Narrative Of Various Journeys In Balochistan Afghanistan The Panjab And Kalat Vol IV

NARRATIVE

OF VARIOUS JOURNEYS

IN

BALOCHISTAN, AFGHANISTAN,

THE PANJAB, & KALAT,

HBtmng a ttegfrtnct in tfjose

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

AN ACCOUNT OF THE INSURRECTION AT KALAT, AND^ MEMOIR ON
EASTERN BALOCHISTAN.

B4r CHARLES MASSON, ESQ.

ILLUSTRATED WITH A LARGE MAP AND NUMEROUS

IN FOUIt VOUJJ'M'BS:

LONDON:

EIOHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET.
: in Ortfinarj) t0 H
1844.

CONTENTS

OF

THE FOURTH VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

PAGE

Objects of Journey. Determination of route. State of the conn-
try. Capt. Outranks narrative. Imputations on R4him Khan.
Departure from Karachi. Route to Sunmiani. Reception at Sun-
miani. Interview with the Jim. Darbar. -Deportment of Rdhim
Khan. State of feeling in Las. Interview with Rehim Khan.
His satisfaction. Exculpation of R4him Khan. Departure from
Stinmiani. Incidents at Obddi. Whirlwind. Arrival at B6k.
Delays and disastrous rumours. Indecision of my companion.
His departure* Mehrab Khan's brother. Capt. Wallace's letter.
Lieut. Loveday's messenger. Interview with Melirab Khan's
brother. His distress and intentions. Departure from Bela.
Reflections on iihe uncertainty existing in Las, The appoint-
ment of an agency and its abolition ,

CHAPTER IL

Walipat. Entrance of the Hills. Old Acquaintance. Route to
Miran Kushteh. Route to Baran Lak. Turkabar. Kala Dara.
Review of route. Day at Kala Dara. Approach to Wad.
Reception at Wad. Mir Rahmat's arrival. His amusements.
Afghan H^ji. Mir Rahmat's frivolity. Negro slaves. Opinions
at Wad. Shir Mahomed's return. Departure from Wad. Isa
Khan's garden. Route to Baghwan. Meeting with Khan Maho-
med Khan. Lead Mines of Kappar. Gohar-basta. Arrival at

VOL. TV.

VI CONTENTS.

PARE

Baghwan. Civilities of Shah Nawaz Khan.- Interview with him.
Mir Atta Kh&i. Route to Kalat. Zohwar. Lakorian. Gohar-
basta. Anjirah. Civil reception at Sohrab. Route to Rodinjo.
Reception there. Arrival at Kalat. Welcome of friends. Lieut.
Loveday's remark. Reputation of Lieut. Loveday. Interview with
Lieut. Loveday. Conversation. Second interview. Conversation
with Munshi Grhulam Hussen. Selection of residence. Objection
to revisit Lieut. Loveday . . . . . .36

CHAPTER III.

Condition of Kalat. Events producing it. Origin of intercourse
with Mehrab Khan. Sir Alexander Burnes^s information. Protest
against treaty. Capture of Kalat, and death of Mehrab Khan.
Changes in the government and dismemberment of Kalat. Opinions
of Mehrab Khan's guilt or innocence.' Charges against him.
Explanations thereof. Proceedings of the envoy and minister,
His bribery of Naib Mulla Hassan. The nib's duplicity and
knavery. Mission of Sir Alexander Burnes to Kalat, The results.
March of troops upon Kalat. Continued knavery of the khan's
agents. His neglect of defensive arrangements. Assault on Kalat.
Detection of the villany of Naib Mulla Hassan and others.
Mehrab Khan's injunctions to his son. Prize jewels. Impolitic
measures of the political authorities. Partition of the country.
Recognition of Shah Nawziiz Khan. Political appointment.
Activity of Lieut. Loveday. The son of Mehrab Khan a fugitive in
Kharan 77

CHAPTER IV.

Residence at Kalat. Panic in the country. Arrival of kafila.
Misfortune of Yaiya, a de*hwar. Consternation. Commencement
of revolt and slaughter of a party of sipahfs at Mastung. Refuse to
leave Kalat. Proceedings of darogah Gul Mahomed, Alarm at
Kalat. Removal to the Babi suburb. Darbar of Shall Nawaz
Khan. Abode in Atta Mahomed's garden. Faiz Ahmed's pre-
cautions. Attack upon Quetta. Lieut. Leech's promptitude.
Retreat of the insurgents from Quetta. Lieut. Loveday^s remark, <
Shah NawHz Khan's measures. His levees. Intrigues at Kalat.
Causes of dissatisfection. Diplomatic blunders in Kachi. Lieut.

CONTENTS. Yii

PAGE

Loveday's invitation. Inter view with him. Consent to remain
with him during the siege. Haji Osman. State of the defences.
Efforts to improve them. Manning of the walls. Disposition of the
fortifications, Preparations. Scarcity of grain . , 116

CHAPTER V.

Appearance of the enemy. Instantaneous attack, Assailants
repulsed. Enthusiasm of Kamal Khan's men, Discourse with
Kamal Khan and Khan Mahomed. Illiberally of Shah Nawaz
Khan and of Lieut. Lovcday. Conversation with Mir BoheV. Bis
scruples set at rest. Practice with the guns. Renewed attack.
Plans of the rehels. Firing the suburbs. Assad Khan's careful-
ness. Expectation of an assault, Preparations to meet it. Assault.
Its repulse. Gallantly of Nasrulah and a party of sipahis. Peril
of Shah Nawaz Khan. Surrender of the son of Jelal Khan.* Results
of the discomfiture. Treachery of part of the garrison. Visit to
the scene of the assault. Renewed attack. Lieut. Loveday in
danger. Repulse of attack. Panic in the town. Equivocal con-
duct of Kamal Khan. Shah Nawaz Khan dejected. Arrival of
vakil from the rebels. Conference between Kamal Khan and the
rebel chieftains. Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Boher anxious to con-
tinue the defence. Lieut. Loveday's indecision. Arrangement of
Shah Nawaz Khan. Evil counsels of Lieut. Loveday's advisers/
Lieut. Loveday's missions to the rebel camp. Frustration of Shah
Nawaz Khan's endeavours to support himself. Knavery of Lieut.
Loveday's agents. Their exultation at his credulity. Lieut. Love-
day refuses to leave Kalat, Communications from Quetta. Final
effort of Shah Nawaz Khan to induce Lieut. Loveday to accompany
him. Renewed missions to the rebel camp. Terror of Mir Fati
Khan. Shah Nawaz Khan repairs to the rebel camp. His abdica-
tion and solicitude for Lieut. Loveday. Entry of the son of Mehrab
Khan into the town. Visit of Faiz Ahmed, Farewell visit of
Shah Nawaz Khan. Lieut. Lovcday presents nazzers to the young
khan and Bibi Ganjanf. His fatal errors. My counsels and con-
duct. My further stay, and causes thereof 142

Yiii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI

PAGE

Continued delusion and treachery. Distraction of Brahui coun-
cils. Mahomed Szdik's appointment. Orders from the citadel.
Communications with and from Capt. Bean. Advance of troops to
Mobah. Their retreat. Haji Osman's defection. Capt. Bean's
proposals. Efforts to procure a letter to the king. The darogah's
obstinate convictions. Arrangements contemplated. Their rejec-
tion. Departure of Grafur to Quetta. Capt. Bean's replies. De-
mands on Lieut. Loveday. Nasrulah's final acts of treachery.
Meditated attack. Preliminary steps. Attack from the citadel and
surrounding houses. Operations during the night. Parley. Defec-
tion of part of the sipahis. The daxogah*s measures. The house
entered. Transfer of Lieut. Loveday and myself to the citadel.
Incidents there. Interview with the son of Mehrab Khan. Apart-
ment assigned for our confinement. Rejoicings of the Brahuis,'
Loss of property and manuscripts . 181

CHAPTER VII.

Chamber of Blood. Nature of our custody. Insults of Brdhuis.
-Shaghassf Wall Mahomed. Treatment. Lieut. Loveday's
attendants. The darogah's disappointment. Interview with da-
rogah. His proposition.' Lieut. Loveday's stipulation. The
darogah's anger. The darogah's intention. Abstraction of Sampat.
His return. Suspicions as to treasure and jewels. Lieut. Love-
day's danger. Averted by Faiz Ahmed. Interview between Lieut*
Loveday and the darogah. Letters written for Capt. Bean.
Intended advance of Brhus from Kalat to Mastung. My release
refused on account of Lieut. Loveday's sayings. Arrival of letter
and messenger from Reliim Khan. Regret of messenger. Arrival
of Mir Azem Khan at Kalat ..... 203

CHAPTER VIII.

Departure for Mastting. Scene at Kalat. Nasrtilah. The
young khan. Route to Mastung. Incident at Kare*z Amanulah.
Arrival of darogah and sirdars. Interview with darogah. Capt.
Bean's letters. The darogah's vigilance. Lieut. Loveday fettered

CONTENTS. IX

PAGE

at night. Yusef Khan's rancour. Entry into Mastung. Place of
confinement. Interview with Kalikdad. Preparation of letters for
Quetta. Intelligence respecting Ghulam Khan. His arrival in
camp. Captured daks, or posts. Indignation of the Brahuis.
Kalikdad's apology for me. Interview with the darogah. Report
of conversation. Extra guards, and their evils. Incidents at Mas-
tung. Mahomed Khan's discontent, Kotru chiefs and Mir Bohe'r
join. Major Clihborn's disaster. Arrival of Saiyad Mobarak Shah.
His instructions from Capt. Bean. Indulgence to Lieut. Loveday.
Formal interview with the young khan and sirdars.- Capt. Bean's
letters. Indignation of the Brahuis. Repetition of fatiha, and de-
termination to slay us. Misgivings of Lieut. Loveday. Terror of
his domestics. Good offices of Rais Harun. Interview with the
darogah. Intercession of Reliimdad's relatives and friends. Dis-
gust at Capt. Bean's letter. The darogah accords protection to
Lieut. Loveday. Permission obtained by Rais Hfotin for my depar-
ture to Quetta. Leave Mastung. Incidents on the route. Arrival
at Quetta. Interview with the political officers . . . 220

CHAPTER IX.

Conversation with Capt. Bean. Placed in arrest, Singularity
of the proceeding. Capt. Bean's queries. Meeting with him,
His reason for his conduct. Impressions as to the Envoy and Mi-
nister. Inhuman treatment of Capt. Bean. Apprehensions at
Quetta. The Envoy and Minister's letter. Defeat of the Brahuis,
and death of Lieut. Loveday. Recovery of Kalat. Revolution in
feeling. Letters from Calcutta. Inquiry of Mr. Ross Bell. Capt.
Bean's confession. Close of Mr. Bell's inquiry. His recommenda-
tion to Government. Support of the Envoy and Minister. Evasion
of the Government, Col. Stacey's generosity, Departure from
Quetta. Incidents in the Bolan Pass. Arrival at Dadar. Molah-
dad's testimony. Route through Kachi. State of the country. -
Mir Fati Khan. His gratitude and offers. Arrival at Karachi.
Bombay. Settlement of Balochistan. Col. Stacey's acknowledge-
ment. Benefits of Col, Stacey's successful exertions. Departure
from Bombay to England. Memorial to the Court of Directors,
Second Memorial. Results. Concluding remarks . . .253

X CONTENTS.

MEMOIR ON EASTERN BALOCHISTAN.
PART I.

PAGE

GEOGRAPHY 281

FIRST, OR WESTERN SECTION :

Nusliki ....... 283

Kharan ....... 286

Mushki 288

Kolwah 289

Jhow 290

Panjghur ....... 291

Kej 292

SECOND, OR MARITIME SECTION : .... 294

Las 296

Hormara ....... 307

Pessan! . . . . ' . .308

THIRD; on CENTRAL SECTION :

Saharawan ....... 309

Shall 311

Mastung . . . . . . .313

Mangachar .... . . 315

Dasht Bidowlat . . . . . .318

Kalat, and its Environs ..... 319

Districts in the Hills between Saharawan and Kach Gandava 322
Districts in the hilly Tracts west of Saharawan . . 324

Jhalawan . . . . . . ,327

FOURTH, OR EASTERN SECTION :

Kach Gandava ...... 329

Harand and Dajil ...... 335

CONTENTS. xi

PART II.

PAGE

TRIBES OF EASTERN BALOCHISTAN : 336

Sect. I. Tribes of the Western Provinces . . 340

II. Tribes of Saharawan . . . .340

IIL Tribes of Jhalawan .... 345

Rind Tribes in Each Gandava .... 346

The Jets of Kaeh Gandava . . . .351

Lumris of Las ...... 352

Marine Tribes of the Sea Ports .... 353

Dghwars of the Capital and fixed Villages . . .353

A%hans of Shall 353

PART III.

GOVERNMENT AND HISTORY ..... 355

PART IV.

ANTIQUITIES AND DIALECTS :

Antiquities ...... 386

Dialects . . . . . . .393

PART V.

MILITARY FORCE, REVENUE, TRADE, AGRICULTURE, ETC. ;

Military Force ...... 404

Revenue ....... 407

Trade 408

Agriculture ....... 412

Horticulture ...... 415

PART VI.

MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC, ..... 418

xii CONTENTS.

PART VII.

PAGE

NATTTBAL HISTORY AND MINERALOGY :

Quadrupeds ...... 444

Insects 447

Amphibia ....... 448

Botany ..... 449

Mineralogy ...... 459

NARKATIVE

OF A

JOUENEY TO KALAT,

INCLUDING AN ACCOUNT OF
THE INSURRECTION IN BALOCHISTAN, ETC.

CHAPTER I.

Objects of Journey. Determination of route. State of the
country. Capt. Outram's narrative. Imputations on Rehim
Khan. Departure from Kardchi. Route to Sunmiani, -
Reception at Sftnmi&nl. Interview with the Jam. DarMr.
Department of Rehim Khan. State of feeling in Las. Inter-
view with R6him Khan. His satisfaction. Exculpation of
Rehim Kh^n. Departure from Sunmiani. Incidents at
Obadi. Whirlwind. Arrival at Bela. Delays and disastrous
rumours. Indecision of my companion. His departure. Meh-
rab Khan's brother. Capt. Wallace's letter. Lieut. Loveday's
messenger. Interview with Mehr&b Khan's brother. His
distress and intentions. Departure from Bela. Reflections on
the uncertainty existing in Las. The appointment of an agency
and its abolition.

HAVING despatched for publication in England
a variety of manuscripts, in the early part of 1840,
I found myself at Karachi, in Sind, as I supposed
free to move where I pleased; and with reference to
farther literary and scientific projects I determined,
with the unemployed materials in my possession, to

VOL, IV. B

2 MOTIVES OF JOURNEY.

return to Kabal, and the countries to which they
related, judging I could there arrange them for
the press with accuracy and advantage. I was
also desirous to continue my antiquarian researches
with the due prosecution of which government
employ had interfered, and to carry out the
examination of certain points I felt assured to
be within the power of verification ; which, for the
same reason,. I had been compelled to neglect.
I estimated that a period of two years in Afghan-
istan would suffice for my objects, and that I
should be altogether about three years absent.

Disposed to take the road to Kalat, which I
had twice before travelled, it behoved me to
ascertain if I could do so prudently : being, of
course, aware that a new order of things pre-
vailed, and it was possible that recent political
accidents might have caused, amongst the people
I should meet, feelings to which, ten years ago,
they were strangers. Moreover, Rehim Khan,
son of the Minghal sirdar, Wall Mahomed Khan,
slain at Kalat, was now residing in Las, and in
power, from having married a sister of the young
chief, or jam, as he is entitled.

In this suspence, my former companion, Kdlikdad,
with whom I made my first journey to Kalat,
as related in my work before the public,* visited
Karachi on his commercial business. I could have

Vide vol. ii. chap. 2, Journeys in Balochistan, Afghanistan,
and the Pan jab, &c.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 3

no better counsellor ; and on communing with him
lie encouraged me, and well remarked, that he
should himself be with me. I had heretofore
experienced that his company was sufficient pro-
tection.

At this time the Government of India was in-
tensely anxious it should be believed, that every
object of the expedition beyond the Indus had been
attained ; that the countries affected by it were in a
state of quiet and happiness hitherto unknown, and
that their inhabitants hailed with delight the inno-
vations introduced amongst them, and the changes
which had been brought about. The ministers in
England were eager to circulate the same impres-
sions, whether in the houses of Parliament or at
other public meetings. I had, however, doubts
upon these points, which led me to interrogate
Kalikdad as to the amount of force at Quetta and
Kalat, when, learning that there were twelve hun-
dred men at the first place and two hundred at the
latter, I felt easy, as there could then be little
apprehension of any immediate outbreak. That
there was a large force at Kdndahar, as well as at
Kbal, I was myself informed. KUikdad, indeed,
admitted that the Brahui and Baloch tribes, while
passive, were in a sad state of irritation, more parti-
cularly on account of the annexation of Kach Gan-
d&va to the dominions of Shah Sujah al Mulkk
He farther told me, that Mir A#em, the brother
of the late Mehrab Khan, was at Bela in Las, sab-

B 2

4 ARRANGEMENTS.

sisting on tlie slender bounty of the jam, and that
M&homed Hassan, the young son of the late Kalat
ruler, was a fugitive at Kharan, accompanied by
Darogah Gul Mahomed. As regarded the govern-
ment of Kalat, he knew nothing more than that
Shah Nawaz Khan was seated there, but whether as
an independent chief, or merely holding authority
on trust, he could not tell ; and all other arrange-
ments respecting the country were equally enigma-
tical to him.

I concerted with the merchant to accompany his
k&fila, about to form at Sunmi&ni, as far as Bela,
and thence together to proceed rapidly to Kalat ;
it being his desire to look after his land there, and
mine to gain a cool and agreeable climate. The
kafila was to follow leisurely, and in company there-
with my servants and effects. Kalikdad returned
to Sunmiani, promising to write when the kifila
was ready, and to inform me as to the reception
I might expect from Kehim Khan. In process of
time I received two letters from him, affirming
generally that all was right, but not specifically
mentioning Rehim Khan, or the temper he was in.
In my solicitude to be moving, I did not criticise
too narrowly the deficiency in these epistles, and
put the most favourable construction on them, that,
if there had been evil, Kalikdad would have re-
ported it, knowing, besides, that he was personally
intimate with the chief.

A night or two before I left Karachi I dined

CAPTAIN OUTRAM'S NARRATIVE. 5

with Captain Wallace, assistant political agent,
Major Forbes, commanding the 2nd Bombay gre-
nadiers, and Captain Le Mesurier, of the quarter-
master-general's department. The latter was good
enough to give me a sight of Captain Outram's pub-
lished narrative, which, including a flying trip from
Kalat to Sunmiani, he judged would interest me.
The concluding paragraph of that brochure, in truth,
contained matter to arrest my attention, as it related
to this very Rehim Khan, of whose disposition I
had doubts, which K&likdad had not by his letters
removed.

Captain Outran writes " From Curachee I pro-
ceeded to Bombay, and not many days after my
arrival there a party of Beloche horse-dealers also
landed, who had embarked at Sonmeanee very
shortly after my departure from that seaport. They
state, that at midnight of the evening on which I
sailed, the son of Wullee Mahomed Khan, (the
chief of Wudd, who was slain at the storm of Khe-
lat,) arrived in great haste, with a party, in pursuit
of me ; and, on learning that I had already gone,
displayed extreme disappointment and irritation. It
would appear, that information of my journey, and
disguise, had been received by this chief the day
after I passed through NalL To the forced march
of fifty miles> therefore, which was made thence by
our party, with the design of outstripping the flying
tidings of the overthrow of Khelat, I, may consider
myself principally indebted for my escape ; my pur-

6 DEPARTURE FROM KARACHI.

suers having missed me at the seaport of Sonmeanee
only by a few hours,"

Although I could not doubt that Captain Outram
had received the information he speaks of from the
horse-dealers, I was willing to hope they had mis-
informed him. I knew no more of Rehim Khan
than that he was the son of an estimable father ; but
reflecting on the obligations to avenge blood, which
are remarkably stringent upon the tribes of the
Brahui community, and on the course which Eehim
Khan was likely to adopt in his situation, I could
conceive it possible that he might have sought to
gratify his revenge in the hills between Bela and
Nail, but could hardly credit that he would venture
upon such a step upon the soil of Las; for there the
equally stringent obligation to respect the interests
of the young jam would have deterred him. Be-
sides, in Las, whatever influence Rehim Khan pos-
sessed, he was still an alien, and too many persons
were concerned to have allowed him, by so rash an
action, to have brought down vengeance upon them
and their little province.

I had no fear of Rehim Khan at Las, but Rehim
Khan in the hills was to be suspected; however,
confiding on KalikdSd and my own good fortune, I
decided to prosecute the journey, for which I was
prepared, without waiting for further explanation.

On the evening of the 30th of April I left Ka-
rachi, attended by an old servant, Rastil, a Kash-
mirian, and a chance companion, a Mjf of Ghazni,

ROUTE TO THE HAB RIVER. 7

who attached himself to us with the idea of being
provided for on his journey homeward. I had also
engaged the services to Sunmiani of two guides
across the country; while their camels served to
lighten the loads on my own animals, of which I
numbered three. I was mounted on an excellent
Kdbal horse, and my people were on foot, I was
attired in my ordinary Kabal costume, but never
intended to conceal for a moment, if that were pos-
sible, that I was a Peringhi.

Our road led across the level plain, until we ap-
proached low detached hills, preceding the valley of
the Hab river. During the night we came upon
a party of men, so soundly asleep on the road-side
that we did not arouse them in passing, although
B&dil, a young lad, one of the guides, who was in
advance, leading the camels, carolled blithly as he
trudged along. The day dawned upon us in the
Hab valley before we had reached the river. There
was ample space, and the surface, chequered with
stunted trees and bushes, afforded good camel fo-
rage, and much grass for other cattle. We descried
no huts or habitations, but columns of smoke
ascending in various parts above the scanty foliage
of the scenery around, indicated where they might
be found. From Karachi to the valley the milky
tur-bush, or prickly pear, had never failed ; and now
we had dwarf trees, as bers, karers, and mimosas.
The bed of the river was wide and sandy, but at
this time without a continued stream of water in it.

8 CURIOUS CHARACTERS.

The valley, in its placid and serene aspect, opposed
a strong contrast to that exhibited in the upper
part of the course of the river, which I had the
opportunity to witness some years since, when I
crossed it in progress from Daggar di Got to Sun-
miani. The river banks were some twenty feet in
height, and the bed included between them about
two hundred feet in breadth.

Immediately beyond the river the surface, rocky
and sprinkled with tur-bushes, ascends gradually
to a range of hills. Some of them are of con-
siderable elevation, but they are not continuous;
and the road leads through an opening, without
much variation in level. At the foot of the su-
perior hills, on the right hand, large fragments of
rock lie by the path. The front of one of these
is daubed with white paint, on which is marked, in
red and black colours, many symbolic characters,
pointing out the frontier boundary between Sind
and Las.

These axe curious, being those found on many of
the Indo-Scythic coins so numerously discovered in
Afghanistan and the Panjab, and which are gene-
rally supposed to be Buddhist emblems. The first
in order .from the left is, undoubtedly, the Swastica,
or sanctified cross; the remainder may be literal
combinations of mystical or secular import.

HALT AT BHOWANI. 9

The basis of the hills is shelly limestone ; frag-
ments of amygdoloid and pudding-stone strew their
skirts. Fossilized shells, chiefly ammonites, are so
common that the smallest pebble shows traces of
them ; and this remark applies to the entire tract of
country between Karachi and Sunmiani.

From the boundary rocks we trayersed an arid,
cheerless plain, until we reached a pool of brackish
water, where we halted. Considering that we had
marched nearly the whole night, and that the day
was well advanced, we could scarcely have travelled
less than twenty or twenty-two miles to this spot,
named Bhowani.

The heat was most intense, and the trivial shade
of a diminutive ber-tree, near the margin of the
muddy pool, was the only protection at command.
The camels, whether weary, or oppressed by the sul-
try weather, sluggishly browsed on the scant bushes
fringing the water. During the day flocks of sheep
and of goats would occasionally appear, as did a nu-
merous herd of humped horned cattle, in condition
so excellent, that it was plain, however unpromising
the aspect of the country, that good and abundant
pasture was to be found in the neighbourhood.
These animals belonged to the Shekhs, one of the
Lassi tribes, dwelling west of the Hab river.

A little beyond us was a k&fila from Sunmiani,
carrying ghee to Karachi; at the spot they had
chosen to halt at were a few wells, the water less
palatable than that of our turbid pool. The day I

10 KABIRAH.

passed here was a long and listless one. We started
from Bhowani before sunset, a broken and sterile
tract lying before ns. The night had far advanced,
when the sound of waves breaking on the shore
proclaimed in hoarse murmurs our vicinity to the
sea. Some time after, the road winding round a
frightful precipice, led into a dark and narrow defile
between high walls of rock for about one hundred
and fifty yards, emerging from which we stood upon
the seashore. We halted a few minutes to admire
the luminous and phosphorescent billows as they
magnificently rolled upon the coast, and then pur-
sued our journey until, by the break of day, we
reached Karirah, a spot uninhabited, but used as a
.station or place of rest. Here was a well of bad
water, and, we were told, a village of huts over the
hills on our right. Coarse grass was plentiful, with
camel forage.

I could find no more efficient shelter than that
afforded by a tur-bush, shifting my ground as the
circuit of the sun changed the varying shadow it
projected. The crows and mainas were so voracious,
that they perched on the humps of the camels, and
actually pecked holes in them ; the mainas treated
my horse in the same manner, and the poor animal
was so incommoded by them, and swarms of flies
and gnats, that he broke loose, and was secured only
after a long chase on the shore, where the novelty
of the waves seemed to confound him, and he stood
still allowing himself to be caught.

ARRIVAL AT SUNMUNI. 11

In the evening we were glad to leave this vex&^pus
spot ; and, following the shore, we reached at "rtigte
Bagh Amb, (the mango garden,) where we found a
solitary mango-tree and a pool of water; there
were also a few wells and huts near.

In the morning we started for Stinmiani, over
a hard and level plain, passing midway some Lumri
huts. The peasantry, males and females, carry-
ing jars of milk and curds, announced our vicinity
to the little seaport. I had considerably preceded
my companions, and overtook some men driving
camels towards the town. One of them asked if
I was not Masson, and informed me that he was
one of Kalikdad's men, and putting himself in front
of my horse, led the way to his master's quarters.

Kalikdad, aware of my approach, had gone to
tell Rehim Khan, and to procure a house for me.
He returned with Diwau Tirat, the Jam's Hindu
agent, and after a profusion of welcomes, the
temple of Raja Gopind Chand (the Mussulman's
Pir Pattar) was thought best fitted to receive me,
and I was conducted to it. The diwan left me,
and shortly returned with a sheep, baskets of rice,
flour and sugar, a vessel of ghee, wood, and other
necessaries. Poles were brought to erect tents, but
I protested against so much trouble being taken.

The Hindu temple comprised but one small
room, and when Klikdad had brought half a
dozen fowls, and others of my old acquaintance
had testified their pleasure at seeing me again, by

12 INTERVIEW WITH THE JAM.

offerings of various supplies, the place had much the
appearance of a well-stocked dokan, or shop. I had
learned at Karachi that my former Hindu friend,
Tah Mai, had died in reduced circumstances, aud
his son Papa not presenting himself amongst my
visitors, I inquired for him. He soon appeared,
remarking, when told a Feringhi wished to see him,
that he knew it could be no other than Masson.
In the evening, a formal deputation of four persons
waited on me, by order of the jam, to convey his
welcome, and wish to see me at the darbar in the
morning.

In due time I was sent for, and went to the
jam's residence, where the darbar was held. The
young chief, fifteen or sixteen years of age, was so
small for his years, that had I not seen him in
1831, when yet an infant and carried in arms, I
could scarcely have credited his being so old. I
was told that his career had been sickly. He ex-
pressed himself glad to see me, and alluded to
some bhuts, or pictures, I had given to him on my
former visit. He was attired in a plain muslin
shirt and red silk trowsers, with an ordinary Sin-
dian cap on his head, while a silk kes, or shawl,
supported his knees, being carried around them
and his waist. On his fingers were four or five
emerald and turquoise rings, and a sword was lying
before him. His features were regular, without
being prominent, and his countenance fair and
pleasing, but rather feminine. On his right hand

REPETITION OF THE FATIHA. 13

sat Rehiin KMn, and next to him the vakil Alia
Rikka, much advanced in age. On his left hand
were Ibrahim Runjah, a relative of the jam, the
Darogah Sahow, and others. The sides of the
apartment were lined with persons of all descrip-
tions, some seated, and some, less privileged, stand-
ing. Nothing could be more homely than the
darbar of Las. The greeting of the young jam,
was succeeded by the same token of civility from
all those near him, each individual standing while
he repeated it.

I was pleased to observe that the appearance
and manner of R6him Khan were prepossessing
in his favour, and a pause occurring after the sa-
lutations were exchanged, I put his feelings to the
test, by raising my hands to repeat fatiha on. ac-
count of his father's death. .Had he not joined
in the ceremony, he would have been deficient in
courtesy, and there would have been no doubt of
his exasperated state of mind, if he joined, his
resentment, if any, became disarmed, or he was no
longer at liberty to gratify it. He instantly up-
lifted his hands ; the company present did the same,
and fatiha was repeated by all. When concluded,
I remarked that his father had honourably lived
and died; that his death was the will of God,
and I trusted all prosperity would attend himself.
He observed, that his father had fallen, as became
a brave man, by the side of his aga (master). I
rejoined, that his death was an enviable one, and

14 SATISFACTION OF REHIM KHAN.

that his fame had spread throughout the world.
Rehim Khan was evidently proud of the attention
thus publicly paid to him, and no longer maintained
reserve in conversation. During the fatiha tears
trickled down the furrowed cheeks of old Alia
Rikka ; and the remembrance of the worthy Wall
Mahomed sensibly affected many of the group.

I may notice, that the fatiha is no more than
a repetition of the opening verse of the Korin,
and terminates by passing the hands, already raised,
down the beards of the parties engaged in it.
On the death of a Mahomedan, his relatives
receive this mark of respect from their friends,
to neglect which would be an affront.

The Vakil Alia Rikka, being the jam's minister^
put a variety of questions as to the politics of the
day; on the war with Chin, and on Mahomed
Ali Pashas rebellion against the Sultftn. Rehim
Kh&n spoke of Karachi and the amirs of Sind ;
observing, in a laughing mood, that they had done
much kidmat (service), and had shown much saluk
(good-will). I smiled at such remarks ; but when
he said that the late khan of Kal&t had, ridiculously
enough, lost his life and country, I answered : " It
was true, he had allowed himself to be com-
pletely deceived," The climates of various coun-
tries were discussed; on which topic Alia Rikka,
who had probably never been out of Las, was
most conversant, when my friend Kilikdad asked

COMPLAINTS OF THE AUTHORITIES. 15

whether we should retire. An affirmative reply
being given, I rose, when the jam being about to
stand also, I prayed him to continue seated. Rehim
Khan and the others stood ; and saluting them en
masse, I left the apartment.

Throughout this interview a loquacious parrot,
or maina, amused the company by his chattering,
otherwise the greatest order prevailed, and had
possibly been enjoined. Occasionally a wild Lumri
appeared, who kissed the hand of his young lord.
It was usual for the jam's mother to sit in darbar ;
and the lady, accounted clever, with Rehim Khan,
her son-in-law, are supposed, in great measure,
to rule the country.

Some two or three days elapsed, and I saw no
more of the son of Wall Mahomed ; but Kalikdad,
who was a good deal with me, informed me of
some complaints made by the Las authorities, as
to the conduct of the Sindian governor of Karachi,
who, it was asserted, made unjust and vexatious
demands, threatening them with the vengence of
the gentlemen there, in case of their non-com-
pliance. They had also a serious cause of com-
plaint, on account of Shdh N^twaz Khan, the chief
set up at Kalat, who had written letters, peremp-
torily forbidding the levy of more than half the
previously fixed duties, on merchandise entering
the port. Anxiety to avoid giving offence had
induced obedience to the mandate ; although the

16 NEW COMPANION.

revenue of the state, of which the Sunmiani cus-
toms formed the principal item, was grievously
diminished, and inconvenience resulted.

I found that Kalikdad, contrary to the tenour
of his letters, had yet to await the arrival of a
vessel from Bombay. It might be expected in
ten or fifteen days; but I knew as many more
would be employed in the package of goods, the
hiring of camels, and other preparations for the
journey. I regretted, for the moment, my hasty
departure from Karachi ; but it chanced there
was a pirzada of Kalat about to proceed imme-
diately, and K&likdad proposed that I should
accompany him; to which, as the holy man had
no objection, I consented.

I had received an intimation from my friend
that Rehim Khan wished to see me privately; but
returning for answer that, while I had no objection
to see him, or any one else, privately, it must be
understood that I had no official character, and
could only sit and converse with him as any other
friendly disposed person would do; I suspect it
was considered that I declined the meeting, and
I heard no more on the subject. From Diwan
Tirat and others, who called upon me, I heard
sometimes the wish expressed that the young jam,
with them an object of affectionate interest, should
be a nihal, or plant of the Sahiban's growth and
culture.

On the eve of departure from Sunmiani I pur-

PANIC AT LAS. 17

posed to write two or three letters to my friends
at Karachi, amongst them one to Captain Wallace,
in return for the civility he had shown to me. I
told Kalikddd that he might mention to Rehim
Khan that I was about to do so ; and that, if he
pleased, I would point out the practices of the
Karachi governor, and I had little doubt that,
trifling as they were, a stop would be put to them,
as the Feringhis were not likely to allow their good
name to be profaned.

Kalikdad apprised Rehim Khn, who expressed
so much satisfaction that the merchant told me
he could have been scarcely less delighted had
his father been restored to life. He sent a message
that he would be thankful if I called upon him
in the 'evening.

It had not escaped me, that a dread seemed to
infect the minds of the Las authorities, that the
gentlemen at Karachi intended either to take their
country or to transfer it to the chiefs of Sind. I
knew such alarms were groundless ; indeed, before
leaving Karachi I had taken the necessary trouble
of making myself acquainted whether any commu-
nication subsisted with the government of Las. I
found there was none ; but that letters had once
been received, expressing the desire of the jam
to pay his respects to the general, and that he
had been referred to the political agent at Quetta.
I also learned, that on the first landing of the
British force in Sind the jam's advisers had sent

VOL. rv. c

18 CONVERSATION WITH KEHIM KHAN.

letters to Colonel Pottinger, offering assistance;
a -war with Sind, with English allies, being ex-
tremely to their taste ; moreover, I became informed
of the intended location of Lieutenant Gordon (then
at Bombay) as agent at Sunmiani, and that he
was to be accompanied by two companies of native
infantry.

When I stepped over to Eehim Kh&n, he dis-
missed his attendants, and we discoursed for some
time. He was very straightforward, and spoke
Persian fluently. I was surprised to find that, so
far from having any objection to visit Karachi, he
was now, understanding there was no unkindly
feeling towards him, anxious to go there but for
fear of offending Captain Bean at Quetta, and Shah
Naw&z Khan at Kalit. He expressed a warm
desire of being connected with the Sahibs rather
than with Shah Nawaz Khan, who, he observed,
was not a good hakam, or ruler. As, in the same
breath, he alluded to the elevation of certain per-
sons to offices about the new chief of Kal&t, I sus-
pected his dislike to him was principally owing to
his not being called upon to take a part in affairs.
He regretted that he was unacquainted with the
mode of transacting business with Feringhis, and
I assured him that it was not so difficult a matter
as he seemed to apprehend ; that little more was
necessary than to mind his own business, and ab-
stain from connexion with bad men : to be honest
himself, and believe what the Feringhis told him.

HIS PROPOSALS. 19

He talked of sending a vakil to Karachi. I ob-
served he could have no business that would not
be better done by himself, and instanced the un-
happy catastrophe at Kal&t as entirely arising from
the ill-fated khan's mistrust, and the treachery of
his agents. Rehim Khan added, that he saw no-
thing would be so good for him as an interview
with the Sahibs at Kardchi, assuring me that had
he known I had been so long residing there, he
would, without hesitation, have come over. Advert-
ing to the diminution of duties, I found the man-
date from Kal&t on that score was considered a
stretch of prerogative, no preceding khan having
interfered with the administration of the country in
such a manner. Rehim Kh&n then noted that Mr.
Elphinstone corresponded with the late jam, Mihr
Ali, and sent him presents ; and that now the jam
was thinking of shipping camels and mares to the
actual governor of Bombay. I asked whether it
would not be as well to apply to the gentlemen at
Karachi, and to send the presents with their con-
currence. He replied, they had not thought of that,
but he felt it would be proper. Finally, he pro-
posed that the jam and himself should write letters
to Captain Wallace. I consented to forward them,
as I could explain under what circumstances they
were given, and because I was aware that the in-
struction to refer to Kalat had emanated from the
military authorities at Karachi at a time when no
political agent was fixed there. Rehim Khn

c 2

20 PREPARATION OF LETTERS.

further proposed to address Major Outram, who
had succeeded Colonel Pottinger as Resident in
Sind. I said there could be no harm done. I with-
drew from this meeting well pleased with the good
sense and honest, unaffected manners of Rehim
Khan, I could not, of course, divine what might
result from his letters, but, as I wrote to Captain
Wallace, they would at least show that the son of
Wall Mahomed did not wish to be considered
inimical.

Rehim KMn never so much as hinted at the
establishment of a British agent at Sunmiani, al-
though it was publicly known that such a mea-
sure was contemplated, and the knowledge of it,
I should think, had suggested the intended pro-
pitiatory mission to Bombay. On parting, Rehim
Khan said, that as I had visited him, he must in
return visit me, and next morning Kalikddd came
to inquire if I was prepared to receive him. I
replied, that I was always happy to see him, but
that merely for the sake of etiquette, I did not
wish to give him the trouble to walk over. Rehim
Kh4n, however, insisted that it behoved him to re-
turn the compliment; and accordingly I was fa-
voured with his company. We then discoursed as
freely as if we had been friends of long standing.

The task of writing the letters for Karachi de-
volved upon Diwan Tirat. He asked me what he
should write. I replied, what he pleased. He then
inquired if he should write at my house, and I

JUSTIFICATION OF REHIM KHAN, 21

told him to put them together at his own house
and bring them to me when finished. During the
day he brought four letters, addressed to Captains
Outram and Wallace, from the Jam and Rehim
Khan respectively. The metlaf, or purport, of all
of them being, that they wished to be enumerated
amongst the slaves of the British government.
I enclosed them in a letter I had prepared for
Captain Wallace, and despatched them the same
evening,

I never ventured to ask any one at Sunmiani
if Rehim Khan had pursued Captain Outram, as
represented by the horse-dealers, although I inferred
he had not, because some person or other would
probably have mentioned it. Subsequently, how-
ever, at Bela, and afterwards at Kalat, I became
assured that not only had no such thing occurred,
but that Rehim Khn did not go to Sunmiani
until thirty-five days after Captain Outram's de-
parture from that place, and then accompanying
the jam in one of his ordinary excursions. More-
over, Rehim Khdn was at Walfpat, a little north
of B61a> when Captain Outram passed, stood with
others by the road side when he did pass, was
aware of his father's death, knew Captain Outram
to be an European, and took no further notice,

I was therefore very glad that I had forwarded
his letters, as, if nothing better resulted from them,
the unfavourable impression originated by the horse-
dealers might perhaps be removed, and I rejoiced

22 DEPASTURE FROM SUNMIANI.

to find that I could continue to think well of him
without regarding him as the pursuer of an English
officer.

I left at Sunmiaoi my servants and luggage, to
follow with Kalikdad and the kafila, and the mer-
chant made over to me for the journey a young lad,
named Hassan, to attend to my horse. I put a few
changes of linen in saddle-bags, which the pirzada
carried for me on- his camels.

I joined the holy man without the town after sun-
set, and we started amid the benedictions of a crowd
of merchants and townspeople. My companion had
three camels, on one of which he rode himself; on
another was a negress, with the elegant designation
of Zafrani, or the saflron-coloured lady, and the
third was laden with gleanings from his disciples and
flock. Two young lads of Kabal were his attendants,
and trudged on foot, as did Hassan.

We marched the whole night over the level plain,
passing a tract of sand called Regh Till&hi (golden
sand), and by daybreak found ourselves at the skirt
of the wooded belt, in which the village of Liari is
situated. During this progress I had, of course, some
conversation with my new companion, the pirzada*
I had not taken the trouble to see him at Sunmiani,
taking it for granted that he was sufficiently respect-
able, and aware that he was the son of Zeya al H&k,
Nijrohi, of the Nakshbandi Sirindi sect, who resided
at Kabal, and by repute was known to me. His fri-
volous discourse on the road, however, gave me no

RECEPTION AT OBABI. 23

great idea of him, and, when daylight revealed his
features, I doubted whether, if I had before seen
them, I should have sought his company.

At Liari, a house in the bazar was set apart for
the pirzada, and another in a retired part of the vil-
lage was appropriated to me.

In the evening we took the road to Pati, but
although we had guides we strayed from our path,
and, after wandering throughout the night, found
ourselves in the morning but just beyond the belt of
Liari, and, averse to encounter the hot winds which
now raged, we decided to repose for the day at a few
huts, inhabited by the Gunga tribe, which we des-
cried not far off. We were civilly welcomed ; and
it was no sooner known that a pirzada's party had
arrived than the females hastened to offer their
salutations. Amongst them was one particularly
beautiful, and before my companion had time to ex-
plain that I was a Feringhi, and not entitled to so
much respect, she had, supposing I must be a pir-
zada, favoured me by placing her hands on my feet,
and then kissing my hands. She was accompanied
by her mother, also well looking, and with them the
pirzada soon arranged to take up his abode. A hut
was erected expressly for me, and with such speed
that in five minutes it was completed.

The pirzada had much professional employment.
The first applicant was a cripple, for whom he pre-
scribed a large bowl of water, over which he
breathed, and directed to be drank off at v> draught.

24 PIR'S PROFESSIONAL EMPLOYMENT.

The poor Gunga complied, with the best faith, but
with some difficulty, as the quantity was immoderate,
and the pirzada, who enjoyed his distress, insisted that
every drop should be swallowed. A good repast was
soon provided, and set before us, an equivalent, no
doubt, for my friend's charms and antidotes, although
he wished me to believe he paid for every thing.

During the day I paid him a visit, and found
that our evening's repast was the subject of de-
bate. The pious man had taken a fancy to a kid,
and took pains, at least in my presence, while in-
sisting he would not brook disappointment, to en-
gage to pay for it. His fair hostesses had furnished
the fowls in the morning, but the kid unfortu-
nately belonged to other people, who, too needy
to give their animal away, scrupled to receive
money from a pirzada. In this dilemma, the
mother requested a taviz, or charm, for her hand-
some daughter, who bashfully drooped her head, as
the tale was told of her being married some five
or six years without having any owlad, or family.
One of the holy man's Kabal lads immediately
pricked up his ears, and leaning over to his master,
said, " a camel, a camel as shukarani," or offering.
The mother entered into particulars, with the view
of exciting commiseration, and remarked, that her
daughter had but one husband; which caused the
pfrzada to inquire how many she wanted. Per-
ceiving the case to be one from which something
might be gained, the good man dismissed me, or

WHIRLWIND. 25

what was the same thing, intimated his desire to
repeat his prayers. I had not left him many mi-
nutes before I saw his two lads, with some Gungas,
carrying off the kid for slaughter, which it required
no great judgment to surmise had been given as
the price of becoming a mother by the fair but
barren bride. The spot was named Obadi, and
the water, wretched and unpalatable, was drawn
from a well.

After sunset we moved towards Pti, and next
morning reached the uninhabited spot so called, on
the bank of a branch from the Purali river. We
passed the day here, but ill sheltered from the heat
by the tamarisk-trees fringing the banks.

In our progress towards Bela, a little before
sunset, we became enveloped in a khakb&d, or
whirlwind of dust. We had it for some time in
sight, and moved into it, while by halting when we
first observed it, we might have escaped it. The
wind was very violent and the dust intolerable,
although we were far from the vortex, and it speedily
passed by. A few drops of heavy rain fell, and
vivid flashes of lightning illumined the dense mass.
By marching all night, we reached Osmn di Got,
a small village, in the morning, when, being but
a small distance from Bla, we agreed to push on
to it.

On reaching the old bed of the Purali, on the
farther bank of which the town stands, the pir-
zada expressed feats on account of Mir Azem

26 ARRIVAL AT BELA.

Khan, the brother of the late Mehrab Khan of
Kalat, "who we knew was residing there, and he
wished me to remain under the bank until he had
gone into the town and ascertained all was right.
I saw no necessity to be so cautious, and joking
with him, that if he was afraid at Bela, how would
it be amongst the hills, crossed over to a masjit
immediately without the place, and sent Hassan
with a message to Omar, the son of the late Arab
vakil, with whom I was acquainted.

Presently Omar came, attended by Ibrahim, a
son of the Vakil Alia Rikka, and they conducted
me to a house belonging to the former. The jam's
orders, that I should receive every attention had
preceded my arrival. The pirzada was accom-
modated separately. I had reckoned on the delay
of a day or two at Bfla, but I soon discovered that
my companion was fearful my presence might em-
barrass him amongst the hill tribes. One evening
he sent for me at a late hour, but having retired
to rest, I did not wait on him. Neither did I in
the morning when I heard he had some news from
K&bal to tell, and which I could fancy was non r
sensical enough. This induced him to send Mulla
Hdshem, a native of Kalat, with a man, in reality
pr pretending to be, a messenger from Nail. This
fellow affirmed, that, before starting from Nail,
Shah Naw&z Khan arrived, and an entertainment
was in course of preparation for him, when an
express reached from Kalit with tidings which

RUMOURS OF DISASTERS. 27

made the khan remount and proceed towards his
capital, without waiting for the intended repast.
The tidings brought were, that Lieut. Loveday and
Fati Khan had been defeated at Nushki by the
Zigger Minghals, assisted by the Memasenis and
Posht Kohls, and that, with the loss of one hun-
dred men, they had fled to Kalat.

I readily understood this tale was a manoeuvre,
put in play to terrify the merchants into payment
of the duties, which the letters of Shah Nawaz
Khan forbade to be enacted, and to compel them
to engage badraggars, or safe-conductors; but as
the pirzada had also commissioned Mulla Hashem
to tell me that he was going that night, and had
no fears for himself but for me, and that he would
be pleased if I released him from the obligation
to accompany me to Kalat, I immediately replied,
that he stood absolved, as I should be sorry that
any one should think even that he was in danger
on my account. I sent Hassan for my saddle-
bags, but the good man detained them, and re-
turned a message that it would be better to wait
a day or two until sounder intelligence arrived.
Next morning he again sent, praying I would step
over to him. I did so, and found Ibrahim, Alia
Bikka's son, with him. Both urged the propriety
of waiting a little ; yet Ibrahim, while professing
great desire to be useful, made use of some ex-
pressions, that, had I been so disposed, I might
fairly have taken offence at. The pirzada was ex-

28 INDECISION OF MY COMPANION.

ceedingly civil, and we parted on the understand-
ing that we should wait a day or two. He was
now indeed only a poor faquir, and Ibrahim took
care to inform me, that if any one put hands on
me during the journey the pirzada could only look
on, and not interpose to prevent it. I had barely
regained my dwelling, when Hassan came with a
message from the pirzada, that he should start in
the evening. I declined to do so, and sent for
my saddle-bags, which anew were detained, when
I grew, in turn, serious, and despatched Haji Khadar,
a Jtikia inirza, or scribe, in the jam's employ, for
them, and they were brought to me. A Kalat
merchant afterwards came to express the pirzada's
sorrow that I had sent for the bags, how delighted
he would have been had I accompanied him, and
craving a reza nameh, or letter of approbation,
which I said was unnecessary, as I was not angry.
This point, however, was pressed, and Haji Khadar
wrote something to satisfy him.

The pirzda departed that evening, and it be-
hoved me to think as to the course I should adopt ;
and I saw no better than to await Kalikdad's
arrival with the kafila, although a residence at
B&a was not desirable while the hot winds were
prevalent. I might perhaps have passed on to
Kalat by dint of money, but I had left nearly all
behind with my other effects at Sunmiani.

Before I left Karachi, Captain Wallace had men-
tioned, that he had received a letter written by

HAJI KHADAK'S CORRESPONDENCE. 29

KMdar Dinna, respecting Adam Khan, or
Mir Azem Khan, as officially called, the only
brother of Mehrab Khan, now residing at Bela,
and asked if I knew the h&ji; I replied, no. It
turned out that he was the Haji Khadar I have
before had occasion to notice, a deaf Jukia mirza,
an old acquaintance of mine, but formerly known
to me as plain Khadar,* and whom I did not re-
cognize under his lengthened name and the title
of hajf, which three pilgrimages to Mecca had, how-
ever, fully entitled him to bear. He brought me
the reply of Captain Wallace. It seemed Mir
Azem doubted its authenticity. There was no
question on that point, and I was given to under-
stand Mir Azem was much pleased when informed
that I pronounced it to be genuine. It recom-
mended the mir to apply to Captain Bean, at
Quetta, but if he objected, or had insurmountable
scruples, to come to Karachi, when representations
should be made to government concerning him. I
declined at this time to visit Mir Azem, being
aware of the distress he was in, even for common
necessaries, and it was not in my power to supply
them ; still I urged Haji Khadar to persuade him
to act upon Captain Wallace's letter, and go to
Karachi, and put an end to his misery.

Trustworthy intelligence from Kalat had con-
tradicted the report of disasters set on foot by in-

* Vide vol. ii. p. 1 8, Journeys and Residence in Balochlstan,
Afghanistan, and the Panjab.

30 LIEUT. LOVEDAY'S MESSENGER.

terested persons ; and we learned that Lieut. Love-
day had dispersed the Minghals of Nushki, and
that Shah Nawaz Khan was at B&ghwana, cele-
brating his nuptials with a sister of Kam&l Khan,
one of the widows of the late Jdm Ali of Bela.
Fresh rumours, however, were circulated of the
arrival of Shh Sujah al Mfilkh at Shikdrpur, a
fugitive from Kabal, and that Sind was in arms.
It was determined to perplex the poor merchants.
During the day the hot winds were constant, but
although fully exposed to them, I suffered no in-
convenience. I had, however, need of all my
patience to support the delay circumstances had
produced in my journey.

I was reluctantly lingering at Bela, when, one
morning, a stranger came and asked me if I was
Masson Sahib? and informed me that he had
brought letters to me from Lieut. Loveday. I was
surprised, but as the fellow had my name so ready
at his tongue's-end, I requested to see his letters.
A Minghal, who accompanied him, was sent for
them. The stranger was very talkative, and soon
let me know that he was Amir Khn, in the service
of Lieut. Loveday ; that his funds were exhausted
in his trip from Kalt, and that he expected me to
renew them, an unfortunate expectation, as I had
no more money than I knew what to do with. He
insisted that Lieut. Loveday had despatched him
expressly to me, and had said to him in parting,
" Amir Kh&n, how delighted I shall be when Mas-

HIS INGENUITY. 31

son Sahib arrives! tell him the climate here is
lovely !" And farther, that when Mr. Loveday was
walking in his garden at Mastung, and picking
flowers, he would exclaim, " Ah ! Amir Khan, what
avail flowers and their fragrance when Masson
Sahib is not present to enjoy them with me!" I
thought this mighty strange ; however, the Minghal
returned with Amir Khan's saddle-bags; the let-
ters were produced ; and, lo ! they were addressed
to " Lieut. Gordon, British Agent, Sunmiani " !

The authorities received Amir Khan and his
party as guests. He soon after went to Sunmiani,
while the Minghal who had escorted Mm from
Wad proposed to do the same service for me to
that place. He was a superior man, and admitted
to be so by the good people at B61a, therefore I
was glad of his ofler, and prepared to start with
him. He only demanded two rupees and a-half for
the journey, and carried my saddle-bags on his
camel, a trained animal. I had constantly declined
to see Mir Azem Khan, poor Mehrab EMn's bro-
ther ! Now, that I was about to leave, I was so
importuned by many persons to visit him, that I
was obliged to yield, especially as they urged he
would be pleased ; that he had expressed a wish
to see me ; and that he said he remembered me at
Kalat. I therefore ordered my horse to be gently
led along the road, while I walked over to the jam's
house, where he resided. I found him in the most
miserable condition ; and, after we had exchanged

32 INTERVIEW WITH MIR AZEM.

salutations, he dismissed the five or six attendants
still adhering to him, and asked me about his jour-
ney to Karachi, and whether he would not run the
risk of being detained a prisoner, or of being put to
death. I assured him that, on the contrary, he
would be kindly received, and strongly urged him
to go, pointing out that delay, in his circumstances,
would be fatal. He talked about the Sirkar Com-
pany Sahib being generous, and I told him it was
justly so reputed, and he might depend upon its
liberality. He mentioned a plan that had occurred
to him, of going to Kh&ran, and taking his nephew,
the young son of Mehrab Khan, to Maskat, and
craving the intercession of the Imam, who was a
great friend of the British government. I repre-
sented that the Imam was a great friend, but his
own presence at Karachi would answer every pur-
pose, and, I did not doubt, his reception would be
such that his nephew would soon be glad to join
him. He inquired whether, instead of going to
Karachi directly himself, he had not better first
send a vakil, and I replied, that the time for send-
ing vakils was passed ; he admitted as much, and,
encouraged by what I had told him, promised to go
as soon as the jam returned to B61a. He remarked
that he was very miserable. I said that was too
evident, and entreated him, in God's name, to see
what the government would do for him. He fur-
ther observed, that he had seen me before at Kalat ;
but I explained to him that his memory deceived

MIR AZEM'S DISTRESS. 33

Mm, as, when I was there, he came to Sohrab from
Gandava, and thence proceeded to Kej, so that I had
not the opportunity of meeting him. I thought I
had succeeded in removing from the mind of Mir
Azem KMn the impressions that he would be neces-
sarily made a victim because it was the misfortune
of his brother Mehrab to be slain, and that he
might be unfairly dealt with at Karachi, and left
him apparently cheered, and determined to visit
Captain Wallace at no distant period.

I heard afterwards, that when Kalikdad with his
k&fila reached Bela the mlr embraced him, saying
he knew that he was indebted to him for my call.
His intention was to have visited Karachi, but he
complained that he had not clothes fit to go in.
K&likdad, who has a fast tongue, and is not very
competent in state affairs, advised him to send a
vakil, which caused delay. The revolt at Kalat
took place, and when his nephew recovered the
capital, the mir, of course, joined him.

Mir Azem was at this time so much reduced,
that he was in receipt of a daily allowance from
the jam of two pounds of rice, eight pais (about
threepence) worth of meat, with a little butter,
&c. ; his followers, eight or ten slaves, were also
supplied with prepared cakes of judri and rice-
flour. He had not a change of linen, having been
plundered by Is& Khan of Wad, as he passed
through that place in his flight from Kaldt. His
wife was with him, and he beguiled his leisure by

VOL. IV. D

34 SUNMIANI AGENCY.

reading Persian poems to her, for although so dis-
sipated as to be nearly useless for business, he is
highly taught, and considered to be very accom-
plished. At Bela, one of the widows of the late
Mehrab Khan, was also subsisting on the bounty
of the jam.

Before leaving the little state of Las, let me
briefly revert to the confusion and uncertainty
which then deranged its whole economy. To de-
scribe it would exceed my ability, yet a little of
its nature may perhaps be understood by the facts
I have related.

The fears of the authorities were groundless;
there was no desire to take possession of the coun-
try; none to transfer it to Sind, and none to in-
terfere in its internal arrangements, so far as the
English government was concerned. Still, there
was no authorized person informed of the panic
which prevailed, to explain it away, and the efforts
of the jam and his counsellors to open a communi-
cation with the gentlemen at Karachi had hitherto
failed. Colonel, now Sir Henry Pottinger, I be-
lieve justly appreciated the friendly sentiments of
the Las chief; and T afterwards heard from Lieut.
Loveday that he proposed the intercourse between
Las and the British government should pass
through the resident in Sind, a proposition so
manifestly reasonable, that it must have been op-
posed merely for the sake of opposition. The con-
sequence was, that Las became entirely neglected,

ITS ABOLITION. 35

and, by the politicals at Kalat and Quetta, was
even reputed to be hostile, when it was eager,
by the most abject submission, to confirm its ex-
istence.

I had always feared that the presence of troops
at Sunmiani, being wholly needless, would have
led to evil consequences ; I was, therefore, rejoiced
subsequently to learn that Lieut. Gordon, soon after
his arrival, in conformity with his appointment, had
sent them back ; a circumstance which impressed
me with favourable notions of his judgment, and
allowed me to hope that the young jam and his
subjects might not lament his appointment. Since,
a treaty, regulating the amount of duty to be levied
at the port of Sunmiani, has been notified in the
Bombay gazettes, which was in one sense unneces-
sary, as the amount fixed is merely what was here-
tofore levied without treaty ; still, if it was thought
fit so to legalize it, and harmony has thereby be-
come established, there is no great harm in it,
and there may be good, as the right of the jam
to conclude treaties has been acknowledged. I
have now heard with satisfaction, that the agency
has been abolished by the orders of the present
Governor-General of India.

36

CHAPTER II.

Walipat. Entrance of the Hills. Old Acquaintance. Route
to Miran Kushteh. Route to Baran Lak. Turkabur Kala
Dara. Review of route. Day at Kala Dara Approach to
Wad. Reception at Wad. Mir Rahmat's arrival. His
amusements. Afghan Haji. Mir Rahmat's frivolity.
Negro slaves. Opinions at Wad. Shir Mahomed's return.
Departure from Wad. Isa Khan's garden. Route to
Bdghwan. Meeting with Khan Mahomed Khan. Lead
Mines of Kappar. Gohar-basta. Arrival at Baghwan. Ci-
vilities of Shah Nawdz Khan. Interview with him. Mir Atta
Khan. Route to Kalat. -Zohwar. Lakorian. Gohar-hasta.
Anjirah. Civil reception at Shorab. Route to Rodinjo.
Reception there. Arrival at Kalat. Welcome of friends.
Lieut. Loveday's remark. reputation of Lieut. Loveday.
Interview with Lieut. Loveday. Conversation. Second inter-
view. Conversation with Munshi Ghulam Hussen. Selec-
tion of residence, Objection to revisit Lieut* Loveday.

FROM Bela we passed through the jangal of
peru trees surrounding it on the north, and then
skirting midway the hamlet of Khaira, reached
Walipat by night, where we halted in a grove of
palm-trees, where the jam's stud was picketed.
There were some thirty mares and colts. The
darogah in charge supplied us with grain and chaff,
prepared our food, and was anxious to show civility.
Before daybreak next morning we were crossing

ENTRANCE INTO THE HILLS. 37

the bare and pebbly plain stretching from Walipat
to the hills, and before sunrise we came to the
P6rali river, which we traversed six times, and
arrived at the opening of the defile Koharn Wat,
where we halted for the day, leaving the river
behind us, flowing from the north-east. Two tra-
vellers here joined us, coming from Kalat ; one of
them, Ghulam, a Babi merchant, instantly recog-
nised me, and, after we had embraced, he sat down,
refreshed himself, and gave the news of the day.
He came, he said, on Lieut. Loveday's business,
and told me, that I was expected at KaMt, for
Lieut. Loveday had told my friends that I should
soon be there.

In the evening we entered the defile, which did
not appear so formidable as the impressions of
memory had pictured; and although in its actual
state it might be barely practicable to artillery, a
good road could easily be made through it ; the
rock being schistose, and soft, while it readily sepa-
rates. The length of the defile is, moreover, tri-
fling. From it we emerged upon the wild and
broken plain of Boher, and struck across it to-
wards the range of hills confining it on the north.
This range we penetrated by the valley or stream-
bed of Ping, a Brahui term, meaning long, and,
with reference to the extent of the valley, correctly
applied. By reason of the long and continued
drought, I had been cautioned at Bela not to ex-
pect to find the hills as I had before seen them,

38 ROUTE THROUGH THE HILLS.

green with verdure, and their valleys garnished "with
copious and transparent rills of water; therefore I
was not surprised to find Ping abandoned by its
rivulet* and displaying few traces of the luxuriant
vegetation which used to embellish it. A slight
ascent, or pass, from the head of the valley brought
us upon the table-land of Selloh, from which we
descended into the bed of a water-course, called
Mir&n Kttshteh, from Miran, a Brahui robber, at
some period slain there. We had travelled the
whole night, and, as we found water at this spot,
we halted for the day. Near us were a few BraMi
huts ;. and we were visited by shepherds, from whom
we purchased a lamb.

In the evening we followed the course of the
valley, and crossing the difficult ascent of Lohi,
passed through a singular and extended defile, called
Anraveri. It was enclosed on either side by walls
of rock, nearly perpendicular, to the right, of forty
or fifty feet in height, to the left, of about twenty
feet. Its breadth varied from ten to twenty feet,
and the narrow passage was in some places much
choked up with flags and tall grass. The whole of
the hills naturally abound in strong and defensible
positions, and this defile seemed capable of being
made a most formidable one. The rude tribes of
the country, however, if not altogether insensible
to the facilities of defence it offers, are too ignorant
to profit by them, and, in their own petty warfare,
have never been known to do so. From Anraveri

PASS OF BARAN. 39

we toiled over the rocky pass of Karraroh, from
whose summit we had an extensive but dreary view
of mountain ranges in the distance, and of deep and
dark glens around us, and finally halted at the foot
of Baran Lak (the naked pass). In this march the
roads were frequently troublesome; still, a little
labour would suffice to put them in order.

We had again marched the whole night, and,
leaving the road, had fixed ourselves on the bank of
a large hill torrent, in whose rocky bed we met with
water in a cavity. Many of the pebbles strewed
about the surface were encrusted on the one face
with chalk, both soft and indurated, and small pieces
of the mineral, a rare one in these countries, were
also scattered about. On the pass, in our front, I
afterwards found specimens of zeolites in some abun-
dance, but very inferior to the beautiful masses to
be seen on the table hills of Malwa, in Central
India. The fossilized remains of bivalves, ammo-
nites, with what I supposed to be the jaw-bones and
teeth of fishes, were common in every stone or frag-
ment of stone, about us. In the evening we re-
sumed our journey, and ascended the lak. I was
surprised^and I may say almost disappointed, to find
it was by no means so difficult as the reminiscences
of two former transits had led me to anticipate. It
was neither long nor very precipitous, and the road,
while narrow, was even tolerable ; but near the sum-
mit is a kand, or hewn passage through the rock,
which would require to be widened before wheeled

40 TURKABUR.

carriages could pass. The rock is yielding, and favour-
able for the operation. From the pass we descended
into a retired glen, to allow my guide's camel to
"browse on a few trees sprinkled over its sides, and
again started at night. In our progress we crossed
the dry bed of a considerable hill-torrent, which I
well remembered as the spot near which I had
passed the day in 1831, and where we had been over-
taken by a heavy fall of rain ; and thence by a
small pass we came upon the plain of Turkabur, so
called from a tradition that Amir Taimtir, or, as
some say, Jenghiz Khan, encamped there. The name
in the dialect of the Brahuis, signifies a horseman.
Thence we entered the fine level and spacious plain
of Kla Dara (the black valley), and having -tra-
versed the larger portion of it, we struck off the road
for some Minghal huts, where we halted under cover
of some perpuk trees. We had not intended to dis-
turb the inmates, but the barking of their own dogs
awaked them, and an old man rose to inquire who his
visitors were On being informed, he was satisfied
and retired to his hut, promising to supply our
wants in the morning.

On crossing the pass of Turkabur we had left the
mountainous country behind us, and henceforth our
road to Kalat became comparatively easy and safe.
In the hills we had met very few people, and only at
the halting-places. Shir Mahomed, with whom I
never interfered, invariably told them that I was a Fe-
ringhi, going to Kalat on my own business ; and this

NATUEE OF ROAD. 41

information, given with the most perfect indifference,
was received in the same manner. The pass of
Baran Lak is the limit to which, in severe winters,
snow has been known to fall ; in most seasons, how-
ever, it seldom extends to Khozddr, and Baghwana.
I examined the road more carefully than I had for-
merly done, in consequence of an anxiety at Karachi
to be acquainted with its exact nature, with refer-
ence to the march of troops; the idea being cherished,
that if at all practicable, it would be highly advan-
tageous to open it, as the route through Sind and
Kachi, besides being so much longer, was in some
seasons of the year absolutely closed by the fearful
character of the climate. From the remarks I have
occasionally made, it may be gleaned that my opin-
ions of the road were favourable to its mere prac-
ticability, which indeed had no right to be ques-
tioned, as large Mfilas are constantly in the habit of
travelling by it; but these assemblages can pass
where armies with their encumbrances perish ; and
in their case many things are to be thought of
which kafilas can afford to dispense with. From
Bela to Wad no supplies of grain are procurable,
and from Wad to Kal&t very little could be de-
pended upon. In the hills, both water and forage
are precarious, or regulated by the supplies of rain.
In the present journey my horse suffered from want
of provender ; so did my companion's camel ; and
the kafila, which followed us, was disabled by the
loss of two-thirds of its cattle, from the same cause.

42 HALT AT KALA DARA.

At our first halting-place at Koharn Wat, at the
entrance of the hills, we drew our water from the
Purali river. At Miran Kushteh, and Baran Lak, our
halting-places within the hills, there was little water,
and they were the only two spots where it was found
on the line of road. . In my former journeys I had
crossed numerous rivulets, and the river Ornach, a
deep and powerful stream, now they had ceased to
flow, and I must have passed the dry bed of the
river without being aware of it. At this time, there-
fore, I held the march of a large body of troops to
be a dangerous measure ; and at any other time it
would be requisite to ascertain the state of the hills
as to water and forage. From the tribes perhaps
serious opposition need not be apprehended, but
their petty thefts would have to be provided against.
The drought, which has oppressed this country for
the last ten years, would appear to have prevailed
over a wide space, and I have observed that a similar
calamity has befallen some of the Russian provinces,
where a commission was appointed to examine into
its effects, and probable causes. Subsequently, I
believe, the route has been surveyed by British offi-
cers, but I have not learned the results.

In the morning, the old gentleman, who proved to
be a dependant of Isa Khan of Wad, was as good
as his word, and speedily set before us a breakfast,
and we purchased a sheep to return his civility, and
because we proposed to rest our cattle that had fared
badly since leaving Bela. In the neighbourhood

APPROACH TO WAD. 43

were several huts, and many of the inmates came
and fayoured us with their company. It was debated,
whether or not it was lawful to kill me, in retaliation
for the Wood of those slain at Kalat; but it was
generally conceded to be unlawful, as I was not pre-
sent at the slaughter, and because I had appeared
unarmed amongst them. Those who maintained the
contrary seemed to do so for the mere sake of argu-
ment.

We passed not only the day, but the better
portion of the following night here ; and then
continued our journey towards Wad. The morning
broke before we had cleared the low hills, which
separate the plain from the principal village of the
Minghal tribe. On the road Shir Mahomed ob-
served to me, that Khn Mahomed Elan, the
elder son of Is& Khan, being absent, as we learned
at Kala Dara, he did not exactly know whether,
from the manners of the younger branches of his
family, I might be altogether at ease there ; and
proposed, if I approved, that" we should go on
straight to his residence, some three or four miles
distant, where, if the fare was humble, I should be,
at least, civilly treated. I was obliged for the
consideration which had prompted the suggestion*
but resolved to take my chance at Wad. The
sun had not risen when we descended upon the
plain, with the little town before us; and the
first objects presenting themselves to our sight
were three new tombs, covered with white cement,

44 RECEPTION AT WAD.

erected over the remains of Wall Mahomed, Taj
Mahomed, and another of the Wad chiefs, who
had fallen at the same time with their ill-fated
lord, Mehrab Kh&n, They were buried on the open
plain, beneath a mulberry-tree, and contiguous to
each other. In death they had been united, and
their countrymen now reverenced them as shedidan,
or martyrs.

I may acknowledge that I approached the town
with clouded feelings; I was conscious there was
no cause for apprehension ; still there was the awk-
wardness of a meeting with the relatives of the
slain to be encountered; and, worse than all, I
knew that the calamity, which had involved so
many chiefs of the family in destruction, might, with
due understanding, have been averted. On cross-
ing the dry bed of the torrent, on which Wad
stands, we came upon the houses inhabited by
the chiefs now living ; and the first person we met
was a darogah of Isa Khan, who conducted us
to the vacant house of Mir Eahmat, a son of Tj
Mahomed, above noted as one of the slain at Kalat.
Mir Eahmat was with Kh&n Mahomed, in atten-
dance upon Shah Nawaz Khan, the new ruler of
Kalat in Zfdi The darogah hastened to report
our arrival to the family of IsS, Khan, leaving me
to my reflections on the strange accident of being
quartered in the house of a chief who had fallen
by the hands of my countrymen.

Presently Malek Dinar, the younger son of Isa

ARRIVAL OF MIR RAHMAT. 45

Khan, a youth of sixteen or seventeen years of
age, brought a polite message of welcome from his
mother ; and he was followed hy slaves, the bearers
of a couch, with carpets and gold embroidered
coverlets. Scarcely had these been arranged when
an excellent repast was also brought in. Shir Ma-
homed soon after departed for his home, engaging
to return at sunset, on the day after the morrow,
as he proposed to escort me to Baghwana, for a
further sum of three rupees.

Malek Dinar, I soon found, was the mother's
favourite ; and, during the day, was generally with
me. He appeared well conducted, therefore I was
glad of his company ; in the evening Mfr Rahmat
was announced, and the noise attending his arrival
proclaimed he was an important personage. He
had returned from Zidi, where he had left Khan
Mahomed. He was about twenty-five years of age,
and extremely thoughtless and vulgar in manners.
He professed to be delighted with me, and his
mode of showing it was most troublesome, for he
allowed me no rest.

Next morning, in consequence of a family
quarrel, Mir Hassan, his brother-in-law, left Wad
with his wives, children, and dependants, intending
to reside on the estates of Rehim Khan. When
this was known, Malek Dinar mounted his camel,
and pursued the fugitives, in the hope of inducing
the females to return ; Mir Rahmat requested my
horse to follow Mir Hassan, with the same object.

46 AMUSEMENTS AT WAD.

Considering the case to be urgent, I obliged Mm.
It proved that the offended mir was not to be
appeased ; and both returned unsuccessful.

Mir Rahmat did not permit* me to enjoy much
repose this day ; and as he became familiar, so
the levity of his manner became more conspicuous
and annoying. His conversation was of the most
frivolous description ; and, compelled to endure it,
I consoled myself by the thought that I was enabled
to acquire an insight into the state of society at
Wad; and truly the shifts and expedients he
resorted to for the purpose of killing time were
often amusing. Sometimes the minstrel, an in-
variable component part of a Brahui sird&fs house-
hold, clad in the rejected garments of his superiors,
struck up a tune on the sehtar, a three-stringed
lyre, and accompanied the melody with his voice ;
and anon Mir Rahmat, who, like Nero, piqued
himself on his vocal talent, delighted us with his
strains. Occasionally he stretched himself on his
couch, while a female slave shampooed him; and
the language he addressed to her was neither re-,
fined nor very delicate. Games of chance were
however, his great stand-by ; and these he played
sprawling on the ground, with Malek Dindr or the
tawdry, yet ragged minstrel.

