Nawaz Khan ; 
and this had been inflamed by the oppressive con- 
duct of his brother, Mir Fati Khan, even when- he 
had recently been in their country soliciting their 
aid. The arrangement with Mir Bohr was not so 
secretly managed but that it transpired, and of 
course exasperated them in no slight degree. The 
consequence of the khan's carelessness was, that 
they sent a message inviting the Darogah Gtil Ma- 
homed, on the next attack, to advance upon the gate 
they held, and it should be opened to him. From 
this nothing of evil would have happened had the 
defence been prolonged, as the Drogah had not 
intended to accept the invitation, supposing it in- 
sidiously made. These facts were not known to 


Lieut. Loveday or myself at the time. That 
Shah Nawdz Khan was imprudent there can be no 
doubt, and his error might have done his cause great 

I neglected no opportunity to impress Lieut. 
Loveday with a sense of the danger he must incur 
by putting himself in the power of the insurgents ; 
but all arguments I could employ were set aside 
by the assurances of Haji Osman, Nasrulah, and 
Sampat. By night, pacing up and down his room, 
we discoursed to a late hour ; and once, momen- 
tarily influenced by the efforts I made to arouse 
him to a course of energy and action, representing 
the duty he owed to government, the shame in 
submitting to a vanquished foe, and the reputation 
within his grasp, which he was about to throw away, 
he made a "theatrical jump, and exclaimed, I will 
die ! The resolution vanished as soon as the words 
expressing it had passed his lips, and the counsels of 
his advisers reconciled him to life. 

To counteract the exertions of Shah Nawaz 
Khan to get up resistance, Haji Osman and 
Nasrulah set on foot a variety of missions to the 
rebel camp. Had not the consequences been so 
fatal, this zeal for negotiation, and the rank and 
quality of the negotiators, would have been amusing. 
With Nasrulah were despatched Imm Baksh, the 
young drummer attached to the sipahis, and Morad 
Khan, a naik, or corporal. Nasrulah privately 
communed with the ddrogah, and the other two 


elchis were admitted to a formal audience by the 
young khan, after which they were sent to a shah- 
gh&ssi, to communicate their errand. Hajf Osman 
introduced on the scene his uncle, Atta Mahomed 
Khan, brother of Akhund Mahomed, Stdik ; and this 
man, with Rais Pir Mahomed, of Kalat, was sent 
privately by night on a mission to the camp. The 
result was, of course, gratifying, as, on the next day, 
Atta Mahomed Khan marched publicly on a second 
mission, attended by a retinue of some forty to fifty 
persons he had collected. It occurred to me, 
that there was something very indelicate, to speak 
no worse of it, in the despatch of these persons to 
the rebels, while Shah Nawaz Khan was yet in the 
town, and I must confess I was ashamed, if I may 
not say shocked, when I beheld Lieut. Loveday, who 
was wont, when the kMn called upon "him, to put 
his arm around him, in the affectionate familiarity 
of friendship, affecting to concur in his plans, while 
at the very time his agents were negotiating with 
the enemy the subversion of the khan's authority. 
I may here observe, in relation to this subject, that 
months after the events occurred here described, 
I saw, at Bombay, Captain Hamerton, then the 
representative of the East India Company, now 
also her Majesty's Consul at Maskdt. I had pub- 
lished in India a statement of the siege of Kal&t, 
which Captain Hamerton had seen at "Maskat. 
He assured me that an Arab agent of the Imam, 
who was present at Kalat during the siege, con- 


firmed every fact, even to the circumstance of 
Lieut. Loveday putting his arms around Shall Nawaz 
Khan, and he, like myself, witnessed it with shame, 
I was going to write horror. 

Shah Nawaz Khdn reproached Lieut. Loveday 
for sending his man, Nasrulah, to the Darogah 
Gul Mahomed ; and at another time employed 
language so strong to H&ji Osm&n, in the presence 
of Lieut. Loveday and myself, that a person stand- 
ing by afterwards gave his opinion, that had he 
received the least encouragement from Lieut. Love- 
day, he would have drawn his sword and have put 
an end at once to the Mji and his treason. 

Lieut. Loveday's envoys always returned with the 
same unqualified promises of kind treatment and pro- 
tection ; the young khan, the d^rogah, Bibi Ganjaai, 
and the sirdars, were all animated by the best feel- 
ings, and the latter were determined to adhere with 
fidelity to their engagements. Lieut. Loveday was 
to do exactly as he pleased ; he might go to Quetta 
or remain at Kalt. If he went to Quetta, the Bibi 
Ganjani was to accompany him; if he remained, a 
splendid residence was to be built for him, in place 
of the one which had been demolished by the 
Brahtiis. Nasrulah, in particular, certified to the 
good intentions of the darogah; and Atta Ma- 
homed Khan, who professed to be in the confidence 
of the Bibi Ganjani, assured Lieut. Loveday of 
that lady's good will, and tl^t she looked upon 
him as her son. The young khan had declared, as 


he was tutored, to the drummer and naik, that 
all he wanted was, using his expression, the few 
sticks of the citadel, and that he had no desire 
for the country, which Lieut. Loveday was to go- 
Tern as heretofore, and this sentiment was always 
inculcated by the others. So completely was the 
unfortunate officer deluded, that it afterwards proved 
he had written to Quetta, boasting of his good 
fortune in being adopted as the son of Bibi 
Ganjani. A letter, purporting to be from the 
Bibi, was even brought by Atta M&homed Khan, 
but., instead of a seal, her name was scrawled 
merely within a circle. As I doubted the authen- 
ticity of the document, Atta Mahomed Khan said 
the lady had given her seal to Postans Sahib, who 
had promised to arrange some business for her 
with the government. ' Lieut. Loveday seemed 
satisfied, and to believe all that was told him ; and 
I think he was angry with me for cautioning him, 
and for presuming to suggest that he might be 

Yet I knew it was so; and with bitter disgust 
I heard Rais Pir Mahomed, returning from one 
of his missions, repeat, sitting with Nasrtilah, a 
Persian couplet, probably impromptu, expressing 

" The wicked man has fallen into his own snare, 

And he who devoured men with dogs, will, in turn he de- 
voured by dogs." 

Lieut. Loveday was standing by me when these 


words were uttered, and that lie heard them too, 
I might suppose, from the significant look he di- 
rected to me. 

Besides the envoys mentioned, there were a 
number of others, for the aid of no one was re- 
fused ; Wall Mahomed, a tailor, was brought from 
his shop, and Ghulam and Fati, merchants, and 
brothers, were despatched at various times. Even 
the dependents of Lieut. Loveday formed missions 
on their own part, but with sanction, and the ha- 
vildar, Allabaksh, sent Biita Singh, a sipahi, to 
the son of Fdzil Shah, a saiyad, residing at the 
springs. The havildar himself, with Biita Singh, 
and another sipahi, then repaired to this saiyad, 
and brought him to a masjit, near Lieut. Love- 
day's house. The object was to induce him to 
escort the party to Quetta. 

Mentioning the havildar, it is just also to state, 
that he was a good man and worthy soldier, and 
acting with the best intentions, though misled by 
his faith in the honesty of Haji Osman and Nas- 
rftlah. Shall Nawaz KMn had frequently urged 
Lieut. Loveday to retire into the citadel, and in 
the debate on that question I had taken no part, 
as I saw no reason to abandon the town ; and 
learned, moreover, that there was no well in it, 
while sixty skins were all that could be mustered 
to insure a supply of water. On the morning of 
the panic the havildar again most urgently im- 
plored Lieut. Loveday to take up his quarters 


there, and Shah Nawaz KMn, when resolving on 
farther resistance, had seconded his entreaties. 
Lieut. Loveday lent a deaf ear to what was urged, 
and still hoping to have prevailed upon him to 
support the khan and the fighting party, I did 
not strenuously advocate the measure, which I now 
regret, as any course would have been preferable 
to that eventually followed. 

It was in vain that Shah Naw&z Kh&n appealed 
to Lieut. Loveday by every argument in his power. 
No influence could induce him to suspend his 
communications with the rebel camp ; and these 
being openly and publicly carried on, completely 
baffled the khan's endeavours to confirm the dis- 
positions of his chiefs ; yet it was humiliating to 
observe that while Lieut. Loveday so effectually 
counteracted the khan's plans, he affected still the 
same tenderness to him, still pretended to accede 
to whatever he proposed, and still encircled his 
waist with his arm. The third day arrived, and 
the Hindus of the place, with permission of 
Lieut. Loveday, went in a body to offer their 
congratulations to the young khan in the rebel 
camp. Shah Naw^z Kh&n, with Mir Boher, Return 
Khan, Lutidni, and some of the Kambararis, were 
again with Lieut. Loveday, conjuring him to re- 
flect, and throw no obstacles in the way of farther 
defence ; but no reasoning could prevail against 
his resolve, supported by the advice of those about 
him. Kamal Khan also came and vindicated hig 


conduct ; but finding I did not agree with him, he 
took Lieut. Loveday aside, and secretly communed 
with him. He complained before me that Shah 
Nawaz Khan had upbraided him with treachery, 
and Lieut. Loveday consoled him, and lamented 
the khan should have done so. I know not what 
passed in secret, but Kama! Kh&n actually pro- 
cured an order from Lieut. Loveday, making over 
to him the whole of his grain. Shah Nawaz Khan 
coming immediately after, asked, with some reason, 
why, if the grain were given away, it had not been 
bestowed on those who wished to defend the place, 
instead of on those who had betrayed it. I in- 
quired of the khan whether, as a last resource, it 
would not be advisable to confine Kama! Khan, 
but he said no, I presume on account of his sister. 
He next urged Lieut. Loveday to accompany him 
either to Zehri or Baghwan, where, as he pleased, 
he could retire, or renew the contest. He pre- 
ferred Zehri, being assured of Mir Boher ; and al- 
leged, that the Mulloh route would thus be kept 
open, and that Shikarpur was near. He honestly 
confessed he could not undertake the responsibility 
of the Quetta route. Lieut. Loveday stated that 
he had not a sufficient number of camels ; the khan 
offered to supply as many as he needed. Lieut. 
Loveday then stated, that he must abandon much 
of his property, and the khan told him on no ac- 
count to abandon any, not so much as a mat. 
Lieut. Loveday then asked how the sipahis were 


to go, and the khan replied, they should all he 
mounted, for of all men they were the most 
needed. I warmly supported the khan's recom- 
mendations, but those who had influence with 
Lieut. Loveday opposed it, and he was clearly in- 
capable of acting contrary to their counsels. He 
seemed, however, to acquiesce when the khan was 
present, and a faint attempt was made to pack up, 
hut the duty devolved on Sampat, who did it un- 
willingly, and it was soon abandoned. 

Communications from Quetta were occasionally 
received, and one reached at this crisis. Capt. 
Bean held out no hope of assistance ; and we sup- 
posed, as a matter of course, that the succours he 
had received from Kandahar had returned to that 
place, or, it might have been expected, a force 
would have been moved on Mastung for our relief. 
Letters also came from Shik&rpur. These declared 
any aid from that quarter was not to be expected, 
for they were in danger themselves, and the Khad- 
jiks of Siva were in arms. This unfortunate state 
of things had, of course, a pernicious influence in 
augmenting the terrors of the disaffected chiefs 
of the garrison, and of encouraging the enemy. 
Kamal Khan was even anxious to learn whether 
there was any chaoce of relief, and a favourable 
report from Quetta at this crisis might have done 
us essential service. Lieut. Loveday revealed the 
truth, and this did not mend our prospects. 

Sh&h Nawaz Khan in course of this day made 


a last effort with his chiefs by assembling them in 
the citadel, and administering to them an oath to 
stand by him, and to reject the treaty. The oath 
was taken by all, but Fati Khan reported, that 
many of them on leaving the apartment vowed, it 
was not binding, as it was compulsory. 

The morning came when the town was to be 
evacuated by Shah Nawaz Khan and his friends. 
He was early with Lieut. Loveday, entreating him 
even then to accompany him with his entire party, 
taking only his valuables, as it was too late to think 
of removing the bulk of the property. It was dis- 
tressing to hear the trifling objections raised by 
Lieut. Loveday. The khan justly remarked, that 
his property could be replaced, but that his life 
and honour could not. He had once before asked 
him if all the Feringhis were as laghor, or unmanly 
as he was, and now prophesied to him all the indig- 
nities and perils to which he would expose him- 
self by remaining. 

It was not until this period that Shah Nawaz 
Khan, baffled in his efforts to defend the town, and 
to induce Lieut. Loveday to accompany him, 
thought of abdication. The time was most critical. 
He had not deserted Lieut. Loveday, but had been 
deserted by him. ^ He took the bold and even dan- 
gerous step of repairing to the rebel camp and of 
resigning his authority to the son of Mehrab KhSn. 
Scarcely had he left the town for this purpose, when 
Nasrulah and Haji Osm&a, returning from the camp, 


with singular impudence implored Lieut. Loveday, 
whose power of doing so was past, to accompany 
the khcLn, as there was evil in his stay. The mis- 
creant Haji enforced his supplications with tears. 
Fati Khan at this juncture visited Lieut. Loveday, 
and urged him in like manner to accompany his 
brother, the khan, and instanced that they had their 
mother and families to protect, and were unlikely 
to expose them to unnecessary peril, or to neglect 
due precautions. Lieut. Loveday could not be 
moved, but gave Fati Khan a paper, setting forth 
that he had been solicited to leave, but had deter- 
mined to remain and to negotiate for the safety of 
himself and his party. Fati Kh&n went away, and 
shortly returned, when Lieut. Loveday took back 
the paper he had before given, and wrote another, 
in which he stated, as his motive in remaining, the 
determination to die at his post. The result of the 
interview between Shah Nawaz Khan and the son 
of Mehrab Khan was unknown, when a person came 
to Fati Kh&n, still in the house, and whispered some- 
thing in his ears, which exceedingly terrified him, 
and, falling on his knees, he crouched* under Lieut. 
Loveday's chair, I suspected, for the instant, that 
Shfili Nawaz Khan had been made a captive, or had 
been worse treated, no unlikely circumstance, and 
asked Lieut. Loveday whether the soldiers had not 
better stand to their arms. He said nothing ; and I 
spoke again and again to him to no purpose, when 
I' inquired if I should pass the order, and receiving 


still no reply, I turned to the havildar, who was 
waiting, and told him to call out the men, and to 
close the doors. A second messenger came to Fati 
Khan, who left the house and took sanctuary at the 
tomb of Mehrab EMn. 

While waiting in anxiety the development of 
events, we beheld from the ramparts the son of 
Mehrab Khan and Shah Nawaz Khan moving in 
procession towards the town. As the cavalcade 
advanced, we had the mortification to witness to 
what a contemptible rabble the town was surren- 
dered. Augmented with the followers of Shah 
Nawaz Khan, and the persons who on such an 
occasion would congregate, there could not have 
been five hundred men. To account for this de- 
ficiency in number, we were obliged to suppose 
that many had dispersed after the failure of the 
escalade, or that, sure of their game, they had re- 
tired to Mastung, which it appeared, although un- 
known to us, was now threatened from the side 
of Quetta. 

After attending the son of Mehrdb Khan to the 
citadel, Shah Nawaz Khan, in the act of quitting 
the town, called, for the last time, on Lieut. Love- 
day. I was not present at their interview, having 
gone downstairs to see my friend Faiz Ahmed, 
who, with his son, had taken the earliest opportu- 
nity to visit me. The khan sent for me, but before 
I had time to go he stood by me. He called upon 
me to witness that he had done his duty to the 


Sirkar Company and to Lieut. Loveday. I affirmed 
that, in my opinion, lie had, and that I regretted 
the issue had been so unfortunate. He then turned 
and appealed to Faiz Ahmed, who spoke flatteringly 
to him, and, when he had left, warmly eulogized 
his deportment when conferring the khelat upon 
Mehr&b Khan's son, and the solicitude he expressed 
on behalf of Lieut. Loveday ; and, moreover, con- 
fessed that he was a genuine Ahmed Zai, and that 
he would have made a good hakam, had it been his 
fortune to have been better directed. 

The walls and houses surrounding our residence 
were covered with the insurgents, and while speak- 
ing to Faiz Ahmed I was obliged to leave the 
court, or I should have been shot, under the belief 
that I was Lieut. Loveday, I inquired of my 
Mend what passed at the interview between the 
two khans, and he answered, that Shah Nawaz 
Khan explained that Kalat had been given to him 
by the Sirkar Company, and not by Lieut. Loveday ; 
that he had one friend, Lieut. Loveday, whose kind 
treatment he expected in return for the resignation 
of power. In the figurative style of the Brahuis, 
he declared that Lieut. Loveday was his beard; 
that is, as dear to him as 'that appendage; and 
the son of Mehrab assured him that Lieut. Love- 
day was henceforth his own beard, and would be 
regarded as a brother. 

The testimony of Faiz Ahmed was valuable, both 
because he had been present at the meeting, and 


that, like most other citizens of Kalat, lie thought 
unfavourably of Shah Nawaz Kh&n, and was un- 
likely, therefore, to offer evidence to his credit, 
unless, in truth, compelled to do it. Hljf Os- 
man, however, whose supplications had scarcely 
been made, and whose tears had hardly dried up, 
had the unparalleled audacity to tell Lieut. Love- 
day, that Shah Nawaz Khan had proposed to be 
the first to lay hands on him, and that Kama! 
Khan had spoken to the same purpose. To so 
infamous a scoundrel did Lieut. Loveday trust for 
information, and by such information were his 
opinions formed and his conduct determined. 

The son of Mehrab KMn, installed in the palace 
of his father, received during the day the congra- 
lations and offerings of his people. Lieut. Loveday 
sent his mobdraM, or salutation of welcome, with 
two nazzars, of fifty rupees each, for the young 
khan and Bibi Ganjani. Four men were appointed 
to attend at Lieut. Loveday's gates, avowedly to 
keep the turbulent Brahuis from intruding, but also 
to watch over the intercourse with the house, and 
to take care that no one left it. 

I cannot close this chapter of folly and treason 
without deprecating the resolution taken by Lieut. 
Loveday. From the commencement of the revolt 
he had been overpowered by a languor, which, 
excepting at momentary intervals, apparently inca- 
pacitated him from any effort of mind or body, and 
to such an extent that his Hindu servant, Sampat, 



in vain strove to arouse him, by instancing my exer- 
tions, and reminding Mm that I should acquire the 
credit of the defence. From the reserve which 
generally clouded him, it would be impossible to 
conjecture the motives influencing him, but I doubt 
not the fatal step of his stay at Kalat was owing 
mainly to a desire to preserve his property, or to 
avoid the trouble attendant on its package, which 
afterwards he repeatedly alluded to with regret. 

Although I could sympathise with the young son 
of Mehrab Khan, and lament that his recognition, 
on his father's death, had not prevented the evils 
which now beset us, as matters stood, especially 
when he was made an instrument by a band of 
insurgents ; I saw no course open to Lieut. Love- 
day but that of supporting the chief nominated by 
the government. 

The fatal consequences attending Lieut, Love- 
day's placing himself in the power of the insur- 
gents proclaim more forcibly than words can con- 
vey the extreme folly of the step. Inexplicable 
is the infatuation which induced the resolve, as 
there were none of the chiefs who had not, in some 
mode, been personally aggrieved, and for the lives 
of some of them even premiums had been offered ; 
a foct spoken in sorrow, yet in truth. The singular 
requital I experienced subsequent to these events, 
and in the face of Lieut. Loveday's testimony to my 
M devoted and noble conduct at Kaldt," will be 


my apology for asserting, what otherwise would 
be unbecoming, that during the few busy days of 
the siege I was unremittingly vigilant and active, 
and never by night closed my eyes in sleep while 
it lasted. Neither did I on any occasion shrink 
from the dangers of our situation, although often 
besought to be more careful by Shah Nawaz Khan 
and those of Lieut. Loveday's establishment. 

I was unable to overcome the obstacles opposed 
to a successful resistance, yet I shall never cease 
to deplore that I was not called upon seven days 
sooner, that I might have had time to have exactly 
ascertained our position, and to have become fa- 
miliar with the several parties composing the gar- 
rison, when I might have hoped a very different 

Having acquitted myself of every obligation I 
owed to my conscience, to a sense of duty, and 
to Lieut. Loveday as a British officer, I by no 
means considered he had further claims on my 
presence or services, and when he declined to ac- 
company Shah Nawaz Khan, I informed him that I 
should, as I intended to do. Then, however, I found 
that some of the sipdhis had determined to follow 
me, averring that Lieut. Loveday was kam dJckal, 
or of little understanding, and would ruin them. 
I could not permit such a procedure, and it made 
me waver in my determination, until the incidents 
consequent upon the evacuation of the town by 



the one party, and its occupation by the other, 
occurred an such rapid succession, and produced 
so much confusion, that the place was filled with 
the enemy, and I had no longer the power to 



Continued delusion and treachery. Distraction of Brahui coun- 
cils. Mahomed Sidik's appointment. Orders from the cita- 
del. Communications with and from Capt. Bean. Advance 
of troops to Mobah. Their retreat. Haji Osman's defection. 
Capt. Bean's proposals. Efforts to procure a letter to the 
king. The darogah's obstinate convictions. Arrangements 
contemplated. Their rejection. Departure of Gafur to 
Quetta. Capt. Bean's replies. Demands on Lieut. Loveday. 
Nasrulah's final acts of treachery. Meditated attack. 
Preliminary steps. Attack from the citadel and surrounding 
houses. Operations during the night. Parley. Defection 
of part of the siphls. The darogah's measures. The house 
entered. Transfer of Lieut. Loveday and myself to the citadel 
Incidents there. Interview with the son of Mehrab Khan. 
Apartment assigned for our confinement. Rejoicings of the 
Brahuis. Loss of property and manuscripts. 

I KNOW not what Lieut. Loveday thought of his 
situation, but those in his confidence vied with each 
other in certifying that he had nothing to fear, and 
brought him a number of the kindest messages, in- 
vented by themselves, from the young kh&n, Bibi 
Ganj&ni, and Darogah Gul Mahomed. Until the 
town was fairly given up, and while there existed a 
lingering hope that the defence would be continued, 
I had always expressed my opinion to Lieut. Love- 
clay that we should get over our difficulties. He 


now asked what I thought, and I confessed I knew 
not what to think. Sampat, observing me thought- 
ful, took upon himself to cheer me, and inquired 
why, haying heen so kMsli, or glad when there was 
war, I was so diJc, or sad, now that sulah, or peace, 
was made. I replied, that I did not fear the Brahuis' 
war, but very much feared their peace, and was 
thinking what would be the end of it. Hdji Osm&n 
and Nasrulah, who heretofore had passed their 
nights in Lieut. Loveday's house, removed with 
their effects. Confiding in the peace, one of the 
servants ventured into the bazar, and returned 
stripped and naked. A demand was made for the 
arms taken from the Brahuis on the morning after 
the escalade, and, being complied with, other de- 
mands were made for arms and plunder, obtained 
in the foray upon N&shki. Morning and evening 
crowds assembled around the house, and showers of 
stones were hurled into it. On remonstrance, the 
offenders were represented to be low fellows, un- 
worthy of notice. Lieut. Loveday much wished to 
see the young khan, who, it was affirmed, had an 
equal desire to see Lieut. Loveday, but no inter- 
view was arranged ; in like manner the Babi Gan- 
jani. Nasrtilah amused his master, if he still might 
be considered such, with the tale of Darogh Gul 
Mdhomed intending to call upon him. It would be 
tedious to relate all the deception and chicanery 
practised. Strange to say, Nasrulah, Haji Osman, 
and his uncle, Atta Mahomed Kh&n, received large 


sums of money for their services, in effecting the 
peace, or, as I understood, for placing Lieut. Love- 
day in the power of his enemies. I was not made 
a party to these donations, but they were not so 
secretly made as to escape notice. They were 
given by Sampat, and were not less than five hun- 
dred rupees each, perhaps even Atta Mahomed 
received a thousand. 

While Lieut. Loveday was so duped, I received 
a visit from Faiz Ahmed, and seriously questioned 
him as to the state of matters. He told me, what 
I could not but be certain of, that the messages 
brought to Lieut. Loveday were fabricated, or in- 
tended only to delude him. He assured me, that he 
had placed his turban before the darogah, and had 
craved of him to preserve the daman, or shirt of the 
young khcln's garments pk, or unstained, and to 
commit no violence. The darogah had not replied* 
but when he related a story, current in these parts, 
of the generosity of Mr. Elphinstone, to one Faiz- 
ulah Kh&n, a Barechi, and thereby showed the 
advantage of meriting the favour of Feringhis, the 
old man remarked, that he must acknowledge that 
Feringhis, although his enemies, were generous. 
Faiz Ahmed farther said, that the darogah had not 
suffered a word to escape his lips as to the course 
he intended to pursue, and it would require a few 
days to ascertain whose councils prevailed, for, in 
the present confusion, it was unknown whether the 
Bibi Ganj&ni, the darogah, or the . sirdars of SaM- 


rawan, liad the ascendancy. I requested Faiz Ah- 
med to apprise me if anything particular occurred. 
He expressed fear of Lieut. Loveday and H&ji 
Osman, but I overruled his scruples on their ac- 
count, and he promised to let me know when any- 
thing transpired. 

In truth, for several days after the entry of 
Mehrab Khan's son into Kalat the various factions 
with him had too many conflicting claims to settle 
amongst themselves to permit them to think farther 
of Lieut. Loveday than to take measures to delude 
him, and to prevent his escape. Akhund MShomed, 
Sidik, the "brother of Atta Mdhomed, and therefore 
uncle to Haji Osman, had arrived at Kalat from 
Kachi, and his appearance promoted rather than 
allayed disunion in the Brahui councils. Darogah 
Gul Mahomed was, or pretended to be, sick for 
some days, but it was arranged that the Akhund 
should take office, under the title of Vakil of Saha- 
rawdn. He was supported by the rebel sirdars, and 
producing a seal of the former Nassir Khn, sus- 
pended it on his neck, and commenced the duties 
of his appointment by announcing that he should 
adopt many vigorous measures, amongst them the 
closing of the Mulloh and Bolan passes. 

The activity I had shown in the defence of the 
place, and the known desire I had to continue it, 
caused me to be very unfavourably looked upon by 
the new occupants of the citadel, and intercourse 
with me had been specially prohibited to persons 


of the place, with the exception of Faiz Ahmed, 
who, on the strength of ancient acquaintance with 
the darogah, was excepted. Soon after Akhund 
Mahomed Sidik's arrival, KMdardad, one of the four 
guards, addressed my servant : " Brother, you and I 
are Mtissulmans : your sahib is a good sahib ; tell 
him not to come down stairs." In explanation 
Khadardad imparted the secret that orders had been 
issued from Mlla to shoot me if I came down stairs. 
Balla, or above, of course meant the citadel ; but 
Khadardad would not communicate who had given 
the orders, and in the citadel there were many to 
give them : neither did I ever learn, although I 
suspected the Akhund. 

In course of time it was proposed that Lieut. 
Loveday should write to Capt. Bean, and it was 
insisted that he should write in Persian.. Lieut. 
Loveday consented to write in Persian. I objected, 
on the ground that the letter would be considered 
compulsory. Faiz Ahmed chancing to call, under- 
took to represent the impropriety to the darogah, 
and the consequence was that Lieut. Loveday was 
permitted to write in English. 

I have previously noted, that Capt. Bean's let- 
ters, received during the siege, positively stated the 
impossibility of affording us relief, and that they 
had an evil influence on the determination of those 
to whom we looked to hold the town. We were 
excessively surprised, immediately after that un- 
lucky event, to receive accounts of an advance upon 


Mastung of a large force, some fifteen or sixteen 
hundred men, cavalry and infantry, with horse- 
artillery gnns. Lieut. Hammersley, the assistant 
to Capt. Bean, accompanied this force, which at 
Mobab canie by surprise upon some two hundred 
Brahtiis, and cut many of them up. The troops then 
encamped near the adjacent village of Feringabad, 
and received the submission of the inhabitants of 
Mastung. The design was to have replenished the 
commissariat at Mastting, and then to have inarch- 
ed upon Kal&t. By the fatality which accompa- 
nied whatever was done, Lieut. Loveday's letters 
to Capt. Bean were brought into camp, and be- 
ing opened by Lieut. Hammersley, he retrograded 
to Quetta, as the occupation of Kalat by the rebels 
was announced, as well as the tidings that peace was 

If Capt. Bean had apprised Lieut. Loveday that 
this demonstration would be made, it is not too 
much to assert that Kalat would have been pre- 
served, but Capt. Bean was a remarkably prudent 
man, and until strong reinforcements reached him 
from Kandahar, he did not venture to think of de- 
taching the force. It was large enough to have 
traversed Balochistan at that time, and Salu Khan, 
with his six hundred horsemen, formed part of it. 

Now that a correspondence was permitted with 
Capt. Bean, Haji Osman conceived the notion of 
officiating as envoy, and brought Lieut. Loveday a 


forged letter from Bibi Ganjdni, appointing him 
the medium of intercourse between Lieut. Loveday 
and herself, and describing him as the fittest person 
to be employed on a mission to Quetta. Lieut. 
Loveday prepared his letters for Capt. Bean, and 
urged the Haji to depart with them, when he disco- 
vered that the Brahtiis would kill him on the road. 
None of the Brahui principals were aware of the 
Haji's proceedings, until he could no longer conceal 
them, and the discovery excited so much indigna- 
tion that the weak man, terrified perhaps more 
than was necessary, sought refuge in the house of a 
pir, or holy man, in the Babi suburb, feigned mad- 
ness, and ultimately departed with his protector for 
Kandahar. In his pretended insanity, he did not 
omit to reveal Lieut. Loveday's secrets, by way of 
atonement, although I never heard what they were. 
In reply to Lieut. Loveday's letters, an official 
announcement arrived from Capt. Bean, expressing 
his readiness to receive an envoy from the Brahuis, 
and his intention to recommend that the son of 
Mehrab Khan should be acknowledged ; but that 
it was essential that a letter of submissive allegi- 
ance should be addressed to Shah Sujah al Mulkh. 
This was the course we had recommended without 
success, the Brahuis unanimously complaining that 
the shh had behaved ill to Mehrab Kh&n and to 
themselves, while he was in fact no sMh, but the 
mockery of a " shah. To the lord sdhib, as the 


envoy and minister at Kabal was called, they were 
willing to write in the humblest style, as he in 
reality was the sMh. 

Lieut. Loveday having lost Haji Osman, and be- 
ginning to suspect that Nasrulah had made his 
peace with the darogah, was at a loss how to pre- 
vail upon the Brahuis to write a letter to the shah, 
and thought of Faiz Ahmed, and with my approval 
he sent a Brahui lad, Salu, in his service, for him. 

When Faiz Ahmed came, I had some conversa- 
tion with him, and pointed out, with reference to 
Capt. Bean's letter, that the abdication of Shh 
Nawaz Khan, however brought about, had opened 
a chance of settlement, which, if neglected, must 
be followed by ruin to all in a few days sooner 
or later. As nothing could be done without a 
letter to the shah, and as Lieut. Loveday was 
anxious to procure it, if he could get it by his 
influence with the darogah, the Bibi, and others, 
he would be doing a service to all parties. Faiz 
Ahmed urged that he feared Lieut. Loveday, and 
might involve himself in trouble. I assured him 
there was no occasion to fear Lieut. Loveday, that I 
was myself present, and the moment I saw there 
was the possibility of his being committed with 
. us I would warn him to desist. 

I then introduced him to Lieut. Loveday, and, 
encouraged by that officer's assurances, Faiz Ahmed 
engaged to do his best to procure the consent of the 
chiefs that a letter should be addressed in the name 


of the young khan to the shah, and that an envoy 
should be sent to Quetta, as suggested by Capt. 

Faiz Ahmed had difficulty in overcoming the ob- 
stinacy and convictions of the darogah. He placed 
his turban on the ground before him, and assured 
him that if an endeavour was not made to come to 
an arrangement, or if the Brahuis made another 
attempt on Quetta (as they were talking of), he, and 
one half of the Babis, had determined to remove 
from Kalat, with their families and property. The 
perverse old man, in yielding observed, that he was 
still incredulous as to any good result ; it might be, 
he said, that misfortune and suffering had affected 
his understanding, and that Faiz Ahmed's view of 
things was more correct than his own, but he 
doubted it. Nearly similar repugnance was shown 
by the turbulent sirdars ; but the darogah and Bibi 
having been gained over to think of peace, they also 
acceded, and it became for the moment agreed, that 
a letter should be written to the sh&h, and that an 
envoy should be despatched to Quetta. 

A munshi, Akhtind Musa, was brought to Lieut. 
Loveday, that the letters should be prepared under 
his instructions. The letter to the shah I thought 
unexceptionable, but that addressed to Capt. Bean, 
although suggested by Lieut. Loveday, contained 
demands, and declared expectations, in my opinion, 
which had better been omitted. The envoy selected 
for the mission was one Rehimddd, a respectable 


man, and about as good a one as could have been 
fixed upon. 

Faiz Ahmed availed himself of this opportunity 
to attempt my enlargement, yet he did not intimate 
the course he was pursuing until he apprised me 
that the darogah and the rest had consented that 
I should accompany Rehimdad to Quetta. He 
assured me nothing was expected from me but 
my good offices, if able to employ them, but that 
before I went I must see the darogah and chiefs, 
and give my hand as a pledge that, in return for 
liberty, if I could do no good, I would do them no 
kallal, or injury. Faiz Ahmed now revealed, that 
from the commencement he had incessantly endea- 
voured, by every means in his power, to procure 
my release, but the part I had taken in the 
defence was constantly urged against me; that 
when inclined to accede, the Brahuis feared the 
evil I might do them. He also affirmed that, but 
for the hope of effecting that object, he would not 
have interested himself in the pending affair. 

I was too well aware of the fickle dispositions 
of the Brahuis, to place much reliance on their 
consent to my departure. The letter to the shah, 
however, was, after some delay, sealed, but the 
objection was started that Rehimdltd would be 
detained at Quetta. Another envoy, in the person 
of Gafiir, a writer, in the employ of Diwan Ramu, 
was proposed in his stead, it being asserted that 
Gafdr was of little consequence, and that his deten- 


tion was unimportant. This Dfwan Ramu, it may 
be noted, had been the farmer of the revenues of 
Mastting under Capt. Bean, and had fled to Kalat, 
on the advance of Lieut. Hammersley to Mobah. 
Gafur was now to start, and Faiz Ahmed warned 
me to be ready to see the sirdars, and went his way, 
but in a few minutes returned in great alarm, stating 
that a violent discussion had taken place ; that the 
letter to the shah had been torn to pieces, and that I 
should not be suffered to go to Quetta, where, the 
rebel chiefs asserted, I was required to repair a gun. 
Gafur might still proceed if Lieut. Loveday wished, 
but alone. Lieut. Loveday's letters to Capt. Bean 
were returned to him, and he was directed to erase 
my name, with his own hand. This he did, and I 
made no remark, but strongly pressed the evil of 
omitting the letter to the sh&h, but to no purpose. 
In the evening Gafiir departed. 

In the course of these transactions a number of 
diplomatic notes passed between Lieut. Loveday and 
Akhund MShomed Sfdik. In one of them Lieut. 
Loveday wrote, that the restitution of Quetta would 
be muskil, or difficult ; the Akhund replied, that if 
the restitution of Quetta were muskil, that of 
Kachi would be muskilter, or more difficult. 

I doubt not that the Akhund instigated the 
opposition which led to the rejection of the shah's 
letter, and the refusal to comply with the forms 
officially pointed out by Capt. Bean as essential 
to accommodation. As regarded my departure, it 


was almost too much to be expected. The people 
in Lieut. Loveday's confidence were averse to it, 
and represented to him, that I should impede a 
settlement when at Quetta, on account of my 
warlike propensities. Sampat got up on the occa- 
sion an intrigue of his own, in concert with Hidii, 
one of our guard, who carried two or three messages 
to Bibi Ganjani, until he was rebuked by that lady. 

The presence of Diwan Ramd led to a demand 
upon Lieut. Loveday for money, which was met by 
authorising the Hindu traders to contribute five 
thousand rupees, in part of the sum advanced to 
them by government. An amount of seven hun- 
dred and fifty rupees had been taken in some other 
mode by Ramu. 

Tidings of the fruitless mission of Gafur preceded 
his return to Kalat. When he came he had little 
to say, and a note from Capt. Bean explained, 
that he was in such haste to leave Quetta that 
there was no time to converse with him. 

I had constantly urged Lieut. Loveday to repre- 
sent to Capt. Bean the necessity of moving a force 
upon Kalt, without reference to any notion of peace; 
however, he may have done this inadequately, 
owing to the delusion under which he laboured ; Capt. 
Bean now observed that it was impossible, as the Bra- 
huis were assembled along the entire route, and that 
he should have to fight every inch of his way. Cheer- 
less as this announcement was, it was no less dis- 
gusting, as we well knew the route was quite open 


and clear of Brahufs, however, the intelligence upon 
which Capt. Bean trusted had deceived him. It 
was yet consolatory to learn that Capt Bean con- 
sidered himself secure, and that, strong in the num- 
ber of troops around him, he was even elate, and 
defied the Brahuis to pay him a visit at Quetta. 

Soon after Gafur's return from Quetta, Rehimdad, 
the first selected envoy, attended, with Ramu, upon 
Lieut. Loveday, to demand a further advance of 
money. I was not present at the interview, which 
passed in Lieut. Loveday's sleeping-room. The 
money was refused, and Rehimdad, on his return to 
the citadel, reported that Lieut. Loveday, in reply to 
the question as to what the Brahuis were to eat, 
had answered, they might eat stones. 

Since the return of Gafur the angry feelings of 
the insurgent chiefs had been strongly evinced, and 
probably they now determined to resort to acts of 
violence, which all along had been wished by many, 
who were restrained with difficulty. An attack 
upon our house was possibly now only delayed from 
a lurking distrust as to the success which might 
attend it, from the disunion of the principals as to 
the mode of conducting it, and as to the division 
of the spoil. 

The sinister intentions of the chiefs had been 
intimated to us, and an effort was made by Lieut. 
Loveday and his confidants to put off the evil day, 
by presents, and holding out new expectations. 
For this purpose a sword-blade, the hilt studded 

VOL. iv. o 


with emeralds and pearls, was sent to the young 
khan by Nasrulah. The blade was said by Lieut. 
Loveday to have been taken from a soldier at the 
capture of Kalat, and was recognized by the young 
khan as one which had been presented to him by 
his late father on the day of his circumcision. 

Nasrulah came daily once or twice to Lieut. 
Loveday, communed privately with him, repeated 
what he had learned, and carried back to the 
ddrogah all he heard in confidence. Lieut. Love- 
day did not yet withhold faith in him, and so 
thoroughly was the error of the master shared in 
by those about him, that Sampat was accustomed 
to say, if all others betrayed them, Nasrulah would 
adhere through good and evil. Latterly this man 
began to beg, getting as much as he could before 
the day of general spoil. Sometimes he requested 
in his own name, sometimes in that of the daro- 
gah, always amusing Lieut. Loveday with the ex- 
pectation of an interview with the old man, who 
hitherto, he said, had been deterred by the appre- 
hension that witchcraft might be practised upon 
him. One day Nasrulah, informing Lieut. Love- 
day that a trustworthy merchant was about to go to 
Quetta, suggested the opportunity as a good one for 
sending his money to Capt. Bean. Lieut. Loveday, 
in this instance, asked my opinion ; and I told him, 
if he wished to give Nasrulah his money, the op- 
portunity was certainly a good one, for it was ridi- 
culous to suppose it would be taken to Quetta. On 


the following morning, in another private confer- 
ence, Lieut. Loveday refusing to give his money, 
wrote, at the request of Nasrulah, a note to Capt. 
Bean, recommending that four hundred horse should 
be despatched by a circuitous route to Kalat, as the 
Mast (ing gate being at command, the party could 
be introduced, and the town, with the young kMn, 
taken. When Nasrulah left, Lieut. Loveday told 
me what he had just done ; it was useless to expos- 
tulate with a man who could so commit himself. 
The note, in course, was carried to the darogah, 
and served to allay any scruples of conscience the 
meditated assault on our house might have raised in 
his bosom ; and in all probability for that very pur- 
pose Nasrdlah had been commissioned to procure it, 
as the darogah, made the fact one of his many 
charges against Lieut. Loveday. 

Showers of stones had been continually poured 
upon the house since the occupation of the town. 
Such missiles were now yet more abundantly em- 
ployed, and as matters progressed a 'few musket- 
shots were fired from the citadel, as was explained, 
merely in sport, and directed at a tower of the 
town walls, forming also the angle of our premises. 
The next evening these shots were repeated, and on 
the following morning we learned that a serious 
attack would be made in the evening. Messages 
were brought to Lieut. Loveday, desiring him to 
repair to the citadel, and there make his salam, or 
obedience, to the khan ; but no fit person was de- 



puted to conduct him, and it was impossible that 
he could pass harmlessly through the infuriated 
Brahufs, setting aside the almost certainty that he 
was sent for to be secured. Nasrfilah, who the day 
before had obtained Lieut. Loveday's cows, on pre- 
tence of sending them for fuel, was not to be found 
when sent for ; all the JBrahui servants, horse and 
camel-keepers, had disappeared, and the guards at 
the gate had gone, taking their effects with them, 
excepting Khadardad, who did not appear to be in 
the secret. 

Two guns on the ramparts of the citadel had been 
pointed towards our house, and Bibi Ganjani, feign- 
ing to be averse to violence, had left the town for 
one of the adjacent villages. A little before sunset 
a smart fire of musketry was opened from the cita- 
del, but without effect, as we were well sheltered, 
and no return was made to it, the rather, as in two 
or three minutes the sun would go down, and we 
were not certain that it would continue. Some of 
the Brahuis and others crept, however, into the 
houses near, and overlooking us. From one of these, 
belonging to a Hindu, Tekh Chand, three of our 
sipahis were shot, when Lieut. Loveday gave the 
word to return the fire. In an instant the heads 
seen over the battlements of the citadel vanished, 
and the fire on the house from that quarter and from 
the surrounding houses ceased. Nothing more oc- 
curred until about midnight, when a party with 
torches and pickaxes made a hole through the outer 


wall of the court, where Lieut. Loveday's horses 
were picketed, the object being, possibly, to carry 
them off. We had heard that part of the Brahui 
plan was, by means of combustibles, to burn our 
house ; and therefore our men re-opened fire, ' Pre- 
sently it was announced that a responsible person 
had appeared on the part of Bibi Ganjani, request- 
ing that the firing might cease, as a party had been 
sent to occupy the Mastung gate, and to take care 
that no one should be suffered to enter the premises. 
The hole was made in readiness for future opera- 

During the night one of the sip&his lowered him- 
self from the walls, and went off, I believe he was 
never heard of again, and in the morning many 
others, finding the affair drew near a close, fol- 
lowed the example, first throwing over their ef- 
fects, and then following them. When, at length, 
Lieut. Loveday called the sipahis up-stairs, not 
one half of them were present. It was told us 
that the darogah and Akhund Mahomed Sidik 
were sitting at the entrance to the citadel, while 
the town was being cleared of the Brahuis, that 
Lieut. Loveday might pass uninterrupted through 
the streets to make his salam. It seems the da- 
rogah, having, as he thought, cleared the place, 
(although many of the Brahuis had secreted them- 
selves,) proceeded to close the town gates, that 
none of us should escape, as well as that none of 
the spoil should slip him. This measure brought 


him near us at the time the better part of the 
sipahis left the house. He collected them, and 
placed them somewhere or other, and returned, 
but not in time to prevent the house from being 
filled on every side. The stables and Lieut. Love- 
day's apartments were taken possession of by the 
followers of Akhtind Mahomed Sidik, and of Shah- 
ghassi Wali Mahomed, who entered by the aper- 
ture made in the night; the apartments of the 
servants and sipahis were penetrated by a horde 
of Br&huls, who had scrambled over the walls. We 
were now in a somewhat delicate position, but that 
the Brahuis fell to plunder, and were so intent 
upon it that they hardly seemed to notice us. The 
men of the Akhtind and Shahghassl sat quietly on 
the boxes, chests, &c., which they now accounted 
their own, and made no attempt to interfere with 
us. I had the satisfaction to witness one of the 
Akhtand's men assume my property; I knew the 
fellow quite well, as he had been in the service 
of Shah Nawaz Khan, and was named Shakur. 
When we descended into the outer court with 
the ten or twelve sipahis remaining, the scene 
was ridiculous, the Brahuis being occupied in break- 
ing open the boxes and ammunition-chests found 
in one of the ground-floor chambers, and in the 
highest glee chasing the fowls, now let loose. The 
gateway opening to the town had been locked, and 
a little delay took place until the key was found. 
The darogah and his party preceded us, as we 


passed through empty streets, amid the revilings 
of women from the houses, towards the citadel. 
At the entrance thereto the sipdhis were led off 
to the right, where one of the guns was stationed. 
They were despoiled of their arms, and Lieut. 
Loveday, with myself, was conducted into the 
citadel. After we had passed up the dark and 
ascending passages leading to the suite of apart- 
ments, and darbar room, some thirty or thirty-five 
of the principal men brandished their swords. A 
Langhow chief, Maha Singh, recognised me at this 
juncture, and placed his arms around me. I sus- 
pected this to have been merely a feint, but since 
learned that it was not altogether so, and that a 
combat had nearly ensued between those eager 
for violence and those anxious to prevent it. The 
d&rogah now appeared, and placing his arms around 
me, who happened to be first, led me through the 
infuriated crowd into the Ahina Khana, as called, 
(the darbar room,) and returned for Lieut. Loveday, 
whose situation was critical, and bringing him in, 
the doors were closed, some half dozen individuals 
only being within the apartment, The darogah 
reproached Lieut. Loveday with the death of Meh- 
rab Khan, and with other injuries; but assured 
him that, as he had entered that house, he was 
safe. His passion did not allow him to speak 
much, and he left the room ; in a few minutes he 
returned, saying the khan wished to see us, and 
directed us to be searched, lest we carried pistols. 