The arrival of an Afghln haji, whom I had
seen at Bela with my faint-hearted friend, the
pirzada, contributed towards the amusement of Mir
Rahmat. This map had left Kalat on the haj,

AFGHAN HAJI. 47

or pilgrimage, to Mecca; and, as happens to many
of his countrymen, his h&j terminated at Bombay.
Being destitute, he there established his quarters
at the government hospital, of course pretending
to be sick. Craving the assistance of the pirzada,
to regain Kalat^ he related this circumstance, and
enlarged upon .the liberal fare and great attention
he received in the hospital; the pirzada asked
him, why he had not stayed there. Haji said, he
would have stayed, but the hakim s&hib (doctor)
turned him out. The pirzada consented to feed
him on the road to Kalat ; Haji, in return, was
to make himself useful. Now Haji arrived very
sore with the pirzada, accusing him of brutality,
in not allowing him to ride, and for forsaking him
in the hills, and he vowed to expose him when
he reached Kalat. Haji desired Mir Rahmat not to
estimate him by the homely garb he then wore,
as, when at home, at Kandahar, he was a great
man. Addressing me, he requested the loan of a
rupee, to be repaid at Kalat; to which, at the
moment, I made no reply. H&ji was still sitting,
twirling with his fingers the large black wooden
beads of his rosary, when Mir Rahmat was under-
going the process of shampooing ; and the indecent
remarks he made to the sable artiste so powerfully
moved the wonder of the Afghan that he could
not contain himself, and said: "Khanzada, have
you a wife?" The question, if abruptly, was well
put ; and Mir Rdhmat stared at him, a little con-

48 HAJI'S GOOD FORTUNE.

founded ; but soon recovering himself, he answered,
66 Yes, Haji Gul." And then, with happy impu-
dence, said, "Haji Gul, you shall stay with me
and teach me to say prayers." Haji replied, that
he should be happy to teach him prayers, but and
he shook his head he feared the Khanzda was
not likely to prove an apt scholar. My snuff-box
was empty, and the bazar of Wad was inadequate
to replenish it. Haji thought it a pity I should
need what he was able to supply, and taking the
box, emptied into it the contents of his own lea-
thern bag. I could not forbear telling him that
he had paade me ashamed of myself; as he had
asked me for money, and I had not given it,
while he had given me snuff without my asking
for it. I therefore prayed him to accept a rupee,
to buy more for himself.

I left Haji at Wad, to await a kafila, and to
divert the society there, which he appears to have
done, if his own accounts may be credited. Some
days after I had been at Kal&t, Haji came to see
me, in his best apparel, and covered with an old
chintz fargal. Inquiring how he got on after I
left, with Mir Rahmat, and the host of slave-
girls, black and white, he exclaimed, " Ramah !
ramah ! a flock ! a flock !" but the best of it was,
he said, that Is& Khan's daughter fell in love
with him, that she came to the masjit to him, and
was so affectionate that he said to her, " Bibi
Sahib (my lady), I am a woman." " No," she re-

MIK RAEMAT'S REPAST. 49

joined, " Hiji, I know you are a man, and a
good man." He protested, as he hoped to be saved,
he was bnt a woman. Then, he continued, Malek
Dinar had a fever, and one moment his mother
and female relatives were by his side, weeping and
tearing their hair, and the next, the musicians were
playing and singing, and such a scene of mingled
grief and merriment occurred, as the Haji had never
before witnessed. At length a k^fila came, and
Mir Rahmat so worried the merchants, on the
pretence of making purchases, that many of them
were glad to resign their goods to escape his an-
noyance. Haji abundantly amused me by the re-
lation of his adventures, and the sights he had seen
at Wad, and he took his leave, overjoyed that he
had afforded me subject of mirth.

I had not, however, got through the first day
with Mir RChmat, the second of my sojourn at
Wad ; and in the afternoon, two Jogis (Mho-r
medans) were sent for to exhibit their serpents.

In the evening, Mir Rahmat insisted, that as,
on the preceding night, I had been the guest of
Malek Dinar and his mother, so it behoved him
to provide my entertainment for the one near at
hand, and this allowed him to vociferate a Yariety
of orders. His commands for a. sheep, rice surkh-
dassi, corianders, carroways, onions, roghan, and
every single ingredient, were so loudly and in-
cessantly repeated, that I thought he would never
have ceased. After our meal, we had a regular

VOL. IV. E

50 SLAVES.

concert, and, after much of the night had passed,
with difficulty I induced him and his friends to
retire.

By daybreak next morning Mir Rahmat was
in attendance with his lyre, and, after a few of
his tunes and plaintive airs, he led me into a con-
tiguous house full of his negro slaves. His object
was to show me how rich he was in this species
of wealth. I should think, at least, some twenty
or twenty-five individuals, chiefly women and chil-
dren, were here living promiscuously together. He
did not know how many slaves he had, as he said
he never counted them, but computed their number
broadly at fifty, sixty, or seventy.

The slaves of the Brdhuis are of two classes,
negroes brought from Maskat, and the issue of cap-
tives made in war, with the people of the western
provinces of the country, as Kej, Turbat, &c. ;
some have, at various times, been brought from
Cashmir and the eastern provinces of Persia. These,
in colour and features, in no respect vary from
their masters, and some of the females are remark-
ably handsome. They are better treated than their
negro associates in bondage, and less onerous duties
are assigned to them. Few of the negroes, and
those only who are really useful, are even decently
clad, and it is common for them so to multiply,
that their masters, from inability to clothe and
feed them, dismiss them to provide for themselves
in other lands.

QUARRELS AT WAD. 51

Mir Rahmat was so well pleased with my horse
on the preceding day, that he again asked me, this
morning, to allow him to gallop the animal to
some cultivated lands, distant some three or four
miles. As I expected to leave Wad in the even-
ing, I demurred, which he did not take in good
part, and became a little sulky, which so far be-
nefited me, that, instead of plaguing me through-
out the day, he amused himself in his own apart-
ment with Malek Dinar, his minstrel, and slaves.
Malek's mother sent a message that I must not
be offended, and that she was sure Malek would
not have asked for the horse.

The absence of Mir Rahmat permitted the pre-
sence of more reasonable visitors, and they dis-
coursed in the most frank manner on all subjects,
public and private. The misfortunes of Kalat were
spoken of without any expression of ill-will, and
even Mir Rahmat never alluded to his father's
fate but in a careless tone. I soon found that
great enmity existed between Rdhim Khan, and
Khan Mahomed Khan, but perceiving a dislike
to relate the reason, I did not press the question,
presuming it might be of a delicate nature. Mir
Rahmat, indeed, when I asked if Rehim Khan
was likely to return to Wad, replied, How could
he return, when he had estranged himself from
his relatives and tilus ? alluding, I supposed, to his
alliance with, the Jadghals, or Ltimris, of Las.
Whatever were the sentiments of Mir Rhmat

E 2

52 NEWS FROM ZIDL

and the family of Isi KMn, those of their re-
tainers, of the people of Wad, and of the tribe in
general, were altogether favourable to R6him Kh&n,
who, it was asserted, was the only respectable chief
amongst them. Some of Rehhn Khan's family
were residing here, and one of his infant children
was frequently brought to me, as was Bdin, a
young child of KMn Mahomed. The cultivated
lands belonging to Wad were owned principally,
perhaps exclusively, by the chiefs. R6him Khan
had as much as yielded him five hundred gunis,
or fifty thousand Wad maunds of grain (wheat,
barley, and rice); while Isa Khan, Mir Rahmat,
and others of the family, held what yielded them
as much more ; the lands of the latter being chiefly
irrigated, while those of Rehim Khan were prin-
cipally khushk-awh, or dependent on rain.

The minstrel of the chiefs informed me, that
he had composed a jang nameh in honour of the
martyrs of Kalat, but that he had not yet recited
it, reserving if for the period when Rehim Kh&n
returned, and all the family were assembled.

During the day several of those who had ac-
companied KhSn Mahomed made their appearance.
They had left their master still in Zidi, and nar-
rated the results of the excursion of Shah Nawaz
Kh&n, and the submission of Mir Atta Khan, the
Sah Saholi chief. It seemed that the chief of
Kalt had exposed himself to danger, by having,
at a conference, made use of strong language while

DEPARTURE FROM WAD. 53

he grasped the hilt of his sword. The Sah Saholis
retired and lighted their matches, and evil might
have ensued, but for the intervention of saiyads,
as the khan's followers were few, and his oppo-
nents were many.

I could but observe that all spoke lightly of
the new khan, and had no better opinion of his
rank than to designate it as maskert, or a farce.

I had all faith in the promise of Shir Mdhomed,
and close upon sunset I saw him walk steadily
into the court-yard, leading his camel. We were
ready, and Hassan began to saddle my horse, when
a message came from Malek Dinar's mother, be-
seeching me to wait until the evening's repast was
prepared, or, if determined to proceed at once,
first to partake of what could immediately be set
before me. We soon despatched a hasty meal,
and desiring our best thanks to the hospitable
lady, we took leave of her son, and his graceless
cousin, who, as poor Mehrab Khan used to observe,
should have been named Mir Zahmat (Mir Trou-
blesome), instead of Mir Rahmat (Mir Merciful).

We crossed the plain to the sirdars' garden,
some five or six miles distant, where we halted
for the night. It was dark, but we found many
huts, occupied by slaves, employed in agricultural
labour, and now watching the kannins, or heaps
of corn. They supplied us with chaff, and we re-
tired to rest.

In the morning, a youth presented me with a

54 MEETING WITH KHAN MAHOMED.

dish of apricots, and said lie was a younger brother
to Mir Bahmat. We remained until afternoon
here, and then crossed the nullah beyond the
garden, when Shir Mahomed proposed to take the
nearest and direct road to Baghwana, by Kappar,
which avoids Khozdar. As I had twice before
seen the last place, I consented without difficulty.
In our progress we passed a spot called Langleji,
where, I learned, are many vestiges of the olden
times, and that medals are sometimes, but rarely
found. Similar indications, I was assured, are
abundant in Ornach, and in the hills near Wad
are numerous ghorbands, or ancient mounds, and
ramparts. We travelled the greater part of the
night, and halted at the commencement of some
low hills, in a place without water.

Towards morn we continued our journey through
the maze of hills, with a tolerable road, and halted
awhile to prepare our food at a locality, Churani
(the place of robbers), where the bed of a water-
course had a scanty rill in it. We were joined by
two or three small parties of Brdhuis, going to or
coming from Baghwina; and, before we had left,
Khan Mahomed KMn, with a couple of horsemen,
arrived. He embraced me, on learning I was a
Feringhi, inquired much after his young son, Bdin,
and hoped that I had received all civility from
Malek Dinar. Drawing me aside, he desired me to
tell Lieut. Loveday that the road from Kalat to
Sunmiani would never be safe to merchants, unless

LEAD MINES AT KAPPAR. 55

Rehim Khan were decoyed to Karachi and made
prisoner, for he was the cause of all the mischief.
He shrewdly instructed me to say little on his part,
but a good deal on my own, adding, that I should
naturally be asked, having travelled by the road.
If Rehim Khan were not secured, he said, he should
be obliged to abandon Wad, for he should acquire
an evil repute; and, as he acknowledged the Fe-
ringhi rule, he must reside at Kalat. I secretly
admired the dexterity of Khn Mahomed, but pro-
mised to report what he had told me, as I did when
I saw Lieut. Loveday at Kalat, taking care, however,
to put the matter in its true light. In the after-
noon we started from Churani, and a slight detour
brought us upon a wide and level plain, called Wir.
It was chequered with cultivated patches, and there
were a few mud apartments, to house chaff. Be-
yond Wir, a short transit through other low hills
conducted us to the commencement of the plain
of Perozabad, with a rivulet flowing from Kappar.
Here we halted for the night, with the village of
PerozaMd about two miles in advance.

In the morning we passed the lead mines of
Kappar on our left, seated in a hill, that seemed
entirely composed of the metal. About two hundred
workmen are constantly employed, and they are a
peculiar race, not Brahuis, or esteemed people of the
country. Lead is a most abundant metal in the hills
of central Balochistan, but is said to be extracted
only on a regular system at these mines. They are

56 THE SAH SAHOLI CHIEF.

near to Bdghwana, before reaching which, however,
we passed another small plain, crossed by a re-
markably substantial rampart, or ghor-basta, one
of the most perfect I had seen, and which could
hardly be supposed to have been constructed for
any other purpose than that of a defensive nature.
On arrival at the cluster of villages on the plain of
BSghw&na we halted, under some trees near the old
village of Kama! Khan, and were soon apprised
that Shah Nawaz Khan was near us. He had
lately celebrated his nuptials with the sister of
Kama! Khan, a widow of the late jam of Las, and,
in two or three days, intended to escort his new
bride to Kalat. He had also received a visit from
Lieut. Loveday, who brought him a treaty, ratified
by the Government of India, and congratulations on
his marriage. A little after our arrival, Mir Atta
Khan, the Sah Saholi chief, came with twenty-five
or thirty horsemen, and took up his quarters at
an adjacent ziarat, or shrine. He had, in return for
his submission to the authority of Shah Nawaz
Khan, just received a khelat, or honorary dress,
arrayed in which, he passed in procession before
the khan's tent, two young saiyads, on very good
horses, at a slight distance, leading the van. M-
homed Khan, Raisani, the khin's ndib, or deputy,
at Baghwana, accompanied the Sah Saholi caval-
cade, and being told that I was a Feringhi, in-
quired if the . khan knew of my presence, and
immediately went to announce it. He speedily re-

MESSAGE FROM SHAH NAWAZ KHAN. 57

turned with the khan's Hindu diwan, and it was
asked what could be done to oblige me. The kMn
was desirous to send a tent, with sheep and other
things, as the kMn was himself my servant, and his
country was mine. I explained that I was but a
traveller, and not even in the employ of govern-
ment, therefore there was no occasion for the kMn
to put himself to trouble or expense on my ac-
count ; that I was grateful for his good intentions,
but that, if he fulfilled them, I should be uneasy,
as I was unworthy of them. They went away, but
soon returned, imploring me to accept sheep, &c. ;
but I prayed to be excused, as I had not even
vessels to cook them in. Mahomed KMn now
recognised me as the companion of Gul Mahomed
Kambarari, in my trip to Chehel Tan in 1831, and
as a former resident at his tom&n at Khanak.* His
countenance instantly brightened, for the slightest
acquaintance amongst all rude people is acknow-
ledged; and, truly, his memory was better than
mine, for I did not remember him ; yet he dropped
all restraint and formality, and ran off to tell the
khan the new Feringhi was an old friend.

In the course of the day a rather sumptuous re-
past was sent by the khan, and in the evening a mes-
sage came expressive of his wish to see me, brought
by his shahghassi, who alike claimed previous ac-
quaintance, as did most other persons who now

* Vide Narrative of Journeys and Residence in Balochistan,
Afghanistan, and the Panjab, &c. vol. ii. p. 71.

INTERVIEW WITH THE KHAN.

came to see me. I went to tlie tent of Sh&h
Nawaz Khan ; on entering it he rose and embraced
me, and then seated me by his side. We discoursed
some time, and I repeated what I had before told
his people, that I was not in government employ,
and therefore entitled to no attention on that ac-
count. He asked if troops had been sent to Sun-
miani ? I told him " No :" and, in answer to an-
other question, whether they had not been " mo-
karrar," or appointed, replied, that I had heard as
much. Relating my detention at Bla, and the
false rumours then prevalent there, he smiled, and
was most profuse in his declarations of gratitude
and attachment to the British government. In
justice to Shah Nawz KMn, I may here observe,
that, whether in public or private, he invariably
expressed the same sentiments, and in terms so
abject that the Brahuis were ashamed of him.

In conversation and manners the khan was with-
out the least formality or reserve, having, perhaps,
acquired the ease and freedom of the Duranis dur-
ing his stay of three years at K&ndahar. I should
not have judged his affability amiss, but it is taken
very ill by his subjects generally, and particularly
so by the Brahuis, who expect their khan to be
grave and dignified in converse and deportment.

Besides the khan, Mir Kamal Khan, of B%h-
wana, whom I saw for the first time, was the only
person of note present. He was sitting entirely
sans fafon, with -no upper garment except his shirt,

CONTROVERSY. 59

and without a turban on his head. Shortly Mir
Atta Khan was announced, and the very small tent
became crowded with his followers. The two
young saiyads who had been instrumental in pro-
moting an understanding between the khan and
the Sah Saholis were placed on the khan's right
hand, and, beyond them, sat Mir Atta Khan, and
his attendants in succession. Much conversation-
passed with the Brahuis in Kur Gali, and I noticed,
that although on one occasion some good thing said
by Shah Nawaz forced a laugh from most of them,
at other times his propensity to jeer and jest was
by no means approved of; and I fancied that Kaml
Kh&n's features denoted regret that his kh&n and
brother-in-law should talk so much, and to so little
purpose. With the two young saiyads, and an older
one, named Fazil Shah, their opponent, the khan
had to sustain a desperate controversy. The youths
claimed some lands and certain rights, which F&zil
Shah, once a dependent of their family, had, as they
contended, unfairly usurped. It was easy to per-
ceive that the khan and Kaml Khan favoured
Fazil Shah, but the young saiyads were very tena-
cious of their rights, and talked much and ear-
nestly : indeed, between them and the khin there
seemed to be a struggle who should speak most. ,
Fazil Sh&h occasionally put in a few words, but
Kam&l Khan, by whose side he sat, checked him,
and pulled his shirt-sleeve whenever he evinced the
inclination to display his volubility. The sum of

-60 GKACELESSNESS OF THE BRAHUIS.

the khan's argument, in opposition to the impor-
tunity of the young saiyads that an immediate judg-
ment should be pronounced upon the merits of their
case, was, that he could not venture to interfere
between saiyads, as all the disputants were, and
that the matter must be debated in form before
a competent tribunal ; in other words, that delay
Vas necessary. I was very pleased when the
saiyads and Mir Atta Khan departed, as I was also
enabled to take ray leave of the khan, who told me
that a party of horsemen should escort me to Kalat,
which I submitted was wholly unnecessary.

The conversation between the khan and the
saiyads was sustained in Sindi, the young men,
although the spiritual guides of the Sh Sholi, a
Brahtii tribe, being of Sindian extraction, and igno-
rant of the Brahui dialect ; and this fact brought
me to the knowledge that the Brahtiis, unlike all
other Mahomedan people, have no saiyads, pirs,
mullas,, or faquirs, or any persons pretending to
inspiration or sanctity amongst them, and are com-
pelled, while holding the craft in due reverence,
to seek them amongst strangers. I asked the
khan's servants which party was right in the
lengthened debate which had just passed, and was
told, as I expected, that the young saiyads were.

This evening the bard of Mir Att4 Khan kept
us long awake, singing to his chief the jang nameh
of the devoted Mehrab KMn. Wonderful were
the exploits attributed to him ; and the Feringhi

POPULAR IMPRESSIONS. 61

army was described as the " lashkar khodahi," or
the army of God, and as innumerable, or lakhs
upon lakhs. The ditty concluded with the remark,
that " All the Ahmed Zais had died worthily, but
that Mehrab in death had surpassed all others:
wa tiUa $Md 9 and had become gold. 1 '

I was surprised to find that the personal attend-
ants of Shah Nawaz Khan considered his dignity
in no better light than did his adherents at "Wad,
or that it was other than "maskeri," or a farce.
He must have felt himself placed in a ridiculous
position. He had not more than twenty-five or
thirty attendants and armed men, a retinue inferior
to that of the robber chief Mir Atta Khan, who
found it convenient at this time to make his sub-
mission. The remark was constantly made here
as elsewhere, that, to tell the truth, the country
was the sahibs', and Sh&h Nawaz merely their naib,
or deputy. To remove this impression, which the
state of things justified, was impossible, and so
awkward had been the arrangements relating to
the unfortunate country of Balochistan, that while
understood by no one, they were such as made
it impossible for the khan to establish a govern-
ment.

Early the next morning, soon after breakfast,
Shah Nawaz sent me a large dish of fine apri-
cots. His cuisine seemed at least well managed;
and I learned that he had cooks from Kandahar,
Shir Mahomed, my Minghal guide, had engaged

62 ROUTE TOWARDS KALAT.

to go no farther than Baghwana, I therefore hired
another man and camel to carry my effects to Kalat
for a sum of three rupees.

I had arranged to start for Kalat in the after-
noon, and Shah Nawaz, unremitting in civility,
sent hy his Hindu dfwan a sheep and a basket of
flour, explaining, that I should get no provisions
on the road (an assertion more polite than true),
and insisting upon acceptance. The escort of horse
I had refused, but a single horseman, one Ghdzi
Khan, was sent, to whom I did not object, aware
that he was the bearer of the kh&n's own letters
to Kalat.

From B&ghw&na we marched about ten or
twelve miles over a fairly open country, and halt-
ed at a spot called Zohwar, where was a rivulet,
but no habitations. We found there the pesh-
khana, or advanced tent, of Shah NawSz, but the
attendants were either too sound asleep to be
aroused, or declined to answer the calls of GhSzi
Khan. We stayed a few hours of the night here,
amid the constant howling of wild animals in the
surrounding hills; and before daybreak recom-
menced our journey. A slight detour led us into
the spacious plain of Lakorian, at the northern
extremity of which are some important ghorbands,
or bastas. I had a better opportunity than before
of examining these . remains, and I could not but
conclude that, with those near Baghwaua, they were
defensive works, or intrenched lines. They com-

ANJIRAH. 63

pletely covered the entrance of the defile connect-
ing the plain of Lakhori&n with that of Anjirah,
and the minor passages by which the defile might
have been penetrated were all carefully protected.
The principal rampart ran parallel to a deep ravine
and joined a small eminence. These vestiges are
remarkable for their magnitude, as well as for their
solidity, and the skill, I might say science, evident
in their construction. The wonder is, to what
people they may be ascribed ; and this is a question
to which the traditions of the country offer no
reply. Passing through the defile, the plain of
Anjirah opens with a descent, and we traversed
it until we reached a rivulet, where there was no
shade, but patches of verdure on elevated ground,
from whence several small springs issued, and there
we halted. Below us on the plain were two ka-
filas, one of Kambardri Brahuis, the other of
saiyads of Peshing, Terins, &c., on their way from
Sunmiani. The saiyads wished me to accept a
sheep ; and on my declining it, as from the bounty
of Shah Nawaz, we were well supplied with meat,
they brought some Bombay rice, and vessels to
prepare it with. There was no dwelling on the
plain, but much cultivated land, and heaps of chaff,
the product of the recent crops, were scattered
about. Near our position was also a rud-khana,
its banks fringed with oleander bushes, which, since
leaving Wad, had constantly occurred in similar
localities. During the day numbers of BrShui

64 CIVILITY OF SHAH NAWAZ.

females from the Mils came to the springs. The
Peshing saiyads commiserated the hardship of their
lot, compelled to walk barefooted for three or four
miles for water. Having seen the Peshing ladies
in much the same predicament, I observed that
such remarks came oddly from them whose wives
underwent the like hardship. An excuse was offer-
ed that water in Peshing was not distant.

Towards evening we started for Sohrb, and
arrived there at night, halting at one of the hamlets,
called Shehar Bakh&l, from the Bakhals, or Hindus,
residing at it. The people were asleep ; but Ghazi
Khan contrived to find chaff for our cattle, being
all we needed. On awaking next morning, we
were told that chaff, and all other necessaries,
had been collected for me, at a neighbouring
hamlet, by the orders of Sh&h Nawaz Khan, who,
it proved, without apprising me, had despatched a
messenger before me ; a mark of attention for which
I could not but feel indebted to him. Scarcely had
I heard this when a shahghassi, the khan's officer
here, came with his train to welcome me, and
informed me a house was ready for my abode, and
that he had sat up the whole night expecting , me.
We therefore removed to the quarters assigned
us, and the shhghassl, in obedience to the or-
ders he had received, was willing to have put
himself very much out of the way ; but I would
not allow him, though I could not prevent the
slaughter of a lamb. He prayed me not to go

RECEPTION AT RODINJO. 65

to sleep, as he would bring a nri, or breakfast,
and immediately produced some fine cakes, with
excellent butter, and a quantity of delicious apricots.
In due time a more substantial repast was set
before me; and in the afternoon we took leave
of Sohrab, and the attentive shahghassi, whose
last act was to give my people a basket of apricots,
saying, I should not find them yet ripe at Kalt.

By night we reached an uninhabited spot, called
Gandagben, where we slept until near daybreak,
and then continued our course to the village of
Rodinjo ; where we were rather coolly received by
the Rais Rahmatulah. I had reposed awhile, when
I was awakened by Hassan, who told me some of
the villagers had brought me an entertainment.
I found that the family of M611a Izzat had done
the hospitable office, and that her two sons were
the bearers of the rural fare. Rais Rahmatulah and
his people, without being rude, were yet reserved
and formal ; until one, Shaffi Mahomed, recognized
me as having been his companion in the journey
I made, in 1831, from Kalat via the Mulloh pass
to Jell, Sind, and Sunmiani. I also remembered
him well, as he was one of Kalikd&d's camel-drivers*
who at that time seriously annoyed me, when
suffering from sickness. I reminded him of it,
in a laughing mood, and he said, that he did not
then know who I was. The information he im-
parted instantly removed the reserve of the Rais,

VOL. iv. F

66 ARRIVAL AT KALAT.

who, oil taking leave of me in the evening, when
he went to his family on the Dasht Gharan below
Rodinjo, left some of his people expressly to attend
to any call I might make, which was, in one sense,
needless ; as I took care not to be troublesome.

Being near to Kalat, we did not leave Rodinjo
until noon of the following day; when, crossing
the extensive plain beyond it, we entered the low
hills of Takht Badshah and Pul Sanjfoi, and as-
cending a slight pass, beheld the gardens of the
Brahui capital before us. I made for the Babi
suburb, Hassan preceding me to announce my
approach, and my old friend, Faiz Ahmed, with
some of his family and neighbours, advanced to
meet and to welcome me.

Their first care was to consider where I should
most comfortably reside during my stay; and a
small garden, near the suburb, was fixed upon,
to which I went against the consent of the owner,
whose fears of Feringhis seemed so great that
Faiz Ahmed could scarcely overcome his objections
to receive me. Abd61 Wahid, a former acquain-
tance, came and 'greeted me ; his relative, Faiz
Ahmed, returning to his house to bring a repast
and tea. Abdul Wahid told me I was expected,
both from the advices of Kalikdad and the an-
nouncement of Lieut. Loveday, who had so assured
him but a short time ago. It being afternoon when
I reached Kalat by the time Faiz Mahomed had
brought his tea it grew late ; while former acquaint-

LIEUT. LOVEDAY. 67

ances poured in upon me, and I did not, therefore,
call upon Lieut. Loveday that evening. He, how-
ever, heard of my arrival, and remarked, that I must
be a low fellow, for, if I had been a gentleman,
I should have come to him. This observation was
reported to me, and I smiled at it.

Not only, ever since I left Karachi, but even
when at that place, I had heard the most astonish-
ing accounts of Lieut. Loveday, or Labadin Sahib, as
he was called by the natives. Actions so singular
were imputed to him, and of a nature so different
from what are usually looked for from British
officers, that I was disinclined to credit them,
and felt disposed to attribute the unfavourable
impressions current, to the irritated feelings and
fertile imaginations of the late khan of Kalat's
subjects. And this view seemed the only rational
one to take, for the alleged enormities could
not have been committed without the knowledge
of his superiors ; and, it was inconceivable to sup-
pose that, with such knowledge, they would tolerate
them. Still, the reports were so universal, in all
places and with all parties, that it was difficult to
avoid the suspicion that he must be a strange
person. I knew nothing of him, and even at
Karachi was unable to ascertain whether he was a
military officer or civilian.

At sunrise next morning, notwithstanding the re-
pulsive remarks of Lieut. Loveday, I called upon him
at his tent, perhaps a hundred and fifty yards from

68 INTERVIEW WITH LIEUT. LOVEDAY.

my garden, where he was superintending the erection
of a house. As I approached him, in company with
Abdul Wahid, he- said, "Mr. Masson, I believe?" I
replied " Yes ;" when he continued, " We may as
well walk into the tent." He led the way, and I
followed him. There was, in fact, hut one chair in
the tent, which certainly I would not have taken
had he offered it ; however, he did not permit me to
show my breeding, but gave me an example of his,
by telling me to sit on the ground, as I was used to
it. He then changed his clothes, and threw down
three or four newspapers before me, that I might
amuse myself the while. Breakfast was brought ;
after which we conversed for some hours, or until
noon. He inquired particularly about Las ; and I
discovered the meaning of the obnoxious orders of
Shah Nawaz Khan, relating to the duties there.
He denied, however, having sent any letters to the
jam, or even to the petty chiefs, exacting fees on
the road from Bela to Wad. He silenced me on
remarking upon the injustice of the arrangement
as concerned the jam, by asserting that- "might
was right." I explained to him the situation and
feelings of Rehim Kh&n, as far as I could judge of
them, and he said, that if I had sufficient influence
with him, to induce him to come to Kalat, no
harm should happen to him. He vaunted the ex-
pulsion of the Brahuis from Kachi, and its annexa-
tion to the kingdom of Kabal, as a brilliant political
measure. I did not ask why he so considered it ;

CONVERSATION. 69

but when he stated that Lord Auckland's wish was
to consolidate the Brahui state, I could not forbear
observing, that a most infelicitous plan had been
adopted for the object, by dislocating its provinces,
and setting up a ruler without revenue or resources
of any kind. He admitted the khan was needy,
and said he wished to raise a disciplined corps of
three hundred men for him, but there was no money.
He narrated his attempts to surprise the son of
Mehrab KMn, in Panjghtir and Nushkl, and in-
formed me that had he been captured he would
have been sent to Quetta, and taught English,
while Darogah Gul Mahomed would have been
blown from a gun. I inquired in what particular
the Darogah had so grievously offended ; and Lieut.
Loveday replied, that many of his letters had been
intercepted before the taking of Kal&t, and that
there numbers had come to light, furnishing proof
of a most diabolical conspiracy, and for that reason
he was not to be forgiven. He explained the
arrangements made, with regard to the resumed
districts of Mastung and Quetta, and told me I
should be delighted when I saw Mastung, the
revenue of which he had fixed himself at twenty-
seven thousand rupees, farming it, for the present
year, to Diwan Ramu, but intending on the en-
suing one to collect it himself. He also took much
credit for opening the Mulloh pass, by blowing from
a gun the petty chief who infested it, and said he
wished he could get hold of Fati All of Orndch, to

70 CONVERSATION.

treat him in the same manner. Also with reference
to Mastting, he expressed regret that he had failed
to persuade Capt. Bean to blow Mahomed Khan
Sherw^ni from a gun, in place of appointing him the
Naib of the Shah, as questionable letters from him
to the late Mehrab Khan had been found. We
talked much on the policy of the measures which
had brought our armies beyond the Indus, and I
freely stated my opinions on the blunders and mis-
management which had spoiled everything, and on
the fearful confusion that must inevitably at some
period follow. Without altogether coinciding with
me, or rather perhaps not choosing to say openly
that he did, he made one good remark, that it would
cost the Conservatives millions to repair the errors
of the Whigs, as had always been the case. He
inquired about the road from Sunmfani, and for
what sum I would undertake to put it into good
order, which obliged me to answer that I did not
understand roadmaking. He also put the question,
whether I intended to write a book ; and then told
me he purposed to make a journey to Kerman in
Persia. I* explained my objects in* travelling, and
my intention to proceed to KandaMr and thence to
Kabal, as soon as my servants with my baggage
joined. He was particular in his inquiries about
the kafila, as a very large quantity of his supplies
from Bombay were coming with it, and I had seen
his men at Stinmiani ; moreover, Ghulam, the Babi
merchant I met at Koharn Wat, had been sent by
him on their account.

LIEUT. LOVEDAY'S CIVILITY. 71

At length several persons haying collected out-
side the tent, I suggested that he might have busi-
ness to transact, and took leave, when he took me
to see his Arab horses, and then asked me to dine
with him at his house in the town, between three
and four. I at first demurred, but consented when
he said he should like me to see the house.

In the afternoon, when I judged it was about the
hour, I walked over to his town-residence, formerly
that of Naib Mulla Hassan, from which the jewels
taken at Kalat were extracted. I found Lieut. Love-
day in a spacious apartment, hung round with suits
of armour, and the corners filled with pikes, hal-
berds, battle-axes, and warlike weapons, the poil
of the late khan's armoury. He was stretched on
his couch, and told me that he had long since dined,
but that something had been set by for me. I re-
marked, he did well not to wait. We again con-
versed some time, but he was extremely restless,
sometimes rising suddenly from his couch and tak-
ing a chair, and then as suddenly leaving it for his
couch. He showed me the plan of the house he
was building, and of the Gothic windows he had
designed for it ; but when it drew near to sunset
he rose to retire to his tent outside the town, where
he slept. I wished him good evening, and was about
to leave also, when he prayed me to talk to his
munshi. I urged that I had nothing to say to the
mfinshi, when he assured me the man was most
intelligent, and that I should be quite astonished

72 CONVERSATION WITH MUNSHI.

at Ms sense. I then said there could be no harm,
and he introduced me to the munshi in the terraced
court without, and level with the room. This was the
unfortunate man who was afterwards slain with a
party of Sipahis at Mastung, the first overt act of
rebellion shown by the Brah6is. He related many
particulars of the capture of Kalat. His account
of the death of Mehrab Khan varied a little from
that given by Lieut. Loveday, who, indeed, confessed
it was not exactly ascertained further than that
he was killed in the melee, unrecognised by those
who brought him to the ground. He informed me
that Lord Auckland, in the first instance, was de-
cidedly opposed to the deposition, of the Kalat
chief; and that he never approved of it, but, in
consequence of the representations made to him,
was reduced, finally, to leave it a discretionary
measure. With respect to the treaty with Mehrab
Khan concluded by Sir Alexander Burnes, on my
asking why Sir Alexander had protested against
it, he replied, that Burnes Sahib left Quetta boast-
ing that he would bring in Mehrab Khan, and that
returning without him, the gentlemen laughed,
on which he grew angry and protested against
the treaty. I had seen a letter from Sir Alexander
Burnes, in which he stated, that on his return from
Kalat with the treaty he had made, he was waylaid
by a party sent by Mehrab Khan, who re-possessed
themselves of it; on which account, immediately
on reaching Quetta, he entered his protest against

TALES OF KALAT. 73

it. He added, that lie believed Mehrab KMu had
despatched the party before signing the treaty, and
that his counter-orders had missed it, but that, in
his opinion, the circumstance did not affect the
view he took of the business, or diminish the vil-
lany of the khan. Lieut. Loveday had not alluded
to this imputed crime of Mehrab, and I was a little
surprised to find that his munshi did not mention
it, although strenuously insisting upon the many
offences he had committed. He dilated upon the
spoliation of the baggage of the army in the passage
through the Bolan Pass ; and urged, that although
Mehrab Khan disavowed any participation in it,
yet penknives and surgical instruments had been
purchased from the Brahui tribes of Merv and
Isprinji, which, in his estimation, amounted to proof
that he had. He confessed, however, that no arti-
cle which could be supposed to have belonged to
the army was found with the property of the khan
captured at Kalt ; and that no money was
discovered but the twenty thousand Company's
rupees given by Burnes Sahib to the khan. I
inquired how it happened that the political autho-
rities had been so completely deceived by the un-
principled Mulla Hassan. He answered, that they
had been deceived, and would not have been un-
deceived but for the letters which turned up at
Kalat : that the envoy and minister, on hearing of
Mulla Hassan's imprisonment, wrote to know why
his old friend had been so ill-used ; and, in answer,

74 CHANGE IN QUARTERS.

Capt. Bean forwarded copies of his detected let-
ters, -while the originals were despatched to Cal-
cutta. I further learned, that Shah Nawaz Khan
had been preferred to the government of Kalat on
the score of legitimacy, being the descendant of
Mohabat Khan, the elder brother of the famous
Nassir Khan ; and the munshi said in his favour,
that lie acted " ba mirzi," or according to the plea-
sure of the Sahibs.

From the munshf s conversation I could agree
with Lt. Loveday that he was an intelligent man ;
but, it growing late, I took leave of him, and
found that Nalrusah, a person high in the lieu-
tenant's favour, had been directed by his master
to convey me home on a riding-camel. Lt. Love-
day, moreover, had, on leaving, requested me again
to breakfast with him at his tent on the following
morning.

The man, in whose garden Faiz Ahmed had
fixed me, was by no means pleased with my pre-
sence; for the reputation acquired by Feringhis
was so evil, that he could not conceive it pos-
sible that one could reside so close to him without
bringing down mischief upon him, and my visits
to Lt. Loveday only confirmed him in his gloomy
foreboding. Faiz Ahmed strove in vain to re-
concile him, and I intimated that I would shift my
quarters, as it was unpleasant to my own feelings
to be considered troublesome. Faiz Ahmed, there-
fore, sought out another suitable place, and found

OLD LADY'S SCRUPLES. 75

it in a garden once belonging to F&zil Khan,
now a fugitive at Maskat, but which had been
assumed by Shah Nawaz Khan. To it I went,
being a little nearer to Lt. Loveday's tent, though
more distant from the Babi Khel, where my friend
resided.

In charge of this garden was an old lady, pre-
viously dependent on Fazil Khan, but who had
not been removed by Shah Nawaz Khan. She
was also much averse to my living in her
garden, and went straight to the citadel to com-
plain of my intrusion, and of Faiz Ahmed for
having caused it. She saw Mir Fati Khan, the
khan's brother, who received her rudely, and told
her the garden was mine as long as I chose to
remain in it. The old lady returned and never
said a word ; but, in the course of a day or two,
told me that fear had overcome her, and now she
was as desirous I should stay as she had before
been to eject me.

I rose in the morning with the momentary inten-
tion of walking over to Lieut. Loveday's tent ; but,
reflecting on the nature of the reception he had
favoured me with, his objectionable remarks, and
even on the strangeness of his manner and conver-
sation, I reasoned, what have I to do with him?
and what occasion have I to trouble him with
my company, or to be annoyed with his ? and did
not go again to him. So little did I think of
the transaction at the time that the terms in which

76 MEMORANDUM.

I alluded to my intercourse with Lt. Loveday in the
notes which have by accident since come into my
possession, are simply these : " On the next
morning I went to call on Mr, Loveday, whom
I found at a place opposite the town, where he
was superintending the erection of a house. I
breakfasted with him, and afterwards he invited
me to dine at his house in the town at half-
past three o'clock. I had no means of ascertain-
ing the hour; and, the weather being cloudy, I
may not have been quite punctual, for when I
reached, Mr. Loveday had dined, and I had to
sit and eat by myself." So little importance did
I attach to him or to what occurred, that I did
not deem one or the other worthy of more ex-
tended notice or comment.

77

CHAPTER III.

Condition of Kalat. Events producing it. Origin of intercourse
with Mehrab KhUn. Sir Alexander Burnes's information.
Protest against treaty. Capture of Kalat, and death of Meh-
rab Khan. Changes in the government and dismemberment
of Kalat. Opinions of Mehr4b Khan's guilt or innocence.
Charges against him. Explanations thereof. Proceedings of
the envoy and minister. His bribery of Naib Mulla Hassan.
The naib's duplicity and knavery. Mission of Sir Alex-
ander Burnes to Kalat. The results. March of troops upon
Kaldt Continued knavery of the khan's agents. His neglect
of defensive arrangements. Assault on Kalat. Detection of
the villany of Naib Mulla Hassan and others. Mehr&b
Khin's injunctions to his son. Prize jewels. Impolitic mea-
sures of the political authorities. Partition of the country.
Recognition of Shah Nawaz Khan. Political appointment-
Activity of Lieut. Loveday. The son of Mehra*b Khan a fugi-
tive in Kharan.

KALAT presented in aspect and. condition a
melancholy contrast to the tranquil and flourish-
ing 1 state in which I had formerly beheld it. The
greater part of the town was uninhabited, and the
little bazar, once busy and well supplied, was now
nearly deserted. The inhabitants themselves were
oppressed with gloom and despondency, as they
were clad in the coarse and abject garb of poverty.
All of my old acquaintances had suffered most

78 SADNESS AT KALAT.

cruelly in the spoil of their property, and I was
hurt to see those -who had so recently been affluent
and comfortable, present themselves before me
necessitous and destitute. The sky, indeed, was
as serene as ever, the orchards displayed their ver-
dure, and the valley, as before, was adorned with
cultivation, yet there was a loneliness, real or
imaginary, on my part, cast over the scene, that
was infectious, and 'with every disposition to be
cheerful, I was, in despite of myself, dejected and
sorrowful. A notion I had entertained at Karachi
of remaining here two or three months to arrange
some of my MSS. for publication, had been dis-
sipated on arrival, as I plainly saw that the Brahtii
capital was no longer the abode of peace and
security it had formerly been, and it was, moreover,
painful to witness the desolation and misery around
me.

But it was necessary to await my servants and
effects coming with Kalikdad and his kifila. I
had, therefore, leisure to discotirse on the events
which had occurred since I left the country in
1831, and to learn what was understood with
reference to the calamities which had attended
the appearance of British armies in Balochistan.
To the public little else is known of these lament-
able events than that Kalat was taken by storm
by a detachment of British troops, commanded by
Major-General Wiltshire, and that the ruler, Meh-
rab Khan, with many of his chiefs, was slain. The

EXPEDITION OE 1838. 79

motives influencing the revengeful deed have never
been revealed, nor are likely officially to be dis-
closed, because they would too clearly demonstrate
the incapacity, delusion, and errors, not to say the
bad passions, of the unhappy men selected by Lord
Auckland to work out his visionary projects beyond
the Indus. I may, therefore, in throwing what
light I am able upon the proceedings, contribute
a few pages to the history of an eventful period,
and, although they will relate to past crimes and
occurrences, they may be useful in setting forth
the truth, and in serving to avert future mischief,

When the expedition in 1838 was determined
upon, and it was further decided that it should-
march through the dominions of the khan of Kalat
upon Kandahar, it became obviously necessary to
secure the co-operation of that chief. Before no-
ticing the steps taken to ensure it, a glance at
the intercourse subsisting .(if any could be said
to subsist) with the unfortunate Brahui khan, may
be requisite. In 1837, when Captain Burnes was
ascending the Indus in progress to Kabal, he des-
patched a complimentary letter, with presents, to
the young son of the khdn, then residing at Gan-
dava in Kachl, and received a letter of acknow-
ledgment* and thanks in return. When Capt.
Burnes, failing in his mission to Dost Mahomed
Khan, returned from Kabal, he directed Lt. Leech,
then detached at Kandahar, to fall back upon
ShikSrpur, and there to place himself under the

80 PRELIMINARY STEPS.

orders of Colonel Pottinger, the Govenor-General's
agent for Sind. Lieut. Leech, in pursuance of such
instructions, reached Quetta within the Kal&t
Khan's territories, and thence, by invitation, con-
tinued his journey to Kalat. He was received
with respect and civility ; presents were exchanged
between him and the khan; but the latter, in
course of time, grew displeased with some points
in the conduct of his guest, and -was very glad
when Lieut. Leech finally left him and his country.
By this time the knowledge of the intended* resto-
ration of Shah Suj&h al Miilkh had transpired.
What passed on the subject between Lieut. Leech
and the khan I know not, or whether he was
authorized to communicate with him on the
matter, yet, as it was then the fashion for all
men to do what they were unauthorized to do,
it may be suspected that Lieut. Leech would scarce-
ly neglect the opportunity of showing his zeal,
and the result, from the opinion Mehrab Khan
had been induced to form of him, would scarce-
ly have been satisfactory. Certain it is that
Lieut. Leech left Kalat in no good humour with
the kh&n.

Lt Leech had reached Shikarpur, and had been
joined by Sir Alexander Burnes, deputed by Lord
Auckland to arrange a treaty with the chiefs of
Khairpur in Northern Siud, and to accumulate
supplies and necessaries for the army, on its arrival.
Sir Alexander left Shikarpur, to meet the army

LETTERS TO MEHRAB KHAN. 81

on its approach to the frontier of Sind, and at his
interview with Sir Henry Fane, at the ferry near
Sabzal Kot, I saw him for the first time since his
departure from Peshawer for Simla. Amongst the
many topics we then discussed, the question of the
affairs of Kalat was naturally one. Sir Alexander
observed, that Leech had put everything wrong at
Kalat. As one of the principal points for which
I was then contending was employment, from which
my exertions might deserve and obtain credit, I
could not forbear asking him if I might be allowed
to go to Kalat, and put everything to rights ; but
Sir Alexander hung down his head, and made no
reply. Subsequently I saw Sir Alexander at Roh-
ri, and he told me, that Mehrdb Khn had confis-
cated the grain collected by Lieut. Leech's agents
in Kachi, and that he had addressed a letter to the
khan, which, to use his own phrase, "would as-
tound him;" and further, that Shah Sujah al
Mulkh, who had now also reached Shikarpur, had
written to the same chief, reminding him, that
Shah Nawaz Khan was in the royal camp. From
such information, it was reasonable to conclude the
unlucky khan of Kalat would fare but badly with
his English friends.

For some time after I heard nothing more con-
cerning the affairs of Kalat. The papers of the
day, indeed, abounded with statements of the trea-
chery of Mehrab Khan, but I was free to suspect
their accuracy. At Karachi, however, I saw a

VOL. IV. G

82 EVENTS AT KALAT.

letter from Sir Alexander to a friend, giving an
account of his mission to the khan, of the treaty
he had concluded with him, of an attempt to way-
lay him on his return, and of his protest against the
treaty at Quetta. From the same channel I learned
that it was the intention to retaliate upon the than,
when the army returned from Kabal, and that he
was doomed to loss of power, and, if secured, to
linger out his existence as a state prisoner.

In process of time, the Bombay division of the
army of the Indus having retrograded from Kabal
to Quetta, a detachment was ordered upon Kalat,
to carry out the long-meditated plan of vengeance
upon Mehrab Khan. The consequences were, the
capture and plunder of the place, the slaughter of
the ruler, and a number of his dependent chiefs-
They afforded subject for temporary triumph and
exultation, but, unhappily, the seeds of future evil
were sown, and the germs of iniquity were destined
to ripen into confusion and disgrace.

The territories of the fallen chief were dismem-
bered, the provinces of Saharawin and Kach Gan-
dva were annexed to the dominions of the new
king of Kabal, and the resentment of the political
authorities was so uncompromising, that, to the
exclusion of the son of the late Kalit ruler, Shah
Nawaz Khan, a descendant of the elder branch of
his family, was raised to the masnad, and placed
over the wreck of the ill-fated country.

While these changes were effected, and no doubt

FEELINGS AT KALAT. 83

vindicated in elaborate state papers, it had never been
thought necessary to explain them to the subjects
of the late khn of Kalat. They beheld, indeed,
the imposition of a new chief, and the dislocation
of their country, but could only refer the events
they -witnessed to the pleasure of the sahibs, alike
to them extraordinary and incomprehensible.

Amidst the general depression and poverty which
the calamity of war had inflicted upon the popu-
lation of Kal&t, I was pleased to observe, that the
evils were borne with resignation. Those who had
suffered most allowed no rancorous or violent ex-
pressions to escape their lips, but, as good Mussul-
m&ns, imputed their misfortunes to their own errors
and to the will of Heaven. There was, however,
but one opinion, that Mehrab KMn was guiltless
of treachery to the British government, and had,
therefore, been undeservedly sacrified. If asto-
nished at this sentiment, I was more so to find,
that the crimes charged to his account were wholly
unknown, which was extremely singular; for, if
there had been reason for them, they must have
been familiar to the people here. When I urged
the confiscation of grain in Kachl, a fact stated to
me by Sir Alexander Burnes, as no friendly proof
on the part of the late khan, I was met by the
assurance, that it had never taken place. Still
unwilling to give up the point, I insisted there
must be some ground for the accusation, and at
length elicited from an individual an explanation

02

84 ALLEGED CONFISCATIONS.

tending to throw light upon the business. It
seemed that Mahomed Azem KMn, the brother
of Mehrab Khan, was despatched to Kotru with a
party of horse, to see that no impediments were
thrown in the way of the march of the British
troops, and to take care that none of the inhabi-
tants committed themselves in quarrels with the
soldiery or camp-followers. When there, Mahomed
Azem Khan, in need of money, and acting on his
own counsel and authority, demanded a sum from a
Hind6 of the place, and, on his refusal to comply,
seized his property, amongst which was a parcel
of grain. The Hindu pretended, whether truly or
not, that he had purchased the grain for the Eng-
lish ; his fellow-traders, as is usual with them, when
an act of tyranny is practised towards one of their
body, closed their shops and ceased to transact
business. A compromise was speedily effected,
however, and Mahomed Azem Khan receiving a
consideration of four hundred rupees, the Hfndu
shops were reopened, and business conducted as
before. In this case, the report, probably, of the
British native agent at Kotru wonderfully exagge-
rated the affair, and the English officers to whom
he made it were, perhaps, too eager to listen to any
complaints of Mehrab Khan ; and the consequences
of an attempt at extortion by Mahomed Azem
Khan from one of his own subjects were construed
into an undisguised and wanton confiscation of the
grain collected by British agents in Kachl, which

CHARGE OF WAYLAYING. 85

even Mahomed Azem Khan, worthless as he was,
never dreamed of. Mehrab Khto, further, on hear-
ing of the extortion, addressed a letter of severe
rebuke to his brother, and cautioned him against
a repetition of his unbecoming conduct. I cannot
forbear mentioning, to the honour of Mehrab KMn,
that in his instructions to his subjects in Kachi
he expressly enjoined them, in case of any dispute
with a person belonging to the British army, on no
account to resent it, but to carry a complaint to
the general; an order so considerate that I won-
dered he should have thought of it.

Admitting the confiscation of grain as somewhat
explained, the waylaying of Sir Alexander Burnes,
on his return from Kalat to Quetta, which caused
his protest against the treaty he had made with the
unlucky khn, had still to be accounted for. Had
Mehrab Khan been guilty of so foul a deed, it were
criminal to urge any argument in his favour, and
he must be held to have merited the vengeance
which fell upon him. -I was bewildered to learn,
that all were unconscious of such waylaying, and to
find myself laughed at for supposing that the khan
would have committed himself in so flagrant a
manner. I must confess, from what I knew of his
disposition, and from what I could infer of his
probable course of policy, I doubted it; but, in
opposition thereto stood the clear testimony of Sir
Alexander Burnes. All inquiries on the subject
appeared to be fruitless of explanation, and I began

86 MISSION OF SIB ALEXANDER BURNES.

to despair of obtaining a solution of the mystery ;
yet, as such an action could not have happened to
such an individual without being generally known,
I almost suspected, what the character of Sir Alex-
ander would well justify, that some very trifling and
unimportant occurrence had been magnified by him
into one of consequence, and that, without due in-
quiry, it had been made fetal to the khan. If that
unhappy chief were not guilty in this instance, a
lamentable proof is afforded of the combination
of unfavourable circumstances which precipitated
his 'fate; and the expression which many apply to
him, that he was stricken by God, becomes justi-
fied. We may even believe, with the pious Mus-
sulman, that man cannot relieve or assist him whom
God has abandoned.

To the khan's vindicators I still urged the base
outrage on Sir Alexander as an unanswerable proof
of his guilt, but found no one able to explain a
circumstance which, for the first time, they had
learned from myself, and I became hopeless of
being better informed on the subject ; accidentally,
at last, a discourse on other topics revealed the fact,
on which the accusation had been founded.

From Quetta Sir Alexander proceeded to Kalat
to negotiate a treaty with Mehrab Khan. He
was accompanied by one Mdhomed Sherif, a saiyad,
who had conspicuously figured in the treasons
which had disturbed the rule of the Brahui
khan. He had, moreover, already been practised

MEASURES OF MEHRAfc KHAN*S ENEMIES. 87

upon by the envoy and minister, and was now,
although a subject of Mehrab KMn, in the in-
terests of the British government. Mehrab KMn
concluded a treaty in conformity to Sir Alexander
Burnes's wishes, and with it Sir Alexander re-
turned towards Quetta, leaving his Munshi Mohan
Lall to accompany the khan to the British camp,
there to pay his respects to his Majesty the Shah,
and to the envoy and minister. The treaty had been
concluded contrary to the wishes of Saiyad Sherif
and his colleague in villany, Naib Mulla Hassan,
both of whom had been bought over by the envoy
and minister; and who had for common object
the ruin of their khan and master. It consisted
with their views to annul the treaty, which, if
carried into effect, secured the stability of the
khan, and entirely frustrated their bad intentions.
Naib Mulla Hassan, who remained with the khan,
persuaded him that the object of Sir Alexander
was to decoy him to Quetta, when he would be
sent a state-prisoner to Calcutta. The khan, prone
to suspicion, became irresolute ; but his anxiety was
removed, and no further evil might have happened,
for a letter from Sir Alexander informed him, that
the sh&h had marched from Quetta ; it was there-
fore needless that he should give himself the trou-
ble to go there.

Saiyad Sherif now decided upon a bold step to
counteract the effects of this intimation, and to
assure the kMn's ruin. He represented to Sir

88 SAIYAD SHERIFFS ARTIFICE.

Alexander, that the crafty and wicked Mehrdb re-
pented of tlie treaty, and had commissioned a party
to intercept him. Sir Alexander, giving entire
credence to his villanous companion, made over
to his charge the treaty, with two thousand rupees
in money, to be secreted. The document and the
money were placed within coverlets carried on the
back of a camel. Robbers were appointed by the
saiyad himself to attack the equipage of Sir Alex-
ander, some of his camels were made booty, and
amongst them the one bearing the treaty and
money. If I remember rightly, Sir Alexander
stated, that two or three of his followers were
killed or wounded. The feat of the saiyad had
been successful ; he had too much experience of
the Feringhls to fear that they would penetrate
his stratagem, and the odium of the monstrous
action was imputed to the innocent Mehrab Khan.
Sir Alexander reached Quetta, and protested against
the treaty. The Kalit chief, hearing of the rob-
bery, but unconscious that he was suspected of
having instigated it, set inquiries on foot, and par-
ticularly called his naib, Rehimdad, located at
Quetta, to account, as it happened within his ju-
risdiction. The naib informed him, that Saiyad
Sherif was the offender, and that his nephew and
gardener were the leaders of the band, to whom
he had paid, as fee and reward, the sum of fourteen
hundred rupees. The khan, aware that the saiyad
was in the pay and interest of the British govern-

ROBBERIES IN THE BOLAN PASS. 89

ment, did not deem it necessary to take further
measures, regarding the matter as one which in-
terested the Feringhis rather than himself, all the
while ignorant that he was suspected, or accused
of it. This disclosure gave me great pain, but
hardly surprised me, as I knew the haste with
which Sir Alexander Burnes was apt to jump at
conclusions, and that he never sought to ascertain
whether they were correct or otherwise ; still the
results were so fatal as to cause a sensation of
disgust and horror, that the fate of men should
have been placed at the mercy of the miserable
political officers, in whom, at that time, Lord Auck-
land was pleased to repose confidence.

If an explanation had been afforded to the ac-
cusation of waylaying Sir Alexander Burnes, there
was yet another charge which required to be re-
moved before the khan could be acquitted of
enmity to the British government, and this was
the opposition offered to the passage of the troops
through the Bolan pass, and the serious depre-
dations committed on the baggage. I could readily
comprehend that the rude and lawless tribes neigh-
bouring to that route little needed the incitement
or encouragement of the kMn to exercise their
natural instincts and propensities to plunder and
destroy; yet it was necessary to be assured, that
the chief did not instigate them, as he was de-
nounced to have done. In this instance also, the
character of Mehrab KMn stood the test of in-

90 THE REAL OFFENDERS.

quiry, for it proved that not only did he never
promote or recommend such aggressions, but they
likewise were in a great measure owing to the
enmity of his own faithless subjects; and these
again were the bribed and trusted agents of the
British political authorities. The criminals in this
case were Ghulam Khan and KMn Mahomed,
brothers to Daoud Mahomed, the late Ghilji adviser
of Mehrab Khan, and who had been slain by Naib
Mulla Hassan, by the khan's order; an event
which relieved the khan from an imperious, if not
treacherous minister, and replaced the mtilla in
power and active employment.

The Ghilji brothers had, when Daoud Mahomed
was living, and ail-powerful, married into the Bangui
Zai tribe of Brahtiis, and established an influence
in it. Their desire to avenge their brother's death
had induced them to court a connexion with the
British, and their services had been eagerly ac-
cepted; the treachery of Mehr&b Khan was, of
course, the burden of their story, and the cause
they had for dissatisfaction became a recommenda-
tion to them. It behoved them to substantiate
the treachery they asserted ; to do so, and at the
same time to implicate the khan, they set the
Bangdl Zais, the Khurds, and other tribes adjacent
to the Bolan, in motion. It must be understood,
that Mehxab Khan had no real control over the
Bolan pass, and, had he traversed it with an army,
he would have been as liable to acts of petty

MEHRAB KHAN'S CAUTION. 91

plunder as Sir John Kean, or any other general
would be; but the depredations would have been
confined to the carrying off a stray, or weary camel,
as opportunity presented ; and, moreover, it must
be borne in mind that -some of the tribes, and those
who generally infest the pass, are Harris and
Khakas, not even subjects of Kalat. But for the
artifice of Ghulam Khan, and Kh&n Mahomed,
the British army would have passed the Bolan
defiles without loss, or any that a little vigilance
might not have prevented. That the contrary
happened, is to be ascribed to those men, the
friends of the envoy and minister, and not to the
hostility of Mehrab Khan. That unfortunate chief
was constantly urged by the Kandahar sirdars,
and by Assad Khan of Kharan, with other people,
to erect sanghars and defend the passage, Assad
Khan volunteering to conduct the defence ; but
the khan as constantly refused, adhering to his
determination to oppose no obstacle to the march
of the British army. As the charge of inciting
the robberies in the Bolan pass was one of the
graver kind advanced by the political authorities
against Mehrab Kh&n, and to substantiate which
they gave themselves no little trouble, $, smile is
due to the proof they obtained, by purchasing
penknives and surgical instruments from the tribes
of Merv and Isprinji. Every one knew that the
tribes plundered, but it was omitted to ascertain
by whom they had been instigated; and, on this

92 ACCUMULATION OF GRAIN.

subject, no one knew better than Ghulam Khan,
the friend of the envoy and minister.

If the treason of the brothers of Daoud Mahomed
vindicated the khan, as regarded the Bolan, there
yet remained a point on which I desired to be
satisfied, before I could assent to the conclusions
of my Kalat friends, as to his innocence in his
dealings with the British authorities, or before
I could admit, with them, that he did not en-
deavour to obstruct the march of the army. This
related to the large quantity of grain he had stored
up in Kalat, because I could not but conceive that,
if professing to throw the country open to British
agents for the purchase of supplies, he had secretly
issued orders forbidding sales, and diverted all
the grain into his own magazines ; such a mode
of proceeding could not well be deemed friendly,
for it was immaterial if the destruction of an
army be effected by the sword or by famine, by
open violence or secret fraud. The accumulation
of grain at Kalat proved, according to my in-
formants, to have had no reference to the march
of the British force, but was owing to the advice
of Diwan Bacha, the khan's Hindu agent, who re-
commended it as a financial measure, the operation
of which had commenced three years before the
English expedition was thought of. The Hindu
proposed to profit by the drought, and consequent
scarcity of grain, and amused Mehrab Khan with
the hopes of filling his coffers ; but, it was supposed,

DEMANDS OF MEHRAB KHAN. 93

that he profited more than his master by the
speculation and monopoly he created, for all that
Mehrab Khan did in the affair was to deposit,
in store, the quantity of grain usually given to his
dependents, paying them with cash, in lieu thereof;
while the Hindu, with his own capital, made exten-
sive purchases throughout the country, and made
the khan's authority subservient to his ends. The
monopoly was exceedingly distasteful to the people,
and when the diwan was slain (for he also shared
the fate of his lord) no one lamented him.

There was yet another charge I had to prefer
against Mehrab Khan ; which, if it did not imply
any great villany on his part, might evince that
he did not estimate lightly the benefits of his
alliance. I had learned from Sir Alexander Burnes,
that the kh&n had demanded the restoration of
the port of Karachi by the amirs of Sind, as the
price of his friendship. I was a little amused at
the time, not so much at the demand as at the
rage Sir Alexander affected, in consequence of
it; as I could not forget, that the modest
demand of Dost Mahomed Khan at Kabal, for
Peshewar and its territory, which had never belong-
ed to him, was very kindly listened to; and I
could not but know, that Karachi had once belonged
to the Kalat family. Now, however, when pressing
this convincing proof of the presumption and crime
of Mehrab Khan, I was rather ashamed to find
my own good sense questioned for noticing it; as

94 EXPLANATION THEREOF.

it seemed the demand was only diplomatically set
forth, neither the khan, nor any other person, sup-
posing that Karachi would be restored. If such
be the case, and I believe there is little reason to
doubt it, the inexperience of Sir Alexander Burnes
in oriental diplomacy, conduced to the same errors
here as at Kabal; Dost Mahomed Khan lost his
authority, and Mehrab KhAn his throne and life,
because Sir Alexander, and the envoy and minister,
were ignorant that it was the process, in eastern
negotiations, to start with great and extravagant
pretensions, and then gradually to diminish them,
and finally to abandon them altogether. A depar-
ture from this rule, as was observed to me, would
have exposed Mehrab Kh&n and his statesmen to
the charge of dulness and incapacity; and those
who laughed at the notion that he expected Karachi,
insisted, that he was most unfairly judged to be
untractable and presumptuous, from having followed
merely the forms of a science which his opponents
had not the sagacity to comprehend.

Such were the explanations and statements I
received relative to some of the charges against
Mehrb Khan, of which I had become cognizant.
Those who advanced them, and those who advised
and sanctioned the measures which led to the
fall of the unhappy man in consequence, are of
course free to offer invalidating testimony. Until
they do, I fear the opinion may be too justly enter-
tained that the chief of Kalat was sacrificed to the

THE KHAN'S ORIGINAL FEELING. 95

want of common sense and the resentment of the
political officers employed west of the Indus.

When the army had concentrated at Shikarpur,
and was about to march towards Kandahar, if a per-
son in any way acquainted with the state of the
countries through which it would pass, and with the
situation, and policy of the chiefs, had reflected on
the contingencies likely to happen, the contumacy or
hostility of the Kalat ruler was one of the events
the least to "be expected, for he had everything to
gain by the movement, supposing, which was reason-
able to be supposed, that no evil was intended him.
His announced treachery was therefore to me a
most unlooked-for piece of intelligence, and al-
though I knew that he was surrounded by evil coun-
sellors, and that he had but an ordinary capacity, I
still suspected that much of his misfortune was
rather owing to misunderstanding than to his guilt.
I was anxious therefore to ascertain the feeling as
to his sentiments when the expedition across the
Indus became known to him, because the advant-
ages which it placed within his reach were so pal-
pable, that, in rejecting them, if cleared from the
imputation of crime, he was still liable to the minor
charge of folly. I was assured that he heard the
tidings of the advance of the British army with high
gratification ; that he was so overjoyed, that, as my
informant expressed it, "had he had wings, he would
have flown to its meeting." At that time he justly
appreciated the nature of his position, and the

96 STEPS OF THE BRITISH AUTHORITIES.

benefits wMch must have followed his furtherance of
the views of the British authorities. He saw himself
about to be relieved from the continual dread he
lived in, of the capricious and tyrannical sirdars of
Kandahar, and of any mistrust he must have occa-
sionally felt of the confederated chiefs of Sind. He
also saw the certainty of his authority being firmly
established in his own dominions, and his imagina-
tion presented the agreable picture of the unruly
and rebellious chieftains, who during his sway had
given him so much trouble and disquietude, at his
feet, as submissive and humble suppliants for
mercy. In this happy temper, he addressed Sir
Alexander Burnes, expressing his anxiety and wish
to see him, but craving to be excused from the
presence of Lieut. Leech, whose conduct had dis-
pleased him.

With the khan of Kalat in this disposition, a
glance may be directed at the contemporaneous pro-
ceedings of the British authorities at Shikarpur, for
it is but just to inquire what steps they took to
secure and confirm the good feelings of the khan,
and in what manner they thought fit to conciliate
him. I have noticed, that, as regarded the alleged
confiscation in Kachi, Sir Alexander had addressed
a letter to the khan, which would " astound " him,
and that Shah Sujah al Mulkh had reminded him,
that SMh Nawaz Khan (a claimant and pretender
to the Kalat throne) was in the royal camp. The
opening of the communications between the khn

MEERAB KHAN'S MISSION. 97

and the authorities at Shikarpur, was not therefore
auspicious.

At Kalat the necessity was acknowledged of an
attempt to remove misunderstanding, and a mission
to the envoy and minister was determined upon ;
but the difficulty was to select a proper representa-
tive, and it may be truly said the khan had not a
proper person to send. The aspirants for the
honourable employ were numerous, but Naib Mulla
Hassan, in virtue of his office, carried the day.
Here the weakness and infatuation of Mehrab
Khan were first manifested. He did not oppose
the mission of the naib, although conscious of his
ill feeling, and morally certain that he should be
betrayed by him. The only excuse for the extreme
imprudence of the khan was, that from the recep-
tion and countenance afforded to Shah Nawaz Khan,
the menacing letters of the shah and Sir Alexander
Burnes, and the notion he had that Lieut. Leech
would injure him, he already considered himself a
doomed man ; a fact pointed out and insisted upon
by those near him who desired his downfall, and
particularly by Naib Mulla Hassan, who aggravated
the danger, with the view of displaying the urgency
and importance of his mission.

The naib selected for companion Saiyad Maho-
med Sherif, another traitor, equally mistrusted and
obnoxious. While this strange mission was in pro-
gress, the khan followed, on his own part, the pre-
cautionary policy of using every endeavour to avoid

VOL. IV. H

98 ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE ENVOY.

giving cause for offence, and his instructions to his
chiefs and subjects in Kachi were all framed in the
same spirit.

I know not whether the interview between the
envoy and minister and Naib Mtilla Hassan took
place at Shikarptir or Bagh in advance. Its results
were remarkable. To accomplish the ruin of Meh-
rab Kh&n, it was necessary for Naib Mulla Hassan
to deceive the envoy and minister, as well as the
intended victim. He perfectly succeeded. In
place of advocating his master's interests, he ac-
cused him of the most mischievous plots and inten-
tions, and was unhappily credited by the credulous
envoy and minister. In the same breath he avowed
his own ardent attachment, was believed, and the
chief political authority with the army of the Indus
signed a document, by which he engaged to recom-
pense the service and goodwill of a traitor. What-
ever may be thought of this transaction, I fear it
tells unfavourably for the common sense and prin-
ciple of the envoy and minister ; for how could a
man with common sense have been so easily de-
ceived, and how could a man of ordinary principle
have confided in the representations of a scoundrel,
exerting himself to injure the ruler whose servant
he was, and whose cause he had undertaken to
defend ? Another mischief attending the affair was,
that it was not so secretly done but that it trans-
pired, and consequently confirmed all the gloomy
forebodings of Mehrab Khan.

PROCEEDINGS OF NAIB MULLA HASSAN. 99

The British functionary did not, however, at this
time contemplate the destruction of the Kalat chief,
or even his deposition ; but Mulla Hassan was
instructed to return to Kalat, and to persuade the
khan from his evil course ; and he took leave, re-
joicing in the success of his villany, while his dupe,
the envoy and minister, plumed himself on having
made a clever diplomatic hit, in having gained over
the minister of Mehrab KMn.

At Kal&t, Mulla Hassan assured the kh&n that
the English were faithless, that their intentions
were to send him to Calcutta, and that lie had
nothing to hope from them ; that they had sought,
by bland speeches and the lure tff money, to secure
him, but, God be praised! his devotion to the
khan was unalterable. He consoled the khn, by
representing that they were comparatively weak,
that the amount of real force was small, and there
was little to fear from them. Mulla Hassan did
not confine his dexterity to such statements, but
while he reported to the envoy and minister that all
his efforts to induce the perverse khan to a becom-
ing sense of his situation were useless, and that he
still persisted in a course of opposition, and was
constantly intent upon new plots and conspiracies,
he issued a variety of letters in the khan's name,
and authenticated by his seal, which by virtue of
his office he had in possession, addressed to various
parties throughout the country, calling upon them
to molest the march of the British troops by every,

H 2

100 ARRIVAL OF ARMY AT QUETTA

means in tlieir power. Many of these letters were
intercepted, as probably they were intended to be,
and tended of course to convince the envoy and
minister of the turpitude of the khan of Kalat,
who, in truth, knew nothing of them. The coadju-
tors of Mulla Hassan, Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, and
the brothers of the late Daoud Mahomed, were
alike indefatigable in inciting the tribes to rapine,
at the same time ascribing the evils occasioned by
themselves to the unquenchable enmity of the
kh&n.

Under this complication of villany and infa-
tuation, the British army passed through Kachi,
the defiles of the Bolan pass, and encamped at
Quetta. While in Kachi, as far as the khan was
concerned, free permission was given to traverse
the province by any and whatever route, and to
an application made that the Bombay division
should pass by the Mtilloh route, and therefore to
Kalit, no opposition was made. The route was
not, indeed, followed, but the khan had shown that
he was not hostile, for he offered no objection to
it ; and his submissive disposition may be conceived
when he consented to allow a force to approach
his capital.

Notwithstanding the depredations committed in
the Bolan pass, and that they were ascribed to
the hostility of Mehrb Khan, it does not ap-
pear that the idea of revenge was yet cherished
against that chief, and a final effort was made to

MISSION TO KALAT. 101

enumerate him in the list of friends. Sir Alexander
Burnes, attached to the mission with the title of
envoy to Kalat, and other places, was, of course,
destined to effect a reconciliation with* the im-
placable khan, and for that purpose left Quetta,
So little was he, in common with the envoy and
minister, acquainted with the nature of things at
Kalat, that he selected for his companion Saiyad
Sherif. It is believed that Sir Alexander offered
the khan the sum of one lakh and a half of rupees
per annum to keep the road open from Shikarpur
to Quetta. A treaty to such effect was signed
and sealed, and it remained merely for the kh&n
to accompany Sir Alexander back to Quetta, there
to pay his respects to the shah, and the envoy
and minister. To this visit the khn, no doubt,
had great averseness, as, while very willing to see
the envoy, he much disliked to be compelled to
wait upon the shah, of whom he thought less fa-
vourably than did his English allies. The oppo-
sition of naib Mulla Hassan, and Saiyad Sherif,
had proved ineffectual to prevent the treaty ; but
they did not cease to represent to the khan, that
his journey to Quetta would prove fatal to his
liberty, if not to his life. As soon as the envoy
and minister arrived at Quetta, it would appear
that the naib and his associate traitors were in
his presence; the point then insisted upon was,
that Mehrdb Khan should come to Quetta, which
Mulla Hassan signified to the khan, but, while

102 SIR ALEXANDER BURNES AT KALAT.

promising to persuade him to comply with the
request, he dissuaded him in the strongest terms,
urging that it was certain destruction, and con-
cluded by imploring that, if the khn, in his wis-
dom, should take the fatal step, he might not be
charged with the neglect of his duty, or of omis-
sion in having warned him of evil. The letters
were full of the most violent denunciations of the
perfidious intentions of the British authorities. Sir
Alexander Burnes had left Quetta, boasting that
he would return with Mehrab Khan ; that he might
the more certainly succeed, he gave the khan
twenty thousand rupees for expenses on the road.
So much unexpected liberality gave force to the
insinuations poured into the khan's ears, and when
the poor man wished to take a party of five hun-
dred followers, that he might appear as became
his rank, Sir Alexander told him that twenty were
sufficient, which afforded a triumph to Mulla Has-
san and his gang, who appealed to the kMn whe-
ther it was or not plain enough that the only wish
of Sir Alexander was to decoy him to Quetta,
there to be seized and sent to Calcutta. Still
Merab Khan ordered his tents to be pitched with-
out the town, preparatory to his march, but the
precipitancy of Sir Alexander Burnes, who was in
haste to convey the tidings of his own success,
and to receive the gratulations his vanity sug-
gested would be offered to him, gave the final blow
to the arrangement, as he started for Quetta,

MEHRAB KHAN'S FATE DECIDED. 103

leaving his munshi, Mohan Lall, to attend upon
the khan. The unfortunate man observed, that
Sikandar (Sir Alexander) fancied to delude him
by grinning and leering, and now he had left his
munshi behind him, of whom he spoke even more
disrespectfully. Mohan Lall profited by the ab-
sence of his indulgent patron, to pretend that he
had a juda rdh, or distinct influence with Lord
Auckland, on the strength of which he was anxious
to purchase a beautiful kaniz, or slave girl. The
bewildered khfin was disgusted. Whether he would
have proceeded with Sir Alexander is uncertain,
but it was too much to expect he would follow
the cortege of Mohan Lall. He delayed until a
letter reached from Sir Alexander, stating that
there was no longer occasion to visit Quetta, as the
sMh had inarched; on which Mohan Lall left
Kalit, and was escorted by Darogah Gdl Mahomed
to the foot of the Khwojak pass.