One Yusef Khan, Raisani, searched Lieut. Love- 
day, and took his pocket-book, in which were two 
or three documents, amongst them the copy of 
the ekrar nameh, or engagement entered into by 
the sirdars; and this Yusef Khan would not re- 
turn. I was searched by two or three persons, 
and my lunghi, bordered with golden tissue, was 
taken from my head. We were then conducted 
to an apartment where the young son of Mehrab 
Khan was sitting with Akhund Mahomed Sidik, 
the sirdars of Saharawan, and others. In passing 
we had to encounter volleys of abuse and menaces. 
The darogah took charge of Lieut. Loveday, and 
Mdha Singh rendered me the good office. This 
was the first time we had seen the young khan, 
and were both surprised to find him a youth of 
so respectable an appearance. He welcomed Lieut. 
Loveday with " Khtish amaded," and addressed me 
in the same terms ; then desired both of us to be 
easy on all points, and assured us we had nothing 
to apprehend. The several sirdars omitted no 
formality, and each of them respectively bade us 
welcome. Mahomed Sidik made a brief oration, 
setting forth that, as Lieut. Loveday would neither 
advance money nor come to the citadel and make 
his salam, they had been compelled to adopt the 
only course left to them. It became a question 
as to where we should be lodged : the young khan 
pointed outcome place, but the darogah said no, 
and directed us to be taken to a suite of two apart- 

LOSSES. 201 

ments still higher up in the building, where brick- 
layers were sent, in haste, to close all apertures, 
and we were located therein, under charge of one 
Molahdad, an acquaintance of Lieut. Loveday's, 
as he had for some time been naib at Quetta under 
Mehrab Khan. As soon as we were secured guns 
were discharged, and music at the Nagara Khana 
struck up, as if a victory, or important advantage 
had been gained. 

On this miserable termination of Lieut. Loveday*s 
peace, I suffered the loss, not only of what other 
property I possessed, but of a large accumulated 
stock of manuscripts and papers, the fruits of above 
fifteen years' labour and inquiry. But, three or 
four days previously to the attack, my servant, who 
had become familiar with one of the keepers, Kha- 
dardad, before mentioned, proposed to remove the 
chest containing them from the house, assuring 
me he could do so with KMdardd's connivance* 
Fearful to show a bad example, and to discourage 
the sipahis, I spoke angrily to him, and threatened, 
if he dared to mention such a thing again I would 
punish him. He reminded me that the worst was 
to be expected, and that Lieut. Loveday, by burn- 
ing his papers, was clearly preparing for it. I only 
repeated the menace to him. I need not have 
been so scrupulous, for I since discovered that 
not only had, the sipahis for some days been trans- 
ferring their effects to houses in the town, but 
that, strange to say, Lieut. Loveday had been dis- 


posing of various articles at low prices, particularly 
all his copper utensils ; perhaps, on account of their 
being, in common with much of his property, the 
spoil of Mehrab Khan, and bearing his marks on 



Chamber of Blood. Nature of our custody. Insults of Brahuis. 
Shahghassi Wall Mahomed. Treatment. Lieut. Loveday's 
attendants. The darogah's disappointment. Interview with 
Darogah. His proposition. Lieut. Loveday's stipulation. 
The darogah' s anger. The darogah's intention. Abstraction 
of Sampat. His return. Suspicions as to treasure and jewels. 
Lieut. Loveday's danger. Averted by Faiz Ahmed. Inter- 
view between Lieut. Loveday and the darogah. Letters writ- 
ten for Capt. Bean. Intended advance of Brahuis from Kalat 
to Mastung, My release refused on account of Lieut. Love- 
day's sayings. Arrival of letter and messenger from Rehim 
Khan. Regret of messenger. Arrival of Mir Azem Khan 
at Kalat. 

DURING- our abode in the house from which we 
had just been transferred, I had reconciled my 
mind to the belief that our lives and occupation 
of it would cease together. I had been mistaken, 
and we were reserved for further scenes and perils. 
The apartment which now confined us was called 
the Chamber of Blood, and deservedly, as being 
that where state-offenders were usually put to 
death. The last slaughter of this kind committed 
within its walls was, I believe, that of the late 
khan's Ghilji minister, Daoud Mahomed. Its ap- 
pellation, and the uses to which it had been 


devoted, were calculated to suggest but gloomy 
anticipations for the future ; yet, dispelling associa- 
tions so cheerless, it was spacious, and commanded 
a fine view of the valley in front, and of the en- 
circling hills of Arbui. 

Molahdad, appointed our keeper, with eight or 
ten men, was located with us, and every night an 
additional guard was provided. These men, with 
their incessant clamours, were very annoying ; but 
we were further mortified by visits from crowds 
of all classes, who came both to gratify their curi- 
osity and to indulge in the expression of their tri- 
umph and resentment. Nothing could be more 
galling than to be compelled to hear the offensive 
language employed by most of them ; and the bad 
feelings of many were so excited, that it often 
required the interference of our keeper and his 
party to prevent our being ill-treated by them. Mo- 
lahdad was, perhaps, as good a man as we could 
have had in charge over us, since he was not so 
strict as to forbid any slight indulgence, or even 
intercourse, being enjoyed by us; yet his mildness 
and indifference were inadequate either to hinder 
the visits or to check the insolence of the crowds 
which daily pestered us. Probably he was in- 
structed to permit everything short of actual vio- 
lence, and I observed, or thought so, that he took 
secret pleasure in the taunts, menaces, and ribaldry 
with which \fre were assailed. 

On the first day of our confinement, ShahgMssi 


Wall Mahomed sat with us until evening. '-He was 
brother to the late Nur Mahomed, shahgh&ssi of 
Mehrab Khan, and one of his most effective ad- 
herents. Nur Mahomed was slain at the capture 
of Kalat, while gallantly fighting, after having pre- 
viously sacrificed his wives, and other females of 
his family. Wall Mahomed alluded to the disas- 
ters which had fallen upon his house, but assured 
Lieut. Loveday that he should be kindly treated, 
and should experience what generosity a Baloch 
was capable of. I suspect Wall Mahomed was not 
permitted by the darogah to act as handsomely as 
he wished. 

We were inundated with tales of the plunder 
of Lieut. Loveday's house, and, indeed, during the 
day witnessed the many conflicts that took place 
on its roof between tie spoilers themselves. It 
seemed to be considered by the multitude rather 
as a good joke than an atrocious act. Two or 
three persons killed themselves by drinking vitriol 
instead of wine ; and this accident brought bottles 
and their contents into such distrust that numbers 
were made over to us. So great a store had we 
of both wines, and liquors of various descriptions, 
that Lieut. Loveday consigned them to the charge 
of Diwftn Ramti, who had, on his own part, con- 
tributed a teapot, jug, and other articles of plated 
ware, which were not much prized after it was 
discovered they were not silver. He also provided 
Lieut. Loveday with a few articles of his own 


clothing, and the young khan sent him a chair 
and his postin; the latter, however, deprived of a 
number of jewels which had been sewn over it, 
the youth asserting they belonged to him, and not 
to Lieut. Loveday. Wall Mahomed had promised 
a bed to Lieut. Loveday, but it was not sent ; and 
neither he nor I had anything to sleep upon but 
the coarse carpet spread under us. Our food was 
supplied twice daily from the khan's kitchen, and 
was the same he himself partook of. Tea and 
coffee were furnished by those who had rifled our 
late abode; so that, on the whole, our fare was 
what we had least to complain of. 

Lieut. Loveda/s house was most rigidly exa- 
mined, the floors were all dug up, excavations were 
made in the cellars, and the wells were minutely 
searched. The pair of bull-dogs, the ministers of 
his anger, were literally cut to pieces. 

Attending on Lieut. Loveday, were Sampat and 
Naihal Khan, an old Mahomedan servant and cook ; 
the latter accompanied his master to the citadel, 
and was severely beaten and robbed on the road; 
the former joined in the course of the day. One 
of my servants followed me into the citadel, but 
retired when he saw swords drawn upon us, con- 
cluding all was over. He then went to Eaiz Ah- 
med's house, where my other servants had gone 
before him. The latter soon set out for Kandahar ; 
the former remained, determined to abide, the result 
of events, and ultimately rejoined me at Quetta. 


The sipahis were deprived of their arms, and 
plundered ; the subahdar, or native officer, an 
infirm old man; the havilddr, Allabaksh; Buta 
Singh, a sipahi, and one or two others, were sorely 
maltreated. All were put on an allowance of flour. 
Some managed to preserve their regimental dresses, 
others were wholly despoiled; but all were supplied 
by the young khan with shirts and trousers. 

We were soon apprised that the darogah re- 
pented of the plunder of Lieut. Loveday's house, 
his share of the spoil being nothing at all, while he 
had to incur the odium abroad attendant upon so 
disgraceful an act, and to support the ridicule at 
home, of having been foiled. Akhund Mahomed 
Sidik and Shahghassi Wall Mahomed having so 
largely benefited by the measure, alike increased 
his disappointment. The darogah's plan was to 
have secured Lieut. Loveday in an interview at the 
citadel, and then to have taken possession of the 
house and property in the young khan's name, 
when he would have obtained some document from 
that officer, in his power, to have justified, according 
to his ideas, the appropriation. No doubt the 
sirdars of Sahdraw&n, and their vakil the Akhund, 
precipitated, if they did not wholly bring about this 
affair, although it is nearly as certain that it must, 
sooner or later, have happened. There were too 
many desirous of such a finale, whether urged by 
hopes of plunder or by feelings of revenge, and 
the most extravagant expectations were formed of 


the wealth to be found, to say nothing of the ne- 
cessities of unscrupulous men. Report gave out? 
that twenty-three lakhs of rupees were in charge 
of Lieut. Loveday; chests of ammunition were 
supposed to contain treasures and it was believed 
that a large stock of Mehrab Khan's jewels, and 
other property, was deposited in the house. 

After a lapse of four or five days, it being Roz 
Juma, and the citadel clear of its usual occupants, 
who had attended the young khan on an excursion 
to the tomb of his father, a man came and said the 
dirogah wished to see me. I was led down stairs to 
the Ahina Khana, where he was sitting with Faiz 
Ahmed, and an old woman, a slave probably, who 
retired. The old man prefaced his discourse by -the 
declaration that he never saw a Feringhi, or even 
thought of one, that blood was not ready to gush 
from his eyes, by reason of the wrongs and injuries 
he had endured. He dwelt much upon them, some 
concerning the late Mehrab Khan, some concerning 
particularly himself. He told how Sikandar (Sir 
Alexander Burnes), in that very room had sworn by 
Hazrat Isa, or holy Jesus, that no designs were 
entertained upon the country; he enlarged upon 
the services Mehrab Khan had rendered to the 
army on its march, and of its requital, and expressed 
his horror that the corpse of his late master had 
been exposed in a masjit, unhonoured and unburied : 
in like manner, he pointed to a hole in the apart- 
ment, made by a cannon-ball at- the time of the 


assault. He next commented on Lieut. Loveday's 
attempts to surprise the young khan, and on the offers 
of reward he had held out to those who would 
assassinate himself; affirming, that Nasrulah had 
disclosed all, and declaring that the man had always 
Aeen in his service, although allowed to remain 
with Lieut. Loveday, for the purpose of gaining a 
knowledge of his plans and movements. Observing 
that the past could not be recalled, and that he 
was willing to forget it, while he wished peace 
rather than war, he explained his object in sending 
for me, by desiring me to tell Lieut. Loveday, that 
he purposed to go to Mastung in two or three days, 
and would take him ; that he wished an interview 
with*Capt. Bean, a certain number of men attend- 
ing with each. I was instructed to inquire of 
Lieut. Loveday whether or not he still wished for 
peace, and to let him know the reply. Moreover, 
I was told to represent the mischief it was in his 
(the darogah's) power to cause, the interruption to 
communications, and other evils, all of which might 
be prevented by peace. 

In the course of this conversation, as opportunity 
permitted, I urged upon the darogah, that I feared 
he had not well understood that Capt. Bean, judging 
from his letters, had pacific intentions, and appealed 
to him how awkwardly they were responded to 
by the unfortunate business of plundering Lieut. 
Loveday's house. He seemed to include it in the 
catalogue of things past to be forgotten. I also 

VOL. iv. " f 


explained to him, how earnestly Lieut. Loveday 
had written in recommendation of peace, and 
assured him that if it were not granted, it would 
not be on account of any deficiency in his exertions. 
I even asserted that Lieut. Loveday had written 
much more in favour of them, and of an arrange- 
ment, than I should have done in his situation, 
how much soever I desired for all our sakes so 
fortunate a result; and this I implored him to 


The darogah asked my opinions as to the pro- 
bability that an arrangement could be made, and 
I frankly gave them, stating as a reason the favour- 
able tendency of Capt. Bean's letters, previous to 
the plunder of the house ; how that action might 
alter circumstances I could not tell. I was dis- 
missed to talk with Lieut. Loveday, and to return 
with his answer. 

This was the- first time I had conversed ' with 
Darogah Gul Mahomed, a tall, spare, aged, and 
harsh-featured man, blind of one eye, and his head 
affected with palsy. I spoke as freely to him as 
I could, avoiding to give offence. Neither did I 
find him displeased when I told him I feared he 
was wrong, and had not sought an accommodation 
in the spirit likely to get it, I had, however, 
Faiz Ahmed to support me, and he joined his 
entreaties to mine, that in future a more rational 
line of conduct should be followed. 

I related to Lieut. Loveday what had passed. 


It struck ine that the journey to Mastung might, 
or might not, be intended. That Capt. Bean would 
accept an interview with the darogah, from all I 
had heard of his extreme prudence, I thought very 
doubtful. Lieut. Loveday reasoned as I should, 
that he had no choice but to accompany the daro- 
gah, if he wished it, and desired me to express his 
willingness to do so, provided his sipahis attended 
him in full dress, accoutred and armed, but without 
ammunition. I was so certain this would never be 
allowed, that I wished the stipulation to be omitted, 
but Lieut. Loveday insisted upon it. 

Returning to the darogah, I informed him that 
Lieut. Loveday sincerely wished for peace, and did 
not intend to relax in his endeavours to procure it ; 
that he was agreeable to attend him to Mastung, 
but had suggested that his presence would be more 
beneficial if he was accompanied by his soldiers, 
without ammunition ; for in proportion to the re- 
spect shown to him, would be esteemed the weight 
of his arguments at Quetta. On hearing this, the 
ddrogah instantly rose, shook his head, and bursting 
into a violent passion, asked me if I took him for a 
child, and broke up the conference by telling me 
to go back again to my room. Faiz Ahmed strove 
in vain to mollify him, and I was obliged to retire. 

The next thing we learned was, that the drogah 
wished Lieut. Loveday to be made over entirely to 
his charge and custody, but that Sh&hghassi Wall 
Mahomed opposed such a step, and that they had 


quarrelled on the subject. Shortly after, Sampat, 
the. Hindu servant, was sent for, and was absent 
some days. Lieut. Loveday was very anxious on 
his account, and repeatedly inquired for him ; but 
Molahdad answered evasively, and all that could 
be learned was, that he was in the darogah's house. 
We both feared the object with Sampat was to ex- 
tort disclosures from him, as he was known to be 
Lieut. Loveday's treasurer, as well as his servant 
and general confidant. At length Ram6 brought 
back Sampat, and it proved that, after having been 
at first caressed and made much of in vain, he was 
subjected to slight torture, the effects of which were 
manifest on his wrists and arms. Sampat was very 
reserved upon his return, and what little he commu- 
nicated was in whispers to his master. 

Subsequently I learned many particulars relating 
to the transactions of this period, which I could not 
possibly then be aware of. Besides the prevailing 
belief that Lieut. Loveday had in charge a great 
sum of money, there existed the conviction that he 
was in possession of three caskets of jewels, which, 
after the march of the army from Kalat, had been 
discovered in a house near the springs. I shall not 
enter into the particulars of this alleged discovery, 
the belief in which brought Lieut. Loveday into 
imminent danger, from which, it may suffice to 
observe, that my friend Faiz Ahmed saved him, and 
the same man effected the discharge of Sampat, 
with the slight injury inflicted upon him, when it 


was the intention of the ddrogah to have put him 
to extreme torture, and when cords and stakes were 
ready for the purpose. 

I also learned that Faiz Ahmed, as soon as we 
were lodged in the citadel, made the most earnest 
entreaties that I might be dismissed, and that the 
ddrogah consented, even telling Faiz Ahmed to take 
me to his house. This he feared to do, lest he 
might draw upon himself the fury of the Brahuis. 
Again, when desirous to transfer Lieut. Loveday to 
his own residence, the darogah renewed the offer to 
Faiz Ahmed to remove me, remarking, that as he 
had acceded to my liberation, it might as well be 
done at once, and that I could not be easy where I 
was. Faiz Ahmed excused himself, and said to my 
servant, that I should not myself wish to come away 
at such a time, my stay with Lieut. Loveday being 
in some degree protection to him ; as he, and those 
who interested themselves for me, were obliged also 
to intercede for Lieut. Loveday, which they could 
not do, were I at this moment to leave him. Such 
remarks could have been made by no other than a 
most excellent man. 

In course' of time, Lieut. Loveday expressed . to 
Molahdad his desire to see the d&rogah, and to con- 
cert measures to renew correspondence with.Capt. 
Bean. Ramti and Faiz Ahmed were sent to Lieut. 
Loveday, and after conversing with him, and report- 
ing favourably to the ddrogah, the old man returned 
with them. When seated, he accused Lieut, Love- 


day of the treachery he had on various occasions 
practised towards him, repeated his wrongs, and 
then announced his expectations. He had not, how- 
ever, patience to sit ; his anger hecame evident as he 
hurriedly passed his beads through his fingers, and 
shook his palsied head. He rose, and told Eamu 
and Faiz Ahmed to talk in his place to Lieut. 
Loveday, who had promised to write a letter to 
Capt. Bean, and as he was leaving the room he 
turned to me and sternly said, " Do you write too." 
Paper was supplied to Lieut. Loveday, and the re- 
mainder of the day he occupied in writing his let- 
ter. In this instance he made the strange remark 
to me, that it was now necessary to write the truth ; 
to which I replied, " You should have always done 
so." The first letter written was cancelled, and an- 
other hastily prepared, and it was late before it was 
ready. I had not written, nor did I intend to write. 
When the letter was conveyed to the darogah, 
Molahdad came back and asked where my letter 
was. On this demand, to comply being preferable 
to making excuses, which would neither have been 
understood nor accepted, I took up a fragment of 
native paper, and with a native pen wrote in sup- 
port of Lieut. Loveday's wishes for peace. I showed 
what I had written to Lieut. Loveday, who remarked 
to Molahdfid that it was good, and enclosed it in 
the packet intended for Capt. Bean, to be conveyed 
to Quetta by Hussen, a servant of Diwan Ramu. 
Faiz Ahmed, after his visit to Lieut. Loveday on 


this day, rebuked the darogah for his neglect in not 
furnishing us with decent carpets, cots to repose on, 
and other little necessaries. The old man grew 
exceedingly angry, upbraided my friend for haying 
turned kafr, or infidel, and reminded him of the in- 
dignities offered to Rehiindad and Mulla Hassan. 
This language again drove Faiz Ahmed to the re- 
tirement of his house, from which he was only 
withdrawn by some concession in favour of huma- 

Before a reply was received from Capt. Bean to 
the letters sent by Hussen, the Brahui chiefs at 
Kaldt considered it necessary to advance to Mas- 
tung. Our intercourse being under restriction, we 
did not know exactly the reasons of the movement, 
though many might have been imagined. We were 
since told by Molahdad, who one day remarked, it 
would have been better had all remained at Kalat, 
that on large reinforcements reaching Quetta from 
Kandahdr, Assad Khan, the Raisani sirdar of Kha- 
nak, near Mast6ng, had sent his son to Kalat, to 
explain, that unless a movement were made he 
should be compelled, now that the Feringhis were 
in force and near him, to make terms with them* 
It was very clear, that by marching to Mastung the 
chances of arrangement, at any time doubtful, were 
considerably diminished, while those of collision 
were increased ; but the miserable Brahuis were so 
indifferently combined, that their confederacy was 
liable to dissolve by the least accident, and the de- 


fection of Assad Khan would, no doubt, have been 
imitated ; to prevent which, a course known to be 
evil was followed. Seven hundred Kandahari ru- 
pees, not sixty pounds, were distributed amongst 
the Saharawani sirdars and the young khln's fol- 
lowers at Kalat, and their numbers were, of course, 
trifling, when this sum provided them with money 
rations for three days, and afforded besides presents 
to the sirdars and chiefs present. It was first 
arranged that the young khan and the sirdars were 
to leave on, one day, and the darogah, with Lieut. 
Loveday and myself, on that following; but the 
sirdars would not accede to this, and insisted that 
Lieut. Loveday should leave the town before 
they did. They were perhaps apprehensive that 
he might remain behind altogether, or their jea- 
lousy suggested that the darogah might make some 
agreement independently of them. It was there- 
fore decided, that Lieut. Loveday should accom- 
pany the young kMn, the darogah and sirdars to 

When the march to Mastung was concerted, 
Faiz Ahmed called upon the darogah to redeem 
his promise to liberate me. The old man forbade 
him to speak any more on my behalf, asserting 
that he had been informed, on trustworthy au- 
thority, that I was of more importance than 
suspected. Faiz Ahmed demanded an explana- 
tion, and the drogah answered, that Nasrulah had 
apprised him that Lieut. Loveday bad disclosed to 


him that I was a jdsiis, or spy, on the Feringhis, 
and that when asked how I procured funds to 
travel, replied, that I had hundis, or bills, for twelve 
thousand rupees with me. Faiz Ahmed's protes- 
tations, as to the falsehood of this tale, were, for 
the moment, ineffectual, and the darogah com- 
manded him to resign me to my fate. The infor- 
mation given by Nasrulah was, indeed, acquired 
from Lieut, Loveday, for I had before heard of it 
amongst the many idle things he was accustomed 
to repeat, although, from whatever other unworthy 
motives he indulged in such observations, he could 
not have foreseen that this one of them, in par- 
ticular, would hereafter prove dangerous to my 
liberty and life. 

When we left Kalat for Mastung, Faiz Ahmed 
observed to my servant, with whom he was not 
in the habit of conversing, " Both you and my- 
self have been bi waffa, or faithless, to Masson 
Sahib," meaning, I suppose, that he had been de- 
ficient in having omitted to profit by the consent 
to my freedom, formerly given by the darogah. 
While we were yet in the citadel two or three 
letters came to the young khan and the darogah, 
from Rghim Khan, deprecating any violence to 
Lieut. Loveday and myself. No doubt Faiz Ahmed 
was instrumental in these attempts to prevent far T 
ther evil. At length Rehim Khan's confidential 
agent, Mahomed Khan, reached Kalat, unfortu- 
nately, the day after we had left for Mastung. 


My servant, who saw him, represented him as de- 
jected even to tears, when he found we had been 
carried away, and that he asked him why, in God's 
name, I had not come down to them, when I 
knew they were all friends ; and how I came to 
place myself in the power of so many villains. 
He also brought a letter, addressed to me, which 
I never received. It seemed that Rehim Khan 
was ignorant that our house had been attacked, 
and that we were prisoners in the citadel; and 
supposing us still respected, hoped, by his arrival, 
to put matters in a train for adjustment. When 
informed of what had passed, on the return of 
Mahomed Kh&n, he declared he would have nothing 
to do with men so unprincipled, and a letter from 
him to that effect reached the camp afterwards 
at Masting, and exceedingly irritated the insurgent 

As soon as the tidings of the possession of Kalat 
by the son of Mehr&b Khan spread over the coun- 
try, the young man's uncle, Mir Azem Khan, 
set out from Bela, where he was indifferently si- 
tuated, and where I had visited him in his ad- 
versity. He arrived at Kalat in so bad a state of 
health that his dissolution was expected, but change 
of air so agreed with him, that he improved suf- 
ficiently to be entrusted with the charge of the 
town on the departure of the khan. I never could 
learn that he interfered in state affairs, or, per- 


haps, was not well enough, but he was wont to 
inveigh against the inhospitality he had experienced 
in Las, and betook himself to the free use of strong 
liquors, from which poverty had for some time de- 
barred him, and which, possibly, contributed to re- 
cruit his health. 



Departure for Mastung. Scene at ELalat. Nasrulah. The 
young khan, Route to Mastung. Incident at Karez AmSnu- 
lah. Arrival of darogah and sirdars. Interview with da"rogah. 
Captain Bean's letters. The darogah's vigilance. Lieut. 
Loveday fettered at night. Yusef Khan's rancour. Entry 
into Mastung. Place of confinement. Interview with Kalik- 
dad. Preparation of letters for Quetta Intelligence respect- 
ing Ghulam Khan. His arrival in camp. Captured daks, or 
posts. Indignation of the Brahtils. Kalikdad's apology for 
me. Interview with the darogah. Report of conversation. 
Extra guards, and their evils. Incidents at Mastung. Ma- 
homed Khan's discontent. Kotru chiefs and Mir Boher join. 
Major Clibborn's disaster. Arrival of Saiyad Mobdrak Shah. 
His instructions from Capt, Bean. Indulgence to Lieut, 
Loveday. Formal interview with the young khan and sirdars. 
Capt. Bean's letters. Indignation of the Brahfiis. Repeti- 
tion of fatiha, and determination to slay us. -Misgivings of 
Lieut. Loveday. Terror of his domestics Good offices of 
Rais Harun. Interview with the darogah Intercession of 
Rehimdad's relatives and friends. Disgust at Capt. Bean's 
letter. The darogah accords protection to Lieut, Loveday. 
Permission obtained by Rais Harun for my departure to Quetta. 
Leave Mastung. Incidents on the route. Arrival at Quetta. 
Interview with the political officers. 

WE had passed our ordeal in the ill-omened 
Chamber of Blood; we were now to leave it and 
Kalat ; what new trials were in store for us it was 
vain to conjecture; in helplessness we awaited 


them, certain only that every moment shortened 
our captivity, and accelerated the final issue, which, 
there were too many reasons to fear, could be no 
other than disastrous. 

Led down to the entrance of the citadel, we 
found the darogah and sirdars of Saharawan stand- 
ing, while the avenues were crowded with specta- 
tors. Camels were at hand; on one of which Lieut. 
Loveday and Molahddd were placed ; on another I 
was seated, with Naihal Khan; and, on a third were 
accommodated Sampat and a man, named Maho- 
med Kasim, remarkable as having been the person 
who, from what I have learned, ultimately slew 
Lieut. Loveday near Dadar. We passed through 
the streets amid the yells and hootings of the Br- 
huis and populace, the very women spitting upon 
us, crying pet ! pet ! shame ! shame ! and reviling us 
for having had the presumption to sit on Nassir 
Khan's throne. Many made use of their hands as 
well as tongues, and Lieut. Loveday being pro- 
tected by Molahdad, I fared the worst in the transit 
through the narrow bazar and enraged multitude. 
When outside of the Mastung gate we were not 
followed ; and there I saw many of my Bibi ac- 
quaintance, who by signs, desired me to trust in 
God, which was all they could do, although K&lik- 
dad ventured to tell me, as I passed him, that he 
would follow me to Mastting. 

We were now attended by only four or five 
mounted men, dependents on Molahdad, and had 


not proceeded far when we were hailed to return, 
to witness the young khan's exit from the town 
and the concourse which followed him. Amongst 
these was Nasrulah, so well appareled and equipped 
that I did not recognise him, as he rode, conversing 
for some time, with Lieut. Loveday, and found out 
only on coming to the ground, when I asked my 
companion who that Durani was talking to him on 
the road, for Nasrdlah had assumed the costume of 
Kandahar. The young khan gave us a specimen 
of his skill in horsemanship, which I thought he 
might have spared, especially as the horse he rode 
was one of Lieut. Loveday's chargers. The youth 
soon turned off the road to visit a shrine at Ziarat, 
a village so called, where it is customary for khans, 
and persons of rank, to offer their vows, when 
leaving Kalat on a journey or expedition We 
kept on to Karez Garani, .where the khan's tent 
Kad been sent up, and immediately adjacent to it 
a small one was erected for us, and Molahdad's 
party. Four other servants of Lieut. Loveday, 
before at large in the town, followed their master, 
and the young khan ordered them to be supplied 
with provisions. The youth sent us melons, and 
was so remote from any bad feeling that the objec- 
tions of his people could scarcely overcome his desire 
to send for us into his tent, that he might converse 
with us. 

The next day we moved on to Mangachar, over 
the country, believed by Capt* Bean to be filled 


with enemies and Brahuis ; not a living creature 
was to be seen ; not a solitary tent at the skirt of 
a hill attested the presence of a human being. 
Onr small party moved independently of the khan 
and his retinue, and as we paced over the silent 
waste I lamented to Lieut. Loveday our misfor- 
tune in not having friends, when half a dozen 
mounted men would have extricated us from our 
embarrassment. At Mangachar we heard that 
Htissen, with Capt. Bean's reply, had passed on 
to Kalat. 

Our next march was to Kar6z Amanulah, in 
the vicinity of Mastung, and there we halted two 
or three days. At this place one Sherbet, a Ban- 
gui Zai, accustomed, when we were in the ci- 
tadel, to bring wine and other things, and even 
to tell a little of what he knew, came into our 
tent, saying, he took leave of us, as he had per- 
mission to go home to Isprinji for four days. Sit- 
ting down with Lieut. Loveday, Sherbet asked if 
he could do anything for him. Lieut. Loveday pro- 
mised him a thousand rupees if he would provide 
two horses and effect his escape. Sherbet replied, 
he could or would do as much service, but it must 
be on his return. Lieut. Loveday gave him a ring. 
This communion was carried on between Lieut. 
Loveday, Sherbet, and Sampat, by whispering over 
a book, Sherbet occasionally asking, in a louder 
tone, what this picture and ' that picture meant> 
pretending to be merely indulging his curiosity. 


To divert the attention of Molahdad and the 
two or three attendants, who only chanced to be 
in our tent at the time, I sat over with them, and 
engaged them in conversation. Unluckily, Khan 
Mahomed, the younger brother of the late Daoud 
Mahomed, came to the entrance of the tent while 
this confabulation with Sherbet was in progress ; 
he looked in merely, and said nothing at the time ; 
but reported to the khan what he had seen. Sher- 
bet started for Isprinji, and in the evening was 
brought back. We heard a loud altercation at the 
khan's tent, in which Sherbet's voice, a most so- 
norous one, was very conspicuous, and we could 
understand that he was indignantly repelling the 
charge of familiarity with Labadin. Sherbet was 
too impudent to be easily put down, or convicted 
on mere surmise, and he was again allowed to 
depart, but came no more to us. Molahdad, en- 
tirely unsuspicious of what had transpired between 
Lieut. Loveday and Sherbet, although present in 
the tent, expressed resentment, in no measured 
terms, at the conduct of KMn Mahomed, especially 
as it reflected on his vigilance and fidelity. 

The day following this affair Darogah Gul Ma- 
homed arrived, with the sirdaxs of Saharawan. The 
latter paid a visit to Lieut. Loveday, and Ma- 
homed Khan, Sherwani, sent him a small quantity 
of sugar-candy, and a bottle of madeira. The d&- 
rogah, jealous of such intercourse, desired the wine 
to be given up. He afterwards had a long con- 


ference with Khan Mahomed, who, of course, com- 
municated his suspicions of Sherbet. He next 
came near our tent, and seated himself on a carpet 
some fifteen or twenty feet distant from it. I was 
then summoned, and producing the packet addressed 
by Capt. Bean to Lieut. Loveday, he desired me 
to open the letters and tell him what was written 
in them. I prayed him to send for Lieut. Love- 
day. He said, no. I then requested that he would, 
in the first instance, permit me to take the letters 
to Lieut. Loveday, when I would return and ex- 
plain to him what was written. He again said 
no. I then asked him to allow me first to see 
Lieut. Loveday; to which he assented, and I stepped 
into the tent and mentioned what had happened. 
Lieut. Loveday told me, by all means, to open 
the packet, and acquire a knowledge of its con- 
tents, particularly of what Capt. Bean had written 
privately to himself. I offered peremptorily to 
refuse to open it, but Lieut. Loveday did not 
think it necessary, nor, in fact, did I. I returned, 
and saying to the darogah, I could now read the 
letters, opened the packet. I inquired of him 
what Capt. Bean had communicated to himself, 
when he complained of the tone used, but added, 
that the hope of arrangement was still held out, 
with the recommendation to seek it in humility. 
I observed that such was exactly the tenour of 
Capt. Bean's letters to Lieut. Loveday, as it was in 
truth, but the darogah was not satisfied with so 
VOL. rv. Q 


general a version, and required a more detailed 
one, in which I attempted to please him, not by 
translating the letter, "but telling him something 
to the purport of what he admitted to be found 
in his own epistle. He then desired me to read 
it in English, which I did, omitting names, and 
he smiled at the unintelligible jargon. I next re- 
quested that he would permit me to give the letters 
to Lieut. Loveday, as, having seen them, I should 
of course tell him their contents, and there could 
be no reason to withhold them. I even put them 
into my pocket, but he obliged me to give them 

In the official letter of Capt. Bean to Lieut. 
Loveday the concluding paragraph related to me, 
and was worded nearly, if not quite, as follows : 
"The mystery of Mr. Masson's appearance at Ka- 
lat at the period of the present outbreak, com- 
bined with his clandestine residence at that place, 
has given rise to suspicions, in my mind, of that 
iDdividual, which I have not failed to communicate 
to government." If I felt surprise at this an- 
nouncement, I was perfectly able to conceal it 
from the darogah. On return to Lieut. Loveday, 
I related to him the contents of Capt. Bean's 
letters, and what the darogah had said, before I 
alluded to the above paragraph, He was abashed, 
and also, to do him justice, apparently much hurt, 
remarking to me, " Poor fellow, your case is a hard 
one, to be a sharer in my misfortunes, and, at the 


same time, to be so ungenerously suspected." I 
consoled him by expressing the opinion that Capt. 
Bean would have addressed his suspicions to those 
who would treat them with ridicule. Lieut. Love- 
day, perhaps, recalling to recollection that, in his 
former letters to Capt. Bean, he might have written 
in a disparaging tone, as it was his custom to 
speak of me, observed, that he wondered I had not 
gone on to Kandahar. I asked why he should have 
wondered, when he knew I was awaiting the ar- 
rival of the kafila for my servants and luggage to 
join, and when he knew, as well as myself, the kafila's 
detention on the road, and that, when it did arrive, 
the country was in arms. I prayed him to be as 
easy about it as I was myself, and remarked, that 
it was Capt. Bean's mode of acknowledging the 
receipt of the letter I had sent; and this I sus- 
pected it to be. 

Late this evening the darogah sat in conference 
with Khcln Mahomed and Yiisef Khan Rais&ni ; and 
orders arrived that the four servants of Lieut. Love- 
day, who had joined on the road, should leave our 
tent, and be distributed in various quarters ; I believe 
their arms were bound behind them. Presently 
after a man, called the kalifa, came with a pair of 
fetters, with which he secured Lieut. Loveday's feet 
to the tent-pole. Not a word passed while this 
outrage was committed. Additional guards were 
stationed within and without the tent. I expected 
the kalifa would have returned with another pair 



of fetters for me, he did not. The night we passed 
in deep anxiety. I feared the fetters were but 
a prelude to a worse crime. Neither Lieut. Love- 
day nor myself slept. He did not speak, nor had 
I the heart to speak to him. By daybreak, to our 
great joy, the kalifa appeared, and removed the 
fetters ; the servants were unbound, and the mea- 
sure proved to have been one of precaution, adopted 
at the suggestion of Khan Mahomed and Yusef 

Early in the morning tents were struck; first 
the darogah, then other parties took the road to 
Mastung. The young khan and our party re- 
mained some time longer on the ground. Yusef 
Khan tarried to accompany the khan, and on this 
occasion, while he spared Lieut. Loveday, was very 
severe upon me, particularly as he had failed to 
have me fettered as well as Lieut. Loveday; he 
swore he would kill me in spite of Faiz Ahmed, 
and have my htindis ; also, that he would burn Faiz 
Ahmed^s house, and do many other things. I was 
ignorant at the time what he meant by the hundis. 
We were now denied stirrups, and Molahdad mount- 
ing a horse, another man was commissioned to ride 
in front of Lieut. Loveday. Mahomed Kasim had 
rode in front of my camel since leaving Karez 
Garani, as neither I nor Naihal Khan had been 
skilful enough to manage the animal. In time 
we advanced, preceding the young khan and his 
suite. As we neared the town, the Brahuis and 


inhabitants lined both sides of the road, and we 
passed between them, amidst jeers, execrations, 
and menaces. This mortifying exhibition continued 
until we reached the gardens on the northern side 
of the town, where we were to be lodged, and we 
were conducted to a gardener's house, with one 
room above and another below. We were first 
placed in the upper apartment, but it was dis- 
covered that we should be higher in position than 
the young khan, whose tent was fixed in an ad- 
jacent garden, and we were transferred to the 
lower room, unused by the owners but as a place 
for fuel and rubbish, on account of mangurs, large 
and troublesome bugs. 

The horrible imprecations bestowed upon us this 
day were keenly felt by Lieut. Loveday, who ap- 
peared to be nearly exhausted when he entered 
the apartment assigned to us. The insults of the 
rabble were feebly repressed by the laughing re- 
monstrances of our guards. 

On the following morning, the filthy state of 
the lower chamber and the grievance of mangurs 
being represented, the scruples respecting our ele- 
vation as regarded the kMn were surmounted, 
and we ascended into the upper room. 

We suffered much from the curiosity of the fresh 
people we encountered here. Our room was very 
small, and thronged with us, our guards, and visitors. 
The gardens around us were filled with the levies of 
tribes, and if we had occasion to leave the chamber 


we had enough of insult to endure, and were always 
pelted with stones and clods of earth. Once a 
fellow presented his firelock at me, and too close 
to have missed, had not one Safar Khan, a Lari, 
averted his aim. On the tops of the walls, and 
even on the trees in the gardens, spectators were 
constantly perched. Moreover, the khan's morning 
and evening darbars attracted large mobs, and the 
daily distribution of grain was distinguished by the 
utmost confusion and violence. In this, the third 
stage of our confinement, our situation had become 
desperate indeed, but it was too critical to endure 
long without change. 

We had been at Mast6ng three or four days 
when I was desired to attend the darogah. His 
tent was in the adjoining garden, separated from 
us by a wall only, I found Kalikdad, my acquaint- 
ance, had arrived from Kalat, and had so urgently 
entreated the darogah that he might see me as 
to obtain permission. The darogah said little, and 
nothing on business, but told Kalikdad he might 
take me aside and converse with me. We went 
and sat by the bank of a canal of irrigation near. 
Kalikdad detailed the efforts made by Faiz Ahmed 
in my favour at Kalt, and of the success attending 
them, until the tale about the hundis upset every- 
thing; that, before the darogah left Kalat, Faiz 
Ahmed had made another effort, and had sworn 
on the Koran that the 'story was untrue, and that 
I had no hundis. The d&rogah replied, that he 


could not, as a Mussulman, reject Faiz Ahmed's 
oath ; still, he confided in his own intelligence ; but, 
whether I had or not hundis, he would, in consi- 
deration of Faiz Ahmed, consent to liberate me, 
but not until the mokadami, or contest, was over, 
and then I should go neither to Quetta nor to Kan- 
dahar. Faiz Ahmed compelled the darogah to 
swear upon his beard that no injury should happen 
to me. I observed my fate was in other hands 
than the darogafrs, and I absolved Faiz Ahmed and 
himself from all interest in the matter. Kalik- 
dad said the darogah was a man of his word, which 
I ridiculed. He then told me that he was deputed 
by Faiz Ahmed solely to watch over me, and to 
keep the darogah to the observance of the pledge 
he had made. Kalikdad added he had brought 
my servant, Rasul, with him, and I prayed him to 
keep him quiet, as he was better at large than 
with us, and we needed no more company. 

The packet detained by the darogah was at last 
sent to Lieut. Loveday, and another letter was 
proposed to be written to Capt. Bean : the darogah, 
besides, consented to write to the envoy and minis- 
ter, but would not listen to a letter for the king. 

Before these were framed, some one from Quetta 
sent intelligence that Ghulam Kh&n (brother to 
the late Daoud Mahomed, and to KMn Mahomed, 
who had played the evil part at Karez Am&nulah,) 
would repair to Mastxing, and that it was necessary 
to observe great caution, as he had concerted with 


Capt. Beau to rescue Lieut. Loveday. So accurate 
was the intelligence received by the darogah of 
Capt. Bean's actions, and even of his sayings, that 
he must have had informants in the persons em- 
ployed by the political agent, if not amongst those 
in his confidence. About this time it was known 
at Mastung that Sherbet had been to Quetta, and 
had shown to Capt. Bean the ring given to him by 
Lieut. Loveday. We did not know what to make 
of it, as Sherbet, according to Lieut. Loveday's ac- 
count, had not been told to go to Quetta ; yet it 
proved true, he had gone there to get money from 
Capt. Bean. The Brahuis seemed to enjoy it as a 
joke, and were for sometime laughing and talking 
about Sherbet and the ring; and Sherbet much 
exceeded his four days' leave of absence ; when he 
did return, he was unable to force the guards, but 
contrived to deliver, through others, some papers 
and a bottle of brandy, received from Capt. Bean 
for Lieut Loveday. 

Ghulam Khan at length appeared in the camp, 
alleging that he was in quest of a camel stolen 
from him at Quetta. Increased precautions were 
adopted towards us, and an additional guard by 
night was set over us. Ghulam Kh&n was strictly 
watched, although much outward respect was shown 
to him. Lieut. Loveday was sent for one evening 
by the darogah to see Ghuldm Khan, and told me, 
on his return, that the "old hypocrite affected ex- 
treme civility, rose when he entered the tent, and 


neglected no mark of respect. Ghfilam Khan was 
compelled to proceed to Kalat. This man had 
been a prime instigator of the disorders committed 
by the tribes in the Bolan pass ; the enemy of Meh- 
rab Khan, he became necessarily the friend of the 
English, and now reappeared, as was believed, laden 
with the favour of the political officers. His bro- 
ther, 'Khan Mahomed, had, as before noted, urged 
the darogah to fetter Lieut. Loveday. About this 
time I was summoned to the darogah's tent, as it 
proved, to witness the fragment of an intercepted 
dak, or post. The darogah said, three messengers 
with the packets had been killed, and he desired 
me to tell Labadin that it would be better to make 
peace and prevent such mischief. The dak was of 
old date, and amongst the few papers preserved 
was, singularly enough, a copy of Lieut. Loveday's 
despatch, announcing the capture of Kalat by the 
rebels. I was not asked to read the letters, indeed, 
was not permitted ; for, having taken up a document 
purporting to be intelligence from Khiva, I wished 
to have read it, for my own satisfaction, and it was 
snatched from me. 

Upon another day I was taken to the young 
khan's tent, where, besides the youth, were the daro- 
gah and a host of rabble, sitting over the contents 
of a whole dak from India, a recent prize. It was 
comprised entirely, as far as I observed, of news- 
papers and private letters, with the exception of a 
public letter from Ferozpur ; a circumstance which 


Lieut. Hammersley, at Quetta, explained, by inform- 
ing me that official letters had been for some time 
despatched by Kdbal. The darogah again observed, 
that four messengers with the packet had been slain, 
and I was anew exhorted to represent the evil to 
Lieut. Loveday. I was not asked to read the let- 
ters by the darogah or young khan ; but the mob 
sitting around would throw them towards me, ask- 
ing, what is this, what is that ? and, throwing them 
back to them, I observed they were letters from 
men to their fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters, 
and so forth, and could not concern them. They 
became angry, and very abusive ; neither did I care 
or fear to retort. The darogah himself was busy 
in reading Persian letters ; he found one which con- 
tained, as he said, a barat, or money-order, that he 
thought worth keeping, and then took up another ; 
but when he had in part perused it, he cast it away, 
exclaiming it was bi fahida, or profitless. He then 
rose and directed me to be led back. My friend 
Kaiikdad had been summoned to this scene, and, 
when I had gone, the young khan remarked to him, 
" Your acquaintance refuses to read the letters;" 
and the Brahtils asserted that I was worse than La- 
badin, and jeered them ; Kaiikdad explained that, 
amongst Feringhis, it was infamous for one to open 
and read the letters of another, and that great men 
would die rather than do it. On the road to our 
prison apartment, some who wished me well came 
by my side, aixd entreated me to be careful in my 


language, or, as they said, the Brahdis would cut 
me to pieces. I was too enraged to be able to con- 
ceal my feelings, and replied, " Curse the scoundrels, 
it's the only thing remaining for them to do." 

The letters to Capt. Bean, and the envoy and 
minister, were at length written, and sent to Quetta, 
with a letter from Lieut. Loveday. That officer 
took the opportunity to correct Capt. Bean, in 
respect to his unfounded suspicions relating to my- 
self, and instanced, what he was pleased to call my 
noble and devoted conduct at Kalat, besides point- 
ing out the extent and irreparable nature of my 
losses. I was perfectly indifferent as to what Lieut. 
Loveday might write, but he considered himself 
bound in justice to refute Capt. Bean's prepos- 
sessions. I was not present at the interview be- 
tween the darogah and Lieut. Loveday when these 
letters were decided upon, but had seen copies of 
what was intended should be written. Afterwards 
the darogah sent for me, and asked my opinion of 
them. I replied, that the letters to the envoy 
and minister had been pronounced by Lieut. Love- 
day, to be very good ; but I would not venture to 
say so much for his (the darogah's) own letter to 
Capt. Bean. He told me not to be afraid/ and to 
tell him what harm there was in it. I said its tone 
was much too high, and that, if he had an object 
to gain, and that object worth gaining, he should 
at least be moderate in his language. The darogah 
affirmed that he had no help, for Bean had written 


to him in the same style. At this meeting, the 
darogah being somewhat reasonable, I conjured 
him to think seriously on the state of things, and, 
by a little concession, facilitate the commencement 
of arrangement, which never would be accomplished 
so long as letters merely recriminatory and boastful 
were exchanged between Capt. Bean and himself. 
He declared, that he sincerely desired an arrange- 
ment ; when I ventured to tell him, there was one 
thing, if he would do it, which would compel the 
government to accord terms. He asked what ? I 
replied, to appoint Lieut. Loveday your envoy, and 
despatch him to Quetta. He looked amazed; but 
I continued, that no one would do his business so 
well ; experience had opened his eyes, and he had 
become so convinced of former errors, that he was 
prepared to advocate the cause of the khan, and 
Brahuis, to an extent far beyond what I could 
conscientiously advise. The darogah said, Labadin 
would betray him. I answered, he could not, or 
he would be spurned by his own countrymen ; and 
then added, I know you have promised Faiz Ahmed 
that I shall be dismissed, and that I shall not be 
harmed. I am in your hands : keep me, dismiss 
Loveday, and if peace be not the result, cut me 
to pieces. The ddrogah stared at me for two or 
three minutes, when, shaking his head, he said, 
he would not release Labadiu. Much more passed, 
but the dSrogah represented, that he must await 
answers to the letters sent. Kalikdad, who was 


present, told my servant that, fearful my plain-speak- 
ing might offend, he had, when I was gone, put 
forth some excuse for me, but the darogah assured 
him that he was pleased I should speak my mind, 
and that my frankness was a proof of honesty. 

The extra guards by night were regularly changed, 
so that we never had the same set of men twice. 
They sat up all night, and were supplied with oil 
to replenish the lamp kept burning at the foot 
of Lieut. Loveday's bed. To divert their incli- 
nation to sleep, they told tales and sang songs, 
without any respect to our rest. At length mu- 
sical instruments were brought, and kept ringing 
until morning, so that it was impossible to sleep. 
Both Lieut. Loveday and myself thought it was a 
plan to annoy us. For two or three nights we had 
endured this new evil, when the darogah, at the 
instance of Kalikddd, sent for me very late. My 
head at the time was . distracted, as I had no bed 
like my companion, nor any pillow on the ground, 
and the grating of the harsh music horribly vi- 
brated through my ears* I said to the darogalfs 
man, that his master had hit upon a good method 
of destroying us with his infernal music, and the 
fellow nearly tumbled over with laughter. On 
seeing the darogah, he asked if I was well, and 
I asked how I could be well, when we were al- 
lowed to sleep neither by day nor night, and men- 
tioned the music. I also told him he had better 
kill us at once, than in so cowardly a manner. 


He smiled, and desired me to return. That night the 
music was continued, but for the future he directed 
Molahdad to take the instruments away from the 
men who brought them. Kalikdad, it seems, was 
exceedingly afraid the darogah was practising some 
severities upon us, not thinking I should complain 
so strongly about mere music, and, when I left, he 
taxed the darogah, but the old man denied it, pro- 
testing he did not wish to give us pain, but that, 
if we got away, he should be laughed at. As for 
me, he said I was drunk. 

The letters sent to Quetta were not replied to 
promptly, and this occasioned my being sent for 
one night, when Molahdad and Rais Harun were 
present; for the darogah had so unconquerable 
an aversion to Lieut. Loveday, that he was often 
accustomed to apply to me when he had anything 
to communicate to, or ask of that officer. He now 
wished to know why no reply had been sent from 
Capt. Bean. At this meeting he asked Molah- 
dad, in Brahiiiki, whether it would be of any 
use to send me to Quetta. Molahdad answered 
that I should be murdered on the road. Rais 
Harun, here mentioned^ was an aged inhabitant 
of Kalat, trusted by the darogah, and, therefore, 
placed by him as a check upon the guards in our 
apartment. He was reserved and civil, but un- 
relentingly vigilant. 

As at Kalt, we were supplied .with provisions 
from the young khan's kitchen, but at length be- 


gan to suffer exceedingly in our narrow apartment. 
Lieut. Loveday was attacked with an ague every 
second day. Sampat was also sick. I had no 
fever, but was otherwise unwell, and two or three 
of our keepers were ailing. Rais Harun, amongst 
them, was brought very low. 

We knew little of what was passing amongst 
the Brahuis, or more than could be gathered from 
the conversation of those about us, in which they 
were chary, having the belief that I understood 
them. Some time after we reached Mastung a 
kafila of eighty loads of tobacco, almonds, &c., 
belonging to the town, and destined for Kachi, 
was plundered, when about to start, by the law- 
less men assembled in the gardens. A quarrel 
ensued, and Mahomed Khan, Sherwani, absented 
himself from the insurgent councils for some time. 
Now, a difference of opinion prevailed as to the 
better course to be followed, this same Mahomed 
Khan proposing to march in to* Kachi instead of 
attacking Quetta. About this time, moreover, a 
report spread that a kafila of government stores was 
on the road from Dadar to Quetta: the Brahuis 
put themselves into motion, and set off to intercept 
it. The report proved false ; and there was time 
to recal the men on foot, but the horsemen had 
gone too far in advance to be overtaken, and had 
a journey to Mach, a spot in the Bolan pass, for 
nothing, but to return as empty-handed as they 
went. It wa$ calculated that a thousand horse 


and about five hundred foot, started on this foray, 
and which was nearly the strength of the camp, 
few remaining in it. 

We, of course, were able to tell when any fresh 
arrivals came into the insurgent camp, as they 
generally -visited us. Naihal Khan, of Kotra, had 
joined at Karez Amanulah, and Mahomed Khan, 
Eltarz Zai, of Kotra, joined at Mastung. With 
the latter came Mir Boher, of Zehri, but with 
only fifty followers, neither could he have ven- 
tured into the Saharawam camp, to save himself 
from future vengeance, but under the protection 
of the Kotra chiefs, uncles of the young khan. 
He was entirely distrusted, and called to no de- 
liberation. No other chiefs of Jhalawan were pre- 
sent, and no one of the least consequence from 
Kachi, or other places. At the period when the 
greatest number of men was assembled, it was said 
that forty kharwsirs of grain were expended daily. 
It was wonderful - to conceive where it *could be 
found ; but there is little doubt, but that for the 
aid of Diwan Eamu, the rebellion could neither 
have originated or have been sustained. 

The tidings of the disaster of Major Clibbom's 
force in the Kahan hills did not produce so much 
sensation as might have been expected, the Doda 
Marris, I believe, declining any intercourse with 
the insurgents, or to niake common cause with 
them. The dafogah was fond of saying, that, if 
peace were made, he would undertake the chastise- 
ment of these Marris. 


When Lieut. Loveday had written his last letter 
to Capt. Bean, the darogah desired him to request 
that Saiyad Mobarak Shah, of Kar&oi, and Munshi 
Jan Ali, should be sent over to treat. In course 
of time, we heard that a person resembling the 
saiyad was in the camp, and so it proved. In the 
evening I was summoned, and Lieut. Loveday de- 
sired me, if there was any letter, by all means to 
open it. I found the darogah and saiyad together, 
and, on entering the tent, the former was explain- 
ing to the latter, who wished Lieut. Loveday to 
be called, that his blood boiled at the sight of him, 
as he had fed his dogs on human flesh. Letters 
were produced, and after urging, to no purpose, 
that Lieut. Loveday should be called, I said I 
was authorised to open them, and did so ; after 
which I gave a version of such parts of them as 
could do no harm; and in these letters there was 
matter relating, for instance, to Sherbet and the 
ring, which it did not behove the ddrogah to 

I then renewed my entreaties that Lieut. Love- 
day should be called, and so earnestly, that the 
darogah, being alike pressed by Saiyad Moba- 
rak, yielded, first asking me whether he was in 
his senses, and collected. When Lieut. Loveday 
came, the saiyad explained, as he had before 
done to me, that he was commissioned by Capt. 
Bean to inform them that instructions had been 
received from "the envoy and minister to treat, that 



there was one condition to .which the khan must 
consent, and then all other terms should be granted. 
Lest, he added, addressing the darogah, you should 
consider me nakabil, or unskilful, in not ascertain- 
ing what that one condition was, I asked Capt. 
Bean to disclose it, and he said that I must first 
go and learn what the khan and Brahuis wanted. 
The darogah, this evening, was reasonable ; Lieut. 
Loveday was pleased at the presence of the saiyad, 
by whose intercession the fetters were remitted ; 
and many thought a ray of hope beamed through 
the dark clouds of despair which enveloped our 

On the following day both Lieut. Loveday and 
myself were summoned to a formal interview at 
the khan's tent, where the sirdars and principal 
men were convened. On the right of the khan 
were sitting two saiyads of Kalat, Mahomed Khan 
Sherwani, Malek Dinar, Mahmudshahi, Mahomed 
Kh&n, Eltarz Zai, and another person* On his 
left were Akhund Mahomed Sidik, and various 
chiefs I did not know. Saiyad Mobarak Shah 
and the darogah were seated in front of the khan, 
and to their right Lieut. Loveday and myself were 
placed, After salutations, the Akhund made an 
oration, setting forth what was wanted ; the darogah 
also spoke briefly, and the young khn attempted 
a speech, saying something about Sulah ! sulah ! 
peace I peace ! and Samshir ! samshir ! sword ! 


sword! meaning, that if peace were not granted, 
the alternative must be the sword. Lieut. Love- 
day was called upon to speak, and said, that he 
was aware the Brahuis required subsistence, that 
the khan wanted his father's country and money, 
that he had always pressed these things on Capt. 
Bean's consideration, and should do so again. I 
was told to say something, and observed, I had 
nothing to say. This conference was remarkable 
for the order observed ; no one spoke amongst the 
Brahuis but the three persons mentioned ; at least, 
not audibly ; the saiyads on the khan's right, how- 
ever, whispered to him many remarks to the pre- 
judice of Lieut. Loveday, and of his appearance. 
The demands put forth were extravagant, and the 
darogah's tone was different from that he em- 
ployed on the preceding evening. 

Letters to Capt. Bean were despatched by Kamal 
Shah, another saiyad, and companion of Saiyad 
Mobarak, who awaited his return to camp. Mo- 
barak Shah and the darogah called on Lieut. Love- 
day, and the former called once or twice alone, but 
always so watched that he could communicate no- 
thing if he had wished. 

The first time I saw Mobarak Shah the darogah 
asked him, in Brhuiki, whether there would be 
any benefit in sending me to Quetta ; the saiyad 
hesitated, and made no reply ; now, when he came 
to see Lieut. Loveday, he said, that when Capt 


Bean's reply reached, and he returned, as he could 
not ask for Lieut. Loveday, he would take me with 

The period allowed for the reply in question 
had passed, and a letter came from Kamal Shah, 
stating, that he met with nothing but promises and 
delays. Eventually, however, he appeared, hear- 
ing letters for the young khan and for Lieut. 
Loveday. A packet, containing Capt. Bean's let- 
ter, and many private letters, was given to the 
latter, without observation, and unopened. The pri- 
vate letter, explanatory of the terms proposed, I did 
not think objectionable, as, on condition of hold- 
ing Kalat from the shah, the son of Mehrab was 
to be acknowledged khan of Balochist&n. Saha- 
rawan and Kachi were not to be immediately re- 
stored, but remuneration was held forth. It was 
even said, that the only way by which an advance 
of money could be justified would be by the prompt 
acceptance of the terms. Supposing Capt. Bean 
wrote in sincerity, I supposed that the Brahufs had 
no occasion to be displeased. 

We heard, however, that high indignation was 
excited by Capt. Bean's letter to the young khan, 
but it was not shown to us, nor were we made 
cognizant of its contents. 

Some time after I was summoned by the da- 
rogah, and Lieut. Loveday gave me Capt. Bean's 
letter, that I might be prepared if it was needed. 
I put it into my pocket. Mahomed KMn, Eltarz 


Zai, and many chiefs, were present, but none of 
the sirdars or principal ones. They had a batch of 
newspapers lying before them, which had been sent 
for Lieut. Loveday, but in a parcel separate from 
the letters. I was plagued to tell them what they 
were, and found it difficult to make them under- 
stand. They told me to read them in English, 
and I read two or three lines of a new tragedy re- 
viewed in one of them, and appealed to the da- 
rogah that it was verse. He caught the rhythm, 
smiled, and said it was poetry. The chiefs amused 
themselves by worrying me, and throwing first one 
paper and then another at me, asking what 
they were, and I asked them if they had not eyes, 
and could not see they were all the same. They 
were pleased still to annoy, and became very scur- 
rilous, when I appealed to the darogah if he was 
not unreasonable in allowing them so much free- 
dom, and he smiled, and his eye chancing to glance 
upon my pocket, he asked what I had there. I 
told him Capt. Bean's letter, and he then inquired 
what was written in it. I answered, that Lieut. 
Loveday had given it to me that I might tell him, 
but he could not expect I could do so before such 
a set of fellows as those now with him. He seemed 
by his looks to approve this answer, and Mahomed 
Khan, taking pity, said, " Let .him go back to his 
room." The darogah took up the words, and told 
me to return. 
At noon there was a numerous meeting at the daro- 


gab's tent. It was noisily conducted, and terminated 
by the repetition of fatiha, and the determination 
to kill both of us, and advance upon Quetta. We 
soon learned the circumstance from the conver- 
sation of our guards, who, in anticipation, assigned 
to each other our respective garments, one select- 
ing Lieut. Loveday's postin, another fixing on my 
lunghi, and so forth. Lieut. Loveday understood 
enough of the Brahuz dialect to comprehend the 
drift of what was said, and became dejected. He 
had never, I believe, really feared that worse could 
happen to him than mere detention as a hostage 
for Rehimdad, a Bakkar prisoner. Saiyad Moba- 
rak took leave of us, saying that no letters would 
be given to him, and that negotiation was closed. 
The darogah sent for Lieut. Loveday's seal ring, 
which was given up. 

Lieut. Loveday communicated to me his fears, 
and I remarked that we were in the power of the 
villains, and helpless, but, to console him, pointed 
out that the saiyad was still in camp, and so 
long as he remained violence would be deferred. 
Neither could it be done without the consent of 
the darogah and sirdars, who, we were told, were 
absent when the fatiha was repeated. The people 
about us seemed to think the resolution final, and 
Lieut. Loveday observed to me, that Molahd&Ts 
countenance was changed. All who dropped in 
also made no secret of the affair, and gave us 
up for lost. The tragedy was to be enacted 


next morning, previous to an intended march to 

Nalhal Khan, the cook, was to be spared, be- 
cause he was a Mussulman, and Pir Baksh, the 
son of Kalikdad, a brother of Rehimdad, told Sam- 
pat he should be saved, and put over his grain- 

In the evening Naihal KMn went to the khan's 
kitchen for our daily meal, which was given as 
usual, but he returned in great terror, and re- 
peated the horrid language he had heard, and wept 
bitterly, exclaiming in his agony, Oh ! the asMb ! 
the asbab ! the property ! the property ! we have 
been victims to the property ! In truth, such was, I 
believe, the case, though it was now useless to reflect 
upon it. Lieut. Loveday was nearly unmanned by 
the grief of his servant. 

Of those about us, Rais Harun seemed most 
affected, and taking his opportunity, earnestly told 
Lieut. Loveday to ask to see the darogah. " Who 
will procure the meeting ?" said Lieut. Loveday. " I 
will," answered the Rais. " Why do you not speak 
to me? I can manage so much as that." Lieut. Love- 
day gladly requested him to exert his influence. 
The Rais instructed him what he should say, and 
how he should act at the meeting. Amongst 
other things, he advised Lieut. Loveday to urge 
that I might be sent to Quetta, to represent his 
situation to Capt. Bean; and recommended that 
Lieut. Loveday should lay hold on the darogah's 


garment, and implore his protection. Lieut. Love- 
day promised to say and to do all, and the interview 
was arranged. 

With the darogah were Saiyad Mobarak Shah, 
Rais Hartin, two Hindus, R&mu and Tekh Chand 
of Kalat, and, I believe, Molahdad. When we 
first entered there were also the young son of 
Rehimdad, the Bakkar prisoner, the son of Kalik- 
dad, nephew to Rehimdad, with two or three sai- 
yads of Mastting. They had, clearly, been soliciting 
the darogah's mercy, being interested, on account o 
the fate of Rehimdad; and the old man spoke 
kindly to them, while the saiyads as they retired 
said, "Peace, ddrogah, peace." 

Capt. Bean's letter to the khan was handed to 
Lieut. Loveday, who read it, and loudly expressed 
indignation, both at the matter and at the terms in 
which it was conveyed. 1st, The khan was to sur- 
render Kalat ; 2nd, he was to go to Kandahar, and 
make his obedience to the shah ; 3rd, he was to 
do whatever was hereafter required of him. On 
these conditions he should be acknowledged. Sai- 
yad Mobarak was ashamed of his mission, and 
condemned the letter as heartily as Lieut. Loveday. 
The darogah said he would preserve the letter, to 
show the lord sahib what a fool Bean was. 

In the course of conversation, Lieut. Loveday asked 
the darogah to allow me to go to Quetta, to repre- 
sent his situation, but the darogah said I should 
not go. He repeated the request five or six times, 


the darogah refused. At length, when we were 
told to return to our chamber, Lieut. Loveday 
placed his hands on fhe darogah's feet, saying he 
was his prisoner, and at his mercy, but craved his 
protection. I did not think the darogah 'was dis- 
pleased at the act. He said, at first, " Khair ast," it 
is well ; and, finally, Lieut. Loveday continuing his 
hands in their position, he said " Khata jam bashi," 
or, be at ease. We took leave, and Rais Harun 
was much pleased that Lieut. Loveday had per- 
formed his part so well. This night, however, the 
fetters were again used. 

About midnight Rais Harun came, and informed 
us, that he had been until that time striving to 
persuade the darogah to sanction my journey to 
Quetta* but to no purpose. 

Early next morning the Rais was again with the 
darogah, and on his return, to the surprise of every 
one, told me to get ready for Quetta, and Lieut. 
Loveday to prepare a letter for Capt. Bean. Saiyad 
Mobarak Shah then came and conversed some time. 
He said Capt. Bean was a very good man, but was 
too obstinate, and prayed me to entreat him to 
yield a little in his obstinacy. 

Lieut. Loveday was engaged in writing a letter ; 
and other delays took place, until noon. I was very 
doubtful whether I should be permitted to leave, and 
to get ready gave me no trouble, as I had no other 
clothes than those I wore. At length, however, I 
was told to come out of the room, and, to my amaze- 


ment, instead of being conducted to the darogah, to 
the khan, or to any one else, I was led straight 
through the gardens and put behind another man on 
horseback. Crowds of Brahuis assembled to see the 
il, or brother of Labadin, as they called me, but dis- 
played merely a little mirth, much to my satis- 
faction, and that of Molahdad, who, with four horse- 
men, was to escort me to Feringab&d, and who had 
feared obstruction from the unruly mob. When 
we had quite cleared the gardens of the place, we 
awaited the arrival of Kamal Shah, who was to 
accompany me to Quetta, and bring back Capt. 
Bean's answer, should I remain. On taking leave 
of Lieut. Loveday I promised to request Capt. 
Bean to go as far as his instructions permitted him. 
Lieut. Loveday said, " Tell him to go beyond them." 
In shaking hands with him, I observed, " Some of 
these people may not believe I shall come back ; 
you know I will." 

When Kaml Shh joined us, a horse was pro- 
vided for me, and we started for Quetta. Mo- 
lahdad and his party accompanied us nearly to the 
Lak, or small pass, north of Feringabad. In a line 
with the village of Tiri three or four horsemen 
were standing to the left, with their horses' heads 
turned towards us, and, after a pause, advanced in 
our direction. Molahdad and I were considerably 
in front when they came up with. Kamal Shah be- 
hind us, and it turned out that, though they lagged 


behind, they intended to profit by his company, and 
go to Quetta. I heard Molahdad tell his party 
that they were charis, or spies. 

Upon gaining the crest of the Lak, the boundary 
between the JVIastung and Quetta districts, the 
saiyad asked me if we should wait for the horse- 
men behind, falsely stating that he had engaged 
them as a protection to me. I answered, he 
might please himself, but his servant preferring 
to go on, we did not halt. A bleak plain stretches 
for five or six miles from the Lak, to Sir i ab, 
where may be said to commence the cultivated 
plain of Quetta, which we passed without meeting 
any one, although we observed a horseman skulk- 
ing in a ravine to our right, apparently wishing to 
escape our observation. It was night before we 
approached Quetta, the two or three hamlets we 
passed through being deserted by their inhabitants, 
and the village of Karani, at the skirts of the hills, 
on our left, being denoted by the numerous fires ; 
for, belonging to saiyads, and therefore a neutral 
place, it had become a refuge to the trembling 
. people of the plain, as well as to many Br&htiis. 
As we advanced we were challenged by the out- 
picquets of the force, and detained until Lieut. 
Hamrnersley, the assistant to Capt. Bean, was in- 
formed of our arrival. A messenger returned with 
instructions to allow us to proceed. Kamal SMh 
told the picquets, if four horsemen arrived, as he ex- 


pected, to inform them lie had gone to Karani. I 
privately suggested their detention, and report to 
Lieut. Hammersley. 

When I saw Lieut. Hammersley I told him I 
much wished to give Lieut. Loveday's letter to 
Capt. Bean immediately ; and we walked to the town 
where the political agent was residing, in the old 
citadel, or miri. Capt. Bean arose from his slum- 
bers, and repaired to a room, where we joined 
him, and I presented the letter of which I was 
the bearer. He was displeased at the contents, 
inferring, from his remark, that the situation of 
Lieut. Loveday only excused his manner of writing. 
I said little, but thought the observation unfeeling 
and needless, for though I cannot remember what 
was written, the letter contained nothing objec- 
tionable. We conversed but for a short time, 
and were retiring, when Capt. Bean called Lieut. 
Hammersley back, who signified to me that Capt. 
Bean invited me to breakfast next morning. Lieut. 
Hammersley conducted me to Ms tent in the camp, 
which he shared with Lieut. Cooper of the artillery, 
where I passed the night. 



Conversation with Capt. Bean. Placed in arrest. Singularity 
of the proceeding. Capt. Bean's queries. Meeting with 
him. His reason for his conduct. Impressions as to the En- 
voy and Minister. Inhuman treatment of Capt. Bean. Ap- 
prehensions at Quetta. The Envoy and Minister's letter. 
Defeat of the Brdhuis, and death of Lieut. Loveday Reco- 
very of Kalat Revolution in feeling. Letters from Cal- 
cutta. Inquiry of Mr. Ross Bell. Capt. Bean's confes- 
sion. Close of Mr. Bell's inquiry. His recommendation to 
Government. Support of the Envoy and Minister. Evasion 
of the Government. Colonel Stacey's generosity. Depar- 
ture from Quetta. Incidents in the Bolan Pass. Arrival at 
Dadar. Molahda'd's' testimony. Route through Kachi. 
State of the country. Mir Fati Khan. His gratitude and 
offers. Arrival at Karachi. Bombay. Settlement of Ba- 
lochistan. Colonel Stacey's acknowledgment. Benefits of 
Colonel Stacey's successful exertions Departure from Bom- 
bay to England. Memorial to the Court of Directors. Se- 
cond Memorial. Results. Concluding remarks. 

IN the morning I followed Lieut. Hammersley to 
Capt. Bean's residence, and had a long conversation 
with him on the affairs of the Brahuis, as well as on 
the situation of Lieut. Loveday. I regretted, for 
the latter officer's sake, that I was too plainly ad- 
dressing a weak man, puffed up with absurd con- 
ceptions of his official importance, and so unin- 
formed of the nature of things, that it was wasting 


words to speak to him. He had not the politeness 
to ask me to be seated, and gave audience much in 
the same way as a heavy country magistrate in Eng- 
land would do to a poacher. 

Urging the necessity of making every effort to 
relieve Lieut. Loveday, I noticed the interest taken 
by the darogah, and others in the rebel camp, as to 
Behimdad, one of the Bakkar prisoners, and pro- 
posed that some assurance should be made about 
him, with the view of creating amongst his friends 
an interest in the preservation of Lieut. Loveday. 
This did not accord with Capt. Bean's notions, but 
he said he would write to the darogah now, which I 
understood he had not before done, and likewise to 
Molahdad (Lieut. Loveday's keeper), offering him a 
sum of money to effect the escape of his charge. 
I knew this would be useless, still it might be tried. 

When I alluded to the subject of my return, 
Capt. Bean said there was no reason for it, and he 
should write to the darogah that Tie had detained 
me for a few days, to know better about his affairs. 
I observed, that to give me a fair chance, if I was 
to return at all, it was right I should be punctual. 
He replied, my return could not save Lieut. Love- 
day, nor improve his condition; moreover, I had 
brought no letter from the darogah. He affected 
to believe that no harm would befal Lieut. Love- 
day, as the Brahuis never killed their prisoners. 

Capt. Bean finally informed me, that he had been 
so good as to provide an abode for me while I might 


remain at Quetta, and he directed a person to show 
the way to it. I was conducted to the upper apart- 
ment of a Hindu's house, and immediately an armed 
guard of troopers and chaprassis was placed over it. 
Beyond doubt I was a prisoner, though Capt. Bean 

had not let fall a word to intimate his intention, 

and I could but smile at the oddness of a man 
inviting me to breakfast, and then sending me into 

Of course, I remembered the paragraph in Capt. 
Bean's letter to Lieut. Loveday, which even made 
my journey to Quetta more agreeable to me, as 
giving me the opportunity to demand an explana- 
tion of it ; yet, supposing that Lieut. Loveday's 
testimony in reply thereto would have satisfied, in 
some measure, the political agent in Shall, I made 
np allusion to it in the conference I had just held 
with him, not wishing to ruffle his mind, or to dis- 
tract his attention from Lieut. Loveday's case. 

I could not, indeed, forbear to reflect that I had 
met with an odd reception in the camp of my coun- 
trymen, after conduct which Lieut. Loveday had 
been compelled to own was " devoted and noble," 
after long endurance of outrage and suffering in the 
bondage of the Brahuis, and after most serious 
losses ; all of which evils had been incurred through 
the desire to be useful to the very government 
whose servant had ventured upon so indecent a 

I was conscious that Capt. Bean would repent his 


conduct, "whether due to simplicity or to a baser 
motive, and had the consolation to know that in- 
quiry (its necessary consequence) would, if honestly 
carried out, reveal many circumstances redounding 
to my credit, which otherwise might have remained 

Anxious to learn the reasons for my confinement, 
I was glad to receive a letter from Capt. Bean, on 
the second day of my arrest. Although it contained 
merely queries as to the route by which I had tra- 
velled to Kalat, and why, having once left it, I 
had returned to it ; I answered this communication, 
knowing him to be as well acquainted as myself 
with the route ; although I had never left Kalat, 
as he seemed to hint, and therefore had never 
returned to it. Grieving that he should labour 
under delusion of any kind, I again wrote to 
him, suggesting an interview, as the better course 
for removing his misunderstanding. This led to a 
meeting, when I was surprised to hear that his 
suspicions had originated in a letter from Major 
Outram, about a Russian agent and an army of 
Arabs in Kej; and though I marvelled at being 
mistaken for a Russian agent (the only inference I 
could draw from the tale), I concluded I must abide 
what there was no help for, and await the result of 
a report, which he said had been made to the envoy 
and minister at KabaL 

I left Capt. Bean, not much enlightened upon the 
subject of my arrest, but rather with feelings of 


pity than of anger, and not doubting but that the 
envoy and minister would repudiate his suspicions, 
might, at the time, have given myself no further 
trouble. My imprisonment was, however, accom- 
panied with treatment so ignominious and unjustifi- 
able, that I could attribute it only to the operation 
of a malignity of purpose, which, from whatever 
cause arising, Capt. Bean was unlikely to avow. 
Considering, therefore, that, as a British subject, I 
had rights which were not to be wantonly invaded, 
and that I was privileged to know the reason for 
my confinement, I called upon the political agent 
to state it in plain terms* I record his reply : 

" To MR. MASSON, Quetta. 


" In reply to your communication just received, 
I beg to acquaint you that you are detained here by 
authority, which authority has been applied to for 
further instruction, and which, when received, will 
be duly communicated to you. 

" I have the honour to be, &c. 

(Signed) " J. D. D. BEAN, 

Political Agent in Sh&wl." 
" Quetta, the 29th Sept, 1840." 

Aware, from previous conversation, that the au- 
thority alluded to was the envoy and minister, this 
document relieved me from the pain of holding 
further communication with Capt. Bean. If the 
fact were truly stated, the order for my arrest must 

VOL. iv. s 


liave been received at Quetta previous to my arrival 
there, and this led me to reflect on the possibility 
that the envoy and minister, indulging his personal 
resentment, had resolved to interrupt my travels 
and researches, which I could conceive might be 
disagreeable to him, both as being carried on with- 
out his patronage, and as calculated to interfere 
with others, working in the same field under his 
favour. Such impressions, however discreditable to 
the honour of the envoy and minister, and of hu- 
man nature, I could not dismiss wholly from my 
mind, well knowing that that unfortunate man was 
one of a class who lightly estimated the respect due 
to those who had chanced to incur their displeasure, 
and I could fancy I had mortally offended him, in 
presuming to act upon my own will in the recent 
expedition to KSbal. It was still difficult to be- 
lieve that, even for so disgraceful an object, he 
would be so bold as to fabricate charges of high 
treason against me ; to go so far he must be a 
demon, and this was more than I supposed him 
to be; yet, reverting to Capt. Bean's letter to 
Lieu^t. Loveday, I knew not how to think other- 
wise, for therein it was pretty plainly intimated, 
that my presence at Kalat had been connected 
with the outbreak, and if so, certainly I had been 
guilty of high treason. 

Under this new aspect of the case, I addressed 
the envoy and minister briefly, and despatched a 
longer letter to the officiating secretary to the 


supreme government; moreover, to obviate the 
chance of any objection being raised to my future 
travels, I wrote to the governor-general's private 
secretary, Mr. Colvin, requesting his lordship's 
permission, if necessary, and explaining that I 
should have asked it before leaving Karachi, had I 
thought, or even had I suspected that, as a mat- 
ter of courtesy, it would have been required or 

I had now, awaiting the result of these several 
applications, to linger in confinement, which Capt. 
Bean's inhumanity made as annoying as possible. 
His first intention seemed to be literally to starve 
me, and on one occasion I passed two entire days 
and three nights without food. As I scorned to 
refer to him on such a point, I might have fasted 
longer, had not one of the guard, unsolicited by me, 
gone and reported the circumstance. Colonel Sta- 
cey, besides, who was in the camp, and the only 
officer who, in face of the known rancour of Capt. 
Bean, had the courage to call upon me, made some 
representation to the political officers, which pro- 
cured a promise that I should be kept from dying of 
hunger, and the consequence was, that two cakes of 
dry bread were brought to me morning and evening 
from the bazar. On this fare I subsisted several 
days, until a second representation from Colonel 
Stacey procured me the addition of three-farthings 1 
worth of sheep's entrails, also from the bazar, and 
brought in an earthen platter; a mess, certainly, 


which any dog in Quetta might have claimed for 
his own. I thought this kind of insult was carried 
too far, and sent the foul mess to the camp. Co- 
lonel Stacey did more than I wished, as I had 
merely written to him to witness it ; for he showed 
it to his brother officers, and then had it conveyed 
to Lieut. Hammersley, the assistant of Capt. Bean. 
This brought Lieut. Hammersley in haste to me, 
and he exclaimed, very innocently, " Good God ! 
why did you send that mess to Colonel Stacey? 
Why did you not send it to me ? It will disgrace 
us.'* I thought that was a subject for his considera- 
tion, not mine, and told Mm so ; when, after some 
conversation, he proposed to make me an advance of 
one hundred rupees, to which I consented ; and I 
may also observe, that some time after I repaid him 
the amount. At the commencement of my incar- 
ceration, a felt cloak had been stripped from the 
back of a Hindu walking in the street, and this was 
intended to cover me by night. I could not use a 
garment filled with vermin, and suffered somewhat 
from cold, until Colonel Stacey kindly supplied me 
from his limited camp stock with such articles as 
relieved me from cold, and enabled me to change 
my clothes- 

For some days after my arrival the movements 
of the Brahfiis at Mastung were cause of anxiety 
at Quetta. Sometimes extra companies were 
marched into the town, and the camp was under 
arms, a force of three thousand disciplined men, 


apprehending attack from half the number of rude, 
and ill armed insurgents ! At length a report 
prevailed of the rebels' advance to Berg, and Lieut. 
Hammersley started with the Kassi irregular 
horse, to reconnoitre. On approaching Berg, he 
fell in with the advanced guard, and fled in 
such haste that two or three men of his party, 
worse mounted than their companions, were over- 
taken and slain. So well had the flight been 
sustained, that on reaching Quetta one or two 
horses fell dead upon the ground. The Khak 
peasantry of Berg gallantly defended their property 
against the Brahui spoilers, which so much dis- 
concerted the latter that it favoured a split in 
their councils, and led to their retreat upon Mas- 
tting, whence they finally marched upon Dadar. 

The road to Kalat being now open, and the 
requisite marching preparations being completed, 
the force under Major-General Nott moved from 
cantonment to an adjacent village. Just at this 
time the reply ^f the envoy and minister to my 
letter arrived, for so I was informed, but it was 
withheld from me for some five or six days, until 
the army had passed Mastting ; and I could not 
but suppose the reason to be, that Capt. Bean had 
learned I had received permission from the major- 
general to accompany his corps to Kalat, in case 
a satisfactory reply from the Kabal functionary 
arrived. When the letter was ultimately handed 
to me, it proved a most extraordinary one, and I 


place it on record, deeming It as worthy of such 
distinction as the preceding one of Capt. Bean. 

"To C. MASSON, ESQ. Quetta. 
" I have received your letter dated the 29th ultimo, 
and in reply, I have the honour to acquaint you 
that I did authorize Captain Bean to detain you at 
Quetta, until the pleasure of the Governor-General 
in council should be ascertained as to your being 
permitted to prosecute your travels in countries 
subject to the crown of Cabool, since, so far as 
I know, you are without permission to do so, either 
from the British Government, or from his Majesty 
Shah Shooja ool Moolk. 

"I have the honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) " W. H. MACNAGHTEN, 

" Envoy and Minister." 
"Cabool, 10th October, 1840." 

I was astonished to find no mention of Capt. 
Bean's suspicions, and grounds stated for my impri- 
sonment, which, judging from that officer's silence, 
must have been as novel to him as to me, and 
therefore in acknowledging the receipt of the com- 
munication I took care to allude to them, and to 
express my surprise on other points. 

I then wrote a second letter to the private 
secretary of the governor^general, withdrawing 
my request for permission from his lordship to 
travel, feeling it beneath me, on every account, to 
solicit what his lordship had not the legal power 


to prevent, particularly when the envoy and min- 
ister had made the question of such permission the 
plea to justify his arbitrary and shameless conduct. 

As the matter had been referred to Calcutta, 
I was satisfied with having formerly addressed the 
officiating secretary, and did not trouble myself to 
offer other explanation in that quarter, but it was 
with much disgust I found myself doomed to exist 
for an indefinite period, in captivity, with the politi- 
cal agent of Quetta as my jailer. 

After the force marched upon Kalat, tidings 
were received of the dispersion of the Brahui camp 
near Dadar, and of the slaughter of Lieut. Loveday, 
an event which, I must confess, did not surprise me, 
for it was one which some unforeseen good fortune 
or accident only could have prevented. The com- 
panion of the ill-fated officer at Kalat, the malice of 
my enemies had unwittingly saved me from a 
similar end, my certain portion had I been with 
him in the camp. 

Whether all was done that ought to have been 
done, or that might have been done, to preserve 
Lieut. Loveday, I shall not inquire. To exchange 
prisoners is no unusual practice, and a proposal to 
have released Rehimdad from Bakkar might have 
prevented Lieut. Loveday's death, as, unquestion- 
ably, it would have given many an interest in his 
preservation. My permission to depart from Mas- 
tung to Quetta, with Lieut. Loveday's letter, had 
Capt- Bean's desire to come to an understanding 


been sincere, which there is much reason to doubt, 
might also have been made instrumental both for 
such object and for Lieut. Loveday's release. Neither 
would I have shrank from any fair risk to aid 
in the promotion of these objects ; however, in 
one respect, they were indifferent to me. Capt. 
Bean, in one of his latter notes to Lieut. Loveday, 
professed to be amused at the interest pretended 
by the Brahuis for the Bakkar prisoners, as they had 
effected the ruin of Mehrab Khan, and as Capt. 
Beanos notions were peculiar, there was no gainsay- 
ing them. Mr. Ross Bell, however, about this 
time, restored these men to freedom. I know not 
his motives, neither the precise date, though I am 
nearly certain it was before he could have heard of 
Lieut. Loveday's death; and I should hope the 
release was made with the view to avert that 
catastrophe, which unquestionably it was well adapt- 
ed to do. 

News of the success at Dadar, and Lieut. Love- 
day's doom, reached the force of Major-General 
Nott as it entered into Kal&t, deserted by its 
inhabitants. A deputation was with difficulty as- 
sembled to meet the general, and to inform him, 
that the evacuated town was at his mercy. Colonel 
Stacey marched into the citadel and hoisted the 
British standard, the band playing the appropriate 
tune of " Order in the land." Mir Azem Khan, 
the young 'khan's uncle, who had been left governor, 
fled as soon as he heard that the force had reached 


Mastiing, and in such haste that he left the town 
bare-footed. He carried with him, however, the 
sipahis, who had formed Lieut. Loveday's escort, 
and sought refuge in Zehri. These men were soon 
recovered by the promptitude of Lieut. Hammers- 
ley, with the exception of the aged and infirm 
Subahdar, who strayed from his path on the journey 
to Kalat, and was never more heard of; and of a 
youth, Omar DarAz, a munshi, who understood 
English pretty well, and who returned to Zehri 
after having left it, terrified by the toil and peril of 
the mountain route. 

When I was at first imprisoned at Quetta I could 
not but be aware that there was a general bad feeling 
against me on part of the several officers in camp, as 
to which I was careless, knowing that it arose from 
the unfounded statements made by the political 
agent and his assistant, and would, therefore, change 
in time. Before the departure of the force towards 
Kalat a better disposition began to prevail, and, 
after the recovery of the place, when every oppor- 
tunity had been afforded to obtain a knowledge of 
the occurrences there, and of the part I had taken 
in them, I inquired of an officer, on his return, as 
to the opinion now entertained by his companions, 
and was answered, that there was but one opinion, 
that my treatment was most unmerited, and that 
government would be obliged to give me a situation. 

A regiment had been left in Kalat, and details 
stationed at Mastdng, while the bulk of the force, 


under the major-general, retired upon Kandahar, 
without passing through Quetta. Having crossed 
the Khwojak Pass, Colonel Stacey received orders 
from Mr. Ross Bell to assume political charge of 
Kalat, as he justly observed, that an officer of ex- 
perience was required to settle a country so com- 
pletely disorganized. 

About this period I received letters from Mr. 
Colvin and Mr. Maddock, the latter, secretary to 
government, informing me that my case had been 
placed in the hands of Mr. Boss Bell. A copy of 
the instructions to Mr. Bell accompanied the secre- 
tary's letter, and I quote the concluding paragraph, 
as a proof of the trifling and wanton mode in which 
an individual's feelings and interest may be treated, 
when it is thought fit to do so. I say nothing of 
its absurdity. 

Extract. " Mr. Masson will be informed that the 
subject has thus been placed in your hands, and, 
under any circumstances, his lordship, in council, is 
disposed to believe that it will be advisable, that 
that gentleman should not at present continue to 
prosecute his travels in the Afghan and Baloch 
countries; but if you should be satisfied that no 
important inconvenience is likely to follow a per- 
mission to Mr. Masson to pursue his own wishes in 
that respect, you are at liberty to act upon this 
view, after communication with Sir William Mac- 
naghten; otherwise you might facilitate his early 
return to Bombav." 


Within a few days I received a communication 
from Mr. Ross Bell, followed, before my answer 
could have been received, by another, apprising me 
that he had directed Capt. Beau to afford me an 
" opportunity of recording any explanation I might 
consider proper, regardiug circumstances connected 
with my proceedings, as might have appeared to 
him to be peculiar." 

Could I have forgotten the insult offered to me, 
or have lightly considered how my feelings and 
liberty had been sported with, I might have been 
amused to find the officer directed to inquire into 
my conduct, thus compelled to admit that no 
reason for my arrest was contained in the evidence 
before him, supplied by the envoy and minister 
and by Capt. Bean, and to witness him reduced 
to crave that the latter officer would, at least, in- 
form me what his suspicions were. 

Capt. Bean was constrained to address Mr. Ross 
Bell, and to send a copy of his letter to me. I 
know not if he was ashamed of his production ; I 
was both ashamed to receive and to notice it. The 
miserable man concluded by the remarkable con- 
fession, that his " reply to Mr. Bell's communication 
of the 13th ultimo would have acquainted him that 
nothing further had transpired by which the dis- 
loyalty of Mr. Masson as a British subject could 
be established ;" and this, after the collection of a 
host of depositions at Kalat, and after the examina- 
tion of the sipahis and servants of Lieut. Loveday. 


Mr. Ross Bell, who at this time had in attend- 
ance upon him the ex-chiefs of Kalat, Mir Boher of 
Zehri, and numbers of Brahiii chiefs, and others 
who had been present at Kalit throughout the 
period of my stay there, of course possessed the 
most satisfactory evidence as regarded my conduct, 
which could not be but well known to all of them 5 
and this was so complete, that again, without waiting 
for Capt. Bean's letter, or for my explanation, he ad- 
dressed me, under date the 9th January, acquainting 
me " that the inquiry he had been directed by govern- 
ment to institute had been brought to a conclusion ; 
that he considered me entirely freed from the suspi- 
cion, which was, in the first instance, attached to me 
with reference to the late unfortunate events at 
Kalat, and that he was satisfied that my conduct as 
regarded Lieut. Loveday was actuated by desire to be 
of service to that ill-fated officer." The letter closed 
T>y regretting " that any misapprehension should 
have <#used me to he so long detained, and by stating 
that copies of this letter, and of the correspondence 
connected with it, should be submitted for the con- 
sideration of the Right Hon. the Governor-General 
of India in council," 

I had no reason but to be satisfied with Mr. 
Bell's conduct of the inquiry, which was necessarily 
limited, and, as he afterwards told me, he had no- 
thing to do with the underplot ; but I should have 
been better pleased bad it been carried further, for 
I still found that " suspicions" had been attached to 


my conduct, and I conceived I was entitled to know 
why, a mystery not explained by Capt. Bean, nei- 
ther do I know to this day. In his report to govern- 
ment, Mr. Bell, however, stated, that " no grounds 
of suspicion ever existed," and he recommended that 
I " should be remunerated for the trouble and an- 
noyance to which I had been so unjustly subjected." 
When I subsequently saw him, he informed me of 
this recommendation, and further, that he had called 
upon the envoy and minister to support it, I also 
learned, from an authentic source, that the latter 
functionary responded to the call, and while endea- 
vouring to defend Capt. Bean, recommended that I 
should receive compensation. The supreme go- 
vernment was probably at a loss how to act upon 
this occasion, the magnanimity of acknowledging 
error was not one of the virtues inherent in the 
nature of the clique then surrounding the governor- 
general ; and, playing upon his feeble energies, the 
members of that clique had made themselves a little 
too conspicuous in the affair, and it was terrible to 
be compelled to confess discomfiture. It was, there- 
fore, resolved to refer the matter to England, and 
there to the secret committee. 

In the first letter I received from Mr. Bell, of the 
14th December, he had desired me to state my 
wishes with regard to my future movements, and to 
inform him of the line of country it was my inten- 
tion to pass through in the event of prosecuting my 
travels in Central Asia. I did not choose to do 


quite so much, and in reply, merely observed that I 
should be pleased to revisit Kalat under the hope of 
recovering some of the manuscripts I had lost. In 
Mr. Bell's second letter, of the 22nd December, he 
wrote, that if I was desirous to return towards Shi- 
karpur, no objection existed, at the same time de- 
siring me to consider no wish was conveyed on his 
part, the only desire being, as far as lay in his 
power, to shorten detention. In Mr. Bell's third 
letter, of 9th January, he, without hesitation, acceded 
to my wish to revisit Kalat, and informed me that 
he had addressed both Capt. Bean and Col. Stacey, 
to provide escorts to ensure my safe arrival. I had, 
however, acted on the intimation conveyed in the 
second letter, as I found myself just in that situa- 
tion in which, wherever I went, I must neglect 
something, and I judged, upon the whole, I had 
better proceed towards Mr. Bell, especially as I did 
not then know the inquiry would be so soon closed. 
Moreover, my friend Col. Stacey was at Kalat, and 
I could depend upon his exertions in behalf of my 
lost manuscripts. 

It behoves me to record that CoL Stacey, as soon 
as he knew Mr. Bell had charge of the inquiry, at 
once wrote to him, pointing out the injustice of 
my confinement as a malefactor, and offered him- 
self as security for my liberation, on parole. He, 
moroever, furnished testimony which was important, 
as he was placed in a position to be well acquainted 
With my innocence or guilt. 


As Capt. Bean had been desired by Mr. Bell to 
provide me with an escort through the Bolan Pass, 
in case I proceeded to Shik&rpur, he informed me 
that a saiyad was just starting, in company with a 
havildar's party for Dadar, in charge of the camels of 
some regiment, and that the opportunity was a good 
one. I did not stay to inquire whether it was or 
not, but left Quetta, on foot, and joined the saiyad at 
Sir i ab. We thence proceeded to Sir-i-Bolan, and 
again marched to Bibi Nani, where, at midnight, we 
heard the pleasant tidings that a marauding band 
of two hundred Harris was located at some dis- 
tance from us. We immediately decamped, and 
on the road to Kirta, the moon having sunk beneath 
the horizon, observed through the darkness in our 
front a number of small lights, plainly proceeding 
from the kindled matches of an armed party. We 
first suspected we had fallen into the danger we 
had songht to avoid, but on our unknown visitors 
arriving parallel to us, they proved to be Brahuis, 
carrying a kafila of merchandise through the pass, 
and set into motion by the same fear of a meeting 
with the Harris as we were. We passed Kirta on 
our left before day, and proceeding through the 
remaining portion of the hills, finally halted, towards 
evening, on the plain of Dadar, some three or four 
miles from the British camp. 

Next morning I walked down to the camp, and, 
had the pleasure to meet old Karachi friends in 
Hajor Forbes and his brother officers, of the 2nd 


Bombay grenadiers, and remained their guest four 
or five days before starting for Shikarpur. While 
at Dadar, Molahdad, who had been the keeper of 
Lieut, Loveday and myself, called upon me. He 
had now little reason to conceal anything, and I 
inquired of him respecting certain points. His 
answers were generally as I anticipated; but he 
informed me of one circumstance attending the cor- 
respondence of Capt. Bean with the young khan in 
his ostensible effort to effect an arrangement, which 
demands attention. Capt. Bean's letters were inva- 
riably couched in the style assumed by a master 
addressing a slave, and were consequently deemed 
to be insincere. I was struck with this information, 
and desired Molahdad to repeat the opening address 
of any of the letters he might remember. He did 
so, and it was obvious that from such letters no good 
could arise. Whether Capt, Bean, or his munshi 
by whom he was governed, was to blame on this 
account, I know not. 

From Dadar we journeyed across the plain of 
Kachi to Haji Shehar, B^gh, Kasim ka Jok, and 
Barshora on the edge of the Pat of Shikarpur, 
which we crossed, and at Jani Dera met Mr. Ross 
Bell. So entirely had the country been devastated, 
that I could no longer recognize it to be the same I 
had traversed some fourteen years before. Villages, 
then flourishing, had ceased to exist ; those remain- 
ing were destitute of their attendant groves of trees, 
and even the very waste had been denuded of the 


jangal of small trees and shrubs, once spreading 
over its surface. There "was no fear, indeed, of losing 
the road, as formerly, for that was now well marked 
by the skeletons of camels and other animals, whose 
bleached and bleaching bones too well described it, 
and the nature of the operations which had been 
carried on. I passed two days the guest of Mr. 
Bell, who made me an unreserved offer of anything 
in his camp ; and, on parting, I received from him 
many assurances of his good opinion, and even of 
his esteem. 