The bold and villanous expedient resorted to by
the subtle Saiyad Sherif to consummate the khan's
ruin, and the protest of Sir Alexander Burnes
against the treaty concluded by himself, have been
before noticed.

The fate of Mehrab Khan was henceforth de-
creed, and it was determined eventually to make an
example of him. I shall not stay to moralise upon
these startling events, or by any remarks endeavour
to influence the judgment which may be formed
upon them. At Quetta, when the army advanced,

104 NAIB MULLA HASSAN'S DUPLICITY.

Capt. Bean, in command of the 1st regiment of the
sMh's contingent, was left by the envoy and minis-
ter in political charge. Apparently as deeply con-
vinced of the criminality of the khan as his patron,
and aware that the unhappy chief was proscribed,
he, it is complained, refused to see the persons de-
puted by the khan to open an intercourse with him.
When the shah and his allies had entered Kan-
dah6r, the khan, ignorant that his treaty had been
protested against, ordered Naib Mulla Hassan to
proceed there, with congratulatory letters and pre-
sents for the king and political officers. The naib
went as far as Quetta, where, no doubt, he practised
upon the imagination of Capt. Bean, as he formerly
had upon that of the envoy and minister, and wrote
to the khan that the British army had been de-
feated, and that in a few days he would hear of
them as fugitives in his country; that he was
willing to go to Kandahar, as the khan wished, but
it was better to wait awhile; and he wished to
avoid the reproach of being considered unskilful,
or neglectful of his duty. The n&ib's letter, as
usual, teemed with the most virulent assertions of
the perfidy of the English. He delayed at Quetta,
disobeying the repeated injunctions of the khan
to proceed to the allied camp, until Ghazni was
captured, and Kdbal was in possession of the shah.
The khan, in despair, directed Naib E6himdad,
his governor at Quetta, to take up the mission
which Miilla Hassan declined, and to make the best

MEHRAB KHAN'S PERIL. 105

of his way to Kabal, with letters, and an increased
stock of presents. This worthy, either in 'tea&afS
with Mulla Hassan, or alike desirous to implicate
the khan, invented fresh falsehoods, and excused
himself; while he set on foot a series of depreda-
tions upon the troops cantoned at Quetta, by carry-
ing off the camels when foraging, and sending them
for sale to Sistdn, not daring to send them to Kalat.

In process of time, the brigade under Major-Gen.
Wiltshire reached Quetta, in its return from K&bal,
and the opportunity presented itself to avenge the
crimes and treasons of the Kalat chief. Naib
Mulla Hassan was again in the British camp, exercis-
ing the same manoeuvres he had constantly put into
play, and with the like success. He assured the
political officer that all his endeavours had failed
to alter the feeling or disposition of the khn ; and
wrote to the latter on no account to repair to
Quetta, or he would be sent a prisoner to Calcutta.

A remarkable proof was now afforded of the
delusion in which the khan had been kept, or, it
may be, of his little expectation of being visited
with vengeance for crimes which he was uncon-
scious of having committed ; for it was not until
he heard of the advance of British troops upon
Kalat that he thought of making preparations for
defence. On the spur of the moment he appealed
to the tribes, and despatched his son, Mahomed
Hassan, under charge of Darogah Gul Mahomed,
to Nushki. In the hour of need Mehrab Khan

106 DEATH OF MEHRAB KHAN.

found himself abandoned; he had alienated the
chiefs of tribes, and few responded to his call. As
the British force approached, he deputed Akhund
Mahomed Sidik to confer with the political officer
attending it. The reckless man observed that he
knew the Akhund was a traitor, and would betray
him. He was quite right, the Akhund did betray
him, as far as it was in his power, and received
drafts on Hindus of Kalat for sums of money.
The interview of this representative of the kMn
with the political officer took place at Mangachar.
The Akhund stipulated that the force was not to
appear before Kalat until the morning of the 6th
of November, which was acceded to, without the
intention of abiding by the stipulation; the Ak-
hund purposing that Mehrab Khan should have
time for flight, to which he meant to persuade him.
It was not, however, the intention to permit the
khan or the booty to escape, and the force arrived
before Kalat on the morning of the 5th of Novem-
ber, when an attack on the place immediately fol-
lowed, as its defences were too weak to require
delay. The garrison consisted, with few exceptions,
of the villagers neighbouring to Kelat, and the
greater part of them dropped from the walls and
made off when the assault commenced. The gates
were blown open, the town entered, and the citadel
forced, when Mehrab Khan was slain, with many
chiefs, of more or less distinction, in one of the
lower apartments. In an upper apartment were

DISCOVERY OF TREACHERY. 107

Naib Mulla Hassan, Naib Rehimdad, the Akhund
Mahomed Sidik, and some thirty persons; they,
of course, surrendered when the khan was no more.
It is supposed by the Brahuis that the ultimate
design of Mulla Hassan was to procure his own
advancement to the masnad of Kalat, but, unfor-
tunately for him, in the search made by the politi-
cal officers for documents, his letters to the khan
were discovered under the pillow of that wretched
man. His arrest followed, and, with Eehimdad,
he was sent prisoner to the fortress of Bakkar.
Capt. Bean is said to have reproached him with
the death of Mehrab Khan ; he might have justly
done so ; and, if he did, his reproach was a testi-
mony to the innocence of the fallen chief.

The scenes following the capture of the Brdhtii
capital may be passed unnoticed; the calamities
suffered by the inhabitants were the inevitable con-
sequences of war ; yet, it is due to relate, that the
deportment of the general of the British force is
spoken of with approbation, and the respect shown
to a bed-ridden lady, one of the wives of the slaugh-
tered khan, is remembered with gratitude.

On the approach, of the force, the first step of
the khan was to order his brother, Mir Azem
Khan, to leave the town, and provide for his safety.
When the attack commenced, his wives and female
attendants were put without the gates, and some of
them, even on foot, were left to shift for themselves.
When the town was entered, and all hope extin-

108 SPOIL OF KALAT.

guished, the khan entrusted to some one^as a pre-
sent for his son, deputed to Nushki, a rifle, on
which were inlaid, in golden characters, the names
of twenty-three of his ancestors. This was to be
preserved as a token by which, wherever the son
went, he might be recognized. Three injunctions
accompanied it. 1st. Not to surrender to the
Feringhis with too much haste. 2nd. Not to con-
fide in the Brahuis until they had committed them-
selves inextricably with the Feringhis, or he would
be betrayed by them, as his father had been. 3rd.
Not to smoke tobacco or to take snuff, as such
indulgences would lead to drinking wine, and he
would become as useless as his uncle, Mir Azem.
This injunction the khan seemed to think the most
particular, for he desired his son to be warned, that
if he disobeyed it he would arise from his grave
and reproach him.

The khan's personal property (excepting cash "and
jewels) fell into the possession of the captors, and
to save them the trouble of collecting it, he had
already packed it, as if for removal. The khan
being reputed rich in jewels, inquiries were made
for them, and in a few days information was given
which led to their discovery in the house of Naib
Mulla Hassan ; so it proved that the wily traitor
had been sufficiently adroit to have them depo-
sited there, of course intending to reserve them for
his own benefit. Wonderful were the expectations
raised by the discovery of the jewels, a portion only

NEW GOVERNMENT. 109

of the khan's store, though probably the greater por-
tion. But a fatality attended them ; the vessel in
which the gems were despatched for Bombay was
lost, and the treasure itself, although preserved, was
found to be of little value, as the stones, although
large and uncut, were flawed ; and, at the auction,
by which they were sold, obtained but 60,000 ru-
pees, or 6000?. The person who revealed the secret
of their deposit received a reward, became the con-
fidant of Lieut. Loveday, and eventually one of the
evil geniuses who consigned him to destruction.
In the house of Naib Mfrlla Hassan a discovery of
another nature was made, not only furnishing evi-
dence of his guilt, but curiously illustrating the
mode by which he had effected the ruin of Mehrab
Khan. Above one hundred blank sheets of paper
were found, sealed, and ready to be filled up at
discretion. They explained the origin of the mis-
sives by which the tribes were inflamed and incited
to action, the odium of which had been, it may be
feared unjustly, ascribed to the Brahuf chief.

Kalat being in possession of the British, its chief
slain, and his son a fugitive, it naturally became
a subject of consideration as to the future govern-
ment. The claims of the son never seem to have
been thought of for a moment. Had his father
been ever so guilty, their recognition would not
have been the less politic or advisable ; but now
that the train of events and disclosures had evi-
denced that he was not so criminal as had been

110 IMPOLICY OF SETTLEMENT.

supposed, and that lie had fallen a victim to treason,
to the display of which the errors of the political
authorities had unconsciously contributed, the claims
of the son demanded every attention, not merely on
the abstract principles of rightful descent and es-
tablished usage, but on the score of generosity,
which, with a British government, should have had
equal weight.

Had the claims of the son at this early period been
acknowledged, or had the circumstances extenuating
the supposed guilt of his sire been made known, it
might be conjectured that the plunder found in the
palace, being entirely personal property, could not
have been retained ; if inconvenient to admit them
on this account, it was doubly so as in a manner
confessing that the khan had been sacrificed to
error and misconception ; and this was an alterna-
tive which honourable and high-minded men only
could have been, expected to embrace. It would
have been unjust to have hoped so much from the
political authorities of the army of the Indus.

The foul deed had been done : it was necessary
to preserve unsullied the reputation of Lord Auck-
land's political clique, and, to conceal their inca-
pacity, the injustice shown to the father was to be
perpetuated by that offered to the unoffending son.
Those so mal-adroit in matters of right were expert
in matters of evil, and Shah Nawaz Khan, a de-
scendant of Mohabat Kheln, who ruled at Kalat a
sentury before, was placed on the masnad of Kalat,

DISMEMBERMENT OF COUNTRY. Ill

on the plea of legitimacy. I know not with whom
this arrangement originated ; it suffices that it was
approved and adopted. The Brahuis were asto-
nished to learn that their three preceding khans
were illegitimate rulers ; but, unhappily, they did not
acquiesce in the validity of the decision, and their
sympathies were directed to the son of Mehrb
Khan in exile.

By the partition of the country which accompa-
nied the elevation of Shah Nawaz Khan, the north-
ern province of Saharawan, with Quetta and its
dependent districts, and the province of Kach Gan-
dava, with the mountain districts east of it, were
annexed to the dominions of the king of Kabal,
and by this dismemberment, the provinces border-
ing on the Indus, of Harand and Dajil, were quietly
transferred to Ranjit Singh.

An object of this wholesale partition, is said to
have been the desire to consolidate the Brahui
nation.

The real purpose, if a judgment may be allowed
from the dismemberment of the country, and the
transfer of the Saharawan tribes, was to disse-
ver the Brahuis as a people, and thereby to aug-
ment the importance and revenue of the newly
formed kingdom of Kabal, for SMh Nawaz Kh&n,
by being inducted into Kalat, had no authority be-
yond that place, and no means to enfore it.

The first step of the new khn proved, however,
that he understood the principles of legitimacy,

112 STATE OF JHALAWAN.

which had placed him in Kalat, for obtaining a
loan of 60,000 rupees from Mr. Ross Bell at Shi-
karpur, he gave him in payment thereof orders
on the customs of Las, affecting to cancel the re-
mission granted, a century before, by Nassir Kh&n,
and although this liberty was afterwards disap-
proved by Lord Auckland, it was strictly in accord-
ance with the legitimate notion of his lordship and
his advisers, which influenced their recognition of
the claims of the new khan.

It may be observed that, prior, to the fall of Meh-
rab Khan, the chiefs of Jhalaw^n, as M Khan of
Wad and Kamal Khan of Baghwana, emboldened
by the distracted state of affairs at Kalt, and of
the khan's danger from the British, were in open re-
volt, and Rashid KMn of Zehri, the Sirdar of Jhala-
wan, who had been for some years disaffected, had
entirely ceased from attendance at Kaldt, and all
these chiefs had rejected the appeal to cooperate in
the defence of the capital. They therefore became
the friends of the British and of Shah Naw&z
Khan ; and it was peculiarly unfortunate, and what
might, and ought to have been avoided, that both
in Balochistin and Afghanistan the traitors to the
old order of things became the favoured and trusted
adherents to the new. As might have been expected,
the confidence unwisely reposed in them was be-
trayed.

The establishment of Sh&h Naw&z? Khan led to
the appointment of a political officer at Kal&t, and

MOVEMENTS OF THE NEW KHAN. 113

Lieut. Loveday, an assistant to Capt. Bean at the
time of its capture, was nominated to the post.
The first object of attention with the new khan
was the young son of Mehrab Khan, who had taken
refuge in Panjghur, and, accompanied Tby Lieut.
Loveday, he started with a small party to dislodge
him, and, if possible, to secure his person. His plans
were well laid, and, but for secret intelligence con-
veyed, be it remarked, by Kamal Khan of Bagh-
wan, the youth no doubt would have been made a
prisoner. His escape did not prevent the general
plunder of the tribes who had afforded him shelter,
and scenes were enacted so infamous, that those
present spoke of them with horror. A large
amount of spoil was obtained, and Shah Nawaz
Khan returned to Baghwan and married a sister
of Kama! Khan. Lieut. Loveday returned to Kalat
from Panjghur, but made a visit to Baghwan,
bringing to Shah Naw&z a treaty ratified by the
governor-general, from which had been expunged
an article binding the British government to main-
tain the khan on the masnad in which they had
placed him. Lieut. Loveday, again returning to
Kalat, hearing that the son of Mehrab Khan had
sought refuge in Nushki, started with Mir Fati
Khan, the brother of Shah Nawaz Khan, to expel
him. Intelligence conveyed to the youth, again
enabled him to escape; but the Zigger Minghal
tribe were no better treated than the tribes of Panj-
ghur, and the chief, Fazil KMn, who submitted, was
VOL. iv. *

114 SON OF MEHRAB KHAN.

brought to Kalat. Shah Nawaz Khan, about the
same time, compelled the nominal allegiance of the
Sah Saholi tribe, near Khozdar ; soon after which
he returned to Kalat.

The zeal of Lieut. Loveday obtained the appro-
bation of Capt. Bean, and afterwards his disapproba-
tion, when the envoy and minister expressed his
displeasure at the excursions into Nushki and Panj-
ghiir i and Lieut. Loveday was instructed, that it
was not his duty to interfere in the affairs of the
country at all, much less to accompany the khan in
his forays. But for this prohibition, it is probable
that a third foray would have been directed upon
Kharan, whose chief had, after some demur, received
the wandering and destitute son of Mehrab Khan.
Shah Nawaz Khan much urged the step, saying,
the evil, if taken in time, would be easily removed,
but that it might become dangerous if neglected.
His prediction was soon verified. A step which
might have prevented the revolt of the BrahMs was
abandoned, because the khan was unable to follow
it up unassisted, and Lieut. Loveday was forbidden
to employ his guard or to lend assistance.

I have now briefly explained the state of things
at the period of my arrival at Kalat. The son of
Mehrab Khan, while known to be in Kharan, had
no intention of .appearing in arms, nor had Assad
Khan any notion of interesting himself more in his
favour, than to afford him asylum and subsistence
as long as he continued his guest. Under the new

APPOINTMENTS. 115

distribution of the country, the district of Mastung,
annexed with Quetta, to the dominion of Kabal, was
governed by Mahomed Khan, chief of the Sherwani
tribe of Brahdis, with a salary of two hundred
rupees per annum, and the title of Naib to his
Majesty Shah Sujah al Mulkh. The revenue, which
had been most arbitrarily fixed, was farmed to
Diwan Ramu, previously in the employ of Mehrab
Khan ; the district of Quetta, or Shall, the head-
quarters of Capt. Bean and a military force, was
governed, under the political officer, by Mahomed
Sidik Khan, a son of the late Sainander Khan, Popal
Zai. The resumed province of Kach Gandava was
governed under Mr. Ross Bell, the political agent in
Northern Sind, by Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, whose
treason to Mehrab Khan had elevated him to the
rant of Naib to His Majesty Shah Siijah al Mulkh.

116

CHAPTER IV.

Residence at Kalat. Panic in the country. Arrival of kafila.
Misfortune of Yaiya, a dehwar. Consternation. Commence-
ment of revolt and slaughter of a party of sipahis at Mastung.
Refuse to leave Kalat. Proceedings of darogah Gul Mahomed.
Alarm at Kalat. Removal to the Babi suburb. Darbar of
Shah Nawaz Khan. Abode in Atta Mahomed's garden.
Faiz Ahmed's precautions. Attack upon Quetta. Lieut.
Leech's promptitude. Retreat of the insurgents from Quetta.-
Lieut. Loveday's remark. Shah Nawaz Khan's measures.
His levees. Intrigues at Kalat. Causes of dissatisfaction.
Diplomatic blunders in Kachi. Lieut. Loveday's invitation.
Interview with him. Consent to remain with him during the
siege. Haji Osman. State of the defences. Efforts to im-
prove them. Manning of the walls. Disposition of the forti-
fications. Preparations. Scarcity of grain.

I MIGHT have reasonably looked for the arrival
of the kafila eight or ten days after my own, at
Kalat, as, before leaving B61a, we heard of its
departure from Sunmiani, and we knew that it
had no object to tarry on the route. My inter-
course with Lieut. Loveday had ceased, in the
manner I have before described ; and that I had acted
discreetly, I inferred from the nature of his obser-
vations, which, from time to time, were reported
to me.

DETACHED SIPAHIS. 117

While residing in the garden, I was repeatedly
visited by Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Fati Khan,
his brother, the garden of the latter joining the
one in which I was located, and every morning
he came to stroll in it. Shah Nawaz Khan never
ceased to request I would call upon him in the
mirf, or palace, and converse with him, but I
constantly declined, although there could have been
no harm, yet I was careful to avoid giving the
least cause for umbrage to Lieut. Loveday.

In course of time tidings reached Kalat, that
the kafila had been seen at BarSn Lak, in a woful
plight, from the failure of the camels, owing to
the heat, want of water and forage, and other
untoward causes. Subsequently we heard, that
it had found its way to Wad ; but now symptoms
of discontent in the country had become manifest.

When I came to Kal&t, Lieut. Loveday had
with him some sixty sipahis, of one of the shah's
regiments. In obedience to Capt. Bean's orders,
he had despatched twenty-five of them from Kalat,
towards Quetta. His munshi, Ghulam Hussen,
having business at Mastung, accompanied them.
At the moment I, of course, regarded this as an
indifferent circumstance.

About this time an accident occurred, which
served, perhaps, to precipitate the revolt which
speedily followed. Amongst the many tyrannical
acts, of which Lieut. Loveday stood accused by
the general voice of the country, was that of worry-

118 ACCIDENT TO YAIYA.

ing people with his dogs; and to describe the
horror in which he was held, on that account,
would be an impossible task. Yet, so incredible
did such a charge appear to me, and so revolting
was it to every notion of humanity, that I felt
inclined to conjecture trivial circumstances had
been magnified, and an accidental mishap construed
into a premeditated deed. I was frequently told,
that since I had been at Kalat he had discontinued
to use his dogs ; and when I expressed anxiety
to proceed, I was entreated to remain, that Lieut.
Loveday might behave himself decently* However,
any restraint he might have imposed upon himself,
in consequence of my presence, did not suffice to
prevent the ebullition of his passion ; and a miser-
able and fatal testimony confirmed, beyond power
of denial, how justly he was feared and disliked.
Yaiya, a dehwar or agriculturist of Kalat, employed
as a begar, or forced labourer, in some works con-
nected with the house in progress of erection, in-
curred the displeasure of Lieut. Loveday, who gave
the necessary signal to his dogs, and they inflicted
several -wounds on the wretched individual. He
was carried home in a grievous state, and in a
few days died. The consternation excited by this
man's unhappy fate amongst the community of
Kaldt, to be conceived must have been witnessed ;
the dread of vengeance limited the expression of
public feeling to low and sullen murmurs, but
Tumour spread the catastrophe with rapidity over

COMMENCEMENT OF REVOLT, 119

the country, and there indignation was loudly
avowed, and revenge determined upon.

It became known at Kalat that the munshi,
with his party of sipahls, had reached Mastung,
and contemporaneously that the kafila was on the
road from Wad ; but a panic, the forerunner of
the outbreak which ensued, had now seized the
minds of all. Lieut. Loveday was anxious about
the safety of the kafila, as a very large quantity of
stores, from Bombay, belonging to him, were with
it ; and he ordered a party, of the few soldiers with
him, to march on the road to meet it. They were
ready to have started, when the disastrous news
arrived of the slaughter of the munshi and his
party, at Mastung ; and of the revolt of the tribes
of Saharawan.

The first act of ShAh Nawaz Khan was to insist
upon Lieut. Loveday, who was at the time in his
tent without the town, to retire to his residence
within the walls ; and thenceforth he never went
beyond them.

My friend, Faiz Ahmed, immediately called on
me, and gave his opinion that the affair was serious.
He said his chief solicitude was for me ; and urged
me, in the most earnest manner, at once to provide
for my safety, either by crossing the hills into
Kachi or by retiring to Baghwan. He assured me,
that he should be disgraced for ever if any mis-
fortune befel me, his guest, or, to use his expression,
that his nose would be cut off. I thought he over-

120 DAKOGAH'S VISIT TO MASTUNG.

estimated the danger, and determined to remain,
at least until it was known what form the insurrec-
tion would assume ; for, at the time, I was not
aware that Quetta was unprovided with troops,
and could not but suppose the revolt would be
speedily suppressed.

I may mention that, before these events tran-
spired, there was a report at Kalat that Daro-
gah Gtil Mahomed had the intention to proceed
to Quetta and endeavour to negotiate with Capt,
Bean in favour of the son of the late kMn. Va-
rious were the opinions as to the probability of
the report, and as to the darogah's intentions ;
but many thought it possible, and wished it might
prove true, from their desire to see the son of
Mehrab provided for, and an end put to the un-
easiness which his presence in Kharan kept up.
It proved that the darogah did visit Mastxmg, and
had a meeting at a village with some persons there,
and amongst them with Diwan Ramu, the fanner
of the revenue under the new order of things.
What passed at this meeting I could never ascer-
tain ; the darogah, if he ever had the intention of
visiting Quetta, or of opening a communication with
Capt. Bean, did neither, and returned to KharSn.
In a few days followed the outbreak.

Shah Nawaz Khan lost no time in summoning
to Kal&t the levies from the neighbouring villages
and tribes. His mother, and Mir Fati Khan, were
sent in all haste to collect those of Zehri, while

ALARM AT KALAT. 121

messengers were despatched to Kamal Khan of
BaghwAn, and to other chiefs of Jhalaw&n.

It soon became known that the insurgents at
Mastung had called the son of Mehrdb Khan to
countenance their proceedings. Amidst the alarm
produced by this state of affairs a part of the
kafila reached Kalat ; many of the merchants thought
it prudent to secrete their goods in the hills. My
camels had perished on the road, from eating (I
was told) the poisonous oleander shrub. I had my
luggage brought to the garden in which I re-
sided.

Some two or three days afterwards, a little past
sunset, I was astonished at the discharge of large
and small arms from the town, and still more when,
after a brief interval, it was repeated. Before a
third took place the young son of Faiz Ahmed ap-
peared, and told me his father implored that I
would instantly remove into the suburb. I had
scarcely time to ask what had happened, when
Faiz Ahmed himself came in the utmost trepida-
tion. He besought me, for God's sake, to leave
the garden, or I should be murdered; when I
could get him to explain, he informed me that
Mehrab Kh&n's son was said to be at Gartik, six
miles distant, and that his chapow was expected
during the night ; that the town gates were closed,
and that the discharges I had heard were part of
Shh Nawaz Khan's precautionary measures. Re-
flecting, that if a chapow did make its appearance,

122 CHANGE OF RESIDENCE.

there was little doubt that I should be murdered,
I thought right to accompany him, and ordered
his and my own servants to follow with the lug-
gage. Before we left the garden a party of strangers
had congregated around a fire, which they kindled
at a little distance from me. They were unknown
to the old woman in charge of the garden. I was
surprised that Faiz Ahmed conducted me to the
suburb by a circuitous path, and as he stumbled
over stones, and into the pools of the narrow lanes
he traversed, I could not forbear bantering him
about it, and the terror he evinced, which occa-
sioned him to complain that I was insufferably "jel,"
or rash ; I have since learned that he had received
an intimation that two of the late khan's ghul&ns,
or slaves, in full confidence that the chapow would
arrive, had buckled on their arms, intending to have
assassinated me that evening. On reaching the
suburb, he showed me into the house of SahibdSd,
adjacent to his own. In a few minutes Faiz Ahmed,
Kilikdad, and two or three of their relatives, came
and urged me immediately to leave Kaldt. I was
still obstinate, and doubted if Mehrab Khan's son
could be so near. Faiz Ahmed, in his anxiety,
had engaged one Mahomed Arif to conduct me
to Nich&ra, and had saddled my horse, but I over-
ruled him. Completely beset by his terror, he
upbraided me for my infatuation, and warned me
I should repent the neglect of the opportunity.
I had, however, the support of his relatives, less

PROCEEDINGS OF THE INSURGENTS. 123

timid, and, perhaps, less wise than himself, and
at length he yielded. My friends sat up with me
through the night, well-armed, and in much anxiety.
Discharges of arms were continued until morning
from the town, and Shah Nawaz Khan was con-
stantly on the alert, patrolling the streets and
ramparts. The peril was believed to have been
extreme this night, of an insurrection within and
without the walls. No enemy appeared, and, in
time, it was discovered that Mehrab Khan's son
had not exactly been at Garuk, but that he had
skirted Nfmarg and Mangachar, some eighteen
miles from Kalat, to which he was desirous to have
directed his steps, but that the insurgents at Mas-
tung insisted upon his presence there, that they
might make an attempt on Quetta, nearly destitute
of troops, while Kalat they considered as always in
their power.

SMh Nawaz Kh&n continued his precautionary
measures by night, until he was certain that the
intention of the enemy was turned upon Quetta.
For the first time, I was now aware that so im-
portant a post had been denuded of troops,- as I
afterwards learned, by the orders of the envoy and
minister.

Faiz Ahmed, after the first alarm was over, at-
tended the darbar of Shah Nawaz Khan, when
Lieut. Loveday was present. The khan asked him
what had become of me amidst the confusion, and
Faiz Ahmed replied, that he had taken me to his

124 FAIZ AHMED'S PRECAUTIONS.

house. The khan warmly commended him, and
then asked what was my opinion on passing events.
Faiz Ahmed answered, that I said the Brahiiis
had brought destruction upon themselves. The
khan observed, it was true.

As soon as the immediate danger was over, aware
that I was incommoding Sahibdad and Ms family, I
proposed to return to the garden. Faiz Ahmed
would by no means consent, and, in truth, as the
times were troubled, it was an exposed situation.
He selected, however, another garden more to his
mind, and nearer the suburb, belonging to Att&
Mahomed, a cultivator, which was small, and sur-
rounded with fair walls. The owner being agree-
able, I removed to it from the house of Sahibdad.

While in Sahibdaxfs house, Faiz Ahmed, whose
sense of danger was greater than mine, had sent to
Nichara for Shadi Khan, a respectable native of the
village, to whom he was connected by marriage,
and to whose protection he had intended to have
consigned me, when wishing me to accompany
Mahomed Arif. Shadi Khan came, and I highly
approved of him as a good and trusty man ; but as
I determined to hold on at Kalat until sheer neces-
sity compelled my departure, he returned to his
home, leaving with me his brother Ibrahim, whom I
took to the garden of Atta Mahomed, to be ready
in case of emergency to conduct me to Nichara, it
being arranged that Shadi Khan, with as many fire-
locks as might be judged necessary, should escort

CAPTAIN BEAN AND THE KHAKAS. 125

me through the hills to Gandava, and thence to
Shikarpur. I was also glad to have this man in
the garden by night, as the Brahui levies were
coming in, and had spread themselves over the
gardens of the place, while they were not too much
to be depended upon.

The greatest anxiety prevailed as to the issue of
the attack contemplated by the Mastung insur-
gents upon Quetta. To the extreme astonishment
of all, we heard that Quetta had been assailed,
not by the Brahuis, but by the Khaka tribes of
the neighbouring hills to the north and north-east.
It had been understood that Capt. Bean was about
to employ these tribes to coerce the Marri Ba-
loche tribe in the hills of Kahan, east of Kachi;
wonderful was the intelligence, therefore, that he
had been attacked by his quondam allies. The
amazement was not less, I afterwards learned,
amongst the political officers of Upper Sind, who
received letters from Capt. Bean, developing his
plans of annihilating the Harris by means of the
Khakas, and a week after other letters reached,
with the tidings that he was in danger of being
annihilated himself by these very Khakas. The
mystery, however, was easy of solution. The Bra-
huis wished the Khakas to have co-operated with
them, and the latter, supposing the destruction of
the small force at Quetta as pretty certain, saw
no reason why they should not anticipate the attack
of the former, and secure the treasure, which they

126 LIEUT. LEECH'S PROMPTITUDE.

believed to be immense, to themselves. The allies
of Capt. Bean accordingly made a night attack
upon his position in the cantonments near Quetta,
and "were creditably repulsed. Urgent reports of
the state of affairs were of course despatched to the
political authorities in Afghanistan, and the error of
the envoy and minister, in withdrawing the troops
from Quetta, became too obvious. Lieut. Leech,
then political agent at Kandahar, did his best to
meet the evil. Lieut. Travers, with the reinforce-
ment received from Quetta, returned to it by forced
marches, and threw himself into it, I believe, before
the Brahui insurgents had invested it. Lieut.
Leech did not stay his exertions, but calling Salu
Kh&n, Atchakzai, gave him a sum of money, I heard
twenty thousand rupees, and directed him to make
the best of his way to Quetta, with as many horse-
men as he could collect.

Before Salu Khan arrived it was surrounded by
the insurgents. The Atchakzai chief forced his
way through their host, and brought the effective
aid of six hundred horsemen, some ten or twelve
having been slain or captured by the Brahuis.
There can be no doubt that the promptitude of
Lieut. Leech did much to preserve Quetta at this
conjuncture.

The Brahuis still pressed the investment, and
prepared ladders for an escalade. Disputes arose
among them as to the points which particular tribes
should assail, which ended in the nocturnal retreat

RETREAT OF REBELS FROM QUETTA. 127

of Wad Derah, the leader of one of the most nume-
rous bands, which, when known by the rest, created
a panic and cry of betrayal, and the host broke up
and retired. Assad Khan of Kharan, who, with
fifty followers, had accompanied the son of Mehrab
Khan, reconducted him to Mastung, where the
darogah again set to work to reassemble the dogs
of Brahuis, for so he called them.

The news of the retreat of the insurgents from
Quetta gave great satisfaction at Kalat, it being
argued that, foiled there, they would scarcely march
upon the capital. I had misgivings on this point,
from the circumstance of their having retired un-
broken; and I signified to Faiz Ahmed, that the
moment we were certain they had advanced from
Mastung I was ready to start for Gandava or B&gh-
wan, as might be thought best. Faiz Ahmed, at
this period, saw me only at long intervals, for he
was irritated that I had not followed his counsel ;
and when he did favour me with a call, seeing I
was disposed to ridicule his notions of danger,
ceased to notice it. I was hurt that my presence
should be a source of solicitude to him, as he had
enough of thought with his own affairs, without
being encumbered by the consideration of mine. I
am sorry to confess that, although I did not attach
much importance to the revolt, and supposed it
would be readily put down, yet I remained not so
much on that account, as from the apprehension I
should be laughed at if I. returned to Karachi ; and

128 ANTICIPATIONS OF A SIEGE.

this weakness, more than anything else, influenced
my stay.

During these days of alarm and consternation,
Lieut. Loveday's people asked him why he did not
send for me. He replied, that if he did, I might
fancy that he was " mutahaj," or helpless. I did
not understand by this remark that he considered
his situation desperate, since it expressed only his
dislike that I should consider it so, or that he
stood in need of assistance. Shah. Nawaz Khn
fired a salute in consequence of the retreat of the
rebels from Quetta, and again another on the al-
leged approach of succours from Shikarpur. These,
however, were imaginary, and the salute turned
out to be a stratagem. A call was also made upon
the inhabitants of the town, and of the adjacent
hamlets, to provide a certain number of water skins,
and so completely in ignorance as to the real state
of matters was the bulk of the people, that it was
supposed the skins were required for the use of the
kh&n and Lieut. Loveday, in a pursuit of the fugi-
tive son of Mehrdb Khan ; whereas, they were in-
tended to lay up a supply of water in the citadel,
in expectation of a siege. So lax, however, was
the khan's authority, that the call was not answered.
Lieut. Loveday, moreover, ever since he had retired
within the walls, had been busily engaged in
strengthening his house.

The appeal of Shah Nawaz Khan to the country
had been but faintly received. Levies from the

INTRIGUES AT KALAT. 129

neighbouring villages were the first to join. Mir
Fati Khan and his mother returned from Zehri,
followed by Mir Boher, and the young son of Rashid
Khan. Kama! Khan, Eltarz Zai, of Baghwan,
afterwards arrived, with Khan Mahomed Khan,
son of Isa Khan of Wad, Besides these, other
petty chiefs, with small quotas, attended. Still
there was no want of men to hold the place, could
their fidelity have been assured. Of Mir Bohir,
of Zehri, there was great distrust, and even Kamal
Khan was suspected. Shah Nawaz strove by li-
berality, and the lavish distribution of khelats and
gratuities, to confirm the friendly, and to gain over
those of dubious disposition. The task of providing
subsistence for the rabble also devolved upon him ;
and besides his own scanty magazine of grain, he
drew upon the stores of Lieut. Loveday.

I am incompetent to unravel the plots and in-
trigues which at this period transpired at Kalat,
but I heard that many of the Brahui leaders pro-
posed to connect the interests of Shah Nawaz Khan,
and those of the son of Mehrab Khan. I know not
which of the chiefs were concerned in this pro-
ject, but heard that Kamal Khan had said, that
unless Lieut. Loveday was removed, he would be
dragging them all about by their beards. Mir Fati
. Khan was reported to have observed, that he would
act in all things as his chiefs advised, but Shah
Nawaz Khan entirely set his face against the pro-
posal, and swore that as long as he possessed life

VOL. IV. K

130 SUBJECTS OF DISCONTENT.

Lieut. Loveday should be respected, and he would
be faithful to his engagements with the Sirkar
Company. The khan was universally commended
on this occasion, even by those who otherwise ob-
jected to him and his rule. He also displayed
some dexterity in reconciling his disaffected par-
tisans.

The khan had professed a great desire to have
marched to the relief of Capt. Bean at Quetta,
and had pitched his tents beyond the Mastting
gate. The intrigues and disagreements amongst
his chiefs of course deprived him of the opportunity
of acquiring the tclat which such service would
have ensured him. I rather think Capt. Bean
was angry that Shah Nawaz Khan did not march
to his assistance, and that Lieut. Loveday had en-
gaged that he would.

The kMn, paralysed by poverty and faction,
could not march; and here was again evidenced
the want of foresight in setting up a ruler in-
capable of aiding his friends or of supporting him-
self.

No sooner had the firmness and fidelity of Shah
Nawaz Khan counteracted the plots of the chiefs,
in the matter above-mentioned, than fresh causes
of dissatisfaction were found by them, and, what
was to be lamented, they had some reason on their
side. At this critical conjuncture it became known,
for the first time, that it was Sh&h Nawaz Khan
who had assigned over a moiety of the Sdnmiani

IMPOLITIC RESUMPTIONS. 131

customs to the political authorities, and that he
was chargeable with the iniquity of a deed, which
had before been considered as an arbitrary exercise
of power by the British government, against which
there was no appeal. Kamal Khan, who is con-
nected with the reigning family of Las, and has
an interest in its affairs, was sorely indignant ; and,
unsparingly reviling Shah Nawaz Khan for his
part in - the transaction, retired from the town
and threatened to return to Baghwan- To re-
concile this chief, on whose support the khan mainly
depended, Lieut. Loveday was obliged to enter
into engagements, cancelling the demands upon the
Sunmiani customs; and no sooner was this done
than the Baghwan chief was furnished with a
fresh cause of discontent, for the news reached
him that his estates at Kotrti, in Kachi, were con-
fiscated. It is impossible to describe the infatua-
tion that could dictate such a step at such a mo-
ment; yet it was merely consistent with the ex-
traordinary method of administration which had
been adopted in the province ever since the go-
vernment had been conducted by the political
authorities, in the name of the king of KabaL
Kamal KMn's estates had been before resumed,
then restored, and now again resumed. Those of
Mir Boh6r had also been resumed, but were for-
tunately restored at the very moment when Mir
Fati Khan called upon him to attend at Kalat, or
otherwise he would not have complied. Lieut

132 MEASURES OF THE REBELS,

Loveday was again obliged to pledge to Kamal
Kh.an the restoration of his lands at Kotru, and
once more he was pacified. To this good end I
was unconsciously instrumental, as, one day, Kamal
Khan, and Khan Mahomed of Wad, called on me,
and inquired whether Lieut. Loveday's engagements
were valid and binding on his superiors, whether the
documents should be signed or sealed ; and, again,
in what manner they should be drawn up.- I re-
plied satisfactorily to their queries, but did not
trouble myself to ask what the engagements were.
I questioned, however, Kamal Khan as to the
probable number of the insurgents at Mastung,
and, affirming that he knew the Brahuis well, he
said they could not exceed two thousand men,
but that had the revolt commenced in Kachi, six
thousand might have assembled. At Kalat vulgar
report made the insurgents eleven thousand strong,
and even Capt. Bean, trusting to rumour, had esti-
mated his antagonists at Quetta to be seven thou-
sand. Lieut. Hammersley subsequently told me
that Assad Kh&n, of Kharan, had, on that occasion,
seven hundred excellent horse, whereas he had
only fifty followers and twenty-five camels, two
men on each animal, and no horsemen whatever.

While never-ending causes of dissension were-
distracting the attention of the khan and his chiefs
from the measures requisite for the defence of the
place, the D&rogah Gul Mahomed was reassembling
the tribes at Mastung, and by a singular fatality

INTERVIEW WITH LIEUT. LOVEDAY. 133

Capt. Bean did not follow up their retreat from
Quetta, and now allowed them to reorganize their
host at leisure, although he had ample force to have
dispersed them, and to have closed the rebellion.

Abdul Wdhid, one of my friends, being in the
town, voluntarily called on Lieut. Loveday, who,
when he took leave, gave him a note for me. It
commenced by stating that he had thrice sent to
me, but his people had not found where I resided ;
and then, in the most polite and handsome terms,
invited me to call upon him. On telling those
about me what was written, they at once exclaimed
that he had written a falsehood, as to having sent
for me. I knew as much, but regarded it as a
harmless preface to his invitation. Again ques-
tioned whether I should go, I said it was too late
that evening, but that in the morning I would see
him. Every one dissuaded me from going, alleg-
ing that he had not treated me well. I replied,
that, on that very account, I would see him, as it
would never do for him to be civil and for me to be
otherwise.

In the morning I sent for my horse from the
suburb and rode to Lieut. Loveday's house* His
reception was very different from what it had be-
fore been. He started from his seat, came to meet
me with extended hands, and exclaimed mildly,
" Mr. Masson ! Mr. Masson !" I immediately gave
him my hand, and we sat down ; for now I found
there were chairs in the house. A few words ex-

134 CONSENT TO REMAIN WITH HIM.

plained the state of things that the town was on
the eye of a siege, as the insurgents had marched
from Mastung, and that there was no hope of relief
from any quarter. He requested me to remain
with him, and I at once consented; willing he
should see that- 1 had generosity, however his con-
science might reproach him that he had been de-
ficient. I sent for my luggage from the suburb,
and with it came a message from my friends with-
out, warning me that I had done wrong. I was
quite alive to the danger I was incurring, and
should have been much more gratified had it
been my fate to be associated with a person in
better estimation than Lieut. Loveday ; and I was
also aware that, in mixing myself up with him, I
was exposed to the vengeance which perchance
awaited him. I should, moreover, have felt justi-
fied in rejecting his invitation, with the knowledge
of the remarks he had made from time to time;
but my better regulated temper permitted me to
overlook them at this crisis. Above all other
reasons, I thought I might be useful; and I by
no means considered the defence of the place as
hopeless, in spite of the difficulties which beset it.
Our garrison were men of Jhalawan, our opponents
of Saharawan, between whom existed a certain
degree of rivalry, and even of enmity ; and on all
occasions of revolt they had espoused different
sides. This circumstance was in our favour ; for I
conceived that, with ever so little management on

PROSPECTS OF THE SIEGE. 135

our parts, the Jhalaw&nis would never, from a feel-
ing of shame, surrender the town to their oppo-
nents. I knew also that the Saharawanis were a
mere rabble, and incapable of taking the town by
force of arms, if the garrison merely maintained
their position on the towers and ramparts; and so
much might with some reason be hoped from them.
Further, I was conscious that Lieut. Loveday, from
the feeling with which he was regarded, did not
dare to move beyond his house ; a misfortune par-
ticularly grievous when activity was so urgently
required, and his presence everywhere necessary in
the various operations of the siege about to take
place. This misfortune I was bold enough to think
I might in great measure obviate, as I had no fear,
and could move freely about the town and amongst
the Brahuis. Confident of my strength in this
essential point, I did not despair of the issue ; and,
though upon it depended life or death, my career
had been one of adventures and perils, and the same
good fortune, I was fain to hope, might still at-
tend me as heretofore. Yieldihg solely to generous
feelings and motives, I became an inmate of Lieut.
Loveday's house, and prepared to encounter and
share with him the evils which impended.

I now, for the first time, saw Haji Osman, a
worthless fellow, known to me by report as the
confidant of Lieut. Loveday, and the man who had
discovered the hidden jewels. When I oonsented
to remain he made the remark to Lieut. Loveday,

136 STATE OF DEFENCES.

" Did I not tell you Masson Sahib would come ?"
by which I presumed that officer had his doubts
whether I should or not ; and then the haji expressed
to me his satisfaction, and declared I had avoided
a great danger, as Faiz Ahmed had purposed to
deliver me to Darogah Gul Mahomed, to be de-
tained as hostage for Rehimd&d, one of the Bakkar
prisoners. I did not condescend to answer the
scoundrel, but shuddered at the idea of how much
evil such a man could effect, and regretted that
Lieut. Loveday had no better counsellor or friend.

I naturally inquired of Lieut. Loveday what
measures had been taken to repel the expected
foe. It was too plain that Shh Nawaz Khan had
been either too much occupied in the management
of his unruly Brahuis, or too naturally careless
to take any. Neither had Lieut. Loveday inte-
rested himself, although in this instance he had
neglected the advice of Hji Osman, who had re-
commended him personally to take charge of the
defence, which certainly would have been his cor-
rect course, had not' his unpopularity stood in the
way. I had heard a good deal of the works with
which Lieut. Loveday had strengthened his own
residence; they were, however, trifling, and the
place was untenable for a quarter of an hour un-
der attack. I pointed out the sad state of the
town walls, which I observed riding along them;
and some of the apertures in them, by which people
actually passed in and out from the town, were

INSPECTION OF THE WALLS. 137

closed by orders of Shah Nawaz Khan, who, in the
course of the day, came to visit Lieut. Loveday.
The khan was much pleased to see me, and more
so when he learned I intended to remain dur-
ing the siege; and I told him that now I knew
that matters were serious, saidlddri, duty to my
friends had brought me into the town. I ques-
tioned the khan as to the supply of ammunition
at command, and found that there were -as many
as sixty barrels of European powder in store in
the citadel, and many pigs of lead ; but it had been
omitted to convert any of them into bullets. I
observed to him, that if he wished his men to fight
he must provide them with the wherewithal to do
so, and accompanying him to the citadel, saw the
pigs of lead produced, and persons set to work upon
them. I also at this time took a cursory view of
the guns, and I was extremely sorry to find them
useless; the largest, indeed, might be considered
a curiosity, for it was cast at Modena in Italy, and
above three centuries old. There were three of
small calibre. Towards evening I made the circuit
of the walls, and particularly examined-" the western
line, having been informed there was a place where
people could easily walk up and down. This I
found at the point where the wall connected with
the citadel, and on my return prevailed upon Lieut.
Loveday to go and look at it ; and so much assur-
ance had- he, in common with others, acquired by
my presence, that he not only ventured to leave

138 EXPLANATIONS.

his house, which, excepting a hurried visit to the
Miri, he had not done since the commencement
of the outbreak, but actually accompanied me with-
out the town to the spot. His sipahis walked up
the breach ; and Shah Nawaz KMn, being apprised
of the inspection we were making, appeared on the
rampart, and promised to repair it, which he did,
and placed a party of men there under one of his
sMhghssis, in whom he could trust.

I forbore in any manner to allude to the remarks
which Lieut. Loveday had made concerning me,
but in the course of conversation this evening, the
topics we discussed allowed me to state such facts
and explanations as must have convinced him of the
error of his notions, and how unjust and unnecessary
had been his observations. When I briefly related
to him my reasons for resigning the service of go-
vernment, he told me he admired my feeling of
independence, and bore willing testimony to the
good reputation I held at Kalat ; and, mentioning
certain persons, said, it was astonishing how well
they spoke of me. In the same casual mode I
corrected tBe misconceptions under which, appa-
rently, he had laboured, and, from the tone of his
discourse and manner, I might have supposed he
regretted he had formed them.

Next morning Shah Nawaz KMn retired his Bra-
hfii levies within the town, and told them off to
their respective stations on the walls. With this
task I did not interfere, presuming the khan would

FORTIFICATIONS OF KALAT. 139

know best the dispositions of the chiefs and their
followers, but was careful to see that the men at
the citadel were constantly at work, and had some
low walls and buildings near the northern gate of
the town, which might serve as shelter to an enemy,
levelled. I wished to have extended this operation
to the buildings close to the eastern gate, but Shah
Nawaz Khan did not like to destroy a masjit, the
principal of them, neither did he choose to level
the walls enclosing an orchard, because his father
had planted it, although I explained that there was
occasion only to remove the walls, not the trees.
Lieut. Loveday told me that he had before tried in
vain to induce the demolition of these buildings
and the orchard, for they were manifestly too close,
and, what was worse, afforded the opportunity for
parley between the besiegers and besieged, which it
was part of our plan to prevent, if possible.

Kalat has three gates: the northern, or Mas-
tung; the eastern, or Dil Dar; and the southern,
or Gil Kan. Adjoining the latter is a triangular
outwork, called the Sanghar, entered by a gate close
to that of Gil Kan. There are no houses in the
Sanghar, formed by the continuation of the western
wall, along the ridge on the eastern face of which
the town is built ; and by another wall carried from
it to the gate Gil Kan. At the apex is a large
tower. The work was probably erected to protect
the Babi suburb lying beneath it, and to remedy
its occupation by an enemy. To Kamal Khan, in

140 DISPOSITION OF GARRISON.

concert with KMn Mahomed Khan, was confided
the defence of the southern face, comprising that
of the gate Gil Kan and the Sanghar. To Mir
Bohr of Zehri, the portion of the eastern wall ex-
tending from the position of Kamal Khan's party,
and to the young son of Bashid, Khan and his fol-
lowers the remainder of the eastern front, includ-
ing the gate Dil Dar. From the youth of Rashid
Khan's son, Mir Boher was held virtually the leader
of the Zehris. On the western front, in the centre
of which stands towering the MM, or citadel pa-
lace, the line of wall from it to the south, and
terminating at the Sanghar, was assigned to the
Lutlanis and Kambararis, and the line to the north
was guarded by the shahghassi, Khan Mahomed's
party, and the people of Pandaran, Nichara, and
Skalkoh, villages in the vicinity of Kalat, and by
the Jetaks from the hills of Zehri. The northern
gate being under the immediate observation of
Lieut. Loveday, was considered under his protec-
tion, although held by Omar Khan, Rakshani, of
Nushki; and the wall extending from it to the
west was occupied by small village levies.

By all the rules of native warfare, the gates Gil
Kan and Dil Dar should have been built up ; the
Mastung gate, little liable to attack, only remain-
ing open. When I suggested they should be
closed, with the view of raising obstacles to com-
munication between those within and without, I
was told it could not then be done without imputa-

AMMUNITION AND STORES. 141

tion on the valour of their defenders. Shah Nawaz
Khan, moreover, had determined to pass his nights
at the gate Dil Dar, to prevent the display of trea-
chery. He also assumed the duty of patrolling the
ramparts by night, and of exercising a general vigi-
lance, while his brother, Mir Fati Khan, had espe-
cial charge of the citadel palace*

Such were the arrangements ; it remained to be
seen whether the garrison would defend the walls or
admit the foe. Of ammunition there was plenty,
but of provisions there was only a scanty supply,
the stores of Shah Nawaz Khan having already
been exhausted by the levies, and he had been
compelled to draw upon those of Lieut. Loveday,
who still, however, had about a hundred kharwars
of grain, besides a three months' supply for his own
soldiers and establishment.

J42

CHAPTER V.

Appearance of the enemy. Instantaneous attack. Assailants
repulsed. Enthusiasm of Kamal Khan's men. Discourse
with Kamal Khan and Khan Mhomed. Illiberally of Shah
Nawaz Khan and of Lieut. Loveday. Conversation with Mir
Boher, His scruples set at rest. Practice with the guns.
Renewed attack. Plans of the rebels. Firing the suburbs.
Assad Khan's carefulness. Expectation of an assault. Pre-
parations to meet it. Assault. Its repulse. Gallantry of Nas-
rftlah and a party of sip&hls. Peril of Shih Nawaz Khan
Surrender of the son of Jelal Khan. Results of the discom-
fiture. Treachery of part of the garrison. Visit to the scene
of the assault. Renewed attack. Lieut. Loveday in danger.
Repulse of attack. Panic in the town. Equivocal conduct
of Kamal Kban Shah Nawaz Kha"n dejected. Arrival of
va"kil from the rebels. Conference between Kamal Khan and
the rebel chieftains. Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Boher
anxious to continue the defence. Lieut. Loveday's indecision.
Arrangement of Shah Naw&z Khan. Evil counsels of Lieut.
Loveday's advisers. Lieut. Loveday's missions to the rebel
camp. frustration of Shah Nawaz Khan's endeavours to sup-
port himself. Knavery of Lieut Loveday's agents. Their
exultation at his credulity. Lieut. Loveday refuses to leave
Kal&t. Communications from Quetta, Final effort of Shall
Nawaz Khan to induce Lieut. Loveday to accompany him.
Renewed missions to the rebel camp. Terror of Mir Fatl
Khan. Shah Nawaz Khan repairs to 'the rebel camp. His
abdication and solicitude for Lieut. Loveday. Entry of the
son of Mehrab Khan into the town. Visit of Faiz Ahmed.
Farewell visit of Shall Nawaz Khan. Lieut. Loveday pre-
sents nazzers to the young khSn and Bibi Ganjani. His fatal
errors. My counsels and conduct. My farther stay, and
causes thereof.

ARRIVAL OF THE ENEMY, AND ATTACK. 143

ON the following morning, about nine -o'clock,
for we had just breakfasted, the scouts of the
enemy appeared on the summits of the low hills
through which the road to Mastung leads. They
halted awhile, as if to ascertain whether the fol-
lowers of Shah Nawaz Kh4n were within or with-
out the walls, and as their main body approached,
descended into the plain, allowing their horses to
graze in the fields of lucerne. Being within gun-
range, a few rounds were fired upon them from
the citadel. Some time elapsed before the main
body arrived, when, crossing the plain, it filed round
by the dry bed of a water-course into the gardens
east of the town. Immediately, or as soon as the
insurgents had alighted from their horses and camels,
they advanced towards the walls, and one body
rushing into the Bdbi suburb, attacked, under its
shelter, the southern face, and the gate Gil Kan;
another body occupied the buildings outside the
gate Dil Dar, and thence attacked it, and the
eastern line of wall stretching therefrom to the
south. Kamal KMn and his party were as-
sailed with much vivacity; the enemy's attempt on
the eastern line was less determined. An inces-
sant fire was maintained until two or three o'clock
in the afternoon, when the rebels retired.

^It was clear our antagonists had intended to
despatch their work quickly, or, it may be, that
they had expected the gates would have been
opened to them.

144 REPULSE OF ATTACK.

Two or three men were slain on either side,
and some wounded, a great point in Brahui war-
fare, as it authorized the hope that accommodation
was out of the question, and that, as hlood had
been shed, the hostile parties must now fight in
earnest. We had waited with anxiety the result
of the first conflict, became on it so much de-
pended, not only as it would show the mettle
of our opponents, but, what was of more importance,
it would test the fidelity of our friends. As the
event proved, we considered the chances of hold-
ing the town as ten to one in our favour, and
were justified in so doing.

The enemy, I should have observed, were not
above one thousand to twelve hundred men, of
all descriptions, armed and unarmed, and in the
number of firelocks our garrison must have ex-
ceeded them, supposing it mustered from six hun-
dred to seven hundred. Certainly we could have
overpowered them on the plain, had it been pru-
dent to trust our men so far ; unhappily, we could
not.

Shah Nawaz Khan offered his congratulations
to Lieut. Loveday, and I made a tour of the walls,
encouraging and conversing with the several chiefs.
The followers of Kamal KMn received me en-
thusiastically, exclaiming, they were not fight-
ing for Shah Nawaz Khan, but for the Sirkar
Company. I assured them the Sirkar Company
would not forget them, applauded their good con-

CONVERSATION WITH KAMAL KHAN. 145

duct, and cheered them to continue it. I found
Kamal Khan and Khan Mahomed Khan in the
gateway, like their men, black with smoke and
powder, and after wishing them joy of their suc-
cess, discoursed for some time with them. I ob-
served to Kamal Khan, that our task was not a
difficult one, after all, land the Saharawanis were
so few in number, that I wondered they had the
confidence to present themselves. He agreed with
me, expressed surprise there were not more of
them, and even thought I overrated their number
at one thousand. Both he and Khan Mahomed
seemed to have a latent distrust that their exer-
tions might pass unnoticed; and this notion I
strenuously combated, conjuring them to believe,
that their services would not merely be noticed,
but recompensed. On the whole, they were in
high spirits, and apparently well satisfied with the
result of the day. On taking leave, I told them
they had the good luck to have the merit of the
defence, as the Saharawanis had honoured their po-
sition by making it the principal point of attack,
and jocularly remarked, that, as we had not been
favoured with a visit, the enemy were unwilling
we should get any share of the credit. ' Kamal
Khan gave me a commission to procure some
European gunpowder from Lieut. Loveday, for
priming, and made a request concerning a sup-
ply of provisions, which I promised should be at-
tended to.

VOL. IV, L

146 CAKE OF THE WOUNDED.

Lieut. Loveday, in some mode, to have
evinced his approbation on this occasion by a small
largess, or by the distribution of provisions to the
garrison, but he first hesitated, and finally sent
parcels of dates to Kamal Khan's party and to the
Zehris, but to no others. It was a time when a
little liberality was necessaty, and he well knew the
men were fighting on no better subsistence than dry
bread and parched grain, and against their country-
men, for a cause in which they had no interest, and
even disapproved. It appeared to me that bounty
would have been seasonably shown, and that no
harm would have been done in proving to the men,
that we thought of their wants, and appreciated
their labours. Lieut. Loveday hardly thought this
necessary, and Shah Nawaz Khan affected no other
opinion ; and when I urged him to distribute some
sheep amongst the levies, laughed, and said he
would keep them to eat himself. ,

The care of attending the wounded men devolved
upon me ; and Lieut. Loveday having a quantity of
medicines and ointments, I did as well as I was
able with them. The wounds were, of course, gun-
shot ; and although I was not skilful enough to ex-
tract the balls, my patients did very well, and grate-
fully acknowledged the inadequate attention they *
received. During the night a firing was again
opened upon KamikI Kh&n's position and that of
the Zehri levy, and continued throughout the next
day and night, but no particular attempt upon the

MIR BOHER'S SCRUPLES. 147

gates, as before, was made, the rebels having deter-
mined to attempt an escalade, and were therefore
busy in the preparation of ladders.

My calls upon the wounded men brought me into
the company of Mir Boher of Zehri, who had been
always a suspected man, but who, in common with
Kam&l Kh4n, had fought with sincerity since the
attack. In conversation with him, I found that he
had the same misgivings as Kamdl KMn, and others,
that his exertions would be little prized or regarded ;
and he farther complained of the precarious tenure
on which he held his lands in Kachi. I assured
him that he might rest perfectly satisfied on all
these points; for now the course of events would
press these matters on the consideration of govern-
ment, and, for the future, such arrangements would
be made that all irregularities and annoyances would
cease. Mir Boher was a staunch old man, and, like
Kamil Kh&n, had a reputation for valour ; I there-
fore spared no trouble to convince him, that he
was right in the support of Sh4h Nawaz Khan, and
that he might depend upon the countenance of the
government. I could perceive he was pleased to be
so assured, and henceforth he became very zealous
in the defence of the place.

* This day, moreover, I went to the citadel, both
to see that the casting of bullets was not inter-
mitted, and to try if anything could be done with
the guns. The enemy occupied the houses of the
Babi suburb, which were nearest to Kamal Khan's

L 2

148 PRACTICE WITH TEE GUNS.

position, and again, the houses without the Dil Dar
Gate, particularly the large masjit, which Shh
Nawaz Khan had neglected to level. I wished, if
possible, to compel them to retire. The artillery-
men at Kalat, old servants of tlie late Khan, had
discontinued to work the pieces, being exposed
to the musketry of the sheltered insurgents. For
shame's sake, they returned to them, when I stood
by them, although, in truth, the shots whizzed freely
about Even Shah Nawaz came for a moment;
but I bade him go away, telling him he might
not be charmed against Brahui shots, as I hoped
I was. It was a sad pity the guns were unservice-
able ; they were fixed on their uncouth carriages by
rolls of cord, intercepting the sight, and rendering it
impossible to point them with any tolerable precision.
In place of vents were apertures as large as the
palm of a hand, and the chambers were so honey-
combed, that it startled me to think how they could
stand being fired. One of them was three centuries
old, as I have noted before, and the others had not
a more youthful appearance. I first tried the old
one, as being the largest, and, as well as I could,
painted it to the garden in which we knew that the
son of Mehrab Khan, Assad Khan of Kharan, and
other principal chiefs, had taken up their quarters*.
After a few rounds in that direction, I had it much
at heart to have knocked in the side door of the
large masjit, without the gate Dil Dar, which was
full of the enemy. The effect would have been

FIRING THE SUBURBS. 149

excellent ; and, had the attempt succeeded, no one
would have dared to venture there again. On
bringing the gun to bear upon the point, the tipper
part of the gate only was visible above the line of
rampart, and to have hit it, it was necessary that
the ball should exactly clear the parapet. The
distance was, indeed, trifling, but the impossi-
bility of pointing the gun correctly perplexed me ;
and, ' I was demurring whether to fire or not,
when I saw the Zehri people forsake the walls;
I then abandoned the intention, fearful of doing
more harm than good, as the chance was against
success ; while, if a ball had struck the parapet, the
men of Zehri, not too trustworthy, might have
found a pretence for withdrawal from their post. I
then repaired to the other guns, but being on the
same level, similar obstacles presented themselves,
and I could do no more than fire random shots
amongst the gardens, and, as nearly as I could,
direct them towards that occupied by the khan and
the ilite of the insurgents.

I next urged upon both Lieut. Loveday and
Shah Nawaz Khan the necessity of firing the sub-
urbs adjacent to the two exposed gates, and the
measure was at length agreed upon. That near the
Dil D6r gate was effectually fired, but the Babi
suburb suffered little injury from Kamal Khan, who
undertook the task.

The good consequences that would have attended
an effective shot at the door in .the masjit were

150 ASSAD KHAN'S PRUDENCE.

acknowledged by all ; and subsequently, when pri-
soner, I heard at frequently remarked by the rebels,
that it would have ruined them. It was a singular
misfortune there was not a serviceable piece of
ordnance ; the valley of Kalat is entirely within
range 5 and the insurgents, in that case, could not
have stayed in it. This had been exemplified in
former years, when the tribes of the country were
in revolt against Mehrab Khan, and were com-
pelled, by the fire from the citadel, to break up
their encampment and disperse.

On this occasion, owing to my presence, the
artillerymen were obliged to be honest, and dis-
charge ball; and it was afterwards known that a
shot had passed close to the young khan's tent, and
that another had killed the charger of Assad Khan,
picketed with the khan's, which so terrified the
Kharan chief, that he removed from the garden to
the Babi suburb. His subjects had implored him,
when he accompanied the khan, to take care of
himself, and he promised them he would, assuring
them he did not intend to expose himself to Fe-
ringhi grape. The Brahuis used to laugh at this
promise, which, however, he religiously kept, and
was now driven away by a round shot.

We were perfectly aware of the determination
of the rebels to attempt a nocturnal escalade, but
were ignorant as to the point they intended to
assail. Their ladders were prepared from the tim-
bers they found ready for them at Lieut. Love-

152 REPULSE OF ESCALADE.

that of repose after some great exertion, a sudden
and violent renewal of firing announced that an
attack was made ; and we soon discovered that the
point menaced was the part of the wall on the
western side held by the levies of the villages near
Kalat, and the Jetaks of Zehri, and therefore near
us. The four or five Brahuis we had in the house
were instantly despatched to the several quarters of
the town for intelligence, and Nasrtilah, a servant
of Lieut. Loveday, and much trusted by him, re-
turned, informing us that ladders were fixed, and
implored that a party of sip&his should be hastened
to the spot. Lieut. Loveday permitted his havil-
dar Allabaksh to select eight men ; they were ac-
companied by two or three others, as amateurs,
and conducted by Nasrulah.

Their presence was most opportune. A party of
the enemy, about forty-five or fifty, had entered the
town, and their companions were being assisted
over the walls by those stationed to defend them.
The little band of sipahis most admirably per-
formed their duty ; some fifteen of the rebels and
their friends of the garrison were brought down on
the walls, and the remainder, with the son of Jelal
Kh&n at their head, dropped into the town and
secreted themselves, as they saw their retreat cut
off. Nor was this the extent of the service done;
the insurgents, persisting in the attempt to escalade,
were completely baffled, and fled, leaving their lad-
ders, and a number of dead, at the foot of the walls.

PERIL OF SHAH NAWAZ KHAN. 153

The party under the son of JelM Khan left their
hiding-place, and fell in with Sh&h Nawaz Khan
and a few attendants, advancing to the perilled
point. Being desperate, they attacked the khan, and
slew two or three of his men. The khan himself
cut down one of his opponents, but, "being nearly
alone, retreated to the gate Dil Dar, with torches
before him. The son of J[elal Khan, unsupported
in the town, made the best of his way to Kamal
Khn, and craved his protection. He was allowed
to retain his arms, but was held a prisoner, with his
men, whose arms were taken from them. It was
reported that Shahghassi Wali M&homed was also
in the town, and Lieut. Loveday, through Nasru-
lah, offered a reward for his discovery and appre-
hension. The conduct of Nasrtilah on this occasion
was eminently zealous and deserving. We after-
wards heard that Mahomed Khan Sherwani, who
conducted the escalade, was so surfeited with his
reception, that he took the road to Mastung, and
was induced to return only by the darogah and
others, who hastened after him, praying him, in
God's name, to await the morning.

Most of the men slain proved to be Langhows,
residents at Mangachar. When the young khan
first arrived amongst them, en route to Mastung,
they at -once espoused his cause, and delivered to
him the grain reserved as tribute for Shah Naw&z
Khan. They pretended to have serious cause of
complaint, both with the khan and Lieut. Loveday,

154 VISIT TO THE SCENE OF THE ESCALADE.

on account of one of their chiefs, who, as they as-
serted, had been innocently blown from a gun, and
for other reasons. Being an inferior tribe, the duty
of carrying the ladders was assigned to them. It
proved that the insurgents were, unprovided with
ammunition, and that the garrison lowered down
supplies to them, while they themselves fired blank.
The garrison, also, by means of their united lunghis,
helped the assailants over the walls, the ladders
being too short by nearly a third of the requisite
height.

The victorious sipahis, on their return to quar-
ters, wished that a guard should be set over the
slain on the ramparts until morning, in order to
secure their spoils, and to prevent them being taken
by the Brahuis. I very much opposed this measure,
from its obvious indelicacy, and hoped it would be
considered enough to have killed the men. Lieut.
Loveday tartly replied, that the spoils were the
" H&k," or right of the soldiers, and a guard was
sent. Nasrulah was desired to accompany it, but,
conscious of the impropriety, he declined.

In the grey break of day Lieut. Loveday left his
house, to visit the scene of the achievement. I
would rather he had stayed until broad daylight,
and then have gone in company with Shah NawSz
Khan, or his brother, or with some of the chiefs ;
and this because I thought it would be the safer
course. He, for the same reason, went now with
the notion he should not be .recognized, which was

RENEWED ATTACK. 155

hardly possible, with, his soldiers crowding around
him. As he went, I accompanied him, and we as-
cended the walls, and cast a glance on the corpses
strewed about, and on the broken ladders, some
resting still against the walls, and some fallen on the
ground. We had scarcely time to do this, when a
brisk fire re-opened on the opposite side of the town
in Kamal KMn's quarter. The levies amongst
whom we were, immediately loaded and lighted
their matches. Lieut. Loveday as speedily descend-
ed, for his situation was perilous, his sip^hls fol-
lowing and surrounding him. I had difficulty in
getting down, and when I did, as the best thing
for myself, and to cover Lieut. Loveday's retreat,
I fronted the walls and stepped backwards, until
a corner was rounded which screened us from the
fire of the traitors, had they, exasperated by the
loss of their comrades, opened it upon us.

Nasrulah and our Brahuis were sent forthwith
to ascertain the meaning of this fresh attempt, and
if Kamal Khan required aid, for our sipahis were
in such good-humour that they were eager to go
and acquire more fame, and we had found that we
could detach a party without risk. Kaml Khau
was too proud to accept assistance, and, after a
period of two hours, the insurgents retired. We
understood that the assailants did not know that
the son of Jelal Khin had surrendered, and that
they had hoped, that he and his party would have
been able to open the gates from within. Kamal

156 PANIC.

KMn pretended that the attack was most furious,
and that the sanghar was once in possession of
the enemy.

The nagara khana, or band of Shah Nawaz Khan,
had, with martial melody, commemorated the re-
pulse of the escalade, and again resounded with
notes of triumph at the success of the morning.
We were momentarily expecting a visit from the
khan, as the occasion seemed to demand, but were
disappointed; and, on inquiry after him, learned
that he was fatigued, and asleep in the citadel;
although he sent a supply of sweetmeats for the
soldiers who had so distinguished themselves.

We were not long allowed to rejoice at the
events of the past night, for the symptoms of a
general panic were too plain to be mistaken. They
communicated to our own people, who universally
exclaimed, there was treachery, and that the guns,
occasionally discharged from the citadel, were load-
ed with blank cartridges ; judging from the reports.
I was quite at a loss to account for the extra-
ordinary and sudden change in feeling at a moment
when victory had left us nothing to fear, and our
enemies nothing to hope ; but so it was. The sipahis
indeed, with a number of the assailants, had slain
and wounded some of the traitors of the Jetaks and
village levies, and on this account some precautionary
step was necessary, but that was all ; and although
I saw a cause for the panic in this circumstance,
I did not think it a sufficient one to create so much

SUSPICIOUS CONDUCT OF KAMAL KHAN. 157

alarm. From the first we were aware our men
were not too trustworthy, and our house had been
continually fired upon by various parties within the
town, and, as we knew, in some cases, by the Zehris
under Rashid Khan's son; the act, however, of
individuals, without the order or knowledge of their
chiefs. Succeeding events better explained the
cause of the panic, and of its origin. I believe
Kamal Khan first, on a visit to Lieut. Loveday,
informed him, that it was dangerous to continue
the defence, and that it was necessary to negotiate.
This was strange news. The very notion of further
resistance seemed as if, by common consent, to be
abandoned; the workmen at the citadel ceased
their labour, and all preparations were suspended,
In the evening Shah Naw&z Khan appeared down-
cast and dejected. I strove to encourage him, and
proposed to dismiss, armed or disarmed, the traitors
of the garrison. He thought it unadvisable, and
in his gloomy mood seemed reconciled to submit
with composure to his fate. He represented, wit!
Kam&l Kh&n, that the defence of the place was
hopeless. Lieut. Loveday concurred, although ]
could not conjecture why. Shah Nawaz Khan had
I suspect, not been sleeping, as he had given out
but had been painfully kept awake in expostula-
tion and remonstrance, in supplication and reproach
with Kamal Khn, upon whom, and upon whos<
fidelity, he principally confided. This man declarec
the place untenable ; that arrangements were indis

158 INTERCHANGE OF VAKILS.

pensable, and all but avowed that lie would fight no
more ; and, perhaps, went so far as to threaten that
he would betray the town. A kind of mystery hung
over the morning attack ; and it seems the enemy,
enraged at Kamal Khan's opposition, affirmed they
would send to Baghwan, lay waste his property, and
bring up his wives and children, then placing them
in front of their host, advance upon the town,
and compel him to surrender it, or to fire upon
those dearest to him. Whether affected by this
menace, or that he had previously inclined to play
a double part, he wavered, and Shah Nawaz Khan
could no longer reckon on him. It may be, also,
that communion with the son of Jelal Khan did
the Baghwan chief no good. It was too evident
that we had more to dread from the defection of
this man than the treachery of the Jetaks and vil-
lage levies.

About sunset a vakil arrived on the part of the
enemy, either in pursuance of some arrangement
mutually concerted, or that, finding force ineffect-
ual, it was deemed necessary to have recourse to
fraud. I know not to whom he was commissioned,
but Shah Nawaz Khan brought him to Lieut.
Loveday. I pointed out to the khan his error in
receiving him, but Lieut. Loveday did not oppose
it ; and an elchi, on the part of Shah Nawaz Khan,
was, in return, despatched to the rebel camp. This
was again a capital error; but neither the khn
nor Lient. Loveday seemed to look upon it in that

TREATY. 159

liglit. I never learned to whom these elcliis were
deputed. It was easy to predict what would "be
the fruit of negotiation.