At Sakkar I met, at the Residency, Fati Khan, 
the brother of the ex-chief of Kalat. He was 
overjoyed at seeing me, though our intercourse had 
been very trifling ; and I had no great opinion of 
him. In contrast with the proceedings of the 
political officers at Quetta and Kabal, as well as 
of those of the government, I may be excused if I 
relate, that this young man came privately to me, 
and prayed me to accept a sum of five hundred 
rupees, being what he could then command, and 
'the best horse he had, while he conjured me to 
visit his brother, Shah Naw&z, at LarkMna, who 
would give me tents, and share with me everything 
he possessed. I of course declined his offers ; and 
though I should have liked to see Shah Nawaz, he 
was too far out of the way. I however had heard 
from others, how much he rejoiced at my escape 
from destruction, and how deeply he valued my 
disinterested exertion at Kalat. Such marks of 



gratitude did the khan and his brother honour, and 
were at least satisfactory to my feelings. 

From Sakkar I dropped down the river to Hai- 
darabad, and again at the Residency found myself 
with old friends, and after a stay of two or three 
days, passed by land to Karachi, whence I had 
started the year before, on an excursion, which had 
turned out more pregnant with singular incidents 
than any other I had made throughout my career. 

I thence sailed to Bombay, where I passed some 
months, expecting to hear further from the govern- 

While there, intelligence arrived of the settle- 
ment of affairs in Balochistan, by the visit of the 
son of Mehrab Khan to Quetta, and his consequent 
acknowledgment, in the room of his late father. 
This arrangement was entirely owing to the exer- 
tions of CoL Stacey, who had to encounter not 
merely the obstacles opposed by the fears of the 
youth and his advisers, but those thrown in his way 
by a party amongst the political officers who were 
desirous of obstructing the determination of the 
government, and to keep the country in an un- 
settled state, for some reason or other. Curious 
was the form the opposition assumed ; and if Col. 
Stacey could be persuaded to publish a narrative 
of the transactions of that period, it would be 
instructive as well as amusing, from his own varied 
adventures, while, for the better discharge of his 
duty, and for the purpose of restoring confidence, 


he boldly ventured, without a sipahi, into the camp 
of the fugitive khan. 

From January to July the son of Mehrab Kh&n 
could not be brought to trust himself in the power 
of the political officers at Quetta, although to 
receive the dominions of his father. On the 26th 
of the last month, he joined Col. Stacey, and pro- 
ceeded in company with him to Kalat. The colonel 
on this occasion was pleased to address me, and 
his letter concluded with a paragraph which the 
queer conceits of Capt, Bean, and others, will per- 
mit me, without impropriety, to insert " Let me 
thank you for your kind advice when in your prison. 
I am grateful for it, and you must be gratified that, 
acting on it, I have accomplished what the world 
said was impossible." 

The submission of the khdn being followed by 
the pacification of Balochistan, the remote benefit 
of the colonel's exertions was very signal, for had 
that country continued in a disturbed state the 
force at Kandahar would, in all probability, have 
been involved in calamities similar to those which 
befel the unfortunate force at Kabal ; whereas it 
was, in the hour of need, strong enough to maintain 
its position, to uphold British reputation, and to 
cooperate effectually in the necessary measures 
consequent on an honourable and expedient eva- 
cuation of the country, which the present governor? 
general, soundly exercising his judgment, at once 
fearlessly determined upon. 

T 2 


Finding the silence which the government of 
India had adopted as to my case, in no wise likely 
to be dispelled by any effort of mine, I decided to 
proceed to England, and to make an appeal there. 
I, however, became cognizant of a little more that 
had passed, and learned that the secret committee, 
to whom the matter had been referred, had alike 
suggested the hush system, commending the acquit- 
tal and release, but disrelishing the point of com- 
pensation, or, in other words, admitting the injus- 
tice, but withholding reparation. I despatched, in 
consequence, a memorial to the Court of Directors, 
praying for the papers connected with my arrest 
and imprisonment, which I supposed I had a right 
to demand, and immediately after sailed from 
Bombay to Suez, and passing through Egypt, 
eventually reached London in February of the past 

My Memorial to the Honourable Court had the 
fortune to be unnoticed, on the ground that it 
should have been forwarded through the channel 
of the government of India. I therefore framed 
another, claiming the compensation recommended by 
the Court's own officers, Mr. Bell, and the envoy 
and minister. This was received, and so far noticed, 
that it has been forwarded to the Indian govern- 
ment for consideration and report; as, strangely 
enough, the Court of Directors have not the docu- 
ments necessary to form an opinion on the matter ! 


They are with the Board of Control, who refuse 
to give them up, if I rightly understand the subject. 
The result of the Court's reference, time will de- 
velop. The Indian government has, happily, passed 
into other hands, and is more efficaciously admi- 
nistered than formerly; and, as I also hope, more 
justly, it may be that I may not lament the refe- 

Throughout the transactions, which I have briefly 
instanced in this chapter, it never seemed to occur 
to any of the parties arrayed against me, that there 
was such a thing as law established- in England, 
or that there were tribunals to which a British 
subject might look for protection and redress. 
Never, for a moment, did they appear to entertain 
the notion that they were responsible for their 
actions, and, from the governor-general to the 
political agent in Shall, there seemed but one 
conviction, that their pleasure stood in place of 

They have had their day of abused power and 
levity, and of authority they were incapable to 
wield ; many have been overwhelmed in its exercise, 
and a few have escaped tb the insignificance from 
which accident had, for the moment, elevated them. 

On me devolves the task to obtain satisfaction 
for the insults and injuries some of these shallow 
and misguided men thought fit to practise upon 
me. It was first necessary that their charges and 


insinuations should be proved false and imaginary ; 
so much has been done Tvithout an effort on my 
part. Whatever steps I may take, they can have 
no reason to complain, and they will have the 
bitter reflection that I am not the aggressor,* 

* In the course of this chapter, Major Outram's name occur- 
ring in connexion with the reason given by Capt. Bean for his 
conduct, it behoves me to insert, with reference thereto, an 
extract from a letter of a mutual friend, dated " Camp Sukkur, 
28 Nov. 1840: Major Outram desires me at the same time 
to express to you his great annoyance at your detention at 
Quetta, in consequence of some misunderstanding on the part 
of Capt Bean/ of his (Major Outram's) expressions respecting 
you ; and he begs me to assure you of his being perfectly uncon- 
scious of ever having cast the slighest suspicion on your character. 
The moment Major Outram received your letter he wrote to 
Capt. Bean to the same effect, as also to request an explanation of 
the grounds on which he (Major Outram) was quoted as an 
authority for your detention ; for so far from the slightest wish to 
interfere with your views in any way, Major Outram would be 
most happy to have it in his power to serve you ; and trusts 
you will never scruple to command him, when he can be of any 
assistance* The above explanation will, I feel certain, tend to 
satisfy you that Major Outram is in no way to be held responsi- 
ble for the annoyance you have undergone, and that it must be 
traced to circumstances over which he, at any rate, can have had 
no control, directly or indirectly." 

















BALOCHISTAN comprises the extensive regions 
between the confines of modern Persia and the 
valley of the Indus. To the north, Sistan and 
Afghanistan, to the south, the ocean marks its 

It is my intention, in this Memoir, to treat 
only on the eastern provinces of this country, or 
those included under the dominion of the khn 
of Kalt. Of the western provinces, or those 
bordering on Persia, our knowledge is, unfortu- 
nately slight : and I regret my inability to increase 
it, since they constitute, on many accounts, the 
more interesting portion of Balochistan. As regards 
the eastern provinces, a personal acquaintance with 
many of them will justify the formation of tolerably 
correct notions of the remainder, and renders the 


task comparatively easy to appreciate the value of 
reports and statements received of them. Such 
information, in this case, has a degree of utility, 
and is applicable, being within the scope of scrutiny 
and verification. 

For the better elucidation of the Kalat territory, 
its distributive arrangement is desirable. This 
object is facilitated by the favourable position of 
the central provinces of Saharawan and Jhalawn 
extending in a continuous line from north to south. 
To the north, resting upon the country of the 
Afghans ; to the south, connecting with the mari- 
time province of Las. We may, therefore, be per- 
mitted to separate the khan of Kalat's territory into 
four principal sections. The ' first, embracing the 
provinces to the west of Saharawan and Jhalawan ; 
the second, including the maritime provinces ; the 
third, the central provinces of Saharawan and 
Jhalawan themselves ; and the fourth, the provinces 
to the east of the last. This arrangement, besides 
being suggested by considerations of locality, is 
sanctioned by the diversity of dialects current in 
the provinces of the several sections, as will be 
seen when it becomes our duty to draw attention 
to that subject. 

The first, or western section, comprises the sub- 
divisions of Nushki, Kharan, Mtishki, Panjghtir, 
Kej, Kolwah and Jhow. 

The second, or maritime section, includes the 
provinces of Las, Honnara and Pessanf. 

NUSHKI. 283 

The third, or central section, is formed of the 
great provinces of Saharawan and Jhalawan; to 
which are added the districts dependent on the 
capital, Kalat, and which are intermediately situated 
between the two. 

The fourth, or eastern section, includes the pro- 
vinces of Kach Gandavd, Harand, and Dajil; the 
last two bordering on the river Indus. 


A considerable province to the west of Sahara- 
win, about five days' journey from Kalat, and four 
from Mastung or Shall. It is bounded to the north 
by the Afghan district of Shorawak ; to the south 
by waste lands stretching for two marches, and di- 
viding it from Kharan ; to the east, by hill ranges 
separating it from Gurghina, a dependency of Saha- 
rawan ; and to the west by the sand desert, extend- 
ing to Sistan. 

There are no towns or villages, properly so call- 
ed, in Nushki ; the inhabitants residing in tents. 
Through its limits flows the river Kaisar. Its 
waters are said to be unavailable for purposes of 
irrigation. During the latter part of the year its 


bed is nearly or quite dry. When replenished by 
the rains of spring, it is unable to force a channel 
through the sands, and is lost amongst them. 

Notwithstanding the nature of the soil, and its 
vicinity to the desert, there is an extent of land 
devoted to the cultivation of wheat by the inhabit- 
ants of Nushki, sufficient not only to supply their 
own wants, but to yield a surplus for export to 
Kalat and the neighbouring provinces. This land 
is at the very skirts of the hills, and of the descrip- 
tion called khiishk awh, which owes its fertility to 
the bounty of the clouds. It need not therefore be 
pointed out, that the harvests of Ntishki may, by 
accident, fail. 

Amongst the products of Nushki, assafoetida 
merits notice, as the gum resin is collected and sent 
to Kalat for sale. Large quantities of the green 
plant are also brought to the capital, in season, and 
while purchased generally by all classes, is particu- 
larly sought for by Hindus, as a condiment. The 
hills which furnish assafoetida yield also rawash, or 
native rhubarb, and its roughly acidulated leaf-stalks 
are made to serve as food. 

Ntishki is inhabited by the tribe of Zigger Min- 
ghals, who anciently dwelt on the Dasht Guran 
near Kalat. Impelled by numerical increase, they 
migrated into the more ample domain of Nushki, and 
there established themselves, to the prejudice of the 
Rakshanis. Of the latter, two tomans, or clans, 
still reside at Nushki. The present chief of the 

NUSHKI. 285 

Zigger Minghals is Fazil Khan, son and successor 
in authority to Bahadar Khan, whose memory is 
revered even beyond the narrow circle of his influ- 
ence when living a tribute due to his humanity and 
generosity, and to the hospitable reception he was 
wont to accord to the merchant who visited his 
sequestered seats. 

The inhabitants of Nushki do not migrate in the 
winter season. It is asserted that it would be in- 
convenient to do so, from the great numbers of their 
live stock, as camels and sheep. At any rate they 
are not compelled, like the tribes of the bleaker 
regions of Saharawan, to shift their quarters from 
severity of climate. Situated at the foot of the 
hill range supporting the plateau, or table lands of 
Saharawan, and on the skirt of the great desert of 
Sistan, which may well be conjectured to have been 
in some former state of the globe covered with the 
waters of the ocean, the depressed elevation of 
Ntishki is adverse to the development of the rigors 
of winter. Snow very rarely falls, and when it 
does, only as a perishable emblem, to melt and to 

There is a breed of horses in this province which, 
if not eminently distinguished, is still valued, and 
it possesses also a variety of the t&zi, or greyhound, 
of much repute in Balochistan, and prized in more- 
remote countries. 



A province west of Sohrab, the northern extre- 
mity of Jhalawin. Separated by large waste and 
hilly tracts from the surrounding districts, it has to 
the north, Nushkf ; to the south, Miishki ; to the 
east a portion of Jhalawan, as just noted ; and to 
the west, but at a long interval, Panjghur. 

The grains cultivated in Kharan are chiefly wheat 
and barley, grown as in Ntishki, on khushk awah 
lands. It may be inferred that the produce is in- 
adequate to the demand, as wheat is imported into 
Kharan from Nushki and other places. The inha- 
bitant of Nushki vends his goods at the capital for 
money ; the inhabitant of Kharan barters his com- 
modities for grain. 

Amongst the products of this province, shakar 
gaz must be noted. It is a sweet gum, exuding 
from a variety of the tamarisk tree, and liquescent 
in the ordinary temperature of the atmosphere. In 
Khdran it is used as a condiment ; at Kalat, as a 
luxury, being dissolved in water, and drunk as sher- 
bet. As large quantities of this gum are brought 
to Kalat, the proportion of trees bearing it must be 
considerable, and the fact would seem to prove that 
the country about Khdran is much broken, and 
intersected by the beds of water-courses and tor- 
rents, while the surface of the soil may be presumed 
to be impregnated with natron and other efflorescent 

KHARAN. 287 

salts, conditions suitable to the growth of the tama- 

Assafoetida grows in the hills of Kharan; the 
gum resin is not an object of attention. The date 
tree flourishes in the level country; its produce, 
with melons, are the only fruits. 

Kharan has two small towns, one named after 
the province, the other called Washak. It is inha- 
bited by the Nushirvani tribe, whose principal chief, 
in 1831, was Mohem Khan, of the Rakshani branch. 
Then disaffected to the government of Kalat, he 
was a refugee at Kandahar. Desirous to transfer to 
his own coffers the scanty revenue remitted by the 
province to the supreme chief, he was resisted by 
the Alif Zais, another branch of the Nushirvni 
tribe resident in Kharin, and so effectually, that he 
was constrained to fly. * 

A tenth of the produce of the soil is paid to the 
officers of the khan of Kalat, as revenue ; a burthen 
so light, that, until a heavier one be imposed, or 
demanded as a return for protection, the inhabitants 
would scarcely wish to incur the risk of a change of 

He has since died, and been succeeded by Assad Khan* 
who, in recent Baloch history, has become memorable for the 
asylum he afforded to the son of Mehrab Kh&n, and for his share 
in the events which have led to the restoration of his protfgt to 
the masnad of his father. 



An extensive province west of Jhalawn, and 
seven days to the south-west of Kalat. To the 
south, it has Jhow, and to the west, Kolwah. 

This large tract is not distinguished for any par- 
ticular article of produce ; whence it may be assumed 
that the cultivated lands are of the khushk aw&h 
class, as in other parts of Balochist&n, and that the 
quantity of grain grown does not exceed the con- 
sumption. It is probable it may not equal it, but the 
numerous flocks of the Baloch tribes tend to ob- 
viate any inconvenience arising from a deficiency of 
grain. Indeed, they render them, in great measure, 
independent of it. 

Mushki is inhabited by various tribes, as the Meh- 
masani, the Nushirvani, and the Mirw&ri. It has 
several towns, villages, and castles, as ShaMr Kalat, 
Sheriki, Gajar, Mihi, and Mushki, held by officers of 
the khan of Kalat ; Greshar, occupied by Saj-i-din, 
Saka ; Perwar, said to be large, and Miani Kalat, in 
the hands of Mirwiri chieftains; Gwarjak, a for- 
tress of repute for its strength, a strong-hold of the 
lawless Moh&n Khan, Rakshani; with Jibbari, 
another large fortress in possession of Rustam 
Khan, chief of the Mehmasani tribes, who, of late 
years, has paid but an equivocal allegiance to Kal4t. 



A spacious province, to the north of the mari- 
time province of Hormara, and four or five days 
from the coast. To the east, it communicates with 
Mushki, and on the west a desert interval inter- 
poses between it and Kej. 

It is inhabited by various tribes, as the Mirwari, 
Rodahi, Homerari, and Nushirvani. It has several 
villages and castles, as Rodah Khan, chief place of 
the Rodahi tribe, who, besides, hold Siggak, Hur, 
and Madag ; the last a castle, said to be large, but 
neglected ; Balor, the residence of Mir Bizan, prin- 
cipal of the Homerari tribe ; Goshanak, a fortress 
, occupied by Mir Dostia, sirdar of the Mirwari tribe ; 
Shahdr Mirdad, Dad-i-Karim, and Mulla Hassan, 
Ahwara, held by other Mirwari chiefs ; Shahar 
Shahdad, belonging to Shahdad, a nephew of Mohe"m 
Khan, Rakshani ; with Shahar Ibrahim, in the trust 
of the Khan of Kalat's officers. 

The inhabitants of this province, as well as those 
of Mushki, keep up little or no commercial inter- 
course with Kalat. With the ports on the coast an 
exchange of^commodities is maintained; rice, dates, 
cotton cloths, spices, and dye-stuffs, being received 
in return for wool, roghan, hides, and bdellium. The 
traffic of the preceding province, Mtishkf, is directed 
principally via Jhow to S6nmiani ; a small portion of 
it, with nearly the whole of that of Kolwah, finds 

VOL. iv, U 


its way to Hormara. From the last place consider- 
able quantities of dried and salted fish are expe- 
dited inland. It is clear that the inhabitants of the 
interior of Balochistan derive no inconsiderable part 
of their subsistence from the coast. A country so 
sterile, and little productive, as to be incompetent 
to support its own meagre population, can offer 
trifling prospect of advantage to recompense enter- 
prise and adventure, and no temptation to excite 
political cupidity. 


A smaller province than the preceding, is sepa- 
rated from the maritime province of Las by a well- 
defined hill range, its boundary to the east. To 
the north it borders upon Mushki; to the south 
upon waste and sandy tracts, stretching to the 
ocean. Westward it inclines towards Hormara and 

Its inhabitants are of the tribes Mirwari and 
Halada ; the latter, although admitted to be Brahui, 
do not enjoy great consideration, and would 
appear to be of essentially pastoral habits. The 
only town, or village, is said to be Nandaru. In 
this province is an ancient site, where coins, trin- 
kets, &c., are frequently discovered. I had not an 
opportunity of visiting it. Ancient artificial 
mounds are here, as in other parts of Balochist^n, 


called dams. In Jhow, many have distinctive 
names, as Saiyad-dam, Lindro-dam, Katro-dam, &c. 


A fertile province to the north-east of Kej, and 
fourteen easy marches from Kalat. To the west are 
the districts of Magghas and Sib, independent of 
the Kalat authority. It is inhabited by the Gitchki 
tribe of Brahtiis, the more potent chief of whom is 
named Gwaran. His obedience to the Kalat go- 
vernment is perfect, and he is in consequence re- 
spected, as well as confided in, by it. There are ten 
small towns or villages, represented as being clus- 
tered together in Panjghdr, viz. Isahi, Tasp, Khoda 
Badan, Karim Khan, VashbM, Sunk Horan, So- 
ridu, Duzan&b, Khallak and Titchkhan. 

Panjghur is celebrated for its groves of date trees. 
Their fruit is exported to Kal&t as a luxury. It 
also produces grapes, said to be of good quality, and, 
what is more useful, excellent corn in abundance. 
Amongst its vegetable products, turnips are plen- 
tifully raised. The nature and variety of the culti- 
vated objects in PanjgMr attest the fertility of the 
soil. The agricultural habits of the inhabitants 
have softened their manners, and they are as much 
distinguished from their turbulent neighbours, for 
their peaceable demeanour, as for their superior 
acquirements in the arts, and conveniences of life, 

IT 2 


A kardar, or agent of the khan of Kalat, is resi- 
dent in Panjghiir, to receive his master's revenue. 
Levied in the proportion of a tithe of the fruits of 
the earth, its amount is transmitted to the khan's 
treasury in gold. 


The most western province of the Kalat territory. 
It is distant from the capital twenty-one carael- 
marches, and about seven or eight marches from 
Gwadar, on the coast. 

There is reason to believe that it was formerly 
a place of much importance ; on which account, 
the fullest information regarding it would be desir- 
able. It is our misfortune to know less about it 
than any other of the Kalat khan's provinces. It 
still figures eminently in the legendary lore of Ba- 
lochistan, and is the fairy land of this part of the 

Nasir Khan marched a large army into Kej, and 
its firm and steady retention was always one of 
the measures mainly engrossing his attention. His 
successor, Mahmud Khan, found that its remote- 
ness was favourable to the rebellious projects of the 
turbulent chieftains residing in it, and towards the 
close of his reign it no longer acknowledged alle- 
giance to him. His son, Mehrab Khan, signalized 
the commencement of his rule by vigorously assert- 

KEJ. 293 

ing his authority in Kej, but the subsequent trou- 
bles of his reign hare again rendered its submission 
little better than nominal, the principal town, of 
the same name as the country, being only held 
in his name. The importance of Kej, and the evil 
arising from the diversion of its revenues, which, 
when paid, are forthcoming in gold, could not but 
be felt by the present government of Kalat, Ac- 
cordingly, in 1828 or 1829, Jam All, the chief of 
Las, under orders from Kalat, with his own troops 
and those of his allies, marched from Bel a to Kej. 
The expedition is affirmed to have been successful ; 
but its return would appear to have been followed 
by a recurrence of all the disorders it was intended 
to repress. In 1831 the serious notice of the 
government was again directed to the affairs of Kej, 
and the whole of the Brahui army, under command 
of the khan's brother, Mir Azem Khan, and the 
minister, D&oud Mahomed KMn, broke ground from 
Sohrab in Jhalawan, and took the road to Kej. 
Little good could, however, be expected, as the 
royal army was chiefly composed of leaders and 
their followers, in concert and connivance with the 
disaffected, against whom they professed to march ; 
and the expedition was attended with no substantial 
advantage. Kej is inhabited by many tribes, but 
the Gitchki would seem to be the dominant, if not 
the more numerous. Their chief, Shekh K&sim, 
dwells at the town of Kej. It would be interesting 
to ascertain whether any part of the population 


of this province correspond with the Dehwars of 
Kalat and the Tajiks of Upper Asia. It was a 
point on which I could not satisfy myself by 
inquiry. Above half the population, however, are 
of a religious sect, called Ziggers, who dispense with 
the observance of prayers, rites, and other cere- 
monies, which more orthodox Mahomedans con- 
sider indispensable. 

There are many towns or villages, and castles in 
Kej. The capital bears the same name. It is dis- 
tinguished by its arg, or citadel, which being also 
called miri, or palace, is probably an analogous 
structure to that of Kalt, serving, like it, both for 
fortress and residence of the chief. This strong- 
hold is held by Bijdr, on behalf of the Kalat khan. 
There are, besides, Nuki Kalat, Tarbat, Gushitang, 
Maksudi Kalat, Pidrak, Ghwerkap, &c., &c., places 
of more or less consequence. 

From Kej there is a commercial intercourse with 
the ports of Gwadar and Charbar, on the coast, and 
a kafila occasionally passes between it and Kalat. 


Comprises the countries bordering on the sea, 
from the western limits of Sind to the vicinity of 
Gwadar, whence the continued line of coast be- 
comes subject to the Arab chief of Maskat. The 
eastern extremity of this extensive tract is occupied 


by the province of Las, obedient to its own chief 
and government, yet acknowledging the supremacy 
of the khan of Kalat. The remainder is a sterile 
sandy space, intervening between the ocean and 
the mountain chains supporting the more elevated 
provinces of the preceding section. Unblessed by 
fertilizing springs and rivulets, its arid surface dis- 
plays a dreary succession of yawning ravines, parched 
wastes, and undulating sand-hills. The scanty ve- 
getation serves to exhibit the poverty of the soil, 
and to attest its inapplicability to culture. The 
fervid heat of the sun, on these inhospitable shores, 
is indeed moderated by the winds, which rage during 
the greater part of the year, and with so -much 
violence that it becomes questionable whether the 
inconveniences they occasion are compensated by 
the exemptions from other evils which they bring 
with them. Yet, on this desolate coast, we find 
two small ports, Honnara and Pessani, flourishing 
by their little traffic, and maintaining a commercial 
communication between the natives of the country 
and those of regions distant and beyond the seas. 
In former days but the advantages must have been 
greater then than now European intelligence did 
not neglect this unpromising tract. The substan- 
tially constructed remains of forts, and residences 
on various parts of the coast, testify to the settle- 
ments of the Portuguese. Of these, a considerable 
one existed between Hormra and Pessani, at the 
creek of Kalamat ; a locality, whose interest was 


enhanced by the circumstance of its being one of 
the recognizable stations of the Macedonian fleet 
under Nearehus. Yet, while freely admitting that 
the trade with the interior of the country in those 
days ought not to be estimated by its actual low 
scale, I cannot believe that the numerous Por- 
tuguese stations along the coast were due to it, 
or supported by its profits. I rather suppose they 
were intended to preserve the communications be- 
tween their Indian ports and their great emporium, 
Onnuz ; which, at that early era of navigation, may 
have been closed by sea during the periodical winds, 
as they are now to natives. The opulence of Or- 
muz is remembered but as a dream gone by, or 
as a subject to moralise upon. Its fall necessarily 
involved that of its dependent posts and settle- 


A large province, with well-defined boundaries. 
To the east, the termination of the great hill range, 
dividing Saharawan and Jhalawdn from Kach 
Gandava, and Sind, called, in maps, the Hdla 
Mountains, but known to the natives by many and 
various names, separates it from Lower Sind and 
the Delta of the Indus. Amongst these hills flows 
the Hab river, on extraordinary occasions only 
discharging its waters into the sea. Pursuing a 
rocky course, it winds through a thankless and 

LAS. 297 

neutral soil, over which range wild Lumris, whose 
property is in their flocks of goats. The road from 
Bela to Haidarab&d crosses the hills, inhabited 
by the Chuta tribe, and leads by a spot called 
-Shah Balal, where is a ziarat, or shrine, of repute, 
distinguished by groves of tamarind trees and the 
presence of pea-fowl. " These beautiful birds and 
the groves are considered sacred by Mahomedan 
and Hindu so easy to the unreflecting mind is 
the transition from wonder to homage. To the 
west, a continuous hill range stretches from the 
north of Bela to the ocean, upon which it closes 
beyond the point where the Purali river effects 
its junction. By this range, in the parallel of 
Bela, Las is separated from Jhow, a pass, or lak, 
as here "called, over the hills, communicating be- 
tween the two provinces. This lak is remarkable 
as having been, in great measure, artificially formed. 
The labour is ascribed, as all such labours are, to 
FerMd. While these two ranges approach to the 
north of Bela, as to an apex, to the south the 
line of sea-coast forms the boundary of the pro- 
vince, constituting a vast triangle, the area of which 
is occupied by an expanse of level, more or less 
wooded, and frequently marshy, diversified by the 
tortuous and tamarisk-fringed course of the Purdli 
river, by dry open tracts bordering on the hills, 
and by low sandy hillocks on the margin of the 

Las is inhabited by the Lassi division of the 


great tribe of Lumri or Numari Whether they 
derive their appellation from the country they dwell 
in, or whether the country is called after them, is 
uncertain. The Lassis have numerous subdivisions, 
as the Jamhut, furnishing the jam, or chief ; Gun- 
gah, Angariah, (the name of a German tribe, accord- 
ing to Tacitus 9 ) and Chuta, who claim a close affinity 
with each other. There are also the Gadur, 
Masorah, Manghia, Shekh, Shahokah, Sur, Vahreh, 
Sabrah, M3ndarah, Runja, Burah, Dodah, &c. 

These races acknowledge a consanguinity with 
the Battis of Jesalmir, &c. Their origin they trace 
to Samar, the founder of Samarkand. He had, they 
say, four sons Nerpat, father of the Ltimris, or 
Nfimaris of Las; the Bulfats, or Numaris of 
Sind ; and the Jfikias, also of Sind : Bopat, father 
of the Battis of Jesalmir ; Aspat, father of the 
Chaghatais; and Gajpat, father of the Chura races. 
It may open a wide field for reflection, perhaps for 
controversy, but there is every probability that these 
Ltimri, and other Jetic tribes, have an origin iden- 
tical with that of the Jet, or Gothic races, so memo- 
rable in the middle ages of European history ; and 
that the same political causes which impelled the 
one portion in a direction by following which they 
ultimately reached the shores of the Baltic, precipi- 
tated the other portion upon the continent of 
India. The Lurnris speak a dialect scarcely varying 
from that current in Sind. 

The Lfimris are an active hardy people, and lead 

LAS. 299 

essentially a pastoral life. Their wealth consists 
of their flocks and herds, which the grass of their 
jangals allows them conveniently to subsist. Their 
flocks, however, are principally of goats, and their 
herds of buffaloes, although they have cows, but 
in less number. Sheep are probably unsuitable to 
the nature of the country, the pastures of which, 
besides being rank, spring from a damp and saline 
soil. Camels also contribute largely to the comfort 
and affluence of the Lumri people, and are reared 
in amazing numbers. Agriculture is neglected, 
perhaps despised ; and, confined to the vicinity of 
the few towns and villages, is in general carried on 
with Hindil capital. 

Wheat and barley are grown but in small quan- 
tities, those grains being imported from Khozdar. 
Juari and mash are objects of culture, with mustard 
and the cotton plant. Near the capital, a little 
rice of good quality is grown in the forsaken bed 
of the Purali. In the same favoured soil a few 
vegetables are produced, and tobacco is cultivated. 
The produce of Las in no wise meets the con- 
sumption of the inhabitants ; red and white rice, 
jviari, with various other grains and pulse, are 
largely imported from the ports of Sind, from 
Mandavi, Bombay, and even Maskat The abun- 
dance of horned cattle provides large quantities 
of roghan, and a considerable amount of hides for 
exportation, and of natural or untended produce ; 
the hills yield abundance of honey, wax, and 


bdellium. The camels of the Ltimris are articles 
of traffic, and their trained animals are esteemed. 
The manufactures of the Lumris are coarse cotton 
fabrics, or parcha, carpets, felts, sacks, ropes, &c., 
woven indiscriminately from the shorn honours of 
the goat and camel. From camel-hair the abrah, 
or cloak, of coarse texture, universally worn by 
the males, is made. t Its virtues, independent of 
cheapness, are durability, and resistance to rain. 
The food of the Lumris is very simple, and chiefly 
bread of the inferior grains, with buttermilk. Mash 
also enters largely into their diet, and red rice, 
boiled up as wat, or frumenty, is a favourite dish. 
They are accused of eating flesh in a raw state, 
which means, I presume, that they are not partial 
to overdone meat. Simple as is the fare of the 
Lfanri, and rude as are hi^ manners, he is a slave 
to the pernicious practice of opium-eating, thereby ? 
while endangering his health, faculties, and morals, 
offering additional evidence of his affinity with th6 
Batti, and other degraded races. 

The government of the Lumri community of Las 
is vested in an hereditary chief, with_ the title of 
Jam. He exercises within his own territories an 
independent and uncontrolled jurisdiction, acknow- 
ledging, nevertheless, the supremacy of the Bra- 
hui chief of Kalat, to whom, if required, military 
service is rendered. Although it is understood 
that the chief of Kalat may not, on occasions of 
lapses of authority, disturb the natural order of sue 

LAS. 301 

cession, his concurrence in the selection of the 
future ruler is deemed necessary, and his deputy 
performs the inaugural ceremony of seating the 
new jam upon the masnad. The dependence of 
Las upon Kalat, while so easy as to be little more 
than nominal, is likely,, however, to become more 
definite, both because the government is visibly 
deteriorating, and that the connexion is the only 
precautionary measure which the inferior state can 
adopt to secure its independence from being de- 
stroyed by its powerful and grasping neighbours of 
Sind, who behold with extreme jealousy the har- 
bour of Sumniani, and the diversion of a portion of 
the commerce which they wish should be confined 
to Karachi. 

The reigning jam of Las is Jam Meher Khan* 
and, at this time, may be sixteen or seventeen years 
of age. He is the son of Jam Meher All; who died 
much regretted. A love of justice, and a spirit of 
moderation, endeared him to his subjects. In the 
field he proved able, and, at the request of the 
government of Kal&t, undertook, with the levies of 
his own tribes and immediate allies, an expedition 
against the refractory leaders of Kej, in which he 
acquitted himself with credit. The father of Jm 
Meher All was Jam Meher KMn, who for many 
years presided at the helm of affairs in Las. His 
reputation, as a man of ability and comprehensive 
views, stands fair, but it is remembered of him, that 
he placed no check upon his passions, and in their 


gratification scrupled not to compromise the honours 
of the wives and daughters of his subjects, whether 
Hindu or Mahomedan. Las was anciently ruled by 
the Runjah tribe; amongst whom one Sappar became 
famous. His descendants were dispossessed by the 
Gungahs, whose two latter chiefs were Jam Dinar 
and Jam Ibrahim. These, in turn, were compelled to 
yield to Jam Ali, of the Jamhut tribe, which must 
have been after the year 1046 of the hejira, as a seal 
of Jam Ibrahim is still shown at Bela with that 
date, and the legend Banda Bddshah Alam, Jam 
Ibrahim ben Jam Dinar. The first Jam Ali was 
succeeded by Jm Rubana, who slew his brother, 
the son-in-law of the Ammallari Bulfat chief, who 
seized upon Las in resentment. Parah KMn and 
Izzat Khan, B6lfat chiefs, succeeded each other ; 
but the latter was so cruel and oppressive, that 
Jam Ali, a descendant of the expelled Rubana of 
the Jamhftt tribe, applied to Mohdbat KMn of 
Kalat, and by his aid regained Las; whence arose 
the connexion between the two countries. From 
this Jam Ali the present chief is regularly de- 

The Lumris are willing that the stranger should 
believe, that the military strength of Las amounts 
to twelve thousand men. Jam Meher Ali, in his 
expedition to Kej, it is said, carried with him four 
thousand men, comprising his own and auxiliary 
forces. It may be supposed that he made extraor- 
dinary efforts, which were seconded by his popu- 

LAS. 303 

larity at home and abroad. In 1831 the Vakil 
Alia Rika, with a force of four hundred men, was 
in cooperation with the army of Kalat in Kej, and 
a body of three hundred men had been placed at 
the disposal of the Arab chief of Maskat, to serve, 
as mercenaries, in his armament against Mambasa, 
SL mode of employment frequently adopted with 
the levies in Las. 

The revenue of Las, under Jam Meher Alt was 
computed to exceed forty thousand rupees; but 
at present it does not equal twenty-five thousand, 
while it is expected to suffer farther depression. 
This revenue arises from the customs payable on 
merchandise entering the port of Sunmiani, the 
duties charged on produce brought to the towns, or 
bazar villages, and the taxes on trades, crafts, &c. 
The Lumri peasantry may be considered exempt 
from imposts, as the sums they contribute on the 
sale of their produce in towns, in fact, form so 
many charges upon trade, and are borne by the 
purchaser or consumer. The more profitable 
branch of the revenue, is that arising from customs 
on foreign goods, and they are levied at a .fixed 
rate, depending on weight. This arrangement was 
made by Jam Meher Khan, to encourage merchants 
to repair to Sunmiani, in preference to Karachi; 
aixd it was farther agreed to wave the right of 
search, so vexatiously resorted to by the Sindian 
officers. The consequences were soon manifested 
by the number of merchants frequenting Las, and 


the beneficial effect on its revenue. Latterly, how- 
ever, the governments of Kal&t and Las, growing 
enfeebled, the hill tribes between Bela and Khoz- 
dar extort so grossly from kafilas, under pretence 
of levying duty, that AfgMn merchants, with 
heavy goods, are compelled to go to Karachi. 
Chintzes, muslins, and high-priced goods, bearing 
a large profit, still find their way from Bombay 
to Kandahar by the road of Bela and Kal&t. 
Horses are also usually shipped at Sunmiani for 
Bombay, as on them the tribes exact no duty. 
Madder, a staple article of export from Kalat and 
Afghanistan, is always carried via Sind ; even the 
portion destined for sale in Las, is sent by land 
from Karachi. The products of the province have 
been already noted ; with the fisheries, they contri- 
bute to a brisk intercourse between Sunmiani and 
the harbours of Sind, and generally of the line 
of coast from the mouths of the Indus to Bombay, 
as well as with the ports of Mekran and Maskat. 

The only towns calling those places such which 
have chabutras, or offices to receive customs and 
duties are Bela, Utal, and Sunmiani. Its only 
villages, esteeming those such which boast of mud 
dwellings, are Liari, Shekh-ka-raj, Osmn di Gote, 
Wariara, Phor, Traiari, &c. Besides these there are 
various assemblages of Lumri huts, in most of which 
are found two, three, or four Hindus. Bela, the 
capital, is a small town of about three hundred 
houses. In native histories it is called Kara Bela; 

LAS. 305 

and, however long it may have represented the 
capital of this part of the country, it seems to 
have been preceded, in the middle ages, by another 
town, the site of which, or rather of its sepulchres, 
is pointed out about five miles westward; where 
at this day coins and trinkets are occasionally 
found. Funereal jars are also brought to light, 
filled with ashes, charcoal, and other incinerated 
substances. In the nearest point of the contiguous 
hills, separating Las from Jhow, are found nume- 
rous caves, and rock temples, ascribed by tradition 
to Ferhad and fairies, but which more sober judg- 
ment recognizes as the earthly resting abodes of 
the former chiefs, or governors of the province. 
They prove, moreover, the extension to the coast 
of that faith whose excavated records exist over so 
large a part of the world. 

Sunmiani is a town of about a thousand houses. 
It has a good-sized bazar, and a good number of 
Hindu traders and artisans. There are also many 
families of Mehmans, as they would call themselves, 
or Ltitias, as styled by the Lumris. Amongst them 
are two or three opulent merchants; and all of 
them are in easy circumstances. Professing them- 
selves Mahomedans, they are not considered ortho- 
dox ; and, together with the Hindus, they engross 
the foreign and internal trade of the country. Be- 
sides the Meds, who form a portion of the maritime 
and fishing classes, there is at Sunmiani, also at 
B61a, a part of the fixed population called, by the 

VOL. iv. x 


Lfanris, Jadgh&l. Considerable numbers of negro 
slaves are always to be found at Sunmini, both in 
employ as well as for sale. Scarcely a family is 
without one or more of those negroes ; and Hin- 
dus are permitted to purchase them as freely as 
others. They are brought from Mask&t, and from 
Stinmiani are dispersed amongst the Lumris of the 
country, and even so far as Kalat. The Mehman 
merchants entirely conduct this traffic. 

The harbour of Sunmiani is spacious, but, unfor- 
tunately, a bar of sand impedes the entrance, and 
the accumulating mass bids fair to close it. The 
sea gains upon the land, and the present town will, 
in no great space of time, be replaced by another, 
more distant from the shore* At SunmiSni coarse 
calicoes are printed, and there are many mills for 
the extraction of oil from mustard-seed. They are 
precisely on the same construction as sugar-mills, 
but worked by camels in lieu of oxen. 

The eruptive disorder on the teats of cows, pro- 
ducing the vaccine disease, is well known in Las ; 
equally so is the fact, that those who have received 
this disorder from the cow are not liable to the 
contagion of variola. The disease is denominated 
poto-ghow, or the cow small-pox, poto being the 
Lumri as well as Baloch designation for small-pox. 
But what is still more singular is, that the camel 
as well as the cow has an eruption on her nipples, 
producing similar effects to the vaccine ; and, as in 
this country camels' milk is largely made use of for 


the sustenance of man, it is ascertained that those 
who in milking a diseased animal contract what is 
called the poto-shuter, or camel small-pox, become 
also inaccessible to variolous contagion, equally with 
those who receive the analogous disease from the 
cow. I was assured that no fatal results were ever 
known to follow from either of these potos, from the 
vaccine or the cameline ; and that the symptoms 
were exactly as in the English disease, confined to 
a sprinkling of pimples on the hands and arms. 


A small town and port of Mekr&n, containing 
about four hundred houses, which for some years 
has placed itself under the protection of the jam of 
Las, to avoid being reduced by the Arab chief of 
Maskdt. It receives governors on the part of the 
jam, and a nett sum of one thousand rupees is 
annually remitted to Bela, as revenue and the price 
of protection. This little place has a smart trade 
with the interior, and its shipping frequent the 
same foreign harbours as the craft of SunmiSni. 
The country, for seven or eight days' journey in 
every direction from Hormara, is of the most sterile 
and uninviting aspect, yet, in particular spots, are 
inhabitants located, leading a 'weary existence in 
the solitudes around them, but contented, because 
ignorant of better fortune. On the skirts of the 


Jabal Malan, a range which presses on the coast 
between the limits of Las and Hormara, a tribe of 
inferior consideration, called Gujar, have fixed their 
seats. Nearer, at a locality named Garuki, the 
Sangur, another tribe of small repute, reside under 
their chief, Mir Bijar. On the shores of the Kala- 
mat creek, west of Hormara, dwell a tribe deriving 
their appellation, it may be, from the place; 
although they believe they came originally from 
Sind, where, they assert, the tribe still exists in 
formidable numbers. 


A small port, of two hundred houses, still farther 
west, dependent on which is the country on the 
coast between the limits of Hormara and those of 
Gwadar. Its chief is Mehrb Khan, of the Kala- 
mati tribe just noted. He pays no tribute to Las 
or Kalt, but contrives to avoid the acknowledg- 
ment of supremacy to Maskat, by pretending to 
be a member of the Baloch federation. It must be 
conceded, his little town and territory are barely 
worth the coveting. The maritime and fishing 
population of the little ports on the coast of Mek- 
rn, from Sunmiani to Charbar, are denominated 
M6d, and comprise four divisions, the Gazbtir, 
Honn&ri, Jellar Zai, and Chelmar Zai. 



Includes the provinces of Saharawan and Jhala- 
wan, with the intermediate districts x>f the capital. 
The latter, except in situation, are perfectly inde- 
pendent of the former. In reviewing their po- 
sition, convenience prescribes their union. The 
same consideration induces me to comprise amongst 
the districts of Saharawan that of Shall, which 
may not strictly be said to belong to them, al- 
though, since it has been placed under the Kalat 
government, it has been virtually annexed to the 


The more northern of the central provinces, 
blends its confines with the Afghin districts de- 
pendent on Kandahar. Computing from the north, 
to the borders of Jhalawan, it has an extent of 
above one hundred miles ; and its breadth, from 
east to west, although a little varying, will, in 
general, nearly average the same distance. To the 
north, it connects itself with the Afghan districts 
of Peshing and of Toba ; to the south, it runs into 
the province of Jhalawan, encircling the little 
nucleus of the capital with its environs. To the 
east, parallel ranges of hills, a formidable barrier, 
separate it from Dadar and Kach Gandv4. Tra- 


versing these ranges, and in a direction exactly 
contrary to them, is a range marking the course 
of the Bolan river, and the line of the celebrated 
pass, leading from the Dasht Bidowlat to Dadar, 
the great route of communication between the 
western Afghan provinces and the countries open- 
ing on the Indus. To the west, a series of high 
hills, although distant, preserving their parallelism 
to the preceding, divide the province from the 
Afghan districts of Shorawak, 'and from the Baloch 
province of Nushki. West of SM11 and Mastung 
is the Afghan district of Sherrud, which, it must 
be noted, while amongst the inferior hills, is east 
of the principal chain. This chain extends far 
north, forming the western boundary of Peshing, 
and is called the Khwojd Amran mountain. The 
eastern range, while, perhaps, without any general 
name, has a multitude of local appellations. Where 
it overlooks Kalat, it is called Arbui, and the 
superior range, frowning on the plains of Kach 
Gandava, is called Takari. Other peaks have the 
names N&gow, Bohar, &c. 

Excepting the Bolan, Saharawan . may be said to 
have no rivers. A few slender rivulets and tor- 
rents, transient and partial, are found. only scantily 
distributed over its wide surface. To compensate 
this deficiency, a cool temperature, the result of 
elevation, is favourable to vegetation; and allows 
the soil to retain, for a sufficient period, the mois- 
ture supplied by the vernal rains, as generally to 

SHALL. 311 

ensure good harvests of grain. Owing to the same 
kindly causes, the hills and plains are covered, in 
the spring and summer, with a profusion of flowers 
and herbage, yielding copious and admirable nou- 
rishment to the numerous flocks of sheep, which 
constitute the primary wealth of the Brhui tribes. 

1. Saharawan, then, includes the district of Shall, 
with its villages and dependencies of Ispangali, 
Kftchilak, Samanguli, Berg, Binighoh, &c. 

2. Mastung, with its dependencies of Feringabad, 
Tiri, Khanak, Dolai, and Kenitti. 

3. Mangachar, comprising the divisions of Zard, 
K6r, Mand6 Haji, Kirch-ab, and Barechi-nav. To 
these may be added Khad. 

4. Kalat, with its neighbouring villages and de- 
pendencies of Skalkoh, Nichara, Chappar, Dasht 
GtiraB, &c. 

5. Kirta, and the petty districts in the hills be- 
tween Saharawan and Kach Gandava. 

6. Gurghina, Kurdigap, Nimarg, &c., districts 
in the hills east of the Khwoja Amran range. 


The most northern of the districts of Saharaw&n, 
was ceded to Nasir Khan by Ahmed Shah, the 
first Ddrani sovereign, in reward for his military 
services in the Persian wars. It embraces many 
small divisions and villages, as SirisLb, Ahmed Khan 
Zai, Karatri, Ispangali, Noshahar, Berg, Ktichilak, 


Samanguli, &c. To the north, Shill exteuds to the 
Khaka districts of Toba ; to the south, it joins the 
district of Mastung, and the plain called Dasht 
Bidowlat; to the east, it has the Khaka district 
of Hanna ; to the west, Peshing and Sherrud, belong- 
ing to Afghan tribes. 

The capital of the district, called SM11 by the 
Baloches, and Quetta, an equivalent for kot, or fort, 
by the Afghans, is a small town of about four 
hundred houses. It has a good bazar, and is the 
most considerable place between Kalat and Kan- 
dahar, and also between Kalat and Ghazni. It is 
surrounded by a crenated wall of some height, but 
inadequate, from its slight substance, to offer oppo- 
sition to artillery. On a lofty mound within the 
walls is a ruinous citadel, which yet affords a 
residence to the governor of the town. 