On the next day it was arranged that Kamal
Khan was to meet the sirdars of Saharawan, and
on the following one the meeting took place in
a garden without the town. God knows what
passed between them. We afterwards learned that
the Saharawanis joked with Kamal Khan for having
married his sister to Shah Nawaz Khan. The
Baghwan chief observed, he had been shetdbi, or
precipitate; and was asked, in retort, why he had
been precipitate. The result of the conference was
an eJcrdr ndmeh, or engagement between the sir-
dars of Saharawan and Jhalaw&n, by which the
tcikJit, or sovereignty of Kal&t, was vested in the
son of Mehrab Khan, and the districts of Bagh-
wan, Zi&i, and Khozdar were ceded to SMh Na-
w&z Khan, who was to vacate Kalat after three
days ; while Lieut. Loveday was to be escorted in
safety to Quetta, with his sipahis, establishment,
and property. Kamal KMn brought a copy of
the ekrdr ndmeh to Lieut. Loveday, attested by
the seals of himself, on behalf of the Jhalawan
sirdars, and by those of M&homed Khan, Sher-
wni, Malek Dinar, Mahmud Sh&hi, Jan Mahomed,
Bangui Zai, and Mahomed KMn, Lari, all sirddrs
of Saharawan, or so calling themselves. Kamal
Khan vindicated his proceedings on the plea of
necessity, and Lieut. Loveday expressed his satis-

160 APATHY OF LIEUT. LOVEDAY.

faction. I could not forbear expressing great in-
dignation at the transaction, and Kamal Khan
reproached me with not understanding the matter,
and represented that he wanted to gain time.

When he left I pointed out to Lieut. Love-
day, as forcibly as I was able, the absurdity of the
whole business, and how unlikely it was that the
government would recognize the engagements of
such men, at all times incompetent to make treaties,
but more particularly so now, when one of the par-
ties, the sirdars of Sahdrawan, were traitors, and
very probably denounced outlaws. Besides, I re-
minded him how carefully the principals had avoid-
ed to commit themselves, and that they might
hereafter plead the treaty was not binding upon
them. To all the objections I raised, Lieut.
Loveday, as usual with him, made few remarks,
but in consequence of the absence of the seals of
the principals, he made an effort to obtain them
through Kamal Khan. They were not given, as
the engagement was declared to be, and truly, one
between the sirdars of Saharawan and Jhalawan,
but the seal of Assad Khan of Khar&n, was affixed
to the instrument, as a further proof of its validity.
This, in my opinion did not mend the matter ; but
Lieut. Loveday was satisfied.

In Lieut. Loveday's household and establish-
ment were four persons, in an especial and singular
degree possessing his confidence, and admitted to
council, Haji Osman, Nasrulah, Sampar, a Hindu

EFFORTS TO REJECT THE TREATY. 161

servant, and the Havildar Allabaksh, the two
latter in political questions being influenced by the
opinions of the two former. All these men ap-
plauded the ekrar nameh, encouraged Lieut. Love-
day in the belief that its engagements would be
fulfilled, and anticipated the increased honour and
fame he would secure under the accession of Mir
Nassir Khan, the name conferred on the son of
Mehrab Khan, Mahomed Hassan, now that he as-
sumed sovereignty.

No sooner had the ekrd-r ndmeh been concluded
than free intercourse was established between the
town and rebel camp, and Nasriilah, with Lieut.
Loveday's permission, went to pay his respects to
Darogah Gul Mahomed, his ancient master. Of
course he made Ms peace, and in return for his par-
don, which, with tears, he implored, consented to be-
come an instrument to further the darogah's vie,ws.
On his return Nasrulah brought the kindest assur-
ances from the old man, never made, or made only
to deceive ; but, I afterwards learned, never made.

Shah Nawiz KMn, as soon as he had recovered
from the consternation into which the treachery
of KamAl Khan had thrown him, and upon a cooler
view of the transactions, in which he had implicated
himself, sought to retrieve his errors, and being
supported by Mir Boh&r, and others, proposed to
reject the ekrar ndmeh of the sirdars, and to con-
tinue the defence of the town. Many circum-
stances confirmed him iii this resolution. From the

VOL. IV. M

162 LIEUT. LOVEDAY'S INDECISION.

communication opened between the town and rebel
camp, it became known that the insurgents had
neither ammunition nor provisions. Mir Boher,
Rehim Khan, Liatunf, and all the Kambararis
of the garrison inveighed against the disgrace of
surrendering the place to the Saharawanis, and it
was discovered that, contrary to the reports circu-
lated, no persons of respectability had joined the
rebel standard from the neighbourhood. The khan
had, moreover, received letters from Kachi, repre-
senting Saiyad M&homed Sherif active in seizing
Brahuis : from which he became assured of his
fidelity, before suspected, it having been surmised
that the saiyad had favoured the flight of Mehrab
Khan's widow, Bibi Ganjni, from Bagh, when she
joined the rebels at Mastting.

Mir Boher came several times to Lieut. Love-
day alone, or with Shah Nawaz Khan. Once, when
both were visitors, I so far prevailed with that
officer as to induce him to give them his hand,
and to promise his support to a continued defence,
but the fatal influence of Haji Osm&n, Nasrtilah,
and the rest, paralyzed and defeated everything.
These men made the grossest misrepresentations
as to the number of the rebels, and the abundance
of grain and necessaries in their camp, and were
too readily credited.

Mir Boher proposed to obviate treachery in
future by a change in the disposition of the men
on the ramparts. He, with Shih Naw&z Khan, was

DONATION TO MIR BOHER. 163

averse to ejecting the traitors, which I still thought
the wisest measure, but did not press when a re-
medy was suggested. I asked Mir Boher what had
come over Kamal Khan's mind. He replied, that he
had become faint-hearted ; and engaged to bring him
round. The Zehri chief spoke with real anguish
to Sh&h Naw&z Khan of the disgrace about to fall
on them, affirming that it was "bini burida," or
equivalent to cutting off their noses. He further
bitterly lamented that Kamal Khan had spoiled all.
I must always consider it most unfortunate that
Lieut. Loveday did not at this period give his hearty
support to Shh Nawaz Khdn, and the chiefs
desirous of breaking up the treaty. I recommended,
and had done so from the first of the siege, that a
little liberality should be displayed, not as being
prudent only, but what was reasonable on such an
occasion. I failed to make any impression on either
Lieut. Loveday or the khan. I had even suggested,
when it was decided to retain within the walls the
traitors discovered by the attempt at escalade, to
give them the merit of a triumph, and to make a
small donation to the garrison of some five rupees
each, and try what effect it might produce. Subse-
quently, when we became prisoners to the insur-
gents, the Brahuis, while indulging in invective
against Mir Boher, constantly alluded to the receipt
of money by him from Lieut. Loveday. I hardly took
notice of it, further than supposing their imagination"
had prompted the invention of a tale in unison with

M 2

164 ARRANGEMENT OF SHAH NAWAZ KHAN.

their hate, until, one day at Mastiing, I asked Lieut.
Loveday if he did give money to Bohr. To my
surprise, he said yes, two or three thousand rupees ;
and then regretted that he had not taken better
care to see it distributed. I had always understood
that he would not give money, but never had the
opportunity to ascertain whether Boh6r had received
the sum, or, what was quite as likely, that one of
Lieut. Loveday's people had intercepted it.

Shah Nawaz Khan, in his anxiety to secure Mir
Boh6r, had made an arrangement with him, in which
Lieut. Loveday, I believe, had no part, nominating
him sirdar of Jhalawan, to the detriment of the
young son of Rashld Khan, a minor, and now
with his followers in the town. The Zehri levies
never had a friendly feeling to Shah Nawaz Khan ;
and this had been inflamed by the oppressive con-
duct of his brother, Mir Fati Khan, even when- he
had recently been in their country soliciting their
aid. The arrangement with Mir Bohr was not so
secretly managed but that it transpired, and of
course exasperated them in no slight degree. The
consequence of the khan's carelessness was, that
they sent a message inviting the Darogah Gtil Ma-
homed, on the next attack, to advance upon the gate
they held, and it should be opened to him. From
this nothing of evil would have happened had the
defence been prolonged, as the Drogah had not
intended to accept the invitation, supposing it in-
sidiously made. These facts were not known to

MISSIONS. 165

Lieut. Loveday or myself at the time. That
Shah Nawdz Khan was imprudent there can be no
doubt, and his error might have done his cause great
mischief.

I neglected no opportunity to impress Lieut.
Loveday with a sense of the danger he must incur
by putting himself in the power of the insurgents ;
but all arguments I could employ were set aside
by the assurances of Haji Osman, Nasrulah, and
Sampat. By night, pacing up and down his room,
we discoursed to a late hour ; and once, momen-
tarily influenced by the efforts I made to arouse
him to a course of energy and action, representing
the duty he owed to government, the shame in
submitting to a vanquished foe, and the reputation
within his grasp, which he was about to throw away,
he made a "theatrical jump, and exclaimed, I will
die ! The resolution vanished as soon as the words
expressing it had passed his lips, and the counsels of
his advisers reconciled him to life.

To counteract the exertions of Shah Nawaz
Khan to get up resistance, Haji Osman and
Nasrulah set on foot a variety of missions to the
rebel camp. Had not the consequences been so
fatal, this zeal for negotiation, and the rank and
quality of the negotiators, would have been amusing.
With Nasrulah were despatched Imm Baksh, the
young drummer attached to the sipahis, and Morad
Khan, a naik, or corporal. Nasrulah privately
communed with the ddrogah, and the other two

166 ARAB TESTIMONY.

elchis were admitted to a formal audience by the
young khan, after which they were sent to a shah-
gh&ssi, to communicate their errand. Hajf Osman
introduced on the scene his uncle, Atta Mahomed
Khan, brother of Akhund Mahomed, Stdik ; and this
man, with Rais Pir Mahomed, of Kalat, was sent
privately by night on a mission to the camp. The
result was, of course, gratifying, as, on the next day,
Atta Mahomed Khan marched publicly on a second
mission, attended by a retinue of some forty to fifty
persons he had collected. It occurred to me,
that there was something very indelicate, to speak
no worse of it, in the despatch of these persons to
the rebels, while Shah Nawaz Khan was yet in the
town, and I must confess I was ashamed, if I may
not say shocked, when I beheld Lieut. Loveday, who
was wont, when the kMn called upon "him, to put
his arm around him, in the affectionate familiarity
of friendship, affecting to concur in his plans, while
at the very time his agents were negotiating with
the enemy the subversion of the khan's authority.
I may here observe, in relation to this subject, that
months after the events occurred here described,
I saw, at Bombay, Captain Hamerton, then the
representative of the East India Company, now
also her Majesty's Consul at Maskdt. I had pub-
lished in India a statement of the siege of Kal&t,
which Captain Hamerton had seen at "Maskat.
He assured me that an Arab agent of the Imam,
who was present at Kalat during the siege, con-

SUCCESS OF THE MISSIONS. 167

firmed every fact, even to the circumstance of
Lieut. Loveday putting his arms around Shall Nawaz
Khan, and he, like myself, witnessed it with shame,
I was going to write horror.

Shah Nawaz Khdn reproached Lieut. Loveday
for sending his man, Nasrulah, to the Darogah
Gul Mahomed ; and at another time employed
language so strong to H&ji Osm&n, in the presence
of Lieut. Loveday and myself, that a person stand-
ing by afterwards gave his opinion, that had he
received the least encouragement from Lieut. Love-
day, he would have drawn his sword and have put
an end at once to the Mji and his treason.

Lieut. Loveday's envoys always returned with the
same unqualified promises of kind treatment and pro-
tection ; the young khan, the d^rogah, Bibi Ganjaai,
and the sirdars, were all animated by the best feel-
ings, and the latter were determined to adhere with
fidelity to their engagements. Lieut. Loveday was
to do exactly as he pleased ; he might go to Quetta
or remain at Kalt. If he went to Quetta, the Bibi
Ganjani was to accompany him; if he remained, a
splendid residence was to be built for him, in place
of the one which had been demolished by the
Brahtiis. Nasrulah, in particular, certified to the
good intentions of the darogah; and Atta Ma-
homed Khan, who professed to be in the confidence
of the Bibi Ganjani, assured Lieut. Loveday of
that lady's good will, and tl^t she looked upon
him as her son. The young khan had declared, as

168 DELUSION OF LIEUT. LOVEDAT.

he was tutored, to the drummer and naik, that
all he wanted was, using his expression, the few
sticks of the citadel, and that he had no desire
for the country, which Lieut. Loveday was to go-
Tern as heretofore, and this sentiment was always
inculcated by the others. So completely was the
unfortunate officer deluded, that it afterwards proved
he had written to Quetta, boasting of his good
fortune in being adopted as the son of Bibi
Ganjani. A letter, purporting to be from the
Bibi, was even brought by Atta M&homed Khan,
but., instead of a seal, her name was scrawled
merely within a circle. As I doubted the authen-
ticity of the document, Atta Mahomed Khan said
the lady had given her seal to Postans Sahib, who
had promised to arrange some business for her
with the government. ' Lieut. Loveday seemed
satisfied, and to believe all that was told him ; and
I think he was angry with me for cautioning him,
and for presuming to suggest that he might be
deceived.

Yet I knew it was so; and with bitter disgust
I heard Rais Pir Mahomed, returning from one
of his missions, repeat, sitting with Nasrtilah, a
Persian couplet, probably impromptu, expressing
that

" The wicked man has fallen into his own snare,

And he who devoured men with dogs, will, in turn he de-
voured by dogs."

Lieut. Loveday was standing by me when these

HAVILDAR ALLABAKSE. 169

words were uttered, and that lie heard them too,
I might suppose, from the significant look he di-
rected to me.

Besides the envoys mentioned, there were a
number of others, for the aid of no one was re-
fused ; Wall Mahomed, a tailor, was brought from
his shop, and Ghulam and Fati, merchants, and
brothers, were despatched at various times. Even
the dependents of Lieut. Loveday formed missions
on their own part, but with sanction, and the ha-
vildar, Allabaksh, sent Biita Singh, a sipahi, to
the son of Fdzil Shah, a saiyad, residing at the
springs. The havildar himself, with Biita Singh,
and another sipahi, then repaired to this saiyad,
and brought him to a masjit, near Lieut. Love-
day's house. The object was to induce him to
escort the party to Quetta.

Mentioning the havildar, it is just also to state,
that he was a good man and worthy soldier, and
acting with the best intentions, though misled by
his faith in the honesty of Haji Osman and Nas-
rftlah. Shall Nawaz KMn had frequently urged
Lieut. Loveday to retire into the citadel, and in
the debate on that question I had taken no part,
as I saw no reason to abandon the town ; and
learned, moreover, that there was no well in it,
while sixty skins were all that could be mustered
to insure a supply of water. On the morning of
the panic the havildar again most urgently im-
plored Lieut. Loveday to take up his quarters

170 EFFORTS TO CONTINUE THE DEFENCE.

there, and Shah Nawaz KMn, when resolving on
farther resistance, had seconded his entreaties.
Lieut. Loveday lent a deaf ear to what was urged,
and still hoping to have prevailed upon him to
support the khan and the fighting party, I did
not strenuously advocate the measure, which I now
regret, as any course would have been preferable
to that eventually followed.

It was in vain that Shah Naw&z Kh&n appealed
to Lieut. Loveday by every argument in his power.
No influence could induce him to suspend his
communications with the rebel camp ; and these
being openly and publicly carried on, completely
baffled the khan's endeavours to confirm the dis-
positions of his chiefs ; yet it was humiliating to
observe that while Lieut. Loveday so effectually
counteracted the khan's plans, he affected still the
same tenderness to him, still pretended to accede
to whatever he proposed, and still encircled his
waist with his arm. The third day arrived, and
the Hindus of the place, with permission of
Lieut. Loveday, went in a body to offer their
congratulations to the young khan in the rebel
camp. Shah Naw^z Kh&n, with Mir Boher, Return
Khan, Lutidni, and some of the Kambararis, were
again with Lieut. Loveday, conjuring him to re-
flect, and throw no obstacles in the way of farther
defence ; but no reasoning could prevail against
his resolve, supported by the advice of those about
him. Kamal Khan also came and vindicated hig

ENTREATIES OF SHAH NAWAZ KHAN. 171

conduct ; but finding I did not agree with him, he
took Lieut. Loveday aside, and secretly communed
with him. He complained before me that Shah
Nawaz Khan had upbraided him with treachery,
and Lieut. Loveday consoled him, and lamented
the khan should have done so. I know not what
passed in secret, but Kama! Kh&n actually pro-
cured an order from Lieut. Loveday, making over
to him the whole of his grain. Shah Nawaz Khan
coming immediately after, asked, with some reason,
why, if the grain were given away, it had not been
bestowed on those who wished to defend the place,
instead of on those who had betrayed it. I in-
quired of the khan whether, as a last resource, it
would not be advisable to confine Kama! Khan,
but he said no, I presume on account of his sister.
He next urged Lieut. Loveday to accompany him
either to Zehri or Baghwan, where, as he pleased,
he could retire, or renew the contest. He pre-
ferred Zehri, being assured of Mir Boher ; and al-
leged, that the Mulloh route would thus be kept
open, and that Shikarpur was near. He honestly
confessed he could not undertake the responsibility
of the Quetta route. Lieut. Loveday stated that
he had not a sufficient number of camels ; the khan
offered to supply as many as he needed. Lieut.
Loveday then stated, that he must abandon much
of his property, and the khan told him on no ac-
count to abandon any, not so much as a mat.
Lieut. Loveday then asked how the sipahis were

172 GLOOMY PROSPECTS.

to go, and the khan replied, they should all he
mounted, for of all men they were the most
needed. I warmly supported the khan's recom-
mendations, but those who had influence with
Lieut. Loveday opposed it, and he was clearly in-
capable of acting contrary to their counsels. He
seemed, however, to acquiesce when the khan was
present, and a faint attempt was made to pack up,
hut the duty devolved on Sampat, who did it un-
willingly, and it was soon abandoned.

Communications from Quetta were occasionally
received, and one reached at this crisis. Capt.
Bean held out no hope of assistance ; and we sup-
posed, as a matter of course, that the succours he
had received from Kandahar had returned to that
place, or, it might have been expected, a force
would have been moved on Mastung for our relief.
Letters also came from Shik&rpur. These declared
any aid from that quarter was not to be expected,
for they were in danger themselves, and the Khad-
jiks of Siva were in arms. This unfortunate state
of things had, of course, a pernicious influence in
augmenting the terrors of the disaffected chiefs
of the garrison, and of encouraging the enemy.
Kamal Khan was even anxious to learn whether
there was any chaoce of relief, and a favourable
report from Quetta at this crisis might have done
us essential service. Lieut. Loveday revealed the
truth, and this did not mend our prospects.

Sh&h Nawaz Khan in course of this day made

ABDICATION OF SHAH NAWAZ KHAN. 173

a last effort with his chiefs by assembling them in
the citadel, and administering to them an oath to
stand by him, and to reject the treaty. The oath
was taken by all, but Fati Khan reported, that
many of them on leaving the apartment vowed, it
was not binding, as it was compulsory.

The morning came when the town was to be
evacuated by Shah Nawaz Khan and his friends.
He was early with Lieut. Loveday, entreating him
even then to accompany him with his entire party,
taking only his valuables, as it was too late to think
of removing the bulk of the property. It was dis-
tressing to hear the trifling objections raised by
Lieut. Loveday. The khan justly remarked, that
his property could be replaced, but that his life
and honour could not. He had once before asked
him if all the Feringhis were as laghor, or unmanly
as he was, and now prophesied to him all the indig-
nities and perils to which he would expose him-
self by remaining.

It was not until this period that Shah Nawaz
Khan, baffled in his efforts to defend the town, and
to induce Lieut. Loveday to accompany him,
thought of abdication. The time was most critical.
He had not deserted Lieut. Loveday, but had been
deserted by him. ^ He took the bold and even dan-
gerous step of repairing to the rebel camp and of
resigning his authority to the son of Mehrab KhSn.
Scarcely had he left the town for this purpose, when
Nasrulah and Haji Osm&a, returning from the camp,

174 FRIGHT OF MIR FATI KHAN.

with singular impudence implored Lieut. Loveday,
whose power of doing so was past, to accompany
the khcLn, as there was evil in his stay. The mis-
creant Haji enforced his supplications with tears.
Fati Khan at this juncture visited Lieut. Loveday,
and urged him in like manner to accompany his
brother, the khan, and instanced that they had their
mother and families to protect, and were unlikely
to expose them to unnecessary peril, or to neglect
due precautions. Lieut. Loveday could not be
moved, but gave Fati Khan a paper, setting forth
that he had been solicited to leave, but had deter-
mined to remain and to negotiate for the safety of
himself and his party. Fati Kh&n went away, and
shortly returned, when Lieut. Loveday took back
the paper he had before given, and wrote another,
in which he stated, as his motive in remaining, the
determination to die at his post. The result of the
interview between Shah Nawaz Khan and the son
of Mehrab Khan was unknown, when a person came
to Fati Kh&n, still in the house, and whispered some-
thing in his ears, which exceedingly terrified him,
and, falling on his knees, he crouched* under Lieut.
Loveday's chair, I suspected, for the instant, that
Shfili Nawaz Khan had been made a captive, or had
been worse treated, no unlikely circumstance, and
asked Lieut. Loveday whether the soldiers had not
better stand to their arms. He said nothing ; and I
spoke again and again to him to no purpose, when
I' inquired if I should pass the order, and receiving

SURRENDER OF KALAT, 175

still no reply, I turned to the havildar, who was
waiting, and told him to call out the men, and to
close the doors. A second messenger came to Fati
Khan, who left the house and took sanctuary at the
tomb of Mehrab EMn.

While waiting in anxiety the development of
events, we beheld from the ramparts the son of
Mehrab Khan and Shah Nawaz Khan moving in
procession towards the town. As the cavalcade
advanced, we had the mortification to witness to
what a contemptible rabble the town was surren-
dered. Augmented with the followers of Shah
Nawaz Khan, and the persons who on such an
occasion would congregate, there could not have
been five hundred men. To account for this de-
ficiency in number, we were obliged to suppose
that many had dispersed after the failure of the
escalade, or that, sure of their game, they had re-
tired to Mastung, which it appeared, although un-
known to us, was now threatened from the side
of Quetta.

After attending the son of Mehrdb Khan to the
citadel, Shah Nawaz Khan, in the act of quitting
the town, called, for the last time, on Lieut. Love-
day. I was not present at their interview, having
gone downstairs to see my friend Faiz Ahmed,
who, with his son, had taken the earliest opportu-
nity to visit me. The khan sent for me, but before
I had time to go he stood by me. He called upon
me to witness that he had done his duty to the

176 INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE TWO KHANS.

Sirkar Company and to Lieut. Loveday. I affirmed
that, in my opinion, lie had, and that I regretted
the issue had been so unfortunate. He then turned
and appealed to Faiz Ahmed, who spoke flatteringly
to him, and, when he had left, warmly eulogized
his deportment when conferring the khelat upon
Mehr&b Khan's son, and the solicitude he expressed
on behalf of Lieut. Loveday ; and, moreover, con-
fessed that he was a genuine Ahmed Zai, and that
he would have made a good hakam, had it been his
fortune to have been better directed.

The walls and houses surrounding our residence
were covered with the insurgents, and while speak-
ing to Faiz Ahmed I was obliged to leave the
court, or I should have been shot, under the belief
that I was Lieut. Loveday, I inquired of my
Mend what passed at the interview between the
two khans, and he answered, that Shah Nawaz
Khan explained that Kalat had been given to him
by the Sirkar Company, and not by Lieut. Loveday ;
that he had one friend, Lieut. Loveday, whose kind
treatment he expected in return for the resignation
of power. In the figurative style of the Brahuis,
he declared that Lieut. Loveday was his beard;
that is, as dear to him as 'that appendage; and
the son of Mehrab assured him that Lieut. Love-
day was henceforth his own beard, and would be
regarded as a brother.

The testimony of Faiz Ahmed was valuable, both
because he had been present at the meeting, and

LIEUT. LOVEDAY'S OFFERINGS. 177

that, like most other citizens of Kalat, lie thought
unfavourably of Shah Nawaz Kh&n, and was un-
likely, therefore, to offer evidence to his credit,
unless, in truth, compelled to do it. Hljf Os-
man, however, whose supplications had scarcely
been made, and whose tears had hardly dried up,
had the unparalleled audacity to tell Lieut. Love-
day, that Shah Nawaz Khan had proposed to be
the first to lay hands on him, and that Kama!
Khan had spoken to the same purpose. To so
infamous a scoundrel did Lieut. Loveday trust for
information, and by such information were his
opinions formed and his conduct determined.

The son of Mehrab KMn, installed in the palace
of his father, received during the day the congra-
lations and offerings of his people. Lieut. Loveday
sent his mobdraM, or salutation of welcome, with
two nazzars, of fifty rupees each, for the young
khan and Bibi Ganjani. Four men were appointed
to attend at Lieut. Loveday's gates, avowedly to
keep the turbulent Brahuis from intruding, but also
to watch over the intercourse with the house, and
to take care that no one left it.

I cannot close this chapter of folly and treason
without deprecating the resolution taken by Lieut.
Loveday. From the commencement of the revolt
he had been overpowered by a languor, which,
excepting at momentary intervals, apparently inca-
pacitated him from any effort of mind or body, and
to such an extent that his Hindu servant, Sampat,

VOL. IV. N

J 78 ERRORS OF LIEUT. LOVEDAY.

in vain strove to arouse him, by instancing my exer-
tions, and reminding Mm that I should acquire the
credit of the defence. From the reserve which
generally clouded him, it would be impossible to
conjecture the motives influencing him, but I doubt
not the fatal step of his stay at Kalat was owing
mainly to a desire to preserve his property, or to
avoid the trouble attendant on its package, which
afterwards he repeatedly alluded to with regret.

Although I could sympathise with the young son
of Mehrab Khan, and lament that his recognition,
on his father's death, had not prevented the evils
which now beset us, as matters stood, especially
when he was made an instrument by a band of
insurgents ; I saw no course open to Lieut. Love-
day but that of supporting the chief nominated by
the government.

The fatal consequences attending Lieut, Love-
day's placing himself in the power of the insur-
gents proclaim more forcibly than words can con-
vey the extreme folly of the step. Inexplicable
is the infatuation which induced the resolve, as
there were none of the chiefs who had not, in some
mode, been personally aggrieved, and for the lives
of some of them even premiums had been offered ;
a foct spoken in sorrow, yet in truth. The singular
requital I experienced subsequent to these events,
and in the face of Lieut. Loveday's testimony to my
M devoted and noble conduct at Kaldt," will be

INTENTION TO DEPART. 179

my apology for asserting, what otherwise would
be unbecoming, that during the few busy days of
the siege I was unremittingly vigilant and active,
and never by night closed my eyes in sleep while
it lasted. Neither did I on any occasion shrink
from the dangers of our situation, although often
besought to be more careful by Shah Nawaz Khan
and those of Lieut. Loveday's establishment.

I was unable to overcome the obstacles opposed
to a successful resistance, yet I shall never cease
to deplore that I was not called upon seven days
sooner, that I might have had time to have exactly
ascertained our position, and to have become fa-
miliar with the several parties composing the gar-
rison, when I might have hoped a very different
result.

Having acquitted myself of every obligation I
owed to my conscience, to a sense of duty, and
to Lieut. Loveday as a British officer, I by no
means considered he had further claims on my
presence or services, and when he declined to ac-
company Shah Nawaz Khan, I informed him that I
should, as I intended to do. Then, however, I found
that some of the sipdhis had determined to follow
me, averring that Lieut. Loveday was kam dJckal,
or of little understanding, and would ruin them.
I could not permit such a procedure, and it made
me waver in my determination, until the incidents
consequent upon the evacuation of the town by

N2

180 COMPELLED STAY.

the one party, and its occupation by the other,
occurred an such rapid succession, and produced
so much confusion, that the place was filled with
the enemy, and I had no longer the power to
depart.

181

CHAPTER VI.

Continued delusion and treachery. Distraction of Brahui coun-
cils. Mahomed Sidik's appointment. Orders from the cita-
del. Communications with and from Capt. Bean. Advance
of troops to Mobah. Their retreat. Haji Osman's defection.
Capt. Bean's proposals. Efforts to procure a letter to the
king. The darogah's obstinate convictions. Arrangements
contemplated. Their rejection. Departure of Gafur to
Quetta. Capt. Bean's replies. Demands on Lieut. Loveday.
Nasrulah's final acts of treachery. Meditated attack.
Preliminary steps. Attack from the citadel and surrounding
houses. Operations during the night. Parley. Defection
of part of the siphls. The darogah's measures. The house
entered. Transfer of Lieut. Loveday and myself to the citadel
Incidents there. Interview with the son of Mehrab Khan.
Apartment assigned for our confinement. Rejoicings of the
Brahuis. Loss of property and manuscripts.

I KNOW not what Lieut. Loveday thought of his
situation, but those in his confidence vied with each
other in certifying that he had nothing to fear, and
brought him a number of the kindest messages, in-
vented by themselves, from the young kh&n, Bibi
Ganj&ni, and Darogah Gul Mahomed. Until the
town was fairly given up, and while there existed a
lingering hope that the defence would be continued,
I had always expressed my opinion to Lieut. Love-
clay that we should get over our difficulties. He

182 CONSEQUENCES OF PEACE.

now asked what I thought, and I confessed I knew
not what to think. Sampat, observing me thought-
ful, took upon himself to cheer me, and inquired
why, haying heen so kMsli, or glad when there was
war, I was so diJc, or sad, now that sulah, or peace,
was made. I replied, that I did not fear the Brahuis'
war, but very much feared their peace, and was
thinking what would be the end of it. Hdji Osm&n
and Nasrulah, who heretofore had passed their
nights in Lieut. Loveday's house, removed with
their effects. Confiding in the peace, one of the
servants ventured into the bazar, and returned
stripped and naked. A demand was made for the
arms taken from the Brahuis on the morning after
the escalade, and, being complied with, other de-
mands were made for arms and plunder, obtained
in the foray upon N&shki. Morning and evening
crowds assembled around the house, and showers of
stones were hurled into it. On remonstrance, the
offenders were represented to be low fellows, un-
worthy of notice. Lieut. Loveday much wished to
see the young khan, who, it was affirmed, had an
equal desire to see Lieut. Loveday, but no inter-
view was arranged ; in like manner the Babi Gan-
jani. Nasrtilah amused his master, if he still might
be considered such, with the tale of Darogh Gul
Mdhomed intending to call upon him. It would be
tedious to relate all the deception and chicanery
practised. Strange to say, Nasrulah, Haji Osman,
and his uncle, Atta Mahomed Kh&n, received large

UNCERTAIN STATE OF AFFAIRS. 183

sums of money for their services, in effecting the
peace, or, as I understood, for placing Lieut. Love-
day in the power of his enemies. I was not made
a party to these donations, but they were not so
secretly made as to escape notice. They were
given by Sampat, and were not less than five hun-
dred rupees each, perhaps even Atta Mahomed
received a thousand.

While Lieut. Loveday was so duped, I received
a visit from Faiz Ahmed, and seriously questioned
him as to the state of matters. He told me, what
I could not but be certain of, that the messages
brought to Lieut. Loveday were fabricated, or in-
tended only to delude him. He assured me, that he
had placed his turban before the darogah, and had
craved of him to preserve the daman, or shirt of the
young khcln's garments pk, or unstained, and to
commit no violence. The darogah had not replied*
but when he related a story, current in these parts,
of the generosity of Mr. Elphinstone, to one Faiz-
ulah Kh&n, a Barechi, and thereby showed the
advantage of meriting the favour of Feringhis, the
old man remarked, that he must acknowledge that
Feringhis, although his enemies, were generous.
Faiz Ahmed farther said, that the darogah had not
suffered a word to escape his lips as to the course
he intended to pursue, and it would require a few
days to ascertain whose councils prevailed, for, in
the present confusion, it was unknown whether the
Bibi Ganj&ni, the darogah, or the . sirdars of SaM-

]84 APPOINTMENT OF MAHOMED SIDIK.

rawan, liad the ascendancy. I requested Faiz Ah-
med to apprise me if anything particular occurred.
He expressed fear of Lieut. Loveday and H&ji
Osman, but I overruled his scruples on their ac-
count, and he promised to let me know when any-
thing transpired.

In truth, for several days after the entry of
Mehrab Khan's son into Kalat the various factions
with him had too many conflicting claims to settle
amongst themselves to permit them to think farther
of Lieut. Loveday than to take measures to delude
him, and to prevent his escape. Akhund MShomed,
Sidik, the "brother of Atta Mdhomed, and therefore
uncle to Haji Osman, had arrived at Kalat from
Kachi, and his appearance promoted rather than
allayed disunion in the Brahui councils. Darogah
Gul Mahomed was, or pretended to be, sick for
some days, but it was arranged that the Akhund
should take office, under the title of Vakil of Saha-
rawdn. He was supported by the rebel sirdars, and
producing a seal of the former Nassir Khn, sus-
pended it on his neck, and commenced the duties
of his appointment by announcing that he should
adopt many vigorous measures, amongst them the
closing of the Mulloh and Bolan passes.

The activity I had shown in the defence of the
place, and the known desire I had to continue it,
caused me to be very unfavourably looked upon by
the new occupants of the citadel, and intercourse
with me had been specially prohibited to persons

CORRESPONDENCE PERMITTED. 185

of the place, with the exception of Faiz Ahmed,
who, on the strength of ancient acquaintance with
the darogah, was excepted. Soon after Akhund
Mahomed Sidik's arrival, KMdardad, one of the four
guards, addressed my servant : " Brother, you and I
are Mtissulmans : your sahib is a good sahib ; tell
him not to come down stairs." In explanation
Khadardad imparted the secret that orders had been
issued from Mlla to shoot me if I came down stairs.
Balla, or above, of course meant the citadel ; but
Khadardad would not communicate who had given
the orders, and in the citadel there were many to
give them : neither did I ever learn, although I
suspected the Akhund.

In course of time it was proposed that Lieut.
Loveday should write to Capt. Bean, and it was
insisted that he should write in Persian.. Lieut.
Loveday consented to write in Persian. I objected,
on the ground that the letter would be considered
compulsory. Faiz Ahmed chancing to call, under-
took to represent the impropriety to the darogah,
and the consequence was that Lieut. Loveday was
permitted to write in English.

I have previously noted, that Capt. Bean's let-
ters, received during the siege, positively stated the
impossibility of affording us relief, and that they
had an evil influence on the determination of those
to whom we looked to hold the town. We were
excessively surprised, immediately after that un-
lucky event, to receive accounts of an advance upon

186 ADVANCE OF TROOPS ON MASTUNG,

Mastung of a large force, some fifteen or sixteen
hundred men, cavalry and infantry, with horse-
artillery gnns. Lieut. Hammersley, the assistant
to Capt. Bean, accompanied this force, which at
Mobab canie by surprise upon some two hundred
Brahtiis, and cut many of them up. The troops then
encamped near the adjacent village of Feringabad,
and received the submission of the inhabitants of
Mastung. The design was to have replenished the
commissariat at Mastting, and then to have inarch-
ed upon Kal&t. By the fatality which accompa-
nied whatever was done, Lieut. Loveday's letters
to Capt. Bean were brought into camp, and be-
ing opened by Lieut. Hammersley, he retrograded
to Quetta, as the occupation of Kalat by the rebels
was announced, as well as the tidings that peace was
concluded.

If Capt. Bean had apprised Lieut. Loveday that
this demonstration would be made, it is not too
much to assert that Kalat would have been pre-
served, but Capt. Bean was a remarkably prudent
man, and until strong reinforcements reached him
from Kandahar, he did not venture to think of de-
taching the force. It was large enough to have
traversed Balochistan at that time, and Salu Khan,
with his six hundred horsemen, formed part of it.

Now that a correspondence was permitted with
Capt. Bean, Haji Osman conceived the notion of
officiating as envoy, and brought Lieut. Loveday a

REPLIES OF CAPTAIN BEAN. 187

forged letter from Bibi Ganjdni, appointing him
the medium of intercourse between Lieut. Loveday
and herself, and describing him as the fittest person
to be employed on a mission to Quetta. Lieut.
Loveday prepared his letters for Capt. Bean, and
urged the Haji to depart with them, when he disco-
vered that the Brahtiis would kill him on the road.
None of the Brahui principals were aware of the
Haji's proceedings, until he could no longer conceal
them, and the discovery excited so much indigna-
tion that the weak man, terrified perhaps more
than was necessary, sought refuge in the house of a
pir, or holy man, in the Babi suburb, feigned mad-
ness, and ultimately departed with his protector for
Kandahar. In his pretended insanity, he did not
omit to reveal Lieut. Loveday's secrets, by way of
atonement, although I never heard what they were.
In reply to Lieut. Loveday's letters, an official
announcement arrived from Capt. Bean, expressing
his readiness to receive an envoy from the Brahuis,
and his intention to recommend that the son of
Mehrab Khan should be acknowledged ; but that
it was essential that a letter of submissive allegi-
ance should be addressed to Shah Sujah al Mulkh.
This was the course we had recommended without
success, the Brahuis unanimously complaining that
the shh had behaved ill to Mehrab Kh&n and to
themselves, while he was in fact no sMh, but the
mockery of a " shah. To the lord sdhib, as the

188 LETTER TO THE KING OF KABAL.

envoy and minister at Kabal was called, they were
willing to write in the humblest style, as he in
reality was the sMh.

Lieut. Loveday having lost Haji Osman, and be-
ginning to suspect that Nasrulah had made his
peace with the darogah, was at a loss how to pre-
vail upon the Brahuis to write a letter to the shah,
and thought of Faiz Ahmed, and with my approval
he sent a Brahui lad, Salu, in his service, for him.

When Faiz Ahmed came, I had some conversa-
tion with him, and pointed out, with reference to
Capt. Bean's letter, that the abdication of Shh
Nawaz Khan, however brought about, had opened
a chance of settlement, which, if neglected, must
be followed by ruin to all in a few days sooner
or later. As nothing could be done without a
letter to the shah, and as Lieut. Loveday was
anxious to procure it, if he could get it by his
influence with the darogah, the Bibi, and others,
he would be doing a service to all parties. Faiz
Ahmed urged that he feared Lieut. Loveday, and
might involve himself in trouble. I assured him
there was no occasion to fear Lieut. Loveday, that I
was myself present, and the moment I saw there
was the possibility of his being committed with
. us I would warn him to desist.

I then introduced him to Lieut. Loveday, and,
encouraged by that officer's assurances, Faiz Ahmed
engaged to do his best to procure the consent of the
chiefs that a letter should be addressed in the name

SCRUPLES OVERCOME. 189

of the young khan to the shah, and that an envoy
should be sent to Quetta, as suggested by Capt.
Bean.

Faiz Ahmed had difficulty in overcoming the ob-
stinacy and convictions of the darogah. He placed
his turban on the ground before him, and assured
him that if an endeavour was not made to come to
an arrangement, or if the Brahuis made another
attempt on Quetta (as they were talking of), he, and
one half of the Babis, had determined to remove
from Kalat, with their families and property. The
perverse old man, in yielding observed, that he was
still incredulous as to any good result ; it might be,
he said, that misfortune and suffering had affected
his understanding, and that Faiz Ahmed's view of
things was more correct than his own, but he
doubted it. Nearly similar repugnance was shown
by the turbulent sirdars ; but the darogah and Bibi
having been gained over to think of peace, they also
acceded, and it became for the moment agreed, that
a letter should be written to the sh&h, and that an
envoy should be despatched to Quetta.

A munshi, Akhtind Musa, was brought to Lieut.
Loveday, that the letters should be prepared under
his instructions. The letter to the shah I thought
unexceptionable, but that addressed to Capt. Bean,
although suggested by Lieut. Loveday, contained
demands, and declared expectations, in my opinion,
which had better been omitted. The envoy selected
for the mission was one Rehimddd, a respectable

190 EFFORT TO PROCURE MY FREEDOM.

man, and about as good a one as could have been
fixed upon.

Faiz Ahmed availed himself of this opportunity
to attempt my enlargement, yet he did not intimate
the course he was pursuing until he apprised me
that the darogah and the rest had consented that
I should accompany Rehimdad to Quetta. He
assured me nothing was expected from me but
my good offices, if able to employ them, but that
before I went I must see the darogah and chiefs,
and give my hand as a pledge that, in return for
liberty, if I could do no good, I would do them no
kallal, or injury. Faiz Ahmed now revealed, that
from the commencement he had incessantly endea-
voured, by every means in his power, to procure
my release, but the part I had taken in the
defence was constantly urged against me; that
when inclined to accede, the Brahuis feared the
evil I might do them. He also affirmed that, but
for the hope of effecting that object, he would not
have interested himself in the pending affair.

I was too well aware of the fickle dispositions
of the Brahuis, to place much reliance on their
consent to my departure. The letter to the shah,
however, was, after some delay, sealed, but the
objection was started that Rehimdltd would be
detained at Quetta. Another envoy, in the person
of Gafiir, a writer, in the employ of Diwan Ramu,
was proposed in his stead, it being asserted that
Gafdr was of little consequence, and that his deten-

DISCORD IN THE BRAHUI COUNCILS. 191

tion was unimportant. This Dfwan Ramu, it may
be noted, had been the farmer of the revenues of
Mastting under Capt. Bean, and had fled to Kalat,
on the advance of Lieut. Hammersley to Mobah.
Gafur was now to start, and Faiz Ahmed warned
me to be ready to see the sirdars, and went his way,
but in a few minutes returned in great alarm, stating
that a violent discussion had taken place ; that the
letter to the shah had been torn to pieces, and that I
should not be suffered to go to Quetta, where, the
rebel chiefs asserted, I was required to repair a gun.
Gafur might still proceed if Lieut. Loveday wished,
but alone. Lieut. Loveday's letters to Capt. Bean
were returned to him, and he was directed to erase
my name, with his own hand. This he did, and I
made no remark, but strongly pressed the evil of
omitting the letter to the sh&h, but to no purpose.
In the evening Gafiir departed.

In the course of these transactions a number of
diplomatic notes passed between Lieut. Loveday and
Akhund MShomed Sfdik. In one of them Lieut.
Loveday wrote, that the restitution of Quetta would
be muskil, or difficult ; the Akhund replied, that if
the restitution of Quetta were muskil, that of
Kachi would be muskilter, or more difficult.

I doubt not that the Akhund instigated the
opposition which led to the rejection of the shah's
letter, and the refusal to comply with the forms
officially pointed out by Capt. Bean as essential
to accommodation. As regarded my departure, it

192 , CAPTAIN BEAN'S CONSOLATIONS.

was almost too much to be expected. The people
in Lieut. Loveday's confidence were averse to it,
and represented to him, that I should impede a
settlement when at Quetta, on account of my
warlike propensities. Sampat got up on the occa-
sion an intrigue of his own, in concert with Hidii,
one of our guard, who carried two or three messages
to Bibi Ganjani, until he was rebuked by that lady.

The presence of Diwan Ramd led to a demand
upon Lieut. Loveday for money, which was met by
authorising the Hindu traders to contribute five
thousand rupees, in part of the sum advanced to
them by government. An amount of seven hun-
dred and fifty rupees had been taken in some other
mode by Ramu.

Tidings of the fruitless mission of Gafur preceded
his return to Kalat. When he came he had little
to say, and a note from Capt. Bean explained,
that he was in such haste to leave Quetta that
there was no time to converse with him.

I had constantly urged Lieut. Loveday to repre-
sent to Capt. Bean the necessity of moving a force
upon Kalt, without reference to any notion of peace;
however, he may have done this inadequately,
owing to the delusion under which he laboured ; Capt.
Bean now observed that it was impossible, as the Bra-
huis were assembled along the entire route, and that
he should have to fight every inch of his way. Cheer-
less as this announcement was, it was no less dis-
gusting, as we well knew the route was quite open

PROJECTS OF THE BRAHUIS. 193

and clear of Brahufs, however, the intelligence upon
which Capt. Bean trusted had deceived him. It
was yet consolatory to learn that Capt Bean con-
sidered himself secure, and that, strong in the num-
ber of troops around him, he was even elate, and
defied the Brahuis to pay him a visit at Quetta.

Soon after Gafur's return from Quetta, Rehimdad,
the first selected envoy, attended, with Ramu, upon
Lieut. Loveday, to demand a further advance of
money. I was not present at the interview, which
passed in Lieut. Loveday's sleeping-room. The
money was refused, and Rehimdad, on his return to
the citadel, reported that Lieut. Loveday, in reply to
the question as to what the Brahuis were to eat,
had answered, they might eat stones.

Since the return of Gafur the angry feelings of
the insurgent chiefs had been strongly evinced, and
probably they now determined to resort to acts of
violence, which all along had been wished by many,
who were restrained with difficulty. An attack
upon our house was possibly now only delayed from
a lurking distrust as to the success which might
attend it, from the disunion of the principals as to
the mode of conducting it, and as to the division
of the spoil.

The sinister intentions of the chiefs had been
intimated to us, and an effort was made by Lieut.
Loveday and his confidants to put off the evil day,
by presents, and holding out new expectations.
For this purpose a sword-blade, the hilt studded

VOL. iv. o

194 NASRULAE'S PROCEEDINGS.

with emeralds and pearls, was sent to the young
khan by Nasrulah. The blade was said by Lieut.
Loveday to have been taken from a soldier at the
capture of Kalat, and was recognized by the young
khan as one which had been presented to him by
his late father on the day of his circumcision.

Nasrulah came daily once or twice to Lieut.
Loveday, communed privately with him, repeated
what he had learned, and carried back to the
ddrogah all he heard in confidence. Lieut. Love-
day did not yet withhold faith in him, and so
thoroughly was the error of the master shared in
by those about him, that Sampat was accustomed
to say, if all others betrayed them, Nasrulah would
adhere through good and evil. Latterly this man
began to beg, getting as much as he could before
the day of general spoil. Sometimes he requested
in his own name, sometimes in that of the daro-
gah, always amusing Lieut. Loveday with the ex-
pectation of an interview with the old man, who
hitherto, he said, had been deterred by the appre-
hension that witchcraft might be practised upon
him. One day Nasrulah, informing Lieut. Love-
day that a trustworthy merchant was about to go to
Quetta, suggested the opportunity as a good one for
sending his money to Capt. Bean. Lieut. Loveday,
in this instance, asked my opinion ; and I told him,
if he wished to give Nasrulah his money, the op-
portunity was certainly a good one, for it was ridi-
culous to suppose it would be taken to Quetta. On

SIGNS OF HOSTILITY. 195

the following morning, in another private confer-
ence, Lieut. Loveday refusing to give his money,
wrote, at the request of Nasrulah, a note to Capt.
Bean, recommending that four hundred horse should
be despatched by a circuitous route to Kalat, as the
Mast (ing gate being at command, the party could
be introduced, and the town, with the young kMn,
taken. When Nasrulah left, Lieut. Loveday told
me what he had just done ; it was useless to expos-
tulate with a man who could so commit himself.
The note, in course, was carried to the darogah,
and served to allay any scruples of conscience the
meditated assault on our house might have raised in
his bosom ; and in all probability for that very pur-
pose Nasrdlah had been commissioned to procure it,
as the darogah, made the fact one of his many
charges against Lieut. Loveday.

Showers of stones had been continually poured
upon the house since the occupation of the town.
Such missiles were now yet more abundantly em-
ployed, and as matters progressed a 'few musket-
shots were fired from the citadel, as was explained,
merely in sport, and directed at a tower of the
town walls, forming also the angle of our premises.
The next evening these shots were repeated, and on
the following morning we learned that a serious
attack would be made in the evening. Messages
were brought to Lieut. Loveday, desiring him to
repair to the citadel, and there make his salam, or
obedience, to the khan ; but no fit person was de-

02

396 ATTACK ON THE HOUSE.

puted to conduct him, and it was impossible that
he could pass harmlessly through the infuriated
Brahufs, setting aside the almost certainty that he
was sent for to be secured. Nasrfilah, who the day
before had obtained Lieut. Loveday's cows, on pre-
tence of sending them for fuel, was not to be found
when sent for ; all the JBrahui servants, horse and
camel-keepers, had disappeared, and the guards at
the gate had gone, taking their effects with them,
excepting Khadardad, who did not appear to be in
the secret.

Two guns on the ramparts of the citadel had been
pointed towards our house, and Bibi Ganjani, feign-
ing to be averse to violence, had left the town for
one of the adjacent villages. A little before sunset
a smart fire of musketry was opened from the cita-
del, but without effect, as we were well sheltered,
and no return was made to it, the rather, as in two
or three minutes the sun would go down, and we
were not certain that it would continue. Some of
the Brahuis and others crept, however, into the
houses near, and overlooking us. From one of these,
belonging to a Hindu, Tekh Chand, three of our
sipahis were shot, when Lieut. Loveday gave the
word to return the fire. In an instant the heads
seen over the battlements of the citadel vanished,
and the fire on the house from that quarter and from
the surrounding houses ceased. Nothing more oc-
curred until about midnight, when a party with
torches and pickaxes made a hole through the outer

OPERATIONS BY NIGHT. 197

wall of the court, where Lieut. Loveday's horses
were picketed, the object being, possibly, to carry
them off. We had heard that part of the Brahui
plan was, by means of combustibles, to burn our
house ; and therefore our men re-opened fire, ' Pre-
sently it was announced that a responsible person
had appeared on the part of Bibi Ganjani, request-
ing that the firing might cease, as a party had been
sent to occupy the Mastung gate, and to take care
that no one should be suffered to enter the premises.
The hole was made in readiness for future opera-
tions.

During the night one of the sip&his lowered him-
self from the walls, and went off, I believe he was
never heard of again, and in the morning many
others, finding the affair drew near a close, fol-
lowed the example, first throwing over their ef-
fects, and then following them. When, at length,
Lieut. Loveday called the sipahis up-stairs, not
one half of them were present. It was told us
that the darogah and Akhund Mahomed Sidik
were sitting at the entrance to the citadel, while
the town was being cleared of the Brahuis, that
Lieut. Loveday might pass uninterrupted through
the streets to make his salam. It seems the da-
rogah, having, as he thought, cleared the place,
(although many of the Brahuis had secreted them-
selves,) proceeded to close the town gates, that
none of us should escape, as well as that none of
the spoil should slip him. This measure brought

198 PLUNDER OF HOUSE.

him near us at the time the better part of the
sipahis left the house. He collected them, and
placed them somewhere or other, and returned,
but not in time to prevent the house from being
filled on every side. The stables and Lieut. Love-
day's apartments were taken possession of by the
followers of Akhtind Mahomed Sidik, and of Shah-
ghassi Wali Mahomed, who entered by the aper-
ture made in the night; the apartments of the
servants and sipahis were penetrated by a horde
of Br&huls, who had scrambled over the walls. We
were now in a somewhat delicate position, but that
the Brahuis fell to plunder, and were so intent
upon it that they hardly seemed to notice us. The
men of the Akhtind and Shahghassl sat quietly on
the boxes, chests, &c., which they now accounted
their own, and made no attempt to interfere with
us. I had the satisfaction to witness one of the
Akhtand's men assume my property; I knew the
fellow quite well, as he had been in the service
of Shah Nawaz Khan, and was named Shakur.
When we descended into the outer court with
the ten or twelve sipahis remaining, the scene
was ridiculous, the Brahuis being occupied in break-
ing open the boxes and ammunition-chests found
in one of the ground-floor chambers, and in the
highest glee chasing the fowls, now let loose. The
gateway opening to the town had been locked, and
a little delay took place until the key was found.
The darogah and his party preceded us, as we

PASSAGE TO THE CITADEL. 199

passed through empty streets, amid the revilings
of women from the houses, towards the citadel.
At the entrance thereto the sipdhis were led off
to the right, where one of the guns was stationed.
They were despoiled of their arms, and Lieut.
Loveday, with myself, was conducted into the
citadel. After we had passed up the dark and
ascending passages leading to the suite of apart-
ments, and darbar room, some thirty or thirty-five
of the principal men brandished their swords. A
Langhow chief, Maha Singh, recognised me at this
juncture, and placed his arms around me. I sus-
pected this to have been merely a feint, but since
learned that it was not altogether so, and that a
combat had nearly ensued between those eager
for violence and those anxious to prevent it. The
d&rogah now appeared, and placing his arms around
me, who happened to be first, led me through the
infuriated crowd into the Ahina Khana, as called,
(the darbar room,) and returned for Lieut. Loveday,
whose situation was critical, and bringing him in,
the doors were closed, some half dozen individuals
only being within the apartment, The darogah
reproached Lieut. Loveday with the death of Meh-
rab Khan, and with other injuries; but assured
him that, as he had entered that house, he was
safe. His passion did not allow him to speak
much, and he left the room ; in a few minutes he
returned, saying the khan wished to see us, and
directed us to be searched, lest we carried pistols.

200 INTERVIEW WITH THE YOUNG KHAN.

One Yusef Khan, Raisani, searched Lieut. Love-
day, and took his pocket-book, in which were two
or three documents, amongst them the copy of
the ekrar nameh, or engagement entered into by
the sirdars; and this Yusef Khan would not re-
turn. I was searched by two or three persons,
and my lunghi, bordered with golden tissue, was
taken from my head. We were then conducted
to an apartment where the young son of Mehrab
Khan was sitting with Akhund Mahomed Sidik,
the sirdars of Saharawan, and others. In passing
we had to encounter volleys of abuse and menaces.
The darogah took charge of Lieut. Loveday, and
Mdha Singh rendered me the good office. This
was the first time we had seen the young khan,
and were both surprised to find him a youth of
so respectable an appearance. He welcomed Lieut.
Loveday with " Khtish amaded," and addressed me
in the same terms ; then desired both of us to be
easy on all points, and assured us we had nothing
to apprehend. The several sirdars omitted no
formality, and each of them respectively bade us
welcome. Mahomed Sidik made a brief oration,
setting forth that, as Lieut. Loveday would neither
advance money nor come to the citadel and make
his salam, they had been compelled to adopt the
only course left to them. It became a question
as to where we should be lodged : the young khan
pointed outcome place, but the darogah said no,
and directed us to be taken to a suite of two apart-

LOSSES. 201

ments still higher up in the building, where brick-
layers were sent, in haste, to close all apertures,
and we were located therein, under charge of one
Molahdad, an acquaintance of Lieut. Loveday's,
as he had for some time been naib at Quetta under
Mehrab Khan. As soon as we were secured guns
were discharged, and music at the Nagara Khana
struck up, as if a victory, or important advantage
had been gained.

On this miserable termination of Lieut. Loveday*s
peace, I suffered the loss, not only of what other
property I possessed, but of a large accumulated
stock of manuscripts and papers, the fruits of above
fifteen years' labour and inquiry. But, three or
four days previously to the attack, my servant, who
had become familiar with one of the keepers, Kha-
dardad, before mentioned, proposed to remove the
chest containing them from the house, assuring
me he could do so with KMdardd's connivance*
Fearful to show a bad example, and to discourage
the sipahis, I spoke angrily to him, and threatened,
if he dared to mention such a thing again I would
punish him. He reminded me that the worst was
to be expected, and that Lieut. Loveday, by burn-
ing his papers, was clearly preparing for it. I only
repeated the menace to him. I need not have
been so scrupulous, for I since discovered that
not only had, the sipahis for some days been trans-
ferring their effects to houses in the town, but
that, strange to say, Lieut. Loveday had been dis-

202 STRANGE SALES.

posing of various articles at low prices, particularly
all his copper utensils ; perhaps, on account of their
being, in common with much of his property, the
spoil of Mehrab Khan, and bearing his marks on
them.

203

CHAPTER VII.

Chamber of Blood. Nature of our custody. Insults of Brahuis.
Shahghassi Wall Mahomed. Treatment. Lieut. Loveday's
attendants. The darogah's disappointment. Interview with
Darogah. His proposition. Lieut. Loveday's stipulation.
The darogah' s anger. The darogah's intention. Abstraction
of Sampat. His return. Suspicions as to treasure and jewels.
Lieut. Loveday's danger. Averted by Faiz Ahmed. Inter-
view between Lieut. Loveday and the darogah. Letters writ-
ten for Capt. Bean. Intended advance of Brahuis from Kalat
to Mastung, My release refused on account of Lieut. Love-
day's sayings. Arrival of letter and messenger from Rehim
Khan. Regret of messenger. Arrival of Mir Azem Khan
at Kalat.

DURING- our abode in the house from which we
had just been transferred, I had reconciled my
mind to the belief that our lives and occupation
of it would cease together. I had been mistaken,
and we were reserved for further scenes and perils.
The apartment which now confined us was called
the Chamber of Blood, and deservedly, as being
that where state-offenders were usually put to
death. The last slaughter of this kind committed
within its walls was, I believe, that of the late
khan's Ghilji minister, Daoud Mahomed. Its ap-
pellation, and the uses to which it had been

204 ANNOYANCE FROM THE BRAHUIS.

devoted, were calculated to suggest but gloomy
anticipations for the future ; yet, dispelling associa-
tions so cheerless, it was spacious, and commanded
a fine view of the valley in front, and of the en-
circling hills of Arbui.

Molahdad, appointed our keeper, with eight or
ten men, was located with us, and every night an
additional guard was provided. These men, with
their incessant clamours, were very annoying ; but
we were further mortified by visits from crowds
of all classes, who came both to gratify their curi-
osity and to indulge in the expression of their tri-
umph and resentment. Nothing could be more
galling than to be compelled to hear the offensive
language employed by most of them ; and the bad
feelings of many were so excited, that it often
required the interference of our keeper and his
party to prevent our being ill-treated by them. Mo-
lahdad was, perhaps, as good a man as we could
have had in charge over us, since he was not so
strict as to forbid any slight indulgence, or even
intercourse, being enjoyed by us; yet his mildness
and indifference were inadequate either to hinder
the visits or to check the insolence of the crowds
which daily pestered us. Probably he was in-
structed to permit everything short of actual vio-
lence, and I observed, or thought so, that he took
secret pleasure in the taunts, menaces, and ribaldry
with which \fre were assailed.

On the first day of our confinement, ShahgMssi

TALES OF THE PLUNDER. 205

Wall Mahomed sat with us until evening. '-He was
brother to the late Nur Mahomed, shahgh&ssi of
Mehrab Khan, and one of his most effective ad-
herents. Nur Mahomed was slain at the capture
of Kalat, while gallantly fighting, after having pre-
viously sacrificed his wives, and other females of
his family. Wall Mahomed alluded to the disas-
ters which had fallen upon his house, but assured
Lieut. Loveday that he should be kindly treated,
and should experience what generosity a Baloch
was capable of. I suspect Wall Mahomed was not
permitted by the darogah to act as handsomely as
he wished.

We were inundated with tales of the plunder
of Lieut. Loveday's house, and, indeed, during the
day witnessed the many conflicts that took place
on its roof between tie spoilers themselves. It
seemed to be considered by the multitude rather
as a good joke than an atrocious act. Two or
three persons killed themselves by drinking vitriol
instead of wine ; and this accident brought bottles
and their contents into such distrust that numbers
were made over to us. So great a store had we
of both wines, and liquors of various descriptions,
that Lieut. Loveday consigned them to the charge
of Diwftn Ramti, who had, on his own part, con-
tributed a teapot, jug, and other articles of plated
ware, which were not much prized after it was
discovered they were not silver. He also provided
Lieut. Loveday with a few articles of his own

206 TREATMENT IN PRISON.

clothing, and the young khan sent him a chair
and his postin; the latter, however, deprived of a
number of jewels which had been sewn over it,
the youth asserting they belonged to him, and not
to Lieut. Loveday. Wall Mahomed had promised
a bed to Lieut. Loveday, but it was not sent ; and
neither he nor I had anything to sleep upon but
the coarse carpet spread under us. Our food was
supplied twice daily from the khan's kitchen, and
was the same he himself partook of. Tea and
coffee were furnished by those who had rifled our
late abode; so that, on the whole, our fare was
what we had least to complain of.

Lieut. Loveda/s house was most rigidly exa-
mined, the floors were all dug up, excavations were
made in the cellars, and the wells were minutely
searched. The pair of bull-dogs, the ministers of
his anger, were literally cut to pieces.

Attending on Lieut. Loveday, were Sampat and
Naihal Khan, an old Mahomedan servant and cook ;
the latter accompanied his master to the citadel,
and was severely beaten and robbed on the road;
the former joined in the course of the day. One
of my servants followed me into the citadel, but
retired when he saw swords drawn upon us, con-
cluding all was over. He then went to Eaiz Ah-
med's house, where my other servants had gone
before him. The latter soon set out for Kandahar ;
the former remained, determined to abide, the result
of events, and ultimately rejoined me at Quetta.

THE DAROGAH DISCONCERTED. 207

The sipahis were deprived of their arms, and
plundered ; the subahdar, or native officer, an
infirm old man; the havilddr, Allabaksh; Buta
Singh, a sipahi, and one or two others, were sorely
maltreated. All were put on an allowance of flour.
Some managed to preserve their regimental dresses,
others were wholly despoiled; but all were supplied
by the young khan with shirts and trousers.

We were soon apprised that the darogah re-
pented of the plunder of Lieut. Loveday's house,
his share of the spoil being nothing at all, while he
had to incur the odium abroad attendant upon so
disgraceful an act, and to support the ridicule at
home, of having been foiled. Akhund Mahomed
Sidik and Shahghassi Wall Mahomed having so
largely benefited by the measure, alike increased
his disappointment. The darogah's plan was to
have secured Lieut. Loveday in an interview at the
citadel, and then to have taken possession of the
house and property in the young khan's name,
when he would have obtained some document from
that officer, in his power, to have justified, according
to his ideas, the appropriation. No doubt the
sirdars of Sahdraw&n, and their vakil the Akhund,
precipitated, if they did not wholly bring about this
affair, although it is nearly as certain that it must,
sooner or later, have happened. There were too
many desirous of such a finale, whether urged by
hopes of plunder or by feelings of revenge, and
the most extravagant expectations were formed of

208 AUDIENCE OF THE DAROGAH.

the wealth to be found, to say nothing of the ne-
cessities of unscrupulous men. Report gave out?
that twenty-three lakhs of rupees were in charge
of Lieut. Loveday; chests of ammunition were
supposed to contain treasures and it was believed
that a large stock of Mehrab Khan's jewels, and
other property, was deposited in the house.

After a lapse of four or five days, it being Roz
Juma, and the citadel clear of its usual occupants,
who had attended the young khan on an excursion
to the tomb of his father, a man came and said the
dirogah wished to see me. I was led down stairs to
the Ahina Khana, where he was sitting with Faiz
Ahmed, and an old woman, a slave probably, who
retired. The old man prefaced his discourse by -the
declaration that he never saw a Feringhi, or even
thought of one, that blood was not ready to gush
from his eyes, by reason of the wrongs and injuries
he had endured. He dwelt much upon them, some
concerning the late Mehrab Khan, some concerning
particularly himself. He told how Sikandar (Sir
Alexander Burnes), in that very room had sworn by
Hazrat Isa, or holy Jesus, that no designs were
entertained upon the country; he enlarged upon
the services Mehrab Khan had rendered to the
army on its march, and of its requital, and expressed
his horror that the corpse of his late master had
been exposed in a masjit, unhonoured and unburied :
in like manner, he pointed to a hole in the apart-
ment, made by a cannon-ball at- the time of the

CONVEKSATION WITH THE DAROGAH. 209

assault. He next commented on Lieut. Loveday's
attempts to surprise the young khan, and on the offers
of reward he had held out to those who would
assassinate himself; affirming, that Nasrulah had
disclosed all, and declaring that the man had always
Aeen in his service, although allowed to remain
with Lieut. Loveday, for the purpose of gaining a
knowledge of his plans and movements. Observing
that the past could not be recalled, and that he
was willing to forget it, while he wished peace
rather than war, he explained his object in sending
for me, by desiring me to tell Lieut. Loveday, that
he purposed to go to Mastung in two or three days,
and would take him ; that he wished an interview
with*Capt. Bean, a certain number of men attend-
ing with each. I was instructed to inquire of
Lieut. Loveday whether or not he still wished for
peace, and to let him know the reply. Moreover,
I was told to represent the mischief it was in his
(the darogah's) power to cause, the interruption to
communications, and other evils, all of which might
be prevented by peace.

In the course of this conversation, as opportunity
permitted, I urged upon the darogah, that I feared
he had not well understood that Capt. Bean, judging
from his letters, had pacific intentions, and appealed
to him how awkwardly they were responded to
by the unfortunate business of plundering Lieut.
Loveday's house. He seemed to include it in the
catalogue of things past to be forgotten. I also

VOL. iv. " f

210 HESULTS.

explained to him, how earnestly Lieut. Loveday
had written in recommendation of peace, and
assured him that if it were not granted, it would
not be on account of any deficiency in his exertions.
I even asserted that Lieut. Loveday had written
much more in favour of them, and of an arrange-
ment, than I should have done in his situation,
how much soever I desired for all our sakes so
fortunate a result; and this I implored him to

believe.

The darogah asked my opinions as to the pro-
bability that an arrangement could be made, and
I frankly gave them, stating as a reason the favour-
able tendency of Capt. Bean's letters, previous to
the plunder of the house ; how that action might
alter circumstances I could not tell. I was dis-
missed to talk with Lieut. Loveday, and to return
with his answer.

This was the- first time I had conversed ' with
Darogah Gul Mahomed, a tall, spare, aged, and
harsh-featured man, blind of one eye, and his head
affected with palsy. I spoke as freely to him as
I could, avoiding to give offence. Neither did I
find him displeased when I told him I feared he
was wrong, and had not sought an accommodation
in the spirit likely to get it, I had, however,
Faiz Ahmed to support me, and he joined his
entreaties to mine, that in future a more rational
line of conduct should be followed.

I related to Lieut. Loveday what had passed.

IRE OF THE DAROGAH. 211

It struck ine that the journey to Mastung might,
or might not, be intended. That Capt. Bean would
accept an interview with the darogah, from all I
had heard of his extreme prudence, I thought very
doubtful. Lieut. Loveday reasoned as I should,
that he had no choice but to accompany the daro-
gah, if he wished it, and desired me to express his
willingness to do so, provided his sipahis attended
him in full dress, accoutred and armed, but without
ammunition. I was so certain this would never be
allowed, that I wished the stipulation to be omitted,
but Lieut. Loveday insisted upon it.

Returning to the darogah, I informed him that
Lieut. Loveday sincerely wished for peace, and did
not intend to relax in his endeavours to procure it ;
that he was agreeable to attend him to Mastung,
but had suggested that his presence would be more
beneficial if he was accompanied by his soldiers,
without ammunition ; for in proportion to the re-
spect shown to him, would be esteemed the weight
of his arguments at Quetta. On hearing this, the
ddrogah instantly rose, shook his head, and bursting
into a violent passion, asked me if I took him for a
child, and broke up the conference by telling me
to go back again to my room. Faiz Ahmed strove
in vain to mollify him, and I was obliged to retire.

The next thing we learned was, that the drogah
wished Lieut. Loveday to be made over entirely to
his charge and custody, but that Sh&hghassi Wall
Mahomed opposed such a step, and that they had

212 DANGEROUS BELiu*.

quarrelled on the subject. Shortly after, Sampat,
the. Hindu servant, was sent for, and was absent
some days. Lieut. Loveday was very anxious on
his account, and repeatedly inquired for him ; but
Molahdad answered evasively, and all that could
be learned was, that he was in the darogah's house.
We both feared the object with Sampat was to ex-
tort disclosures from him, as he was known to be
Lieut. Loveday's treasurer, as well as his servant
and general confidant. At length Ram6 brought
back Sampat, and it proved that, after having been
at first caressed and made much of in vain, he was
subjected to slight torture, the effects of which were
manifest on his wrists and arms. Sampat was very
reserved upon his return, and what little he commu-
nicated was in whispers to his master.

Subsequently I learned many particulars relating
to the transactions of this period, which I could not
possibly then be aware of. Besides the prevailing
belief that Lieut. Loveday had in charge a great
sum of money, there existed the conviction that he
was in possession of three caskets of jewels, which,
after the march of the army from Kalat, had been
discovered in a house near the springs. I shall not
enter into the particulars of this alleged discovery,
the belief in which brought Lieut. Loveday into
imminent danger, from which, it may suffice to
observe, that my friend Faiz Ahmed saved him, and
the same man effected the discharge of Sampat,
with the slight injury inflicted upon him, when it

EXERTIONS OF FAIZ AHMED. 213

was the intention of the ddrogah to have put him
to extreme torture, and when cords and stakes were
ready for the purpose.

I also learned that Faiz Ahmed, as soon as we
were lodged in the citadel, made the most earnest
entreaties that I might be dismissed, and that the
ddrogah consented, even telling Faiz Ahmed to take
me to his house. This he feared to do, lest he
might draw upon himself the fury of the Brahuis.
Again, when desirous to transfer Lieut. Loveday to
his own residence, the darogah renewed the offer to
Faiz Ahmed to remove me, remarking, that as he
had acceded to my liberation, it might as well be
done at once, and that I could not be easy where I
was. Faiz Ahmed excused himself, and said to my
servant, that I should not myself wish to come away
at such a time, my stay with Lieut. Loveday being
in some degree protection to him ; as he, and those
who interested themselves for me, were obliged also
to intercede for Lieut. Loveday, which they could
not do, were I at this moment to leave him. Such
remarks could have been made by no other than a
most excellent man.

In course' of time, Lieut. Loveday expressed . to
Molahdad his desire to see the d&rogah, and to con-
cert measures to renew correspondence with.Capt.
Bean. Ramti and Faiz Ahmed were sent to Lieut.
Loveday, and after conversing with him, and report-
ing favourably to the ddrogah, the old man returned
with them. When seated, he accused Lieut, Love-

214 LETTERS FOR QUETTA.

day of the treachery he had on various occasions
practised towards him, repeated his wrongs, and
then announced his expectations. He had not, how-
ever, patience to sit ; his anger hecame evident as he
hurriedly passed his beads through his fingers, and
shook his palsied head. He rose, and told Eamu
and Faiz Ahmed to talk in his place to Lieut.
Loveday, who had promised to write a letter to
Capt. Bean, and as he was leaving the room he
turned to me and sternly said, " Do you write too."
Paper was supplied to Lieut. Loveday, and the re-
mainder of the day he occupied in writing his let-
ter. In this instance he made the strange remark
to me, that it was now necessary to write the truth ;
to which I replied, " You should have always done
so." The first letter written was cancelled, and an-
other hastily prepared, and it was late before it was
ready. I had not written, nor did I intend to write.
When the letter was conveyed to the darogah,
Molahdad came back and asked where my letter
was. On this demand, to comply being preferable
to making excuses, which would neither have been
understood nor accepted, I took up a fragment of
native paper, and with a native pen wrote in sup-
port of Lieut. Loveday's wishes for peace. I showed
what I had written to Lieut. Loveday, who remarked
to Molahdfid that it was good, and enclosed it in
the packet intended for Capt. Bean, to be conveyed
to Quetta by Hussen, a servant of Diwan Ramu.
Faiz Ahmed, after his visit to Lieut. Loveday on

MOVEMENTS OF THE BRAHUIS. 215

this day, rebuked the darogah for his neglect in not
furnishing us with decent carpets, cots to repose on,
and other little necessaries. The old man grew
exceedingly angry, upbraided my friend for haying
turned kafr, or infidel, and reminded him of the in-
dignities offered to Rehiindad and Mulla Hassan.
This language again drove Faiz Ahmed to the re-
tirement of his house, from which he was only
withdrawn by some concession in favour of huma-
nity.