The Khaka district of Hanna to the west is 
considered under the government of Shall, as are 
other Khaka districts to the north towards Toba. 
The submission of these Afghans must be very 
equivocal, a furious blood-feud existing between the 
Afghans and Baloches. One of the two gates of 
Shall, opening upon the east, is named after Hanna, 
the other fronting the south is named the gate of 

The soil here is rich and black, yielding much 
wheat and rice, besides madder, some tobacco, and 
the cultivated grasses. The orchards are abundant, 
apparently of recent growth, and furnish grapes, 


apples, pears, plums, peaches, apricots, mulberries, 
pomegranates, figs, &c. As usual, in these coun- 
tries, large fields are devoted to the cultivation of 
melons, in their season. The climate is praised, 
and I judged it salubrious and equable. Snow 
falls, and remains on the ground for above two 
months, when it is customary for the small Baloch 
garrison to retire to Dadar, leaving the inhabitants 
to their own protection. 

The Afghans resident in Shall and its villages 
are of the Kassi tribe ; and claim affinity with the 
great Safi clans. The whole fixed population will 
scarcely amount to four thousand. In the spring 
and summer, numerous Brahui tomftns range over 
its plains. 


Includes, besides the town of Mastung, the de- 
pendent villages and districts of Faringabdd, Tiri, 
Khanak, Dolai, Kenitti, &c. It is bounded, to the 
north, by the lofty mountain Chehel Tan, sepa- 
rating it from the valley of Shall ; to the south by 
the districts of Mangachar and Khad. On the east, 
a range of hill, a prolongation of inferior altitude 
from Chehel Tan, intervenes between it and the 
Dasht Bidowlat ; and on the west another range 
divides it from the Afghan valley of Sherrud. 

Mastung is celebrated for the salubrity of its 
climate, and for the abundance and excellence of its 


fruits. The cultivated soil is very fertile, and the 
produce is ample, and of good quality. Madder, 
grown in large quantities, is an annual export, as 
is tobacco, which is much prized. Besides the 
various grains, rice, and the artificial grasses, are 
cultivated. The fruits of Mastung embrace all 
the varieties noted as being produced by the 
orchards of Shall, but they are in far greater pro- 
fusion, and in general have a superior flavour ; the 
temperature being milder, and more favourable to 
the maturity of many kinds. The mulberries and 
melons of Mastting are held to be unrivalled, and 
almonds are so abundant as to be an article of 

The climate of Mastung, Tiri, and Faringabad 
is entitled to great commendation ; Khanak, in the 
same plain, but with a depressed site, is not equally 
favoured. The town of Mastung may contain about 
four hundred houses, and is surrounded with a cre- 
nated mud wall. On a mound within the limits of 
the tawn are the remains of a citadel, destroyed, it 
is said, by Ahmed Shah. The present town is af- 
firmed to represent the ancient city of Arangabdd, 
whose site is pointed out a little to the east or 
north-east, and on which, after rains, coins, 'and 
other- evidences, may be occasionally discovered. 
The walled-in village of Tiri may occupy as much 
space as Mastung, but with half the number of habi- 
tations, the greater part of the enclosed area being 
filled with orchards. At Tiri resides an influential 


family of saiyads, one of whom, Saiyad Sherif, was 
mainly the cause of the insinuation of Sikh troops 
into Harand and Dajil, and has become infamously 
notorious in the recent events which have convulsed 
Balochistan. FaringaMd is an advantageously- 
seated village, amid orchards, under the hills over 
which the direct road leads from Mastung to Sh&ll. 
It may contain one hundred and fifty houses. 

Khanak has a village of similar appellation, 
seated on a large tappa or mound; consequently 
the site is ancient. It contains about one hundred 
houses, and dependent on it are three or four small 
hamlets. K6nitti has a small village, now nearly 
depopulated. Dolai, to the north of Khanak, has 
no village. 

No Afghans dwell in Mastung ; some of the 
fixed inhabitants are Dehwars, but with them are 
incorporated many Brahuis of various tribes. Of 
these the principal are the Raisani, Sherwani, Mah- 
mud Shahi, Bangui Zai, and Lari, with the Sirperra. 
The favourable site and climate of Mastiing has 
recommended it as a residence to most of the chiefs 
of the Brahui tribes of Saharawan. The fixed 
population of Mastting, and its dependencies, will 
not, probably, exceed six thousand. 


A division of Saharawan, to the north, touching 
on the limits of Kenitti and Khad ; to the south 


extending to the borders of Chappar, Garuk, and 
Krez Garani, dependent on the capital. To the 
east, hill-ranges separate it from the petty localities 
of Ktihak, Kishan, &c.; and, to the west, other hills 
divide it from Gurghina. It it subdivided into 
the quarters of Zard to the north, Mandeh Haji 
occupying the centre chiefly ; Kur, to the west ; 
Kirch-ab, east of Kur and trending towards Chappar, 
with Barechi-nav stretching eastward to the base 
of a mountain, called Koh Maran, or the hill of 

Mangachar has a few dispersed hamlets. There 
may exist on the plain from ten to twelve artificial 
tappas or mounds, which, covered with fragments 
of potters' ware, testify to an ancient population. 
These evidences are not inconsistent with the fer- 
tility and natural advantages of the plain; which 
are considerable, as to the quality of soil and the 
abundance of water. There are at present canals 
of irrigation, and subterranean aqueducts. The parts 
better supplied with water are Mandeh Haji, and 
Zard, which accordingly produce in greater quan- 
tities wheat and the cultivated grasses. The other 
parts of Mangachar have also their canals of irri- 
gation, but fewer in number, and the culture is 
restricted to wheat. The whole plain is intersected 
by bands, or ramparts of earth, intended to preserve 
the rain-water for purposes of irrigation. There are 
many breeding mares kept on the plain of Manga- 
char, and it is usual for the horse-dealers of Kalat 


to send their cattle there to feed upon the choicer 
grasses. The soil is of the same rich and ponderous 
quality as that of Kalat, but much of the surface 
is impaired by impregnation with saline particles. 
The plain has a very dreary and bleak aspect, owing 
to the absence of trees. Many single and ruinous 
mud huts are sprinkled here and there; and the 
tomans, or collections of black tents, on the skirts 
of the hills, or interspersed over the plain, have in 
themselves a repulsive and unsocial appearance. A 
few trees only are to be found at Zard, where there 
is also a good orchard belonging to Dhai Bibii, an 
ancient lady of Kalat ; and this is certainly the 
portion of the plain preferable as to position. 

Khad is the name given to a lengthened valley 
between Mangachar and Mastung, through which 
the high road leads from Kalat to the north. On 
the east it has the first of the three parallel ranges 
stretching to Kach Gandavd, which is remarkable 
for displaying to the west inclined surfaces of rock, 
as smooth as if a trowel had been passed over the 
masses when plastic. On the west, the hills called 
Chotoh divide it from Kenitti and Zard. Khad has 
no village. It is computed nine Sultania cosses 
from Kalat, agreeably to some traditionary admea- 
surement. By the same standard, Mangachar is 
reckoned five, and Mastung twelve Sultania cosses 
from the capital. Khad is claimed by the Sher- 
w&ni tribe of Brahfiis. 



Before quitting the northern divisions of Saha- 
rawan, it is due to notice the Dasht Bidowlat, or 
the Unpropitious Plain. To the north it has Sir-i- 
ab of Shall, Zir Kob, and the Khaka hills. To the 
south, hills divide it from Merv" and Isprinji. To 
the east it has the hills of the Bolan, and to the 
west, Chehel Tan and the lower ranges of Mastung. 
Whether traversed from Shall or Mastung, it is a 
good march in breadth, nor is its length less consi- 
derable. Its evil name is appropriate only after the 
harvests have been collected, and the supplies of 
water have been exhausted, when it is deserted by 
its temporary residents. Then it is that predatory 
bands of KMkas roam over the desolate space and 
infest its roads, to the peril of travellers and kafilas. 
In the spring its aspect is very different, and the 
Brahuis are enthusiastic in their descriptions of its 
verdure and flowers. Its surface, garnished with 
the lala, or tulip, presents, they aver, an expanse of 
scarlet and gold, and the perfume that impregnates 
the atmosphere exhilirates the senses to intoxica- 
tion. In 'that season it swarms with the tomans of 
the Kurd Brahtii tribe, who are proprietors of the 
plain, and reap its produce, but retire as soon as it is 
collected, to Merv. 



For convenience, we have included Kal&t and its 
environs amongst the districts of Saharawan, al- 
though they form a distinct and independent tract, 
under the personal jurisdiction of the khan, or chief 
of the Baloch community. The town of Kalat, 
containing within its walls about four hundred 
houses, and a miri, or palace, of an antique and im- 
posing appearance, with suburbs comprising other 
four hundred houses, is situated in a narrow valley, 
bounded to the east by the hill ranges so often 
mentioned as extending to Kach Gandavd. To 
the west, beyond the hill Sh&h Mirdan, on the 
northern extremity of which the town is built, 
broken country and ravines extend for a consider- 
able distance. From the town to the opposite hills, 
to the east, the distance is within a mile, and this 
confined space, traversed by the generally dry and 
stony bed of a hill torrent, is appropriated to the 
cultivation and gardens of the place. To the south 
of Kal&t the valley closes, or is filled by low hills ; 
to the north it somewhat expands, and affords space 
for the small villages of Garuk, Malarkl, Malgozar, 
&c. Farther north is the small hamlet of Gdrani, 
and nearly west of it, the village of Ziaxat. 

About three miles north-east of Kalat, crossing 
the first hills, is the village of Skalkoh, walled in, 
and made up of one hundred houses, inhabited by 


the Sherwani tribe. About fifteen miles south-east 
of Kalat, also amongst the hills, is the larger village, 
or small baaar town of Nichara (Noshahar). Seated 
in a fertile valley, it has much cultivation. About 
nine miles to the south of Kalat is the small 
village of Rodinjo, on the road to Jhalawan. It 
may have twenty houses. On the skirts of the hills 
east of Rodinjo, and extending to Sohrab, are two 
or three hamlets ; and within them is the village of 
Mahomed Tahawar, walled in, with two gates and 
one hundred houses. About three miles east of 
Rodinjo is the village of Tok, with thirty houses, 
and walled in. 

Chappar is an extensive plain, west of Kalat. 
To the north it unites with Kur and Kirchib, dis- 
tricts of Mangachar ; to the south it extends to the 
Dasht Gtiran. On the west it has hill ranges of 
little altitude, until they sink upon the Siah Koh, 
or black mountain. Here are no towns or villages, 
but there are the ample indications of a former 
population in the fragments of potters' ware distri- 
buted over an immense space. The plain is sup- 
plied with water by a rivulet issuing from the low 
hills east of Karez Garanf, and which, flowing by 
Garuk and Ziarat, enters Chappar. Considerable 
quantities of melons are raised here for the Kalat 
market. The fields are crown property, and the 
fruits mature some time after those grown in the 
vicinity of the capital have been consumed. The 


Dasht Guran, south of Chappar, has beyond it 
Sohrfib, to the east Rodinjo, and to the west a 
waste and broken country, extending to Kharan. 
Here is a small village of fifteen to twenty houses, 
and the cultivation, entirely on the lands called 
khushk awah, is confined to wheat. This plain is 
inhabited by the Sunaris, a branch of the Zehri 
tribe of Jhalawan, to whose sirdar they are obe- 
dient on questions of general interest, but, for suf- 
ferance of settlement, make an annual acknowledg- 
ment to the sirdar of Nushki, whose tribe pre- 
ceded them in the occupancy of the dasht, and 
who still claim it. Dasht Guran signifies the plain 
of wild asses, but those animals are no longer found 

The population of KalUt is necessarily mixed; 
with many Dehwars there are many Brahuis, a great 
number of Hindus, and a large proportion of slaves. 
The entire suburbs are inhabited by Afghans. The 
agricultural classes are nearly exclusively Dehwars. 
In this Memoir, in enumerating the towns, or vil- 
lages, in the respective parts of the country under 
notice, I have mentioned nearly the whole of them, 
for they are really so few in number that to do so 
is an easy matter. I incur the chance of being 
accused of noting places unworthy of record, but 
besides that there are no other than these places, I 
wished to afford data for exhibiting the numbers of 
the fixed population. I have before estimated that 



of Shall and Mastung, and by the same mode of 
calculation, that of Kal&t and its environs will not 
exceed fourteen thousand. 


We have frequently had occasion to allude to the 
hill ranges between the elevated province of SaM- 
rawaa and the depressed level plains of Kach Gan- 
dava, Formed of three parallel chains, and extend- 
ing north far beyond the limits of Saharawan, they 
enclose numerous sheltered and fertile valleys. 
From the universality of rice as a product of them, 
an abundance of copious and perennial springs and 
rivulets must be inferred. To the excellence of the 
herbage and pasturage, and the adaptation of the 
hills for the grazing of sheep, the superior meat and 
fleece of the Brahui flocks amply testify. Although 
very scantily inhabited, there are still amongst them 
some fixed villages, and there are many localities 
tenanted by pastoral tribes. 

The eastern portion adjacent to Kach Gandava is 
inhabited by petty Bind tribes, or detachments 
therefrom, and the western portion is held by Brahiij 
tribes. The Rinds, it may be observed, in matters 
of public interest, are" supposed to follow the deci-* 
sion of the sirdar of Saharawan. The direction of 
these parallel chains of mountains is from north by 


east to south by west ; in the parallel of Shall, a 
range cutting through them nearly east to west 
marks the course of the Bolan river and pass, and 
describes the boundary between the hills of the 
KMk Afghans and the Baloches. In the pass is a 
ziarat of some repute, called Bibi Nani, and about 
the centre of it, immediately north of the river, is 
the small walled-in Baloch village of Kirta, inha- 
bited by the Kuchik branch of the Rind tribe- 
Contiguous thereto is a tepid spring, which confers 
the name of Garm-b on the locality whence it 
issues. Kirta has been frequently sacked by the 
KhakAs. Of the many localities amongst these hills, 
such as have villages are Johan, belonging to the 
Puzh Rinds, and deemed fertile in wheat and rice. 
Rodbar, said to be extensive, and comprising three 
villages ; Rodbar, held by Mandaw&ri Rinds ; Jam, 
held by Kuchik Rinds; and Barari, inhabited by 
Puzh Rinds. Rodbar has a vigorous cultivation of 
rice and grain, and its numerous orchards yield 
pomegranates of fair quality. Kajuri, occupied by 
the Puzh Rinds, has a village of the same name, and, 
like the other valleys, yields rice abundantly. Ghazg 
is another valley, with a village of similar name. 
It has orchards and vineyards, and the grapes are 
highly prized at Kal&t, It belongs to the Ghazghis, 
a petty Brhui tribe. Besides these valleys which 
have villages, there are many others, some of them 
extensive and fertile, which afford a residence to 
various tribes, whose genius and mode of life dis- 

y 2 


qualify them for permanent settlement and fixed 
abodes. Sucli are Merv, held by the Kfirds; Isprinji, 
by the Bangui Zais; Kuhak, by the Mahmud Shahis ; 
Nerm6k, represented as large, inhabited by the 
Lari Brahuis; Lup, belonging to the Kalui branch 
of Rinds ; Kishan, held by the Sherwanis, with 
Pizai, Lalaji, Sohrab, &c., places of little note, and 
sometimes visited by small tribes. The fixed popu- 
lation of the several villages dispersed over the tract 
under consideration will not, probably, exceed two 
thousand five hundred. 


To complete the review of Saharawan, it remains 
to notice the districts in the western hills. They 
are Gdrghina, Kurdigap, Nimarg, Ashi Kh&n, and 
Puden. They lie to the west of Mangachar, a hill 
range intervening, having Sherrtid of the Afghans 
to the north, and to the south, waste, hilly regions. 
Kurdigap is the most northern district, and the 
only one which has a village, and that a small 
one ; Gurghina is south of Kurdigap, and Nimarg 
is again south of it ; while Ashi Khan and Puden 
are to the west of both. As in Mangachar, so in 
these districts are many dams, or artificial mounds* 
The valleys are not so well supplied with water, 
and the river, or rivulet, of Sherrud flows use- 
lessly through the hills. Cultivation is effected 


by aid of mounds of earth, or bands, to confine 
the water from rains, and it is asserted that, in 
Gurghina, there are above three hundred of them, 
a number, if exaggerated, yet showing that they 
are numerous. It is notorious that the cultiva- 
tion of this and of other districts of Saharawan, is 
not carried on to the extent their capabilities 
would allow ; an evil arising, perhaps, mainly from 
their being held by pastoral races, who depend 
for their subsistence rather upon their flocks than 
upon their fields. So jealous are the several tribes 
of what they consider their peculiar property, that 
they will in no wise permit the settlement of others. 
This remark particularly applies to the Sirperras, 
who scantily inhabit the districts under notice, the 
Kurds, possessing the spacious plain of the Dasht 
Bidowlat, the Shervanis, who hold Khad, and the 
Raisanis, who suffer the rich lands of Dolai and 
Khanak to lie waste. In comparison with other 
Brahui tribes, the Sirperras are not considered 
wealthy. They formerly paid attention to the col- 
lection of assafoetida, but of late years the plants 
have failed in quantity. The appellation Gurghina, 
is understood to relate to the wild ass, called Gur ; 
but the animal, believed formerly to have abounded 
in these parts, is not now found. He, however, 
still ranges in the level wastes beyond Ntishkk 
The districts of Ashi KMn and Puden, west of 
Gdrghina, are inhabited by the Rodani branch of 
the Sirperra tribe. The fixed population of the 


lands held by the Sirperras will not exceed three 

From the estimates we have made, it would 
appear that Saharawan does not contain thirteen 
thousand fixed inhabitants, while the capital and 
its environs has about fourteen thousand. The 
amount of the pastoral tribes of Saharawan is more 
difficult to guess, but it can hardly be imagined 
to exceed, if it equal, that of the fixed paxt of 
the community. Supposing it equal, we have about 
twenty-six thousand for the population of Saha- 
rawan; or, if in estimating the number of fixed 
inhabitants, I have, in calculating five to a house, 
taken too low a rate, let six be allowed, and we 
shall not be able to raise the entire population 
above thirty thousand. The pastoral races in the 
neighbourhood of Kalat cannot be conceded on 
any account to equal one half of the fixed popu- 
lation, and in taking them at gix thousand, the 
estimate, no doubt, is too high; but *doing so, 
for the sake of arriving at an amount, we have 
twenty thousand for the population of the capital 
and vicinity. If we reflect on the extent of coun- 
try over which this amount of human life is dis- 
persed, we must be conscious how trifling the latter 
appears in contrast with the former. It is within 
the truth, and also for the sake of approximate 
calculation, to consider the countries in question 
as covering a square surface of one hundred miles, 
containing, therefore, an area of ten thousand! 


square miles. The population of fifty thousand 
distributed over this space, gives but five souls to 
every square mile; nor need we be surprised at 
so low a result, when we reflect that entire marches 
may be made in the country without a solitary 
human being presenting himself to the observation 
of the traveller. It is instructive at all times to 
analyze the population of countries ; but particularly 
so when the inhabitants are prone to exaggeration. 
Experience has convinced me that the population 
of Oriental countries has been much overrated. 


Includes the countries stretching in a southerly 
direction between Kalat and the maritime province 
of Las. To the west, barren tracts intervening, it 
has the provinces of Mushki, Kharan, and Kolwah. 
To the east, the prolongation of the great mountain 
chains of Sahrawan divides it from the territories 
of Sind and the valley of the Indus. In this length- 
ened tract of country considerable variety in the 
climate and productions is apparent : to Baghwan 
it partakes of the temperate character of Sahara- 
wan ; south of that place it is much warmer, and 
its natural indications assimilate with those of more 
tropical countries. To B&ghw&n, also, the descent 
from, the elevated plateau of Saharawan is, while 
decided, yet gradual. Beyond it> or at Wad, a broad 


belt of Mils is entered ; emerging from which, after 
descending the pass, or lak of Baran, by the defile 
of Kohara Wat, the level plains of Las are gained 
on the margin of the ocean. 

Jhalawan comprises the districts of Sohrab, Zehri, 
Baghwan, Khozdar, Zidi, Kappar, Wad, -Nail, and 
the hills of the Minghals, Bizunjtis, and Samalaris. 

In the narratives of journeys from Stinmiani to 
Kalat I have, in traversing many of the districts of 
this province, noted the little that is to be said about 
them, and it would be needless repetition to reinsert 
that little here. The district of Zehri lying out of 
our route, came not within the range of observation ; 
but it merits notice both because it is comparatively 
fertile and populous, and that it is the residence of 
the sirdar, or lord of Jhalawan. It lies about forty 
miles south of Kalat, and immediately north of the 
Mulloh river. Of a warmer climate than Kalat, 
and copiously supplied with rivulets, its cultivation 
of the several varieties of grain and pulse is vigor- 
ous. It has several villages, as Jagasur, Nogrdm, 
Mishk, Bulbil, Ghat, &cc. Neighbours to Zehri on 
the east and north-east, are the Jetaks, a rather 
numerous tribe, and dependent on it. 

If we apply the same calculations to Jhalaw&n 
as we have done to the northern province, relative 
to its population, we shall again be surprised at the 
low results we gain. The fixed population of the 
various, but still few little towns, villages, and ham- 
lets, cannot be allowed to exceed ten thousand. 


The pastoral tribes in this province are superior in 
numbers, the great tribes of Minghals and Bizunjus 
giving them an obvious preponderance. If, for the 
sake of an approximate result, we go so far as to 
suppose them to double the amount of the fixed 
population, we have about thirty thousand inhabit- 
ants for the extensive tracts of Jhdlawan, which 
spread over a larger space than those of Saharaw&n, 
as they certainly have twice the length from north 
to south, and generally about the same breadth. 


Comprises the large province of Kach Gandava, 
with Harand and Djil, bordering on and west of the 
river Indus. This tract of country, while under the 
same parallels of latitude as Saharawan, for Bgh is 
nearly due west of Kalat, from its depressed level, 
has altogether a different climate. So, also, are its 
vegetable productions distinguished by varying fea- 


The principal characteristics of this province are, 
its large extent of level surface, its excessively 
sultry climate, which has become proverbial, its 
scarcity of water for agricultural purposes, which 
restricts its cultivation, both as to quantity and 


variety, and comparatively with other parts of the 
khan, of Kalat's territories, its large amount of 
population, with abundance of towns and villages. 

It is inhabited by three very distinctly marked 
races; the Jets, the Rinds (including the Mag- 
ghazzis), and the Brahms. The Jets are un- 
doubtedly the primitive inhabitants, the Binds are 
more recent settlers, and the Brahuis have acquired 
a permanent interest in the province only since the 
time of Nadir Shah. 

The capital of Kach Gand&va is Gandava, which 
we are told is more correctly named Ganjava, from 
some allusion to ganj, or treasure. It is a walled 
town, and frequently the winter residence of the 
kh&n. It is small, and without trade, deriving its 
little importance from its being deemed the ancient 
as well as modern capital. Bagh is a much larger 
town, and will always be of some consequence, 
being situated on the high road of traffic from.Shi- 
karpur to the north. Formerly decidedly the com- 
mercial capital of the province, it has declined of 
late years ; many of the Hindti bankers who once 
resided in it, having transported themselves and 
their business to Kotrd, a town held by the Eltarz 
Zai branch of the reigning family, where they are 
exempt from the annoying interference of the kh&n 
of Kal&t's ill-controlled officers. B&gh contains 
above six hundred houses, is surrounded by crenated 
mud walls, has a fair bazar, and a governor on be- 
half of the kMn. It is the mart for the sale of 


sulphur, extracted from the mines of Suni. Seated 
on the bank of the Nri river, its inhabitants are 
perplexed by the scarcity of water, when the bed of 
the stream is dry. Water derived from wells is too 
saline to be used as a beverage* The neighbour- 
hood is well cultivated. Besides juari, the cotton 
plant and sugar cane are grown. Kotru, or the 
Castles, axe four castles or forts, built by four bro- 
thers of the Eltarz Zai family, just noted. Of 
them, the one held by Kerim Khan, has become 
flourishing, and a town of consequence. It is north 
of Jell and west of GandHva. Between Bgb and 
Gandava, is the town of Nasirab^d, built by Nasir 
Khan, which has a governor on the part of the Idian. 
Under the lofty ridges of SaMrawan, defining 
the province to th west, are a variety of towns, 
held by Rind tribes; as S6ni a Surn* Ghajao, 
Kan&ra, Kari, &c., with Kotru, just mentioned; 
and farther south, Jell and Shadia, belonging to the 
Magghazzis. Most of these places are watered by 
springs and rivulets from the hills. Sfini has a 
rivulet flowing from Koh Naghow. Another, called 
Shorin, flows to Kotru, The Badrah runs by Gan- 
dava, while the Mulloh, a more considerable stream, 
enters the plain between Kotrti and Jell. On the 
opposite side of the plain, and east of Ddar, are 
again hills. These intervene between the province 
and Hrand arid D^jil, immediately on the great 
river, the Indus. At their foot, on the Kacb Gan- 
dava side, are the towus of M&Uomed Reza, Fatear 


Khan, Lehri, Bughti, Pulaji, Chattar, Gunari, Shahar 
Islampur, &c. These are held by lawless tribes 
of Binds, as the Jakranis, Dumbakis, Bughtis, 
Harris, &c. Nearly through the centre of the 
province winds the Nari river. Rising in the hills 
near Toba, north of Shall, it flows through the 
Khaka district of Borah, and then into the Afghan 
district of Siwi, from which it enters the plain of 
Kach Gand&va to the east of Dadar. It now 
winds by Noshara, Bakra, and Mitari, towns of the 
Raisani Brhuis, and thence passing Iri and Haji 
Shahar, flows by B&gh. From Bagh, its course 
leads to Tambu, a town of the Rinds, where it falls 
upon the Pat, or Waste, of Shikarpur. When it 
has an excess of water, it is said to be enabled to 
traverse the Pat ; in that case, at Ghari Khairah, a 
hold of the Jamali Rinds, falling into a canal from 
the Indus. This river has a large number of vil- 
lages on its banks. From its entrance upon the 
plain to Bgh it has about sixty, and from Bagh to 
Tambu, I have the names of fifty-five villages. 
These villages are chiefly inhabited by the Jet 
population, who possess the centre, as the intrusive 
tribes occupy the skirts of the province. Between 
Bagh and Mitari are the towns or villages of 
Maisar, Bughtf, Rustam, Shahar Dowlat, Shahar 
Jelal Khan, &c., &c. 

The grains most extensively cultivated in this 
province are juari and b&jra, which appear to be 
adapted to a dry soil. In the better and manured 


lands near towns, the cotton-plant and sugar-cane 
are objects of attention. The juari has two varie- 
ties, indiscriminately growing on the same space, 
one distinguished -by its sweet stem, and eaten as 

The natural productions of Kach Gand&va are 
very limited ; a few saline plants vegetate on its 
bare plains, and a belt of jangal intervening between 
Haji Shahar and Bagh is composed of stunted 
mimosas and b6r trees. The vicinities of towns 
and villages are distinguished by groves of the 
same trees, but of more stately growth. At Gan- 
d&va, which has long been noted as the abode of 
the great of the land, are gardens, where orange, 
lime, and, I believe, mango trees thrive. The spirit 
of the Eltarz Zai family of Kotru has, in like man- 
ner, embellished its environs with gardens. Dadar 
in the north of the provinces has also its gardens, 
and pomegranates of their growth are prized. Groves 
of date trees enliven the appearance of this town, 
and dense belts of these trees appear to extend 
along the skirts of the hills to the eastward. 

The climate of Kach Gandva is so oppressive 
from April to August, that communications are 
nearly suspended, and travelling is attended with 
great risk, from the hot winds, which sweep over the 
parched, arid plains, with fatal violence. No less 
terrific are the emanations emitted from the heated 
surface of the soil. 

Between this province and the domain of Shi- 


k&rpur stretches a barren, naked tract, known as 
the Pat of Shikrpur. It is between thirty and 
forty miles across. Not a tree or shrub vegetates 
on this expanse. No water is found to supply the 
necessities of the traveller. With a level below 
that of the upper parts of the province, it receives 
the drainage of their waters in certain seasons. 
As suddenly as the fluid precipitates itself upon the 
surface, so is it suddenly imbibed by the thirsty 
soil. It has been the scene of infamous depreda- 
tions, being considered neutral ground, as it is the 
boundary between the possessions of Kal&t and 
Sind in this direction. Westward -it extends to 
the superior hills, and separates the lands* of the 
Magghazzis, subjects of Kalat, from those of the 
Chandi tribe, dependent on Sind. 

In the hill ranges east of the plain of Kachi, and 
intervening between it and the provinces of Haxand 
and Dajil, are the abodes of the Doda Harris, 
who have been there located above three centuries. 
Their principal town, Kahan, has become memora- 
ble in our days through its occupation 'and aban- 
donment by British troops, as well as by the disas- 
ters and losses it involved. The Harris have long 
been distinguished as daring depredators, and have 
proved themselves to be a brave race. The Dodas 
are but a division of the great Marri tribe, which is 
widely dispersed. 



These provinces border on the river Indus, 
having on the north, the district of Dera Ghazi 
Khan, and to the south that held by the Mazaris. 
They are inhabited by the Gurchani tribe of Rinds, 
and the government conferred the title of Nawab 
on the person who held it. Harand is reputed an 
ancient site, but Dajil is said to be, at present, the 
most flourishing of the towns. The villages are 
numerous, notwithstanding the soil is not consider- 
ed fertile, probably by reason of proximity to the 
river. Harand and D&jil, anciently comprised in 
the government of D6ra Ghazi Khan, were ceded, 
together with Shall, to Nasir Khan, by Ahmed 
Shah, in recompense for his services in the Persian 
wars. They have since been taken possession of by 
Eanjit Singh of Lahore, and his successor holds them. 

With reference to the population of these coun- 
tries, it is impossible to concede to Kach Gandava 
one hundred thousand, or to the Marri hills, with 
Harand and Dajil, above fifty thousand inhabitants. 
Granting an equal number to Sahdraw&n, including 
N6shki, Kalat, and Jhalaw&n, and again an equal 
number to the Western Provinces, we obtain a total 
of four hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants for 
the territories of the khan of Kalat ; a trifling num- 
ber compared with their extent, yet still rather over 
than under estimated. 




IN the preceding pages a considerable insight 
into the nomenclature, and variety of the tribes 
of Eastern BalochistAn, will have been acquired. 
It njay still be advisable to devote a particular 
portion of this memoir to their classification and 
distribution, as well as to note the peculiar or ac- 
cidental circumstances which distinguish them, when 
considered individually, or in relation with each 
other. Some readers may not deem it useless to 
notice the details the inhabitants have preserved of 
their origin, or to offer such conjectures as may tend 
to enlighten, if ever so little, that obscure subject. 

Numerous as are the tribes dispersed over these 
extensive regions, those considered Baloch may be 
reduced to three great classes, the Brahuis, the 
Rinds, and the Lumris. Of those not Baloch, there 
are the Dehwars of the capital and the fixed vil- 
lages, the Jets of Kach Gand^va, the marine tribes 
of the coast, the Afghans of ShMl, and, to complete 
the review, the Hindu residents in villages and 
towns. It is manifest that the Baloch class emi- 
nently claims attention in these pages. 


We behold a race of people, calling themselves 
Baloch, extending from the eastern limits of Kach 
Gandava and the valley of Sind to the frontier of 
Persia. It is clear that in this community are com- 
prised many tribes of very different descent, inferring 
from the physiological distinctions which prevail 
amongst them, setting aside the variety in the dia- 
lects spoken by them. Some of them have dark 
countenances, which savour much of an Indian 
pedigree, while others are so much fairer, that we 
can scarcely believe them to be of eastern origin. 
If we examine the system of that portion of the 
Baloch community called Brahuf, we find the tribes 
acknowledging the superiority of one, the Mirwari, 
from which they select their head, or chief. This 
tribe is located in the provinces of Mushki, Jhow, 
and Kolwah, which may be considered its head- 
quarters, and which are intermediate between the 
central provinces of Sahara wan and Jhalawan and 
the western one of Kej. There is every reason to 
believe that the Brahuis entered the central pro- 
vinces from the west, their position, hodie, demon- 
strates it ; and they consider Khozdar as their an- 
cient capital, or that which they occupied previous 
to the acquisition of Kalat. In Kach Gandava we 
find them only as proprietors of lands acquired 
within a known period, and on a certain occasion. 
If we analyze the appellation they have assumed, 
we learn little from it, and of that little we may 
not be certain. It has been conjectured to be the 

VOL. iv. % 


equivalent of Varaha, and a race of that name 
figured in contentions with the Rajputs; but it 
appears to have inhabited the Panjab and the coun- 
tries east of it. Had the term been Barohi, and 
the pronunciation approximates thereto, it might 
have been supposed to be simply " ba roh-i," or, " of 
the waste ;" as "we would say, " makhlukh baroh-i," 
or, " people of the waste." That some of the tribes 
now known as Brahtii are not strictly such we may 
imagine; circumstances of neighbourhood, inter- 
course, and identity of interests, have blended them. 
To separate them is not so easy; but, possibly, 
those tribes may be more correctly considered Brd- 
hui who speak the dialect so called. It has no 
resemblance to the dialects of the Afghans or 
Jets, and Professor Heeren, who connects the Bra- 
huis with the Afghans, has, I submit, erred. 

The Brahuis may be divided into three sections, 
with reference to the parts of the country they 



Mlrwrl . . . dwell in Mtishki, Jhow, and Kolwah. 

Gitchki . . , dwell in Panjghior and Kej, 

Ntishirv&nS * . dwell in Kharan. 

Homar&ri . . . dwell in Kolwah. 

Mebmasani . . dwell in Mushki. 

Rod&bi . . . dwell in Kolwah. 

Kalmatti . * . dwell at Kalamat and Pessani, on the coa&t of 



Sangur . . , dwell at MaMu and Batt, on coast of Mekran. 

Gujar .... dwell at ditto. 

Hllada . . . dwell at Jhow. 

Zigger Minghals dwell at Nushki. 

Rakshanis . . dwell at ditto. 

Saka .... dwell at Greshar in Mushki. 



Raisani . . . dwell at Mastung, Shall, &c. 

Sirperra . . . dwell at Gurghina. 

Shir wan i . . . dwell at Mastung. 

Mahmudshahi . dwell at Mastung. 

Bangui Zai . . dwell at Mastung. 

Kurd .... dwell on Dasht Bidowlat and Merv. 

Lari .... dwell at Mastung. 

Langhow . . , dwell at Mangachar. 

Rodani . . . dwell at Ashi Khan and Pude"n. 

Ghazghi . . . dwell at Ghazg. 

Shekh Husseni . dwell in hills west of Khanak. 

Samalari . . . dwell in ditto, 

Sun^ri . . . dwell on Dasht Gur&n. 



Zehri .... dwell in Zehri. 

Minghal . . . dwell in hills north of Las. 

Blzunju , . . dwell in the same hills, west of Minghals. 

Kaidrani , . , dwell in hills near Khozddr. 

Saholi .... dwell in ditto. 

Jetaks . . , . dwell in hills east of Zehri. 

Ltitianis . . . dwell in Zehri. 



It is unnecessary to recapitulate here the re- 
marks already made on these tribes in the geogra- 
phical portion of the Memoir. Of the Mirwari it 
has heen already observed, that it is the more illus- 
trious of the tribes ; and of the Mehmasani it may 
be noticed, that branches of it reside in the province 
of Sistan, and again in the hills of Lourist^n, W. 
by N. of Shiraz. These all acknowledge a com- 
mon origin. It may be remembered that the name 
is classical, being that of a powerful tribe encoun- 
tered by Alexander in Upper Bactriana. 

The Ntishirwanis of Kharan claim a Persian de- 
scent, and, in common with the illustrious Rajput 
tribes of Udipur, in western India, trace to the 
celebrated Nushirwan. In Mushki, the tribe of 
S&ka deserves notice; it may be preserving the 
name of that powerful and ancient people so well 
known as the Sacse in histories relating to the 


The principal of the Saharawan tribes, both as to 
rank and wealth, although not in numerical strength, 
is the Rais&d, the chief of whom is the hereditary 
sirdar, or lord, of the province. The present chief 
is Assad Khan, whose brother, Mirulah, fell a 


yictim to the fears of Mehrab Khan, and his minis- 
ter, Daoud Mahomed. In 1830 he fled to Kan- 
dahar, and accompanied an invading army to Shall 
and Mastung. He retired with it, but was in- 
duced to return to Saharawan at the instance of 
his mother. Assad Khan resides, during the warm 
months, at Gdl Mahomed, in the plain of Khanak, 
near Mastung. In winter he retreats to Mitari, in 
Kach Gandava ; which, with dependent villages, he 
holds in grant. In late years he has become a 
cripple, and therefore less able to take* a part in 
public affairs. The Raisanis pretend to be able to 
raise five hundred fighting men, and are the most 
respectable in conduct of the Saharawan tribes. 
They derive their name from furnishing the rais, or 
principal, of the various confederated clans. 

The Sirperra reside during summer in Gurghlna, 
and during winter in Kach Gandava, where they hold 
the village of Biri, on the banks of the Nari, be- 
tween Iri and Haji Shahar. Their sirdar is Saiyad 
Kh&n, and they pretend to raise one thousand fight- 
ing men. This tribe, in its appellation signifying 
" cutters off of heads," bears one recognized in 
Indian as well as classical records. Pliny, for in- 
stance, mentions the Saraparae in conjunction with 
the Bactrians, &c., in the neighbourhood of the 

The Shirwini reside, with other tribes, in the dis- 
tricts of Shall and Mastung. They exclusively 
occupy Khad and Kishan, with the small town of 


Skalkoh, about three miles eastward of Kalat. In 
Each Gandava they hold the towns and Tillages of 
H&ji Shahar, Maisar, Rtistam, Ambi, and Baghai. 
This tribe pretend to muster two thousand fighting 
men; and the chief, Mahomed Khan, dwells near 
Mastung. In the recent revolt in Balochistan he 
toot a prominent part, indeed, commenced it by 
the slaughter of Lieut. Loveday's munshi, Ghulam 
Huss6n, and a small detachment of sipdhis. Under 
the arrangements made by the envoy and minister, 
he became naib of Mastung to his majesty Shah 
Sujah al Mtilkh, with a salary of two hundred ru- 
pees per mensem. He had long withstood the soli- 
citations of those who meditated the outbreak, 
owing to his naturally timid or cautious disposition, 
and perhaps might have held out against them had 
not the violence of the unfortunate munshi prompt- 
ed him to action. The Shirwani tribe believe that 
their forefathers came from Shirwan, in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Caspian, and thus account for the 
name they assume. 

The Mahmudshahi dwell chiefly at Mastung, pos- 
sessing also Kuhak. In Each Gandava they hold 
Zirdad, a village west of Bagh. The chief, Dinar, 
dwells near Mastung. The tribe pretend to mus- 
ter fifteen hundred fighting men. DinSr was one 
of the most active in the late revolt. 

The Bangui Zai reside at Shall and Mastung. 
They exclusively occupy Isprinji. In Kach Gan- 
dava, a portion of this tribe permanently reside at 


Talli, near Lehri, and thither, in winter, the migra- 
tory portion also repair. The chief is Jan Maho- 
med, and the tribe pretends to muster two thou- 
sand fighting men. Jan Mahomed, in concert with 
Dinar, was unremitting in his efforts to produce 
rebellion, long before Mahomed Khan could be 
persuaded to join them, and employed himself in 
swearing his partisans on the Koran. 

The Kurds possess the Dasht Bidowlat and Merv. 
In Each .Gandava they hold Tirkari, about two 
miles north of Bagh. The sirdar is Saiyad Khdn ; 
his tribe pretend to draw out five hundred fighting 
men. It is subdivided into the Made Zai (the 
principal branch), the Shudan Zai, the Zirdad Zai, 
the Saltag Zai, the Shadi Zad, and the MassutarL 
It need not be remarked, that this tribe bears the 
name of one of the most celebrated and ancient 
nations on the earth. 

The Laris, with other tribes, reside at Majstung 
and Sh&ll, while they hold exclusively Nermuk. 
In Kach Gandava they have a tract of country 
below Bagh. They pretend to raise fifteen hun- 
dred fighting men, and their chief is Mahomed 
Khan, reputed a brave man. He became a warm 
supporter of the insurgents. This tribe, in designa- 
tion at least, are connected with others in the 
delt of Sind, and in the countries to the east. 

The Langhow tribe dwell principally in the plain 
of Mangachar, and hold in Kach Gand&va the vil- 
lage of Bagarar, south of Bagh. Their chief is Pir 


Mahomed, and they pretend to muster fifteen hun- 
dred fighting men. The Langhows are said, origin- 
ally, to have heen slaves of the Rinds, enfranchized 
by the famed Mir Chakar on the occasion of his 
daughter's nuptials. This tribe is so plainly of 
common origin with some of the Indian races, 
that they yet retain Hindu appellations, and the 
title singh is frequent amongst them. 

The Rodanis reside at Ashi KMn, and Ptiden, 
west of Kurdigap. In Kach Gandava they hold 
In. They pretend to raise four hundred fighting 
men. Their chief is Taj Mahomed. This tribe 
is, in fact, a branch of the Sirperra, but has long 
been accustomed to act independently. A portion 
of it also resides at Sohrab in Jhalawan. 

The Ghazghi tribe residing at Ghazg, in Kach 
Gand&va, hold Gajan. They pretend to muster 
four hundred fighting men, and their chief is Kerim- 
dad Kh&n. 

The Sh&h Huss&ii reside at the skirts of the hills 
west of KhSnak, have for their chief Daoud Maho- 
med, and pretend to raise three hundred fighting men. 

The Samalari were formerly located in Khanak 
and Dolai; but, committing depredations, fled to 
the hills of Peshing. Being regarded with jealousy, 
they repaired thence to the hills, between Khanak 
and Sherrud; where they now reside as fugitives. 
It is supposed that they will be invited to resume 
their original seats. Their chief is Morid, and 
they pretend to raise five hundred fighting men. 


The S6nari inhabit the Dasht Gtiran near Kalat. 
They are a branch of the Zehri tribe of Jhalawan, 
and pay deference to its sirdar. They pretend to 
raise two hundred fighting men. They occupied 
their present position on the emigration of the 
Zigger Minghals into Nushki. 


The Zehri inhabit the valley of Zehri, the one 
denying its name from the other. Its chief is 
hereditary sirdar of Jhalawan, and resides at Ghatt. 
At present the rank is borne by a minor, the son 
of the late Rashid Khan. The tribe is numerous, 
and generally respected for orderly habits. 

The Jetaks, neighbours to Zehri, are also a 
numerous tribe, but, without fixed villages, are dis- 
persed over the hills. Their name implies that 
they are related to the Jet population of Kachi, 
which their position confirms. 

The Minghal tribe inhabit the southern hills of 
Jhalawan from the limits of Khozdar to Bela in 
Las. Their manners are rude, and their habits 
predatory. They have two great divisions, the 
Shahi Zai and Pahlawan Zai. The present chiefs 
are Isa Khan and Rehim Khan. Although this 
tribe does not migrate into Kach Gandava* the 
chiefs hold lands at or near Pulaji and Chattar, and 
south of Lehri. The Minghals pretend to raise 


eighteen thousand fighting men, and their chiefs 
reside at Wad, 

The Bizunjus inhabit the same hills as the Ming- 
hals, but westward of them. They are, if possible, 
a more violent people, and much addicted to rapine. 
Their chief resides at N&ll. This tribe separates into 
the great branches of Amalari and Tambarari. In 
Kach Gandava the chiefs possess lands south of Bagh. 
I should consider they were quite as numerous as 
the Minghals, without, however, knowing their pre- 
tentions in that respect. The Kaidranis inhabit 
the hills contiguous to Baghwan and Khozdar. 
Amongst them are the lead mines of Kappar, near 
which dwells the chief, All Morad. 

The Saholi dwell at Zldi, in the hills south-east 
of Khozdar, under their chief, Attfi Khan. 


The great Rind tribes, although not Brahuis, are 
included under the general denomination of Baloch. 
Their traditions affirm them to be immigrants, at 
some remote period, from Damascus and Aleppo. 
It is, however, difficult at this time, to detect 
any trace of a western original in their appearance ; 
but we must reflect, that if there be any truth 
in their records, they have been familiar to the 
climate of India, and in a course of amalgamation 
with its tribes, for nearly twenty-five centuries. 


The language of the Hinds, in common with that 
of the other inhabitants of Kach Gandava, is the 
Jetki. They are subdivided into so many as forty- 
four branches. Although they have partially in- 
truded themselves into the hills of Saharawan, they 
never appear to have passed them ; and, on every 
account, we can believe that, whatever their origin, 
they found their way into Kach Gandava from 
the east. When mentioning the term Brahui, we 
have tendered our suspicions, that it may rather 
define the habits and mode of life of the people 
bearing it, than their peculiar race or origin. The 
same suspicion attaches, in our estimation, to the 
word Rind, which, we apprehend, signifies nothing 
more than a brave man. Thus " mird-rind " means 
"a brave man." With the general term Baloch 
we have more difficulty. Ebn Haukal, speaking 
of the inhabitants of Mekran, says, " Many resemble 
the Arabs, eating fowl and fish; others are like 
the Curds." He further says, "The Boloujes are 
in the desert of Mount Kefes, and Kefes, in the 
Parsi language, is Kouje, and they call these two 
people Koujes and Baloujes." The appellation is, 
therefore, of some antiquity. There are numerous 
Baloches in the countries east of the Indus, and 
they are all, I believe, Rinds, as in Bah&walpur and 
the Panjb. They have a similarity of appearance, 
and a peculiarity of dress, which does not allow 
them to be mistaken. 

The Rinds of Kach Gandava, of whom the prta- 


cipal branch, is the Utan Zai, pretend to be able to 
raise fifteen thousand men, and in political matters 
are supposed to act with deference to the Brahui 
sirdar of Saharawan. A deadly blood feud rages 
between them and their neighbours, the Maghazzis. 
My acquaintance with the Rind tribes is not per- 
fect ; and I regret not being more fully informed as 
to their history. Of the tribes inhabiting Kach 
Ganddva, some are the 

Utan Zai . dwelling at Suran. 

Dumbki . Lehri. 

Jakrani . . Llhri. 

Jallui . . Sanni. 

Lashari . . Gajan. 

DodaMarrl Kahan. 

Bughti . . in hills E. of Lehri, at Sing 

Saloh and Teriki. 

Homarari . dwelling at Tambu. 

Jamali . . Rojan. 

Of these tribes, the Dumbkis, Jakranls, Btightis, 
and Doda Harris, always distinguished by their 
rebellious and predatory propensities, have acquired 
a more than ordinary repute by the excesses they 
indulged in during the .operations of the British 
armies west of the Indus, as well as by the equi- 
Tocal results of the efforts made to restrain and to 
punish them. Ignoble and obscure, they might 
have so remained had their treatment in the first 
instance been due and considerate, but, owing to 
neglect, from contemptible maurauders they became 
powerful adversaries ; and, in the contest with them 


it is difficult to conceive which party had the ad- 

Residing in the north-eastern hills of Saharawan 
are the minor tribes of the 

KalMl . . dwelling at Lup. 
Kfichik. . Kirta. 

Puzh . . Johan. 

Mandardri . Rodbr. 

Pugh . . Kajfirf. 

On the western banks of the Indus, extending 
from the neighbourhood of Dajil, are two great 
branches of the Rind tribe ; the Gurchanis, inhabit- 
ing Harand, and the Mazaris stretching south of 
them. The Mazaris, a predatory tribe, having a 
tract of country yielding, it is said, a revenue of 
one lakh of rupees per annum, are nearly inde- 
pendent, acknowledging, should necessity prevail, 
the supremacy of Sind. At this time, they are 
pressed by the Sikhs, who have insinuated their 
troops into Dajil and Harand. 

The Marris, a considerable tribe, inhabit the east- 
ern hills of Each Gandava. They are notorious 
for their lawless habits, make frequent inroads 
upon the plains, and are wholly in rebellion to the 
kh&n of Kalat. A portion of this tribe is found in 
the hills west of the province, below Jell. They 
are peaceable and obedient subjects. A larger 
portion is also found on the south-eastern frontier 
of Sind, where they have a town, called Adam Marri. 
These, of course, are subjects of Sind. The Marris 


have the singular custom of never selling roghan, 
alleging, that they reserve it for their guests. The 
Jam&li tribe, will, for the same reason, on no 
account sell milk. 

The Buladai, with their chief, Baram Khan, reside 
at Wari, north of Ldrkhana, in Sind, and are subject 
to the Amirs. Also under the hills, the western boun- 
daries of Sind, are portions of the Utan Zai, Jamali, 
and other Rind tribes, who emigrated from Kach 
Gandava in the time of Nasir Khan, and were 
granted a settlement in Sind. The greater part of 
the country west of the Indus, from the parallel 
of Shikarpdr to that of Sehwan, is held by Baloch 
tribes ; but it is foreign to our purpose to consider 
them the subjects of another state. 

In the Afghan district of Siwi, to the north-east 
of Dadar, are the Baloch tribes Khadjak and Shi- 
lanchi. The former are said to hold the villages of 
Khadjak, Gulu, and Lfinl The Shelanchis have 
a village called Shelanchi, with a chief, Ahmed 
KMn. They are neighbours in Siwi to the Afghan 
tribes of Safi, Kurak, Margazari, and Dappl. 

In the hills east of Kahan, are the Hussenis, 
Chachas, Ketras, Beloch tribes. They are inde- 
pendent, being remote. To their east, is Sanghan, 
belonging to the Pirf Afghans, with a castle or 
fort of the same name, and a village called 

The Magghazzis, the mortal enemies of the Rinds, 
are probably of the same race. They count only 


four families, of which the principal is the Bu- 
tni, whose chief, Ahmed Khan, resides at Jell, in 
the south-western quarter of Kach Gandava, south 
of Kotru and the Rind districts of Suran, Sanni, &c. 
They pretend to be able to raise two thousand fight- 
ing men, and in the political system of the Brahuis, 
are placed in obedience to the sirdar of Jhalawan. 


The Jets constitute the great bulk of the fixed 
agricultural population of Kach Gandava, as of the 
Panjab and Sindetic provinces ; to say nothing of 
the countries between the Satlej and Ganges. A 
race so widely dispersed, of course, claims attention. 
Wherever located it is distinguished by speaking 
nearly the same dialect, and the name designating 
it carries us back to the Getic or Gothic invaders 
of India and of Europe. To the north and west of 
Kach Gandava they are not found as agricul- 
turists, but rather as itinerant professors of hum- 
ble arts, somewhat like gypsies. Under such con- 
ditions they may be discovered at Kibal, Kan- 
dahar, and even at Herat, at which latter place 
they are called, perhaps with reference to their 
occupations, Gharib Z&da, or descended of the poor 
or lowly. But wherever they go they preserve 
their vernacular tongue, the Jetki. In the Panjab, 
I believe, they do not occur westward of the Jelani, 

352 TRIBES. 

which is instructive, as showing, if they represent 
the ancient Getic races, how they have been pushed 
forward by subsequent invaders. There can be no 
doubt but that the Getse once possessed the whole 
of the countries immediately east and west of the 
Indus. With the Jet population, east of the Je- 
lam, waggons, to the traveller from the west, first 
make their appearance. 

The language of the Jet races deserves notice, 
especially with reference to the important ques- 
tion, what is Hindi ? Materials for the comparison 
of its various dialects exist in their several voca- 
bularies, and the labour of reviewing them could 
not be unprofitable. The settlement of the Jets 
in Kach Gandava has been at so remote a period, 
that they now appear as the aborigines. Their sub- 
divisions are numerous. The names of some of 
them are the Kalora, which formerly gave princes 
to Sind, Kokar, Hampi, Tunia, Abbrah, Pusarar, 
Machi, Howra, Manjti, Waddara, Palal, Buah, &c. 


We have already pointed out the common origin 
of these races with the Rajput, or Indo-Scythic 
tribes of India, and we have noted their subdivi- 
sions. They claim, and justly, a close affinity with 
the Bulfat, or Namadi, and the Jukia tribes of 
Sind, their neighbours to the east. Of these, it 


may be observed, that the Bulfats are divided into 
two principal clans, the Bappahani and the Am- 
mallani ; and that the Jukias are subdivided into 
fourteen families: the Tebir (the chief), Musa, 
Bardijah, Salarah, Haria-putra, Mohmat, Panda, 
Hinghura, Ghad, Harti, Tagia, Hamira-kah, Shi- 
kdri, and Ponwar. 


These, called Meds, we have before noticed, and 
need not repeat our remarks here. 


Of these people we have before had occasion 
to point out that an interest attaches to them, from 
their position, settled mode of life, and from the 
fact of their vernacular language being what is 
known as Persian. 


These need scarcely be considered when touch- 
ing on the tribes of Balochistan, albeit they are 
not without claims to attention, if, in their ap- 
pellation, Kassi, they have preserved that of the 

VOL. TV. 2 A 


important race, which, at some remote period, pre- 
dominated over a large portion of Asia, and whose 
memory is consecrated in the mythological and 
authentic literature of so many nations, as well 
as by current traditions. 



ON the subject of Brahui history we inquire in 
vain for any mitten record. Tradition, and the na- 
tional songs, commemorating the exploits of chiefs 
and illustrious men, are the only native sources of 
information at command. The testimony they yield 
is necessarily obscure and exaggerated. We know, 
however, that the armies of the caliphs, at an early 
period, or within the first century of the hejira, 
appeared, both in Sind and Khorasan ; and it may 
be inferred that Balochistan was visited by them. 
The natives, however, recovered authority ; for we 
find, in Sind, two families ruling, one of them of 
the Rajptit race certainly, as was the other proba- 
bly, although converted to Islam, since, with the 
former, its chief bore the title of jam. About this 
time the Sehrais, a Mahomedan family from Sind, 
governed at Kalat, and their burial-ground is still 
shown immediately south of the town walls. They 
were displaced by the Sewah, a Hindu tribe, 
whose expulsion, was effected by the Brahuis, still 
in power. There are no means of ascertaining the 

dates of these changes. 

2 A 2 


The Brahui conquest is believed to have been 
achieved under the orders of Kambar, a chief of the 
Mirwarz tribe ; and the consequence was the adop- 
tion of a new form of government, suited to the 
enlarged possessions acquired. It was fixed, that 
the supreme power should be vested in Kambar, 
and that it should be hereditary ; while other two 
chiefs, of the tribes "Eaisani and Zehri, were ap- 
pointed sirdars ; the first, of Saharawan, and the last 
of Jhalawan ; and these dignities were alike heredi- 
tary. It was, moreover, arranged that these two 
sirdars, on all occasions of darbdr, or council, were 
to sit, the sirdar of Saharawan to the right, the 
sirdar of Jhalawan to the left of the kh&n. Matters 
of public interest, or which concerned the welfare 
of the Brahui community, were first to be sub- 
mitted to the consideration of the sirdar of Sahara- 
wan, who had also a priority in the delivery of his 
opinion. In the second instance, the sirdar of Jha- 
law&n was to be consulted. Nothing of importance 
was to be undertaken without the concurrence of 
these two sirdars, who, possessing an influence 
amongst their tribes independent of the khan, 
could at pleasure withhold their support. It be- 
came necessary, therefore, for the khan to act in 
concert with his hereditary counsellors, or, other- 
wise, he became suddenly powerless. This system, 
of rule, whether suggested by the. notion of pro- 
moting Sfe union between the kh&n and his tribes, 
or of effectually counteracting any attempt on his 


part to assume despotic authority, placed the head 
of the government in too dependent a state, and 
subject to the caprices of chiefs, it may be pre- 
sumed, often restless and contrary. The khan had, 
besides, a special adviser, or vazir, whose office was 
alike made hereditary; and this minister was se- 
lected from the Dehwar, or Tajik population, show- 
ing a desire to conciliate that class of subjects from 
whom revenue was to be principally derived. Bar- 
barous as are the Brahui tribes at this day, it is 
fair to suppose that they were formerly more so, 
and fancy portrays but a rude picture of the in- 
fancy of their government. The resources of the 
khan must have been very scanty, as he derived then, 
as now, no revenue from the tribes ; and the pro- 
vinces of Each Gand&va and Dajil to the east, and 
of Panjghur, Kej, &c., to the west, were under other 
authority, or independent. The scanty revenues of 
Kalat, and of the villages of Saharawan and Jha- 
lawan, must have furnished him with the means of 
keeping his court, paying his troops, &c. 

They must, moreover, have been very trifling, 
as there is reason to believe that one of the first 
measures of tKe Brahui rulers was the banishment 
of their Hindu subjects, and this unenlightened 
policy was acted upon until the era of Nasir Khan. 
Very probably, the khans of Kalat were, for a 
long period, dependent on the spoils of their neigh- 
bours ; and the chief subject of council debate may 
have been the selection of points on which to direct 


their forays ; indeed, the first of them, whose name 
is consecrated to fame, owed his renown to having 
been a more than ordinary bold and successful 
depredator. Notwithstanding the imperfect form 
of government, and the excessive power of the 
hereditary sirdars, no change has been made in the 
Brahui dynasty up to this time, and the present 
chief can boast of being the descendant of eighteen 
sovereign khans, or princes. This fact may favour 
the opinion that the Brahui constitution is adapted 
to the people for whose government it was framed. 
It may be, perhaps, as reasonably accounted for 
by the limited sphere of action formerly open to the 
exercise of political contentions, and the submission 
of the country to the great Indian empire. We 
find S6wistan (described as comprising Saharawan 
and Jhalawan) enumerated amongst the provinces 
of the empire in the time of the emperor Akbar, 
and noted as furnishing quotas of troops, but 
paying no tribute. Immediately before the 
invasion of Nadir the authority of the empire was 
little respected in its remoter provinces, and the 
several petty chiefs of Siwi, Sind, and Kalat, affect- 
ed independence, and waged mutual war. About 
this time, or at the commencement of the eighteenth 
century, the kh&n of Kalat and of the Brahis was 
Abdulah Khan, an enterprising chieftain, who 
made marauding excursions to Kej, Panjghur, 
Kandahar, and so particularly harassed and desola- 
ted Kach Gandava, that, to use the expression of 


the Brhuis, who relate his history, its "naffas," or 
" vital principle," became extinct. In one of these 
inroads, an army arrived from Sind, of eight thou- 
sand men, with which Abdulah KMn, with fifteen 
hundred men, ventured to commit himself in conflict. 
He was slain, with three hundred of his followers. 
His corpse, it is said, was never found. The action 
took place at Jandrir, between Dadar and Mitari, 
where, some years afterwards, Nasir Khan formed 
a garden, called Mir Bagh. He also erected a ceno- 
taph to the memory of his father under the hills 
east of Kal&t. The memory of Abdulah Khan is 
cherished by his countrymen, who are fond of 
relating his lawless exploits, and who revere him 
as the author of their political importance. His 
son, Mohabat Khan, succeeded, and while he ruled 
the invasion of Hindustan by Nddir happened; 
and the whole of the provinces west of the Indus 
were annexed to the Persian empire by the treaty 
which followed the submission of Mahomed Shah. 
Nddir undertook the settlement of his newly ac- 
quired territory, and, it is said, by his orders, Mir 
Nur Mahomed, Kalora, the prince of Sind, waa 
delivered into the hands of Mohabat Khan, that 
he might avenge the death of his father. The 
Brahui chief declined the commission of murder, 
and Nadir compelled the Kalora prince to cede 
Kach Gand&va as an equivalent or atonement for 
the blood of his slaughtered father. Hence it is 


always spoken of as having been acquired by the 
blood of Abdulah Khan. 

Nadir, however, found the Brahui chief in hos- 
tility with his inveterate opponents, the Ghiljis, 
then holding Kandahar, and therefore was disposed 
to regard him favourably ; and the services he re- 
ceived from Mohabat Khan had most likely as 
much to do with the cession of Kach Gandava as 
a desire to compensate for the blood of Abdulah 

Mohabat Khan, in imitation of his father, set on 
foot several forays ; amongst them, one upon the 
vicinity of Kandahar. This proved unfortunate. 
The government of that place, consequent on the 
murder of Nadir, fell to the vigorous Ahmed SMh, 
who revenged the insult by ravaging Saharawan, 
by the destruction of some castles, particularly 
the citadel of Mastung, and by carrying with him 
to Kandahar, as hostages for the future good beha- 
viour of the Kalat chief, his two brothers, Eltarz 
Khan and Nasir Khan, afterwards so famed. Mo- 
habat Khan was not popular with his chiefs, and 
the then sirdar of Saharawanheld a correspondence 
with his younger brother, Nasir Khan, at Kandahar ; 
also with Ahmed Shah, who, already prepossessed in 
favour of Nasir Khan, summoned Mohabat Khan 
to his capital, where he detained him in captivity 
until his death, deputing Nasir Khan to rule in 
his stead. This chief, while a hostage with Ahmed 
Shah, had the misfortune to slay, accidentally, his 


brother, Eltarz Khan, from -whom the Elt&rz Zai 
families of Baghwan and Kotru are descended. 

Nasir Khan, by his capacity to govern, justified 
the choice of his subjects and the favour of the 
Dfirani sovereign, and soon developed enlarged and 
enlightened views of policy. His grand object was 
to effect the union of the Baloch community ; and, 
with the view of engaging the hearty coopera- 
tion of his tribes, and to secure the recent acqui- 
sition of Kach Gandava, he divided its lands and 
revenues into four equal portions, making over two 
shares to the tribes of Saharawan and Jhalawan, 
assigning another to the Jet population of the 
country, and retaining the fourth to benefit his own 
revenue. A fifth portion, occupied by the Rinds 
and Magghazzis, was not interfered with, grants to 
them having been made by Nadir. These two 
tribes, however, were included within the political 
system of the Brahuis; the Rinds by being at- 
tached to Saharawan, and the Magghazzis by being 
united to Jhalawan. No arrangement could have 
been more popular ; and it is worthy of observation 
that, while intended to provide against the recovery 
of the province by the Kalora princes of Sind, it was 
not only effectual, but has proved in our days the 
means of exciting the tribes to a strenuous oppo- 
sition to the measures adopted by the British po- 
litical authorities ; for there can be no doubt that 
the unjust annexation of Kach Gand&va to the 
crown of Kabal was one of the main causes of the 


revolt in Balochistan. Before the grants of Nasir 
Khan the several Brahui tribes of Saharawan were 
accustomed to migrate into Kachi with their flocks 
for the winter season, paying a certain amount for 
the sufferance of settlement and right of pasture. 
As the wealth of these people lies in their. flocks, 
which cannot subsist during the winter months on 
the bleak snowy wilds of Saharawan, the advantage 
of permanent possessions on the warm and level 
plains of Kachf were inestimable to them ; and how 
it came to be expected that they were to be re- 
nounced without murmur or struggle I know not, 
unless through ignorance of 'the habits of the tribes, 
and of the tenure on which they held a footing in 
the province. 

Nasir Khan, by original treaty a dependent on 
the Burni king, through his signal services in the 
field obtained so great a share of favour, that 
Ahmed Shah ceded to him, in recompence, the dis- 
tricts of Shall and Mastung, with the provinces of 
Harand and Dajil. The Brahuis claim Shall on 
account of having wrested it from the Terins in the 
time of Abdtilah KMn ; but, by reason of the inha- 
bitants being Afghans, it had been resumed by 
Ahmed Shah, when he resented the inroad of Mo- 
habat Kh&n, although new restored by him to 
Nasir Kh&n. The Kalat chief carried his victorious 
arms into Kej and Panjghfir, annexing them, with 
the intermediate provinces, to his dominion. Ulti- 
mately, he provoked Ahmed Shb ? who besieged 


him in his capital, which would have fallen, had not 
mediation been interposed. During the latter part 
of his reign he had to suppress the revolts raised 
by Bahrain Khan, grandson of Mohabat Khan, who, 
young and active, asserted by force of arms his 
pretensions to power. 

Nasir was sedulous in consolidating his territory 
and in improving his resources. He encouraged the 
settlement of Hindus in his towns, and recalled a 
colony of Babis, who had been expelled by his pre- 
decessor. He strengthened his connexion with the 
maritime province of Las, and obtained possession 
of the port of Karachi from the Kalora prince 
of Sind. He died, after a glorious and lengthened 
rule of forty years. His liberality had always been 
great, and he left to his son and successor an ex- 
tended empire, but a scanty treasury, of three lakhs 
of rupees. 

Mahmud Khan had early to dispute the posses- 
sion of authority with Bahrain Khan and his father, 
Hdji Khan, who had been released, or had escaped 
from Kandahar. They were so far successful that 
H&ji KMn recovered Kaldt, and Mahm6d was 
compelled to call in the aid of the Duranis, who 
afforded it. H4ji KMn, respected while occupy- 
ing the miri, or citadel of Kalat, which is held 
in peculiar veneration by the Brahuis, was plun- 
dered by them as soon as he left it, and soon after, 
being placed in the power of the Durdnis, was 
carried back by them to Kandahar, where he died. 


His son, after many bold but fruitless attempts to 
establish himself, became, at length, a prisoner to 
Mahmtid, and died at Kalat, leaving two sons in 
confinement. In the contest between Mahmud 
and Haji Khan the sirdar of Jhalawan, then 
Khodabakhsb, had taken many oaths on the Koran 
to support the cause of the latter. When the 
crisis came he ranged himself on the side of Mah- 
mfid, and when his engagements to Haji Khan 
were urged upon him, he observed, that it was true 
he had given the Koran to Haji, but that he had 
given his beard to Mahmud. He clearly thought 
he might do without the Koran, but not without 
his beard, and this is the case with many of the 
Brahui tribes, who regard an oath upon their 
beards as the most sacred of obligations. The 
Marris, and some other tribes, in like manner, 
consider an oath on their swords as the most strin- 
gent of ties. 

During these troubles the province of Kej re- 
nounced the yoke imposed upon it by Nasir Khan, 
and Mdhmtid Khan was too much engaged to sup- 
port his claims. Without the enterprise or ability 
of his father, the Kalat chief might have seen his 
territories further curtailed, but for the energies 
of his half brothers, Mastapha Khan and Rehim 
Khan. The disorders of the Minghal and Bizunjti 
tribes of Jhalawan aroused him from his usual 
inactivity, and he revenged himself upon their chiefs 
by their common slaughter, near Khozdar. 


The Kalora dynasty had now terminated in Sind. 
The last of its princes, weak and cruel, had been 
expelled by his officers of the Talpuri tribe, and 
the government was in the hands of four brothers, 
one of whom, Fati Ali, was a man of some decision 
of character. One of his first acts was the re- 
sumption of Karachi. Mahmud Khan contented 
himself with demanding its restitution by his am- 
bassadors. His brother, Mastapha Khan, contem- 
plated its recovery by force of arms, when he was 
prematurely cut off, as will be noticed. Important 
political changes occurred in Afghanistan. Mah- 
mud Khan remained faithful to the treaty con- 
cluded between his father and Ahmed Shah, ac- 
knowledging the Sadu Zai prince, the sovereign 
of the day, whether Shh Mahmud or Shah S6jah. 
Up to a late period a Brahui contingent, of one 
thousand men, was stationed in Kashmir. 

The two brothers of Mahmud Khan, Mastapha 
Khan and Rehim Kkn, were remarkable men, 
and their singular lives and tragical deaths might 
form a topic of romance, as well as of history. 
Mastapha Khan held the government of Kach 
Gandava and Dajil, or the provinces east of Kalat, 
and by his valour and unremitting attention to the 
repression of disorders, produced in them a state 
of security they had never enjoyed before or since. 
He made several expeditions against the predatory 
Brahui tribes of the hills, as the Marris and others ; 
also against the Khaka Afghans, north of Shall, 


inflicting upon them great slaughter, and com- 
pletely restraining them in the exercise of their 
lawless habits. He demanded of the chiefs of Sind 
the restitution of Karachi, with the sum of the 
revenues they had drawn from it during the period 
of its unauthorized occupation, and was prepared, 
in case of refusal, to have made an expedition into 
Sind, The Tcilpur leaders proffered first simple 
restitution, then with three years revenue, and, 
finally, with the whole of the revenues they had 
collected from it. The envoy charged with the 
latter propositions had not reached Mastapha Kh&n 
when he heard of the chief's murder. There "be- 
came no necessity to fulfil his mission, and he 
returned to his employers. It is said that Mas- 
tapha Khan had concluded a treaty with Sadat 
Khan, the ruler of Bahawalpur, the object of which 
was the partition of Sind; and it is further said 
that the treaty had received the sanction of Fati 
Kh&n, then at the head of affairs in Afghanistan. 
Sadat Khan was to have taken, the country east 
of the Indus, and Mastapha Khan that to the west. 
Mastapha Kh4n and Rehim Khan, who, it should 
be noted, were half brothers, were in Kach Gan- 
dava when news arrived from Kalat of the death of 
Rehim Khan's mother. As customary with M3ho- 
medans on the decease of their relatives, the be- 
reaved son sat, as it is expressed, on the gillam, or 
carpet. Supposing, as a matter of course, that Mas- 
tapha Khan would be a visitor, Rehim Kh&n, to 


distinguish him, had, on the first day of sitting on 
the gillam, prepared an entertainment for him. 
Mastapha Khan did not appear, neither did he on 
the second or third day, which induced Rehim 
Khan to send a message. Mastapha Khan excused 
himself, and promised to attend on the morrow. 
Rehiin Khan, persuaded that his hrother would now 
become his guest, ordered a due repast to be pro- 
vided. Qn the morrow, seated at a balcony of his 
house, hfe beheld Mastapha Khan quit his residence, 
which was contiguous, and mount a cameL Instead 
of taking the road to Rehim Khan's abode of grief, 
Mastapha Khan took one in the contrary direc- 
tion. It became evident that he was gone on a 
hunting excursion, accompanied by four or five 
attendants. Rehim Khan, incensed at the neglect, 
or premeditated insult of his brother, determined 
upon desperate and unlawful revenge. With fifty 
or sixty armed followers, he followed Mastapha 
KMn during the day, but at such a distance as not 
to be recognised by him, awaiting an opportunity 
to assail him. This did not present itself until 
evening, when Mastapha Khan, on his return home- 
ward, alighted from, his camel and seated himself 
upon the ground. R&iim KMn, with his retinue, 
appeared, and he fired a shot at his brother, which 
took effect. Mastapha Khan exclaimed, "Ah! 
Rehim, do not destroy me from a distance ; if thou 
art a man, close with me." Rehim Kh&n rushed 
in upon, his brother, and, after a violent struggle, 


both being upon the ground, Mastapha Khan was 
despatched. Rhim Khan also was wounded. The 
corpse of Mastapha Khan was interred near Bagh, 
and a makbara was erected over his remains, a little 
north of the town. Although the resentment of 
Return Khan was the immediate cause of the assas- 
sination of Mastapha Khan, it is pretended by some 
that the rulers of Sind, fearing his designs, had 
promised a considerable sum of money to an aunt 
of Rehim Khan, residing at Kotru, in case she 
should despatch Mastapha Khan; and that the 
nephew, at her instigation, committed the atrocious 
deed. Rehim Khan, indeed, immediately fled to- 
wards Sind, and he received from its chiefs a sum 
of money, whether the reward of perfidy, or the 
proceeds of a private sale of jewels and swords, must 
remain doubtful. Mastapha Khan had the character 
of an undaunted soldier. Of a commanding stature, 
his fine person and noble aspect were well fitted to 
ensure the respect of his rude countrymen, as his 
liberality and valour were calculated to win their 
esteem and admiration. He wa6 a man of violence, 
but of justice, and the innocent had nothing to fear 
from him. Powerful to chastise an enemy, he was 
prompt to reward a friend ; and his generosity of 
sentiment and action had often converted to a 
friend a worthy enemy. He retained in pay a 
body of eight hundred well-equipped Afghan horse, 
which, while it made him competent to carry any 
of his measures, also left him but little dependent 


on the tribes. Robbers he chastised with the ut- 
most severity ; and although his punishments were 
barbarous, as impalement, &c., he proved that it 
was possible to restrain the licentious habits of his 
subjects. It had ever been the custom in Kach 
Gandava, as it is now, and in most Mahomedan 
countries, for a Hindu in passing from one village 
to another to put himself under the protection of 
a Mahomedan, for which he presented a fee. Mas- 
tapha Khan, during his administration, abolished 
this system; punishing by fine the Hindu who 
paid a Mahomedan for protection, and by death the 
Mahomedan who accepted a protecting fee. In his 
progresses amongst the hill tribes, he was wont to 
throw on the road rolls of cotton cloth. If on 
his return, or at any subsequent time, he found 
them in situ, he rejoiced, and observed, " I almost 
fancy that Mastapha Khan's authority is respected 
as it ought to be." So fearful were the natives 
of the hills of exciting the attention of their ter- 
rible chieftain, that, on seeing a roll of linen on 
the road, they would run away from it, and pray 
that Mastapha Khan might never know that they 
had even seen it. The Brahui chief was not, how- 
ever, without his eccentricities, and was devoted 
to intemperance. On these accounts, as well as for 
his indomitable courage, he was a great favourite 
with the profligate Vazir Fati Khan. Haji Khan, 
KMka, afterwards of such prominent notoriety in 
Afghan affairs, was, at the commencement of his 
VOL. iv. 2 B 


career, an obscure soldier in the service of Mas- 
tapha Kh&n. 

Rehim Kh&n, after his brother's murder, retired 
to the frontiers of Sind, where he collected a force, 
with which he marched into the provinces of Ha- 
rand and Dajil, and, took possession thereof. Mah- 
mtid Khan, the chief of Kalat, reflecting probably 
that he was a brother, did not molest him, or af- 
fect to notice his proceedings. Growing at length 
weary of his situation, Rehim Kh&n secretly left 
Dajil with some fifty horsemen, and entered Kach 
Gandava, which he traversed, and gained the skirts 
of the hills, separating the province from Kal^t 
at a point west of Gandava. His attendants were 
desirous that he should enter the hills, urging, that 
the sister of Mastapha Kh^n was at Gandava, and 
might be aware of his situation, as it was barely 
possible that he had not been recognized on the 
road. Rhim Khan refused to attend to their 
prudent councils, and observed, alluding to some 
former event of his life, " What would be said of 
Rhim Khan, who at Dadar with five men, dis- 
dained to fly from as many hundreds, if now, with 
fifty, he should retire into the hills through fear 
of a woman?" The apprehensions of his atten- 
dants were but too well founded. Mastapha Khan's 
sister was aware of Rehim Khan's arrival in the 
province, and of his halting-place. She collected 
the troops of Gandctva and the armed peasantry, 
and with the tumultuary mass marched upon Re- 


him Khan, who was overpowered and slain. His 
body was carried to B4gh, and interred by side of 
his brother, Mastapha Khan. Rehim Khan's mo 
tives for quitting Dajil are not precisely known. 
Some suppose that he had an idea of throwing 
himself into the western provinces ; others imagine, 
with greater probability, that he had determined 
to cast himself at the feet of Mahmud Khan, and 
to implore pardon for his past offences. 

Mahmud Khan, the chief of Kalit, in the prime 
of life, fell a victim to intemperance, dying, it is 
said, of stricture. He had become devoted to the 
pleasures of wine, and had brought a company of 
dancing girls from Sind. In their society he spent 
the greater part of his time. It is rumoured in 
Balochistan that the jealousy of Mahmud Khan's 
wives, rather than his bodily infirmities proved, 
fatal to his existence. One of them, the mother 
of Mehrdb KMn, incensed at the neglect with 
which she was treated, and at the preference shewn 
by her husband to the dancing girls of Sind, is 
supposed to have administered a draught of poison 
to her estranged lord. This lady is since dead, 
and, be the fact as it may, no suspicion implicates 
her son Mehrab Khan in the transaction. Mah- 
mtid Khan had governed about twenty-five or twenty- 
six years. While living, his reputation suffered by 
comparison with that of his energetic father. 
Dead, he,was regretted, when his sway was contrast- 
ed with the more feeble one of his son and successor. 


Mehrab Khan succeeded peaceably to the govern- 
ment, and his first acts betokened spirit, and gave 
the promise of an effective and active reign. He 
regained ascendancy in Kej and the western pro- 
vinces, and controlled the disorders in other parts of 
his territory. But he had speedily to encounter 
opposition from the descendants of Mohabat Khan ; 
and Ahmed Yr Khan, the son of Bahrain Khan, 
was in arms against him. This chief repaired to 
Jell, and excited the Magghazzis to espouse his 
faction; after expending ten thousand rupees to 
little purpose, Mehrab Khan repaid him the money, 
and allowed him to return to Kalat. A second 
time he went to Talli, in Kachi, and having no bet- 
ter success than before, Mehrab Khan, repaid him 
two thousand rupees which he stated to have been 
spent. Still restless, he fled to Dajil, which he 
devastated, and was again forgiven by Mehrdb 
Khan. A fourth time he retired amongst the 
Khadjaks of 'Siwi, and raised the Sahaxawani tribes, 
whose revolt caused Mehrab Khan an effort to re- 
press ; and Ahmed Yar Kh&n, being made captive, 
was detained at Kalat, where he was afterwards 
slain, at the instance of Daoud Mahomed, a Ghilji, 
of low extraction, whom it was the misfortune of 
Mehrab Khan to raise from obscurity to power, to 
the detriment of the old servants of his father and 
grandfather, and in opposition to the feelings of the 
tribes. Daoud Mahomed wished to have sacrificed 
with their sire his two sons Shah Nawaz and Fati, 


who have since become known in Brahui history, 
but Mehrab Khan would not consent, although he 
held them in honourable confinement. 

The khan's partiality for Daoud Mahomed proved 
the. pregnant source of evil and embarrassment to 
him. The Ghilji, to maintain his position, deemed 
it necessary to remove all those in opposition to 
him, or whose influence and character he feared; 
and these were so many, including all who were 
high-born and illustrious in the country, that the 
task might have daunted a man of less effrontery- 
Twenty-three or twenty-four of the most distin- 
guished Brahui chiefs and individuals were sacri- 
ficed, and in succession, as the opportunity pre- 
sented itself, to calm the apprehensions of Daoud 
Mahomed. Many of these unfortunate men were 
no doubt in rebellion, but it cannot be forgot- 
ten that their crimes were merely defensive, and 
would never have been heard of but for the unwise 
step of the khan, and for the pride and insolent 
bearing of his minister. The immediate conse- 
quence of these acts was, the complete dislocation 
of authority; the surviving relatives of the slain, 
bound by national obligations as well as by their 
feelings to revenge, disavowed allegiance, and 
formed a general combination to expel Daoud 
M&homed by force of arms. They marched to the 
capital, where Mehrab Khan was encamped without 
the walls, and no sooner had they arrived than 
they were joined by those about the chief, excepting 


some four hundred of his immediate dependents, 
principally khanazats, or household slaves. So 
complete was the defection on this occasion, that 
Wall Mahomed Khan, the old Minghal chief, after- 
wards slain at Kalat, was the only person of ijote 
who adhered to his master. Even Jam Ali, from 
remote Las, who was present, became a rebel. 
Mehrab Khan, obstinate in his purpose to retain 
Daoud Mahomed, was placed in extreme danger ; 
his tent was surrounded, and the muskets of the 
implacable insurgents, who declared Akhtind Ma- 
homed Sidik their khan, were directed to it. The 
Babi merchants, and other natives of Kalat, inter- 
posed, and effected an arrangement, by which, leav- 
ing the main point of dispute at issue, the khan 
should be allowed to retire within the town, held 
by the darogah, Gfil M&homed ; in return, the 
newly-appointed khan's wives and children within 
the walls were to be permitted to leave the town. 
Difficulty attended the execution of the agreement ; 
the disaffected fearing to be overreached; but by 
some clever contrivance it was acted upon, the 
khan being popped in at one gate as the family of 
the akhund were popped out of another. As soon 
as the khan was liberated, darogah Gul Mahomed 
opened fire from the citadel and town walls on the 
malcontents; and as the valley east of Kalat is 
within range of gun shots, they were forced to retire 
to some distance, and dissension creeping into their 
councils, they marched to Zehri, where a dispute 


concerning some seized grain occasioned their dis 
persion, and the several chiefs, with their followers, 
returned to their respective homes. 

Notwitstanding this failure of the chiefs to com- 
pel the dismissal of Daoud Mahomed, the khan, 
aware that the prejudice against him was as strong 
as ever, thought prudent to remove his favourite for 
a while, and, accordingly, secretly despatched him 
to Kandahar, where, for a year or two he resided. 
When again summoned to Kalat, a plot was formed 
by the chiefs of Saharawan to assassinate him on 
the road ; but it was frustrated by the care of Meh- 
r&b Khan. The Ghilji again assumed power, alike 
detested and feared by his numerous enemies. 

Mehrdb Khan's military operations have been 
few sand inglorious. In an expedition against the 
Harris he was foiled, and forced to break up his 
army, without gaining anything but contempt. 

The intrigues of the Sahdrawani chiefs with the 
sirdars of Kandahar have, on more than one occa- 
sion, brought a Durani army to Mastung, and occa- 
sioned the assembly of the Brahui's levies to oppose 
it, when a treaty has been patched up, without the 
intention of being observed on either side. On one 
of these inroads Akhtind Mahomed Sidik, before 
mentioned as having been appointed khan by the 
malcontents, and who has since become known to 
the British political authorities, visited, as envoy 
the Durani camp. Introduced to the sirdars, he, 
of course, proposed to sell his master. K<5han Dil 


Khan inquired if he were not a mulla, and being an- 
swered affirmatively, asked, why he wore a military 
Baloch cap, and why he suffered his hair to grow so 
profusely. Commenting upon the inconsistency, he 
called for the barber and ordered the akhtind's head 
to be shaven, and then replaced his cap, with a white 
muslin turban. The akhund was so mortified, that 
he did not appear in public life until his head T?as 
again covered with the honours of which the unna- 
tural Durani barber had deprived it. K<5han Dil 
Khan well knew how to treat such men. Our di- 
plomatic gentlemen were less shrewd. 

In the reign of Mehrab Khan a memorable in- 
stance of the punishment of presumption and pride 
occurred in a contest between the tribes Rind and 
Magghazzis in Kachi, between whom, from of 
old, a deadly feud exists. The Rinds, who have 
greatly the advantage of numbers, collected, it 
is said, seven thousand men, and contemplated the 
extermination of their foes. The Maggazzis were 
unable to oppose more than two thousand to 
them. All offers of accommodation were reject- 
ed, and the prayers and tears of saiyads and of 
women were interposed in vain. The hostile par- 
ties drew near to each other, and the Magghazzis, 
determined to sell their lives as dearly as they 
could, in calmness awaited their approach. A 
murderous volley, at forty yards, threw the Rinds 
into confusion, which was made irremediable by an 
immediate charge, and the embarrassment of canals 


of irrigation amongst which they were entangled. 
Two thousand of the Binds were supposed to be 
slam, while little loss befel the victors. The khan 
of Kalt, on hearing of the victory, sent a dress of 
honour to Ahmed Khan, the Magghazzi chief, 
which so disgusted the Binds that they retired in 
a body to the frontiers of Sind, where the Amirs 
assigned them territory for their subsistence. In 
course of time they were recalled. The defeat of 
the Rinds happened in 1830. 

About the same time, Mehrab Khan was de- 
prived of the provinces of Harand and Dajil by the 
Sikhs, owing to the course of intrigues set on foot 
by Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, since famous for sub- 
tlety and crime, in connexion with the melancholy 
fate of his master, and no less infamously distin- 
guished for his misdemeanours in the service of 
those who had been duped by his plausible appear- 
ance and manners. 

In 1831 Mehrab Kh&n made some ineffectual 
efforts to repress the license affected by the Min- 
ghal and Bizunju tribes of Jhalawan, and for that 
purpose went to Khozdar. Returning to Sohrab, 
he collected an army to reduce to obedience the 
western tribes, which finally marched under the 
orders of his brother, Mir Azem Khn, and the 
Ghilji Daoud Mahomed. Rustam Khan, Mehma- 
senni, one of the disaffected, early made his sub- 
mission ; but Mohem Khan, Nushirwani, who had 
placed himself in dependence on Kandahar, resisted' 


and was besieged in liis stronghold of Gwerjak. 
The usual process of a Baloch investment and siege 
was carried out ; towers and mounds were erected 
to overlook the walls of the fortress ; but, an under- 
standing existing betwen the rebel chief and many 
in the Kalat camp, nothing of consequence was 
effected, until the besieged needed fuel. On this, 
offers were made to surrender the place ; but it was 
insisted upon that the garrison should give an en- 
tertainment to the victors ; which being approved, 
stores of fuel were allowed to be introduced into the 
fort-, and immediately shouts of defiance were heard 
from it. The siege was again pressed, and the gar- 
rison once more reduced to extremity, when Moh6m 
Khn produced a peremptory order from Kandahar 
that the siege should be raised, on account of his 
being a vassal of the Dfiranfs. The army there- 
upon marched into Kej ; and, ultimately, returned 
to Kalat without having achieved anything of 

For a year or two Mehrfflb Khan was occupied 
in providing against his unruly chiefs and tribes, 
being uninterrupted by any invasion from abroad, 
when he experienced a fresh cause of solicitude 
in the escape from the citadel of Kalat of Shah Na- 
waz Khan and Mir Fati Khan, the sons of Ahmed 
Yar Khan, slain at the commencement of his rule. 
The faction of these young men was embraced by 
the Saharawani tribes ; and D&dar being captured by 
them, they advanced into Kachi. Mir Azem Kh&n, 


with the Magghazzi levies, encountered and de- 
feated them, compelling Sh&h Nawaz Khan to seek 
an asylum in Kandahdr, and Mir Fati Khan in Sind. 
Soon after these events the ex-king. Shah S6jah 
al Mtilkh, appeared at Shikarpur, determined to 
attempt the recovery of his dominions. Mehrab 
Khan directed all honour to be shown him in his 
passage through his territory. After the ex-king, 
defeated at Kandahar, had invoked, to no purpose, 
the aid of the chiefs of Lash and Sistan, he crossed 
the desert, and arrived, a fugitive, at Kalat, warmly 
pursued by the Kandahar sirdar, Reham Dil Khan. 
Mehrab Khan did not hesitate to grant him pro- 
tection, and to his conduct on this occasion the 
British government has publicly offered its testi- 
mony of applause. "This reverse left him no 
alternative but flight ; and pursuing the route of 
Belochistan, he arrived at Kalat ; the capital of that 
country, with about two hundred followers, and so 
closely pressed by R6ham Dil Khan, of Kandahar, 
with upwards of two thousand men, that the royal 
fugitive was forced to take refuge within the palace 
of the kh&n of Kalat. The Beloochee chief in 
stantly accorded to the unhappy monarch the pro- 
tection and hospitality for which that nation is 
proverbial." Vide No. 61, The Governor-General 
of India, in council, to the Secret Committee of 
the Court of Directors of the East India Company* 
5th March 1835, page 42, of the "Papers re- 
lative to the Expedition into Afghanistan." 


While there is some error in this extract, as to 
trifling details of numbers, &c. ; there is none as 
to the main fact of the protection afforded, and 
some may think that the khan's generosity might 
have been better requited. Raham Dil Khan, 
the sMh's pursuer, was a manly foe; and when 
his brother, Kohan Dil Khan, wished to have 
avenged upon Mehrab Khan the escape of the 
shah, he protested against it, affirming, that the 
Kalat chief had proved himself a good man ; neither 
was he ashamed to avow that he esteemed him 
for his sense of honour. 

In 1833 the influence of Daoud Mahomed, before 
on the decline, became so low that to maintain 
his position he conceived it necessary to invite 
an invasion from Kandahar. His communications 
were intercepted, and Mehrab Kh&n considered 
his treason deserved punishment. One of the early 
victims to the fear of Daoud Mahomed had been 
the hereditary Tajik adviser of the kMn, the Vakil 
Fati Mahomed. The vakil's son, Naib Mulla 
Hassan, was suffered to live, and generally accom- 
panied the khan in his excursions, and attended 
the darbar, without being consulted on affairs. 
Latterly he had received more attention, which 
increased in proportion as Daoud Mahomed de- 
clined in estimation ; and from mere insinuations, 
he gradually intimated more plainly his opinion 
of the perfidy of the Ghilji, without offence, until, 
emboldened by the khan's state of mind, he offered 


himself as an instrument to despatch him. The 
khan spoke approvingly, without further committing 
himself, and Daoud Mahomed, perhaps apprehen- 
sive of the naiVs enmity or acquainted with his 
project, represented to his master that it was incum- 
bent to put the naib to death. The khan did not 
object, but declined to give the requisite order. The 
struggle between the Ghilji and naib became publicly 
known, as well as the indecision of the khan, and 
the community of Kalat were wondering what 
would be the result. The correspondence with 
Kandahar probably decided the Ghilji's fate. The 
dissimulation of Mehrab Khan was, however, re- 
markably displayed on this occasion. He consented 
to sacrifice the naib to the resentment of Daoud 
Mahomed, and fixed the morrow for the enactment 
of the deed. In like manner, he promised the 
naib that his enemy, Daoud Mahomed, should 
fall by his hand. On the following morning he 
repeated his assurance to the Ghilji ; who returned 
home so well satisfied that, on again leaving his 
house for the citadel he observed, that before he 
returned he should have run down, in chase, a great 
prey. The khan, the Ghilji, ,and the naib, sat with 
others in general discourse until the evening time 
of prayers, when the company dispersed, the n&ib 
and Ghilji, being privileged persons, remaining to 
pray by the side of the khan. Daoud Mdhomed 
retired to a chamber to perform the usual ablutions 
before prayers, and while engaged in them received 


a sword-cut on the neck from Naib Mulla Hassan, 
who had followed him ; he turned round, inquiring 
"Chi shudl" what's the matter? when a second 
cut deprived him of speech and life. Naib Mulla 
Hassan naturally succeeded to the post of his slain 
father, which had been so long enjoyed by Daoud 

The change of ministers unfortunately produced 
no improvement in the state of affairs, or in that 
of the country at large ; one course of intrigue 
being merely substituted for another. The chiefs 
of Saharawan continued in disaffection ; and found, 
strangely enough, an additional cause in the murder 
of Daoud Mahomed. The sirdar of Jhalaw&n absent- 
ed himself from attendance at court, and the chiefs 
of Baghwdn and Wad placed themselves in open 
revolt. While matters were in this state the 
British expedition crossed the Indus, its route to 
Kandahar lying through the khan's territory. It 
is needless to repeat what has been written on 
this subject in the preceding part of this volume ; 
but we may deplore the misfortune of Mehrab Khan, 
when the composition of his darbdr at the time is 
considered, and when we call to mind the people he 
was compelled to employ in his negotiations with 
the British authorities. They were Naib Mulla 
Hassan, Akhund Mahomed Sidik, and the Saiyad 
Mahomed Sherif ; to them may be added the bro- 
ther of Daoud Mahomed. N&ib Mulla Hassan had 
to avenge his father's death. Akhund Mahomed 


Sidik, it will be remembered, had once been nomi- 
nated khan. Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, by his trea- 
son, had lost to the khan, Harand and Dajil, besides 
intriguing with the Kandahar sirdars ; the brother 
of Daoud Mahomed naturally cherished feelings of 

To baffle the insidious efforts of such men, and 
to impart confidence to the soured and sullen 
Mehrab Khan, qualities were required which the 
officers of the British mission never gave any proof 
that they possessed. In lieu of penetrating the 
crafty wiles of the designing, they were themselves 
duped by them, and an uninterrupted series of 
errors led to the death of the misled and bewil- 
dered Kal&t chief, the sack of his capital, and the 
partition of his country. 

The detection of error, although acknowledged 
by the captivity of Naib Mtilla Hassan, was not 
accompanied by the recognition of the son of Meh- 
r&b Khan, who, a fugitive upon his father's death, 
was chased from one place to another, while on the 
plea of legitimacy, Shah Nawaz Khan was placed 
in authority over Kal^t, and the remnant of the 
country attached to it. 

The revolt of the Brahui tribes, the operations 
at Kalat and elsewhere, require not to be more 
than alluded to in this place. The governor-gene- 
ral found it necessary to reverse everything that 
his political officers had done, as far as lay in his 
power. The son of Mehrab was seated on the 


masnad of his late father ; and the present head 
of the Indian government has completed the act 
of justice, by restoring to him that portion of 
his dominion which had been so absurdly annex- 
ed to the crown of KabaL What has become of 
Shah Nawaz Khan, the chief constituted by the 
political authorities, I know not ; but for Mr. 
BelPs better sense of justice, he would have been 
victimized, to conceal the incapacity of those who 
placed him in a false position. The actual chief 
of Kalat, now styled Mir Nasir Khan, in regard 
to the memory of his great-grandfather, is fifteen 
or sixteen years of age, has a prepossessing appear- 
ance, and has been well educated through the care 
of his father. At the period of life when the 
mind is most open to impressions of good and evil, 
his future course must be contemplated with in- 
terest, not unmixed with fear, with reference to the 
dangers which surround him. He has, however, 
more than ordinary incitement to do that which 
is right, as his exemplary conduct will best vindi- 
cate his father's reputation. 