Before a reply was received from Capt. Bean to
the letters sent by Hussen, the Brahui chiefs at
Kaldt considered it necessary to advance to Mas-
tung. Our intercourse being under restriction, we
did not know exactly the reasons of the movement,
though many might have been imagined. We were
since told by Molahdad, who one day remarked, it
would have been better had all remained at Kalat,
that on large reinforcements reaching Quetta from
Kandahdr, Assad Khan, the Raisani sirdar of Kha-
nak, near Mast6ng, had sent his son to Kalat, to
explain, that unless a movement were made he
should be compelled, now that the Feringhis were
in force and near him, to make terms with them*
It was very clear, that by marching to Mastung the
chances of arrangement, at any time doubtful, were
considerably diminished, while those of collision
were increased ; but the miserable Brahuis were so
indifferently combined, that their confederacy was
liable to dissolve by the least accident, and the de-

216 ARRANGEMENTS TO MARCH.

fection of Assad Khan would, no doubt, have been
imitated ; to prevent which, a course known to be
evil was followed. Seven hundred Kandahari ru-
pees, not sixty pounds, were distributed amongst
the Saharawani sirdars and the young khln's fol-
lowers at Kalat, and their numbers were, of course,
trifling, when this sum provided them with money
rations for three days, and afforded besides presents
to the sirdars and chiefs present. It was first
arranged that the young khan and the sirdars were
to leave on, one day, and the darogah, with Lieut.
Loveday and myself, on that following; but the
sirdars would not accede to this, and insisted that
Lieut. Loveday should leave the town before
they did. They were perhaps apprehensive that
he might remain behind altogether, or their jea-
lousy suggested that the darogah might make some
agreement independently of them. It was there-
fore decided, that Lieut. Loveday should accom-
pany the young kMn, the darogah and sirdars to
follow.

When the march to Mastung was concerted,
Faiz Ahmed called upon the darogah to redeem
his promise to liberate me. The old man forbade
him to speak any more on my behalf, asserting
that he had been informed, on trustworthy au-
thority, that I was of more importance than
suspected. Faiz Ahmed demanded an explana-
tion, and the drogah answered, that Nasrulah had
apprised him that Lieut. Loveday bad disclosed to

LETTERS FROM REHIM KHAN. 217

him that I was a jdsiis, or spy, on the Feringhis,
and that when asked how I procured funds to
travel, replied, that I had hundis, or bills, for twelve
thousand rupees with me. Faiz Ahmed's protes-
tations, as to the falsehood of this tale, were, for
the moment, ineffectual, and the darogah com-
manded him to resign me to my fate. The infor-
mation given by Nasrulah was, indeed, acquired
from Lieut, Loveday, for I had before heard of it
amongst the many idle things he was accustomed
to repeat, although, from whatever other unworthy
motives he indulged in such observations, he could
not have foreseen that this one of them, in par-
ticular, would hereafter prove dangerous to my
liberty and life.

When we left Kalat for Mastung, Faiz Ahmed
observed to my servant, with whom he was not
in the habit of conversing, " Both you and my-
self have been bi waffa, or faithless, to Masson
Sahib," meaning, I suppose, that he had been de-
ficient in having omitted to profit by the consent
to my freedom, formerly given by the darogah.
While we were yet in the citadel two or three
letters came to the young khan and the darogah,
from Rghim Khan, deprecating any violence to
Lieut. Loveday and myself. No doubt Faiz Ahmed
was instrumental in these attempts to prevent far T
ther evil. At length Rehim Khan's confidential
agent, Mahomed Khan, reached Kalat, unfortu-
nately, the day after we had left for Mastung.

218 MIR AZEM KHAN.

My servant, who saw him, represented him as de-
jected even to tears, when he found we had been
carried away, and that he asked him why, in God's
name, I had not come down to them, when I
knew they were all friends ; and how I came to
place myself in the power of so many villains.
He also brought a letter, addressed to me, which
I never received. It seemed that Rehim Khan
was ignorant that our house had been attacked,
and that we were prisoners in the citadel; and
supposing us still respected, hoped, by his arrival,
to put matters in a train for adjustment. When
informed of what had passed, on the return of
Mahomed Kh&n, he declared he would have nothing
to do with men so unprincipled, and a letter from
him to that effect reached the camp afterwards
at Masting, and exceedingly irritated the insurgent
host.

As soon as the tidings of the possession of Kalat
by the son of Mehr&b Khan spread over the coun-
try, the young man's uncle, Mir Azem Khan,
set out from Bela, where he was indifferently si-
tuated, and where I had visited him in his ad-
versity. He arrived at Kalat in so bad a state of
health that his dissolution was expected, but change
of air so agreed with him, that he improved suf-
ficiently to be entrusted with the charge of the
town on the departure of the khan. I never could
learn that he interfered in state affairs, or, per-

HIS AMUSEMENTS. 219

haps, was not well enough, but he was wont to
inveigh against the inhospitality he had experienced
in Las, and betook himself to the free use of strong
liquors, from which poverty had for some time de-
barred him, and which, possibly, contributed to re-
cruit his health.

220

CHAPTER VIII.

Departure for Mastung. Scene at ELalat. Nasrulah. The
young khan, Route to Mastung. Incident at Karez AmSnu-
lah. Arrival of darogah and sirdars. Interview with da"rogah.
Captain Bean's letters. The darogah's vigilance. Lieut.
Loveday fettered at night. Yusef Khan's rancour. Entry
into Mastung. Place of confinement. Interview with Kalik-
dad. Preparation of letters for Quetta Intelligence respect-
ing Ghulam Khan. His arrival in camp. Captured daks, or
posts. Indignation of the Brahtils. Kalikdad's apology for
me. Interview with the darogah. Report of conversation.
Extra guards, and their evils. Incidents at Mastung. Ma-
homed Khan's discontent. Kotru chiefs and Mir Boher join.
Major Clibborn's disaster. Arrival of Saiyad Mobdrak Shah.
His instructions from Capt, Bean. Indulgence to Lieut,
Loveday. Formal interview with the young khan and sirdars.
Capt. Bean's letters. Indignation of the Brahfiis. Repeti-
tion of fatiha, and determination to slay us. -Misgivings of
Lieut. Loveday. Terror of his domestics Good offices of
Rais Harun. Interview with the darogah Intercession of
Rehimdad's relatives and friends. Disgust at Capt. Bean's
letter. The darogah accords protection to Lieut, Loveday.
Permission obtained by Rais Harun for my departure to Quetta.
Leave Mastung. Incidents on the route. Arrival at Quetta.
Interview with the political officers.

WE had passed our ordeal in the ill-omened
Chamber of Blood; we were now to leave it and
Kalat ; what new trials were in store for us it was
vain to conjecture; in helplessness we awaited

DEPARTURE FROM KAIAT. 221

them, certain only that every moment shortened
our captivity, and accelerated the final issue, which,
there were too many reasons to fear, could be no
other than disastrous.

Led down to the entrance of the citadel, we
found the darogah and sirdars of Saharawan stand-
ing, while the avenues were crowded with specta-
tors. Camels were at hand; on one of which Lieut.
Loveday and Molahddd were placed ; on another I
was seated, with Naihal Khan; and, on a third were
accommodated Sampat and a man, named Maho-
med Kasim, remarkable as having been the person
who, from what I have learned, ultimately slew
Lieut. Loveday near Dadar. We passed through
the streets amid the yells and hootings of the Br-
huis and populace, the very women spitting upon
us, crying pet ! pet ! shame ! shame ! and reviling us
for having had the presumption to sit on Nassir
Khan's throne. Many made use of their hands as
well as tongues, and Lieut. Loveday being pro-
tected by Molahdad, I fared the worst in the transit
through the narrow bazar and enraged multitude.
When outside of the Mastung gate we were not
followed ; and there I saw many of my Bibi ac-
quaintance, who by signs, desired me to trust in
God, which was all they could do, although K&lik-
dad ventured to tell me, as I passed him, that he
would follow me to Mastting.

We were now attended by only four or five
mounted men, dependents on Molahdad, and had

222 INCIDENTS OF ROUTE.

not proceeded far when we were hailed to return,
to witness the young khan's exit from the town
and the concourse which followed him. Amongst
these was Nasrulah, so well appareled and equipped
that I did not recognise him, as he rode, conversing
for some time, with Lieut. Loveday, and found out
only on coming to the ground, when I asked my
companion who that Durani was talking to him on
the road, for Nasrdlah had assumed the costume of
Kandahar. The young khan gave us a specimen
of his skill in horsemanship, which I thought he
might have spared, especially as the horse he rode
was one of Lieut. Loveday's chargers. The youth
soon turned off the road to visit a shrine at Ziarat,
a village so called, where it is customary for khans,
and persons of rank, to offer their vows, when
leaving Kalat on a journey or expedition We
kept on to Karez Garani, .where the khan's tent
Kad been sent up, and immediately adjacent to it
a small one was erected for us, and Molahdad's
party. Four other servants of Lieut. Loveday,
before at large in the town, followed their master,
and the young khan ordered them to be supplied
with provisions. The youth sent us melons, and
was so remote from any bad feeling that the objec-
tions of his people could scarcely overcome his desire
to send for us into his tent, that he might converse
with us.

The next day we moved on to Mangachar, over
the country, believed by Capt* Bean to be filled

SHERBET'S OFFER. 223

with enemies and Brahuis ; not a living creature
was to be seen ; not a solitary tent at the skirt of
a hill attested the presence of a human being.
Onr small party moved independently of the khan
and his retinue, and as we paced over the silent
waste I lamented to Lieut. Loveday our misfor-
tune in not having friends, when half a dozen
mounted men would have extricated us from our
embarrassment. At Mangachar we heard that
Htissen, with Capt. Bean's reply, had passed on
to Kalat.

Our next march was to Kar6z Amanulah, in
the vicinity of Mastung, and there we halted two
or three days. At this place one Sherbet, a Ban-
gui Zai, accustomed, when we were in the ci-
tadel, to bring wine and other things, and even
to tell a little of what he knew, came into our
tent, saying, he took leave of us, as he had per-
mission to go home to Isprinji for four days. Sit-
ting down with Lieut. Loveday, Sherbet asked if
he could do anything for him. Lieut. Loveday pro-
mised him a thousand rupees if he would provide
two horses and effect his escape. Sherbet replied,
he could or would do as much service, but it must
be on his return. Lieut. Loveday gave him a ring.
This communion was carried on between Lieut.
Loveday, Sherbet, and Sampat, by whispering over
a book, Sherbet occasionally asking, in a louder
tone, what this picture and ' that picture meant>
pretending to be merely indulging his curiosity.

224 ARRIVAL OF THE DAROGAH.

To divert the attention of Molahdad and the
two or three attendants, who only chanced to be
in our tent at the time, I sat over with them, and
engaged them in conversation. Unluckily, Khan
Mahomed, the younger brother of the late Daoud
Mahomed, came to the entrance of the tent while
this confabulation with Sherbet was in progress ;
he looked in merely, and said nothing at the time ;
but reported to the khan what he had seen. Sher-
bet started for Isprinji, and in the evening was
brought back. We heard a loud altercation at the
khan's tent, in which Sherbet's voice, a most so-
norous one, was very conspicuous, and we could
understand that he was indignantly repelling the
charge of familiarity with Labadin. Sherbet was
too impudent to be easily put down, or convicted
on mere surmise, and he was again allowed to
depart, but came no more to us. Molahdad, en-
tirely unsuspicious of what had transpired between
Lieut. Loveday and Sherbet, although present in
the tent, expressed resentment, in no measured
terms, at the conduct of KMn Mahomed, especially
as it reflected on his vigilance and fidelity.

The day following this affair Darogah Gul Ma-
homed arrived, with the sirdaxs of Saharawan. The
latter paid a visit to Lieut. Loveday, and Ma-
homed Khan, Sherwani, sent him a small quantity
of sugar-candy, and a bottle of madeira. The d&-
rogah, jealous of such intercourse, desired the wine
to be given up. He afterwards had a long con-

COMMUNICATIONS FROM QUETTA. 225

ference with Khan Mahomed, who, of course, com-
municated his suspicions of Sherbet. He next
came near our tent, and seated himself on a carpet
some fifteen or twenty feet distant from it. I was
then summoned, and producing the packet addressed
by Capt. Bean to Lieut. Loveday, he desired me
to open the letters and tell him what was written
in them. I prayed him to send for Lieut. Love-
day. He said, no. I then requested that he would,
in the first instance, permit me to take the letters
to Lieut. Loveday, when I would return and ex-
plain to him what was written. He again said
no. I then asked him to allow me first to see
Lieut. Loveday; to which he assented, and I stepped
into the tent and mentioned what had happened.
Lieut. Loveday told me, by all means, to open
the packet, and acquire a knowledge of its con-
tents, particularly of what Capt. Bean had written
privately to himself. I offered peremptorily to
refuse to open it, but Lieut. Loveday did not
think it necessary, nor, in fact, did I. I returned,
and saying to the darogah, I could now read the
letters, opened the packet. I inquired of him
what Capt. Bean had communicated to himself,
when he complained of the tone used, but added,
that the hope of arrangement was still held out,
with the recommendation to seek it in humility.
I observed that such was exactly the tenour of
Capt. Bean's letters to Lieut. Loveday, as it was in
truth, but the darogah was not satisfied with so
VOL. rv. Q

226 CAPTAIN BEAN'S MYSTIFICATION.

general a version, and required a more detailed
one, in which I attempted to please him, not by
translating the letter, "but telling him something
to the purport of what he admitted to be found
in his own epistle. He then desired me to read
it in English, which I did, omitting names, and
he smiled at the unintelligible jargon. I next re-
quested that he would permit me to give the letters
to Lieut. Loveday, as, having seen them, I should
of course tell him their contents, and there could
be no reason to withhold them. I even put them
into my pocket, but he obliged me to give them
back.

In the official letter of Capt. Bean to Lieut.
Loveday the concluding paragraph related to me,
and was worded nearly, if not quite, as follows :
"The mystery of Mr. Masson's appearance at Ka-
lat at the period of the present outbreak, com-
bined with his clandestine residence at that place,
has given rise to suspicions, in my mind, of that
iDdividual, which I have not failed to communicate
to government." If I felt surprise at this an-
nouncement, I was perfectly able to conceal it
from the darogah. On return to Lieut. Loveday,
I related to him the contents of Capt. Bean's
letters, and what the darogah had said, before I
alluded to the above paragraph, He was abashed,
and also, to do him justice, apparently much hurt,
remarking to me, " Poor fellow, your case is a hard
one, to be a sharer in my misfortunes, and, at the

THE DAROGAH'S SEVEEITY. 237

same time, to be so ungenerously suspected." I
consoled him by expressing the opinion that Capt.
Bean would have addressed his suspicions to those
who would treat them with ridicule. Lieut. Love-
day, perhaps, recalling to recollection that, in his
former letters to Capt. Bean, he might have written
in a disparaging tone, as it was his custom to
speak of me, observed, that he wondered I had not
gone on to Kandahar. I asked why he should have
wondered, when he knew I was awaiting the ar-
rival of the kafila for my servants and luggage to
join, and when he knew, as well as myself, the kafila's
detention on the road, and that, when it did arrive,
the country was in arms. I prayed him to be as
easy about it as I was myself, and remarked, that
it was Capt. Bean's mode of acknowledging the
receipt of the letter I had sent; and this I sus-
pected it to be.

Late this evening the darogah sat in conference
with Khcln Mahomed and Yiisef Khan Rais&ni ; and
orders arrived that the four servants of Lieut. Love-
day, who had joined on the road, should leave our
tent, and be distributed in various quarters ; I believe
their arms were bound behind them. Presently
after a man, called the kalifa, came with a pair of
fetters, with which he secured Lieut. Loveday's feet
to the tent-pole. Not a word passed while this
outrage was committed. Additional guards were
stationed within and without the tent. I expected
the kalifa would have returned with another pair

Q2

228 MARCH TO MASTUNG.

of fetters for me, he did not. The night we passed
in deep anxiety. I feared the fetters were but
a prelude to a worse crime. Neither Lieut. Love-
day nor myself slept. He did not speak, nor had
I the heart to speak to him. By daybreak, to our
great joy, the kalifa appeared, and removed the
fetters ; the servants were unbound, and the mea-
sure proved to have been one of precaution, adopted
at the suggestion of Khan Mahomed and Yusef
Khan.

Early in the morning tents were struck; first
the darogah, then other parties took the road to
Mastung. The young khan and our party re-
mained some time longer on the ground. Yusef
Khan tarried to accompany the khan, and on this
occasion, while he spared Lieut. Loveday, was very
severe upon me, particularly as he had failed to
have me fettered as well as Lieut. Loveday; he
swore he would kill me in spite of Faiz Ahmed,
and have my htindis ; also, that he would burn Faiz
Ahmed^s house, and do many other things. I was
ignorant at the time what he meant by the hundis.
We were now denied stirrups, and Molahdad mount-
ing a horse, another man was commissioned to ride
in front of Lieut. Loveday. Mahomed Kasim had
rode in front of my camel since leaving Karez
Garani, as neither I nor Naihal Khan had been
skilful enough to manage the animal. In time
we advanced, preceding the young khan and his
suite. As we neared the town, the Brahuis and

LODGINGS. 229

inhabitants lined both sides of the road, and we
passed between them, amidst jeers, execrations,
and menaces. This mortifying exhibition continued
until we reached the gardens on the northern side
of the town, where we were to be lodged, and we
were conducted to a gardener's house, with one
room above and another below. We were first
placed in the upper apartment, but it was dis-
covered that we should be higher in position than
the young khan, whose tent was fixed in an ad-
jacent garden, and we were transferred to the
lower room, unused by the owners but as a place
for fuel and rubbish, on account of mangurs, large
and troublesome bugs.

The horrible imprecations bestowed upon us this
day were keenly felt by Lieut. Loveday, who ap-
peared to be nearly exhausted when he entered
the apartment assigned to us. The insults of the
rabble were feebly repressed by the laughing re-
monstrances of our guards.

On the following morning, the filthy state of
the lower chamber and the grievance of mangurs
being represented, the scruples respecting our ele-
vation as regarded the kMn were surmounted,
and we ascended into the upper room.

We suffered much from the curiosity of the fresh
people we encountered here. Our room was very
small, and thronged with us, our guards, and visitors.
The gardens around us were filled with the levies of
tribes, and if we had occasion to leave the chamber

230 MEETING WITH KALIKDAD.

we had enough of insult to endure, and were always
pelted with stones and clods of earth. Once a
fellow presented his firelock at me, and too close
to have missed, had not one Safar Khan, a Lari,
averted his aim. On the tops of the walls, and
even on the trees in the gardens, spectators were
constantly perched. Moreover, the khan's morning
and evening darbars attracted large mobs, and the
daily distribution of grain was distinguished by the
utmost confusion and violence. In this, the third
stage of our confinement, our situation had become
desperate indeed, but it was too critical to endure
long without change.

We had been at Mast6ng three or four days
when I was desired to attend the darogah. His
tent was in the adjoining garden, separated from
us by a wall only, I found Kalikdad, my acquaint-
ance, had arrived from Kalat, and had so urgently
entreated the darogah that he might see me as
to obtain permission. The darogah said little, and
nothing on business, but told Kalikdad he might
take me aside and converse with me. We went
and sat by the bank of a canal of irrigation near.
Kalikdad detailed the efforts made by Faiz Ahmed
in my favour at Kalt, and of the success attending
them, until the tale about the hundis upset every-
thing; that, before the darogah left Kalat, Faiz
Ahmed had made another effort, and had sworn
on the Koran that the 'story was untrue, and that
I had no hundis. The d&rogah replied, that he

REPORT FROM QUETTA. 231

could not, as a Mussulman, reject Faiz Ahmed's
oath ; still, he confided in his own intelligence ; but,
whether I had or not hundis, he would, in consi-
deration of Faiz Ahmed, consent to liberate me,
but not until the mokadami, or contest, was over,
and then I should go neither to Quetta nor to Kan-
dahar. Faiz Ahmed compelled the darogah to
swear upon his beard that no injury should happen
to me. I observed my fate was in other hands
than the darogafrs, and I absolved Faiz Ahmed and
himself from all interest in the matter. Kalik-
dad said the darogah was a man of his word, which
I ridiculed. He then told me that he was deputed
by Faiz Ahmed solely to watch over me, and to
keep the darogah to the observance of the pledge
he had made. Kalikdad added he had brought
my servant, Rasul, with him, and I prayed him to
keep him quiet, as he was better at large than
with us, and we needed no more company.

The packet detained by the darogah was at last
sent to Lieut. Loveday, and another letter was
proposed to be written to Capt. Bean : the darogah,
besides, consented to write to the envoy and minis-
ter, but would not listen to a letter for the king.

Before these were framed, some one from Quetta
sent intelligence that Ghulam Kh&n (brother to
the late Daoud Mahomed, and to KMn Mahomed,
who had played the evil part at Karez Am&nulah,)
would repair to Mastxing, and that it was necessary
to observe great caution, as he had concerted with

232 GHULAM KHAN.

Capt. Beau to rescue Lieut. Loveday. So accurate
was the intelligence received by the darogah of
Capt. Bean's actions, and even of his sayings, that
he must have had informants in the persons em-
ployed by the political agent, if not amongst those
in his confidence. About this time it was known
at Mastung that Sherbet had been to Quetta, and
had shown to Capt. Bean the ring given to him by
Lieut. Loveday. We did not know what to make
of it, as Sherbet, according to Lieut. Loveday's ac-
count, had not been told to go to Quetta ; yet it
proved true, he had gone there to get money from
Capt. Bean. The Brahuis seemed to enjoy it as a
joke, and were for sometime laughing and talking
about Sherbet and the ring; and Sherbet much
exceeded his four days' leave of absence ; when he
did return, he was unable to force the guards, but
contrived to deliver, through others, some papers
and a bottle of brandy, received from Capt. Bean
for Lieut Loveday.

Ghulam Khan at length appeared in the camp,
alleging that he was in quest of a camel stolen
from him at Quetta. Increased precautions were
adopted towards us, and an additional guard by
night was set over us. Ghulam Kh&n was strictly
watched, although much outward respect was shown
to him. Lieut. Loveday was sent for one evening
by the darogah to see Ghuldm Khan, and told me,
on his return, that the "old hypocrite affected ex-
treme civility, rose when he entered the tent, and

INTERCEPTED POSTS. 233

neglected no mark of respect. Ghfilam Khan was
compelled to proceed to Kalat. This man had
been a prime instigator of the disorders committed
by the tribes in the Bolan pass ; the enemy of Meh-
rab Khan, he became necessarily the friend of the
English, and now reappeared, as was believed, laden
with the favour of the political officers. His bro-
ther, 'Khan Mahomed, had, as before noted, urged
the darogah to fetter Lieut. Loveday. About this
time I was summoned to the darogah's tent, as it
proved, to witness the fragment of an intercepted
dak, or post. The darogah said, three messengers
with the packets had been killed, and he desired
me to tell Labadin that it would be better to make
peace and prevent such mischief. The dak was of
old date, and amongst the few papers preserved
was, singularly enough, a copy of Lieut. Loveday's
despatch, announcing the capture of Kalat by the
rebels. I was not asked to read the letters, indeed,
was not permitted ; for, having taken up a document
purporting to be intelligence from Khiva, I wished
to have read it, for my own satisfaction, and it was
snatched from me.

Upon another day I was taken to the young
khan's tent, where, besides the youth, were the daro-
gah and a host of rabble, sitting over the contents
of a whole dak from India, a recent prize. It was
comprised entirely, as far as I observed, of news-
papers and private letters, with the exception of a
public letter from Ferozpur ; a circumstance which

234 KALIKDAD'S APOLOGY.

Lieut. Hammersley, at Quetta, explained, by inform-
ing me that official letters had been for some time
despatched by Kdbal. The darogah again observed,
that four messengers with the packet had been slain,
and I was anew exhorted to represent the evil to
Lieut. Loveday. I was not asked to read the let-
ters by the darogah or young khan ; but the mob
sitting around would throw them towards me, ask-
ing, what is this, what is that ? and, throwing them
back to them, I observed they were letters from
men to their fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters,
and so forth, and could not concern them. They
became angry, and very abusive ; neither did I care
or fear to retort. The darogah himself was busy
in reading Persian letters ; he found one which con-
tained, as he said, a barat, or money-order, that he
thought worth keeping, and then took up another ;
but when he had in part perused it, he cast it away,
exclaiming it was bi fahida, or profitless. He then
rose and directed me to be led back. My friend
Kaiikdad had been summoned to this scene, and,
when I had gone, the young khan remarked to him,
" Your acquaintance refuses to read the letters;"
and the Brahtils asserted that I was worse than La-
badin, and jeered them ; Kaiikdad explained that,
amongst Feringhis, it was infamous for one to open
and read the letters of another, and that great men
would die rather than do it. On the road to our
prison apartment, some who wished me well came
by my side, aixd entreated me to be careful in my

CONVERSATION WITH THE DAROGAH. 235

language, or, as they said, the Brahdis would cut
me to pieces. I was too enraged to be able to con-
ceal my feelings, and replied, " Curse the scoundrels,
it's the only thing remaining for them to do."

The letters to Capt. Bean, and the envoy and
minister, were at length written, and sent to Quetta,
with a letter from Lieut. Loveday. That officer
took the opportunity to correct Capt. Bean, in
respect to his unfounded suspicions relating to my-
self, and instanced, what he was pleased to call my
noble and devoted conduct at Kalat, besides point-
ing out the extent and irreparable nature of my
losses. I was perfectly indifferent as to what Lieut.
Loveday might write, but he considered himself
bound in justice to refute Capt. Bean's prepos-
sessions. I was not present at the interview be-
tween the darogah and Lieut. Loveday when these
letters were decided upon, but had seen copies of
what was intended should be written. Afterwards
the darogah sent for me, and asked my opinion of
them. I replied, that the letters to the envoy
and minister had been pronounced by Lieut. Love-
day, to be very good ; but I would not venture to
say so much for his (the darogah's) own letter to
Capt. Bean. He told me not to be afraid/ and to
tell him what harm there was in it. I said its tone
was much too high, and that, if he had an object
to gain, and that object worth gaining, he should
at least be moderate in his language. The darogah
affirmed that he had no help, for Bean had written

236 PROPOSAL TO THE DAROGAH.

to him in the same style. At this meeting, the
darogah being somewhat reasonable, I conjured
him to think seriously on the state of things, and,
by a little concession, facilitate the commencement
of arrangement, which never would be accomplished
so long as letters merely recriminatory and boastful
were exchanged between Capt. Bean and himself.
He declared, that he sincerely desired an arrange-
ment ; when I ventured to tell him, there was one
thing, if he would do it, which would compel the
government to accord terms. He asked what ? I
replied, to appoint Lieut. Loveday your envoy, and
despatch him to Quetta. He looked amazed; but
I continued, that no one would do his business so
well ; experience had opened his eyes, and he had
become so convinced of former errors, that he was
prepared to advocate the cause of the khan, and
Brahuis, to an extent far beyond what I could
conscientiously advise. The darogah said, Labadin
would betray him. I answered, he could not, or
he would be spurned by his own countrymen ; and
then added, I know you have promised Faiz Ahmed
that I shall be dismissed, and that I shall not be
harmed. I am in your hands : keep me, dismiss
Loveday, and if peace be not the result, cut me
to pieces. The ddrogah stared at me for two or
three minutes, when, shaking his head, he said,
he would not release Labadiu. Much more passed,
but the dSrogah represented, that he must await
answers to the letters sent. Kalikdad, who was

ANNOYANCE OF MUSIC. 237

present, told my servant that, fearful my plain-speak-
ing might offend, he had, when I was gone, put
forth some excuse for me, but the darogah assured
him that he was pleased I should speak my mind,
and that my frankness was a proof of honesty.

The extra guards by night were regularly changed,
so that we never had the same set of men twice.
They sat up all night, and were supplied with oil
to replenish the lamp kept burning at the foot
of Lieut. Loveday's bed. To divert their incli-
nation to sleep, they told tales and sang songs,
without any respect to our rest. At length mu-
sical instruments were brought, and kept ringing
until morning, so that it was impossible to sleep.
Both Lieut. Loveday and myself thought it was a
plan to annoy us. For two or three nights we had
endured this new evil, when the darogah, at the
instance of Kalikddd, sent for me very late. My
head at the time was . distracted, as I had no bed
like my companion, nor any pillow on the ground,
and the grating of the harsh music horribly vi-
brated through my ears* I said to the darogalfs
man, that his master had hit upon a good method
of destroying us with his infernal music, and the
fellow nearly tumbled over with laughter. On
seeing the darogah, he asked if I was well, and
I asked how I could be well, when we were al-
lowed to sleep neither by day nor night, and men-
tioned the music. I also told him he had better
kill us at once, than in so cowardly a manner.

238 INTERVIEW WITH THE BAROGAH.

He smiled, and desired me to return. That night the
music was continued, but for the future he directed
Molahdad to take the instruments away from the
men who brought them. Kalikdad, it seems, was
exceedingly afraid the darogah was practising some
severities upon us, not thinking I should complain
so strongly about mere music, and, when I left, he
taxed the darogah, but the old man denied it, pro-
testing he did not wish to give us pain, but that,
if we got away, he should be laughed at. As for
me, he said I was drunk.

The letters sent to Quetta were not replied to
promptly, and this occasioned my being sent for
one night, when Molahdad and Rais Harun were
present; for the darogah had so unconquerable
an aversion to Lieut. Loveday, that he was often
accustomed to apply to me when he had anything
to communicate to, or ask of that officer. He now
wished to know why no reply had been sent from
Capt. Bean. At this meeting he asked Molah-
dad, in Brahiiiki, whether it would be of any
use to send me to Quetta. Molahdad answered
that I should be murdered on the road. Rais
Harun, here mentioned^ was an aged inhabitant
of Kalat, trusted by the darogah, and, therefore,
placed by him as a check upon the guards in our
apartment. He was reserved and civil, but un-
relentingly vigilant.

As at Kalt, we were supplied .with provisions
from the young khan's kitchen, but at length be-

INCIDENTS AT MASTUNG. 239

gan to suffer exceedingly in our narrow apartment.
Lieut. Loveday was attacked with an ague every
second day. Sampat was also sick. I had no
fever, but was otherwise unwell, and two or three
of our keepers were ailing. Rais Harun, amongst
them, was brought very low.

We knew little of what was passing amongst
the Brahuis, or more than could be gathered from
the conversation of those about us, in which they
were chary, having the belief that I understood
them. Some time after we reached Mastung a
kafila of eighty loads of tobacco, almonds, &c.,
belonging to the town, and destined for Kachi,
was plundered, when about to start, by the law-
less men assembled in the gardens. A quarrel
ensued, and Mahomed Khan, Sherwani, absented
himself from the insurgent councils for some time.
Now, a difference of opinion prevailed as to the
better course to be followed, this same Mahomed
Khan proposing to march in to* Kachi instead of
attacking Quetta. About this time, moreover, a
report spread that a kafila of government stores was
on the road from Dadar to Quetta: the Brahuis
put themselves into motion, and set off to intercept
it. The report proved false ; and there was time
to recal the men on foot, but the horsemen had
gone too far in advance to be overtaken, and had
a journey to Mach, a spot in the Bolan pass, for
nothing, but to return as empty-handed as they
went. It wa$ calculated that a thousand horse

240 ARRIVALS IN CAMP.

and about five hundred foot, started on this foray,
and which was nearly the strength of the camp,
few remaining in it.

We, of course, were able to tell when any fresh
arrivals came into the insurgent camp, as they
generally -visited us. Naihal Khan, of Kotra, had
joined at Karez Amanulah, and Mahomed Khan,
Eltarz Zai, of Kotra, joined at Mastung. With
the latter came Mir Boher, of Zehri, but with
only fifty followers, neither could he have ven-
tured into the Saharawam camp, to save himself
from future vengeance, but under the protection
of the Kotra chiefs, uncles of the young khan.
He was entirely distrusted, and called to no de-
liberation. No other chiefs of Jhalawan were pre-
sent, and no one of the least consequence from
Kachi, or other places. At the period when the
greatest number of men was assembled, it was said
that forty kharwsirs of grain were expended daily.
It was wonderful - to conceive where it *could be
found ; but there is little doubt, but that for the
aid of Diwan Eamu, the rebellion could neither
have originated or have been sustained.

The tidings of the disaster of Major Clibbom's
force in the Kahan hills did not produce so much
sensation as might have been expected, the Doda
Marris, I believe, declining any intercourse with
the insurgents, or to niake common cause with
them. The dafogah was fond of saying, that, if
peace were made, he would undertake the chastise-
ment of these Marris.

MISSION FROM CAPT. BEAN. 241

When Lieut. Loveday had written his last letter
to Capt. Bean, the darogah desired him to request
that Saiyad Mobarak Shah, of Kar&oi, and Munshi
Jan Ali, should be sent over to treat. In course
of time, we heard that a person resembling the
saiyad was in the camp, and so it proved. In the
evening I was summoned, and Lieut. Loveday de-
sired me, if there was any letter, by all means to
open it. I found the darogah and saiyad together,
and, on entering the tent, the former was explain-
ing to the latter, who wished Lieut. Loveday to
be called, that his blood boiled at the sight of him,
as he had fed his dogs on human flesh. Letters
were produced, and after urging, to no purpose,
that Lieut. Loveday should be called, I said I
was authorised to open them, and did so ; after
which I gave a version of such parts of them as
could do no harm; and in these letters there was
matter relating, for instance, to Sherbet and the
ring, which it did not behove the ddrogah to
know.

I then renewed my entreaties that Lieut. Love-
day should be called, and so earnestly, that the
darogah, being alike pressed by Saiyad Moba-
rak, yielded, first asking me whether he was in
his senses, and collected. When Lieut. Loveday
came, the saiyad explained, as he had before
done to me, that he was commissioned by Capt.
Bean to inform them that instructions had been
received from "the envoy and minister to treat, that

VOL. IV. R

242 CONFERENCE WITH THE KHAN.

there was one condition to .which the khan must
consent, and then all other terms should be granted.
Lest, he added, addressing the darogah, you should
consider me nakabil, or unskilful, in not ascertain-
ing what that one condition was, I asked Capt.
Bean to disclose it, and he said that I must first
go and learn what the khan and Brahuis wanted.
The darogah, this evening, was reasonable ; Lieut.
Loveday was pleased at the presence of the saiyad,
by whose intercession the fetters were remitted ;
and many thought a ray of hope beamed through
the dark clouds of despair which enveloped our
prospects.

On the following day both Lieut. Loveday and
myself were summoned to a formal interview at
the khan's tent, where the sirdars and principal
men were convened. On the right of the khan
were sitting two saiyads of Kalat, Mahomed Khan
Sherwani, Malek Dinar, Mahmudshahi, Mahomed
Kh&n, Eltarz Zai, and another person* On his
left were Akhund Mahomed Sidik, and various
chiefs I did not know. Saiyad Mobarak Shah
and the darogah were seated in front of the khan,
and to their right Lieut. Loveday and myself were
placed, After salutations, the Akhund made an
oration, setting forth what was wanted ; the darogah
also spoke briefly, and the young khn attempted
a speech, saying something about Sulah ! sulah !
peace I peace ! and Samshir ! samshir ! sword !

REPLIES TO CAPT. BEAN. 243

sword! meaning, that if peace were not granted,
the alternative must be the sword. Lieut. Love-
day was called upon to speak, and said, that he
was aware the Brahuis required subsistence, that
the khan wanted his father's country and money,
that he had always pressed these things on Capt.
Bean's consideration, and should do so again. I
was told to say something, and observed, I had
nothing to say. This conference was remarkable
for the order observed ; no one spoke amongst the
Brahuis but the three persons mentioned ; at least,
not audibly ; the saiyads on the khan's right, how-
ever, whispered to him many remarks to the pre-
judice of Lieut. Loveday, and of his appearance.
The demands put forth were extravagant, and the
darogah's tone was different from that he em-
ployed on the preceding evening.

Letters to Capt. Bean were despatched by Kamal
Shah, another saiyad, and companion of Saiyad
Mobarak, who awaited his return to camp. Mo-
barak Shah and the darogah called on Lieut. Love-
day, and the former called once or twice alone, but
always so watched that he could communicate no-
thing if he had wished.

The first time I saw Mobarak Shah the darogah
asked him, in Brhuiki, whether there would be
any benefit in sending me to Quetta ; the saiyad
hesitated, and made no reply ; now, when he came
to see Lieut. Loveday, he said, that when Capt

244 INDIGNATION OF THE BRAHUIS.

Bean's reply reached, and he returned, as he could
not ask for Lieut. Loveday, he would take me with
him.

The period allowed for the reply in question
had passed, and a letter came from Kamal Shah,
stating, that he met with nothing but promises and
delays. Eventually, however, he appeared, hear-
ing letters for the young khan and for Lieut.
Loveday. A packet, containing Capt. Bean's let-
ter, and many private letters, was given to the
latter, without observation, and unopened. The pri-
vate letter, explanatory of the terms proposed, I did
not think objectionable, as, on condition of hold-
ing Kalat from the shah, the son of Mehrab was
to be acknowledged khan of Balochist&n. Saha-
rawan and Kachi were not to be immediately re-
stored, but remuneration was held forth. It was
even said, that the only way by which an advance
of money could be justified would be by the prompt
acceptance of the terms. Supposing Capt. Bean
wrote in sincerity, I supposed that the Brahufs had
no occasion to be displeased.

We heard, however, that high indignation was
excited by Capt. Bean's letter to the young khan,
but it was not shown to us, nor were we made
cognizant of its contents.

Some time after I was summoned by the da-
rogah, and Lieut. Loveday gave me Capt. Bean's
letter, that I might be prepared if it was needed.
I put it into my pocket. Mahomed KMn, Eltarz

NEWSPAPERS. 245

Zai, and many chiefs, were present, but none of
the sirdars or principal ones. They had a batch of
newspapers lying before them, which had been sent
for Lieut. Loveday, but in a parcel separate from
the letters. I was plagued to tell them what they
were, and found it difficult to make them under-
stand. They told me to read them in English,
and I read two or three lines of a new tragedy re-
viewed in one of them, and appealed to the da-
rogah that it was verse. He caught the rhythm,
smiled, and said it was poetry. The chiefs amused
themselves by worrying me, and throwing first one
paper and then another at me, asking what
they were, and I asked them if they had not eyes,
and could not see they were all the same. They
were pleased still to annoy, and became very scur-
rilous, when I appealed to the darogah if he was
not unreasonable in allowing them so much free-
dom, and he smiled, and his eye chancing to glance
upon my pocket, he asked what I had there. I
told him Capt. Bean's letter, and he then inquired
what was written in it. I answered, that Lieut.
Loveday had given it to me that I might tell him,
but he could not expect I could do so before such
a set of fellows as those now with him. He seemed
by his looks to approve this answer, and Mahomed
Khan, taking pity, said, " Let .him go back to his
room." The darogah took up the words, and told
me to return.
At noon there was a numerous meeting at the daro-

246 RESOLVE OF THE BRAHUIS.

gab's tent. It was noisily conducted, and terminated
by the repetition of fatiha, and the determination
to kill both of us, and advance upon Quetta. We
soon learned the circumstance from the conver-
sation of our guards, who, in anticipation, assigned
to each other our respective garments, one select-
ing Lieut. Loveday's postin, another fixing on my
lunghi, and so forth. Lieut. Loveday understood
enough of the Brahuz dialect to comprehend the
drift of what was said, and became dejected. He
had never, I believe, really feared that worse could
happen to him than mere detention as a hostage
for Rehimdad, a Bakkar prisoner. Saiyad Moba-
rak took leave of us, saying that no letters would
be given to him, and that negotiation was closed.
The darogah sent for Lieut. Loveday's seal ring,
which was given up.

Lieut. Loveday communicated to me his fears,
and I remarked that we were in the power of the
villains, and helpless, but, to console him, pointed
out that the saiyad was still in camp, and so
long as he remained violence would be deferred.
Neither could it be done without the consent of
the darogah and sirdars, who, we were told, were
absent when the fatiha was repeated. The people
about us seemed to think the resolution final, and
Lieut. Loveday observed to me, that Molahd&Ts
countenance was changed. All who dropped in
also made no secret of the affair, and gave us
up for lost. The tragedy was to be enacted

ADVICE OF RAIS EARUN.

next morning, previous to an intended march to
Tfri.

Nalhal Khan, the cook, was to be spared, be-
cause he was a Mussulman, and Pir Baksh, the
son of Kalikdad, a brother of Rehimdad, told Sam-
pat he should be saved, and put over his grain-
stores.

In the evening Naihal KMn went to the khan's
kitchen for our daily meal, which was given as
usual, but he returned in great terror, and re-
peated the horrid language he had heard, and wept
bitterly, exclaiming in his agony, Oh ! the asMb !
the asbab ! the property ! the property ! we have
been victims to the property ! In truth, such was, I
believe, the case, though it was now useless to reflect
upon it. Lieut. Loveday was nearly unmanned by
the grief of his servant.

Of those about us, Rais Harun seemed most
affected, and taking his opportunity, earnestly told
Lieut. Loveday to ask to see the darogah. " Who
will procure the meeting ?" said Lieut. Loveday. " I
will," answered the Rais. " Why do you not speak
to me? I can manage so much as that." Lieut. Love-
day gladly requested him to exert his influence.
The Rais instructed him what he should say, and
how he should act at the meeting. Amongst
other things, he advised Lieut. Loveday to urge
that I might be sent to Quetta, to represent his
situation to Capt. Bean; and recommended that
Lieut. Loveday should lay hold on the darogah's

248 CAPT. BEAN'S LETTER.

garment, and implore his protection. Lieut. Love-
day promised to say and to do all, and the interview
was arranged.

With the darogah were Saiyad Mobarak Shah,
Rais Hartin, two Hindus, R&mu and Tekh Chand
of Kalat, and, I believe, Molahdad. When we
first entered there were also the young son of
Rehimdad, the Bakkar prisoner, the son of Kalik-
dad, nephew to Rehimdad, with two or three sai-
yads of Mastting. They had, clearly, been soliciting
the darogah's mercy, being interested, on account o
the fate of Rehimdad; and the old man spoke
kindly to them, while the saiyads as they retired
said, "Peace, ddrogah, peace."

Capt. Bean's letter to the khan was handed to
Lieut. Loveday, who read it, and loudly expressed
indignation, both at the matter and at the terms in
which it was conveyed. 1st, The khan was to sur-
render Kalat ; 2nd, he was to go to Kandahar, and
make his obedience to the shah ; 3rd, he was to
do whatever was hereafter required of him. On
these conditions he should be acknowledged. Sai-
yad Mobarak was ashamed of his mission, and
condemned the letter as heartily as Lieut. Loveday.
The darogah said he would preserve the letter, to
show the lord sahib what a fool Bean was.

In the course of conversation, Lieut. Loveday asked
the darogah to allow me to go to Quetta, to repre-
sent his situation, but the darogah said I should
not go. He repeated the request five or six times,

ASSENT TO MY DEPARTURE. 249

the darogah refused. At length, when we were
told to return to our chamber, Lieut. Loveday
placed his hands on fhe darogah's feet, saying he
was his prisoner, and at his mercy, but craved his
protection. I did not think the darogah 'was dis-
pleased at the act. He said, at first, " Khair ast," it
is well ; and, finally, Lieut. Loveday continuing his
hands in their position, he said " Khata jam bashi,"
or, be at ease. We took leave, and Rais Harun
was much pleased that Lieut. Loveday had per-
formed his part so well. This night, however, the
fetters were again used.

About midnight Rais Harun came, and informed
us, that he had been until that time striving to
persuade the darogah to sanction my journey to
Quetta* but to no purpose.

Early next morning the Rais was again with the
darogah, and on his return, to the surprise of every
one, told me to get ready for Quetta, and Lieut.
Loveday to prepare a letter for Capt. Bean. Saiyad
Mobarak Shah then came and conversed some time.
He said Capt. Bean was a very good man, but was
too obstinate, and prayed me to entreat him to
yield a little in his obstinacy.

Lieut. Loveday was engaged in writing a letter ;
and other delays took place, until noon. I was very
doubtful whether I should be permitted to leave, and
to get ready gave me no trouble, as I had no other
clothes than those I wore. At length, however, I
was told to come out of the room, and, to my amaze-

250 DEPARTURE FROM MASTUNG.

ment, instead of being conducted to the darogah, to
the khan, or to any one else, I was led straight
through the gardens and put behind another man on
horseback. Crowds of Brahuis assembled to see the
il, or brother of Labadin, as they called me, but dis-
played merely a little mirth, much to my satis-
faction, and that of Molahdad, who, with four horse-
men, was to escort me to Feringab&d, and who had
feared obstruction from the unruly mob. When
we had quite cleared the gardens of the place, we
awaited the arrival of Kamal Shah, who was to
accompany me to Quetta, and bring back Capt.
Bean's answer, should I remain. On taking leave
of Lieut. Loveday I promised to request Capt.
Bean to go as far as his instructions permitted him.
Lieut. Loveday said, " Tell him to go beyond them."
In shaking hands with him, I observed, " Some of
these people may not believe I shall come back ;
you know I will."

When Kaml Shh joined us, a horse was pro-
vided for me, and we started for Quetta. Mo-
lahdad and his party accompanied us nearly to the
Lak, or small pass, north of Feringabad. In a line
with the village of Tiri three or four horsemen
were standing to the left, with their horses' heads
turned towards us, and, after a pause, advanced in
our direction. Molahdad and I were considerably
in front when they came up with. Kamal Shah be-
hind us, and it turned out that, though they lagged

ROUTE TO QUETTA. 251

behind, they intended to profit by his company, and
go to Quetta. I heard Molahdad tell his party
that they were charis, or spies.

Upon gaining the crest of the Lak, the boundary
between the JVIastung and Quetta districts, the
saiyad asked me if we should wait for the horse-
men behind, falsely stating that he had engaged
them as a protection to me. I answered, he
might please himself, but his servant preferring
to go on, we did not halt. A bleak plain stretches
for five or six miles from the Lak, to Sir i ab,
where may be said to commence the cultivated
plain of Quetta, which we passed without meeting
any one, although we observed a horseman skulk-
ing in a ravine to our right, apparently wishing to
escape our observation. It was night before we
approached Quetta, the two or three hamlets we
passed through being deserted by their inhabitants,
and the village of Karani, at the skirts of the hills,
on our left, being denoted by the numerous fires ;
for, belonging to saiyads, and therefore a neutral
place, it had become a refuge to the trembling
. people of the plain, as well as to many Br&htiis.
As we advanced we were challenged by the out-
picquets of the force, and detained until Lieut.
Hamrnersley, the assistant to Capt. Bean, was in-
formed of our arrival. A messenger returned with
instructions to allow us to proceed. Kamal SMh
told the picquets, if four horsemen arrived, as he ex-

252 MEETING WITH CAPT. BEAN.

pected, to inform them lie had gone to Karani. I
privately suggested their detention, and report to
Lieut. Hammersley.

When I saw Lieut. Hammersley I told him I
much wished to give Lieut. Loveday's letter to
Capt. Bean immediately ; and we walked to the town
where the political agent was residing, in the old
citadel, or miri. Capt. Bean arose from his slum-
bers, and repaired to a room, where we joined
him, and I presented the letter of which I was
the bearer. He was displeased at the contents,
inferring, from his remark, that the situation of
Lieut. Loveday only excused his manner of writing.
I said little, but thought the observation unfeeling
and needless, for though I cannot remember what
was written, the letter contained nothing objec-
tionable. We conversed but for a short time,
and were retiring, when Capt. Bean called Lieut.
Hammersley back, who signified to me that Capt.
Bean invited me to breakfast next morning. Lieut.
Hammersley conducted me to Ms tent in the camp,
which he shared with Lieut. Cooper of the artillery,
where I passed the night.

253

CHAPTER IX.

Conversation with Capt. Bean. Placed in arrest. Singularity
of the proceeding. Capt. Bean's queries. Meeting with
him. His reason for his conduct. Impressions as to the En-
voy and Minister. Inhuman treatment of Capt. Bean. Ap-
prehensions at Quetta. The Envoy and Minister's letter.
Defeat of the Brdhuis, and death of Lieut. Loveday Reco-
very of Kalat Revolution in feeling. Letters from Cal-
cutta. Inquiry of Mr. Ross Bell. Capt. Bean's confes-
sion. Close of Mr. Bell's inquiry. His recommendation to
Government. Support of the Envoy and Minister. Evasion
of the Government. Colonel Stacey's generosity. Depar-
ture from Quetta. Incidents in the Bolan Pass. Arrival at
Dadar. Molahda'd's' testimony. Route through Kachi.
State of the country. Mir Fati Khan. His gratitude and
offers. Arrival at Karachi. Bombay. Settlement of Ba-
lochistan. Colonel Stacey's acknowledgment. Benefits of
Colonel Stacey's successful exertions Departure from Bom-
bay to England. Memorial to the Court of Directors. Se-
cond Memorial. Results. Concluding remarks.

IN the morning I followed Lieut. Hammersley to
Capt. Bean's residence, and had a long conversation
with him on the affairs of the Brahuis, as well as on
the situation of Lieut. Loveday. I regretted, for
the latter officer's sake, that I was too plainly ad-
dressing a weak man, puffed up with absurd con-
ceptions of his official importance, and so unin-
formed of the nature of things, that it was wasting

254 CONVERSATION WITH CAPT. BEAN.

words to speak to him. He had not the politeness
to ask me to be seated, and gave audience much in
the same way as a heavy country magistrate in Eng-
land would do to a poacher.

Urging the necessity of making every effort to
relieve Lieut. Loveday, I noticed the interest taken
by the darogah, and others in the rebel camp, as to
Behimdad, one of the Bakkar prisoners, and pro-
posed that some assurance should be made about
him, with the view of creating amongst his friends
an interest in the preservation of Lieut. Loveday.
This did not accord with Capt. Bean's notions, but
he said he would write to the darogah now, which I
understood he had not before done, and likewise to
Molahdad (Lieut. Loveday's keeper), offering him a
sum of money to effect the escape of his charge.
I knew this would be useless, still it might be tried.

When I alluded to the subject of my return,
Capt. Bean said there was no reason for it, and he
should write to the darogah that Tie had detained
me for a few days, to know better about his affairs.
I observed, that to give me a fair chance, if I was
to return at all, it was right I should be punctual.
He replied, my return could not save Lieut. Love-
day, nor improve his condition; moreover, I had
brought no letter from the darogah. He affected
to believe that no harm would befal Lieut. Love-
day, as the Brahuis never killed their prisoners.

Capt. Bean finally informed me, that he had been
so good as to provide an abode for me while I might

ARREST AND REFLECTIONS. 255

remain at Quetta, and he directed a person to show
the way to it. I was conducted to the upper apart-
ment of a Hindu's house, and immediately an armed
guard of troopers and chaprassis was placed over it.
Beyond doubt I was a prisoner, though Capt. Bean

had not let fall a word to intimate his intention,

and I could but smile at the oddness of a man
inviting me to breakfast, and then sending me into
confinement.

Of course, I remembered the paragraph in Capt.
Bean's letter to Lieut. Loveday, which even made
my journey to Quetta more agreeable to me, as
giving me the opportunity to demand an explana-
tion of it ; yet, supposing that Lieut. Loveday's
testimony in reply thereto would have satisfied, in
some measure, the political agent in Shall, I made
np allusion to it in the conference I had just held
with him, not wishing to ruffle his mind, or to dis-
tract his attention from Lieut. Loveday's case.

I could not, indeed, forbear to reflect that I had
met with an odd reception in the camp of my coun-
trymen, after conduct which Lieut. Loveday had
been compelled to own was " devoted and noble,"
after long endurance of outrage and suffering in the
bondage of the Brahuis, and after most serious
losses ; all of which evils had been incurred through
the desire to be useful to the very government
whose servant had ventured upon so indecent a
step.

I was conscious that Capt. Bean would repent his

256 REASON FOR ARREST.

conduct, "whether due to simplicity or to a baser
motive, and had the consolation to know that in-
quiry (its necessary consequence) would, if honestly
carried out, reveal many circumstances redounding
to my credit, which otherwise might have remained
unknown.

Anxious to learn the reasons for my confinement,
I was glad to receive a letter from Capt. Bean, on
the second day of my arrest. Although it contained
merely queries as to the route by which I had tra-
velled to Kalat, and why, having once left it, I
had returned to it ; I answered this communication,
knowing him to be as well acquainted as myself
with the route ; although I had never left Kalat,
as he seemed to hint, and therefore had never
returned to it. Grieving that he should labour
under delusion of any kind, I again wrote to
him, suggesting an interview, as the better course
for removing his misunderstanding. This led to a
meeting, when I was surprised to hear that his
suspicions had originated in a letter from Major
Outram, about a Russian agent and an army of
Arabs in Kej; and though I marvelled at being
mistaken for a Russian agent (the only inference I
could draw from the tale), I concluded I must abide
what there was no help for, and await the result of
a report, which he said had been made to the envoy
and minister at KabaL

I left Capt. Bean, not much enlightened upon the
subject of my arrest, but rather with feelings of

CAPT. BEAN'S LETTER. 257

pity than of anger, and not doubting but that the
envoy and minister would repudiate his suspicions,
might, at the time, have given myself no further
trouble. My imprisonment was, however, accom-
panied with treatment so ignominious and unjustifi-
able, that I could attribute it only to the operation
of a malignity of purpose, which, from whatever
cause arising, Capt. Bean was unlikely to avow.
Considering, therefore, that, as a British subject, I
had rights which were not to be wantonly invaded,
and that I was privileged to know the reason for
my confinement, I called upon the political agent
to state it in plain terms* I record his reply :

" To MR. MASSON, Quetta.

"SIR,

" In reply to your communication just received,
I beg to acquaint you that you are detained here by
authority, which authority has been applied to for
further instruction, and which, when received, will
be duly communicated to you.

" I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) " J. D. D. BEAN,

Political Agent in Sh&wl."
" Quetta, the 29th Sept, 1840."

Aware, from previous conversation, that the au-
thority alluded to was the envoy and minister, this
document relieved me from the pain of holding
further communication with Capt. Bean. If the
fact were truly stated, the order for my arrest must

VOL. iv. s

258 IMPRESSIONS.

liave been received at Quetta previous to my arrival
there, and this led me to reflect on the possibility
that the envoy and minister, indulging his personal
resentment, had resolved to interrupt my travels
and researches, which I could conceive might be
disagreeable to him, both as being carried on with-
out his patronage, and as calculated to interfere
with others, working in the same field under his
favour. Such impressions, however discreditable to
the honour of the envoy and minister, and of hu-
man nature, I could not dismiss wholly from my
mind, well knowing that that unfortunate man was
one of a class who lightly estimated the respect due
to those who had chanced to incur their displeasure,
and I could fancy I had mortally offended him, in
presuming to act upon my own will in the recent
expedition to KSbal. It was still difficult to be-
lieve that, even for so disgraceful an object, he
would be so bold as to fabricate charges of high
treason against me ; to go so far he must be a
demon, and this was more than I supposed him
to be; yet, reverting to Capt. Bean's letter to
Lieu^t. Loveday, I knew not how to think other-
wise, for therein it was pretty plainly intimated,
that my presence at Kalat had been connected
with the outbreak, and if so, certainly I had been
guilty of high treason.

Under this new aspect of the case, I addressed
the envoy and minister briefly, and despatched a
longer letter to the officiating secretary to the

INHUMANITY OF CAPT. BEAN. 259

supreme government; moreover, to obviate the
chance of any objection being raised to my future
travels, I wrote to the governor-general's private
secretary, Mr. Colvin, requesting his lordship's
permission, if necessary, and explaining that I
should have asked it before leaving Karachi, had I
thought, or even had I suspected that, as a mat-
ter of courtesy, it would have been required or
wished.

I had now, awaiting the result of these several
applications, to linger in confinement, which Capt.
Bean's inhumanity made as annoying as possible.
His first intention seemed to be literally to starve
me, and on one occasion I passed two entire days
and three nights without food. As I scorned to
refer to him on such a point, I might have fasted
longer, had not one of the guard, unsolicited by me,
gone and reported the circumstance. Colonel Sta-
cey, besides, who was in the camp, and the only
officer who, in face of the known rancour of Capt.
Bean, had the courage to call upon me, made some
representation to the political officers, which pro-
cured a promise that I should be kept from dying of
hunger, and the consequence was, that two cakes of
dry bread were brought to me morning and evening
from the bazar. On this fare I subsisted several
days, until a second representation from Colonel
Stacey procured me the addition of three-farthings 1
worth of sheep's entrails, also from the bazar, and
brought in an earthen platter; a mess, certainly,

260 VISIT FROM LIEUT HAMMERSLEY.

which any dog in Quetta might have claimed for
his own. I thought this kind of insult was carried
too far, and sent the foul mess to the camp. Co-
lonel Stacey did more than I wished, as I had
merely written to him to witness it ; for he showed
it to his brother officers, and then had it conveyed
to Lieut. Hammersley, the assistant of Capt. Bean.
This brought Lieut. Hammersley in haste to me,
and he exclaimed, very innocently, " Good God !
why did you send that mess to Colonel Stacey?
Why did you not send it to me ? It will disgrace
us.'* I thought that was a subject for his considera-
tion, not mine, and told Mm so ; when, after some
conversation, he proposed to make me an advance of
one hundred rupees, to which I consented ; and I
may also observe, that some time after I repaid him
the amount. At the commencement of my incar-
ceration, a felt cloak had been stripped from the
back of a Hindu walking in the street, and this was
intended to cover me by night. I could not use a
garment filled with vermin, and suffered somewhat
from cold, until Colonel Stacey kindly supplied me
from his limited camp stock with such articles as
relieved me from cold, and enabled me to change
my clothes-

For some days after my arrival the movements
of the Brahfiis at Mastung were cause of anxiety
at Quetta. Sometimes extra companies were
marched into the town, and the camp was under
arms, a force of three thousand disciplined men,

ADVANCE UPON KALAT. 261

apprehending attack from half the number of rude,
and ill armed insurgents ! At length a report
prevailed of the rebels' advance to Berg, and Lieut.
Hammersley started with the Kassi irregular
horse, to reconnoitre. On approaching Berg, he
fell in with the advanced guard, and fled in
such haste that two or three men of his party,
worse mounted than their companions, were over-
taken and slain. So well had the flight been
sustained, that on reaching Quetta one or two
horses fell dead upon the ground. The Khak
peasantry of Berg gallantly defended their property
against the Brahui spoilers, which so much dis-
concerted the latter that it favoured a split in
their councils, and led to their retreat upon Mas-
tting, whence they finally marched upon Dadar.

The road to Kalat being now open, and the
requisite marching preparations being completed,
the force under Major-General Nott moved from
cantonment to an adjacent village. Just at this
time the reply ^f the envoy and minister to my
letter arrived, for so I was informed, but it was
withheld from me for some five or six days, until
the army had passed Mastting ; and I could not
but suppose the reason to be, that Capt. Bean had
learned I had received permission from the major-
general to accompany his corps to Kalat, in case
a satisfactory reply from the Kabal functionary
arrived. When the letter was ultimately handed
to me, it proved a most extraordinary one, and I

262 THE ENYOY AND MINISTER'S LETTER.

place it on record, deeming It as worthy of such
distinction as the preceding one of Capt. Bean.

"To C. MASSON, ESQ. Quetta.
" I have received your letter dated the 29th ultimo,
and in reply, I have the honour to acquaint you
that I did authorize Captain Bean to detain you at
Quetta, until the pleasure of the Governor-General
in council should be ascertained as to your being
permitted to prosecute your travels in countries
subject to the crown of Cabool, since, so far as
I know, you are without permission to do so, either
from the British Government, or from his Majesty
Shah Shooja ool Moolk.

"I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) " W. H. MACNAGHTEN,

" Envoy and Minister."
"Cabool, 10th October, 1840."

I was astonished to find no mention of Capt.
Bean's suspicions, and grounds stated for my impri-
sonment, which, judging from that officer's silence,
must have been as novel to him as to me, and
therefore in acknowledging the receipt of the com-
munication I took care to allude to them, and to
express my surprise on other points.

I then wrote a second letter to the private
secretary of the governor^general, withdrawing
my request for permission from his lordship to
travel, feeling it beneath me, on every account, to
solicit what his lordship had not the legal power

DEATH OF LIEUT. LOVEDAY. 263

to prevent, particularly when the envoy and min-
ister had made the question of such permission the
plea to justify his arbitrary and shameless conduct.

As the matter had been referred to Calcutta,
I was satisfied with having formerly addressed the
officiating secretary, and did not trouble myself to
offer other explanation in that quarter, but it was
with much disgust I found myself doomed to exist
for an indefinite period, in captivity, with the politi-
cal agent of Quetta as my jailer.

After the force marched upon Kalat, tidings
were received of the dispersion of the Brahui camp
near Dadar, and of the slaughter of Lieut. Loveday,
an event which, I must confess, did not surprise me,
for it was one which some unforeseen good fortune
or accident only could have prevented. The com-
panion of the ill-fated officer at Kalat, the malice of
my enemies had unwittingly saved me from a
similar end, my certain portion had I been with
him in the camp.

Whether all was done that ought to have been
done, or that might have been done, to preserve
Lieut. Loveday, I shall not inquire. To exchange
prisoners is no unusual practice, and a proposal to
have released Rehimdad from Bakkar might have
prevented Lieut. Loveday's death, as, unquestion-
ably, it would have given many an interest in his
preservation. My permission to depart from Mas-
tung to Quetta, with Lieut. Loveday's letter, had
Capt- Bean's desire to come to an understanding

264 ENTRY INTO KALAT.

been sincere, which there is much reason to doubt,
might also have been made instrumental both for
such object and for Lieut. Loveday's release. Neither
would I have shrank from any fair risk to aid
in the promotion of these objects ; however, in
one respect, they were indifferent to me. Capt.
Bean, in one of his latter notes to Lieut. Loveday,
professed to be amused at the interest pretended
by the Brahuis for the Bakkar prisoners, as they had
effected the ruin of Mehrab Khan, and as Capt.
Beanos notions were peculiar, there was no gainsay-
ing them. Mr. Ross Bell, however, about this
time, restored these men to freedom. I know not
his motives, neither the precise date, though I am
nearly certain it was before he could have heard of
Lieut. Loveday's death; and I should hope the
release was made with the view to avert that
catastrophe, which unquestionably it was well adapt-
ed to do.

News of the success at Dadar, and Lieut. Love-
day's doom, reached the force of Major-General
Nott as it entered into Kal&t, deserted by its
inhabitants. A deputation was with difficulty as-
sembled to meet the general, and to inform him,
that the evacuated town was at his mercy. Colonel
Stacey marched into the citadel and hoisted the
British standard, the band playing the appropriate
tune of " Order in the land." Mir Azem Khan,
the young 'khan's uncle, who had been left governor,
fled as soon as he heard that the force had reached

CHANGE OF OPINIONS. 265

Mastiing, and in such haste that he left the town
bare-footed. He carried with him, however, the
sipahis, who had formed Lieut. Loveday's escort,
and sought refuge in Zehri. These men were soon
recovered by the promptitude of Lieut. Hammers-
ley, with the exception of the aged and infirm
Subahdar, who strayed from his path on the journey
to Kalat, and was never more heard of; and of a
youth, Omar DarAz, a munshi, who understood
English pretty well, and who returned to Zehri
after having left it, terrified by the toil and peril of
the mountain route.

When I was at first imprisoned at Quetta I could
not but be aware that there was a general bad feeling
against me on part of the several officers in camp, as
to which I was careless, knowing that it arose from
the unfounded statements made by the political
agent and his assistant, and would, therefore, change
in time. Before the departure of the force towards
Kalat a better disposition began to prevail, and,
after the recovery of the place, when every oppor-
tunity had been afforded to obtain a knowledge of
the occurrences there, and of the part I had taken
in them, I inquired of an officer, on his return, as
to the opinion now entertained by his companions,
and was answered, that there was but one opinion,
that my treatment was most unmerited, and that
government would be obliged to give me a situation.

A regiment had been left in Kalat, and details
stationed at Mastdng, while the bulk of the force,

266 THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S INSTRUCTIONS.

under the major-general, retired upon Kandahar,
without passing through Quetta. Having crossed
the Khwojak Pass, Colonel Stacey received orders
from Mr. Ross Bell to assume political charge of
Kalat, as he justly observed, that an officer of ex-
perience was required to settle a country so com-
pletely disorganized.

About this period I received letters from Mr.
Colvin and Mr. Maddock, the latter, secretary to
government, informing me that my case had been
placed in the hands of Mr. Boss Bell. A copy of
the instructions to Mr. Bell accompanied the secre-
tary's letter, and I quote the concluding paragraph,
as a proof of the trifling and wanton mode in which
an individual's feelings and interest may be treated,
when it is thought fit to do so. I say nothing of
its absurdity.

Extract. " Mr. Masson will be informed that the
subject has thus been placed in your hands, and,
under any circumstances, his lordship, in council, is
disposed to believe that it will be advisable, that
that gentleman should not at present continue to
prosecute his travels in the Afghan and Baloch
countries; but if you should be satisfied that no
important inconvenience is likely to follow a per-
mission to Mr. Masson to pursue his own wishes in
that respect, you are at liberty to act upon this
view, after communication with Sir William Mac-
naghten; otherwise you might facilitate his early
return to Bombav."

CORRESPONDENCE. 267

Within a few days I received a communication
from Mr. Ross Bell, followed, before my answer
could have been received, by another, apprising me
that he had directed Capt. Beau to afford me an
" opportunity of recording any explanation I might
consider proper, regardiug circumstances connected
with my proceedings, as might have appeared to
him to be peculiar."

Could I have forgotten the insult offered to me,
or have lightly considered how my feelings and
liberty had been sported with, I might have been
amused to find the officer directed to inquire into
my conduct, thus compelled to admit that no
reason for my arrest was contained in the evidence
before him, supplied by the envoy and minister
and by Capt. Bean, and to witness him reduced
to crave that the latter officer would, at least, in-
form me what his suspicions were.

Capt. Bean was constrained to address Mr. Ross
Bell, and to send a copy of his letter to me. I
know not if he was ashamed of his production ; I
was both ashamed to receive and to notice it. The
miserable man concluded by the remarkable con-
fession, that his " reply to Mr. Bell's communication
of the 13th ultimo would have acquainted him that
nothing further had transpired by which the dis-
loyalty of Mr. Masson as a British subject could
be established ;" and this, after the collection of a
host of depositions at Kalat, and after the examina-
tion of the sipahis and servants of Lieut. Loveday.

268 RESULT OF INQUIRY.

Mr. Ross Bell, who at this time had in attend-
ance upon him the ex-chiefs of Kalat, Mir Boher of
Zehri, and numbers of Brahiii chiefs, and others
who had been present at Kalit throughout the
period of my stay there, of course possessed the
most satisfactory evidence as regarded my conduct,
which could not be but well known to all of them 5
and this was so complete, that again, without waiting
for Capt. Bean's letter, or for my explanation, he ad-
dressed me, under date the 9th January, acquainting
me " that the inquiry he had been directed by govern-
ment to institute had been brought to a conclusion ;
that he considered me entirely freed from the suspi-
cion, which was, in the first instance, attached to me
with reference to the late unfortunate events at
Kalat, and that he was satisfied that my conduct as
regarded Lieut. Loveday was actuated by desire to be
of service to that ill-fated officer." The letter closed
T>y regretting " that any misapprehension should
have <#used me to he so long detained, and by stating
that copies of this letter, and of the correspondence
connected with it, should be submitted for the con-
sideration of the Right Hon. the Governor-General
of India in council,"

I had no reason but to be satisfied with Mr.
Bell's conduct of the inquiry, which was necessarily
limited, and, as he afterwards told me, he had no-
thing to do with the underplot ; but I should have
been better pleased bad it been carried further, for
I still found that " suspicions" had been attached to

RECOMMENDATION OF MR. BELL. 269

my conduct, and I conceived I was entitled to know
why, a mystery not explained by Capt. Bean, nei-
ther do I know to this day. In his report to govern-
ment, Mr. Bell, however, stated, that " no grounds
of suspicion ever existed," and he recommended that
I " should be remunerated for the trouble and an-
noyance to which I had been so unjustly subjected."
When I subsequently saw him, he informed me of
this recommendation, and further, that he had called
upon the envoy and minister to support it, I also
learned, from an authentic source, that the latter
functionary responded to the call, and while endea-
vouring to defend Capt. Bean, recommended that I
should receive compensation. The supreme go-
vernment was probably at a loss how to act upon
this occasion, the magnanimity of acknowledging
error was not one of the virtues inherent in the
nature of the clique then surrounding the governor-
general ; and, playing upon his feeble energies, the
members of that clique had made themselves a little
too conspicuous in the affair, and it was terrible to
be compelled to confess discomfiture. It was, there-
fore, resolved to refer the matter to England, and
there to the secret committee.

In the first letter I received from Mr. Bell, of the
14th December, he had desired me to state my
wishes with regard to my future movements, and to
inform him of the line of country it was my inten-
tion to pass through in the event of prosecuting my
travels in Central Asia. I did not choose to do

270 GENEROSITY OF COL. STACEY.

quite so much, and in reply, merely observed that I
should be pleased to revisit Kalat under the hope of
recovering some of the manuscripts I had lost. In
Mr. Bell's second letter, of the 22nd December, he
wrote, that if I was desirous to return towards Shi-
karpur, no objection existed, at the same time de-
siring me to consider no wish was conveyed on his
part, the only desire being, as far as lay in his
power, to shorten detention. In Mr. Bell's third
letter, of 9th January, he, without hesitation, acceded
to my wish to revisit Kalat, and informed me that
he had addressed both Capt. Bean and Col. Stacey,
to provide escorts to ensure my safe arrival. I had,
however, acted on the intimation conveyed in the
second letter, as I found myself just in that situa-
tion in which, wherever I went, I must neglect
something, and I judged, upon the whole, I had
better proceed towards Mr. Bell, especially as I did
not then know the inquiry would be so soon closed.
Moreover, my friend Col. Stacey was at Kalat, and
I could depend upon his exertions in behalf of my
lost manuscripts.

It behoves me to record that CoL Stacey, as soon
as he knew Mr. Bell had charge of the inquiry, at
once wrote to him, pointing out the injustice of
my confinement as a malefactor, and offered him-
self as security for my liberation, on parole. He,
moroever, furnished testimony which was important,
as he was placed in a position to be well acquainted
With my innocence or guilt.

ROUTE THROUGH THE BOLAN PASS. 271

As Capt. Bean had been desired by Mr. Bell to
provide me with an escort through the Bolan Pass,
in case I proceeded to Shik&rpur, he informed me
that a saiyad was just starting, in company with a
havildar's party for Dadar, in charge of the camels of
some regiment, and that the opportunity was a good
one. I did not stay to inquire whether it was or
not, but left Quetta, on foot, and joined the saiyad at
Sir i ab. We thence proceeded to Sir-i-Bolan, and
again marched to Bibi Nani, where, at midnight, we
heard the pleasant tidings that a marauding band
of two hundred Harris was located at some dis-
tance from us. We immediately decamped, and
on the road to Kirta, the moon having sunk beneath
the horizon, observed through the darkness in our
front a number of small lights, plainly proceeding
from the kindled matches of an armed party. We
first suspected we had fallen into the danger we
had songht to avoid, but on our unknown visitors
arriving parallel to us, they proved to be Brahuis,
carrying a kafila of merchandise through the pass,
and set into motion by the same fear of a meeting
with the Harris as we were. We passed Kirta on
our left before day, and proceeding through the
remaining portion of the hills, finally halted, towards
evening, on the plain of Dadar, some three or four
miles from the British camp.

Next morning I walked down to the camp, and,
had the pleasure to meet old Karachi friends in
Hajor Forbes and his brother officers, of the 2nd

272 KOUTJB THROUGH KACHI.

Bombay grenadiers, and remained their guest four
or five days before starting for Shikarpur. While
at Dadar, Molahdad, who had been the keeper of
Lieut, Loveday and myself, called upon me. He
had now little reason to conceal anything, and I
inquired of him respecting certain points. His
answers were generally as I anticipated; but he
informed me of one circumstance attending the cor-
respondence of Capt. Bean with the young khan in
his ostensible effort to effect an arrangement, which
demands attention. Capt. Bean's letters were inva-
riably couched in the style assumed by a master
addressing a slave, and were consequently deemed
to be insincere. I was struck with this information,
and desired Molahdad to repeat the opening address
of any of the letters he might remember. He did
so, and it was obvious that from such letters no good
could arise. Whether Capt, Bean, or his munshi
by whom he was governed, was to blame on this
account, I know not.

From Dadar we journeyed across the plain of
Kachi to Haji Shehar, B^gh, Kasim ka Jok, and
Barshora on the edge of the Pat of Shikarpur,
which we crossed, and at Jani Dera met Mr. Ross
Bell. So entirely had the country been devastated,
that I could no longer recognize it to be the same I
had traversed some fourteen years before. Villages,
then flourishing, had ceased to exist ; those remain-
ing were destitute of their attendant groves of trees,
and even the very waste had been denuded of the

GRATITUDE OF FATI KHAN. 273

jangal of small trees and shrubs, once spreading
over its surface. There "was no fear, indeed, of losing
the road, as formerly, for that was now well marked
by the skeletons of camels and other animals, whose
bleached and bleaching bones too well described it,
and the nature of the operations which had been
carried on. I passed two days the guest of Mr.
Bell, who made me an unreserved offer of anything
in his camp ; and, on parting, I received from him
many assurances of his good opinion, and even of
his esteem.

At Sakkar I met, at the Residency, Fati Khan,
the brother of the ex-chief of Kalat. He was
overjoyed at seeing me, though our intercourse had
been very trifling ; and I had no great opinion of
him. In contrast with the proceedings of the
political officers at Quetta and Kabal, as well as
of those of the government, I may be excused if I
relate, that this young man came privately to me,
and prayed me to accept a sum of five hundred
rupees, being what he could then command, and
'the best horse he had, while he conjured me to
visit his brother, Shah Naw&z, at LarkMna, who
would give me tents, and share with me everything
he possessed. I of course declined his offers ; and
though I should have liked to see Shah Nawaz, he
was too far out of the way. I however had heard
from others, how much he rejoiced at my escape
from destruction, and how deeply he valued my
disinterested exertion at Kalat. Such marks of

VOL. IV. T

274 SUCCESS OF COL. STACEY'S EXERTIONS.

gratitude did the khan and his brother honour, and
were at least satisfactory to my feelings.

From Sakkar I dropped down the river to Hai-
darabad, and again at the Residency found myself
with old friends, and after a stay of two or three
days, passed by land to Karachi, whence I had
started the year before, on an excursion, which had
turned out more pregnant with singular incidents
than any other I had made throughout my career.

I thence sailed to Bombay, where I passed some
months, expecting to hear further from the govern-
ment.

While there, intelligence arrived of the settle-
ment of affairs in Balochistan, by the visit of the
son of Mehrab Khan to Quetta, and his consequent
acknowledgment, in the room of his late father.
This arrangement was entirely owing to the exer-
tions of CoL Stacey, who had to encounter not
merely the obstacles opposed by the fears of the
youth and his advisers, but those thrown in his way
by a party amongst the political officers who were
desirous of obstructing the determination of the
government, and to keep the country in an un-
settled state, for some reason or other. Curious
was the form the opposition assumed ; and if Col.
Stacey could be persuaded to publish a narrative
of the transactions of that period, it would be
instructive as well as amusing, from his own varied
adventures, while, for the better discharge of his
duty, and for the purpose of restoring confidence,

REMOTE BENEFITS. 275

he boldly ventured, without a sipahi, into the camp
of the fugitive khan.

From January to July the son of Mehrab Kh&n
could not be brought to trust himself in the power
of the political officers at Quetta, although to
receive the dominions of his father. On the 26th
of the last month, he joined Col. Stacey, and pro-
ceeded in company with him to Kalat. The colonel
on this occasion was pleased to address me, and
his letter concluded with a paragraph which the
queer conceits of Capt, Bean, and others, will per-
mit me, without impropriety, to insert " Let me
thank you for your kind advice when in your prison.
I am grateful for it, and you must be gratified that,
acting on it, I have accomplished what the world
said was impossible."

The submission of the khdn being followed by
the pacification of Balochistan, the remote benefit
of the colonel's exertions was very signal, for had
that country continued in a disturbed state the
force at Kandahar would, in all probability, have
been involved in calamities similar to those which
befel the unfortunate force at Kabal ; whereas it
was, in the hour of need, strong enough to maintain
its position, to uphold British reputation, and to
cooperate effectually in the necessary measures
consequent on an honourable and expedient eva-
cuation of the country, which the present governor?
general, soundly exercising his judgment, at once
fearlessly determined upon.

T 2

276 MEMORIAL TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS.

Finding the silence which the government of
India had adopted as to my case, in no wise likely
to be dispelled by any effort of mine, I decided to
proceed to England, and to make an appeal there.
I, however, became cognizant of a little more that
had passed, and learned that the secret committee,
to whom the matter had been referred, had alike
suggested the hush system, commending the acquit-
tal and release, but disrelishing the point of com-
pensation, or, in other words, admitting the injus-
tice, but withholding reparation. I despatched, in
consequence, a memorial to the Court of Directors,
praying for the papers connected with my arrest
and imprisonment, which I supposed I had a right
to demand, and immediately after sailed from
Bombay to Suez, and passing through Egypt,
eventually reached London in February of the past
year.

My Memorial to the Honourable Court had the
fortune to be unnoticed, on the ground that it
should have been forwarded through the channel
of the government of India. I therefore framed
another, claiming the compensation recommended by
the Court's own officers, Mr. Bell, and the envoy
and minister. This was received, and so far noticed,
that it has been forwarded to the Indian govern-
ment for consideration and report; as, strangely
enough, the Court of Directors have not the docu-
ments necessary to form an opinion on the matter !

REMARKS. 277

They are with the Board of Control, who refuse
to give them up, if I rightly understand the subject.
The result of the Court's reference, time will de-
velop. The Indian government has, happily, passed
into other hands, and is more efficaciously admi-
nistered than formerly; and, as I also hope, more
justly, it may be that I may not lament the refe-
rence.

Throughout the transactions, which I have briefly
instanced in this chapter, it never seemed to occur
to any of the parties arrayed against me, that there
was such a thing as law established- in England,
or that there were tribunals to which a British
subject might look for protection and redress.
Never, for a moment, did they appear to entertain
the notion that they were responsible for their
actions, and, from the governor-general to the
political agent in Shall, there seemed but one
conviction, that their pleasure stood in place of
law.

They have had their day of abused power and
levity, and of authority they were incapable to
wield ; many have been overwhelmed in its exercise,
and a few have escaped tb the insignificance from
which accident had, for the moment, elevated them.

On me devolves the task to obtain satisfaction
for the insults and injuries some of these shallow
and misguided men thought fit to practise upon
me. It was first necessary that their charges and

278 CONCLUSION.

insinuations should be proved false and imaginary ;
so much has been done Tvithout an effort on my
part. Whatever steps I may take, they can have
no reason to complain, and they will have the
bitter reflection that I am not the aggressor,*

* In the course of this chapter, Major Outram's name occur-
ring in connexion with the reason given by Capt. Bean for his
conduct, it behoves me to insert, with reference thereto, an
extract from a letter of a mutual friend, dated " Camp Sukkur,
28 Nov. 1840: Major Outram desires me at the same time
to express to you his great annoyance at your detention at
Quetta, in consequence of some misunderstanding on the part
of Capt Bean/ of his (Major Outram's) expressions respecting
you ; and he begs me to assure you of his being perfectly uncon-
scious of ever having cast the slighest suspicion on your character.
The moment Major Outram received your letter he wrote to
Capt. Bean to the same effect, as also to request an explanation of
the grounds on which he (Major Outram) was quoted as an
authority for your detention ; for so far from the slightest wish to
interfere with your views in any way, Major Outram would be
most happy to have it in his power to serve you ; and trusts
you will never scruple to command him, when he can be of any
assistance* The above explanation will, I feel certain, tend to
satisfy you that Major Outram is in no way to be held responsi-
ble for the annoyance you have undergone, and that it must be
traced to circumstances over which he, at any rate, can have had
no control, directly or indirectly."

BiLOGHISIi!

IB RUITOUB OF TEE

KEN OF KALAT.

CONTENTS.

PART I. GEOGRAPHY.

II. TRIBES.

III. GOVERNMENT AND HISTORY.

TV. ANTIQUITIES AND DIALECTS.

V. MILITARY FORCE, REVENUE, TRADE, AGRICULTURE, ETC.

VI. MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ETC.

VII. NATURAL HISTORY. ETC.

MEMOIE

ON

EASTERN BALOCHISTAN.

PART I.

GEOGRAPHY.

BALOCHISTAN comprises the extensive regions
between the confines of modern Persia and the
valley of the Indus. To the north, Sistan and
Afghanistan, to the south, the ocean marks its
boundaries.

It is my intention, in this Memoir, to treat
only on the eastern provinces of this country, or
those included under the dominion of the khn
of Kalt. Of the western provinces, or those
bordering on Persia, our knowledge is, unfortu-
nately slight : and I regret my inability to increase
it, since they constitute, on many accounts, the
more interesting portion of Balochistan. As regards
the eastern provinces, a personal acquaintance with
many of them will justify the formation of tolerably
correct notions of the remainder, and renders the

282 GEOGRAPHY.

task comparatively easy to appreciate the value of
reports and statements received of them. Such
information, in this case, has a degree of utility,
and is applicable, being within the scope of scrutiny
and verification.

For the better elucidation of the Kalat territory,
its distributive arrangement is desirable. This
object is facilitated by the favourable position of
the central provinces of Saharawan and Jhalawn
extending in a continuous line from north to south.
To the north, resting upon the country of the
Afghans ; to the south, connecting with the mari-
time province of Las. We may, therefore, be per-
mitted to separate the khan of Kalat's territory into
four principal sections. The ' first, embracing the
provinces to the west of Saharawan and Jhalawan ;
the second, including the maritime provinces ; the
third, the central provinces of Saharawan and
Jhalawan themselves ; and the fourth, the provinces
to the east of the last. This arrangement, besides
being suggested by considerations of locality, is
sanctioned by the diversity of dialects current in
the provinces of the several sections, as will be
seen when it becomes our duty to draw attention
to that subject.

The first, or western section, comprises the sub-
divisions of Nushki, Kharan, Mtishki, Panjghtir,
Kej, Kolwah and Jhow.

The second, or maritime section, includes the
provinces of Las, Honnara and Pessanf.

NUSHKI. 283

The third, or central section, is formed of the
great provinces of Saharawan and Jhalawan; to
which are added the districts dependent on the
capital, Kalat, and which are intermediately situated
between the two.

The fourth, or eastern section, includes the pro-
vinces of Kach Gandavd, Harand, and Dajil; the
last two bordering on the river Indus.

FIRST, OR WESTERN SECTION.
NUSHKI.

A considerable province to the west of Sahara-
win, about five days' journey from Kalat, and four
from Mastung or Shall. It is bounded to the north
by the Afghan district of Shorawak ; to the south
by waste lands stretching for two marches, and di-
viding it from Kharan ; to the east, by hill ranges
separating it from Gurghina, a dependency of Saha-
rawan ; and to the west by the sand desert, extend-
ing to Sistan.

There are no towns or villages, properly so call-
ed, in Nushki ; the inhabitants residing in tents.
Through its limits flows the river Kaisar. Its
waters are said to be unavailable for purposes of
irrigation. During the latter part of the year its

284 GEOGRAPHY.

bed is nearly or quite dry. When replenished by
the rains of spring, it is unable to force a channel
through the sands, and is lost amongst them.

Notwithstanding the nature of the soil, and its
vicinity to the desert, there is an extent of land
devoted to the cultivation of wheat by the inhabit-
ants of Nushki, sufficient not only to supply their
own wants, but to yield a surplus for export to
Kalat and the neighbouring provinces. This land
is at the very skirts of the hills, and of the descrip-
tion called khiishk awh, which owes its fertility to
the bounty of the clouds. It need not therefore be
pointed out, that the harvests of Ntishki may, by
accident, fail.

Amongst the products of Nushki, assafoetida
merits notice, as the gum resin is collected and sent
to Kalat for sale. Large quantities of the green
plant are also brought to the capital, in season, and
while purchased generally by all classes, is particu-
larly sought for by Hindus, as a condiment. The
hills which furnish assafoetida yield also rawash, or
native rhubarb, and its roughly acidulated leaf-stalks
are made to serve as food.

Ntishki is inhabited by the tribe of Zigger Min-
ghals, who anciently dwelt on the Dasht Guran
near Kalat. Impelled by numerical increase, they
migrated into the more ample domain of Nushki, and
there established themselves, to the prejudice of the
Rakshanis. Of the latter, two tomans, or clans,
still reside at Nushki. The present chief of the

NUSHKI. 285

Zigger Minghals is Fazil Khan, son and successor
in authority to Bahadar Khan, whose memory is
revered even beyond the narrow circle of his influ-
ence when living a tribute due to his humanity and
generosity, and to the hospitable reception he was
wont to accord to the merchant who visited his
sequestered seats.

The inhabitants of Nushki do not migrate in the
winter season. It is asserted that it would be in-
convenient to do so, from the great numbers of their
live stock, as camels and sheep. At any rate they
are not compelled, like the tribes of the bleaker
regions of Saharawan, to shift their quarters from
severity of climate. Situated at the foot of the
hill range supporting the plateau, or table lands of
Saharawan, and on the skirt of the great desert of
Sistan, which may well be conjectured to have been
in some former state of the globe covered with the
waters of the ocean, the depressed elevation of
Ntishki is adverse to the development of the rigors
of winter. Snow very rarely falls, and when it
does, only as a perishable emblem, to melt and to
disappear.

There is a breed of horses in this province which,
if not eminently distinguished, is still valued, and
it possesses also a variety of the t&zi, or greyhound,
of much repute in Balochistan, and prized in more-
remote countries.

286 GEOGRAPHY.

KHARAN.

A province west of Sohrab, the northern extre-
mity of Jhalawin. Separated by large waste and
hilly tracts from the surrounding districts, it has to
the north, Nushkf ; to the south, Miishki ; to the
east a portion of Jhalawan, as just noted ; and to
the west, but at a long interval, Panjghur.

The grains cultivated in Kharan are chiefly wheat
and barley, grown as in Ntishki, on khushk awah
lands. It may be inferred that the produce is in-
adequate to the demand, as wheat is imported into
Kharan from Nushki and other places. The inha-
bitant of Nushki vends his goods at the capital for
money ; the inhabitant of Kharan barters his com-
modities for grain.

Amongst the products of this province, shakar
gaz must be noted. It is a sweet gum, exuding
from a variety of the tamarisk tree, and liquescent
in the ordinary temperature of the atmosphere. In
Khdran it is used as a condiment ; at Kalat, as a
luxury, being dissolved in water, and drunk as sher-
bet. As large quantities of this gum are brought
to Kalat, the proportion of trees bearing it must be
considerable, and the fact would seem to prove that
the country about Khdran is much broken, and
intersected by the beds of water-courses and tor-
rents, while the surface of the soil may be presumed
to be impregnated with natron and other efflorescent

KHARAN. 287

salts, conditions suitable to the growth of the tama-
risk.

Assafoetida grows in the hills of Kharan; the
gum resin is not an object of attention. The date
tree flourishes in the level country; its produce,
with melons, are the only fruits.

Kharan has two small towns, one named after
the province, the other called Washak. It is inha-
bited by the Nushirvani tribe, whose principal chief,
in 1831, was Mohem Khan, of the Rakshani branch.
Then disaffected to the government of Kalat, he
was a refugee at Kandahar. Desirous to transfer to
his own coffers the scanty revenue remitted by the
province to the supreme chief, he was resisted by
the Alif Zais, another branch of the Nushirvni
tribe resident in Kharin, and so effectually, that he
was constrained to fly. *

A tenth of the produce of the soil is paid to the
officers of the khan of Kalat, as revenue ; a burthen
so light, that, until a heavier one be imposed, or
demanded as a return for protection, the inhabitants
would scarcely wish to incur the risk of a change of
masters.

He has since died, and been succeeded by Assad Khan*
who, in recent Baloch history, has become memorable for the
asylum he afforded to the son of Mehrab Kh&n, and for his share
in the events which have led to the restoration of his protfgt to
the masnad of his father.

288 GEOGKAPHY.

MUSHKI.

An extensive province west of Jhalawn, and
seven days to the south-west of Kalat. To the
south, it has Jhow, and to the west, Kolwah.

This large tract is not distinguished for any par-
ticular article of produce ; whence it may be assumed
that the cultivated lands are of the khushk aw&h
class, as in other parts of Balochist&n, and that the
quantity of grain grown does not exceed the con-
sumption. It is probable it may not equal it, but the
numerous flocks of the Baloch tribes tend to ob-
viate any inconvenience arising from a deficiency of
grain. Indeed, they render them, in great measure,
independent of it.

Mushki is inhabited by various tribes, as the Meh-
masani, the Nushirvani, and the Mirw&ri. It has
several towns, villages, and castles, as ShaMr Kalat,
Sheriki, Gajar, Mihi, and Mushki, held by officers of
the khan of Kalat ; Greshar, occupied by Saj-i-din,
Saka ; Perwar, said to be large, and Miani Kalat, in
the hands of Mirwiri chieftains; Gwarjak, a for-
tress of repute for its strength, a strong-hold of the
lawless Moh&n Khan, Rakshani; with Jibbari,
another large fortress in possession of Rustam
Khan, chief of the Mehmasani tribes, who, of late
years, has paid but an equivocal allegiance to Kal4t.

289

KOLWAH.

A spacious province, to the north of the mari-
time province of Hormara, and four or five days
from the coast. To the east, it communicates with
Mushki, and on the west a desert interval inter-
poses between it and Kej.

It is inhabited by various tribes, as the Mirwari,
Rodahi, Homerari, and Nushirvani. It has several
villages and castles, as Rodah Khan, chief place of
the Rodahi tribe, who, besides, hold Siggak, Hur,
and Madag ; the last a castle, said to be large, but
neglected ; Balor, the residence of Mir Bizan, prin-
cipal of the Homerari tribe ; Goshanak, a fortress
, occupied by Mir Dostia, sirdar of the Mirwari tribe ;
Shahdr Mirdad, Dad-i-Karim, and Mulla Hassan,
Ahwara, held by other Mirwari chiefs ; Shahar
Shahdad, belonging to Shahdad, a nephew of Mohe"m
Khan, Rakshani ; with Shahar Ibrahim, in the trust
of the Khan of Kalat's officers.

The inhabitants of this province, as well as those
of Mushki, keep up little or no commercial inter-
course with Kalat. With the ports on the coast an
exchange of^commodities is maintained; rice, dates,
cotton cloths, spices, and dye-stuffs, being received
in return for wool, roghan, hides, and bdellium. The
traffic of the preceding province, Mtishkf, is directed
principally via Jhow to S6nmiani ; a small portion of
it, with nearly the whole of that of Kolwah, finds

VOL. iv, U

290 [EOGRAPHY.

its way to Hormara. From the last place consider-
able quantities of dried and salted fish are expe-
dited inland. It is clear that the inhabitants of the
interior of Balochistan derive no inconsiderable part
of their subsistence from the coast. A country so
sterile, and little productive, as to be incompetent
to support its own meagre population, can offer
trifling prospect of advantage to recompense enter-
prise and adventure, and no temptation to excite
political cupidity.

JHOW.

A smaller province than the preceding, is sepa-
rated from the maritime province of Las by a well-
defined hill range, its boundary to the east. To
the north it borders upon Mushki; to the south
upon waste and sandy tracts, stretching to the
ocean. Westward it inclines towards Hormara and
Kolwah.

Its inhabitants are of the tribes Mirwari and
Halada ; the latter, although admitted to be Brahui,
do not enjoy great consideration, and would
appear to be of essentially pastoral habits. The
only town, or village, is said to be Nandaru. In
this province is an ancient site, where coins, trin-
kets, &c., are frequently discovered. I had not an
opportunity of visiting it. Ancient artificial
mounds are here, as in other parts of Balochist^n,

PANJGHUR. 291

called dams. In Jhow, many have distinctive
names, as Saiyad-dam, Lindro-dam, Katro-dam, &c.

PANJGHUR.

A fertile province to the north-east of Kej, and
fourteen easy marches from Kalat. To the west are
the districts of Magghas and Sib, independent of
the Kalat authority. It is inhabited by the Gitchki
tribe of Brahtiis, the more potent chief of whom is
named Gwaran. His obedience to the Kalat go-
vernment is perfect, and he is in consequence re-
spected, as well as confided in, by it. There are ten
small towns or villages, represented as being clus-
tered together in Panjghdr, viz. Isahi, Tasp, Khoda
Badan, Karim Khan, VashbM, Sunk Horan, So-
ridu, Duzan&b, Khallak and Titchkhan.

Panjghur is celebrated for its groves of date trees.
Their fruit is exported to Kal&t as a luxury. It
also produces grapes, said to be of good quality, and,
what is more useful, excellent corn in abundance.
Amongst its vegetable products, turnips are plen-
tifully raised. The nature and variety of the culti-
vated objects in PanjgMr attest the fertility of the
soil. The agricultural habits of the inhabitants
have softened their manners, and they are as much
distinguished from their turbulent neighbours, for
their peaceable demeanour, as for their superior
acquirements in the arts, and conveniences of life,

IT 2

292 GEOGRAPHY.

A kardar, or agent of the khan of Kalat, is resi-
dent in Panjghiir, to receive his master's revenue.
Levied in the proportion of a tithe of the fruits of
the earth, its amount is transmitted to the khan's
treasury in gold.

KEJ.

The most western province of the Kalat territory.
It is distant from the capital twenty-one carael-
marches, and about seven or eight marches from
Gwadar, on the coast.

There is reason to believe that it was formerly
a place of much importance ; on which account,
the fullest information regarding it would be desir-
able. It is our misfortune to know less about it
than any other of the Kalat khan's provinces. It
still figures eminently in the legendary lore of Ba-
lochistan, and is the fairy land of this part of the
world.

Nasir Khan marched a large army into Kej, and
its firm and steady retention was always one of
the measures mainly engrossing his attention. His
successor, Mahmud Khan, found that its remote-
ness was favourable to the rebellious projects of the
turbulent chieftains residing in it, and towards the
close of his reign it no longer acknowledged alle-
giance to him. His son, Mehrab Khan, signalized
the commencement of his rule by vigorously assert-

KEJ. 293

ing his authority in Kej, but the subsequent trou-
bles of his reign hare again rendered its submission
little better than nominal, the principal town, of
the same name as the country, being only held
in his name. The importance of Kej, and the evil
arising from the diversion of its revenues, which,
when paid, are forthcoming in gold, could not but
be felt by the present government of Kalat, Ac-
cordingly, in 1828 or 1829, Jam All, the chief of
Las, under orders from Kalat, with his own troops
and those of his allies, marched from Bel a to Kej.
The expedition is affirmed to have been successful ;
but its return would appear to have been followed
by a recurrence of all the disorders it was intended
to repress. In 1831 the serious notice of the
government was again directed to the affairs of Kej,
and the whole of the Brahui army, under command
of the khan's brother, Mir Azem Khan, and the
minister, D&oud Mahomed KMn, broke ground from
Sohrab in Jhalawan, and took the road to Kej.
Little good could, however, be expected, as the
royal army was chiefly composed of leaders and
their followers, in concert and connivance with the
disaffected, against whom they professed to march ;
and the expedition was attended with no substantial
advantage. Kej is inhabited by many tribes, but
the Gitchki would seem to be the dominant, if not
the more numerous. Their chief, Shekh K&sim,
dwells at the town of Kej. It would be interesting
to ascertain whether any part of the population

294 GEOGRAPHY.

of this province correspond with the Dehwars of
Kalat and the Tajiks of Upper Asia. It was a
point on which I could not satisfy myself by
inquiry. Above half the population, however, are
of a religious sect, called Ziggers, who dispense with
the observance of prayers, rites, and other cere-
monies, which more orthodox Mahomedans con-
sider indispensable.

There are many towns or villages, and castles in
Kej. The capital bears the same name. It is dis-
tinguished by its arg, or citadel, which being also
called miri, or palace, is probably an analogous
structure to that of Kalt, serving, like it, both for
fortress and residence of the chief. This strong-
hold is held by Bijdr, on behalf of the Kalat khan.
There are, besides, Nuki Kalat, Tarbat, Gushitang,
Maksudi Kalat, Pidrak, Ghwerkap, &c., &c., places
of more or less consequence.

From Kej there is a commercial intercourse with
the ports of Gwadar and Charbar, on the coast, and
a kafila occasionally passes between it and Kalat.

SECOND, OR MARITIME SECTION.

Comprises the countries bordering on the sea,
from the western limits of Sind to the vicinity of
Gwadar, whence the continued line of coast be-
comes subject to the Arab chief of Maskat. The
eastern extremity of this extensive tract is occupied

MARITIME SECTION. 295

by the province of Las, obedient to its own chief
and government, yet acknowledging the supremacy
of the khan of Kalat. The remainder is a sterile
sandy space, intervening between the ocean and
the mountain chains supporting the more elevated
provinces of the preceding section. Unblessed by
fertilizing springs and rivulets, its arid surface dis-
plays a dreary succession of yawning ravines, parched
wastes, and undulating sand-hills. The scanty ve-
getation serves to exhibit the poverty of the soil,
and to attest its inapplicability to culture. The
fervid heat of the sun, on these inhospitable shores,
is indeed moderated by the winds, which rage during
the greater part of the year, and with so -much
violence that it becomes questionable whether the
inconveniences they occasion are compensated by
the exemptions from other evils which they bring
with them. Yet, on this desolate coast, we find
two small ports, Honnara and Pessani, flourishing
by their little traffic, and maintaining a commercial
communication between the natives of the country
and those of regions distant and beyond the seas.
In former days but the advantages must have been
greater then than now European intelligence did
not neglect this unpromising tract. The substan-
tially constructed remains of forts, and residences
on various parts of the coast, testify to the settle-
ments of the Portuguese. Of these, a considerable
one existed between Hormra and Pessani, at the
creek of Kalamat ; a locality, whose interest was

296 GEOGRAPHY.

enhanced by the circumstance of its being one of
the recognizable stations of the Macedonian fleet
under Nearehus. Yet, while freely admitting that
the trade with the interior of the country in those
days ought not to be estimated by its actual low
scale, I cannot believe that the numerous Por-
tuguese stations along the coast were due to it,
or supported by its profits. I rather suppose they
were intended to preserve the communications be-
tween their Indian ports and their great emporium,
Onnuz ; which, at that early era of navigation, may
have been closed by sea during the periodical winds,
as they are now to natives. The opulence of Or-
muz is remembered but as a dream gone by, or
as a subject to moralise upon. Its fall necessarily
involved that of its dependent posts and settle-
ments.

LAS.

A large province, with well-defined boundaries.
To the east, the termination of the great hill range,
dividing Saharawan and Jhalawdn from Kach
Gandava, and Sind, called, in maps, the Hdla
Mountains, but known to the natives by many and
various names, separates it from Lower Sind and
the Delta of the Indus. Amongst these hills flows
the Hab river, on extraordinary occasions only
discharging its waters into the sea. Pursuing a
rocky course, it winds through a thankless and

LAS. 297

neutral soil, over which range wild Lumris, whose
property is in their flocks of goats. The road from
Bela to Haidarab&d crosses the hills, inhabited
by the Chuta tribe, and leads by a spot called
-Shah Balal, where is a ziarat, or shrine, of repute,
distinguished by groves of tamarind trees and the
presence of pea-fowl. " These beautiful birds and
the groves are considered sacred by Mahomedan
and Hindu so easy to the unreflecting mind is
the transition from wonder to homage. To the
west, a continuous hill range stretches from the
north of Bela to the ocean, upon which it closes
beyond the point where the Purali river effects
its junction. By this range, in the parallel of
Bela, Las is separated from Jhow, a pass, or lak,
as here "called, over the hills, communicating be-
tween the two provinces. This lak is remarkable
as having been, in great measure, artificially formed.
The labour is ascribed, as all such labours are, to
FerMd. While these two ranges approach to the
north of Bela, as to an apex, to the south the
line of sea-coast forms the boundary of the pro-
vince, constituting a vast triangle, the area of which
is occupied by an expanse of level, more or less
wooded, and frequently marshy, diversified by the
tortuous and tamarisk-fringed course of the Purdli
river, by dry open tracts bordering on the hills,
and by low sandy hillocks on the margin of the
sea.

Las is inhabited by the Lassi division of the

298 GEOGBAPHY.

great tribe of Lumri or Numari Whether they
derive their appellation from the country they dwell
in, or whether the country is called after them, is
uncertain. The Lassis have numerous subdivisions,
as the Jamhut, furnishing the jam, or chief ; Gun-
gah, Angariah, (the name of a German tribe, accord-
ing to Tacitus 9 ) and Chuta, who claim a close affinity
with each other. There are also the Gadur,
Masorah, Manghia, Shekh, Shahokah, Sur, Vahreh,
Sabrah, M3ndarah, Runja, Burah, Dodah, &c.

These races acknowledge a consanguinity with
the Battis of Jesalmir, &c. Their origin they trace
to Samar, the founder of Samarkand. He had, they
say, four sons Nerpat, father of the Ltimris, or
Nfimaris of Las; the Bulfats, or Numaris of
Sind ; and the Jfikias, also of Sind : Bopat, father
of the Battis of Jesalmir ; Aspat, father of the
Chaghatais; and Gajpat, father of the Chura races.
It may open a wide field for reflection, perhaps for
controversy, but there is every probability that these
Ltimri, and other Jetic tribes, have an origin iden-
tical with that of the Jet, or Gothic races, so memo-
rable in the middle ages of European history ; and
that the same political causes which impelled the
one portion in a direction by following which they
ultimately reached the shores of the Baltic, precipi-
tated the other portion upon the continent of
India. The Lurnris speak a dialect scarcely varying
from that current in Sind.

The Lfimris are an active hardy people, and lead

LAS. 299

essentially a pastoral life. Their wealth consists
of their flocks and herds, which the grass of their
jangals allows them conveniently to subsist. Their
flocks, however, are principally of goats, and their
herds of buffaloes, although they have cows, but
in less number. Sheep are probably unsuitable to
the nature of the country, the pastures of which,
besides being rank, spring from a damp and saline
soil. Camels also contribute largely to the comfort
and affluence of the Lumri people, and are reared
in amazing numbers. Agriculture is neglected,
perhaps despised ; and, confined to the vicinity of
the few towns and villages, is in general carried on
with Hindil capital.

Wheat and barley are grown but in small quan-
tities, those grains being imported from Khozdar.
Juari and mash are objects of culture, with mustard
and the cotton plant. Near the capital, a little
rice of good quality is grown in the forsaken bed
of the Purali. In the same favoured soil a few
vegetables are produced, and tobacco is cultivated.
The produce of Las in no wise meets the con-
sumption of the inhabitants ; red and white rice,
jviari, with various other grains and pulse, are
largely imported from the ports of Sind, from
Mandavi, Bombay, and even Maskat The abun-
dance of horned cattle provides large quantities
of roghan, and a considerable amount of hides for
exportation, and of natural or untended produce ;
the hills yield abundance of honey, wax, and

300 GEOGRAPHY.

bdellium. The camels of the Ltimris are articles
of traffic, and their trained animals are esteemed.
The manufactures of the Lumris are coarse cotton
fabrics, or parcha, carpets, felts, sacks, ropes, &c.,
woven indiscriminately from the shorn honours of
the goat and camel. From camel-hair the abrah,
or cloak, of coarse texture, universally worn by
the males, is made. t Its virtues, independent of
cheapness, are durability, and resistance to rain.
The food of the Lumris is very simple, and chiefly
bread of the inferior grains, with buttermilk. Mash
also enters largely into their diet, and red rice,
boiled up as wat, or frumenty, is a favourite dish.
They are accused of eating flesh in a raw state,
which means, I presume, that they are not partial
to overdone meat. Simple as is the fare of the
Lfanri, and rude as are hi^ manners, he is a slave
to the pernicious practice of opium-eating, thereby ?
while endangering his health, faculties, and morals,
offering additional evidence of his affinity with th6
Batti, and other degraded races.

The government of the Lumri community of Las
is vested in an hereditary chief, with_ the title of
Jam. He exercises within his own territories an
independent and uncontrolled jurisdiction, acknow-
ledging, nevertheless, the supremacy of the Bra-
hui chief of Kalat, to whom, if required, military
service is rendered. Although it is understood
that the chief of Kalat may not, on occasions of
lapses of authority, disturb the natural order of sue

LAS. 301

cession, his concurrence in the selection of the
future ruler is deemed necessary, and his deputy
performs the inaugural ceremony of seating the
new jam upon the masnad. The dependence of
Las upon Kalat, while so easy as to be little more
than nominal, is likely,, however, to become more
definite, both because the government is visibly
deteriorating, and that the connexion is the only
precautionary measure which the inferior state can
adopt to secure its independence from being de-
stroyed by its powerful and grasping neighbours of
Sind, who behold with extreme jealousy the har-
bour of Sumniani, and the diversion of a portion of
the commerce which they wish should be confined
to Karachi.

The reigning jam of Las is Jam Meher Khan*
and, at this time, may be sixteen or seventeen years
of age. He is the son of Jam Meher All; who died
much regretted. A love of justice, and a spirit of
moderation, endeared him to his subjects. In the
field he proved able, and, at the request of the
government of Kal&t, undertook, with the levies of
his own tribes and immediate allies, an expedition
against the refractory leaders of Kej, in which he
acquitted himself with credit. The father of Jm
Meher All was Jam Meher KMn, who for many
years presided at the helm of affairs in Las. His
reputation, as a man of ability and comprehensive
views, stands fair, but it is remembered of him, that
he placed no check upon his passions, and in their

302 GEOGRAPHY.

gratification scrupled not to compromise the honours
of the wives and daughters of his subjects, whether
Hindu or Mahomedan. Las was anciently ruled by
the Runjah tribe; amongst whom one Sappar became
famous. His descendants were dispossessed by the
Gungahs, whose two latter chiefs were Jam Dinar
and Jam Ibrahim. These, in turn, were compelled to
yield to Jam Ali, of the Jamhut tribe, which must
have been after the year 1046 of the hejira, as a seal
of Jam Ibrahim is still shown at Bela with that
date, and the legend Banda Bddshah Alam, Jam
Ibrahim ben Jam Dinar. The first Jam Ali was
succeeded by Jm Rubana, who slew his brother,
the son-in-law of the Ammallari Bulfat chief, who
seized upon Las in resentment. Parah KMn and
Izzat Khan, B6lfat chiefs, succeeded each other ;
but the latter was so cruel and oppressive, that
Jam Ali, a descendant of the expelled Rubana of
the Jamhftt tribe, applied to Mohdbat KMn of
Kalat, and by his aid regained Las; whence arose
the connexion between the two countries. From
this Jam Ali the present chief is regularly de-
scended.

The Lumris are willing that the stranger should
believe, that the military strength of Las amounts
to twelve thousand men. Jam Meher Ali, in his
expedition to Kej, it is said, carried with him four
thousand men, comprising his own and auxiliary
forces. It may be supposed that he made extraor-
dinary efforts, which were seconded by his popu-

LAS. 303

larity at home and abroad. In 1831 the Vakil
Alia Rika, with a force of four hundred men, was
in cooperation with the army of Kalat in Kej, and
a body of three hundred men had been placed at
the disposal of the Arab chief of Maskat, to serve,
as mercenaries, in his armament against Mambasa,
SL mode of employment frequently adopted with
the levies in Las.

The revenue of Las, under Jam Meher Alt was
computed to exceed forty thousand rupees; but
at present it does not equal twenty-five thousand,
while it is expected to suffer farther depression.
This revenue arises from the customs payable on
merchandise entering the port of Sunmiani, the
duties charged on produce brought to the towns, or
bazar villages, and the taxes on trades, crafts, &c.
The Lumri peasantry may be considered exempt
from imposts, as the sums they contribute on the
sale of their produce in towns, in fact, form so
many charges upon trade, and are borne by the
purchaser or consumer. The more profitable
branch of the revenue, is that arising from customs
on foreign goods, and they are levied at a .fixed
rate, depending on weight. This arrangement was
made by Jam Meher Khan, to encourage merchants
to repair to Sunmiani, in preference to Karachi;
aixd it was farther agreed to wave the right of
search, so vexatiously resorted to by the Sindian
officers. The consequences were soon manifested
by the number of merchants frequenting Las, and

304 GEOGRAPHY.

the beneficial effect on its revenue. Latterly, how-
ever, the governments of Kal&t and Las, growing
enfeebled, the hill tribes between Bela and Khoz-
dar extort so grossly from kafilas, under pretence
of levying duty, that AfgMn merchants, with
heavy goods, are compelled to go to Karachi.
Chintzes, muslins, and high-priced goods, bearing
a large profit, still find their way from Bombay
to Kandahar by the road of Bela and Kal&t.
Horses are also usually shipped at Sunmiani for
Bombay, as on them the tribes exact no duty.
Madder, a staple article of export from Kalat and
Afghanistan, is always carried via Sind ; even the
portion destined for sale in Las, is sent by land
from Karachi. The products of the province have
been already noted ; with the fisheries, they contri-
bute to a brisk intercourse between Sunmiani and
the harbours of Sind, and generally of the line
of coast from the mouths of the Indus to Bombay,
as well as with the ports of Mekran and Maskat.

The only towns calling those places such which
have chabutras, or offices to receive customs and
duties are Bela, Utal, and Sunmiani. Its only
villages, esteeming those such which boast of mud
dwellings, are Liari, Shekh-ka-raj, Osmn di Gote,
Wariara, Phor, Traiari, &c. Besides these there are
various assemblages of Lumri huts, in most of which
are found two, three, or four Hindus. Bela, the
capital, is a small town of about three hundred
houses. In native histories it is called Kara Bela;

LAS. 305

and, however long it may have represented the
capital of this part of the country, it seems to
have been preceded, in the middle ages, by another
town, the site of which, or rather of its sepulchres,
is pointed out about five miles westward; where
at this day coins and trinkets are occasionally
found. Funereal jars are also brought to light,
filled with ashes, charcoal, and other incinerated
substances. In the nearest point of the contiguous
hills, separating Las from Jhow, are found nume-
rous caves, and rock temples, ascribed by tradition
to Ferhad and fairies, but which more sober judg-
ment recognizes as the earthly resting abodes of
the former chiefs, or governors of the province.
They prove, moreover, the extension to the coast
of that faith whose excavated records exist over so
large a part of the world.

Sunmiani is a town of about a thousand houses.
It has a good-sized bazar, and a good number of
Hindu traders and artisans. There are also many
families of Mehmans, as they would call themselves,
or Ltitias, as styled by the Lumris. Amongst them
are two or three opulent merchants; and all of
them are in easy circumstances. Professing them-
selves Mahomedans, they are not considered ortho-
dox ; and, together with the Hindus, they engross
the foreign and internal trade of the country. Be-
sides the Meds, who form a portion of the maritime
and fishing classes, there is at Sunmiani, also at
B61a, a part of the fixed population called, by the

VOL. iv. x

306 GEOGRAPHY.

Lfanris, Jadgh&l. Considerable numbers of negro
slaves are always to be found at Sunmini, both in
employ as well as for sale. Scarcely a family is
without one or more of those negroes ; and Hin-
dus are permitted to purchase them as freely as
others. They are brought from Mask&t, and from
Stinmiani are dispersed amongst the Lumris of the
country, and even so far as Kalat. The Mehman
merchants entirely conduct this traffic.

The harbour of Sunmiani is spacious, but, unfor-
tunately, a bar of sand impedes the entrance, and
the accumulating mass bids fair to close it. The
sea gains upon the land, and the present town will,
in no great space of time, be replaced by another,
more distant from the shore* At SunmiSni coarse
calicoes are printed, and there are many mills for
the extraction of oil from mustard-seed. They are
precisely on the same construction as sugar-mills,
but worked by camels in lieu of oxen.

The eruptive disorder on the teats of cows, pro-
ducing the vaccine disease, is well known in Las ;
equally so is the fact, that those who have received
this disorder from the cow are not liable to the
contagion of variola. The disease is denominated
poto-ghow, or the cow small-pox, poto being the
Lumri as well as Baloch designation for small-pox.
But what is still more singular is, that the camel
as well as the cow has an eruption on her nipples,
producing similar effects to the vaccine ; and, as in
this country camels' milk is largely made use of for

HORMARA. 307

the sustenance of man, it is ascertained that those
who in milking a diseased animal contract what is
called the poto-shuter, or camel small-pox, become
also inaccessible to variolous contagion, equally with
those who receive the analogous disease from the
cow. I was assured that no fatal results were ever
known to follow from either of these potos, from the
vaccine or the cameline ; and that the symptoms
were exactly as in the English disease, confined to
a sprinkling of pimples on the hands and arms.

HORMARA.

A small town and port of Mekr&n, containing
about four hundred houses, which for some years
has placed itself under the protection of the jam of
Las, to avoid being reduced by the Arab chief of
Maskdt. It receives governors on the part of the
jam, and a nett sum of one thousand rupees is
annually remitted to Bela, as revenue and the price
of protection. This little place has a smart trade
with the interior, and its shipping frequent the
same foreign harbours as the craft of SunmiSni.
The country, for seven or eight days' journey in
every direction from Hormara, is of the most sterile
and uninviting aspect, yet, in particular spots, are
inhabitants located, leading a 'weary existence in
the solitudes around them, but contented, because
ignorant of better fortune. On the skirts of the

308 GEOGRAPHY.

Jabal Malan, a range which presses on the coast
between the limits of Las and Hormara, a tribe of
inferior consideration, called Gujar, have fixed their
seats. Nearer, at a locality named Garuki, the
Sangur, another tribe of small repute, reside under
their chief, Mir Bijar. On the shores of the Kala-
mat creek, west of Hormara, dwell a tribe deriving
their appellation, it may be, from the place;
although they believe they came originally from
Sind, where, they assert, the tribe still exists in
formidable numbers.

PESSANL

A small port, of two hundred houses, still farther
west, dependent on which is the country on the
coast between the limits of Hormara and those of
Gwadar. Its chief is Mehrb Khan, of the Kala-
mati tribe just noted. He pays no tribute to Las
or Kalt, but contrives to avoid the acknowledg-
ment of supremacy to Maskat, by pretending to
be a member of the Baloch federation. It must be
conceded, his little town and territory are barely
worth the coveting. The maritime and fishing
population of the little ports on the coast of Mek-
rn, from Sunmiani to Charbar, are denominated
M6d, and comprise four divisions, the Gazbtir,
Honn&ri, Jellar Zai, and Chelmar Zai.

SAHARAWAN. 309

THIRD, OR CENTRAL SECTION.

Includes the provinces of Saharawan and Jhala-
wan, with the intermediate districts x>f the capital.
The latter, except in situation, are perfectly inde-
pendent of the former. In reviewing their po-
sition, convenience prescribes their union. The
same consideration induces me to comprise amongst
the districts of Saharawan that of Shall, which
may not strictly be said to belong to them, al-
though, since it has been placed under the Kalat
government, it has been virtually annexed to the
province.

SAHABAWAN.

The more northern of the central provinces,
blends its confines with the Afghin districts de-
pendent on Kandahar. Computing from the north,
to the borders of Jhalawan, it has an extent of
above one hundred miles ; and its breadth, from
east to west, although a little varying, will, in
general, nearly average the same distance. To the
north, it connects itself with the Afghan districts
of Peshing and of Toba ; to the south, it runs into
the province of Jhalawan, encircling the little
nucleus of the capital with its environs. To the
east, parallel ranges of hills, a formidable barrier,
separate it from Dadar and Kach Gandv4. Tra-

310 GEOGRAPHY.

versing these ranges, and in a direction exactly
contrary to them, is a range marking the course
of the Bolan river, and the line of the celebrated
pass, leading from the Dasht Bidowlat to Dadar,
the great route of communication between the
western Afghan provinces and the countries open-
ing on the Indus. To the west, a series of high
hills, although distant, preserving their parallelism
to the preceding, divide the province from the
Afghan districts of Shorawak, 'and from the Baloch
province of Nushki. West of SM11 and Mastung
is the Afghan district of Sherrud, which, it must
be noted, while amongst the inferior hills, is east
of the principal chain. This chain extends far
north, forming the western boundary of Peshing,
and is called the Khwojd Amran mountain. The
eastern range, while, perhaps, without any general
name, has a multitude of local appellations. Where
it overlooks Kalat, it is called Arbui, and the
superior range, frowning on the plains of Kach
Gandava, is called Takari. Other peaks have the
names N&gow, Bohar, &c.

Excepting the Bolan, Saharawan . may be said to
have no rivers. A few slender rivulets and tor-
rents, transient and partial, are found. only scantily
distributed over its wide surface. To compensate
this deficiency, a cool temperature, the result of
elevation, is favourable to vegetation; and allows
the soil to retain, for a sufficient period, the mois-
ture supplied by the vernal rains, as generally to

SHALL. 311

ensure good harvests of grain. Owing to the same
kindly causes, the hills and plains are covered, in
the spring and summer, with a profusion of flowers
and herbage, yielding copious and admirable nou-
rishment to the numerous flocks of sheep, which
constitute the primary wealth of the Brhui tribes.

1. Saharawan, then, includes the district of Shall,
with its villages and dependencies of Ispangali,
Kftchilak, Samanguli, Berg, Binighoh, &c.

2. Mastung, with its dependencies of Feringabad,
Tiri, Khanak, Dolai, and Kenitti.

3. Mangachar, comprising the divisions of Zard,
K6r, Mand6 Haji, Kirch-ab, and Barechi-nav. To
these may be added Khad.

4. Kalat, with its neighbouring villages and de-
pendencies of Skalkoh, Nichara, Chappar, Dasht
GtiraB, &c.

5. Kirta, and the petty districts in the hills be-
tween Saharawan and Kach Gandava.

6. Gurghina, Kurdigap, Nimarg, &c., districts
in the hills east of the Khwoja Amran range.

SHALL.

The most northern of the districts of Saharaw&n,
was ceded to Nasir Khan by Ahmed Shah, the
first Ddrani sovereign, in reward for his military
services in the Persian wars. It embraces many
small divisions and villages, as SirisLb, Ahmed Khan
Zai, Karatri, Ispangali, Noshahar, Berg, Ktichilak,

312 GEOGRAPHY.

Samanguli, &c. To the north, Shill exteuds to the
Khaka districts of Toba ; to the south, it joins the
district of Mastung, and the plain called Dasht
Bidowlat; to the east, it has the Khaka district
of Hanna ; to the west, Peshing and Sherrud, belong-
ing to Afghan tribes.

The capital of the district, called SM11 by the
Baloches, and Quetta, an equivalent for kot, or fort,
by the Afghans, is a small town of about four
hundred houses. It has a good bazar, and is the
most considerable place between Kalat and Kan-
dahar, and also between Kalat and Ghazni. It is
surrounded by a crenated wall of some height, but
inadequate, from its slight substance, to offer oppo-
sition to artillery. On a lofty mound within the
walls is a ruinous citadel, which yet affords a
residence to the governor of the town.

The Khaka district of Hanna to the west is
considered under the government of Shall, as are
other Khaka districts to the north towards Toba.
The submission of these Afghans must be very
equivocal, a furious blood-feud existing between the
Afghans and Baloches. One of the two gates of
Shall, opening upon the east, is named after Hanna,
the other fronting the south is named the gate of
Mastdng.

The soil here is rich and black, yielding much
wheat and rice, besides madder, some tobacco, and
the cultivated grasses. The orchards are abundant,
apparently of recent growth, and furnish grapes,

MASTUNG. 313

apples, pears, plums, peaches, apricots, mulberries,
pomegranates, figs, &c. As usual, in these coun-
tries, large fields are devoted to the cultivation of
melons, in their season. The climate is praised,
and I judged it salubrious and equable. Snow
falls, and remains on the ground for above two
months, when it is customary for the small Baloch
garrison to retire to Dadar, leaving the inhabitants
to their own protection.

The Afghans resident in Shall and its villages
are of the Kassi tribe ; and claim affinity with the
great Safi clans. The whole fixed population will
scarcely amount to four thousand. In the spring
and summer, numerous Brahui tomftns range over
its plains.

MASTUNG.

Includes, besides the town of Mastung, the de-
pendent villages and districts of Faringabdd, Tiri,
Khanak, Dolai, Kenitti, &c. It is bounded, to the
north, by the lofty mountain Chehel Tan, sepa-
rating it from the valley of Shall ; to the south by
the districts of Mangachar and Khad. On the east,
a range of hill, a prolongation of inferior altitude
from Chehel Tan, intervenes between it and the
Dasht Bidowlat ; and on the west another range
divides it from the Afghan valley of Sherrud.

Mastung is celebrated for the salubrity of its
climate, and for the abundance and excellence of its

314 GEOGRAPHY.

fruits. The cultivated soil is very fertile, and the
produce is ample, and of good quality. Madder,
grown in large quantities, is an annual export, as
is tobacco, which is much prized. Besides the
various grains, rice, and the artificial grasses, are
cultivated. The fruits of Mastung embrace all
the varieties noted as being produced by the
orchards of Shall, but they are in far greater pro-
fusion, and in general have a superior flavour ; the
temperature being milder, and more favourable to
the maturity of many kinds. The mulberries and
melons of Mastting are held to be unrivalled, and
almonds are so abundant as to be an article of
export.

The climate of Mastung, Tiri, and Faringabad
is entitled to great commendation ; Khanak, in the
same plain, but with a depressed site, is not equally
favoured. The town of Mastung may contain about
four hundred houses, and is surrounded with a cre-
nated mud wall. On a mound within the limits of
the tawn are the remains of a citadel, destroyed, it
is said, by Ahmed Shah. The present town is af-
firmed to represent the ancient city of Arangabdd,
whose site is pointed out a little to the east or
north-east, and on which, after rains, coins, 'and
other- evidences, may be occasionally discovered.
The walled-in village of Tiri may occupy as much
space as Mastung, but with half the number of habi-
tations, the greater part of the enclosed area being
filled with orchards. At Tiri resides an influential

MANGACHAR. 315

family of saiyads, one of whom, Saiyad Sherif, was
mainly the cause of the insinuation of Sikh troops
into Harand and Dajil, and has become infamously
notorious in the recent events which have convulsed
Balochistan. FaringaMd is an advantageously-
seated village, amid orchards, under the hills over
which the direct road leads from Mastung to Sh&ll.
It may contain one hundred and fifty houses.

Khanak has a village of similar appellation,
seated on a large tappa or mound; consequently
the site is ancient. It contains about one hundred
houses, and dependent on it are three or four small
hamlets. K6nitti has a small village, now nearly
depopulated. Dolai, to the north of Khanak, has
no village.

No Afghans dwell in Mastung ; some of the
fixed inhabitants are Dehwars, but with them are
incorporated many Brahuis of various tribes. Of
these the principal are the Raisani, Sherwani, Mah-
mud Shahi, Bangui Zai, and Lari, with the Sirperra.
The favourable site and climate of Mastiing has
recommended it as a residence to most of the chiefs
of the Brahui tribes of Saharawan. The fixed
population of Mastting, and its dependencies, will
not, probably, exceed six thousand.

MANGACHAR.

A division of Saharawan, to the north, touching
on the limits of Kenitti and Khad ; to the south

316 GEOGRAPHY.

extending to the borders of Chappar, Garuk, and
Krez Garani, dependent on the capital. To the
east, hill-ranges separate it from the petty localities
of Ktihak, Kishan, &c.; and, to the west, other hills
divide it from Gurghina. It it subdivided into
the quarters of Zard to the north, Mandeh Haji
occupying the centre chiefly ; Kur, to the west ;
Kirch-ab, east of Kur and trending towards Chappar,
with Barechi-nav stretching eastward to the base
of a mountain, called Koh Maran, or the hill of
snakes.

Mangachar has a few dispersed hamlets. There
may exist on the plain from ten to twelve artificial
tappas or mounds, which, covered with fragments
of potters' ware, testify to an ancient population.
These evidences are not inconsistent with the fer-
tility and natural advantages of the plain; which
are considerable, as to the quality of soil and the
abundance of water. There are at present canals
of irrigation, and subterranean aqueducts. The parts
better supplied with water are Mandeh Haji, and
Zard, which accordingly produce in greater quan-
tities wheat and the cultivated grasses. The other
parts of Mangachar have also their canals of irri-
gation, but fewer in number, and the culture is
restricted to wheat. The whole plain is intersected
by bands, or ramparts of earth, intended to preserve
the rain-water for purposes of irrigation. There are
many breeding mares kept on the plain of Manga-
char, and it is usual for the horse-dealers of Kalat

MANGACHAR. 317

to send their cattle there to feed upon the choicer
grasses. The soil is of the same rich and ponderous
quality as that of Kalat, but much of the surface
is impaired by impregnation with saline particles.
The plain has a very dreary and bleak aspect, owing
to the absence of trees. Many single and ruinous
mud huts are sprinkled here and there; and the
tomans, or collections of black tents, on the skirts
of the hills, or interspersed over the plain, have in
themselves a repulsive and unsocial appearance. A
few trees only are to be found at Zard, where there
is also a good orchard belonging to Dhai Bibii, an
ancient lady of Kalat ; and this is certainly the
portion of the plain preferable as to position.

Khad is the name given to a lengthened valley
between Mangachar and Mastung, through which
the high road leads from Kalat to the north. On
the east it has the first of the three parallel ranges
stretching to Kach Gandavd, which is remarkable
for displaying to the west inclined surfaces of rock,
as smooth as if a trowel had been passed over the
masses when plastic. On the west, the hills called
Chotoh divide it from Kenitti and Zard. Khad has
no village. It is computed nine Sultania cosses
from Kalat, agreeably to some traditionary admea-
surement. By the same standard, Mangachar is
reckoned five, and Mastung twelve Sultania cosses
from the capital. Khad is claimed by the Sher-
w&ni tribe of Brahfiis.

318 GEOGRAPHY.

DASHT BIDOWLAT.

Before quitting the northern divisions of Saha-
rawan, it is due to notice the Dasht Bidowlat, or
the Unpropitious Plain. To the north it has Sir-i-
ab of Shall, Zir Kob, and the Khaka hills. To the
south, hills divide it from Merv" and Isprinji. To
the east it has the hills of the Bolan, and to the
west, Chehel Tan and the lower ranges of Mastung.
Whether traversed from Shall or Mastung, it is a
good march in breadth, nor is its length less consi-
derable. Its evil name is appropriate only after the
harvests have been collected, and the supplies of
water have been exhausted, when it is deserted by
its temporary residents. Then it is that predatory
bands of KMkas roam over the desolate space and
infest its roads, to the peril of travellers and kafilas.
In the spring its aspect is very different, and the
Brahuis are enthusiastic in their descriptions of its
verdure and flowers. Its surface, garnished with
the lala, or tulip, presents, they aver, an expanse of
scarlet and gold, and the perfume that impregnates
the atmosphere exhilirates the senses to intoxica-
tion. In 'that season it swarms with the tomans of
the Kurd Brahtii tribe, who are proprietors of the
plain, and reap its produce, but retire as soon as it is
collected, to Merv.

319

KALAT AND ITS ENVIRONS.

For convenience, we have included Kal&t and its
environs amongst the districts of Saharawan, al-
though they form a distinct and independent tract,
under the personal jurisdiction of the khan, or chief
of the Baloch community. The town of Kalat,
containing within its walls about four hundred
houses, and a miri, or palace, of an antique and im-
posing appearance, with suburbs comprising other
four hundred houses, is situated in a narrow valley,
bounded to the east by the hill ranges so often
mentioned as extending to Kach Gandavd. To
the west, beyond the hill Sh&h Mirdan, on the
northern extremity of which the town is built,
broken country and ravines extend for a consider-
able distance. From the town to the opposite hills,
to the east, the distance is within a mile, and this
confined space, traversed by the generally dry and
stony bed of a hill torrent, is appropriated to the
cultivation and gardens of the place. To the south
of Kal&t the valley closes, or is filled by low hills ;
to the north it somewhat expands, and affords space
for the small villages of Garuk, Malarkl, Malgozar,
&c. Farther north is the small hamlet of Gdrani,
and nearly west of it, the village of Ziaxat.

About three miles north-east of Kalat, crossing
the first hills, is the village of Skalkoh, walled in,
and made up of one hundred houses, inhabited by

320 GEOGRAPHY.

the Sherwani tribe. About fifteen miles south-east
of Kalat, also amongst the hills, is the larger village,
or small baaar town of Nichara (Noshahar). Seated
in a fertile valley, it has much cultivation. About
nine miles to the south of Kalat is the small
village of Rodinjo, on the road to Jhalawan. It
may have twenty houses. On the skirts of the hills
east of Rodinjo, and extending to Sohrab, are two
or three hamlets ; and within them is the village of
Mahomed Tahawar, walled in, with two gates and
one hundred houses. About three miles east of
Rodinjo is the village of Tok, with thirty houses,
and walled in.

Chappar is an extensive plain, west of Kalat.
To the north it unites with Kur and Kirchib, dis-
tricts of Mangachar ; to the south it extends to the
Dasht Gtiran. On the west it has hill ranges of
little altitude, until they sink upon the Siah Koh,
or black mountain. Here are no towns or villages,
but there are the ample indications of a former
population in the fragments of potters' ware distri-
buted over an immense space. The plain is sup-
plied with water by a rivulet issuing from the low
hills east of Karez Garanf, and which, flowing by
Garuk and Ziarat, enters Chappar. Considerable
quantities of melons are raised here for the Kalat
market. The fields are crown property, and the
fruits mature some time after those grown in the
vicinity of the capital have been consumed. The

KALAT, AND ITS ENVIRONS. 321

Dasht Guran, south of Chappar, has beyond it
Sohrfib, to the east Rodinjo, and to the west a
waste and broken country, extending to Kharan.
Here is a small village of fifteen to twenty houses,
and the cultivation, entirely on the lands called
khushk awah, is confined to wheat. This plain is
inhabited by the Sunaris, a branch of the Zehri
tribe of Jhalawan, to whose sirdar they are obe-
dient on questions of general interest, but, for suf-
ferance of settlement, make an annual acknowledg-
ment to the sirdar of Nushki, whose tribe pre-
ceded them in the occupancy of the dasht, and
who still claim it. Dasht Guran signifies the plain
of wild asses, but those animals are no longer found
there.

The population of KalUt is necessarily mixed;
with many Dehwars there are many Brahuis, a great
number of Hindus, and a large proportion of slaves.
The entire suburbs are inhabited by Afghans. The
agricultural classes are nearly exclusively Dehwars.
In this Memoir, in enumerating the towns, or vil-
lages, in the respective parts of the country under
notice, I have mentioned nearly the whole of them,
for they are really so few in number that to do so
is an easy matter. I incur the chance of being
accused of noting places unworthy of record, but
besides that there are no other than these places, I
wished to afford data for exhibiting the numbers of
the fixed population. I have before estimated that

VOL. IV. Y

322 GEOGRAPHY.

of Shall and Mastung, and by the same mode of
calculation, that of Kal&t and its environs will not
exceed fourteen thousand.

DISTRICTS IN THE HILLS BETWEEN SAHARAWAN AND
EACH GANDAVA.

We have frequently had occasion to allude to the
hill ranges between the elevated province of SaM-
rawaa and the depressed level plains of Kach Gan-
dava, Formed of three parallel chains, and extend-
ing north far beyond the limits of Saharawan, they
enclose numerous sheltered and fertile valleys.
From the universality of rice as a product of them,
an abundance of copious and perennial springs and
rivulets must be inferred. To the excellence of the
herbage and pasturage, and the adaptation of the
hills for the grazing of sheep, the superior meat and
fleece of the Brahui flocks amply testify. Although
very scantily inhabited, there are still amongst them
some fixed villages, and there are many localities
tenanted by pastoral tribes.

The eastern portion adjacent to Kach Gandava is
inhabited by petty Bind tribes, or detachments
therefrom, and the western portion is held by Brahiij
tribes. The Rinds, it may be observed, in matters
of public interest, are" supposed to follow the deci-*
sion of the sirdar of Saharawan. The direction of
these parallel chains of mountains is from north by

HILL DISTRICTS. 323

east to south by west ; in the parallel of Shall, a
range cutting through them nearly east to west
marks the course of the Bolan river and pass, and
describes the boundary between the hills of the
KMk Afghans and the Baloches. In the pass is a
ziarat of some repute, called Bibi Nani, and about
the centre of it, immediately north of the river, is
the small walled-in Baloch village of Kirta, inha-
bited by the Kuchik branch of the Rind tribe-
Contiguous thereto is a tepid spring, which confers
the name of Garm-b on the locality whence it
issues. Kirta has been frequently sacked by the
KhakAs. Of the many localities amongst these hills,
such as have villages are Johan, belonging to the
Puzh Rinds, and deemed fertile in wheat and rice.
Rodbar, said to be extensive, and comprising three
villages ; Rodbar, held by Mandaw&ri Rinds ; Jam,
held by Kuchik Rinds; and Barari, inhabited by
Puzh Rinds. Rodbar has a vigorous cultivation of
rice and grain, and its numerous orchards yield
pomegranates of fair quality. Kajuri, occupied by
the Puzh Rinds, has a village of the same name, and,
like the other valleys, yields rice abundantly. Ghazg
is another valley, with a village of similar name.
It has orchards and vineyards, and the grapes are
highly prized at Kal&t, It belongs to the Ghazghis,
a petty Brhui tribe. Besides these valleys which
have villages, there are many others, some of them
extensive and fertile, which afford a residence to
various tribes, whose genius and mode of life dis-

y 2

324 GEOGRAPHY.

qualify them for permanent settlement and fixed
abodes. Sucli are Merv, held by the Kfirds; Isprinji,
by the Bangui Zais; Kuhak, by the Mahmud Shahis ;
Nerm6k, represented as large, inhabited by the
Lari Brahuis; Lup, belonging to the Kalui branch
of Rinds ; Kishan, held by the Sherwanis, with
Pizai, Lalaji, Sohrab, &c., places of little note, and
sometimes visited by small tribes. The fixed popu-
lation of the several villages dispersed over the tract
under consideration will not, probably, exceed two
thousand five hundred.

DISTRICTS IN THE HILLY TRACTS WEST OF SAHARAWAN.

To complete the review of Saharawan, it remains
to notice the districts in the western hills. They
are Gdrghina, Kurdigap, Nimarg, Ashi Kh&n, and
Puden. They lie to the west of Mangachar, a hill
range intervening, having Sherrtid of the Afghans
to the north, and to the south, waste, hilly regions.
Kurdigap is the most northern district, and the
only one which has a village, and that a small
one ; Gurghina is south of Kurdigap, and Nimarg
is again south of it ; while Ashi Khan and Puden
are to the west of both. As in Mangachar, so in
these districts are many dams, or artificial mounds*
The valleys are not so well supplied with water,
and the river, or rivulet, of Sherrud flows use-
lessly through the hills. Cultivation is effected

DISTRICTS WEST OF SAHARAWAN. 325

by aid of mounds of earth, or bands, to confine
the water from rains, and it is asserted that, in
Gurghina, there are above three hundred of them,
a number, if exaggerated, yet showing that they
are numerous. It is notorious that the cultiva-
tion of this and of other districts of Saharawan, is
not carried on to the extent their capabilities
would allow ; an evil arising, perhaps, mainly from
their being held by pastoral races, who depend
for their subsistence rather upon their flocks than
upon their fields. So jealous are the several tribes
of what they consider their peculiar property, that
they will in no wise permit the settlement of others.
This remark particularly applies to the Sirperras,
who scantily inhabit the districts under notice, the
Kurds, possessing the spacious plain of the Dasht
Bidowlat, the Shervanis, who hold Khad, and the
Raisanis, who suffer the rich lands of Dolai and
Khanak to lie waste. In comparison with other
Brahui tribes, the Sirperras are not considered
wealthy. They formerly paid attention to the col-
lection of assafoetida, but of late years the plants
have failed in quantity. The appellation Gurghina,
is understood to relate to the wild ass, called Gur ;
but the animal, believed formerly to have abounded
in these parts, is not now found. He, however,
still ranges in the level wastes beyond Ntishkk
The districts of Ashi KMn and Puden, west of
Gdrghina, are inhabited by the Rodani branch of
the Sirperra tribe. The fixed population of the

326 GEOGRAPHY.

lands held by the Sirperras will not exceed three
hundred.

From the estimates we have made, it would
appear that Saharawan does not contain thirteen
thousand fixed inhabitants, while the capital and
its environs has about fourteen thousand. The
amount of the pastoral tribes of Saharawan is more
difficult to guess, but it can hardly be imagined
to exceed, if it equal, that of the fixed paxt of
the community. Supposing it equal, we have about
twenty-six thousand for the population of Saha-
rawan; or, if in estimating the number of fixed
inhabitants, I have, in calculating five to a house,
taken too low a rate, let six be allowed, and we
shall not be able to raise the entire population
above thirty thousand. The pastoral races in the
neighbourhood of Kalat cannot be conceded on
any account to equal one half of the fixed popu-
lation, and in taking them at gix thousand, the
estimate, no doubt, is too high; but *doing so,
for the sake of arriving at an amount, we have
twenty thousand for the population of the capital
and vicinity. If we reflect on the extent of coun-
try over which this amount of human life is dis-
persed, we must be conscious how trifling the latter
appears in contrast with the former. It is within
the truth, and also for the sake of approximate
calculation, to consider the countries in question
as covering a square surface of one hundred miles,
containing, therefore, an area of ten thousand!

JHALAWAN. 327

square miles. The population of fifty thousand
distributed over this space, gives but five souls to
every square mile; nor need we be surprised at
so low a result, when we reflect that entire marches
may be made in the country without a solitary
human being presenting himself to the observation
of the traveller. It is instructive at all times to
analyze the population of countries ; but particularly
so when the inhabitants are prone to exaggeration.
Experience has convinced me that the population
of Oriental countries has been much overrated.

JHALAWAN.

Includes the countries stretching in a southerly
direction between Kalat and the maritime province
of Las. To the west, barren tracts intervening, it
has the provinces of Mushki, Kharan, and Kolwah.
To the east, the prolongation of the great mountain
chains of Sahrawan divides it from the territories
of Sind and the valley of the Indus. In this length-
ened tract of country considerable variety in the
climate and productions is apparent : to Baghwan
it partakes of the temperate character of Sahara-
wan ; south of that place it is much warmer, and
its natural indications assimilate with those of more
tropical countries. To B&ghw&n, also, the descent
from, the elevated plateau of Saharawan is, while
decided, yet gradual. Beyond it> or at Wad, a broad

328 GEOGKAPHY.

belt of Mils is entered ; emerging from which, after
descending the pass, or lak of Baran, by the defile
of Kohara Wat, the level plains of Las are gained
on the margin of the ocean.

Jhalawan comprises the districts of Sohrab, Zehri,
Baghwan, Khozdar, Zidi, Kappar, Wad, -Nail, and
the hills of the Minghals, Bizunjtis, and Samalaris.

In the narratives of journeys from Stinmiani to
Kalat I have, in traversing many of the districts of
this province, noted the little that is to be said about
them, and it would be needless repetition to reinsert
that little here. The district of Zehri lying out of
our route, came not within the range of observation ;
but it merits notice both because it is comparatively
fertile and populous, and that it is the residence of
the sirdar, or lord of Jhalawan. It lies about forty
miles south of Kalat, and immediately north of the
Mulloh river. Of a warmer climate than Kalat,
and copiously supplied with rivulets, its cultivation
of the several varieties of grain and pulse is vigor-
ous. It has several villages, as Jagasur, Nogrdm,
Mishk, Bulbil, Ghat, &cc. Neighbours to Zehri on
the east and north-east, are the Jetaks, a rather
numerous tribe, and dependent on it.

If we apply the same calculations to Jhalaw&n
as we have done to the northern province, relative
to its population, we shall again be surprised at the
low results we gain. The fixed population of the
various, but still few little towns, villages, and ham-
lets, cannot be allowed to exceed ten thousand.

KACH GANDAVA. 329

The pastoral tribes in this province are superior in
numbers, the great tribes of Minghals and Bizunjus
giving them an obvious preponderance. If, for the
sake of an approximate result, we go so far as to
suppose them to double the amount of the fixed
population, we have about thirty thousand inhabit-
ants for the extensive tracts of Jhdlawan, which
spread over a larger space than those of Saharaw&n,
as they certainly have twice the length from north
to south, and generally about the same breadth.

FOURTH, OR EASTERN SECTION.

Comprises the large province of Kach Gandava,
with Harand and Djil, bordering on and west of the
river Indus. This tract of country, while under the
same parallels of latitude as Saharawan, for Bgh is
nearly due west of Kalat, from its depressed level,
has altogether a different climate. So, also, are its
vegetable productions distinguished by varying fea-
tures.

KACH GANDAVA.

The principal characteristics of this province are,
its large extent of level surface, its excessively
sultry climate, which has become proverbial, its
scarcity of water for agricultural purposes, which
restricts its cultivation, both as to quantity and

330 GEOGRAPHY.

variety, and comparatively with other parts of the
khan, of Kalat's territories, its large amount of
population, with abundance of towns and villages.

It is inhabited by three very distinctly marked
races; the Jets, the Rinds (including the Mag-
ghazzis), and the Brahms. The Jets are un-
doubtedly the primitive inhabitants, the Binds are
more recent settlers, and the Brahuis have acquired
a permanent interest in the province only since the
time of Nadir Shah.

The capital of Kach Gand&va is Gandava, which
we are told is more correctly named Ganjava, from
some allusion to ganj, or treasure. It is a walled
town, and frequently the winter residence of the
kh&n. It is small, and without trade, deriving its
little importance from its being deemed the ancient
as well as modern capital. Bagh is a much larger
town, and will always be of some consequence,
being situated on the high road of traffic from.Shi-
karpur to the north. Formerly decidedly the com-
mercial capital of the province, it has declined of
late years ; many of the Hindti bankers who once
resided in it, having transported themselves and
their business to Kotrd, a town held by the Eltarz
Zai branch of the reigning family, where they are
exempt from the annoying interference of the kh&n
of Kal&t's ill-controlled officers. B&gh contains
above six hundred houses, is surrounded by crenated
mud walls, has a fair bazar, and a governor on be-
half of the kMn. It is the mart for the sale of

KACH GANDAVA. S31

sulphur, extracted from the mines of Suni. Seated
on the bank of the Nri river, its inhabitants are
perplexed by the scarcity of water, when the bed of
the stream is dry. Water derived from wells is too
saline to be used as a beverage* The neighbour-
hood is well cultivated. Besides juari, the cotton
plant and sugar cane are grown. Kotru, or the
Castles, axe four castles or forts, built by four bro-
thers of the Eltarz Zai family, just noted. Of
them, the one held by Kerim Khan, has become
flourishing, and a town of consequence. It is north
of Jell and west of GandHva. Between Bgb and
Gandava, is the town of Nasirab^d, built by Nasir
Khan, which has a governor on the part of the Idian.
Under the lofty ridges of SaMrawan, defining
the province to th west, are a variety of towns,
held by Rind tribes; as S6ni a Surn* Ghajao,
Kan&ra, Kari, &c., with Kotru, just mentioned;
and farther south, Jell and Shadia, belonging to the
Magghazzis. Most of these places are watered by
springs and rivulets from the hills. Sfini has a
rivulet flowing from Koh Naghow. Another, called
Shorin, flows to Kotru, The Badrah runs by Gan-
dava, while the Mulloh, a more considerable stream,
enters the plain between Kotrti and Jell. On the
opposite side of the plain, and east of Ddar, are
again hills. These intervene between the province
and Hrand arid D^jil, immediately on the great
river, the Indus. At their foot, on the Kacb Gan-
dava side, are the towus of M&Uomed Reza, Fatear

332 GEOGKAPHY.

Khan, Lehri, Bughti, Pulaji, Chattar, Gunari, Shahar
Islampur, &c. These are held by lawless tribes
of Binds, as the Jakranis, Dumbakis, Bughtis,
Harris, &c. Nearly through the centre of the
province winds the Nari river. Rising in the hills
near Toba, north of Shall, it flows through the
Khaka district of Borah, and then into the Afghan
district of Siwi, from which it enters the plain of
Kach Gand&va to the east of Dadar. It now
winds by Noshara, Bakra, and Mitari, towns of the
Raisani Brhuis, and thence passing Iri and Haji
Shahar, flows by B&gh. From Bagh, its course
leads to Tambu, a town of the Rinds, where it falls
upon the Pat, or Waste, of Shikarpur. When it
has an excess of water, it is said to be enabled to
traverse the Pat ; in that case, at Ghari Khairah, a
hold of the Jamali Rinds, falling into a canal from
the Indus. This river has a large number of vil-
lages on its banks. From its entrance upon the
plain to Bgh it has about sixty, and from Bagh to
Tambu, I have the names of fifty-five villages.
These villages are chiefly inhabited by the Jet
population, who possess the centre, as the intrusive
tribes occupy the skirts of the province. Between
Bagh and Mitari are the towns or villages of
Maisar, Bughtf, Rustam, Shahar Dowlat, Shahar
Jelal Khan, &c., &c.