IN Balochistan we search in vain for the mag- 
nificent vestiges of the olden times, which are to be 
found in Afghanistan and Persia. This need not 
he a subject of wonder if we reflect that it has 
not, like those countries, ever been the seat of 
powerful and extensive empire, and that it was 
in the earliest ages in the same relation to them, 
with reference to advancement in civilization and 
political connexions, as it stands at the present 

That it has been formerly much more populous 
can hardly be doubted, when we descry the sites 
of many cities, which have not now representa- 
tives; and when we observe the present villages 
had, at some remote period, predecessors of mag- 
nitude and importance. Many of the bleak, ex- 
tensive plains, now speckled thinly with the black 
tents of tomans, would seem to have once con- 
tained fixed villages and towns, if we may judge 
from their numerous dams, or artificial mounds, 


which it is difficult to conceive as not represent- 
ing the sites of ancient villages, or of the places 
of sepulchre attached to them. 

From the earliest historical notices of this coun- 
try, we may infer it to have been a dependency 
of the great Persian empire, and probably in the 
category of those which, from remoteness, were 
merely known by name at Persepolis. It fell, with 
Persia, into the hands of Alexander the Great, and 
was subject to the vicissitudes of sway, resulting 
from the struggles between his successors. It was 
naturally, from its distance, early included amongst 
the defections which happened under the Syro- 
Macedonian kings, but at a subsequent period, faint 
incidental rays of information might authorize us 
to conclude that it was again under the sway of 
another Greek, in the person of Demetrius, son 
Df Buthydemus of Bactria, who appears to have 
bunded a city in Arachosia, which, wherever it 
vas, could not have been far from Kalat. Those 
overeigns who succeeded to the authority of the 
3-reek Bactrian princes, probably extended their 
way, and introduced their religion into these coun- 
ries. A dark epoch then obscures the history of 
bis country, until the era of Mahommedanism, 
rhen the armies of the caliphs overran Balochistn. 
'hat the caliphs did not retain permanent sway 
evidenced by the fact, that a Hindu principality, 
aditionally known as that of the Sewah dynasty, 
ourished at Kalat until a comparatively late pe- 

2 c 2 


riod, and tenaciously maintained its independence 
amongst the Mahommedan states around it. 

If the invasion of Jenghiz Khan, also asserted by 
tradition, be historically true, it may be conceived 
that that barbarous chief and his generals effec- 
tually completed the work of desolation which the 
caliphs had commenced some ages before. Ever 
at the mercy of any powerful invader, Kalat was 
afflicted by a visit from the generals of Taimur, 
and, agreeably to his historian, was razed to the 

Of its Greek rtilers we have no vestiges. It 
is not impossible that their coins may be occasion- 
ally elicited. Such reliques are found near Mas- 
tung, at Mitari, a town of Kach Gandiva, near 
Bela in Las, and on the site of an ancient city in 
Jhow, which tradition affirms to be that of a city 
founded by Alexander, also at a locality in Kharan, 
and at other places. Three or four years before 
my visit to Kalat, a silver medal, said to be as large 
as a German crown, with a bust on the one side, 
was found at Sorra Bek, a little north of Kalat. 
This town flourished in the time of the caliphs, 
according to the Nubian geographer mentioned by 
Wilford, and its site retains the original name. 

Near Kal&t we have the sites of three conside- 
rable cities ; that of Sorra Bek, just mentioned, to 
the north ; that of Kuki, said to have been destroy- 
ed by Jenghiz Kh&n, near Rodinjo to the south ; 


and one, with name unknown, on the plain of 
Chappar, to the west. Besides the ancient sites 
at Mastung, Mitari, Bela, and Jhow, there are 
others at Khozdar, Kharan, Nushki, &c., and yery 
many in the western provinces, which, of necessity, 
fell not under my observation. 

At Nichara, in the hills east of Kal&t, are a few 
caves and cave temples. These excavations, the 
samuches of Afghanistan, now that we are fully 
acquainted with them, were certainly religious and 
sepulchral localities, or the abodes of the ascetics 
connected with them. At Nichara, a few years 
since, a proof of their nature was afforded by the 
accidental discovery of one heretofore closed, in 
which were found several corpses, according to my 
informant, arrayed in their habiliments, and ex- 
tended on chdharpahis, or couches. They pulve- 
rized on being touched. 

Some five or six miles from Nichara, on a plain 
occupied by the Jetaks, are said to be remains 
of an alleged city of the . infidels, and, what is of 
more consequence, an inscription graven on a rock. 
My inquiries left me in little doubt of the truth of 
this record, and certainly I should have visited 
the spot but for the unfortunate outbreak in the 
country. It was impossible to ascertain from my 
informant in what characters it was inscribed. 

At the ancient site, near Bela, may be dug up 
jars fall of ashes. It is said, they contain nothing 


else, but the probability is, that coins and trinkets 
might reward a careful search. 

Amongst the extant remains of antiquity in 
Balochistan the more conspicuous are, perhaps, the 
walls and parapets of stones, called by the present 
inhabitants, Gohar Basta, or the works of infidels. 
They occur in many places to great extent, par- 
ticularly at Lakorian, between Sohrab and Bgh- 

wan, in the contiguous plain of Anjira, on the road 


from Sohrab to Kej, in the valley of the Mulloh 
river, and at Rodbar, in the hills between Kalat and 
Kirta. Those at Lakorian are the most remarkable. 
The purpose of these structures may be questioned, 
but they are probably places of defence. 

In the district of Gurghina is a remarkable 
subterranean chamber, which was discovered some 
years since by workmen employed in the construc- 
tion of a karez. To their astonishment, they pene- 
trated into an immense excavation, supposed to be 
artificial. It continued for a time an object of 
curiosity, but, so far as I could learn, was entirely 
devoid of sculpture or embellishment. It was 
conjectured to have been a retreat of refugees in 
time of war, at some remote period. Probably, it 
was a cemeteiy or temple, of past ages. 

The maritime province of Las, besides the cave 
temples near Bela, contains a celebrated stMn, or 
place of Hindu pilgrimage. It is situated in the 
hills bounding the province to the west, and 
through which flows the Hingohl rivulet. The 


sacred locality is called Hinglatz. It is understood 
to be consecrated to Parbati, the goddess of nature, 
the universal mother, &c., or Diana, the moon, &c. 
By Mahommedans, by whom it is alike revered, the 
shrine is considered as one of Bibi Nani, the lady 
Nani, or the motherly lady. It is possible they 
have preserved the ancient name NANAIA, that of 
the goddess of the old Persians, and Bactrians, 
and now so well known to us by coins. There is a 
small mat or temple at Hinglatz, but the chief 
attractions appear to be natural objects, as a kand, 
or reservoir of water ; a well, of unfathomable depth, 
above the mat ; and the semblance the mural dispo- 
sition of the rock presents, in a certain spot, to that 
of a fortress. There are also said to be the figures 
of the sun and moon hewn on the rock, in an in- 
accessible site. It is necessary for pilgrims to re- 
main two days amongst the holy shades and soli- 
tudes of Hinglatz, when they return, impressed with 
feelings of awe and devotion, inspired by the solem- 
nity and mysterious grandeur of the sequestered 
haunts they have visited. 

Many votaries and pilgrims proceed no farther than 
Hinglatz, but it is deemed to be especially praise- 
worthy and beneficial to extend the pious tour to 
Satadip, an island off the coast of Mekran, and 
between Hormara and Pessani. I was surprised at 
discovering that this celebrated island was no other 
than the Ashtola of our maps, the Asthilal of Arabs 
and Baloches, the Carnina and Enchanted Isle of 


Nearchus, and the Asthse of Ptolemy. It afforded 
me pleasure, also, that I had anchored for the night 
tinder its bare rocks, in a trip in 1830 from Karachi 
to Maskat, but it was difficult to imagine what cir- 
cumstances had invested it with a sacred character. 
It was a sthan, I was told, called Ram Jelloh, with- 
out any particular natural object of interest or 
curiosity, and where it was needful to carry water 
for the time the devout stayed upon it, which, as 
at Hinglate, has been fixed by custom at two 

The voyage of Nearchus conferred an interest 
upon the dreary shores of Las and Mekran, which 
has been greatly enhanced to us by the lucid ex- 
planation of its details afforded by the late Dean 
Vincent. It is curious to discover that many of 
the appellations of localities, as named by the 
Greeks, are borne by them to this day. On 
the coast between the mouths of the Indus and 
Gwadar, amongst the stations as given by Arrian, 
are, Malana, Araba, Kalanaa, Derenobosa, Kophas, 
all recognizable in the present Maln, Araba, 
Kalamat,' Darambab, and Kaphdn, of the rude na- 
tives. The port of Alexander, unfixed by the 
learned Dean, I should suppose to be Karachi, 
which he conjectured to be Krokala, though this 
place was an island, not a port ; and, in confirma- 
tion of my view, the next station to the port of 
Alexander was the island Bibacta, which well 
accords with the island Chirna of the Sindians. 


The Carnina of Arrian has been above shown to 
be the Asthsea of Ptolemy, and its name to Ba- 
loches and Arabs is yet Asthi-lal. With so many 
recognizable stations in a limited space, it becomes 
easy to determine the intermediate ones, some of 
which even may pretty certainly be decided by 
their present appellations ; for instance, Mosarna 
may be conceived to be Mosam, or Shamal Bandar ; 
Domo may be Diimag, &c. 

Of the routes of Alexander and his officers 
through the upper country, it will have been re- 
marked, that tradition seems to have preserved a 
memento, in the belief that a city in Jhow owed 
its origin to him, and, if so, it must have been the 
Alexandria, he founded amongst the Oritoe. Cra- 
terus, who led the veterans by, a still higher route, 
passed through Choarene, whose position as fixed by 
Strabo, has puzzled his commentators, yet it jnay 
have been the modern Kharan, if not the Kawer 
Zamin of oriental writers. 


It has been observed, that the division of the 
Kalat territory into sections conformably to circum- 
stances of locality, was alike sanctioned by the 
diversity of dialects current in the several pro- 
vinces. The tribes of the first, or western section, 
use what is pre-eminently called the Baloch, which 


extends to the limits of Kerman, and is considered 
the genuine dialect of the Baloch community. Its 
affinity with modern Persian cannot be doubted, 
though it has, probably, preserved a greater propor- 
tion of the forms of its parent tongue. Some of 
the Jhdlawan tribes, as the Minghals and Bizunjus, 
and even some of the tribes included within the 
Rind community, employ this dialect, which is also 
spoken constantly by the khans and sirdars, who 
consider it would be vulgar to express their meaning 
in Brahuiki 

The Brahufki, or Kur Galli (the Patois), is pecu- 
liar to the tribes of Saha*rawan and Jhalawan. It 
necessarily contains a good deal of Baloch, or Per- 
sian, and a very little Pashto, but much of it must 
be referred to some unknown root. The only work 
I could hear of in this dialect was not original, but 
translated from a Persian treatise on the greatness 
of God and wonders of the creation. Persian cha- 
racters were used in it. 

The Jets of Kachi have a dialect, called, after 
them, Jetki, of close affinity with the dialects of the 
Sind and of the Panjab, which have been supposed 
to approach, more than ariy other extant tongues, to 
Sanscrit ; and this affinity is only in accordance with 
their origin and descent. 

The Lumri tribes of Las speak the dialect com- 
mon to the kindred tribes of Jukias and Btilfats in 
the west of Sind, and allied to that prevalent in the 
tracts on either bank of the Indus in the inferior 


extends to the limits of Kerman, and is considered 
the genuine dialect of the Baloch community. Its 
affinity with modern Persian cannot be doubted, 
though it has, probably, preserved a greater propor- 
tion of the forms of its parent tongue. Some of 
the JMIawan tribes, as the Minghals and Bizunjus, 
and eyen some of the tribes included within the 
Rind community, employ this dialect, which is also 
spoken constantly by the khans and sirdars, who 
consider it would be vulgar to express their meaning 
in Brahuiki 

The Brahuiki, or Ktir G&lli (the Patois), is pecu- 
liar to the tribes of Sahdrawn and Jhalawan. It 
necessarily contains a good deal of Baloch, or Per- 
sian, and a very little Pashto, but much of it must 
be referred to some unknown root. The only work 
I could hear of in this dialect was not original, but 
translated from a Persian treatise on the greatness 
of God and wonders of the creation. Persian cha- 
racters were used in it. 

The Jets of Kachi have a dialect, called, after 
them, Jetki, of close affinity with the dialects of the 
Sind and of the Panjab, which have been supposed 
to approach, more than ariy other extant tongues, to 
Sanscrit ; and this affinity is only in accordance with 
their origin and descent. 

The Lumri tribes of Las speak the dialect com- 
mon to the kindred tribes of Jukias and Btilfats in 
the west of Sind, and allied to that prevalent in the 
tracts on either bank of the Indus in the inferior 


















Matchlock Tofak. 


Pad! baz ghust. 




Pad! khund. 



Calf of leg 














Sight at 

muzzle Morag. 



Sight at 

breech Didarfian. 

Sole of foot 


















Sea shell Ghur. 









Palm of hand 




Dog * 









































Giik niadak. 























Water Melon 






Leaf Tag. 

Flower Pul. 

Date tree Match. 

Wind Ghwat. 
Nor.-west-wind Jil-ghwat. 
South-east-wind Sir-ghwat. 

North-wind Gorlch. 

South-wind Zir-ghwa*t. 

Shirt Jama. 

Trowsers Shelwar. 

Cap Toph. 

Shoes Kosh. 

Boots Muzag. 

Waist-shawl Sirinband. 

Head-shawl Fogh. 
Band of trowser Pai-in-jag. 

Ant Muri, 

Fly Makish. 

Flea Kak. 

Louse Bur. 

Good Sher. 

Bad Gandag. 

Light Stibak. 

Heavy Garan. 

Small Kassdn. 

Large Massa"n. 

Thick Baz. 

Thin Tannak. 

Fire Ora. 

Water Hap. 

Cup Tas. 

Dish TfiL 
Earthern vessel Kulak. 

Frying-pan Kallind. 

Fort Kalat. 

Ship Buji. 
Sea Deria\ 

To do Kartan. 

To be Shutan. 

To speak Gwashtan. 

To burn Sutan. 

To fall Koftan. 

To stand Padatan. 

To give Ddtan. 

To throw Diird&tan. 

To carry Biirtan. 

To flee Gistan. 

To eat Wartan. 

To bruig Hartan. 

To wash Shustan. 

To sit Nishtan. 

To write Nawishtan, 

To kill Kushtan. 

To walk Gashtan. 

To walk Maiden kartan. 

To fear Tarsitan. 

To laugh Handitan. 

To measure Gaz kartan. 

To break Proshtan. 

To see Dishtan. 

To sew Dotan. 

To scrape Tra'shtan. 

To reckon Issabkartan. 

To do well Shar Kartan. 

To open Patch kartan. 

To tie Bastan. 

To come Hhtan. 

To read Wantan. 

To sleep Waftan. 

To awake Nashtan. 

To dry Kusfc kartan. 

To rub Lutartan. 

To pay Pirmatan. 
Tofly(asabird)Bal kartan. 

To plunder Lutitan. 
To milk Doshtan. 

To fight Jang kartan. 

To boil Grastan, 



To receive 


To beat 

Lat jitten. 

To pick up or 

To wound 

Zaham jittan. 



To fire 

Tofak jittan. 

To kiss 


To hit 


To kick 

Laggat jittan. 



To bite 




To blind 

Cham kushtan. 



To flog 

Chdbak jittan. 





















Dan dan. 

































Uncle paternal 




Aunt paternal 





























































































































































































De (day Celtic) 












































































Kan dak. 










Lai yakut. 





Water melon 




Musk melon 


















Clarified butter Si. 




























































































































































































Ji or ha. 




Na or na. 







Why? , 





Errang ? 













VOL. rv. 

2 B 



Without doors 


To read Khwanning. 

Within doors 


To repose Damdanning. 



To fly Ball-kanning. 



To approve Pasand-kan- 

To give 



To grind 


To call Khw^st-kan- 

To see 



To sleep 


To milk Bering. 

To go 


To taste Chakking. 

To come 


To fight Jang-kanning, 

To cut 


To boil Jush-kanning. 

To hear 


To pull Pashing. 

To laugh 


To kiss Pak-kanning. 

To sit 


To scrape Trashing. 

To know 


To twist Peching. 

To hum 


To die Kahing. 

To fall 


To bite BShshahghing. 

To stand 


To open Ithing. 

To throw 


To measure Dahghing. 

To build 


Todrop(asrain) Chakking. 

To flee 


To kick Laggat-kal- 

To sew 



To carry 


To tear Parrah-kan- 

To eat 



To bring 


To shade Saikar-kanning. 

To do 


To sit in sun De-i-tuling. 

To strike 


To speak false Darogh paning. 

To weep 


To weigh Tul kanning. 

To want 


To swim Tar kanning. 

To wash 


To sink Gark-manning. 

To break 


To count Yartilling. 

To bind 


To fear Khuling. 

To sow 


To rest Karar kanning. 

To pass over 


To forgive Bashking. 

To write 


To ask Arfing. 


To reap (grain) Ruting. 

To kill 


To tremble Larzing. 

To find 


To gather Arraffing, 

To seize 


To sweep liufing. 



To steal 

Duzi kanning. 

He has spoken Pare kanni. 

To walk 

Cher ring. 

He may have 

To spit 

Tuf kanning. 

spoken Pare sakni. 

To embrace 

Bagal kan- 

He may speak Akhar payik- 



To speak 


Speak Pa-kannl. 

He speaks 


Let him speak Pa-wanni. 

I did speak 


One Assit. 

He did speak 


Two Irat. 

He spoke 


Three Mtisit. 

(In advance, precisely as Persian, chahar, p&nch, &c, &c.) 

2 D 2 



TURE, &c. 


IN treating on this subject, it is necessary to 
make clear distinction between the military re- 
sources of the country at large, and those at com- 
mand of the supreme chief. The former, in a 
population where every individual capable of bear- 
ing arms may, in one sense, be esteemed a soldier, 
is considerable; the latter, from various incidental 
causes, may be very trifling. Numerical statements 
might be furnished, showing the number of men 
each tribe is capable of mustering, according to the 
accounts of the natives themselves, but these would, 
of course, be palpably exaggerated. Others might 
be offered, exhibiting the quotas of men each tribe 
is bound to provide for the public service on any 
case of emergency; but these, although somewhat 
official documents, would not be the less deceptive, 
and they were, perhaps, originally framed with a 
view to deceive, for no such quotas are ever pro- 


vided, and never could be. The point iri^st^es- 
sential to know, is the force that the supreme fihief : 
can bring into the field, and this may be ascertained 
from experience. Nasir Khan, a prince of great 
vigour and popularity, assembled armies of thirty 
thousand men. His son, Mahmud Khan, congre- 
gated bodies of fifteen thousand and twenty thou- 
sand men ; while the late Mehrab Khan, from his 
schisms with the tribes, his poverty and unpopu- 
larity, had never been enabled to collect a larger 
force than twelve thousand men. This number is 
merely what some of the tribes, however incorrectly, 
are stated to be capable of furnishing singly. 
It is in instances of hostility between the respec- 
tive tribes that their strength is developed. On 
such occasions the whole, excited by common feel- 
ing and impulse, stand forward with alacrity ; and 
their contests are brought to a prompt conclusion, 
the parties interested being unable to subsist their 
followers, and consequently to carry on a protracted 
warfare. Another reason inducing a full attendance 
of the tribes in their individual strifes, may be 
noted, without an imputation on their courage, viz. 
the certainty, nearly, that no serious collision will 
take place; women and saiyads being ever at 
hand to intervene between the angry hosts, to 
seize their firelocks, and to forbid their deadly de- 
signs ; the former, by affecting appeals to the kinder 
sensibilities of nature, the latter authoritatively, as 
descendants of the Prophet, and in the solemn 


name of religion, which proscribes civil warfare 
amongst its followers. By such instrumentality 
temporary arrangements are concluded, in nine 
out of ten cases, without actual bloodshed, or, after 
the exchange of a volley by each party, if such 
a demonstration be deemed necessary. 

The quotas of troops supplied by the tribes for 
the service of government of course fluctuate ac- 
cording to the popularity of the khan, or of his 
cause, and are always very much dependent on the 
wills of the several sirdars, who may be ill or well 
affected to the government of the day, as the case 
may be. The claim by the supreme chief on the 
tribes for military service, is universally acknow- 
ledged, it being the condition on which they hold 
their lands, exempt from taxations and imposts of 
whatever kind. 

The supreme chief has a number, greater or less, 
of hired soldiers, receiving pay and other allow- 
ances. These attend him for the purposes of the 
little display and etiquette thought necessary at a 
Brahui court, and on his excursions. They also 
furnish garrisons, if from paucity of numbers they 
can be so called, for the towns he holds personally, 
as KaMt, Quetta, Mastung, Dadar, B&gh, Nasira- 
bad, Gandava, Harand, Dajil, &c. They are also 
employed on various commissions or detached duty 
to the provinces, as Kej, Panjghur, &c. The chief 
has also many slaves, or khanazadas, and the late 
Mehrab Khan had so many of these that he had 


very few retainers besides them. They are pre- 
ferred to high appointments, and they have their 
own hired followers, who may be considered to 
form part of the khan's force. It is obvious that 
the number of men in the pay of the supreme chief 
is a pretty sure criterion of his prosperity. Nasir 
Khan had a small standing army, as had his son 
and successor, Mahmud Khan. The latter had 
even troops dressed in red jackets, in imitation of an 
Indian battalion ; and one of his brothers, Mastapha 
Khan, had in his pay a body of eight hundred 
Afghan horse, excellently equipped and mounted. 
These have now disappeared, and Mehrab KMn, 
yearly destitute of troops in his own pay, was com- 
pelled, on the slightest cause for alarm, to appeal 
to the tribes, who attended or otherwise, as suited 
their whims or convenience, conscious that he was 
powerless to enforce their obedience or to punish 
their contumacy. 


The revenue of the khzm of Kalat, considered 
relatively to the very large extent of country which 
acknowledges, in some way or other, dependence 
upon him, is a mere trifle. My friends at Kalat 
did not suppose that it exceeded three Idkhs of 
rupees. The cause is found in the circumstance 
that all the lands held by the Brahui tribes are 

408 TKADE. 

exempt from taxation. The chief's revenue is 
therefore derived from the towns he occupies him- 
self, from the Afghan agriculturists of Shall, the 
Dehwar agriculturists of Mastung, Kalat, Nichara, 
&c., the Jet agriculturists of Kach Gandava ; from 
duties on trade and kafilas, and from remittances 
from the provinces. The tax on agricultural pro- 
duce is variously levied on different classes. The 
Dehwars pay a third of the produce, or sehkot. 
From the Jets of Kachi, half of the produce, or 
nimaghi, is levied. From the provinces, a fourth, 
fifth, or sixth part of the produce is claimed, 
according to their contiguity to the capital, and 
the chance of being able to procure it. From the 
remoter ones, as Kej and Panjghur, a tenth only 
of the produce is demanded. 


The trade of Balochistan is of comparatively 
little importance, being limited chiefly to the 
internal sale and exchange of commodities, the 
state of civilization not being such as to be 
attended with a luxurious mode of dress and 
living, or such as to have induced that condition 
of society which renders it dependent upon foreign 
markets for the supply of its members. The more 
opulent here, as everywhere else, affect a distinction 
in dress and habits, which provides for the sale 

TRADE. 409 

of a few of the manufactures of the stranger ; but 
a vast change must take place before Balochistan 
can become a country of importance to the mer- 
chant, at least to take off his investments. In 
articles of export, she has an advantage in the fine 
wool of her fleeces, which, although I believe not 
superior to that of the flocks of Afghanistan and 
of the Hazarajat, is excellent of its kind, and may 
be produced in large quantities, for the sheep pro- 
ducing it thrive through all the extent of country 
from Wad to Shall, in the Kalat dominions. The 
facility of conveying it to a port makes it more 
valuable. Besides wool, the only articles exported 
from Saharawan and Jhalawan are a little madder 
from Shall, Mastung, and Kalat, almonds from 
Mastung, and a little grain from Khozdar and the 
neighbourhood, which, attracted by high prices, 
finds its way to Bombay. From Nushki small 
quantities of assafoetida, and from Kach Gandava 
sulphur, are also articles of export. At Kalat, and 
generally in Saharawan, horses are reared, and they 
are often sent for shipment to the coast. The ma- 
ritime provinces nominally dependent on Kalat 
carry on an export and import trade with foreign 
ports. The exports are roghan and hides, the 
gum called bdellium, with salted fish and isinglass, 
the latter being sent to Bombay for the Chinese 
market! The imports are rice, spices, indigo, 
wood, metals, calicoes, chintzes, and a multitude 
of miscellaneous articles. At Kalat are con- 

410 TRADE. 

siderable numbers of Afghan merchants, as Ba- 
bis, who migrated from Kandahar in the time of 
Ahmed Shah, were expelled by Mohabat Khan, 
and recalled by Nasir Khan, and of various tribes 
who have retired to Kalat to avoid the oppression of 
the chiefs of Kandahar. These undertake annual 
commercial excursions to Las, Sind, and Bombay ; 
but the greater part of them trade on Hindu capital. 
There are numerous Hindu merchants and bankers 
at Kalat, and at Kotru in Kach Gandava. To 
the latter place they have retired from Bagh, for- 
merly a place of importance, but it- has declined. 
Quetta, Mastting, Dadar, and Dajil, are places of 
some trade. 

Nasir Khan gave every encouragement to trade ; 
Mahmud Khan did not discourage it ; but Mehrab 
KMn, from the weakness of his government, rather 
than from his oppressive measures, considerably in- 
jured it. From himself, merchants enjoyed all 
security, but the exactions made on the kafila 
routes, and above all, the circulation of a base 
currency, severely impeded commercial pursuits. 
During the reigns of Nasir Khan and of his son, 
there were many Jews at Kalat ; at present there 
are none. They are yet spoken of, and appear to 
have participated in the financial affairs of the 
state, and, what may be thought singular, they were 
eventually losers. That they were held in respect, 
may be inferred from the terms applied in discours- 

TRADE. 411 

ing of them, their names being always prefaced by 
the honorary appellation of Aga. 

Some important commercial routes traverse East- 
ern Balochistan. The more celebrated is that from 
Shikarpur to Kandahar, crossing the level plains 
of Kach Gandava, passing through the long and* 
dangerous defiles of the Bolan, and opening upon 
Quetta, from which routes diverge upon Kalt, 
Ntishki, Kandahar, Ghazni, and Kabal. Another 
route, nearly as excellent, particularly for camel- 
kafilas, leads from Sunmiani to Kalit, and thence 
to Kandahar and Kabal. This route may be calcu- 
lated at forty camel-marches between Sunmiani and 
Kandahar, but is still much the shortest route by 
which that city can be gained from the coast. The 
route from Shikarpur to Kandahar I traversed 
with a kafila in 1828, and was above a month on 
the march. From Shikarpur to the coast must 
be above twenty camel-marches. Another travelled 
route from the coast, is that from the port of Ka- 
rachi, which passes along the western frontier of 
Sind, to Jell, the town of the Magghazzis, th&ice 
it leads to Kalat .by the circuitous route of the 
Mulloh river, or, passing on to Bagh, falls into the 
high-road from Shikarpur. This road is unexcep- 
tionable to kafilas with camels. Kafilas pass occa- 
sionally from Kalat to Kej, Panjghur, Dajil, &c,, less 
frequently to Ghazni and Kabal. 



The agriculture of Balochistan is still in a primi- 
tive state, and probably has continued for ages on 
-the same level of mediocrity. Wheat is the princi- 
pal object of cultivation, and the bulk of it is grown 
on lands called khtishk awah, which owe their ferti- 
lity to the rains. On these, if the vernal rains have 
been sufficiently abundant, seed is inserted ; and the 
crops, if not extremely productive, are at least mo- 
derately so, and the grain is esteemed good. The 
wheat most prized in Balochistan, and whose quality 
has become proverbial, is that grown on the khushk 
awah lands of Kaputu, east by south of Kalat. 
There are two species of wheat cultivated, the com- 
mon, or white grain, and the Shorawak, or red 
grain. The latter is preferred. Those extensive 
and bleak plains which, to the traveller, in the lat- 
ter months of the year, present a chilling and repul- 
sive appearance, overspread with weeds and thorny 
plants, in the spring are clothed with the vivid 
verdure of rising harvests, and nod in summer with 
their matured fruits. The deficiency of rain is, 
however, to be dreaded, and its absence is inevitably 
followed by scarcity and high prices. In Saharawan 
the harvests are collected by the end of June* In 
Jhalawan fifteen or twenty days earlier. The dis- 
tricts most famed for wheat are Sohrab, Baghwan, 
Khozdar, and Nail, or those of Jhalawan, as to 


quantity ; and those of the capital and of Saharawftn 
as to quality. Bullocks are used in ploughing the 
soil; camels rarely. 

Rice is cultivated in the districts of Shall and 
Mastung, also at Kirta, Rodbar, Johan, &c. ; in- 
deed, in the valleys, amongst the ranges east of 
Kalt, it is an object of general attention. The 
valleys of Panderan and Zehri, south of Kalat, also 
yield it abundantly, and it is grown in many spots 
along the course of the Mulloh river. The produce 
of Pander&n and of Rodbar is priced. Gall and 
gallachi, varieties of millet, are both cultivated. 
The grain is employed in the preparation of bread 
eaten by the poorer classes. These crops are of 
rapid growth, hence they generally succeed crops of 
wheat on soils which have the advantage of being 
irrigated, and whose fertility is supported by ma- 
nure. The harvest of those about Kalat immedi- 
ately precedes the setting in of the cold weather. 

Juri and bajra are cultivated but partially, on 
harsh, dry soils. These grains form the chief ob- 
jects of culture in Kach Gandava. 

Maize, or Indian corn, is a still rarer object of 
culture ; neither is nakod abundantly grown, 

Mung is much cultivated in Zehri in many of the 
valleys amongst the hills east of Kalat, along the 
course of the Mulloh river, and in most of the dis- 
tricts of Jh&lawan. 

Tobacco is grown, in fair quantities, in the vicini- 
ties of Kal&t and Mastting. It is an article of 


export, but, although good, is inferior to that of 

A large cultivation of aspust, or lucerne, the 
spfshta of the Afghans and rishka of the people of 
Kabal, is general along the whole line of cultivated 
tracts, from Khozdar, northward, to Shall. It ap- 
pears an excellent and profitable object of culture, 
requiring renewal but once in six or seven years. 
Due irrigation and manure are necessary, and with 
such attention it yields six successive crops during 
the year. In the environs of Kandahar so many as 
ten crops of this grass through the season attest the 
superiority of the soil. 

Mangel-wurzel, or, as called at Kalat, lab-lab, is 
grown in small quantities, but is merely made use 
of as a condiment by man, when previously boiled. 

The cotton-plant is produced scantily in Jhala- 
wan, and along the Mdlloh river. It is an object 
of more attention in Kach Gandava. From its 
seeds a coarse lamp oil is pressed. Sircham, or 
sesamum, is one of the oleaceous plants cultivated, 
and a pure bland oil is also extracted from the 
kernels of apricots. 

Melons, both musk and water, are raised on so 
large a scale that they seem entitled to be consi- 
dered when treating on agricultural subjects ; more- 
over they receive the attention of the zamlndar, or 
farmer, not of the Mghwan, or gardener. The 
grounds on which they are raised are called palez. 
Palezes are everywhere found throughout Baloch- 


istan. Whether of good or bad quality, melons are 
the universal fruit of all varieties of climate, and of 
all classes. The produce of the temperate regions 
of Saharawan is superior, and the fruits of Mastung 
are pre-eminent. For the large demands of the 
capital, extensive melon grounds are annually 
formed on the plain of Chappar, west of it. 


To the example and encouragement of Nasir 
Khan the inhabitants of Kalat are indebted for the 
various gardens in the neighbourhood of their city. 
This wise prince, who really seems to have had the 
welfare and comfort of his subjects at heart, distri- 
buted premiums to such of them as devoted their 
labours to horticulture. He made grants of land, 
and gave the proprietors documents, on the autho- 
rity of which, water for their necessary irrigation, is 
supplied free of charge and for ever. His son, 
Mdhmud Khan, did not interfere with the proprie- 
tors of gardens. His own garden, or Bagh-KMn, 
he consecrated entirely to Flora, and amid a pro- 
fusion of roses, jasmines, and the many-coloured 
gul-abMs, was wont to spend days together, exhil- 
arated by wine and music, and surrounded by dan- 
cing-girls. Under Mehrab Khan, improvement in 
horticultural pursuits, as in all others, ceased, and 
B^gh-Khan became a wilderness. The fruit trees, 


however, planted in the time of Nasir KMn, have 
attained maturity, and the people who enjoy their 
rich treasures in succession, laud the provident and 
beneficent care of their former sovereign. The 
fruit tree which seems most kindly to accord with 
the climate and soil of Balochistan, is the zardalu, 
or apricot. It is found southerly, so far south as 
Wad. The number of these trees at Mastung is 
immense, and their fruit is dried to a large extent 
annually. The mulberries of Kalat are inferior, if 
we except the shah tut, or royal mulberry, which 
occurs but rarely. On the other hand the mulber- 
ries of Mastting enjoy a great fame, and are ex- 
tremely abundant, while they are of numerous 
varieties. The apple-tree does not particularly 
thrive in this part of the country ; its fruit is small, 
and its varieties are confined to two or three. It is 
not largely propagated. Neither is the pear-tree 
more excellent; there is but one variety, a small 
and moderately flavoured fruit. Quinces, plums, 
peaches, &c., are to be procured, but not plentifully. 
Pomegranates are few at Kalat, and, indeed, 
throughout Saharawan ; in Jhalawan they are more 
abundant, and attain greater perfection. Those of 
Dadar are highly prized. Mastung is proverbially 
the garden of Saharawan, and has numerous vine- 
yards, which yield excellent grapes, while the few 
grown at Kalat are indifferent. The black grapes 
of Karani, a village near Quetta, are esteemed, as 
are those of Ghazg, a valley in the hills north-east of 


Kalat. Mastung has numerous groves of almond 
trees, whose fruit forms an article of export, and 
there, as well as at Kalat, and other places, the 
banks of the canals of irrigation are fringed with 
sanjit trees. A country embracing so many grada- 
tions in climate as Balochist&n affords scope for the 
production of most kinds of fruit. ^ The mango-tree 
flourishes at Bela, in Las, and is not found in 
Kach Gandava, only because it has not been intro- 

The tamarind, which would thrive in most situa- 
tions in Las, is found only at a ziarat in the hills, 
where its presence is imputed to a miracle. Kach 
Gandava, capable of producing all the fruits of hot 
countries, yields only limes and pomegranates, in 
gardens ; and about villages the transplanted b&r, or 
jujubes. The province of Panjghur has excellent 

Amongst the vegetables cultivated, are the tur- 
nip, carrot, egg-plant, radish, kaddu a species of 
gourd cucumber, kolfah a mucilaginous plant 
fenugreek, onions, mustard, and spinach. 

Amongst the flowers, and flowering-shrubs, are 

- observed the rose, jasmine, narcissus, red, white, and 

yellow varieties of the gul abbas, stocks, sunflowers, 

prince's-feather ; French and African marigolds, 

hollyhocks, china-asters, and Indian pinks. 

VOL. iv. 2 E 



THE contemplation of a rude and unenlightened 
race may offer little attraction, but is necessary 
to those who would trace mankind through its 
several gradations of society and improvement ; nor 
can it be neglected by those who would wish to 
form a correct estimate of human nature. 

The tribes of Balochistan hold but an inferior 
rank in the grand scale of society, whether as 
regards their intellectual advancement or their 
acquaintance with the arts of life; yet, with the 
errors and excesses generally attendant upon igno- 
rance and a savage state, they have some good 
natural qualities, and many of those virtues which 
seem to glow and flourish with brighter lustre and 
strength under the shade of the barbarian's tent, 
than under the more costly canopy which civiliza- 
tion expands over the heads of her refined sons. 

A commendable trait in the Braliui character 
is the practice of zang, or hospitality. The person 
of a guest is held sacred, and the rites of friendship 
are never refused. If a traveller be seen approach- 
ing a toman, its inmates spread, without their tents, 


carpets or felts for him to sit and repose upon. 
If he be tired, after a long march, it is usual to 
furnish oil, that he may anoint his weary limbs. 
On his departure, the traveller is accompanied a 
short distance on the road, his entertainer carrying* 
for the time, his musket, or other article of weight. 
Some of the western tribes, particularly the Mehma- 
sanis, although they respect the traveller when their 
guest, and would defend him at the risk of life, 
even against relatives, make no scruple, like Arabs 
of the desert, of assaulting him when he may have 
passed their roof. The traveller amongst them 
requires other safeguards than the deference due to 
his character as a guest. 

Without the harsh, austere manners of the Afghan 
pastoral tribes, the Brahuis are less bigoted, indeed 
are rather careless as to religious observances and 
ceremonies ; and not only are they lax on the point 
of prayers, so regularly observed by the Afghans, 
but very few of their tomans are furnished even 
with a masjit, or place of worship. Mahommedanism 
with them, as with many barbarous races, has dege- 
nerated into the homage paid to shrines and saiyads. 
The Baloch tribes, although they may be brought 
to act in concert on questions affecting the general 
; nterests of the community, have very distinct and 
; ealous feelings towards each other. Between many 
)f them, blood feuds of old standing prevail, and 
,heir discords are encouraged by the khn and his 
government for the sake of maintaining ascendancy 

2 E2 


over them, according to the maxim, divide et 
impera. This policy prevents so cordial an union 
amongst the tribes as might endanger the khan's 
authority, and enables him, on the revolt of some, 
to direct against them the resources of others. 
Blood feuds, once created, can hardly be extin- 
guished, and the tribes, in their conflicts, balance 
the accounts of slain on either side. A regular 
debtor and creditor account is kept, and the num- 
ber of men and women for whom kh6n-bawar, or 
satisfaction in blood, is required, is carefully trea- 
sured in memory. 

The intestine wars amongst the Brahtiis are not 
generally attended with much bloodshed. After 
the first attack, or onset, in which three or four 
persons on either side may be slain, it is custo- 
mary for women and saiyads to interpose, and to 
seize the matchlocks of the combatants, when hos- 
tilities invariably cease, and temporary arrange- 
ments are made. The women and saiyads, indeed, 
frequently prevent collision. 

The Brahuis of Jail tribes respect in their frays 
the lives of women, and if any of these should be 
slain or wounded, as may sometimes happen, it is 
the effect of accident, and is considered a great 

The value of human life is but slightly appre- 
ciated throughout Balochistan, if we may judge 
from the frequency of murders, and the apathy 
which attends their perpetration. No tie of con- 


sanguinity is a sufficient protection from the pur- 
fidy of unnatural relatives. The domestic history 
of the greater portions of the chiefs of the several 
tribes furnishes a surprising and disgusting recital 
of crimes and treasons, and there is scarcely one 
of them whose hands are not imbrued with the 
life's blood of his kinsmen. 

The Afghan plunders, but does not kill, except in 
extreme cases, or of resistance. The solitary Baloch 
robber places himself in ambush, and shoots his 
victim, before he despoils him. In their large 
forays, although resistance be not made, murders 
are committed from mere wantonness, and fre- 
quently for no better reason than to try the temper 
of their swords. The Br&hui tribes of Saharawan 
and Jhalawan are better in this respect than many 
of the tribes of Kach Gandava. It must, in jus- 
tice, be noted, that these marauding tribes are in 
open rebellion, or contumacious to the authority of 

Feasting is a prominent characteristic of the 
Baloch, as of other rude tribes. It may be in part 
a remnant of ancient custom, and in part a conse- 
quence of Mahommedan tenets, which strongly re- 
commend, as acceptable in the true believer, kai- 
rats, or charitable distributions of food. They are 
used on all occasions, whether of rejoicing or of 
sorrow; every incident of life becomes a pretence 
for festivity, although, except on important occa- 
sions, the entertainment may be restricted to the 


family, it being understood here, as elsewhere, in 
practice at least, that charity begins at home. But 
the Baloch tribes are too sagacious to trust solely 
to kairats in all cases. When afflicted with disease, 
the first care, after making a kairat, is to procure 
a taviz, or scrap of paper, on which is written some 
formulary words, believed to operate as a charm, 
and to be a specific against the malady. It must 
be written by some holy or competent person, 
and saiyads, as being unexceptionable in character, 
profit, on this score, not a little by the credulity of 
their clients. Others besides saiyads are, however, 
eligible, and when at Kalat I was often applied to, 
and had to scribble a good deal, not to appear 
unkind, and to rid myself of importunity. The taviz 
is not only obtained to cure sickness, but to prevent 
it ; to ensure its owner against wounds in battle ; to 
secure success in amatory affairs ; to render a person 
invisible ; in short, it is supposed an antidote against 
all the ordinary and extraordinary accidents of life. 
It is singular that daily experience does not dimi- 
nish faith in these ridiculous remedies; but so 
strong is the force of confirmed prejudice, and so 
intense the interest excited in the savage breast for 
anything wonderful or supernatural, that faith in 
their virtues continues unimpaired, although con- 
trary to the evidence of sense. The application of 
medicines is, however, not omitted, for every house- 
wife has her collection of simples. There grows 
not a plant on the hills or plains to which curative 


or sanative qualities are not ascribed ; and it is not 
improbable, that many of the vegetable productions 
may be beneficial in sundry diseases ; but the Bra- 
huis, failing in the discernment requisite to ascer- 
tain the particular uses to which their powers might 
profitably be directed, in general administer them 
very indiscriminately. 

The question of medicines naturally leads to that 
of disorders, and it is fortunate that the tempe- 
rance, regularity, and exercise of a pastoral life are 
conducive to health, and render recourse to the 
healing art but little necessary. Where there are 
few physicians, there would appear to be few dis- 
eases. In the toman, no doctor, no sickness; in 
the town, plenty of doctors, plenty of sickness. 
It must be conceded that the tenant of the toman 
often suffers from a lingering disorder, which, at its 
commencement, admitted of easy cure, and is afflict- 
ed throughout his existence from having omitted 
to apply for advice. Neither am I certain that the 
value of life is greater in the toman than in the 
town. There are many diseases to which the inha- 
bitants of town and wild are equally liable. Of these, 
the poto, or casual small-pox, is much dreaded, and 
sometimes makes extensive ravages. This severe 
disorder completely baffles all medicinal skill ; and 
its cure, although of course attributed to charms 
and kairats, is really the effect of chance or the 
kindly force of nature. Inoculation is sometimes 
performed, by scarifying with a razor the inner 


portion of the arm an inch or two above the wrist, 
and binding over the divided skin the dried matter 
of pustules. It is frequently necessary to repeat 
the operation twice or thrice before the infection 
is communicated. Saiyads and priests are the per- 
sons employed as inoculators, and receive, as re- 
muneration, a quantity of grain, a sheep, or other 
small present. The saiyads are preferred, it be- 
ing believed that their sanctity, as descendants 
of the Prophet, may have an influence upon the 
progress and event of the malady. Syncopes, hys- 
terics, and similar affections, are imputed to the 
presence of jins, or demons ; and various are the 
laughable means adopted to expel the supposed 
guests. I was once entreated to visit a female 
slave, who had been suddenly seized with a faint- 
ing fit. On arrival I found many persons congre- 
gated, busy in writing charms, which they after- 
wards burned, and applied to her eyes, ears, nos- 
trils, and mouth ; it being unanimously decided that 
she wa& possessed by a jin. 

The Baloch, with a large share of credulity, ig- 
norance, and superstition, allows his wild and fer- 
vid imagination to riot in unchecked indulgence. 
Hence the belief universally entertained of the 
existence of jins (genii) and peris (fairies). Their 
notions of these are, indeed, absurd, but often 
highly poetical and amusing; and endless are 
the tales which are recited of these supernatural 
agents, to the delight and wonder of their even- 


ing circles. The same easy faith induces the most 
implicit credence in the numerous extravagantly 
ridiculous legends connected with their religion, 
and makes them willing dupes of every impostor 
who pretends to the character of " buzurg," or 
inspired. In accidents and diseases charms are 
had recourse to in preference to medicines, and 
the bite of a snake, as a fever, is expected to be 
counteracted by a " dam," or incantation. Some 
of the Brahuis, as those in the valley of the Mul- 
lah river, pretend to the power of preventing by 
spells, called " udah," the discharge of musket- 
balls. I was assured that there are persons so 
confident in the possession and efficacy of this udah 
as to suffer themselves to be fired at for a very 
trifling consideration. The Marris, a very large 
tribe, have the reputation of being able to pre- 
vent the discharge of artillery. On asking why 
our European musketry and artillery had never 
been kept silent by udah, I was told that Europeans 
were proof against it because they eat swine-flesh. 
This admission emboldened me to ask again, why 
they did not eat swine flesh and become proof also. 
The stranger in Balochistan will not fail to be 
struck with the formality of the salutations, and the 
gravity of deportment assumed on such occasions. 
If the parties be acquainted, they alternately kiss 
hands ; then one commences a series of gratulatory 
inquiries, embracing the individual, his family, his 
cattle, &c., as " Darakh ! darahk ! Darakh jur ! Jur 


massan ! Massan darakh ! ilam darakh ! lashkar da- 
rakh ! toman darakh !" &c., &c. ; to which the other 
incessantly replies, "Fazl! fazl khoda! shukr! al- 
haindlilliP &c.; or, if an inferior, he repeats, 
" Meherbani ! meherb&af!" The first course of 
inquiries completed, he asks, "Kfrbar nettf?" or 
"Is there any news?" Should a third person be 
present, he is first appealed to as to whether the 
inquiry for news shall be made, and answers, " Ji 
ilam," or " Yes, brother." The person from whom 
intelligence is demanded then relates all he knows, 
or has heard, concerning the khan, the several 
sirdars, &e. ; and, public affairs dismissed, proceeds 
to private details, and relates circumstantially where 
he is come from, where he is going, on what busi- 
ness he went or is yet engaged in, how it was or 
may be settled, and so forth ; and, having ex- 
hausted his subject, concludes by saying " Am in 
kadr awal ast," or " this is the extent of my in- 
formation." The parties then burst forth into a 
fresh repetition of gratulatory inquiries, which ter- 
minated, the person who has communicated his 
intelligence asks of the third person if he, in turn, 
may inquire the news. Upon being answered in 
the affirmative, he makes the demand, which is 
complied with in the same minute and important 
manner. The close is again marked by a renewal 
of Darakh ! darahk ! darakh jur ! &c., &c. Females 
present their hands to be embraced, but modestly 
cover them with their chadars. 