The grains most extensively cultivated in this
province are juari and b&jra, which appear to be
adapted to a dry soil. In the better and manured

KACH GANDAVA. 333

lands near towns, the cotton-plant and sugar-cane
are objects of attention. The juari has two varie-
ties, indiscriminately growing on the same space,
one distinguished -by its sweet stem, and eaten as
sugar-cane.

The natural productions of Kach Gand&va are
very limited ; a few saline plants vegetate on its
bare plains, and a belt of jangal intervening between
Haji Shahar and Bagh is composed of stunted
mimosas and b6r trees. The vicinities of towns
and villages are distinguished by groves of the
same trees, but of more stately growth. At Gan-
d&va, which has long been noted as the abode of
the great of the land, are gardens, where orange,
lime, and, I believe, mango trees thrive. The spirit
of the Eltarz Zai family of Kotru has, in like man-
ner, embellished its environs with gardens. Dadar
in the north of the provinces has also its gardens,
and pomegranates of their growth are prized. Groves
of date trees enliven the appearance of this town,
and dense belts of these trees appear to extend
along the skirts of the hills to the eastward.

The climate of Kach Gandva is so oppressive
from April to August, that communications are
nearly suspended, and travelling is attended with
great risk, from the hot winds, which sweep over the
parched, arid plains, with fatal violence. No less
terrific are the emanations emitted from the heated
surface of the soil.

Between this province and the domain of Shi-

334 GEOGRAPHY.

k&rpur stretches a barren, naked tract, known as
the Pat of Shikrpur. It is between thirty and
forty miles across. Not a tree or shrub vegetates
on this expanse. No water is found to supply the
necessities of the traveller. With a level below
that of the upper parts of the province, it receives
the drainage of their waters in certain seasons.
As suddenly as the fluid precipitates itself upon the
surface, so is it suddenly imbibed by the thirsty
soil. It has been the scene of infamous depreda-
tions, being considered neutral ground, as it is the
boundary between the possessions of Kal&t and
Sind in this direction. Westward -it extends to
the superior hills, and separates the lands* of the
Magghazzis, subjects of Kalat, from those of the
Chandi tribe, dependent on Sind.

In the hill ranges east of the plain of Kachi, and
intervening between it and the provinces of Haxand
and Dajil, are the abodes of the Doda Harris,
who have been there located above three centuries.
Their principal town, Kahan, has become memora-
ble in our days through its occupation 'and aban-
donment by British troops, as well as by the disas-
ters and losses it involved. The Harris have long
been distinguished as daring depredators, and have
proved themselves to be a brave race. The Dodas
are but a division of the great Marri tribe, which is
widely dispersed.

335

HARAND AND DAJIL.

These provinces border on the river Indus,
having on the north, the district of Dera Ghazi
Khan, and to the south that held by the Mazaris.
They are inhabited by the Gurchani tribe of Rinds,
and the government conferred the title of Nawab
on the person who held it. Harand is reputed an
ancient site, but Dajil is said to be, at present, the
most flourishing of the towns. The villages are
numerous, notwithstanding the soil is not consider-
ed fertile, probably by reason of proximity to the
river. Harand and D&jil, anciently comprised in
the government of D6ra Ghazi Khan, were ceded,
together with Shall, to Nasir Khan, by Ahmed
Shah, in recompense for his services in the Persian
wars. They have since been taken possession of by
Eanjit Singh of Lahore, and his successor holds them.

With reference to the population of these coun-
tries, it is impossible to concede to Kach Gandava
one hundred thousand, or to the Marri hills, with
Harand and Dajil, above fifty thousand inhabitants.
Granting an equal number to Sahdraw&n, including
N6shki, Kalat, and Jhalaw&n, and again an equal
number to the Western Provinces, we obtain a total
of four hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants for
the territories of the khan of Kalat ; a trifling num-
ber compared with their extent, yet still rather over
than under estimated.

336

PART II.

TRIBES OF EASTEEN BALOCHISTAN.

IN the preceding pages a considerable insight
into the nomenclature, and variety of the tribes
of Eastern BalochistAn, will have been acquired.
It njay still be advisable to devote a particular
portion of this memoir to their classification and
distribution, as well as to note the peculiar or ac-
cidental circumstances which distinguish them, when
considered individually, or in relation with each
other. Some readers may not deem it useless to
notice the details the inhabitants have preserved of
their origin, or to offer such conjectures as may tend
to enlighten, if ever so little, that obscure subject.

Numerous as are the tribes dispersed over these
extensive regions, those considered Baloch may be
reduced to three great classes, the Brahuis, the
Rinds, and the Lumris. Of those not Baloch, there
are the Dehwars of the capital and the fixed vil-
lages, the Jets of Kach Gand^va, the marine tribes
of the coast, the Afghans of ShMl, and, to complete
the review, the Hindu residents in villages and
towns. It is manifest that the Baloch class emi-
nently claims attention in these pages.

TRIBES OF EASTERN BALOCH1STAN. 337

We behold a race of people, calling themselves
Baloch, extending from the eastern limits of Kach
Gandava and the valley of Sind to the frontier of
Persia. It is clear that in this community are com-
prised many tribes of very different descent, inferring
from the physiological distinctions which prevail
amongst them, setting aside the variety in the dia-
lects spoken by them. Some of them have dark
countenances, which savour much of an Indian
pedigree, while others are so much fairer, that we
can scarcely believe them to be of eastern origin.
If we examine the system of that portion of the
Baloch community called Brahuf, we find the tribes
acknowledging the superiority of one, the Mirwari,
from which they select their head, or chief. This
tribe is located in the provinces of Mushki, Jhow,
and Kolwah, which may be considered its head-
quarters, and which are intermediate between the
central provinces of Sahara wan and Jhalawan and
the western one of Kej. There is every reason to
believe that the Brahuis entered the central pro-
vinces from the west, their position, hodie, demon-
strates it ; and they consider Khozdar as their an-
cient capital, or that which they occupied previous
to the acquisition of Kalat. In Kach Gandava we
find them only as proprietors of lands acquired
within a known period, and on a certain occasion.
If we analyze the appellation they have assumed,
we learn little from it, and of that little we may
not be certain. It has been conjectured to be the

VOL. iv. %

338 TRIBES OF

equivalent of Varaha, and a race of that name
figured in contentions with the Rajputs; but it
appears to have inhabited the Panjab and the coun-
tries east of it. Had the term been Barohi, and
the pronunciation approximates thereto, it might
have been supposed to be simply " ba roh-i," or, " of
the waste ;" as "we would say, " makhlukh baroh-i,"
or, " people of the waste." That some of the tribes
now known as Brahtii are not strictly such we may
imagine; circumstances of neighbourhood, inter-
course, and identity of interests, have blended them.
To separate them is not so easy; but, possibly,
those tribes may be more correctly considered Brd-
hui who speak the dialect so called. It has no
resemblance to the dialects of the Afghans or
Jets, and Professor Heeren, who connects the Bra-
huis with the Afghans, has, I submit, erred.

The Brahuis may be divided into three sections,
with reference to the parts of the country they
inhabit.

SECTION I.

INHABITANTS OF THE WESTERN PBOVINCES.

Mlrwrl . . . dwell in Mtishki, Jhow, and Kolwah.

Gitchki . . , dwell in Panjghior and Kej,

Ntishirv&nS * . dwell in Kharan.

Homar&ri . . . dwell in Kolwah.

Mebmasani . . dwell in Mushki.

Rod&bi . . . dwell in Kolwah.

Kalmatti . * . dwell at Kalamat and Pessani, on the coa&t of
Mekr&n.

EASTERN BALOCHISTAN.

339

Sangur . . , dwell at MaMu and Batt, on coast of Mekran.

Gujar .... dwell at ditto.

Hllada . . . dwell at Jhow.

Zigger Minghals dwell at Nushki.

Rakshanis . . dwell at ditto.

Saka .... dwell at Greshar in Mushki.

SECTION II.

INHABITANTS OF SAHABAWAN.

Raisani . . . dwell at Mastung, Shall, &c.

Sirperra . . . dwell at Gurghina.

Shir wan i . . . dwell at Mastung.

Mahmudshahi . dwell at Mastung.

Bangui Zai . . dwell at Mastung.

Kurd .... dwell on Dasht Bidowlat and Merv.

Lari .... dwell at Mastung.

Langhow . . , dwell at Mangachar.

Rodani . . . dwell at Ashi Khan and Pude"n.

Ghazghi . . . dwell at Ghazg.

Shekh Husseni . dwell in hills west of Khanak.

Samalari . . . dwell in ditto,

Sun^ri . . . dwell on Dasht Gur&n.

SECTION III,

INHABITANTS OF JHALAWAN.

Zehri .... dwell in Zehri.

Minghal . . . dwell in hills north of Las.

Blzunju , . . dwell in the same hills, west of Minghals.

Kaidrani , . , dwell in hills near Khozddr.

Saholi .... dwell in ditto.

Jetaks . . , . dwell in hills east of Zehri.

Ltitianis . . . dwell in Zehri.

340

SECTION I. TRIBES OF THE WESTERN PROVINCES.

It is unnecessary to recapitulate here the re-
marks already made on these tribes in the geogra-
phical portion of the Memoir. Of the Mirwari it
has heen already observed, that it is the more illus-
trious of the tribes ; and of the Mehmasani it may
be noticed, that branches of it reside in the province
of Sistan, and again in the hills of Lourist^n, W.
by N. of Shiraz. These all acknowledge a com-
mon origin. It may be remembered that the name
is classical, being that of a powerful tribe encoun-
tered by Alexander in Upper Bactriana.

The Ntishirwanis of Kharan claim a Persian de-
scent, and, in common with the illustrious Rajput
tribes of Udipur, in western India, trace to the
celebrated Nushirwan. In Mushki, the tribe of
S&ka deserves notice; it may be preserving the
name of that powerful and ancient people so well
known as the Sacse in histories relating to the
East.

SECTION n. TRIBES OF SAiiAKAWAN.

The principal of the Saharawan tribes, both as to
rank and wealth, although not in numerical strength,
is the Rais&d, the chief of whom is the hereditary
sirdar, or lord, of the province. The present chief
is Assad Khan, whose brother, Mirulah, fell a

TRIBES OF SAHARAWAN. 341

yictim to the fears of Mehrab Khan, and his minis-
ter, Daoud Mahomed. In 1830 he fled to Kan-
dahar, and accompanied an invading army to Shall
and Mastung. He retired with it, but was in-
duced to return to Saharawan at the instance of
his mother. Assad Khan resides, during the warm
months, at Gdl Mahomed, in the plain of Khanak,
near Mastung. In winter he retreats to Mitari, in
Kach Gandava ; which, with dependent villages, he
holds in grant. In late years he has become a
cripple, and therefore less able to take* a part in
public affairs. The Raisanis pretend to be able to
raise five hundred fighting men, and are the most
respectable in conduct of the Saharawan tribes.
They derive their name from furnishing the rais, or
principal, of the various confederated clans.

The Sirperra reside during summer in Gurghlna,
and during winter in Kach Gandava, where they hold
the village of Biri, on the banks of the Nari, be-
tween Iri and Haji Shahar. Their sirdar is Saiyad
Kh&n, and they pretend to raise one thousand fight-
ing men. This tribe, in its appellation signifying
" cutters off of heads," bears one recognized in
Indian as well as classical records. Pliny, for in-
stance, mentions the Saraparae in conjunction with
the Bactrians, &c., in the neighbourhood of the
Oxus.

The Shirwini reside, with other tribes, in the dis-
tricts of Shall and Mastung. They exclusively
occupy Khad and Kishan, with the small town of

342 TRIBES OF

Skalkoh, about three miles eastward of Kalat. In
Each Gandava they hold the towns and Tillages of
H&ji Shahar, Maisar, Rtistam, Ambi, and Baghai.
This tribe pretend to muster two thousand fighting
men; and the chief, Mahomed Khan, dwells near
Mastung. In the recent revolt in Balochistan he
toot a prominent part, indeed, commenced it by
the slaughter of Lieut. Loveday's munshi, Ghulam
Huss6n, and a small detachment of sipdhis. Under
the arrangements made by the envoy and minister,
he became naib of Mastung to his majesty Shah
Sujah al Mtilkh, with a salary of two hundred ru-
pees per mensem. He had long withstood the soli-
citations of those who meditated the outbreak,
owing to his naturally timid or cautious disposition,
and perhaps might have held out against them had
not the violence of the unfortunate munshi prompt-
ed him to action. The Shirwani tribe believe that
their forefathers came from Shirwan, in the neigh-
bourhood of the Caspian, and thus account for the
name they assume.

The Mahmudshahi dwell chiefly at Mastung, pos-
sessing also Kuhak. In Each Gandava they hold
Zirdad, a village west of Bagh. The chief, Dinar,
dwells near Mastung. The tribe pretend to mus-
ter fifteen hundred fighting men. DinSr was one
of the most active in the late revolt.

The Bangui Zai reside at Shall and Mastung.
They exclusively occupy Isprinji. In Kach Gan-
dava, a portion of this tribe permanently reside at

SAHARAWAN. 343

Talli, near Lehri, and thither, in winter, the migra-
tory portion also repair. The chief is Jan Maho-
med, and the tribe pretends to muster two thou-
sand fighting men. Jan Mahomed, in concert with
Dinar, was unremitting in his efforts to produce
rebellion, long before Mahomed Khan could be
persuaded to join them, and employed himself in
swearing his partisans on the Koran.

The Kurds possess the Dasht Bidowlat and Merv.
In Each .Gandava they hold Tirkari, about two
miles north of Bagh. The sirdar is Saiyad Khdn ;
his tribe pretend to draw out five hundred fighting
men. It is subdivided into the Made Zai (the
principal branch), the Shudan Zai, the Zirdad Zai,
the Saltag Zai, the Shadi Zad, and the MassutarL
It need not be remarked, that this tribe bears the
name of one of the most celebrated and ancient
nations on the earth.

The Laris, with other tribes, reside at Majstung
and Sh&ll, while they hold exclusively Nermuk.
In Kach Gandava they have a tract of country
below Bagh. They pretend to raise fifteen hun-
dred fighting men, and their chief is Mahomed
Khan, reputed a brave man. He became a warm
supporter of the insurgents. This tribe, in designa-
tion at least, are connected with others in the
delt of Sind, and in the countries to the east.

The Langhow tribe dwell principally in the plain
of Mangachar, and hold in Kach Gand&va the vil-
lage of Bagarar, south of Bagh. Their chief is Pir

344 TRIBES OF

Mahomed, and they pretend to muster fifteen hun-
dred fighting men. The Langhows are said, origin-
ally, to have heen slaves of the Rinds, enfranchized
by the famed Mir Chakar on the occasion of his
daughter's nuptials. This tribe is so plainly of
common origin with some of the Indian races,
that they yet retain Hindu appellations, and the
title singh is frequent amongst them.

The Rodanis reside at Ashi KMn, and Ptiden,
west of Kurdigap. In Kach Gandava they hold
In. They pretend to raise four hundred fighting
men. Their chief is Taj Mahomed. This tribe
is, in fact, a branch of the Sirperra, but has long
been accustomed to act independently. A portion
of it also resides at Sohrab in Jhalawan.

The Ghazghi tribe residing at Ghazg, in Kach
Gand&va, hold Gajan. They pretend to muster
four hundred fighting men, and their chief is Kerim-
dad Kh&n.

The Sh&h Huss&ii reside at the skirts of the hills
west of KhSnak, have for their chief Daoud Maho-
med, and pretend to raise three hundred fighting men.

The Samalari were formerly located in Khanak
and Dolai; but, committing depredations, fled to
the hills of Peshing. Being regarded with jealousy,
they repaired thence to the hills, between Khanak
and Sherrud; where they now reside as fugitives.
It is supposed that they will be invited to resume
their original seats. Their chief is Morid, and
they pretend to raise five hundred fighting men.

JHALAWAN. 345

The S6nari inhabit the Dasht Gtiran near Kalat.
They are a branch of the Zehri tribe of Jhalawan,
and pay deference to its sirdar. They pretend to
raise two hundred fighting men. They occupied
their present position on the emigration of the
Zigger Minghals into Nushki.

SECTION m. TRIBES OF JHALAWAN.

The Zehri inhabit the valley of Zehri, the one
denying its name from the other. Its chief is
hereditary sirdar of Jhalawan, and resides at Ghatt.
At present the rank is borne by a minor, the son
of the late Rashid Khan. The tribe is numerous,
and generally respected for orderly habits.

The Jetaks, neighbours to Zehri, are also a
numerous tribe, but, without fixed villages, are dis-
persed over the hills. Their name implies that
they are related to the Jet population of Kachi,
which their position confirms.

The Minghal tribe inhabit the southern hills of
Jhalawan from the limits of Khozdar to Bela in
Las. Their manners are rude, and their habits
predatory. They have two great divisions, the
Shahi Zai and Pahlawan Zai. The present chiefs
are Isa Khan and Rehim Khan. Although this
tribe does not migrate into Kach Gandava* the
chiefs hold lands at or near Pulaji and Chattar, and
south of Lehri. The Minghals pretend to raise

346 TRIBES OF

eighteen thousand fighting men, and their chiefs
reside at Wad,

The Bizunjus inhabit the same hills as the Ming-
hals, but westward of them. They are, if possible,
a more violent people, and much addicted to rapine.
Their chief resides at N&ll. This tribe separates into
the great branches of Amalari and Tambarari. In
Kach Gandava the chiefs possess lands south of Bagh.
I should consider they were quite as numerous as
the Minghals, without, however, knowing their pre-
tentions in that respect. The Kaidranis inhabit
the hills contiguous to Baghwan and Khozdar.
Amongst them are the lead mines of Kappar, near
which dwells the chief, All Morad.

The Saholi dwell at Zldi, in the hills south-east
of Khozdar, under their chief, Attfi Khan.

BIND TRIBES IN KACH GANDAVA.

The great Rind tribes, although not Brahuis, are
included under the general denomination of Baloch.
Their traditions affirm them to be immigrants, at
some remote period, from Damascus and Aleppo.
It is, however, difficult at this time, to detect
any trace of a western original in their appearance ;
but we must reflect, that if there be any truth
in their records, they have been familiar to the
climate of India, and in a course of amalgamation
with its tribes, for nearly twenty-five centuries.

KACH GANDAVA. 347

The language of the Hinds, in common with that
of the other inhabitants of Kach Gandava, is the
Jetki. They are subdivided into so many as forty-
four branches. Although they have partially in-
truded themselves into the hills of Saharawan, they
never appear to have passed them ; and, on every
account, we can believe that, whatever their origin,
they found their way into Kach Gandava from
the east. When mentioning the term Brahui, we
have tendered our suspicions, that it may rather
define the habits and mode of life of the people
bearing it, than their peculiar race or origin. The
same suspicion attaches, in our estimation, to the
word Rind, which, we apprehend, signifies nothing
more than a brave man. Thus " mird-rind " means
"a brave man." With the general term Baloch
we have more difficulty. Ebn Haukal, speaking
of the inhabitants of Mekran, says, " Many resemble
the Arabs, eating fowl and fish; others are like
the Curds." He further says, "The Boloujes are
in the desert of Mount Kefes, and Kefes, in the
Parsi language, is Kouje, and they call these two
people Koujes and Baloujes." The appellation is,
therefore, of some antiquity. There are numerous
Baloches in the countries east of the Indus, and
they are all, I believe, Rinds, as in Bah&walpur and
the Panjb. They have a similarity of appearance,
and a peculiarity of dress, which does not allow
them to be mistaken.

The Rinds of Kach Gandava, of whom the prta-

348 TRIBES OF

cipal branch, is the Utan Zai, pretend to be able to
raise fifteen thousand men, and in political matters
are supposed to act with deference to the Brahui
sirdar of Saharawan. A deadly blood feud rages
between them and their neighbours, the Maghazzis.
My acquaintance with the Rind tribes is not per-
fect ; and I regret not being more fully informed as
to their history. Of the tribes inhabiting Kach
Ganddva, some are the

Utan Zai . dwelling at Suran.

Dumbki . Lehri.

Jakrani . . Llhri.

Jallui . . Sanni.

Lashari . . Gajan.

DodaMarrl Kahan.

Bughti . . in hills E. of Lehri, at Sing

Saloh and Teriki.

Homarari . dwelling at Tambu.

Jamali . . Rojan.

Of these tribes, the Dumbkis, Jakranls, Btightis,
and Doda Harris, always distinguished by their
rebellious and predatory propensities, have acquired
a more than ordinary repute by the excesses they
indulged in during the .operations of the British
armies west of the Indus, as well as by the equi-
Tocal results of the efforts made to restrain and to
punish them. Ignoble and obscure, they might
have so remained had their treatment in the first
instance been due and considerate, but, owing to
neglect, from contemptible maurauders they became
powerful adversaries ; and, in the contest with them

KACH GANDAVA. 349

it is difficult to conceive which party had the ad-
vantage.

Residing in the north-eastern hills of Saharawan
are the minor tribes of the

KalMl . . dwelling at Lup.
Kfichik. . Kirta.

Puzh . . Johan.

Mandardri . Rodbr.

Pugh . . Kajfirf.

On the western banks of the Indus, extending
from the neighbourhood of Dajil, are two great
branches of the Rind tribe ; the Gurchanis, inhabit-
ing Harand, and the Mazaris stretching south of
them. The Mazaris, a predatory tribe, having a
tract of country yielding, it is said, a revenue of
one lakh of rupees per annum, are nearly inde-
pendent, acknowledging, should necessity prevail,
the supremacy of Sind. At this time, they are
pressed by the Sikhs, who have insinuated their
troops into Dajil and Harand.

The Marris, a considerable tribe, inhabit the east-
ern hills of Each Gandava. They are notorious
for their lawless habits, make frequent inroads
upon the plains, and are wholly in rebellion to the
kh&n of Kalat. A portion of this tribe is found in
the hills west of the province, below Jell. They
are peaceable and obedient subjects. A larger
portion is also found on the south-eastern frontier
of Sind, where they have a town, called Adam Marri.
These, of course, are subjects of Sind. The Marris

350 TRIBES OF

have the singular custom of never selling roghan,
alleging, that they reserve it for their guests. The
Jam&li tribe, will, for the same reason, on no
account sell milk.

The Buladai, with their chief, Baram Khan, reside
at Wari, north of Ldrkhana, in Sind, and are subject
to the Amirs. Also under the hills, the western boun-
daries of Sind, are portions of the Utan Zai, Jamali,
and other Rind tribes, who emigrated from Kach
Gandava in the time of Nasir Khan, and were
granted a settlement in Sind. The greater part of
the country west of the Indus, from the parallel
of Shikarpdr to that of Sehwan, is held by Baloch
tribes ; but it is foreign to our purpose to consider
them the subjects of another state.

In the Afghan district of Siwi, to the north-east
of Dadar, are the Baloch tribes Khadjak and Shi-
lanchi. The former are said to hold the villages of
Khadjak, Gulu, and Lfinl The Shelanchis have
a village called Shelanchi, with a chief, Ahmed
KMn. They are neighbours in Siwi to the Afghan
tribes of Safi, Kurak, Margazari, and Dappl.

In the hills east of Kahan, are the Hussenis,
Chachas, Ketras, Beloch tribes. They are inde-
pendent, being remote. To their east, is Sanghan,
belonging to the Pirf Afghans, with a castle or
fort of the same name, and a village called
Mandeh.

The Magghazzis, the mortal enemies of the Rinds,
are probably of the same race. They count only

KACH GANDAVA. 851

four families, of which the principal is the Bu-
tni, whose chief, Ahmed Khan, resides at Jell, in
the south-western quarter of Kach Gandava, south
of Kotru and the Rind districts of Suran, Sanni, &c.
They pretend to be able to raise two thousand fight-
ing men, and in the political system of the Brahuis,
are placed in obedience to the sirdar of Jhalawan.

THE JETS OF KACH GANDAVA.

The Jets constitute the great bulk of the fixed
agricultural population of Kach Gandava, as of the
Panjab and Sindetic provinces ; to say nothing of
the countries between the Satlej and Ganges. A
race so widely dispersed, of course, claims attention.
Wherever located it is distinguished by speaking
nearly the same dialect, and the name designating
it carries us back to the Getic or Gothic invaders
of India and of Europe. To the north and west of
Kach Gandava they are not found as agricul-
turists, but rather as itinerant professors of hum-
ble arts, somewhat like gypsies. Under such con-
ditions they may be discovered at Kibal, Kan-
dahar, and even at Herat, at which latter place
they are called, perhaps with reference to their
occupations, Gharib Z&da, or descended of the poor
or lowly. But wherever they go they preserve
their vernacular tongue, the Jetki. In the Panjab,
I believe, they do not occur westward of the Jelani,

352 TRIBES.

which is instructive, as showing, if they represent
the ancient Getic races, how they have been pushed
forward by subsequent invaders. There can be no
doubt but that the Getse once possessed the whole
of the countries immediately east and west of the
Indus. With the Jet population, east of the Je-
lam, waggons, to the traveller from the west, first
make their appearance.

The language of the Jet races deserves notice,
especially with reference to the important ques-
tion, what is Hindi ? Materials for the comparison
of its various dialects exist in their several voca-
bularies, and the labour of reviewing them could
not be unprofitable. The settlement of the Jets
in Kach Gandava has been at so remote a period,
that they now appear as the aborigines. Their sub-
divisions are numerous. The names of some of
them are the Kalora, which formerly gave princes
to Sind, Kokar, Hampi, Tunia, Abbrah, Pusarar,
Machi, Howra, Manjti, Waddara, Palal, Buah, &c.

LUMRIS OF LAS.

We have already pointed out the common origin
of these races with the Rajput, or Indo-Scythic
tribes of India, and we have noted their subdivi-
sions. They claim, and justly, a close affinity with
the Bulfat, or Namadi, and the Jukia tribes of
Sind, their neighbours to the east. Of these, it

AFGHANS OF SHALL. 353

may be observed, that the Bulfats are divided into
two principal clans, the Bappahani and the Am-
mallani ; and that the Jukias are subdivided into
fourteen families: the Tebir (the chief), Musa,
Bardijah, Salarah, Haria-putra, Mohmat, Panda,
Hinghura, Ghad, Harti, Tagia, Hamira-kah, Shi-
kdri, and Ponwar.

MARINE TRIBES OF THE SEA PORTS.

These, called Meds, we have before noticed, and
need not repeat our remarks here.

DEHWARS OF THE CAPITAL AND FIXED VILLAGES.

Of these people we have before had occasion
to point out that an interest attaches to them, from
their position, settled mode of life, and from the
fact of their vernacular language being what is
known as Persian.

AFGHANS OF SHALL.

These need scarcely be considered when touch-
ing on the tribes of Balochistan, albeit they are
not without claims to attention, if, in their ap-
pellation, Kassi, they have preserved that of the

VOL. TV. 2 A

354 TRIBES OF EASTERN BALOCHISTAN.

important race, which, at some remote period, pre-
dominated over a large portion of Asia, and whose
memory is consecrated in the mythological and
authentic literature of so many nations, as well
as by current traditions.

PART III.

GOVERNMENT AND HISTORY.

ON the subject of Brahui history we inquire in
vain for any mitten record. Tradition, and the na-
tional songs, commemorating the exploits of chiefs
and illustrious men, are the only native sources of
information at command. The testimony they yield
is necessarily obscure and exaggerated. We know,
however, that the armies of the caliphs, at an early
period, or within the first century of the hejira,
appeared, both in Sind and Khorasan ; and it may
be inferred that Balochistan was visited by them.
The natives, however, recovered authority ; for we
find, in Sind, two families ruling, one of them of
the Rajptit race certainly, as was the other proba-
bly, although converted to Islam, since, with the
former, its chief bore the title of jam. About this
time the Sehrais, a Mahomedan family from Sind,
governed at Kalat, and their burial-ground is still
shown immediately south of the town walls. They
were displaced by the Sewah, a Hindu tribe,
whose expulsion, was effected by the Brahuis, still
in power. There are no means of ascertaining the

dates of these changes.

2 A 2

356 GOVERNMENT

The Brahui conquest is believed to have been
achieved under the orders of Kambar, a chief of the
Mirwarz tribe ; and the consequence was the adop-
tion of a new form of government, suited to the
enlarged possessions acquired. It was fixed, that
the supreme power should be vested in Kambar,
and that it should be hereditary ; while other two
chiefs, of the tribes "Eaisani and Zehri, were ap-
pointed sirdars ; the first, of Saharawan, and the last
of Jhalawan ; and these dignities were alike heredi-
tary. It was, moreover, arranged that these two
sirdars, on all occasions of darbdr, or council, were
to sit, the sirdar of Saharawan to the right, the
sirdar of Jhalawan to the left of the kh&n. Matters
of public interest, or which concerned the welfare
of the Brahui community, were first to be sub-
mitted to the consideration of the sirdar of Sahara-
wan, who had also a priority in the delivery of his
opinion. In the second instance, the sirdar of Jha-
law&n was to be consulted. Nothing of importance
was to be undertaken without the concurrence of
these two sirdars, who, possessing an influence
amongst their tribes independent of the khan,
could at pleasure withhold their support. It be-
came necessary, therefore, for the khan to act in
concert with his hereditary counsellors, or, other-
wise, he became suddenly powerless. This system,
of rule, whether suggested by the. notion of pro-
moting Sfe union between the kh&n and his tribes,
or of effectually counteracting any attempt on his

AND HISTORY. 357

part to assume despotic authority, placed the head
of the government in too dependent a state, and
subject to the caprices of chiefs, it may be pre-
sumed, often restless and contrary. The khan had,
besides, a special adviser, or vazir, whose office was
alike made hereditary; and this minister was se-
lected from the Dehwar, or Tajik population, show-
ing a desire to conciliate that class of subjects from
whom revenue was to be principally derived. Bar-
barous as are the Brahui tribes at this day, it is
fair to suppose that they were formerly more so,
and fancy portrays but a rude picture of the in-
fancy of their government. The resources of the
khan must have been very scanty, as he derived then,
as now, no revenue from the tribes ; and the pro-
vinces of Each Gand&va and Dajil to the east, and
of Panjghur, Kej, &c., to the west, were under other
authority, or independent. The scanty revenues of
Kalat, and of the villages of Saharawan and Jha-
lawan, must have furnished him with the means of
keeping his court, paying his troops, &c.

They must, moreover, have been very trifling,
as there is reason to believe that one of the first
measures of tKe Brahui rulers was the banishment
of their Hindu subjects, and this unenlightened
policy was acted upon until the era of Nasir Khan.
Very probably, the khans of Kalat were, for a
long period, dependent on the spoils of their neigh-
bours ; and the chief subject of council debate may
have been the selection of points on which to direct

358 GOVERNMENT

their forays ; indeed, the first of them, whose name
is consecrated to fame, owed his renown to having
been a more than ordinary bold and successful
depredator. Notwithstanding the imperfect form
of government, and the excessive power of the
hereditary sirdars, no change has been made in the
Brahui dynasty up to this time, and the present
chief can boast of being the descendant of eighteen
sovereign khans, or princes. This fact may favour
the opinion that the Brahui constitution is adapted
to the people for whose government it was framed.
It may be, perhaps, as reasonably accounted for
by the limited sphere of action formerly open to the
exercise of political contentions, and the submission
of the country to the great Indian empire. We
find S6wistan (described as comprising Saharawan
and Jhalawan) enumerated amongst the provinces
of the empire in the time of the emperor Akbar,
and noted as furnishing quotas of troops, but
paying no tribute. Immediately before the
invasion of Nadir the authority of the empire was
little respected in its remoter provinces, and the
several petty chiefs of Siwi, Sind, and Kalat, affect-
ed independence, and waged mutual war. About
this time, or at the commencement of the eighteenth
century, the kh&n of Kalat and of the Brahis was
Abdulah Khan, an enterprising chieftain, who
made marauding excursions to Kej, Panjghur,
Kandahar, and so particularly harassed and desola-
ted Kach Gandava, that, to use the expression of

AND HISTORY. 359

the Brhuis, who relate his history, its "naffas," or
" vital principle," became extinct. In one of these
inroads, an army arrived from Sind, of eight thou-
sand men, with which Abdulah KMn, with fifteen
hundred men, ventured to commit himself in conflict.
He was slain, with three hundred of his followers.
His corpse, it is said, was never found. The action
took place at Jandrir, between Dadar and Mitari,
where, some years afterwards, Nasir Khan formed
a garden, called Mir Bagh. He also erected a ceno-
taph to the memory of his father under the hills
east of Kal&t. The memory of Abdulah Khan is
cherished by his countrymen, who are fond of
relating his lawless exploits, and who revere him
as the author of their political importance. His
son, Mohabat Khan, succeeded, and while he ruled
the invasion of Hindustan by Nddir happened;
and the whole of the provinces west of the Indus
were annexed to the Persian empire by the treaty
which followed the submission of Mahomed Shah.
Nddir undertook the settlement of his newly ac-
quired territory, and, it is said, by his orders, Mir
Nur Mahomed, Kalora, the prince of Sind, waa
delivered into the hands of Mohabat Khan, that
he might avenge the death of his father. The
Brahui chief declined the commission of murder,
and Nadir compelled the Kalora prince to cede
Kach Gand&va as an equivalent or atonement for
the blood of his slaughtered father. Hence it is

360 GOVERNMENT

always spoken of as having been acquired by the
blood of Abdulah Khan.

Nadir, however, found the Brahui chief in hos-
tility with his inveterate opponents, the Ghiljis,
then holding Kandahar, and therefore was disposed
to regard him favourably ; and the services he re-
ceived from Mohabat Khan had most likely as
much to do with the cession of Kach Gandava as
a desire to compensate for the blood of Abdulah
Khan.

Mohabat Khan, in imitation of his father, set on
foot several forays ; amongst them, one upon the
vicinity of Kandahar. This proved unfortunate.
The government of that place, consequent on the
murder of Nadir, fell to the vigorous Ahmed SMh,
who revenged the insult by ravaging Saharawan,
by the destruction of some castles, particularly
the citadel of Mastung, and by carrying with him
to Kandahar, as hostages for the future good beha-
viour of the Kalat chief, his two brothers, Eltarz
Khan and Nasir Khan, afterwards so famed. Mo-
habat Khan was not popular with his chiefs, and
the then sirdar of Saharawanheld a correspondence
with his younger brother, Nasir Khan, at Kandahar ;
also with Ahmed Shah, who, already prepossessed in
favour of Nasir Khan, summoned Mohabat Khan
to his capital, where he detained him in captivity
until his death, deputing Nasir Khan to rule in
his stead. This chief, while a hostage with Ahmed
Shah, had the misfortune to slay, accidentally, his

AND HISTORY. 361

brother, Eltarz Khan, from -whom the Elt&rz Zai
families of Baghwan and Kotru are descended.

Nasir Khan, by his capacity to govern, justified
the choice of his subjects and the favour of the
Dfirani sovereign, and soon developed enlarged and
enlightened views of policy. His grand object was
to effect the union of the Baloch community ; and,
with the view of engaging the hearty coopera-
tion of his tribes, and to secure the recent acqui-
sition of Kach Gandava, he divided its lands and
revenues into four equal portions, making over two
shares to the tribes of Saharawan and Jhalawan,
assigning another to the Jet population of the
country, and retaining the fourth to benefit his own
revenue. A fifth portion, occupied by the Rinds
and Magghazzis, was not interfered with, grants to
them having been made by Nadir. These two
tribes, however, were included within the political
system of the Brahuis; the Rinds by being at-
tached to Saharawan, and the Magghazzis by being
united to Jhalawan. No arrangement could have
been more popular ; and it is worthy of observation
that, while intended to provide against the recovery
of the province by the Kalora princes of Sind, it was
not only effectual, but has proved in our days the
means of exciting the tribes to a strenuous oppo-
sition to the measures adopted by the British po-
litical authorities ; for there can be no doubt that
the unjust annexation of Kach Gand&va to the
crown of Kabal was one of the main causes of the

362 GOVERNMENT

revolt in Balochistan. Before the grants of Nasir
Khan the several Brahui tribes of Saharawan were
accustomed to migrate into Kachi with their flocks
for the winter season, paying a certain amount for
the sufferance of settlement and right of pasture.
As the wealth of these people lies in their. flocks,
which cannot subsist during the winter months on
the bleak snowy wilds of Saharawan, the advantage
of permanent possessions on the warm and level
plains of Kachf were inestimable to them ; and how
it came to be expected that they were to be re-
nounced without murmur or struggle I know not,
unless through ignorance of 'the habits of the tribes,
and of the tenure on which they held a footing in
the province.

Nasir Khan, by original treaty a dependent on
the Burni king, through his signal services in the
field obtained so great a share of favour, that
Ahmed Shah ceded to him, in recompence, the dis-
tricts of Shall and Mastung, with the provinces of
Harand and Dajil. The Brahuis claim Shall on
account of having wrested it from the Terins in the
time of Abdtilah KMn ; but, by reason of the inha-
bitants being Afghans, it had been resumed by
Ahmed Shah, when he resented the inroad of Mo-
habat Kh&n, although new restored by him to
Nasir Kh&n. The Kalat chief carried his victorious
arms into Kej and Panjghfir, annexing them, with
the intermediate provinces, to his dominion. Ulti-
mately, he provoked Ahmed Shb ? who besieged

AND HISTORY. 363

him in his capital, which would have fallen, had not
mediation been interposed. During the latter part
of his reign he had to suppress the revolts raised
by Bahrain Khan, grandson of Mohabat Khan, who,
young and active, asserted by force of arms his
pretensions to power.

Nasir was sedulous in consolidating his territory
and in improving his resources. He encouraged the
settlement of Hindus in his towns, and recalled a
colony of Babis, who had been expelled by his pre-
decessor. He strengthened his connexion with the
maritime province of Las, and obtained possession
of the port of Karachi from the Kalora prince
of Sind. He died, after a glorious and lengthened
rule of forty years. His liberality had always been
great, and he left to his son and successor an ex-
tended empire, but a scanty treasury, of three lakhs
of rupees.

Mahmud Khan had early to dispute the posses-
sion of authority with Bahrain Khan and his father,
Hdji Khan, who had been released, or had escaped
from Kandahar. They were so far successful that
H&ji KMn recovered Kaldt, and Mahm6d was
compelled to call in the aid of the Duranis, who
afforded it. H4ji KMn, respected while occupy-
ing the miri, or citadel of Kalat, which is held
in peculiar veneration by the Brahuis, was plun-
dered by them as soon as he left it, and soon after,
being placed in the power of the Durdnis, was
carried back by them to Kandahar, where he died.

364 GOVERNMENT

His son, after many bold but fruitless attempts to
establish himself, became, at length, a prisoner to
Mahmtid, and died at Kalat, leaving two sons in
confinement. In the contest between Mahmud
and Haji Khan the sirdar of Jhalawan, then
Khodabakhsb, had taken many oaths on the Koran
to support the cause of the latter. When the
crisis came he ranged himself on the side of Mah-
mfid, and when his engagements to Haji Khan
were urged upon him, he observed, that it was true
he had given the Koran to Haji, but that he had
given his beard to Mahmud. He clearly thought
he might do without the Koran, but not without
his beard, and this is the case with many of the
Brahui tribes, who regard an oath upon their
beards as the most sacred of obligations. The
Marris, and some other tribes, in like manner,
consider an oath on their swords as the most strin-
gent of ties.

During these troubles the province of Kej re-
nounced the yoke imposed upon it by Nasir Khan,
and Mdhmtid Khan was too much engaged to sup-
port his claims. Without the enterprise or ability
of his father, the Kalat chief might have seen his
territories further curtailed, but for the energies
of his half brothers, Mastapha Khan and Rehim
Khan. The disorders of the Minghal and Bizunjti
tribes of Jhalawan aroused him from his usual
inactivity, and he revenged himself upon their chiefs
by their common slaughter, near Khozdar.

AND HISTORY. 365

The Kalora dynasty had now terminated in Sind.
The last of its princes, weak and cruel, had been
expelled by his officers of the Talpuri tribe, and
the government was in the hands of four brothers,
one of whom, Fati Ali, was a man of some decision
of character. One of his first acts was the re-
sumption of Karachi. Mahmud Khan contented
himself with demanding its restitution by his am-
bassadors. His brother, Mastapha Khan, contem-
plated its recovery by force of arms, when he was
prematurely cut off, as will be noticed. Important
political changes occurred in Afghanistan. Mah-
mud Khan remained faithful to the treaty con-
cluded between his father and Ahmed Shah, ac-
knowledging the Sadu Zai prince, the sovereign
of the day, whether Shh Mahmud or Shah S6jah.
Up to a late period a Brahui contingent, of one
thousand men, was stationed in Kashmir.

The two brothers of Mahmud Khan, Mastapha
Khan and Rehim Kkn, were remarkable men,
and their singular lives and tragical deaths might
form a topic of romance, as well as of history.
Mastapha Khan held the government of Kach
Gandava and Dajil, or the provinces east of Kalat,
and by his valour and unremitting attention to the
repression of disorders, produced in them a state
of security they had never enjoyed before or since.
He made several expeditions against the predatory
Brahui tribes of the hills, as the Marris and others ;
also against the Khaka Afghans, north of Shall,

366 GOVERNMENT

inflicting upon them great slaughter, and com-
pletely restraining them in the exercise of their
lawless habits. He demanded of the chiefs of Sind
the restitution of Karachi, with the sum of the
revenues they had drawn from it during the period
of its unauthorized occupation, and was prepared,
in case of refusal, to have made an expedition into
Sind, The Tcilpur leaders proffered first simple
restitution, then with three years revenue, and,
finally, with the whole of the revenues they had
collected from it. The envoy charged with the
latter propositions had not reached Mastapha Kh&n
when he heard of the chief's murder. There "be-
came no necessity to fulfil his mission, and he
returned to his employers. It is said that Mas-
tapha Khan had concluded a treaty with Sadat
Khan, the ruler of Bahawalpur, the object of which
was the partition of Sind; and it is further said
that the treaty had received the sanction of Fati
Kh&n, then at the head of affairs in Afghanistan.
Sadat Khan was to have taken, the country east
of the Indus, and Mastapha Khan that to the west.
Mastapha Kh4n and Rehim Khan, who, it should
be noted, were half brothers, were in Kach Gan-
dava when news arrived from Kalat of the death of
Rehim Khan's mother. As customary with M3ho-
medans on the decease of their relatives, the be-
reaved son sat, as it is expressed, on the gillam, or
carpet. Supposing, as a matter of course, that Mas-
tapha Khan would be a visitor, Rehim Kh&n, to

AND HISTORY. 367

distinguish him, had, on the first day of sitting on
the gillam, prepared an entertainment for him.
Mastapha Khan did not appear, neither did he on
the second or third day, which induced Rehim
Khan to send a message. Mastapha Khan excused
himself, and promised to attend on the morrow.
Rehiin Khan, persuaded that his hrother would now
become his guest, ordered a due repast to be pro-
vided. Qn the morrow, seated at a balcony of his
house, hfe beheld Mastapha Khan quit his residence,
which was contiguous, and mount a cameL Instead
of taking the road to Rehim Khan's abode of grief,
Mastapha Khan took one in the contrary direc-
tion. It became evident that he was gone on a
hunting excursion, accompanied by four or five
attendants. Rehim Khan, incensed at the neglect,
or premeditated insult of his brother, determined
upon desperate and unlawful revenge. With fifty
or sixty armed followers, he followed Mastapha
KMn during the day, but at such a distance as not
to be recognised by him, awaiting an opportunity
to assail him. This did not present itself until
evening, when Mastapha Khan, on his return home-
ward, alighted from, his camel and seated himself
upon the ground. R&iim KMn, with his retinue,
appeared, and he fired a shot at his brother, which
took effect. Mastapha Khan exclaimed, "Ah!
Rehim, do not destroy me from a distance ; if thou
art a man, close with me." Rehim Kh&n rushed
in upon, his brother, and, after a violent struggle,

368 GOVERNMENT

both being upon the ground, Mastapha Khan was
despatched. Rhim Khan also was wounded. The
corpse of Mastapha Khan was interred near Bagh,
and a makbara was erected over his remains, a little
north of the town. Although the resentment of
Return Khan was the immediate cause of the assas-
sination of Mastapha Khan, it is pretended by some
that the rulers of Sind, fearing his designs, had
promised a considerable sum of money to an aunt
of Rehim Khan, residing at Kotru, in case she
should despatch Mastapha Khan; and that the
nephew, at her instigation, committed the atrocious
deed. Rehim Khan, indeed, immediately fled to-
wards Sind, and he received from its chiefs a sum
of money, whether the reward of perfidy, or the
proceeds of a private sale of jewels and swords, must
remain doubtful. Mastapha Khan had the character
of an undaunted soldier. Of a commanding stature,
his fine person and noble aspect were well fitted to
ensure the respect of his rude countrymen, as his
liberality and valour were calculated to win their
esteem and admiration. He wa6 a man of violence,
but of justice, and the innocent had nothing to fear
from him. Powerful to chastise an enemy, he was
prompt to reward a friend ; and his generosity of
sentiment and action had often converted to a
friend a worthy enemy. He retained in pay a
body of eight hundred well-equipped Afghan horse,
which, while it made him competent to carry any
of his measures, also left him but little dependent

AND HISTORY. 369

on the tribes. Robbers he chastised with the ut-
most severity ; and although his punishments were
barbarous, as impalement, &c., he proved that it
was possible to restrain the licentious habits of his
subjects. It had ever been the custom in Kach
Gandava, as it is now, and in most Mahomedan
countries, for a Hindu in passing from one village
to another to put himself under the protection of
a Mahomedan, for which he presented a fee. Mas-
tapha Khan, during his administration, abolished
this system; punishing by fine the Hindu who
paid a Mahomedan for protection, and by death the
Mahomedan who accepted a protecting fee. In his
progresses amongst the hill tribes, he was wont to
throw on the road rolls of cotton cloth. If on
his return, or at any subsequent time, he found
them in situ, he rejoiced, and observed, " I almost
fancy that Mastapha Khan's authority is respected
as it ought to be." So fearful were the natives
of the hills of exciting the attention of their ter-
rible chieftain, that, on seeing a roll of linen on
the road, they would run away from it, and pray
that Mastapha Khan might never know that they
had even seen it. The Brahui chief was not, how-
ever, without his eccentricities, and was devoted
to intemperance. On these accounts, as well as for
his indomitable courage, he was a great favourite
with the profligate Vazir Fati Khan. Haji Khan,
KMka, afterwards of such prominent notoriety in
Afghan affairs, was, at the commencement of his
VOL. iv. 2 B

370 GOVERNMENT

career, an obscure soldier in the service of Mas-
tapha Kh&n.

Rehim Kh&n, after his brother's murder, retired
to the frontiers of Sind, where he collected a force,
with which he marched into the provinces of Ha-
rand and Dajil, and, took possession thereof. Mah-
mtid Khan, the chief of Kalat, reflecting probably
that he was a brother, did not molest him, or af-
fect to notice his proceedings. Growing at length
weary of his situation, Rehim Kh&n secretly left
Dajil with some fifty horsemen, and entered Kach
Gandava, which he traversed, and gained the skirts
of the hills, separating the province from Kal^t
at a point west of Gandava. His attendants were
desirous that he should enter the hills, urging, that
the sister of Mastapha Kh^n was at Gandava, and
might be aware of his situation, as it was barely
possible that he had not been recognized on the
road. Rhim Khan refused to attend to their
prudent councils, and observed, alluding to some
former event of his life, " What would be said of
Rhim Khan, who at Dadar with five men, dis-
dained to fly from as many hundreds, if now, with
fifty, he should retire into the hills through fear
of a woman?" The apprehensions of his atten-
dants were but too well founded. Mastapha Khan's
sister was aware of Rehim Khan's arrival in the
province, and of his halting-place. She collected
the troops of Gandctva and the armed peasantry,
and with the tumultuary mass marched upon Re-

AND HISTORY. 371

him Khan, who was overpowered and slain. His
body was carried to B4gh, and interred by side of
his brother, Mastapha Khan. Rehim Khan's mo
tives for quitting Dajil are not precisely known.
Some suppose that he had an idea of throwing
himself into the western provinces ; others imagine,
with greater probability, that he had determined
to cast himself at the feet of Mahmud Khan, and
to implore pardon for his past offences.

Mahmud Khan, the chief of Kalit, in the prime
of life, fell a victim to intemperance, dying, it is
said, of stricture. He had become devoted to the
pleasures of wine, and had brought a company of
dancing girls from Sind. In their society he spent
the greater part of his time. It is rumoured in
Balochistan that the jealousy of Mahmud Khan's
wives, rather than his bodily infirmities proved,
fatal to his existence. One of them, the mother
of Mehrdb KMn, incensed at the neglect with
which she was treated, and at the preference shewn
by her husband to the dancing girls of Sind, is
supposed to have administered a draught of poison
to her estranged lord. This lady is since dead,
and, be the fact as it may, no suspicion implicates
her son Mehrab Khan in the transaction. Mah-
mtid Khan had governed about twenty-five or twenty-
six years. While living, his reputation suffered by
comparison with that of his energetic father.
Dead, he,was regretted, when his sway was contrast-
ed with the more feeble one of his son and successor.

372 GOVERNMENT

Mehrab Khan succeeded peaceably to the govern-
ment, and his first acts betokened spirit, and gave
the promise of an effective and active reign. He
regained ascendancy in Kej and the western pro-
vinces, and controlled the disorders in other parts of
his territory. But he had speedily to encounter
opposition from the descendants of Mohabat Khan ;
and Ahmed Yr Khan, the son of Bahrain Khan,
was in arms against him. This chief repaired to
Jell, and excited the Magghazzis to espouse his
faction; after expending ten thousand rupees to
little purpose, Mehrab Khan repaid him the money,
and allowed him to return to Kalat. A second
time he went to Talli, in Kachi, and having no bet-
ter success than before, Mehrab Khan, repaid him
two thousand rupees which he stated to have been
spent. Still restless, he fled to Dajil, which he
devastated, and was again forgiven by Mehrdb
Khan. A fourth time he retired amongst the
Khadjaks of 'Siwi, and raised the Sahaxawani tribes,
whose revolt caused Mehrab Khan an effort to re-
press ; and Ahmed Yar Kh&n, being made captive,
was detained at Kalat, where he was afterwards
slain, at the instance of Daoud Mahomed, a Ghilji,
of low extraction, whom it was the misfortune of
Mehrab Khan to raise from obscurity to power, to
the detriment of the old servants of his father and
grandfather, and in opposition to the feelings of the
tribes. Daoud Mahomed wished to have sacrificed
with their sire his two sons Shah Nawaz and Fati,

AND HISTORY. 873

who have since become known in Brahui history,
but Mehrab Khan would not consent, although he
held them in honourable confinement.

The khan's partiality for Daoud Mahomed proved
the. pregnant source of evil and embarrassment to
him. The Ghilji, to maintain his position, deemed
it necessary to remove all those in opposition to
him, or whose influence and character he feared;
and these were so many, including all who were
high-born and illustrious in the country, that the
task might have daunted a man of less effrontery-
Twenty-three or twenty-four of the most distin-
guished Brahui chiefs and individuals were sacri-
ficed, and in succession, as the opportunity pre-
sented itself, to calm the apprehensions of Daoud
Mahomed. Many of these unfortunate men were
no doubt in rebellion, but it cannot be forgot-
ten that their crimes were merely defensive, and
would never have been heard of but for the unwise
step of the khan, and for the pride and insolent
bearing of his minister. The immediate conse-
quence of these acts was, the complete dislocation
of authority; the surviving relatives of the slain,
bound by national obligations as well as by their
feelings to revenge, disavowed allegiance, and
formed a general combination to expel Daoud
M&homed by force of arms. They marched to the
capital, where Mehrab Khan was encamped without
the walls, and no sooner had they arrived than
they were joined by those about the chief, excepting

.374 GOVERNMENT

some four hundred of his immediate dependents,
principally khanazats, or household slaves. So
complete was the defection on this occasion, that
Wall Mahomed Khan, the old Minghal chief, after-
wards slain at Kalat, was the only person of ijote
who adhered to his master. Even Jam Ali, from
remote Las, who was present, became a rebel.
Mehrab Khan, obstinate in his purpose to retain
Daoud Mahomed, was placed in extreme danger ;
his tent was surrounded, and the muskets of the
implacable insurgents, who declared Akhtind Ma-
homed Sidik their khan, were directed to it. The
Babi merchants, and other natives of Kalat, inter-
posed, and effected an arrangement, by which, leav-
ing the main point of dispute at issue, the khan
should be allowed to retire within the town, held
by the darogah, Gfil M&homed ; in return, the
newly-appointed khan's wives and children within
the walls were to be permitted to leave the town.
Difficulty attended the execution of the agreement ;
the disaffected fearing to be overreached; but by
some clever contrivance it was acted upon, the
khan being popped in at one gate as the family of
the akhund were popped out of another. As soon
as the khan was liberated, darogah Gul Mahomed
opened fire from the citadel and town walls on the
malcontents; and as the valley east of Kalat is
within range of gun shots, they were forced to retire
to some distance, and dissension creeping into their
councils, they marched to Zehri, where a dispute

AND HISTORY, 375

concerning some seized grain occasioned their dis
persion, and the several chiefs, with their followers,
returned to their respective homes.

Notwitstanding this failure of the chiefs to com-
pel the dismissal of Daoud Mahomed, the khan,
aware that the prejudice against him was as strong
as ever, thought prudent to remove his favourite for
a while, and, accordingly, secretly despatched him
to Kandahar, where, for a year or two he resided.
When again summoned to Kalat, a plot was formed
by the chiefs of Saharawan to assassinate him on
the road ; but it was frustrated by the care of Meh-
r&b Khan. The Ghilji again assumed power, alike
detested and feared by his numerous enemies.

Mehrdb Khan's military operations have been
few sand inglorious. In an expedition against the
Harris he was foiled, and forced to break up his
army, without gaining anything but contempt.

The intrigues of the Sahdrawani chiefs with the
sirdars of Kandahar have, on more than one occa-
sion, brought a Durani army to Mastung, and occa-
sioned the assembly of the Brahui's levies to oppose
it, when a treaty has been patched up, without the
intention of being observed on either side. On one
of these inroads Akhtind Mahomed Sidik, before
mentioned as having been appointed khan by the
malcontents, and who has since become known to
the British political authorities, visited, as envoy
the Durani camp. Introduced to the sirdars, he,
of course, proposed to sell his master. K<5han Dil

376 GOVERNMENT

Khan inquired if he were not a mulla, and being an-
swered affirmatively, asked, why he wore a military
Baloch cap, and why he suffered his hair to grow so
profusely. Commenting upon the inconsistency, he
called for the barber and ordered the akhtind's head
to be shaven, and then replaced his cap, with a white
muslin turban. The akhund was so mortified, that
he did not appear in public life until his head T?as
again covered with the honours of which the unna-
tural Durani barber had deprived it. K<5han Dil
Khan well knew how to treat such men. Our di-
plomatic gentlemen were less shrewd.

In the reign of Mehrab Khan a memorable in-
stance of the punishment of presumption and pride
occurred in a contest between the tribes Rind and
Magghazzis in Kachi, between whom, from of
old, a deadly feud exists. The Rinds, who have
greatly the advantage of numbers, collected, it
is said, seven thousand men, and contemplated the
extermination of their foes. The Maggazzis were
unable to oppose more than two thousand to
them. All offers of accommodation were reject-
ed, and the prayers and tears of saiyads and of
women were interposed in vain. The hostile par-
ties drew near to each other, and the Magghazzis,
determined to sell their lives as dearly as they
could, in calmness awaited their approach. A
murderous volley, at forty yards, threw the Rinds
into confusion, which was made irremediable by an
immediate charge, and the embarrassment of canals

AND HISTORY. 377

of irrigation amongst which they were entangled.
Two thousand of the Binds were supposed to be
slam, while little loss befel the victors. The khan
of Kalt, on hearing of the victory, sent a dress of
honour to Ahmed Khan, the Magghazzi chief,
which so disgusted the Binds that they retired in
a body to the frontiers of Sind, where the Amirs
assigned them territory for their subsistence. In
course of time they were recalled. The defeat of
the Rinds happened in 1830.

About the same time, Mehrab Khan was de-
prived of the provinces of Harand and Dajil by the
Sikhs, owing to the course of intrigues set on foot
by Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, since famous for sub-
tlety and crime, in connexion with the melancholy
fate of his master, and no less infamously distin-
guished for his misdemeanours in the service of
those who had been duped by his plausible appear-
ance and manners.

In 1831 Mehrab Kh&n made some ineffectual
efforts to repress the license affected by the Min-
ghal and Bizunju tribes of Jhalawan, and for that
purpose went to Khozdar. Returning to Sohrab,
he collected an army to reduce to obedience the
western tribes, which finally marched under the
orders of his brother, Mir Azem Khn, and the
Ghilji Daoud Mahomed. Rustam Khan, Mehma-
senni, one of the disaffected, early made his sub-
mission ; but Mohem Khan, Nushirwani, who had
placed himself in dependence on Kandahar, resisted'

378 GOVERNMENT

and was besieged in liis stronghold of Gwerjak.
The usual process of a Baloch investment and siege
was carried out ; towers and mounds were erected
to overlook the walls of the fortress ; but, an under-
standing existing betwen the rebel chief and many
in the Kalat camp, nothing of consequence was
effected, until the besieged needed fuel. On this,
offers were made to surrender the place ; but it was
insisted upon that the garrison should give an en-
tertainment to the victors ; which being approved,
stores of fuel were allowed to be introduced into the
fort-, and immediately shouts of defiance were heard
from it. The siege was again pressed, and the gar-
rison once more reduced to extremity, when Moh6m
Khn produced a peremptory order from Kandahar
that the siege should be raised, on account of his
being a vassal of the Dfiranfs. The army there-
upon marched into Kej ; and, ultimately, returned
to Kalat without having achieved anything of
moment.

For a year or two Mehrfflb Khan was occupied
in providing against his unruly chiefs and tribes,
being uninterrupted by any invasion from abroad,
when he experienced a fresh cause of solicitude
in the escape from the citadel of Kalat of Shah Na-
waz Khan and Mir Fati Khan, the sons of Ahmed
Yar Khan, slain at the commencement of his rule.
The faction of these young men was embraced by
the Saharawani tribes ; and D&dar being captured by
them, they advanced into Kachi. Mir Azem Kh&n,

AND HISTORY. 379

with the Magghazzi levies, encountered and de-
feated them, compelling Sh&h Nawaz Khan to seek
an asylum in Kandahdr, and Mir Fati Khan in Sind.
Soon after these events the ex-king. Shah S6jah
al Mtilkh, appeared at Shikarpur, determined to
attempt the recovery of his dominions. Mehrab
Khan directed all honour to be shown him in his
passage through his territory. After the ex-king,
defeated at Kandahar, had invoked, to no purpose,
the aid of the chiefs of Lash and Sistan, he crossed
the desert, and arrived, a fugitive, at Kalat, warmly
pursued by the Kandahar sirdar, Reham Dil Khan.
Mehrab Khan did not hesitate to grant him pro-
tection, and to his conduct on this occasion the
British government has publicly offered its testi-
mony of applause. "This reverse left him no
alternative but flight ; and pursuing the route of
Belochistan, he arrived at Kalat ; the capital of that
country, with about two hundred followers, and so
closely pressed by R6ham Dil Khan, of Kandahar,
with upwards of two thousand men, that the royal
fugitive was forced to take refuge within the palace
of the kh&n of Kalat. The Beloochee chief in
stantly accorded to the unhappy monarch the pro-
tection and hospitality for which that nation is
proverbial." Vide No. 61, The Governor-General
of India, in council, to the Secret Committee of
the Court of Directors of the East India Company*
5th March 1835, page 42, of the "Papers re-
lative to the Expedition into Afghanistan."

380 GOVERNMENT

While there is some error in this extract, as to
trifling details of numbers, &c. ; there is none as
to the main fact of the protection afforded, and
some may think that the khan's generosity might
have been better requited. Raham Dil Khan,
the sMh's pursuer, was a manly foe; and when
his brother, Kohan Dil Khan, wished to have
avenged upon Mehrab Khan the escape of the
shah, he protested against it, affirming, that the
Kalat chief had proved himself a good man ; neither
was he ashamed to avow that he esteemed him
for his sense of honour.

In 1833 the influence of Daoud Mahomed, before
on the decline, became so low that to maintain
his position he conceived it necessary to invite
an invasion from Kandahar. His communications
were intercepted, and Mehrab Kh&n considered
his treason deserved punishment. One of the early
victims to the fear of Daoud Mahomed had been
the hereditary Tajik adviser of the kMn, the Vakil
Fati Mahomed. The vakil's son, Naib Mulla
Hassan, was suffered to live, and generally accom-
panied the khan in his excursions, and attended
the darbar, without being consulted on affairs.
Latterly he had received more attention, which
increased in proportion as Daoud Mahomed de-
clined in estimation ; and from mere insinuations,
he gradually intimated more plainly his opinion
of the perfidy of the Ghilji, without offence, until,
emboldened by the khan's state of mind, he offered

AND HISTORY. 381

himself as an instrument to despatch him. The
khan spoke approvingly, without further committing
himself, and Daoud Mahomed, perhaps apprehen-
sive of the naiVs enmity or acquainted with his
project, represented to his master that it was incum-
bent to put the naib to death. The khan did not
object, but declined to give the requisite order. The
struggle between the Ghilji and naib became publicly
known, as well as the indecision of the khan, and
the community of Kalat were wondering what
would be the result. The correspondence with
Kandahar probably decided the Ghilji's fate. The
dissimulation of Mehrab Khan was, however, re-
markably displayed on this occasion. He consented
to sacrifice the naib to the resentment of Daoud
Mahomed, and fixed the morrow for the enactment
of the deed. In like manner, he promised the
naib that his enemy, Daoud Mahomed, should
fall by his hand. On the following morning he
repeated his assurance to the Ghilji ; who returned
home so well satisfied that, on again leaving his
house for the citadel he observed, that before he
returned he should have run down, in chase, a great
prey. The khan, the Ghilji, ,and the naib, sat with
others in general discourse until the evening time
of prayers, when the company dispersed, the n&ib
and Ghilji, being privileged persons, remaining to
pray by the side of the khan. Daoud Mdhomed
retired to a chamber to perform the usual ablutions
before prayers, and while engaged in them received

382 GOVERNMENT

a sword-cut on the neck from Naib Mulla Hassan,
who had followed him ; he turned round, inquiring
"Chi shudl" what's the matter? when a second
cut deprived him of speech and life. Naib Mulla
Hassan naturally succeeded to the post of his slain
father, which had been so long enjoyed by Daoud
Mahomed.

The change of ministers unfortunately produced
no improvement in the state of affairs, or in that
of the country at large ; one course of intrigue
being merely substituted for another. The chiefs
of Saharawan continued in disaffection ; and found,
strangely enough, an additional cause in the murder
of Daoud Mahomed. The sirdar of Jhalaw&n absent-
ed himself from attendance at court, and the chiefs
of Baghwdn and Wad placed themselves in open
revolt. While matters were in this state the
British expedition crossed the Indus, its route to
Kandahar lying through the khan's territory. It
is needless to repeat what has been written on
this subject in the preceding part of this volume ;
but we may deplore the misfortune of Mehrab Khan,
when the composition of his darbdr at the time is
considered, and when we call to mind the people he
was compelled to employ in his negotiations with
the British authorities. They were Naib Mulla
Hassan, Akhund Mahomed Sidik, and the Saiyad
Mahomed Sherif ; to them may be added the bro-
ther of Daoud Mahomed. N&ib Mulla Hassan had
to avenge his father's death. Akhund Mahomed

AND HISTORY. 383

Sidik, it will be remembered, had once been nomi-
nated khan. Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, by his trea-
son, had lost to the khan, Harand and Dajil, besides
intriguing with the Kandahar sirdars ; the brother
of Daoud Mahomed naturally cherished feelings of
revenge.

To baffle the insidious efforts of such men, and
to impart confidence to the soured and sullen
Mehrab Khan, qualities were required which the
officers of the British mission never gave any proof
that they possessed. In lieu of penetrating the
crafty wiles of the designing, they were themselves
duped by them, and an uninterrupted series of
errors led to the death of the misled and bewil-
dered Kal&t chief, the sack of his capital, and the
partition of his country.

The detection of error, although acknowledged
by the captivity of Naib Mtilla Hassan, was not
accompanied by the recognition of the son of Meh-
r&b Khan, who, a fugitive upon his father's death,
was chased from one place to another, while on the
plea of legitimacy, Shah Nawaz Khan was placed
in authority over Kal^t, and the remnant of the
country attached to it.

The revolt of the Brahui tribes, the operations
at Kalat and elsewhere, require not to be more
than alluded to in this place. The governor-gene-
ral found it necessary to reverse everything that
his political officers had done, as far as lay in his
power. The son of Mehrab was seated on the

384 GOVERNMENT AND HISTORY.

masnad of his late father ; and the present head
of the Indian government has completed the act
of justice, by restoring to him that portion of
his dominion which had been so absurdly annex-
ed to the crown of KabaL What has become of
Shah Nawaz Khan, the chief constituted by the
political authorities, I know not ; but for Mr.
BelPs better sense of justice, he would have been
victimized, to conceal the incapacity of those who
placed him in a false position. The actual chief
of Kalat, now styled Mir Nasir Khan, in regard
to the memory of his great-grandfather, is fifteen
or sixteen years of age, has a prepossessing appear-
ance, and has been well educated through the care
of his father. At the period of life when the
mind is most open to impressions of good and evil,
his future course must be contemplated with in-
terest, not unmixed with fear, with reference to the
dangers which surround him. He has, however,
more than ordinary incitement to do that which
is right, as his exemplary conduct will best vindi-
cate his father's reputation.

GOVERNMENT AND HISTORY.

385

386

PART IV.

ANTIQUITIES AND DIALECTS.
ANTIQUITIES.

IN Balochistan we search in vain for the mag-
nificent vestiges of the olden times, which are to be
found in Afghanistan and Persia. This need not
he a subject of wonder if we reflect that it has
not, like those countries, ever been the seat of
powerful and extensive empire, and that it was
in the earliest ages in the same relation to them,
with reference to advancement in civilization and
political connexions, as it stands at the present
day.

That it has been formerly much more populous
can hardly be doubted, when we descry the sites
of many cities, which have not now representa-
tives; and when we observe the present villages
had, at some remote period, predecessors of mag-
nitude and importance. Many of the bleak, ex-
tensive plains, now speckled thinly with the black
tents of tomans, would seem to have once con-
tained fixed villages and towns, if we may judge
from their numerous dams, or artificial mounds,

ANTIQUITIES. 387

which it is difficult to conceive as not represent-
ing the sites of ancient villages, or of the places
of sepulchre attached to them.

From the earliest historical notices of this coun-
try, we may infer it to have been a dependency
of the great Persian empire, and probably in the
category of those which, from remoteness, were
merely known by name at Persepolis. It fell, with
Persia, into the hands of Alexander the Great, and
was subject to the vicissitudes of sway, resulting
from the struggles between his successors. It was
naturally, from its distance, early included amongst
the defections which happened under the Syro-
Macedonian kings, but at a subsequent period, faint
incidental rays of information might authorize us
to conclude that it was again under the sway of
another Greek, in the person of Demetrius, son
Df Buthydemus of Bactria, who appears to have
bunded a city in Arachosia, which, wherever it
vas, could not have been far from Kalat. Those
overeigns who succeeded to the authority of the
3-reek Bactrian princes, probably extended their
way, and introduced their religion into these coun-
ries. A dark epoch then obscures the history of
bis country, until the era of Mahommedanism,
rhen the armies of the caliphs overran Balochistn.
'hat the caliphs did not retain permanent sway
evidenced by the fact, that a Hindu principality,
aditionally known as that of the Sewah dynasty,
ourished at Kalat until a comparatively late pe-

2 c 2

388 ANTIQUITIES.

riod, and tenaciously maintained its independence
amongst the Mahommedan states around it.

If the invasion of Jenghiz Khan, also asserted by
tradition, be historically true, it may be conceived
that that barbarous chief and his generals effec-
tually completed the work of desolation which the
caliphs had commenced some ages before. Ever
at the mercy of any powerful invader, Kalat was
afflicted by a visit from the generals of Taimur,
and, agreeably to his historian, was razed to the
ground.

Of its Greek rtilers we have no vestiges. It
is not impossible that their coins may be occasion-
ally elicited. Such reliques are found near Mas-
tung, at Mitari, a town of Kach Gandiva, near
Bela in Las, and on the site of an ancient city in
Jhow, which tradition affirms to be that of a city
founded by Alexander, also at a locality in Kharan,
and at other places. Three or four years before
my visit to Kalat, a silver medal, said to be as large
as a German crown, with a bust on the one side,
was found at Sorra Bek, a little north of Kalat.
This town flourished in the time of the caliphs,
according to the Nubian geographer mentioned by
Wilford, and its site retains the original name.

Near Kal&t we have the sites of three conside-
rable cities ; that of Sorra Bek, just mentioned, to
the north ; that of Kuki, said to have been destroy-
ed by Jenghiz Kh&n, near Rodinjo to the south ;

ANTIQUITIES. 389

and one, with name unknown, on the plain of
Chappar, to the west. Besides the ancient sites
at Mastung, Mitari, Bela, and Jhow, there are
others at Khozdar, Kharan, Nushki, &c., and yery
many in the western provinces, which, of necessity,
fell not under my observation.

At Nichara, in the hills east of Kal&t, are a few
caves and cave temples. These excavations, the
samuches of Afghanistan, now that we are fully
acquainted with them, were certainly religious and
sepulchral localities, or the abodes of the ascetics
connected with them. At Nichara, a few years
since, a proof of their nature was afforded by the
accidental discovery of one heretofore closed, in
which were found several corpses, according to my
informant, arrayed in their habiliments, and ex-
tended on chdharpahis, or couches. They pulve-
rized on being touched.