The Baloch costume is far from elegant. The 
men wear a loose upper garment, or frock, called a 
khtiss, extending nearly to the feet, and giving a dis- 
orderly and womanish appearance. Their perjamas, 
or trowsers, vary from the Afghan mode, in being 
narrow at bottom. For coverings to the head, two 
or three varieties of chintz cap, stuffed with cotton, 
and fitting close to the head, are in use; but the 
national cap is the high circular one of cloth, chintz, 
or kimkab, common also in Sind ; the Brahui one, 
as well as that of the Lumris of Las, being distin- 
guished by a small tuft or button in the centre of 
the crown. I have been much perplexed, both here 
and in Sind, to account for the introduction of this 
topi, as called, for in shape it is the European hat 
without brims. Affording no shade to the face, it 
is not very suitable to a warm climate. The inha- 
bitants of towns only wear what can be properly 
termed shoes. The resident of the toman has a 
kind of sandal ; a broad leather thong, frequently 
highly decorated and punctured with embroidered 
holes, encircling the instep, the toes being exposed, 
while from this thong a more slender one passes 
round the ancles. 

Lunghis, or turbans, are not in general use ; the 
wealthy, of course, have them, and sometimes 
shawls, besides being wont to wear fanciful gar- 
ments of silk, kimkab, and British chintzes. In 
the tom&ns, one or two of the most opulent persons 
may be seen, Decorated with a shawl of mixed cot- 


ton and silk. The Baloches are universally filthy 
in their raiments, and the lower orders absolutely 
suffer them to fall from their backs through age and 

The women are arrayed in large loose robes or 
gowns, which cover them from head to foot, and 
wear no perjamas or trowsers. These robes are 
ornamented with a profusion of needle-work in silks 
of divers colours and patterns. Such embellish- 
ments extend down the parts concealing the bust, 
along the respective seams, and around the skirts 
and long sleeves. From the centre, in front to the 
skirt, stretches a pocket, which is also profusely 
decorated. On either side are inserted triangular 
patches of chintz or silk, of a colour varying from 
that of the robe, which is usually red. A chadar, 
or large piece of cloth, is universally worn, thrown 
over the head, and trailing along the ground. The 
hair of the females is separated from the centre of 
the forehead, and being made smooth and glossy by 
some glutinous composition, is brought behind the 
ears, whence, being plaited or braided in two por- 
tions, it depends down the back. It is customary 
to intermingle with the hair plaits of coloured 
worsted, which terminate in large bunches or tas- 
sels. The head is moreover bound with a fillet of 
black stuff or silk. The fair sex have a due propor- 
tion of trinkets, as armlets, ear-rings, nose-rings, &c, 
Ornaments of lapis lazuli are very common. Be- 
sides puncturing the nostrils for the reception of 


rings, it is usual to perforate the cartilage of the 
nose ; which, in absence of ornaments, supplies the 
females with a convenient place for inserting their 
bodkins, needles, and other slender objects. The 
women in towns, of the wealthy classes, may dress 
in perjamas, and may affect to hide their faces on 
the appearance of a stranger ; but these are prac- 
tices arising from imitation, and contrary to Baloch 
custom, which, as the Afghan, enjoins not the pri- 
vacy of women. 

It is but justice to observe, that many of the 
Baloch ladies are very personable. There is a pro- 
verb which celebrates the attractions of the females 
of Nich&ra, near Kalat, and a high reputation is 
allowed to the Bizunju women of Jhalawan. The 
complexion of the poor Brahui women soon be- 
comes bronzed, in consequence of exposure ; and 
she assumes a hardy masculine appearance, which 
alike indicates that she has hardships to encounter, 
and that she is able to endure them. On a march, 
the females sustain incredible labour; they will be 
seen, without coverings to their heads and feet, 
arrayed in a coarse black gown, driving before them 
a camel, cow, or ass, laden with their miserable 
effects ; while on their backs they carry their infant 
children, and, as if they had not enough to do, on, 
the road are busily engaged in twirling their hand- 
spindles, and spinning coarse threads of wool or 
hair. The men of a toman, on the march, always 
start before sunrise, and gain the appointed place of 


halt in the cool of the morning ; leaving tlieir wives 
to pack the effects, to load the beasts of burthen, 
and to follow them with their children slowly, or as 
best they can. 

The Baloches can scarcely be said to have a 
national physiognomy; neither, perhaps, should it 
be expected, if we consider how many tribes, of 
very different origin, are included under the de- 
nomination, or, if we look to their position and 
admixture with their neighbours. Towards India, 
whose climate confounds, in the dark shades it 
imparts, all distinction of features, the Baloch 
tribes have a swarthy, almost black colour. On 
the frontiers of Kerman, where they border on 
the fair-complexioned races of Persia, the tribes 
have ruddy cheeks and grey eyes. It is not in- 
tended to affirm, however, that the several tribes 
may not generally be distinguished from each 
other, although by no very broad lines. Thus, the 
Rind tribes of Kach Gandava and the east, have 
certainly an appearance varying from that of the 
Brahui tribes, their neighbours to the west, owing, 
no doubt, in some measure to a different cast of 
features, and augmented by dissimilitude of dress, 
the Bind tribes wearing turbans, and never the 
Brahui hat, with garments of a somewhat vary- 
ing style. Again, it would not be difficult to dis- 
tinguish a Brahui from the Baloch races of the 
extreme west, as of Bam and Nurmanshir. The 
Brahuis are by no means a handsome race, and it is 


rare to observe amongst the males what would be 
called a fine countenance. The facial form is ge- 
nerally inclined to oval ; but the forehead is smalt 
as are the eyes; the nose is somewhat flattened, 
being seldom a prominent feature, the aquiline 
form is most uncommon, the lips are thin, and 
the chin insignificant. What has been remarked 
of the nose may be applied to the whole coun- 
tenance. It is deficient of prominence in expres- 
sion or features. In many of the ruder tribes, and 
the observation holds good with some of the Af- 
ghans, the forehead is so overgrown with hair that 
it is barely developed. The Lumri tribes of Las 
have a peculiar disposition of features, which at 
once separates them, the Brahuis, and other Ba- 
loch races, and confirms their affinity with the 
Rajput races of India. In stature the Brahuis 
do not generally exceed the middle size, to be 
accounted for by the accidental cause of hard fare, 
for the wealthy amongst them are as tall as other 
people. They are otherwise stout and well-pro- 
portioned. They wear their hair hanging loosely 
down their shoulders, and are extremely inattentive 
to cleanliness. The remarks made by Curtius, as 
to the disgusting appearance of the long lanky 
matted hair, hanging down in ropes, of the then 
inhabitants of the maritime provinces of this coun- 
try, are at this day perfectly applicable to them, 
as well as to those of the northern provinces. 
Amongst the Med inhabitants of the little towns 


on the coast, may be noted heads of hair exhi- 
biting that exuberance of natural and clustered 
ringlets, coinciding with the style in yogue during 
the epochs of the Parthian and Sassanian kings 
of Persia, as manifested by their coins and the 
various sculptured monuments dispersed over Persia. 
The Rinds and Magghassis of Kach Gandava have 
universally fine heads of hair, as have the greater 
proportion of the Jet tribes, and they are easily 
to be distinguished by their superfluity of pendent 
curls. The Lumris of Las, in common with their 
kindred races in Sind and the Panjdb, tie the hair 
in a knot at the crown ; a characteristic practice 
with some of the ancient German tribes, as noted 
by Tacitus and others. Marriages amongst the 
Baloches are always celebrated with a variety of 
festivities. Sang, or betrothal, is the first step, 
when the parents and friends of the parties as- 
semble, and enter into engagements, which they 
confirm by repeating fatiha. The interval between 
betrothal and the union of the young people is 
employed in the preparation of wedding garments, 
the fabric of carpets, and other articles for do- 
mestic purposes and convenience. A few days be- 
fore the final ceremony of nikkar takes place, min- 
strels attend, and the days are passed amid the 
melodies of vocal and instrumental music. On 
the marriage-day the bridegroom, arrayed in silks 
of gaudy colours, mounted on a horse and attended 
by his friends, makes a considerable circuit, while 


he emplores a blessing at some favoured "shrine. 
Large quantities of food are prepared and dis- 
tributed amongst neighbours ; and rejoicings con- 
tinue for more or less time, according to the means 
or dispositions of the parties. The bridegroom 
makes a pecuniary present to the father of the 
bride, who generally expends it in the purchase of 
trinkets and necessaries for his daughter. The 
entire expense of the marriage is defrayed by the 

On the birth of an infant there is much rejoicing, 
and music : distribution of food is also made. On 
the fourth day a name is conferred, and neighbours 
assemble to partake of shirini, or fruits and sweet- 
meats. On the sixth day, a sheep, or two, will be 
cooked, and friends entertained. On the seventh 
day, kattam, or circumcision, should be performed, 
although it is often postponed for a year or two. 
This being an important ceremony, it is distinguished 
by great festivity and large kairats. It is, in fact, 
the consecration of the juvenile member into the 
bosom of the Mahommedan church, and is an equi- 
valent for the Christian rite of baptism. 

On occasions of death, kairats are never neg- 
lected, and are frequently repeated, it being sup- 
posed that they benefit the soul of the deceased. 
The grave for a male is very little sunk, that for a 
female is made breast deep ; it being whimsically ' 
alleged that the nature of a woman is so restless, 
that without a large proportion of earth upon her 

VOL. iv. 2 F 


she would hardly remain quiet, even in the grave. 
There are few or no head-stones to the graves of 
ordinary persons, yet attention is paid to their pre- 
servation, and the tumulus above ground is covered 
with white and black fragments of stone, neatly 

Wives, on the decease of their husbands, neglect 
washing, and the usual cares bestowed on their 
persons, and sit making sad lamentations for a 
space not less than fifteen days, when their female 
relatives and friends conjure them to desist from 
weeping, and bring them the powder of Idrra, (a 
plant,) with which they lave their heads, and re- 
sume their wonted serenity and enjoyments. As 
it is understood that a widow's grief for the loss 
of her husband is excessive and sincere, and that 
she discards it only at the pressing instance of her 
relatives, should they maliciously not present them- 
selves, she may have to mourn for a longer period, 
perhaps a month or two. 

The domestic economy of the Brahuis is very 
simple and confined. Milk, so important an article 
in their household management, is obtained princi- 
pally from ewes and she-goats ; from the former in 
the largest proportion. Cows are exceedingly rare 
in Saharaw&i and Jhalawan, and buffaloes still 
more so. The milk of ewes is known to be heavy, 
and to yield much cream. I believe it is seldom 
made use of in England, and that it is unheard of 
in the vicinity of the metropolis; yet, in these 


countries, such as the greater part of Balochistan 
and Afghanistan, where there is not pasture for the 
larger animals, it forms the primary object of do- 
mestic attention, and forms the hasis of a variety 
of preparations, for which no adequate substitutes 
are to be found. 

Butter and cheese made from ewes'-milk are of 
good quality ; the latter, perhaps, a little pungent ; 
the former is not made from cream, as in England, 
but from mass, or curd, placed in an earthen jar, 
and agitated by a simple machine, consisting of a 
slender stick, at the end of which two small bars 
cross each other. It is impelled in its revolutions 
by the assistance of a string. 

M&ss, or curd, is one of the most frequent modes 
in which milk is employed as food. This is made 
by simply boiling the milk, and then inserting 
a portion of butter-milk, which imparts a tendency 
to coagulation, and a gently acidulated taste. The 
evening's milk is usually set apart for mss, the 
space of a night being necessary to render the 
conversion perfect ; while it is made use of for 
the repast of the morning. There are many other 
methods of making mass, practised in other coun- 
tries. I only notice that in general use amongst the 
Br&hliis. An effectual, but reprehensible method, 
is sometimes employed in Sind, of placing a piece 
of copper money in boiling milk. Mass is eaten 
as a relish or accompaniment to bread and rice. 
Seasoned with garlic, it is esteemed dainty, and is 

2 F 2 


a favourite mixture with many. Mass made into 
butter, of course, preserves its cream : but milk 
intended for mass, may be first deprived of it. 
The quality only of the curd is affected, 

In the preparation of cheese, the Brahuis have 
an excellent substitute for rennet in the seeds of 
a plant, named in consequence, panir-band. 

Roghan, or clarified butter, is undoubtedly the 
product derived from milk of the first consequence, 
and of the most general use. It is prepared in 
immense quantities, not only supplying a free con- 
sumption amongst the tom&ns, but furnishing the 
necessities of the towns. Roghan is a favourite 
oleaceous substance in all eastern countries, and 
is preferred to butter, being better adapted to tra- 
velling, and because it preserves -its freshness for 
a more considerable time, and that during the 
vicissitudes of heat and cold to which it may be 
exposed. The clarification of butter is effected by 
simply boiling the substance until its water be 
absorbed, or until it shows a disposition to granu- 
late. Sometimes a flavor is communicated by the 
addition of a few grains of jira or fennel seed, a 
small portion of sugar, or even a few grains of 
wheat. A yellow tint is frequently induced, by 
inserting during the process a little, turmeric. 

Shelanch of the Brahuis, or krut of the Afghans, 
is another preparation from milk. It is made by 
boiling buttermilk until the original quantity is re- 
duced one half. The thickened fluid is then placed 


in a bag of hair or wool, and suffered to drain, 
exposed to the solar heat. When the draining 
ceases the mass in the bag is formed into small 
dumps, which are dried unto hardness in the sun. 
When required for use, these dumps are pounded 
and placed in warm water, where they are worked 
by the hands until dissolved. The thickened fluid 
is then boiled with a share of roghan, and provides 
a meal, by having bread saturated in it. This is 
a favourite article of food in Afghanistan and wes- 
tern Persia. The Afghan preparation excels the 
Brahfii. It is a convenient food for travellers, being 
easy of transport and readily served. 

The milk of camels is but partially employed in 
the districts of upper Balochistan. It is much 
made use of in Las, and in northern Sind, where 
of all milk it is esteemed the sweetest. The abun- 
dance of ewes' milk completely supersedes its use 
in Sah&raw&n and the neighbourhood of the capi- 
tal, where the flocks are so numerous that it is 
customary for the experienced housewives of Ka- 
lat, during the vernal season, to repair to the ad- 
jacent hills, and to contract for the milk of a cer- 
tain number of ewes, at the rate of one rupee for 
two, during three successive months. They remain 
with the flocks, and prepare quantities of roghan, 
krut, &c., with which they return laden to their 

The favoured inhabitants of the smiling districts 
of Mastung and Shall, where Pomona has bounti- 


folly dispersed her treasures, have in their fruits 
during their respective seasons a store of sanative 
and luxuriant condiments, while the immense sur- 
plus of mulberries and apricots, which are carefully 
dried, supply them with an equally wholesome and 
nutritious diet during winter. Dried mulberries 
have a peculiar and grateful flavour like melilates, 
or honeyed gingerbread. Dried apricots are eaten 
as an accompaniment to bread, by being beaten up 
with water, and boiled with a proportion of roghan. 
The dish is called chamari, and may be made very 
agreeable, if duly spiced. In the districts of 
KMran, Nushki, &c., where the hing plant, or 
ferula assafoetida, is found, it is largely employed 
as food. The entire plant is used, and the natives 
are loud in their commendations of its zest and 
flavour, terming it " khush korak," or " pleasant 
food." Great quantities of this plant are, in season, 
brought to Kalat, and consumed chiefly by Hindus. 
The stem is, by the Brahufs, simply roasted. In 
like manner is eaten the stem of another species of 
ferula, called " hushi," (opopanax?) found abun- 
dantly in the hills. The hing plant is, moreover, 
pickled at Kalat, and is not unpalatable, retaining, 
however, that peculiar flavour which characterizes 
it. In Nushki and Giirghina, rawash, or native 
rhubarb, abounds. It is also used for food, the 
leaf stalks being selected. They are either roasted 
or eaten in a crude state, and are esteemed for 
their acidulated taste. 


In Kharan large quantities of a concrete whitish 
gum exude from a species of gaz, called shakr-gaz. 
It has a sweet taste, and is brought for sale to 
Kalat, where an ass's load is exchanged for two 
ass loads of wheat. In Kharan, during a deficiency 
of grain, it serves as a substitute for bread. As a 
stock for the winter season, the Brahui housewife 
prepares the entire carcases of one or more sheep, 
according to her means, by a process somewhat 
analogous to that by which bacon is got up. I 
do not remember to have seen such preparations 
in European countries, and they appeared to be 
worthy of imitation ; the process being simple, and 
the meat well preserved and flavoured, indeed re- 
sembling bacon. At the opening of the cold sea- 
son the animal is killed, the entire carcase deprived 
of the bones, and extended by means of short sticks. 
It is then well rubbed with common salt, and hung 
up on the ceiling of a room, or on its sides, or even 
without the house, that it may dry completely. It 
is not uncommon for the inner and outer walls of 
masjits to be covered with these flitches of mutton, 
and I never heard of any portion of them being pur- 
loined. The viscera, and all other edible parts of 
the sheep, are also salted and dried, but hung up 
distinct from the carcase. Mutton, so prepared, is 
called khaddit by the Br&huis, and l&ndi by the 
Afghans. In Panjghur it is prepared by being 
spiced as well as salted, and is said to be su- 


Independently of the articles of sustenance af- 
forded by their flocks and herds, the fleeces of the 
one, and the hairy hides of the other furnish mate- 
rials for clothing, and other necessary and useful 
objects, while, beside household cares, the principal 
occupation of the women consists in their fabric. 
The skins of sheep and goats are made into massaks, 
or vessels for the retention of water. They also 
serve to contain flour. Sufficiently cleanly, they 
are well adapted for the transport of water over 
extensive plains, slung in the rear, or on the side of 
the camel sheltered from the sun. If on arrival 
at the place of halt a tree be at hand, the massak, 
suspended on a branch, preserves the water delight- 
fully cool. 

The wool of sheep is beaten by slender sticks, or 
rods, held in either hand, and alternately descend- 
ing until it be reduced to a pulp fit for the fabric of 
namads, or felts. It is also spun into threads and 
woven into carpets, which are coloured with mad- 
der, indigo, turmeric, &c., all of which operations 
are carried on within tomans. The leaves of apple- 
trees are collected at their fall in autumn, and pre- 
served for use as a yellow dye, which is, I believe, a 
novel application of them. The hair of camels is 
often used as a base to carpets, upon which the lines, 
or various patterns in worsted are worked. It is 
exclusively adapted to the fabric of the coarse black 
coverings for tents, and for a variety of furniture for 
the living animal. As well as wool, it is employed 


in the construction of ropes and strings. Cloaks, 
here called shalls, are made of the same materials, 
and are in general use, varying in fineness of texture ; 
some of them are gaudily decorated with floss silk, of 
varied colours. The better fabrics of Nichara have 
a very gay appearance. As a general rule, the ma- 
nufactures, if we may so term them, of the Baloch 
pastoral tribes, are as much surpassed by those of 
the corresponding classes in Afghanistan, as these 
latter are by the productions of the same grade of 
artisans in Persia. 

It will be seen that the chief, if not the whole 
labour of a pastoral family, falls upon the woman. 
It is the same in all barbarous communities, and 
is the consequence of a rude state of society. The 
Brahtii never condescends to eat with his wife, 
and she patiently waits upon him during his repast, 
and cheerfully retires when it is completed, to 
regale upon the fragments which have been spared. 
The dwellings of the Brahuls are formed by a num- 
ber of long slender poles, bent and inverted towards 
each other, over which are extended slips of the 
coarse fabric of camel-hair, before noted, and dyed, 
generally black. The direction of the length is 
from east to west, the better to exclude the sun's 
rays. The interior management is as simple as the 
exterior. On the one side are piled up their bags of 
grain, flour, and other necessaries, which are con- 
cealed from view by a carpet spread over them in 
front, while above them are piled their stock of 


carpets and felts, neatly folded. The culinary uten- 
sils of the Brahuis are chiefly of copper, tinned, as 
are their dishes and ewers. They place their cakes 
of bread in carpet-bags, also their flour and salt. 
A single tent is called a bunghi, an assemblage of 
tents, a tom&n; and this is designated from the 
principal personage or patriarchal chief residing in 
it, as the toman of Fati Mahomed, the tom&n of 
Pir Baksh, &c., &c. 

Slavery is general throughout Balochistan, and 
there is no family of the least consideration that has 
not its complement of male and female slaves. 
These are generally Sidis, or negroes procured from 
the coast, whither they are brought from Maskat. 
At Kalat there are some slaves both of Baloch and 
Afghan origin ; but the condition of these is gene- 
rally better than that of the negro, who, if not 
absolutely ill-used, is not much considered in mat- 
ters of food and clothing. Khanazadas, or slaves, 
born in the families of their owners are more fa- 
voured. Many of them are placed under the charge 
of a mulla when young, and acquire the accom- 
plishments of reading, writing, &c. They are, 
moreover, confidentially employed, well apparelled, 
and as respectable and comfortable as slaves can 
be. Mehrab Khan had a great number of khana- 
zadas ; many of them were opulent, and preferred 
to the government of his towns, and other high 
offices. The late Shahgh&ssi Nur Mahomed, the 
present Darogah, Gill Mahomed, and Eehimdad, 


were all khanazadas. The proprietors of slaves 
exercise over them an absolute power of life and 
death, without right of appeal to the tribunals 
of the country ; or, in other words, the law does 
not interfere in questions between masters and 




THE palang, or leopard, would seem to be the 
most formidable of the wild animals ranging the 
hills of SahSrawan, yet the species is not abundant. 
Kaftars, or hyenas, are more numerous, and the 
daring huntsman sometimes makes them the objects 
of his chace. 

Gurges, or wolves, exist in considerable numbers, 
and it is a common occurrence for huntsmen to ex- 
pose, in the hills, the carcase of a dead animal, and 
placing themselves in ambush to shoot these beasts 
as they assemble for prey. Wolves, during the 
winter, become sufficiently audacious to attack man, 
and to carry off children. 

There is an animal called peshkozeh, which is 
represented to be larger than a cat, with a reddish- 
coloured hide. It moves in companies, and attacks 
deer and sheep. Its mode of descending perpen- 
dicular precipices, as described, is singular, each 
animal fixing his teeth in the tail of another, and 
forming a kind of chain. 


Perhaps the most interesting animal found in this 
country is the wild mountain-sheep. It exists in 
great numbers. Its fleece is tinged with a deep 
red hue, the breast of the male being of a glossy 
black, and that of the female of a delicate white- 
ness. The male has very long spiral horns : in the 
hills near Mastung is a variety with straight taper- 
ing horns. The male has also a long beard, attains 
a much larger size than the female, and has a very 
fine appearance. The females are said to bring 
forth every spring two young ones, a male and fe- 
male. In the season of breeding combats amongst 
the males are general, the females standing aloof, 
and becoming the rewards of the victors. At such 
times they are unusually thirsty, a circumstance of 
which hunters profit, by concealing themselves near 
the spots where they are constrained to repair for 
water, and thence deliberately taking aim at them. 
After the period of delivery, great numbers of the 
young are carried off by the Brahftis, and brought 
to Kalat for sale. The hunting of the wild-sheep 
is a favourite pastime in Balochistan. In winter, 
the Brahui follows the chace, and continues to do 
so until the close of spring. The meat of this 
animal is very dark-coloured, but is esteemed deli- 
cious food. The skins are favourite substitutes 
for carpets or mats, to repeat prayers upon ; and 
many of the masjits, in the little villages amongst 
the hills, have their floors spread over with them. 
The horns of the beast adorn the exteriors of the 


buildings, and, with the antlers of deer, are fre- 
quently ostentatiously suspended on trees and 
rustic shrines. I may note, that many persons 
assured me that the straight, tapering horned 
animal alluded to above, was the wild-goat ; and, I 
believe, our European gentlemen have pronounced 
it to be the ibex. The gur-khar, or wild-ass, was 
formerly to be found on the dasht Guran, and in 
GtirgMna, but has disappeared of late years. It 
is still occasionally seen about Kh&ran. It also 
ranges the plain of D&lbanding, on the road from 
Nushki to Jalk. South-easterly of Kalat, it is said, 
to be found on the Pat of Shikarpur, between 
Tambu and Roj&n. Nasir Khan had one of these 
animals, which is said to have become quite tame. 
The flesh of the gur-khar is esteemed lawful food. 

Khasm, or deer, are common in the hills, as are 
hares on the plains.' A yellow or dun-coloured 
ground rat is universal throughout the country, as 
are jackals. Hedgehogs are not rare. 


The birds of this part of the world mostly resem- 
ble those to be met with in more eastern regions. 
The common crow; the bird with black plumage 
and long forked tail, called by Europeans king of 
the crows ; the handsome speckled and crested 
bird, called here miirg sulim&n, the common 


sparrow, the crested lark, the cuckoo dove, the 
wild pigeon, the mainah, the kingfisher, called mitu, 
with the large common vulture, called khalmalak, 
may all be seen in Hindustan. Besides them are 
the raven, the magpie, the daw, and a bird interme- 
diate in size between the raven and crow, of very 
glossy black plumage, with red beak and legs. Its 
meat is reputed good. There are also owls, hawks, 
swallows, and two of three varieties of birds of 
small size and dull plumage. In Las and Kach 
Gandava are perroquets ; and on the shores of the 
former province are large flocks of flamingoes. In 
a dry elevated region, like Saharawan and the 
greater part of Jhalawan, aquatic fowl are, of 
course, but .rare, yet large flocks of them annu- 
ally pass over, in their migrations. Ducks are to 
be found about Sohrab, and again near Kharan. 
The smaller kinds of game, as partridges and quail, 
are plentiful, the titta, the chikhor, the budina, &c., 
and in Kach Gandava the hobara, a splendid variety 
of bustard, prevails. As Sind is approached, the 
wild fowl, the original of our domestic poultry, 
ranges in the jangal. 


Of the insects common, the two or three varieties 
of wasp, and a large species of hornet, are analogous 
to those of warmer countries. Gad-flies are like 


those of England, and the ordinary white butterfly 
is abundant. At Kalat the caterpillar is a very 
beautiful object, and has a length of four or five 
inches. Beetles of a large size abound. There is 
a very troublesome bug, called mangur, which infests 
the houses of Kal&t, and annoys by its bite both 
natives and strangers, the latter more severely. It 
is always seen bloated with blood. By some, its 
presence is imputed to the juniper cedar wood 
employed in the construction of every house, by 
others to the mud used in raising the walls. There 
is no mode of avoiding the attack of this insect, 
but cold bathing is recommended to prevent the 
ill consequences of its wounds. There are likewise, 
of ordinary insects, dragon-flies, ladybirds, skippers, 
soldiers and sailors, ear-wigs, ground-fleas, crickets, 
grasshoppers, gnats, scorpions, centipedes, &c., &c. 


Of this class there are land tortoises, frogs, toads, 
lizards and serpents. Of lizards there are two 
varieties common to the soil, the large guana, or 
shhsh m&r, as called, and a small species, most abun- 
dant, called chelpassa. On walls, and in every 
house is a small lizard, the fly-catcher. The excre- 
ment of the guna is held in repute for some medi- 
cinal properties, particularly for ailments of the 
eye. Serpents are by no means few, and their bites 

BOTANY. 449 

are considered venomous. I doubt it, as instances 
thereof, which fell under my observation, were 
always relieved by no more effectual remedy than 
a dam, or incantation. 


To the botanist the vegetable productions of 
Saharawan and Jhalawan undoubtedly present an 
ample field for the gratification of his delightful 
and favourite studies. I have to regret the want 
of scientific information, which permits me only 
to enumerate some of the more conspicuous objects 
which present themselves in this elegant depart- 

To myself, a superficial observer, the similarity 
and approximation of the vegetable productions of 
Balochistan, and those of India, on the one side, 
and of Persia on the other, could not but be ap- 
parent. In the southern provinces there are few 
plants not to be found in Western India; in the 
northern provinces very many occur which are to 
be met with in the hills and valleys of Shir&z 
and Persepolis. The vegetation of Persia is, how- 
ever, more vigorous. 

The olive-tree, or zaitun, is found in the hills 
of Jhalawan and Saharawan, and appears to ex- 
tend over all the mountainous tract between the 
meridian of Kalat and that of the Indus. It 

VOL. iv. 2 a 


flourishes in the hills of the Suliman range, and 
of Bangash. It is also a native of the hills of 

The ghwen, or galangiir, (the banni, or binah, 
of the Shiraz hills,) is a middle-sized tree, abundant 
on the lower hills and less elevated regions of the 
superior ones of Saharawan, where it is always 
observed to fail where the juniper cedar-tree com- 
mences. This tree, a species of mastich, bears clus- 
ters of berries of a red or purplish tint, when ma- 
ture, in which it differs from the Persian species, 
whose berries, when ripe, are white, or yellowish, 
like those of the mistletoe. The skin of the berry 
covers a viscous matter, in which is enclosed a 
stone with a kernel, yielding to expression a bland 
oil. A gum-resin exudes from the trunk and 
branches of this tree, which is supposed to possess 
vulnerary virtues," but is here not collected. In 
Persia it is applied to useful purposes in the arts. 
The berries, having an acidulated flavour, are eaten 
by the Brahtiis. 

The appurs, or juniper cedar-tree, seems more 
peculiar to the mountains of Saharawan. It con- 
tributes by its solemn and majestic appearance to 
the scenery of the hills, and is the wood prin- 
cipally used at Kalat for purposes of building and 
fuel. It abounds on the eastern ranges of Saha- 
rawan, and on Chehel Tan, delighting in the su- 
perior regions. It bears clusters of berries, which 
are gathered, when perfected, and sent for sale 

BOTANY. 451 

as medicines to Sincl and Hindustan. The appurs 
is said to be the harhar kohi of Persian authors. 

The siah-chob, or black-wood, is a shrubby tree 
of the SaharawAn hills. It has a variety of per- 
pendicular stems, shooting to the height of ten or 
twelve feet. The leaves are minute, and the 
branches bear thorns. It derives its name from 
the colour of its stems, which are, however, dark 
red, rather than black. This tree is found in the 
hills of the Hindu Kosh, north of the Kohistan 
of Kabal, and there yields shirkhist, or manna. 

The mazmuk is a low bushy shrub, also with 
thorns and minute leaves, which bears, in large 
tears, a very pure gum, varying in shade from a 
clear white to yellow and red. It is found on the 
higher hills of Saharawan. The gum is neglected, 
or nearly so, although it might be procured in quan- 
tity, and the finer specimens are not excelled in 
translucence or purity by gum-arabic. 

The fig-tree is a native of the hills of Balochis- 
tan, as of those of Persia. It is found in the shel- 
tered situations of ravines and water-courses. Its 
matured fruit is very palatable, the rind white, and 
the inner pulp of a lively red. 

The hills of Saharaw&n have, according to my 
observation, four varieties of ferula, the most im- 
portant of which is the hing, or ferula assafoetida. 
This plant spreads itself over a large extent of 
country, being found on the western hills of Sa- 
harawan, and on those of Nushki, Shorawak, and 

2 & 2 


Peshing. It even occurs so far south as the neigh- 
bourhood of Wad, in Jhdlawan. It is found in 
the -vicinity of Sistan, and flourishes extremely in 
some parts of western Khorasan, as near Ghain, 
whence, via Kandahar, passes to the east much of 
the assafoetida of commerce. Again, it becomes 
an article of lucrative traffic with the natives of 
Seghan, Kamerd, Ajer, &c., north of Bamian, whose 
hills and valleys produce the plant abundantly. 

The gum-resin is 'collected at Ntishki, and was 
formerly at Gurghina, but the plant there in late 
years is said to have failed. Little of the produce 
of Balochistan finds its way into the markets be- 
yond its frontiers. It is in general use as a savoury 
ingredient in cookery, and the green plant is uni- 
versally eaten. The assafoetida of comftierce is 
usually adulterated with flour, sand, and other sub- 
stances. A test of its purity is affirmed to be, the 
retention of its liquescency for a year. With re- 
spect to the medicinal virtues of assafoetida, its 
anthelmintic powers are alone known to the 
Brahtiis, who administer the seeds of the plant to 
children afflicted with worms, and distribute the 
gum-resin amongst their melon fields, to preserve 
the plants from the ravages of earth worms. They 
conclude that the quantities of the drug annually 
passing through their country to Bombay are des- 
tined to similar purposes. 

The ferula, next to assafoetida in importance, is 
called hushi ; it is, I suspect, the Persian jowashir, 

BOTANY. 453 

and may be the pastinaca opopanax. It bears a 
gum-resin, but this is wholly neglected. The green 
plant is roasted and eaten by the Brahuis. This 
ferula, like the assafoetida, ranges over a large ex- 
tent of country, but is more universal than that 
plant. I believe that it everywhere accompanies the 
assafoetida, but it is also common on the granite 
and gneiss ranges of Kftbal, to which the more 
valuable vegetable is a stranger. There is an irre- 
gularity in the dispersion o"f the assafoetida, but 
which no doubt admits of explanation. I have seen 
it only on hills of secondary formation, on those of 
Shorawak and Seghan, but had not the opportunity 
of verifying whether it is peculiar to them. The 
hushi flourishes vigorously on the hills near Kabal, 
and large quantities of the gum-resin might be ob- 
tained. Esteemed a vulnerary, it enters into the 
composition of ointments, but no~ further use is 
made of it. The dried stems are sol# in the bazars 
as fuel, and selected ones are distributed in the 
roofs of houses. 

There are two other species of ferula, much in- 
ferior in size to the hushi. On neither of them 
could I detect any gum-resin. They are very 

A variety of the gaz, or tamarisk tree, flourishing 
principally in Khar&n,-but found also in the valley 
of tKe Mulloh river, yields a sweet-tasted gum, as 
has been elsewhere noted. The tree producing it 
differs from the common variety of tamarisk in 


having white flowers in place of red ones, and that 
its verdure is of a more lively, although paler green. 
The variety in question bears also a species of galls, 
which, like those of the oak tree, are used as mor- 
dants in dyeing. The gum and tree have both the 
name of shakr-gaz, and the galls are called sakor. 
I have reason to believe that this species of tama- 
risk is known in the swamps of Mazanderan. The 
common tamarisk, or gaz, is met with along the en- 
tire line of road from S6nmiani to Shall, and in- 
deed from thence to Kandahar, Gazni, and Kabal, 
but never larger than a straggling bush, and always 
in swampy grounds* This tree thrives particularly 
in the valley of the Indus, at Bah&walpur, MuMn, 
Peshawer, and at Jelalabad. It is the athello of 
the Arabs. A solitary tree of the species amongst, 
the ruins of old Babylon, is supposed by some to be 
a vestige of the famed hanging gardens. Be this as 
it may, the athello, or gaz, as a shrub, still fringes 
the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris. 

The oleander, or gandeli, as called, is found in the 
stony beds of the torrents of Balochistan. With 
its handsome appearance and splendid tufts of 
flowers it enlivens many a dreary scene. A native 
of the hills south of Shiraz, it is found, in delightful 
contrast to the bold and stern features of the rocky 
landscape, along the beds of the mountain rivulets 
which traverse them. The plant is poisonous to 
cattle, and its firm-pointed leaves possess acrid pro- 
perties* Its BrShui name is jowar, and " am chi 

BOTANY. 455 

talin ka jowar," or " as bitter as jowar, 3 ' is a 

Two or three varieties of willows are found in 
Saharawan, near water-mills, or on the banks of 
canals. They are not indigenous, neither are the 
poplars, chanars, or planes, and cypresses, to be seen 
in gardens. 

The plains of Saharawan, as well as of Jhalawan, 
so far south as Baghwan, are covered with two 
notable varieties of plants; one called bunti, or 
terk, the other kar-sh6t6r. The former has two 
species, the stalks of the one white or yellowish, of 
the other red, constituting the white and the red 
terk. The latter is esteemed a febrifuge. This plant 
is general over the wilds of Afghanistan. It has a 
fragrant and peculiar odour, like rue, which it im- 
parts to the passing breeze. It is eagerly eaten by 
camels, sheep, and goats, and, when dried, is col- 
lected for fuel. The kar-shutur, or camel's-thorn, 
is, as its name implies, a thorny bush, and a fa- 
vourite food of camels. Besides these, the manguli 
is a common plant, bearing yellow flowers. It is 
said to be poisonous to horses and camels, not so to 
sheep and goats. About Kalat, and generally in 
cultivated ground, the shir-gunar is a frequent plant, 
from which exudes a highly acrid milk. Near the 
skirts of hills, and in their lower regions, are a 
number of odoriferous plants. During the spring, 
so profuse is the vegetation on the hills that num- 
bers of sheep constantly die of repletion. The 


animals burst, and their flesh, while eaten, becomes 
nearly black* The hills of Saharawan and Jha- 
lawan boast a great diversity of flowering plants 
with bulbous roots. Of these, the varieties of the 
lala, or tulip, of the orchis, &c., are most conspicuous. 
Pinks are general. Amongst the many other plants 
of the plain, and of the little pasture-ground occur- 
ring, are several common in England, as clover, 
hawkweed, mallows, thyme, horse-mint, dandelion, 
star-flowers, docks, iris, camomile, cuckoo's bread 
and cheese, &c. 

The wild white rose abounds on the hills of Sa- 
harawan, and seems to select the higher elevations. 
The petals are gathered for medicinal uses, and 
females and children make themselves necklaces of 
the scarlet hips. As we proceed northward towards 
K4bal, the wild rose is of a yellow colour, and, with 
its blossoms covering the entire stems and branches, 
is a magnificent object. Its leaves are most minute. 
Bed and white wild roses at Kabal are very seldom 
seen, but again prevail in certain favoured spots in 
the Hazarajat. 

A thorny bush y called shinaluk, abounds on the 
hills of Kalat, and is much used as fuel. It bears 
yellow flowers, like the furze-bush, and, like it, 
burns fiercely and with a crackling noise. The true 
furze embellishes with its golden blossoms the neigh- 
bourhood of Wad. 

Of the many plants found in the hills, there are 
some possessing medicinal properties, and some 

BOTANY. 457 

which are useful in other ways. Of the medicinal 
plants, hishwarg and panirband may be noted. They 
both delight in temperate climates, and are found 
principally amongst the hills of Jhalawan. They 
are alike natives of the hills of Eastern Afghanis- 
tan. Hishwarg, which may be a species of justicia, 
is esteemed a refrigerant and febrifuge. The leaves 
and roots, of a harsh bitter taste, are used in de- 
coction, the roots being deemed most effectual. 
Panirband (the cheese-maker) is the constant com- 
panion of the former, and a very similar plant in 
appearance and manner* of growth, there being 
slight differences in the colour of the leaves and 
form of the flowers. Panirband has leaves of a 
mouse colour, and its flowers are umbelliferous, 
while those of hishwarg are of the tuberose descrip- 
tion. In the former they are succeeded by globular 
seed vessels, the parts of the plant held of value. 
These are invested with a yellow, waxy pulp, when 
ripened, of an astringent and sweetly bitter taste, and 
are much celebrated for their efficacy in pains and 
disorders of the stomach. In the valley of the 
Indus, where they are sold in shops, I have wit- 
nessed that they are serviceable. In such cases, I 
could not account for their mode of action, although 
I could readily believe them to be tonic. Inserted 
in milk, they have the property of coagulating it, 
whence they serve as substitutes for rennet, and this 
circumstance has conferred upon the plant its name. 
Besides these, the plantago, ispaghul, is common, 


and, as a demulcent, is much used. Another plant, 
called yutrangan, and by Afghans trikandar, is cele- 
brated, however idly, for its aphrodisiac virtues. The 
cassia senna, common in Sind, prevails along the 
line of coast westward. It is also found so far north 
as Hshtnagar, in the plain of Peshawer. This is 
one of those plants which distinctly exhibits the 
sexual variations, like the date tree, and lasura, or 
cordia myxa. 

Amongst the useful plants, the fiesh, a species of 
aloe, is perhaps the more generally so. From its 
fan-like leaves are manufactured mats, ropes, san- 
dals, and numerous articles of domestic conveni- 
ence. This plant affects a mild moderate tempera- 
ture. In Afghanistan it is a native of the hills of 
Bangash and Peshawer. The thin flexile branches 
and stems of the gishtar are made into a sub- 
stitute for whipcord and catgut by the Brahuis; 
the plant has no leaves. They are also considered 
strengthening diet for camels, which eagerly feed 
on them. The marmut, a variety of lichen, is some- 
times employed as food, but more generally as a 
medicine ; it is thought efficacious in diseases of 

It will be seen, from the preceding observations, 
that Balochistan, while it may boast of some variety 
in its plants, is by no means a woody country. The 
largest trees indigenous to its hills are the ghwen 
and apurs, and neither has a height exceeding twen- 
ty to twenty-five feet. While the variations in 


latitude of the several provinces are not important, 
the differences in elevation are sufficient to cause a 
strong contrast in their vegetable productions. This 
is very observable with regard to the provinces of 
Saharawan and Kach Gandava, under the same pa- 
rallel. In the former are to be seen most of the 
trees and plants I have enumerated ; in the latter 
are to be met with, of indigenous growth, little be- 
yond stunted mimosas, hers, and karils. The south- 
ern and maritime province of Las has a few trees of 
Indian origin, which may be considered importa- 
tions, as the kenatti (palma Christi), the doguri 
(ficus religiosa), and the emmali or ambli (tamar 
Indicus), with the nim (melia azadarachta). It has 
others common to both countries, as the tamarisk, 
the peru, the ber, the perpuk, the karil, the d^dar, 
and a few which, if not peculiar to it, are not found 
eastward, as the guguT, producing the gum-bdel- 
lium, the olive, the krtip, a species of capparis, &c. 


That a country possessing so large a proportion 
of mountainous surface as Balochistan, should be 
destitute of metallic and mineral treasures is hardly 
to be credited. That they are unknown or neg- 
lected, must be ascribed to the ignorance and 
apathy of the inhabitants. The extensive regions 
under note have never been scientifically explored, 


and present, no doubt, an ample field to reward 
skilful research. That the metallic and mineral 
treasures have not been developed, we are told 
is owing to an aversion to excite the cupidity, or 
to promote the benefit, of the Durdnis, who claim 
the produce of mines. The sulphur mines of Kach 
Gandava, worked formerly with vivacity, were held 
by them under a military force, and the revenue 
was enjoyed by the governor of Dera Ghazi Khan. 

The mountain chains of Balochistan are of com- 
pact limestone, enclosing, as instanced at Chehel 
Tan, marine shells and corals, identical with si- 
milar objects picked up on the sea shores at this 
day. At the skirts of the ranges bordering on 
Kach Gandava and Sincl, where evidences of a 
peculiar action are manifest in tepid and sulphu- 
reous springs, marine petrifactions of an earlier 
date are frequent ; at least, not to be identified with 
the present products of the ocean. The paral- 
lelism of the principal ridges of Balochistan deserves 
attention, particularly as it pervades by far the 
greater part of the chains which, radiating south- 
ward from the primary belt of the Caucasus, rib 
as it were this part of the world. The direction 
is from north by east to south by west. The mi- 
nor ranges, which stretch into the northern Pan- 
jab, from the Pir Panj&l belt, east of the Indus ; 
and west of that river, the ranges which define 
the limits of Shamla, Banu, Sohdt, and Bajore, with 
those farther to the westward, separating Lughm&o, 


from Taghoh and Nijroh; and again these places 
from the Kohistan and Koh Daman, have all the 
same inclination; so has the chain bounding to 
the west Koh Daman and the Kohistan, while 
supporting the elevated mountainous region of the 
Hazarajat. Farther south the hills of eastern Ban- 
gash, the long chain of Chaisaghar, or Takht Suli- 
man, west of the Indus, the ranges intersecting the 
country south of Ghazni, and between it and Shall, 
have a strictly conformable course. In Balochis- 
tan the continuity of the system of parallelism 
is preserved by the chains separating Kach Gan- 
d&va and the valley of Sind from Saharawan and 
Jhalawan, by the minor ridges extending west of 
them, until they merge into the loftier barrier of 
Khwoja Amran, dividing Saharawan, Sherrud, and 
Peshing from Shorawak, Buldak, and the vicinity 
of Kandahar. 

It must not, however, be supposed that all the 
mountains in this part of the world have the 
same direction. While there is evidently one 
system, distinguished by its inclination from north 
to south, there is as palpably another extending 
from east to west. Belonging to it are the Sef6d 
Koh range, south of the Jelalabad valley, the 
Siah Koh, north of .the same valley; the ridges 
south of the valley of Kabal, and the range 
traversing the chains of Saharawan, and marking 
the course of the Bolan river. To examine the 
structure of these various hills would, no , doubt, 


be a labour of interest, and one which might lead 
to the confirmation of many important geognostic 
theories, or displace them by others more agreeable 
to facts. I regret it is in my power only to show- 
there is something to be done. While the hills 
of Balochistan, that is the more considerable ones, 
are of limestone, as we proceed northward, and 
approach the superior belt of Caucasus, in the vi- 
cinity of Kabal, the ridges are composed of gneiss 
and mica slates. There are also ridges of pure 
granite ; and there is one circumstance which struck 
me, that the pure granite is always attended by 
genuine slate, while the spurious granite, or gneiss, 
is never without mica slate. Very many of the 
granite ranges in the vicinity of the Caucasus being 
distinct, are highly instructive, as the peculiarities 
of their construction and conformation become ap- 
parent. These have, I believe invariably on the 
one front, a bold, and more or less abrupt aspect ; 
on the other, towards their bases, they support a 
mass of upraised schistose strata. 

Of metals known to exist, lead is most abun- 
dant, being found at Khozdar, in the hills between 
Sind and Balochistan, and again in the ranges be- 
tween Kalat and Panjghtir. The same hills yield 
antimony. Iron obviously occurs in the hills north 
of Bela, and so widely dispersed a metal must needs 
be found in many other places. Copper^ is believed 
to occur in the hills west of Sohrab and Ghiddar, 
also at Kisandun, "between Sohrb and Rodinjo. 


The sulphur mines of Kachi are in the hills west 
of Suran and Sannl They are lazily worked, and 
yield a profit of twelve thousand rupees annually. 
Formerly they yielded five times as much. The 
ore is carried to Bagh for purification. It is ef- 
fected by boiling the pounded matter in oil, until 
the fluid is evaporated, when the stones and im- 
purities subside, and the sulphur remains on the 
surface. Fine porcelain clay abounds in the low 
hills between Kalat and Mangachar ; much of the 
limestone of the hills is so translucent as to be, 
in fact, excellent marble. Boles and ochres are 
common, and in the Bolan valley is an earth re- 
sembling fullers'-earth, and applied to similar pur- 
poses. Coal occurs both in the Bolan pass and in 
the hills of Gurghina. Agates, and fragments of 
jasper, are found in the hills east of Kalat, near 
Shalkoh, and are used in place of flints. 



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