Some five or six miles from Nichara, on a plain
occupied by the Jetaks, are said to be remains
of an alleged city of the . infidels, and, what is of
more consequence, an inscription graven on a rock.
My inquiries left me in little doubt of the truth of
this record, and certainly I should have visited
the spot but for the unfortunate outbreak in the
country. It was impossible to ascertain from my
informant in what characters it was inscribed.

At the ancient site, near Bela, may be dug up
jars fall of ashes. It is said, they contain nothing

390 ANTIQUITIES.

else, but the probability is, that coins and trinkets
might reward a careful search.

Amongst the extant remains of antiquity in
Balochistan the more conspicuous are, perhaps, the
walls and parapets of stones, called by the present
inhabitants, Gohar Basta, or the works of infidels.
They occur in many places to great extent, par-
ticularly at Lakorian, between Sohrab and Bgh-

wan, in the contiguous plain of Anjira, on the road

f&

from Sohrab to Kej, in the valley of the Mulloh
river, and at Rodbar, in the hills between Kalat and
Kirta. Those at Lakorian are the most remarkable.
The purpose of these structures may be questioned,
but they are probably places of defence.

In the district of Gurghina is a remarkable
subterranean chamber, which was discovered some
years since by workmen employed in the construc-
tion of a karez. To their astonishment, they pene-
trated into an immense excavation, supposed to be
artificial. It continued for a time an object of
curiosity, but, so far as I could learn, was entirely
devoid of sculpture or embellishment. It was
conjectured to have been a retreat of refugees in
time of war, at some remote period. Probably, it
was a cemeteiy or temple, of past ages.

The maritime province of Las, besides the cave
temples near Bela, contains a celebrated stMn, or
place of Hindu pilgrimage. It is situated in the
hills bounding the province to the west, and
through which flows the Hingohl rivulet. The

ANTIQUITIES. 391

sacred locality is called Hinglatz. It is understood
to be consecrated to Parbati, the goddess of nature,
the universal mother, &c., or Diana, the moon, &c.
By Mahommedans, by whom it is alike revered, the
shrine is considered as one of Bibi Nani, the lady
Nani, or the motherly lady. It is possible they
have preserved the ancient name NANAIA, that of
the goddess of the old Persians, and Bactrians,
and now so well known to us by coins. There is a
small mat or temple at Hinglatz, but the chief
attractions appear to be natural objects, as a kand,
or reservoir of water ; a well, of unfathomable depth,
above the mat ; and the semblance the mural dispo-
sition of the rock presents, in a certain spot, to that
of a fortress. There are also said to be the figures
of the sun and moon hewn on the rock, in an in-
accessible site. It is necessary for pilgrims to re-
main two days amongst the holy shades and soli-
tudes of Hinglatz, when they return, impressed with
feelings of awe and devotion, inspired by the solem-
nity and mysterious grandeur of the sequestered
haunts they have visited.

Many votaries and pilgrims proceed no farther than
Hinglatz, but it is deemed to be especially praise-
worthy and beneficial to extend the pious tour to
Satadip, an island off the coast of Mekran, and
between Hormara and Pessani. I was surprised at
discovering that this celebrated island was no other
than the Ashtola of our maps, the Asthilal of Arabs
and Baloches, the Carnina and Enchanted Isle of

392 ANTIQUITIES.

Nearchus, and the Asthse of Ptolemy. It afforded
me pleasure, also, that I had anchored for the night
tinder its bare rocks, in a trip in 1830 from Karachi
to Maskat, but it was difficult to imagine what cir-
cumstances had invested it with a sacred character.
It was a sthan, I was told, called Ram Jelloh, with-
out any particular natural object of interest or
curiosity, and where it was needful to carry water
for the time the devout stayed upon it, which, as
at Hinglate, has been fixed by custom at two
days.

The voyage of Nearchus conferred an interest
upon the dreary shores of Las and Mekran, which
has been greatly enhanced to us by the lucid ex-
planation of its details afforded by the late Dean
Vincent. It is curious to discover that many of
the appellations of localities, as named by the
Greeks, are borne by them to this day. On
the coast between the mouths of the Indus and
Gwadar, amongst the stations as given by Arrian,
are, Malana, Araba, Kalanaa, Derenobosa, Kophas,
all recognizable in the present Maln, Araba,
Kalamat,' Darambab, and Kaphdn, of the rude na-
tives. The port of Alexander, unfixed by the
learned Dean, I should suppose to be Karachi,
which he conjectured to be Krokala, though this
place was an island, not a port ; and, in confirma-
tion of my view, the next station to the port of
Alexander was the island Bibacta, which well
accords with the island Chirna of the Sindians.

DIALECTS. 393

The Carnina of Arrian has been above shown to
be the Asthsea of Ptolemy, and its name to Ba-
loches and Arabs is yet Asthi-lal. With so many
recognizable stations in a limited space, it becomes
easy to determine the intermediate ones, some of
which even may pretty certainly be decided by
their present appellations ; for instance, Mosarna
may be conceived to be Mosam, or Shamal Bandar ;
Domo may be Diimag, &c.

Of the routes of Alexander and his officers
through the upper country, it will have been re-
marked, that tradition seems to have preserved a
memento, in the belief that a city in Jhow owed
its origin to him, and, if so, it must have been the
Alexandria, he founded amongst the Oritoe. Cra-
terus, who led the veterans by, a still higher route,
passed through Choarene, whose position as fixed by
Strabo, has puzzled his commentators, yet it jnay
have been the modern Kharan, if not the Kawer
Zamin of oriental writers.

DIALECTS.

It has been observed, that the division of the
Kalat territory into sections conformably to circum-
stances of locality, was alike sanctioned by the
diversity of dialects current in the several pro-
vinces. The tribes of the first, or western section,
use what is pre-eminently called the Baloch, which

394 DIALECTS.

extends to the limits of Kerman, and is considered
the genuine dialect of the Baloch community. Its
affinity with modern Persian cannot be doubted,
though it has, probably, preserved a greater propor-
tion of the forms of its parent tongue. Some of
the Jhdlawan tribes, as the Minghals and Bizunjus,
and even some of the tribes included within the
Rind community, employ this dialect, which is also
spoken constantly by the khans and sirdars, who
consider it would be vulgar to express their meaning
in Brahuiki

The Brahufki, or Kur Galli (the Patois), is pecu-
liar to the tribes of Saha*rawan and Jhalawan. It
necessarily contains a good deal of Baloch, or Per-
sian, and a very little Pashto, but much of it must
be referred to some unknown root. The only work
I could hear of in this dialect was not original, but
translated from a Persian treatise on the greatness
of God and wonders of the creation. Persian cha-
racters were used in it.

The Jets of Kachi have a dialect, called, after
them, Jetki, of close affinity with the dialects of the
Sind and of the Panjab, which have been supposed
to approach, more than ariy other extant tongues, to
Sanscrit ; and this affinity is only in accordance with
their origin and descent.

The Lumri tribes of Las speak the dialect com-
mon to the kindred tribes of Jukias and Btilfats in
the west of Sind, and allied to that prevalent in the
tracts on either bank of the Indus in the inferior

394 DIALECTS.

extends to the limits of Kerman, and is considered
the genuine dialect of the Baloch community. Its
affinity with modern Persian cannot be doubted,
though it has, probably, preserved a greater propor-
tion of the forms of its parent tongue. Some of
the JMIawan tribes, as the Minghals and Bizunjus,
and eyen some of the tribes included within the
Rind community, employ this dialect, which is also
spoken constantly by the khans and sirdars, who
consider it would be vulgar to express their meaning
in Brahuiki

The Brahuiki, or Ktir G&lli (the Patois), is pecu-
liar to the tribes of Sahdrawn and Jhalawan. It
necessarily contains a good deal of Baloch, or Per-
sian, and a very little Pashto, but much of it must
be referred to some unknown root. The only work
I could hear of in this dialect was not original, but
translated from a Persian treatise on the greatness
of God and wonders of the creation. Persian cha-
racters were used in it.

The Jets of Kachi have a dialect, called, after
them, Jetki, of close affinity with the dialects of the
Sind and of the Panjab, which have been supposed
to approach, more than ariy other extant tongues, to
Sanscrit ; and this affinity is only in accordance with
their origin and descent.

The Lumri tribes of Las speak the dialect com-
mon to the kindred tribes of Jukias and Btilfats in
the west of Sind, and allied to that prevalent in the
tracts on either bank of the Indus in the inferior

396

DIALECTS.

VOCABULABY OF THE BALOCH DIALECT.

Nail

N&mn.

Date

Hormag.

Breast

Ghwen-sina.

Sword

Zdham.

Belly

Lap.

Shield

Hisfar.

Leg

Pad.

Matchlock Tofak.

Thigh

Pad! baz ghust.

Spear

Nizzar.

Knee

Pad! khund.

Knife

Kdrch.

Calf of leg

Hush-padag.

Bullet

Tir.

Foot

Panjak.

Ramrod

Tir-koh.

Ankle

Kar.

Powder

Shuru.

Heel

Punzig.

Sight at

muzzle Morag.

Toes

Murdanag.

Sight at

breech Didarfian.

Sole of foot

Padi-dil.

Pan

Gushawand.

Vein

Ragh.

Match

Fallitag.

Navel

Ndpag.

Screw

Hazarnar.

Armpit

Bagal.

Butt

Kundak,

Bone

Had.

Sea shell Ghur.

Flesh

Ghust.

Stone

Sing.

Lip

Lunt.

Mud

Liggitch.

Palm of hand

Dast-dil.

Rope

Chilik.

Dog *

Kaochak.

Wood

Dar.

Cat

Pishl.

Paper

K^ggiz.

Rat

Miishk.

Cotton

Karpas.

Horse

HSsp.

Comb

Shak.

Camel

Hushter,

Leather

Droh&l.

Elephant

Pil.

Black

Sxah.

Ass

Har.

White

Sifet.

Cock

Nerak.

Green

Saoz.

Hen

Mdak.

Red

Sur.

Kine

Guk.

Scarlet

R6to.

Cow

Giik niadak.

Yellow

Zard.

Bull

Gharlghar.

Blue

Nil.

Buffalo

Gha-mesh.

Tree

Derach.

Fish

Mahl

Fruit

Bar.

Sheep

Mesh.

Root

Rotag.

Goat

Buz.

Stem

Dar.

Water Melon

Kotig.

Branch

Shagh,

DIALECTS.

397

Leaf Tag.

Flower Pul.

Date tree Match.

Wind Ghwat.
Nor.-west-wind Jil-ghwat.
South-east-wind Sir-ghwat.

North-wind Gorlch.

South-wind Zir-ghwa*t.

Shirt Jama.

Trowsers Shelwar.

Cap Toph.

Shoes Kosh.

Boots Muzag.

Waist-shawl Sirinband.

Head-shawl Fogh.
Band of trowser Pai-in-jag.

Ant Muri,

Fly Makish.

Flea Kak.

Louse Bur.

Good Sher.

Bad Gandag.

Light Stibak.

Heavy Garan.

Small Kassdn.

Large Massa"n.

Thick Baz.

Thin Tannak.

Fire Ora.

Water Hap.

Cup Tas.

Dish TfiL
Earthern vessel Kulak.

Frying-pan Kallind.

Fort Kalat.

Ship Buji.
Sea Deria\

To do Kartan.

To be Shutan.

To speak Gwashtan.

To burn Sutan.

To fall Koftan.

To stand Padatan.

To give Ddtan.

To throw Diird&tan.

To carry Biirtan.

To flee Gistan.

To eat Wartan.

To bruig Hartan.

To wash Shustan.

To sit Nishtan.

To write Nawishtan,

To kill Kushtan.

To walk Gashtan.

To walk Maiden kartan.

To fear Tarsitan.

To laugh Handitan.

To measure Gaz kartan.

To break Proshtan.

To see Dishtan.

To sew Dotan.

To scrape Tra'shtan.

To reckon Issabkartan.

To do well Shar Kartan.

To open Patch kartan.

To tie Bastan.

To come Hhtan.

To read Wantan.

To sleep Waftan.

To awake Nashtan.

To dry Kusfc kartan.

To rub Lutartan.

To pay Pirmatan.
Tofly(asabird)Bal kartan.

To plunder Lutitan.
To milk Doshtan.

To fight Jang kartan.

To boil Grastan,

398

DIALECTS.

To receive

Rasltan,

To beat

Lat jitten.

To pick up or

To wound

Zaham jittan.

find

Chitan.

To fire

Tofak jittan.

To kiss

Chuk-kitan.

To hit

Laggltan.

To kick

Laggat jittan.

Door

Dari.

To bite

Gat-girtan.

Window

Darwaza.

To blind

Cham kushtan.

Ladder

P&di-ank.

To flog

Chdbak jittan.

Pen

Kalam.

VOCABULARLY OF KUR GALLI, OK THE BBAHUIKI DIALECT.

Bread

Irag.

Nostril

Granz.

Water

Dir.

Eyebrows

Burwak.

Eye

Kan.

Eyelash

Michach.

Mouth

Bar.

Mustachio

Birut.

Tooth

Dan dan.

Chin

Zanu.

Tongute

Dart.

Temple

Kush.

Nose

B&nus,

Father

Bawar.

Ear

Kaf.

Mother

Ldma.

Arm

Du.

Son

Mahal.

Leg

Nat.

Daughter

Maslr.

Finger

Or-pindi.

Brother

Ham*

Nail

Had.

Sister

Ir.

Forehead

Kahtam,

Uncle paternal

Brader-bawa.

Hair

Ptizhar,

Aunt paternal

Ir-bawa.

Belly

PidL

Grandfather

Pader-bawa.

Heart

Ust.

Grandmother

Luma-bawa

Neck

Lekh.

Husband

Hari

Waist

Mtikh.

Wife

Harvat.

Nipple

Kad.

Marriage

DWCaXQ.

Breast

Pehlfi.

Heir

W4ris.

Beard

Rish.

Inheritance

Mir^s.

Lip

Jtir.

Year

Sal.

Cheek

KaUak.

Month

Tu.

Bone

Had.

Day

De.

Blood

Dittar.

Night

Nan.

Vein

Ragh.

Winter

SehL

DIALECTS.

399

Summer

Tir-mah.

Wind

Thow.

Autumn

Iricha.

Tempest

Tofan.

Spring

Hatam.

Rainbow

Bllasum.

North

Kotab.

Rabbit

Muru.

South

SoheL

Sheep

Mehl,

East

De-tik.

Ram

Khar.

West

K6blla.

Kine

Kharass.

River

Darla,

Bull

Karighar.

Hill

Bot.

Cow

Daggl

Mountain

Mash.

Horse

Hull.

Plain

Dan.

Stallion

Narian.

Valley

Dara.

Mare

Mddian.

Defile

Tang.

Fowl

Kokar.

Rivulet

Nala.

Cock

Bangu.

Well

Dun.

Hen

Mkian.

Fountain

Chushmeh.

Dog

Kuchik.

Rain

Pihar.

Cat

Pishi.

Road

Kassar.

Camel

Huce.

Sand

R<gk

She-goat

Het.

Stone

Khal.

Ant

Morink.

Clay

Litchak.

Spider

Moro.

Wood

Pat.

Fly

Hilt.

Fire

Khaka.

Bee

Hllt-shahid.

Heat

Basuni.

Ass

Bish.

Flame

Laoiba.

Wasp

Munghi.

Charcoal

Pog.

Snake

Diishar.

Ashes

Hiss.

Fish

M^hi.

Smoke

MfilL

Crow

Kh4kti.

Darkness

Tar-mah.

Matchlock

Tofak.

Cloud

Jamma.

Shield

Hisper.

Thunder

Hura.

Sword

Zahgam.

Lightning

Garuk.

Knife

Kattar.

Sky

Asman.

Spear

Nizzer.

Earth

DaggMr.

Bow

Bil.

Sun

De (day Celtic)

Arrow

Sum.

Moon

Tuvi.

War

Jang.

Star

Istdr.

Peace

Khair.

Snow

Barf.

Mine

Kahan.

Hail

Tronghttr.

Gold

Kisun.

400

DIALECTS.

Silver

FMn.

Sugar

Kand.

Copper

Miss.

Colour

Rang.

Brass

Brinj.

Yellow

Poshkun.

Iron

Ahin.

Red

Kistin.

Steel

Polad,

Black

Mohan.

Lead

Surf.

Blue

Karur.

Tin

Kallhi.

White

Pihiin.

Quicksilver

Parra.

Olive-green

Ghwanki.

Antimony

Sftrma.

Flower

Pool.

Sulphur

Gogard.

Tree

Darakht.

Alum

Fitki.

Leaf

Berg.

Marble

Sang-marmar.

Fort

Kot.

Flint

Istarkal.

Tower

Tul.

Pearl

Dur.

Ditch

Kan dak.

Cornelian

Akik.

House

Khudi.

Diamond

Almass.

Door

Dargah.

Ruby

Lai yakut.

Grape

Hangur.

Emerald

Zamrud.

Water melon

Kutik.

Turquoise

Ferozeh.

Musk melon

Kerbuj.

Soral

Mirjan.

Mint

Purchink.

Crystal

Balor.

Camomile

Bu-madaran.

Grain

Ghalla.

Disease

Merz.

Flour

Nut.

Fever

Khel.

Clarified butter Si.

Ague

Larza.

Butter

Kassi.

Life

Zindeh.

Cheese

Panir,

Death

Kask.

Milk

Pal.

Laughter

Makh-khek.

Meat

Su.

Weeping

Hoyikh.

Oil

Tel.

Cap

Top.

Egg

Balder.

Chudder

Khen.

Wax

Mum.

Waist-band

Mokta,

Honeycomb

Angumen.

Shirt

Khuss.

Leather

Chirm.

Trowsers

ShelwaV.

Salt

Bi.

Mao

Bandak.

Rice

Brinj.

Woman

Zaifa.

Barley

Sar.

Kiss

Btizhalk.

Juari

Jua>i.

Rope

Rez.

Madder

Rodan.

Cord

Chit.

Pepper

FilfiL

Saddle

Zen.

DIALECTS.

401

Dust
Shoes

Mish.
Muchari.

Long
Broad

Miirghun.
Ghwand.

Carpet

Galli.

High

Burz.

Felt

Tappar.

Low-

Mandar.

Mortar

Johghan.

Good

Sher.

Pistle

Dasti-johghan.

Bad

Gandar.

Ship

Beri.

Swift

Zaft.

Fruit

Miwar.

Slow

Karar.

Comb

Iriss.

Heavy

Kobin.

Scissors

KaichL

Light

Subak.

Chain

Zamzir.

Dry

Bahlum.

Nail

Mkh.

Wet

Pahlum.

Stick

Lat.

Near

Khtjrk.

Cotton

Pamba.

Distant

Mur.

Afraid

Kolik.

Left

Chap.

Brave

BahSdar.

Right

Rast.

Beautiful

Sher.

True

Rasht.

Ugly

Gandar.

False

Darogh.

Dry

MalMss.

Glad

Khush.

Hungry

Bingtin.

Angry

Khar.

Naked

Lagghar.

Hard

Sakht.

Poor

Garib.

Soft

Ktilbun.

Wealthy

Dolatman.

Cold

Ydkht.

Equal

Barober.

Hot

Basun.

Old

Pir.

Painful

Khal.

Young

Warnar.

Weary

Damdaruk.

Old

Wtitkun.

Vigilant

HCishiar.

New

Puskun.

Mad

Ganuk.

Much

Baz.

Slain

Kassifi.

Little

Machf.

Before

Awal.

All

KhfflL

After

Gddah.

Half

Nim.

Yes

Ji or ha.

Dear

Kdben.

No

Na or na.

Cheap

Azan.

Which?

Errdr?

Bitter

Karen.

Why? ,

Antai?

Sour

S(ir.

Where?

Errang ?

Sweet

Hanen.

This

Dar.

Big

Balun.

That

Hi.

Small

Chunak.

Another

Pen.

VOL. rv.

2 B

402

DIALECTS.

Without doors

Peshan.

To read Khwanning.

Within doors

Tart'i.

To repose Damdanning.

Before

Must.

To fly Ball-kanning.

Behind

Pizir.

To approve Pasand-kan-

To give

Tenning.

ning.

To grind

Nusing.

To call Khw^st-kan-

To see

Khanning.

ning.

To sleep

Kaching.

To milk Bering.

To go

Inning*

To taste Chakking.

To come

Banning*

To fight Jang-kanning,

To cut

Terring,

To boil Jush-kanning.

To hear

Benning.

To pull Pashing.

To laugh

Makhing.

To kiss Pak-kanning.

To sit

Tuling.

To scrape Trashing.

To know

Shahing.

To twist Peching.

To hum

Hushing.

To die Kahing.

To fall

Taming.

To bite BShshahghing.

To stand

Selling.

To open Ithing.

To throw

Shahghing.

To measure Dahghing.

To build

Jur-kanning.

Todrop(asrain) Chakking.

To flee

Nerring.

To kick Laggat-kal-

To sew

Muching.

ling.

To carry

Banning.

To tear Parrah-kan-

To eat

Kuning*

ning.

To bring

Atning.

To shade Saikar-kanning.

To do

Kanning,

To sit in sun De-i-tuling.

To strike

Kalling.

To speak false Darogh paning.

To weep

Okhing.

To weigh Tul kanning.

To want

Ailing.

To swim Tar kanning.

To wash

Selling.

To sink Gark-manning.

To break

Perghing.

To count Yartilling.

To bind

Taffing.

To fear Khuling.

To sow

Dassing.

To rest Karar kanning.

To pass over

Illing.

To forgive Bashking.

To write

Nawishta-kan-

To ask Arfing.

ning.

To reap (grain) Ruting.

To kill

Kasfing.

To tremble Larzing.

To find

Khanning.

To gather Arraffing,

To seize

Hailing,

To sweep liufing.

DIALECTS.

403

To steal

Duzi kanning.

He has spoken Pare kanni.

To walk

Cher ring.

He may have

To spit

Tuf kanning.

spoken Pare sakni.

To embrace

Bagal kan-

He may speak Akhar payik-

ning,

ni.

To speak

Paning.

Speak Pa-kannl.

He speaks

Payikrri.

Let him speak Pa-wanni.

I did speak

P&ret.

One Assit.

He did speak

Pare.

Two Irat.

He spoke

Paretni.

Three Mtisit.

(In advance, precisely as Persian, chahar, p&nch, &c, &c.)

2 D 2

404

PART V,

MILITARY FORCE, REVENUE, TRADE, AGRICUL-
TURE, &c.

MILITARY FORCE.

IN treating on this subject, it is necessary to
make clear distinction between the military re-
sources of the country at large, and those at com-
mand of the supreme chief. The former, in a
population where every individual capable of bear-
ing arms may, in one sense, be esteemed a soldier,
is considerable; the latter, from various incidental
causes, may be very trifling. Numerical statements
might be furnished, showing the number of men
each tribe is capable of mustering, according to the
accounts of the natives themselves, but these would,
of course, be palpably exaggerated. Others might
be offered, exhibiting the quotas of men each tribe
is bound to provide for the public service on any
case of emergency; but these, although somewhat
official documents, would not be the less deceptive,
and they were, perhaps, originally framed with a
view to deceive, for no such quotas are ever pro-

MILITARY FORCE. 405

vided, and never could be. The point iri^st^es-
sential to know, is the force that the supreme fihief :
can bring into the field, and this may be ascertained
from experience. Nasir Khan, a prince of great
vigour and popularity, assembled armies of thirty
thousand men. His son, Mahmud Khan, congre-
gated bodies of fifteen thousand and twenty thou-
sand men ; while the late Mehrab Khan, from his
schisms with the tribes, his poverty and unpopu-
larity, had never been enabled to collect a larger
force than twelve thousand men. This number is
merely what some of the tribes, however incorrectly,
are stated to be capable of furnishing singly.
It is in instances of hostility between the respec-
tive tribes that their strength is developed. On
such occasions the whole, excited by common feel-
ing and impulse, stand forward with alacrity ; and
their contests are brought to a prompt conclusion,
the parties interested being unable to subsist their
followers, and consequently to carry on a protracted
warfare. Another reason inducing a full attendance
of the tribes in their individual strifes, may be
noted, without an imputation on their courage, viz.
the certainty, nearly, that no serious collision will
take place; women and saiyads being ever at
hand to intervene between the angry hosts, to
seize their firelocks, and to forbid their deadly de-
signs ; the former, by affecting appeals to the kinder
sensibilities of nature, the latter authoritatively, as
descendants of the Prophet, and in the solemn

406 MILITARY FORCE.

name of religion, which proscribes civil warfare
amongst its followers. By such instrumentality
temporary arrangements are concluded, in nine
out of ten cases, without actual bloodshed, or, after
the exchange of a volley by each party, if such
a demonstration be deemed necessary.

The quotas of troops supplied by the tribes for
the service of government of course fluctuate ac-
cording to the popularity of the khan, or of his
cause, and are always very much dependent on the
wills of the several sirdars, who may be ill or well
affected to the government of the day, as the case
may be. The claim by the supreme chief on the
tribes for military service, is universally acknow-
ledged, it being the condition on which they hold
their lands, exempt from taxations and imposts of
whatever kind.

The supreme chief has a number, greater or less,
of hired soldiers, receiving pay and other allow-
ances. These attend him for the purposes of the
little display and etiquette thought necessary at a
Brahui court, and on his excursions. They also
furnish garrisons, if from paucity of numbers they
can be so called, for the towns he holds personally,
as KaMt, Quetta, Mastung, Dadar, B&gh, Nasira-
bad, Gandava, Harand, Dajil, &c. They are also
employed on various commissions or detached duty
to the provinces, as Kej, Panjghur, &c. The chief
has also many slaves, or khanazadas, and the late
Mehrab Khan had so many of these that he had

REVENUES. 407

very few retainers besides them. They are pre-
ferred to high appointments, and they have their
own hired followers, who may be considered to
form part of the khan's force. It is obvious that
the number of men in the pay of the supreme chief
is a pretty sure criterion of his prosperity. Nasir
Khan had a small standing army, as had his son
and successor, Mahmud Khan. The latter had
even troops dressed in red jackets, in imitation of an
Indian battalion ; and one of his brothers, Mastapha
Khan, had in his pay a body of eight hundred
Afghan horse, excellently equipped and mounted.
These have now disappeared, and Mehrab KMn,
yearly destitute of troops in his own pay, was com-
pelled, on the slightest cause for alarm, to appeal
to the tribes, who attended or otherwise, as suited
their whims or convenience, conscious that he was
powerless to enforce their obedience or to punish
their contumacy.

REVENUE.

The revenue of the khzm of Kalat, considered
relatively to the very large extent of country which
acknowledges, in some way or other, dependence
upon him, is a mere trifle. My friends at Kalat
did not suppose that it exceeded three Idkhs of
rupees. The cause is found in the circumstance
that all the lands held by the Brahui tribes are

408 TKADE.

exempt from taxation. The chief's revenue is
therefore derived from the towns he occupies him-
self, from the Afghan agriculturists of Shall, the
Dehwar agriculturists of Mastung, Kalat, Nichara,
&c., the Jet agriculturists of Kach Gandava ; from
duties on trade and kafilas, and from remittances
from the provinces. The tax on agricultural pro-
duce is variously levied on different classes. The
Dehwars pay a third of the produce, or sehkot.
From the Jets of Kachi, half of the produce, or
nimaghi, is levied. From the provinces, a fourth,
fifth, or sixth part of the produce is claimed,
according to their contiguity to the capital, and
the chance of being able to procure it. From the
remoter ones, as Kej and Panjghur, a tenth only
of the produce is demanded.

TRADE.

The trade of Balochistan is of comparatively
little importance, being limited chiefly to the
internal sale and exchange of commodities, the
state of civilization not being such as to be
attended with a luxurious mode of dress and
living, or such as to have induced that condition
of society which renders it dependent upon foreign
markets for the supply of its members. The more
opulent here, as everywhere else, affect a distinction
in dress and habits, which provides for the sale

TRADE. 409

of a few of the manufactures of the stranger ; but
a vast change must take place before Balochistan
can become a country of importance to the mer-
chant, at least to take off his investments. In
articles of export, she has an advantage in the fine
wool of her fleeces, which, although I believe not
superior to that of the flocks of Afghanistan and
of the Hazarajat, is excellent of its kind, and may
be produced in large quantities, for the sheep pro-
ducing it thrive through all the extent of country
from Wad to Shall, in the Kalat dominions. The
facility of conveying it to a port makes it more
valuable. Besides wool, the only articles exported
from Saharawan and Jhalawan are a little madder
from Shall, Mastung, and Kalat, almonds from
Mastung, and a little grain from Khozdar and the
neighbourhood, which, attracted by high prices,
finds its way to Bombay. From Nushki small
quantities of assafoetida, and from Kach Gandava
sulphur, are also articles of export. At Kalat, and
generally in Saharawan, horses are reared, and they
are often sent for shipment to the coast. The ma-
ritime provinces nominally dependent on Kalat
carry on an export and import trade with foreign
ports. The exports are roghan and hides, the
gum called bdellium, with salted fish and isinglass,
the latter being sent to Bombay for the Chinese
market! The imports are rice, spices, indigo,
wood, metals, calicoes, chintzes, and a multitude
of miscellaneous articles. At Kalat are con-

410 TRADE.

siderable numbers of Afghan merchants, as Ba-
bis, who migrated from Kandahar in the time of
Ahmed Shah, were expelled by Mohabat Khan,
and recalled by Nasir Khan, and of various tribes
who have retired to Kalat to avoid the oppression of
the chiefs of Kandahar. These undertake annual
commercial excursions to Las, Sind, and Bombay ;
but the greater part of them trade on Hindu capital.
There are numerous Hindu merchants and bankers
at Kalat, and at Kotru in Kach Gandava. To
the latter place they have retired from Bagh, for-
merly a place of importance, but it- has declined.
Quetta, Mastting, Dadar, and Dajil, are places of
some trade.

Nasir Khan gave every encouragement to trade ;
Mahmud Khan did not discourage it ; but Mehrab
KMn, from the weakness of his government, rather
than from his oppressive measures, considerably in-
jured it. From himself, merchants enjoyed all
security, but the exactions made on the kafila
routes, and above all, the circulation of a base
currency, severely impeded commercial pursuits.
During the reigns of Nasir Khan and of his son,
there were many Jews at Kalat ; at present there
are none. They are yet spoken of, and appear to
have participated in the financial affairs of the
state, and, what may be thought singular, they were
eventually losers. That they were held in respect,
may be inferred from the terms applied in discours-

TRADE. 411

ing of them, their names being always prefaced by
the honorary appellation of Aga.

Some important commercial routes traverse East-
ern Balochistan. The more celebrated is that from
Shikarpur to Kandahar, crossing the level plains
of Kach Gandava, passing through the long and*
dangerous defiles of the Bolan, and opening upon
Quetta, from which routes diverge upon Kalt,
Ntishki, Kandahar, Ghazni, and Kabal. Another
route, nearly as excellent, particularly for camel-
kafilas, leads from Sunmiani to Kalit, and thence
to Kandahar and Kabal. This route may be calcu-
lated at forty camel-marches between Sunmiani and
Kandahar, but is still much the shortest route by
which that city can be gained from the coast. The
route from Shikarpur to Kandahar I traversed
with a kafila in 1828, and was above a month on
the march. From Shikarpur to the coast must
be above twenty camel-marches. Another travelled
route from the coast, is that from the port of Ka-
rachi, which passes along the western frontier of
Sind, to Jell, the town of the Magghazzis, th&ice
it leads to Kalat .by the circuitous route of the
Mulloh river, or, passing on to Bagh, falls into the
high-road from Shikarpur. This road is unexcep-
tionable to kafilas with camels. Kafilas pass occa-
sionally from Kalat to Kej, Panjghur, Dajil, &c,, less
frequently to Ghazni and Kabal.

412

AGRICULTURE.

The agriculture of Balochistan is still in a primi-
tive state, and probably has continued for ages on
-the same level of mediocrity. Wheat is the princi-
pal object of cultivation, and the bulk of it is grown
on lands called khtishk awah, which owe their ferti-
lity to the rains. On these, if the vernal rains have
been sufficiently abundant, seed is inserted ; and the
crops, if not extremely productive, are at least mo-
derately so, and the grain is esteemed good. The
wheat most prized in Balochistan, and whose quality
has become proverbial, is that grown on the khushk
awah lands of Kaputu, east by south of Kalat.
There are two species of wheat cultivated, the com-
mon, or white grain, and the Shorawak, or red
grain. The latter is preferred. Those extensive
and bleak plains which, to the traveller, in the lat-
ter months of the year, present a chilling and repul-
sive appearance, overspread with weeds and thorny
plants, in the spring are clothed with the vivid
verdure of rising harvests, and nod in summer with
their matured fruits. The deficiency of rain is,
however, to be dreaded, and its absence is inevitably
followed by scarcity and high prices. In Saharawan
the harvests are collected by the end of June* In
Jhalawan fifteen or twenty days earlier. The dis-
tricts most famed for wheat are Sohrab, Baghwan,
Khozdar, and Nail, or those of Jhalawan, as to

AGRICULTURE. 413

quantity ; and those of the capital and of Saharawftn
as to quality. Bullocks are used in ploughing the
soil; camels rarely.

Rice is cultivated in the districts of Shall and
Mastung, also at Kirta, Rodbar, Johan, &c. ; in-
deed, in the valleys, amongst the ranges east of
Kalt, it is an object of general attention. The
valleys of Panderan and Zehri, south of Kalat, also
yield it abundantly, and it is grown in many spots
along the course of the Mulloh river. The produce
of Pander&n and of Rodbar is priced. Gall and
gallachi, varieties of millet, are both cultivated.
The grain is employed in the preparation of bread
eaten by the poorer classes. These crops are of
rapid growth, hence they generally succeed crops of
wheat on soils which have the advantage of being
irrigated, and whose fertility is supported by ma-
nure. The harvest of those about Kalat immedi-
ately precedes the setting in of the cold weather.

Juri and bajra are cultivated but partially, on
harsh, dry soils. These grains form the chief ob-
jects of culture in Kach Gandava.

Maize, or Indian corn, is a still rarer object of
culture ; neither is nakod abundantly grown,

Mung is much cultivated in Zehri in many of the
valleys amongst the hills east of Kalat, along the
course of the Mulloh river, and in most of the dis-
tricts of Jh&lawan.

Tobacco is grown, in fair quantities, in the vicini-
ties of Kal&t and Mastting. It is an article of

414 AGRICULTURE.

export, but, although good, is inferior to that of
Kandahdr.

A large cultivation of aspust, or lucerne, the
spfshta of the Afghans and rishka of the people of
Kabal, is general along the whole line of cultivated
tracts, from Khozdar, northward, to Shall. It ap-
pears an excellent and profitable object of culture,
requiring renewal but once in six or seven years.
Due irrigation and manure are necessary, and with
such attention it yields six successive crops during
the year. In the environs of Kandahar so many as
ten crops of this grass through the season attest the
superiority of the soil.

Mangel-wurzel, or, as called at Kalat, lab-lab, is
grown in small quantities, but is merely made use
of as a condiment by man, when previously boiled.

The cotton-plant is produced scantily in Jhala-
wan, and along the Mdlloh river. It is an object
of more attention in Kach Gandava. From its
seeds a coarse lamp oil is pressed. Sircham, or
sesamum, is one of the oleaceous plants cultivated,
and a pure bland oil is also extracted from the
kernels of apricots.

Melons, both musk and water, are raised on so
large a scale that they seem entitled to be consi-
dered when treating on agricultural subjects ; more-
over they receive the attention of the zamlndar, or
farmer, not of the Mghwan, or gardener. The
grounds on which they are raised are called palez.
Palezes are everywhere found throughout Baloch-

HORTICULTURE. 415

istan. Whether of good or bad quality, melons are
the universal fruit of all varieties of climate, and of
all classes. The produce of the temperate regions
of Saharawan is superior, and the fruits of Mastung
are pre-eminent. For the large demands of the
capital, extensive melon grounds are annually
formed on the plain of Chappar, west of it.

HORTICULTURE.

To the example and encouragement of Nasir
Khan the inhabitants of Kalat are indebted for the
various gardens in the neighbourhood of their city.
This wise prince, who really seems to have had the
welfare and comfort of his subjects at heart, distri-
buted premiums to such of them as devoted their
labours to horticulture. He made grants of land,
and gave the proprietors documents, on the autho-
rity of which, water for their necessary irrigation, is
supplied free of charge and for ever. His son,
Mdhmud Khan, did not interfere with the proprie-
tors of gardens. His own garden, or Bagh-KMn,
he consecrated entirely to Flora, and amid a pro-
fusion of roses, jasmines, and the many-coloured
gul-abMs, was wont to spend days together, exhil-
arated by wine and music, and surrounded by dan-
cing-girls. Under Mehrab Khan, improvement in
horticultural pursuits, as in all others, ceased, and
B^gh-Khan became a wilderness. The fruit trees,

416 HORTICULTURE.

however, planted in the time of Nasir KMn, have
attained maturity, and the people who enjoy their
rich treasures in succession, laud the provident and
beneficent care of their former sovereign. The
fruit tree which seems most kindly to accord with
the climate and soil of Balochistan, is the zardalu,
or apricot. It is found southerly, so far south as
Wad. The number of these trees at Mastung is
immense, and their fruit is dried to a large extent
annually. The mulberries of Kalat are inferior, if
we except the shah tut, or royal mulberry, which
occurs but rarely. On the other hand the mulber-
ries of Mastting enjoy a great fame, and are ex-
tremely abundant, while they are of numerous
varieties. The apple-tree does not particularly
thrive in this part of the country ; its fruit is small,
and its varieties are confined to two or three. It is
not largely propagated. Neither is the pear-tree
more excellent; there is but one variety, a small
and moderately flavoured fruit. Quinces, plums,
peaches, &c., are to be procured, but not plentifully.
Pomegranates are few at Kalat, and, indeed,
throughout Saharawan ; in Jhalawan they are more
abundant, and attain greater perfection. Those of
Dadar are highly prized. Mastung is proverbially
the garden of Saharawan, and has numerous vine-
yards, which yield excellent grapes, while the few
grown at Kalat are indifferent. The black grapes
of Karani, a village near Quetta, are esteemed, as
are those of Ghazg, a valley in the hills north-east of

HORTICULTURE. 417

Kalat. Mastung has numerous groves of almond
trees, whose fruit forms an article of export, and
there, as well as at Kalat, and other places, the
banks of the canals of irrigation are fringed with
sanjit trees. A country embracing so many grada-
tions in climate as Balochist&n affords scope for the
production of most kinds of fruit. ^ The mango-tree
flourishes at Bela, in Las, and is not found in
Kach Gandava, only because it has not been intro-
duced.

The tamarind, which would thrive in most situa-
tions in Las, is found only at a ziarat in the hills,
where its presence is imputed to a miracle. Kach
Gandava, capable of producing all the fruits of hot
countries, yields only limes and pomegranates, in
gardens ; and about villages the transplanted b&r, or
jujubes. The province of Panjghur has excellent
dates.

Amongst the vegetables cultivated, are the tur-
nip, carrot, egg-plant, radish, kaddu a species of
gourd cucumber, kolfah a mucilaginous plant
fenugreek, onions, mustard, and spinach.

Amongst the flowers, and flowering-shrubs, are

- observed the rose, jasmine, narcissus, red, white, and

yellow varieties of the gul abbas, stocks, sunflowers,

prince's-feather ; French and African marigolds,

hollyhocks, china-asters, and Indian pinks.

VOL. iv. 2 E

418

PART VI.
MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c.

THE contemplation of a rude and unenlightened
race may offer little attraction, but is necessary
to those who would trace mankind through its
several gradations of society and improvement ; nor
can it be neglected by those who would wish to
form a correct estimate of human nature.

The tribes of Balochistan hold but an inferior
rank in the grand scale of society, whether as
regards their intellectual advancement or their
acquaintance with the arts of life; yet, with the
errors and excesses generally attendant upon igno-
rance and a savage state, they have some good
natural qualities, and many of those virtues which
seem to glow and flourish with brighter lustre and
strength under the shade of the barbarian's tent,
than under the more costly canopy which civiliza-
tion expands over the heads of her refined sons.

A commendable trait in the Braliui character
is the practice of zang, or hospitality. The person
of a guest is held sacred, and the rites of friendship
are never refused. If a traveller be seen approach-
ing a toman, its inmates spread, without their tents,

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 419

carpets or felts for him to sit and repose upon.
If he be tired, after a long march, it is usual to
furnish oil, that he may anoint his weary limbs.
On his departure, the traveller is accompanied a
short distance on the road, his entertainer carrying*
for the time, his musket, or other article of weight.
Some of the western tribes, particularly the Mehma-
sanis, although they respect the traveller when their
guest, and would defend him at the risk of life,
even against relatives, make no scruple, like Arabs
of the desert, of assaulting him when he may have
passed their roof. The traveller amongst them
requires other safeguards than the deference due to
his character as a guest.

Without the harsh, austere manners of the Afghan
pastoral tribes, the Brahuis are less bigoted, indeed
are rather careless as to religious observances and
ceremonies ; and not only are they lax on the point
of prayers, so regularly observed by the Afghans,
but very few of their tomans are furnished even
with a masjit, or place of worship. Mahommedanism
with them, as with many barbarous races, has dege-
nerated into the homage paid to shrines and saiyads.
The Baloch tribes, although they may be brought
to act in concert on questions affecting the general
; nterests of the community, have very distinct and
; ealous feelings towards each other. Between many
)f them, blood feuds of old standing prevail, and
,heir discords are encouraged by the khn and his
government for the sake of maintaining ascendancy

2 E2

420 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

over them, according to the maxim, divide et
impera. This policy prevents so cordial an union
amongst the tribes as might endanger the khan's
authority, and enables him, on the revolt of some,
to direct against them the resources of others.
Blood feuds, once created, can hardly be extin-
guished, and the tribes, in their conflicts, balance
the accounts of slain on either side. A regular
debtor and creditor account is kept, and the num-
ber of men and women for whom kh6n-bawar, or
satisfaction in blood, is required, is carefully trea-
sured in memory.

The intestine wars amongst the Brahtiis are not
generally attended with much bloodshed. After
the first attack, or onset, in which three or four
persons on either side may be slain, it is custo-
mary for women and saiyads to interpose, and to
seize the matchlocks of the combatants, when hos-
tilities invariably cease, and temporary arrange-
ments are made. The women and saiyads, indeed,
frequently prevent collision.

The Brahuis of Jail tribes respect in their frays
the lives of women, and if any of these should be
slain or wounded, as may sometimes happen, it is
the effect of accident, and is considered a great
calamity.

The value of human life is but slightly appre-
ciated throughout Balochistan, if we may judge
from the frequency of murders, and the apathy
which attends their perpetration. No tie of con-

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 421

sanguinity is a sufficient protection from the pur-
fidy of unnatural relatives. The domestic history
of the greater portions of the chiefs of the several
tribes furnishes a surprising and disgusting recital
of crimes and treasons, and there is scarcely one
of them whose hands are not imbrued with the
life's blood of his kinsmen.

The Afghan plunders, but does not kill, except in
extreme cases, or of resistance. The solitary Baloch
robber places himself in ambush, and shoots his
victim, before he despoils him. In their large
forays, although resistance be not made, murders
are committed from mere wantonness, and fre-
quently for no better reason than to try the temper
of their swords. The Br&hui tribes of Saharawan
and Jhalawan are better in this respect than many
of the tribes of Kach Gandava. It must, in jus-
tice, be noted, that these marauding tribes are in
open rebellion, or contumacious to the authority of
Kal&t.

Feasting is a prominent characteristic of the
Baloch, as of other rude tribes. It may be in part
a remnant of ancient custom, and in part a conse-
quence of Mahommedan tenets, which strongly re-
commend, as acceptable in the true believer, kai-
rats, or charitable distributions of food. They are
used on all occasions, whether of rejoicing or of
sorrow; every incident of life becomes a pretence
for festivity, although, except on important occa-
sions, the entertainment may be restricted to the

422 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

family, it being understood here, as elsewhere, in
practice at least, that charity begins at home. But
the Baloch tribes are too sagacious to trust solely
to kairats in all cases. When afflicted with disease,
the first care, after making a kairat, is to procure
a taviz, or scrap of paper, on which is written some
formulary words, believed to operate as a charm,
and to be a specific against the malady. It must
be written by some holy or competent person,
and saiyads, as being unexceptionable in character,
profit, on this score, not a little by the credulity of
their clients. Others besides saiyads are, however,
eligible, and when at Kalat I was often applied to,
and had to scribble a good deal, not to appear
unkind, and to rid myself of importunity. The taviz
is not only obtained to cure sickness, but to prevent
it ; to ensure its owner against wounds in battle ; to
secure success in amatory affairs ; to render a person
invisible ; in short, it is supposed an antidote against
all the ordinary and extraordinary accidents of life.
It is singular that daily experience does not dimi-
nish faith in these ridiculous remedies; but so
strong is the force of confirmed prejudice, and so
intense the interest excited in the savage breast for
anything wonderful or supernatural, that faith in
their virtues continues unimpaired, although con-
trary to the evidence of sense. The application of
medicines is, however, not omitted, for every house-
wife has her collection of simples. There grows
not a plant on the hills or plains to which curative

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

or sanative qualities are not ascribed ; and it is not
improbable, that many of the vegetable productions
may be beneficial in sundry diseases ; but the Bra-
huis, failing in the discernment requisite to ascer-
tain the particular uses to which their powers might
profitably be directed, in general administer them
very indiscriminately.

The question of medicines naturally leads to that
of disorders, and it is fortunate that the tempe-
rance, regularity, and exercise of a pastoral life are
conducive to health, and render recourse to the
healing art but little necessary. Where there are
few physicians, there would appear to be few dis-
eases. In the toman, no doctor, no sickness; in
the town, plenty of doctors, plenty of sickness.
It must be conceded that the tenant of the toman
often suffers from a lingering disorder, which, at its
commencement, admitted of easy cure, and is afflict-
ed throughout his existence from having omitted
to apply for advice. Neither am I certain that the
value of life is greater in the toman than in the
town. There are many diseases to which the inha-
bitants of town and wild are equally liable. Of these,
the poto, or casual small-pox, is much dreaded, and
sometimes makes extensive ravages. This severe
disorder completely baffles all medicinal skill ; and
its cure, although of course attributed to charms
and kairats, is really the effect of chance or the
kindly force of nature. Inoculation is sometimes
performed, by scarifying with a razor the inner

424 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

portion of the arm an inch or two above the wrist,
and binding over the divided skin the dried matter
of pustules. It is frequently necessary to repeat
the operation twice or thrice before the infection
is communicated. Saiyads and priests are the per-
sons employed as inoculators, and receive, as re-
muneration, a quantity of grain, a sheep, or other
small present. The saiyads are preferred, it be-
ing believed that their sanctity, as descendants
of the Prophet, may have an influence upon the
progress and event of the malady. Syncopes, hys-
terics, and similar affections, are imputed to the
presence of jins, or demons ; and various are the
laughable means adopted to expel the supposed
guests. I was once entreated to visit a female
slave, who had been suddenly seized with a faint-
ing fit. On arrival I found many persons congre-
gated, busy in writing charms, which they after-
wards burned, and applied to her eyes, ears, nos-
trils, and mouth ; it being unanimously decided that
she wa& possessed by a jin.

The Baloch, with a large share of credulity, ig-
norance, and superstition, allows his wild and fer-
vid imagination to riot in unchecked indulgence.
Hence the belief universally entertained of the
existence of jins (genii) and peris (fairies). Their
notions of these are, indeed, absurd, but often
highly poetical and amusing; and endless are
the tales which are recited of these supernatural
agents, to the delight and wonder of their even-

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 425

ing circles. The same easy faith induces the most
implicit credence in the numerous extravagantly
ridiculous legends connected with their religion,
and makes them willing dupes of every impostor
who pretends to the character of " buzurg," or
inspired. In accidents and diseases charms are
had recourse to in preference to medicines, and
the bite of a snake, as a fever, is expected to be
counteracted by a " dam," or incantation. Some
of the Brahuis, as those in the valley of the Mul-
lah river, pretend to the power of preventing by
spells, called " udah," the discharge of musket-
balls. I was assured that there are persons so
confident in the possession and efficacy of this udah
as to suffer themselves to be fired at for a very
trifling consideration. The Marris, a very large
tribe, have the reputation of being able to pre-
vent the discharge of artillery. On asking why
our European musketry and artillery had never
been kept silent by udah, I was told that Europeans
were proof against it because they eat swine-flesh.
This admission emboldened me to ask again, why
they did not eat swine flesh and become proof also.
The stranger in Balochistan will not fail to be
struck with the formality of the salutations, and the
gravity of deportment assumed on such occasions.
If the parties be acquainted, they alternately kiss
hands ; then one commences a series of gratulatory
inquiries, embracing the individual, his family, his
cattle, &c., as " Darakh ! darahk ! Darakh jur ! Jur

426 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

massan ! Massan darakh ! ilam darakh ! lashkar da-
rakh ! toman darakh !" &c., &c. ; to which the other
incessantly replies, "Fazl! fazl khoda! shukr! al-
haindlilliP &c.; or, if an inferior, he repeats,
" Meherbani ! meherb&af!" The first course of
inquiries completed, he asks, "Kfrbar nettf?" or
"Is there any news?" Should a third person be
present, he is first appealed to as to whether the
inquiry for news shall be made, and answers, " Ji
ilam," or " Yes, brother." The person from whom
intelligence is demanded then relates all he knows,
or has heard, concerning the khan, the several
sirdars, &e. ; and, public affairs dismissed, proceeds
to private details, and relates circumstantially where
he is come from, where he is going, on what busi-
ness he went or is yet engaged in, how it was or
may be settled, and so forth ; and, having ex-
hausted his subject, concludes by saying " Am in
kadr awal ast," or " this is the extent of my in-
formation." The parties then burst forth into a
fresh repetition of gratulatory inquiries, which ter-
minated, the person who has communicated his
intelligence asks of the third person if he, in turn,
may inquire the news. Upon being answered in
the affirmative, he makes the demand, which is
complied with in the same minute and important
manner. The close is again marked by a renewal
of Darakh ! darahk ! darakh jur ! &c., &c. Females
present their hands to be embraced, but modestly
cover them with their chadars.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 427

The Baloch costume is far from elegant. The
men wear a loose upper garment, or frock, called a
khtiss, extending nearly to the feet, and giving a dis-
orderly and womanish appearance. Their perjamas,
or trowsers, vary from the Afghan mode, in being
narrow at bottom. For coverings to the head, two
or three varieties of chintz cap, stuffed with cotton,
and fitting close to the head, are in use; but the
national cap is the high circular one of cloth, chintz,
or kimkab, common also in Sind ; the Brahui one,
as well as that of the Lumris of Las, being distin-
guished by a small tuft or button in the centre of
the crown. I have been much perplexed, both here
and in Sind, to account for the introduction of this
topi, as called, for in shape it is the European hat
without brims. Affording no shade to the face, it
is not very suitable to a warm climate. The inha-
bitants of towns only wear what can be properly
termed shoes. The resident of the toman has a
kind of sandal ; a broad leather thong, frequently
highly decorated and punctured with embroidered
holes, encircling the instep, the toes being exposed,
while from this thong a more slender one passes
round the ancles.

Lunghis, or turbans, are not in general use ; the
wealthy, of course, have them, and sometimes
shawls, besides being wont to wear fanciful gar-
ments of silk, kimkab, and British chintzes. In
the tom&ns, one or two of the most opulent persons
may be seen, Decorated with a shawl of mixed cot-

428 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

ton and silk. The Baloches are universally filthy
in their raiments, and the lower orders absolutely
suffer them to fall from their backs through age and
dirt.

The women are arrayed in large loose robes or
gowns, which cover them from head to foot, and
wear no perjamas or trowsers. These robes are
ornamented with a profusion of needle-work in silks
of divers colours and patterns. Such embellish-
ments extend down the parts concealing the bust,
along the respective seams, and around the skirts
and long sleeves. From the centre, in front to the
skirt, stretches a pocket, which is also profusely
decorated. On either side are inserted triangular
patches of chintz or silk, of a colour varying from
that of the robe, which is usually red. A chadar,
or large piece of cloth, is universally worn, thrown
over the head, and trailing along the ground. The
hair of the females is separated from the centre of
the forehead, and being made smooth and glossy by
some glutinous composition, is brought behind the
ears, whence, being plaited or braided in two por-
tions, it depends down the back. It is customary
to intermingle with the hair plaits of coloured
worsted, which terminate in large bunches or tas-
sels. The head is moreover bound with a fillet of
black stuff or silk. The fair sex have a due propor-
tion of trinkets, as armlets, ear-rings, nose-rings, &c,
Ornaments of lapis lazuli are very common. Be-
sides puncturing the nostrils for the reception of

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 429

rings, it is usual to perforate the cartilage of the
nose ; which, in absence of ornaments, supplies the
females with a convenient place for inserting their
bodkins, needles, and other slender objects. The
women in towns, of the wealthy classes, may dress
in perjamas, and may affect to hide their faces on
the appearance of a stranger ; but these are prac-
tices arising from imitation, and contrary to Baloch
custom, which, as the Afghan, enjoins not the pri-
vacy of women.

It is but justice to observe, that many of the
Baloch ladies are very personable. There is a pro-
verb which celebrates the attractions of the females
of Nich&ra, near Kalat, and a high reputation is
allowed to the Bizunju women of Jhalawan. The
complexion of the poor Brahui women soon be-
comes bronzed, in consequence of exposure ; and
she assumes a hardy masculine appearance, which
alike indicates that she has hardships to encounter,
and that she is able to endure them. On a march,
the females sustain incredible labour; they will be
seen, without coverings to their heads and feet,
arrayed in a coarse black gown, driving before them
a camel, cow, or ass, laden with their miserable
effects ; while on their backs they carry their infant
children, and, as if they had not enough to do, on,
the road are busily engaged in twirling their hand-
spindles, and spinning coarse threads of wool or
hair. The men of a toman, on the march, always
start before sunrise, and gain the appointed place of

430 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

halt in the cool of the morning ; leaving tlieir wives
to pack the effects, to load the beasts of burthen,
and to follow them with their children slowly, or as
best they can.

The Baloches can scarcely be said to have a
national physiognomy; neither, perhaps, should it
be expected, if we consider how many tribes, of
very different origin, are included under the de-
nomination, or, if we look to their position and
admixture with their neighbours. Towards India,
whose climate confounds, in the dark shades it
imparts, all distinction of features, the Baloch
tribes have a swarthy, almost black colour. On
the frontiers of Kerman, where they border on
the fair-complexioned races of Persia, the tribes
have ruddy cheeks and grey eyes. It is not in-
tended to affirm, however, that the several tribes
may not generally be distinguished from each
other, although by no very broad lines. Thus, the
Rind tribes of Kach Gandava and the east, have
certainly an appearance varying from that of the
Brahui tribes, their neighbours to the west, owing,
no doubt, in some measure to a different cast of
features, and augmented by dissimilitude of dress,
the Bind tribes wearing turbans, and never the
Brahui hat, with garments of a somewhat vary-
ing style. Again, it would not be difficult to dis-
tinguish a Brahui from the Baloch races of the
extreme west, as of Bam and Nurmanshir. The
Brahuis are by no means a handsome race, and it is

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 431

rare to observe amongst the males what would be
called a fine countenance. The facial form is ge-
nerally inclined to oval ; but the forehead is smalt
as are the eyes; the nose is somewhat flattened,
being seldom a prominent feature, the aquiline
form is most uncommon, the lips are thin, and
the chin insignificant. What has been remarked
of the nose may be applied to the whole coun-
tenance. It is deficient of prominence in expres-
sion or features. In many of the ruder tribes, and
the observation holds good with some of the Af-
ghans, the forehead is so overgrown with hair that
it is barely developed. The Lumri tribes of Las
have a peculiar disposition of features, which at
once separates them, the Brahuis, and other Ba-
loch races, and confirms their affinity with the
Rajput races of India. In stature the Brahuis
do not generally exceed the middle size, to be
accounted for by the accidental cause of hard fare,
for the wealthy amongst them are as tall as other
people. They are otherwise stout and well-pro-
portioned. They wear their hair hanging loosely
down their shoulders, and are extremely inattentive
to cleanliness. The remarks made by Curtius, as
to the disgusting appearance of the long lanky
matted hair, hanging down in ropes, of the then
inhabitants of the maritime provinces of this coun-
try, are at this day perfectly applicable to them,
as well as to those of the northern provinces.
Amongst the Med inhabitants of the little towns

432 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

on the coast, may be noted heads of hair exhi-
biting that exuberance of natural and clustered
ringlets, coinciding with the style in yogue during
the epochs of the Parthian and Sassanian kings
of Persia, as manifested by their coins and the
various sculptured monuments dispersed over Persia.
The Rinds and Magghassis of Kach Gandava have
universally fine heads of hair, as have the greater
proportion of the Jet tribes, and they are easily
to be distinguished by their superfluity of pendent
curls. The Lumris of Las, in common with their
kindred races in Sind and the Panjdb, tie the hair
in a knot at the crown ; a characteristic practice
with some of the ancient German tribes, as noted
by Tacitus and others. Marriages amongst the
Baloches are always celebrated with a variety of
festivities. Sang, or betrothal, is the first step,
when the parents and friends of the parties as-
semble, and enter into engagements, which they
confirm by repeating fatiha. The interval between
betrothal and the union of the young people is
employed in the preparation of wedding garments,
the fabric of carpets, and other articles for do-
mestic purposes and convenience. A few days be-
fore the final ceremony of nikkar takes place, min-
strels attend, and the days are passed amid the
melodies of vocal and instrumental music. On
the marriage-day the bridegroom, arrayed in silks
of gaudy colours, mounted on a horse and attended
by his friends, makes a considerable circuit, while

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 433

he emplores a blessing at some favoured "shrine.
Large quantities of food are prepared and dis-
tributed amongst neighbours ; and rejoicings con-
tinue for more or less time, according to the means
or dispositions of the parties. The bridegroom
makes a pecuniary present to the father of the
bride, who generally expends it in the purchase of
trinkets and necessaries for his daughter. The
entire expense of the marriage is defrayed by the
bridegroom.

On the birth of an infant there is much rejoicing,
and music : distribution of food is also made. On
the fourth day a name is conferred, and neighbours
assemble to partake of shirini, or fruits and sweet-
meats. On the sixth day, a sheep, or two, will be
cooked, and friends entertained. On the seventh
day, kattam, or circumcision, should be performed,
although it is often postponed for a year or two.
This being an important ceremony, it is distinguished
by great festivity and large kairats. It is, in fact,
the consecration of the juvenile member into the
bosom of the Mahommedan church, and is an equi-
valent for the Christian rite of baptism.

On occasions of death, kairats are never neg-
lected, and are frequently repeated, it being sup-
posed that they benefit the soul of the deceased.
The grave for a male is very little sunk, that for a
female is made breast deep ; it being whimsically '
alleged that the nature of a woman is so restless,
that without a large proportion of earth upon her

VOL. iv. 2 F

434 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

she would hardly remain quiet, even in the grave.
There are few or no head-stones to the graves of
ordinary persons, yet attention is paid to their pre-
servation, and the tumulus above ground is covered
with white and black fragments of stone, neatly
arranged.

Wives, on the decease of their husbands, neglect
washing, and the usual cares bestowed on their
persons, and sit making sad lamentations for a
space not less than fifteen days, when their female
relatives and friends conjure them to desist from
weeping, and bring them the powder of Idrra, (a
plant,) with which they lave their heads, and re-
sume their wonted serenity and enjoyments. As
it is understood that a widow's grief for the loss
of her husband is excessive and sincere, and that
she discards it only at the pressing instance of her
relatives, should they maliciously not present them-
selves, she may have to mourn for a longer period,
perhaps a month or two.

The domestic economy of the Brahuis is very
simple and confined. Milk, so important an article
in their household management, is obtained princi-
pally from ewes and she-goats ; from the former in
the largest proportion. Cows are exceedingly rare
in Saharaw&i and Jhalawan, and buffaloes still
more so. The milk of ewes is known to be heavy,
and to yield much cream. I believe it is seldom
made use of in England, and that it is unheard of
in the vicinity of the metropolis; yet, in these

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 435

countries, such as the greater part of Balochistan
and Afghanistan, where there is not pasture for the
larger animals, it forms the primary object of do-
mestic attention, and forms the hasis of a variety
of preparations, for which no adequate substitutes
are to be found.

Butter and cheese made from ewes'-milk are of
good quality ; the latter, perhaps, a little pungent ;
the former is not made from cream, as in England,
but from mass, or curd, placed in an earthen jar,
and agitated by a simple machine, consisting of a
slender stick, at the end of which two small bars
cross each other. It is impelled in its revolutions
by the assistance of a string.

M&ss, or curd, is one of the most frequent modes
in which milk is employed as food. This is made
by simply boiling the milk, and then inserting
a portion of butter-milk, which imparts a tendency
to coagulation, and a gently acidulated taste. The
evening's milk is usually set apart for mss, the
space of a night being necessary to render the
conversion perfect ; while it is made use of for
the repast of the morning. There are many other
methods of making mass, practised in other coun-
tries. I only notice that in general use amongst the
Br&hliis. An effectual, but reprehensible method,
is sometimes employed in Sind, of placing a piece
of copper money in boiling milk. Mass is eaten
as a relish or accompaniment to bread and rice.
Seasoned with garlic, it is esteemed dainty, and is

2 F 2

436 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

a favourite mixture with many. Mass made into
butter, of course, preserves its cream : but milk
intended for mass, may be first deprived of it.
The quality only of the curd is affected,

In the preparation of cheese, the Brahuis have
an excellent substitute for rennet in the seeds of
a plant, named in consequence, panir-band.

Roghan, or clarified butter, is undoubtedly the
product derived from milk of the first consequence,
and of the most general use. It is prepared in
immense quantities, not only supplying a free con-
sumption amongst the tom&ns, but furnishing the
necessities of the towns. Roghan is a favourite
oleaceous substance in all eastern countries, and
is preferred to butter, being better adapted to tra-
velling, and because it preserves -its freshness for
a more considerable time, and that during the
vicissitudes of heat and cold to which it may be
exposed. The clarification of butter is effected by
simply boiling the substance until its water be
absorbed, or until it shows a disposition to granu-
late. Sometimes a flavor is communicated by the
addition of a few grains of jira or fennel seed, a
small portion of sugar, or even a few grains of
wheat. A yellow tint is frequently induced, by
inserting during the process a little, turmeric.

Shelanch of the Brahuis, or krut of the Afghans,
is another preparation from milk. It is made by
boiling buttermilk until the original quantity is re-
duced one half. The thickened fluid is then placed

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 437

in a bag of hair or wool, and suffered to drain,
exposed to the solar heat. When the draining
ceases the mass in the bag is formed into small
dumps, which are dried unto hardness in the sun.
When required for use, these dumps are pounded
and placed in warm water, where they are worked
by the hands until dissolved. The thickened fluid
is then boiled with a share of roghan, and provides
a meal, by having bread saturated in it. This is
a favourite article of food in Afghanistan and wes-
tern Persia. The Afghan preparation excels the
Brahfii. It is a convenient food for travellers, being
easy of transport and readily served.

The milk of camels is but partially employed in
the districts of upper Balochistan. It is much
made use of in Las, and in northern Sind, where
of all milk it is esteemed the sweetest. The abun-
dance of ewes' milk completely supersedes its use
in Sah&raw&n and the neighbourhood of the capi-
tal, where the flocks are so numerous that it is
customary for the experienced housewives of Ka-
lat, during the vernal season, to repair to the ad-
jacent hills, and to contract for the milk of a cer-
tain number of ewes, at the rate of one rupee for
two, during three successive months. They remain
with the flocks, and prepare quantities of roghan,
krut, &c., with which they return laden to their
homes.

The favoured inhabitants of the smiling districts
of Mastung and Shall, where Pomona has bounti-

438 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

folly dispersed her treasures, have in their fruits
during their respective seasons a store of sanative
and luxuriant condiments, while the immense sur-
plus of mulberries and apricots, which are carefully
dried, supply them with an equally wholesome and
nutritious diet during winter. Dried mulberries
have a peculiar and grateful flavour like melilates,
or honeyed gingerbread. Dried apricots are eaten
as an accompaniment to bread, by being beaten up
with water, and boiled with a proportion of roghan.
The dish is called chamari, and may be made very
agreeable, if duly spiced. In the districts of
KMran, Nushki, &c., where the hing plant, or
ferula assafoetida, is found, it is largely employed
as food. The entire plant is used, and the natives
are loud in their commendations of its zest and
flavour, terming it " khush korak," or " pleasant
food." Great quantities of this plant are, in season,
brought to Kalat, and consumed chiefly by Hindus.
The stem is, by the Brahufs, simply roasted. In
like manner is eaten the stem of another species of
ferula, called " hushi," (opopanax?) found abun-
dantly in the hills. The hing plant is, moreover,
pickled at Kalat, and is not unpalatable, retaining,
however, that peculiar flavour which characterizes
it. In Nushki and Giirghina, rawash, or native
rhubarb, abounds. It is also used for food, the
leaf stalks being selected. They are either roasted
or eaten in a crude state, and are esteemed for
their acidulated taste.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 439

In Kharan large quantities of a concrete whitish
gum exude from a species of gaz, called shakr-gaz.
It has a sweet taste, and is brought for sale to
Kalat, where an ass's load is exchanged for two
ass loads of wheat. In Kharan, during a deficiency
of grain, it serves as a substitute for bread. As a
stock for the winter season, the Brahui housewife
prepares the entire carcases of one or more sheep,
according to her means, by a process somewhat
analogous to that by which bacon is got up. I
do not remember to have seen such preparations
in European countries, and they appeared to be
worthy of imitation ; the process being simple, and
the meat well preserved and flavoured, indeed re-
sembling bacon. At the opening of the cold sea-
son the animal is killed, the entire carcase deprived
of the bones, and extended by means of short sticks.
It is then well rubbed with common salt, and hung
up on the ceiling of a room, or on its sides, or even
without the house, that it may dry completely. It
is not uncommon for the inner and outer walls of
masjits to be covered with these flitches of mutton,
and I never heard of any portion of them being pur-
loined. The viscera, and all other edible parts of
the sheep, are also salted and dried, but hung up
distinct from the carcase. Mutton, so prepared, is
called khaddit by the Br&huis, and l&ndi by the
Afghans. In Panjghur it is prepared by being
spiced as well as salted, and is said to be su-
perior.

440 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

Independently of the articles of sustenance af-
forded by their flocks and herds, the fleeces of the
one, and the hairy hides of the other furnish mate-
rials for clothing, and other necessary and useful
objects, while, beside household cares, the principal
occupation of the women consists in their fabric.
The skins of sheep and goats are made into massaks,
or vessels for the retention of water. They also
serve to contain flour. Sufficiently cleanly, they
are well adapted for the transport of water over
extensive plains, slung in the rear, or on the side of
the camel sheltered from the sun. If on arrival
at the place of halt a tree be at hand, the massak,
suspended on a branch, preserves the water delight-
fully cool.

The wool of sheep is beaten by slender sticks, or
rods, held in either hand, and alternately descend-
ing until it be reduced to a pulp fit for the fabric of
namads, or felts. It is also spun into threads and
woven into carpets, which are coloured with mad-
der, indigo, turmeric, &c., all of which operations
are carried on within tomans. The leaves of apple-
trees are collected at their fall in autumn, and pre-
served for use as a yellow dye, which is, I believe, a
novel application of them. The hair of camels is
often used as a base to carpets, upon which the lines,
or various patterns in worsted are worked. It is
exclusively adapted to the fabric of the coarse black
coverings for tents, and for a variety of furniture for
the living animal. As well as wool, it is employed

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 441

in the construction of ropes and strings. Cloaks,
here called shalls, are made of the same materials,
and are in general use, varying in fineness of texture ;
some of them are gaudily decorated with floss silk, of
varied colours. The better fabrics of Nichara have
a very gay appearance. As a general rule, the ma-
nufactures, if we may so term them, of the Baloch
pastoral tribes, are as much surpassed by those of
the corresponding classes in Afghanistan, as these
latter are by the productions of the same grade of
artisans in Persia.

It will be seen that the chief, if not the whole
labour of a pastoral family, falls upon the woman.
It is the same in all barbarous communities, and
is the consequence of a rude state of society. The
Brahtii never condescends to eat with his wife,
and she patiently waits upon him during his repast,
and cheerfully retires when it is completed, to
regale upon the fragments which have been spared.
The dwellings of the Brahuls are formed by a num-
ber of long slender poles, bent and inverted towards
each other, over which are extended slips of the
coarse fabric of camel-hair, before noted, and dyed,
generally black. The direction of the length is
from east to west, the better to exclude the sun's
rays. The interior management is as simple as the
exterior. On the one side are piled up their bags of
grain, flour, and other necessaries, which are con-
cealed from view by a carpet spread over them in
front, while above them are piled their stock of

442 MANNERS AN3> CUSTOMS.

carpets and felts, neatly folded. The culinary uten-
sils of the Brahuis are chiefly of copper, tinned, as
are their dishes and ewers. They place their cakes
of bread in carpet-bags, also their flour and salt.
A single tent is called a bunghi, an assemblage of
tents, a tom&n; and this is designated from the
principal personage or patriarchal chief residing in
it, as the toman of Fati Mahomed, the tom&n of
Pir Baksh, &c., &c.

Slavery is general throughout Balochistan, and
there is no family of the least consideration that has
not its complement of male and female slaves.
These are generally Sidis, or negroes procured from
the coast, whither they are brought from Maskat.
At Kalat there are some slaves both of Baloch and
Afghan origin ; but the condition of these is gene-
rally better than that of the negro, who, if not
absolutely ill-used, is not much considered in mat-
ters of food and clothing. Khanazadas, or slaves,
born in the families of their owners are more fa-
voured. Many of them are placed under the charge
of a mulla when young, and acquire the accom-
plishments of reading, writing, &c. They are,
moreover, confidentially employed, well apparelled,
and as respectable and comfortable as slaves can
be. Mehrab Khan had a great number of khana-
zadas ; many of them were opulent, and preferred
to the government of his towns, and other high
offices. The late Shahgh&ssi Nur Mahomed, the
present Darogah, Gill Mahomed, and Eehimdad,

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 443

were all khanazadas. The proprietors of slaves
exercise over them an absolute power of life and
death, without right of appeal to the tribunals
of the country ; or, in other words, the law does
not interfere in questions between masters and
slaves.

444

PART VII.

NATURAL HISTORY, &c.
QUADRUPEDS.

THE palang, or leopard, would seem to be the
most formidable of the wild animals ranging the
hills of SahSrawan, yet the species is not abundant.
Kaftars, or hyenas, are more numerous, and the
daring huntsman sometimes makes them the objects
of his chace.

Gurges, or wolves, exist in considerable numbers,
and it is a common occurrence for huntsmen to ex-
pose, in the hills, the carcase of a dead animal, and
placing themselves in ambush to shoot these beasts
as they assemble for prey. Wolves, during the
winter, become sufficiently audacious to attack man,
and to carry off children.

There is an animal called peshkozeh, which is
represented to be larger than a cat, with a reddish-
coloured hide. It moves in companies, and attacks
deer and sheep. Its mode of descending perpen-
dicular precipices, as described, is singular, each
animal fixing his teeth in the tail of another, and
forming a kind of chain.

QUADRUPEDS. 445

Perhaps the most interesting animal found in this
country is the wild mountain-sheep. It exists in
great numbers. Its fleece is tinged with a deep
red hue, the breast of the male being of a glossy
black, and that of the female of a delicate white-
ness. The male has very long spiral horns : in the
hills near Mastung is a variety with straight taper-
ing horns. The male has also a long beard, attains
a much larger size than the female, and has a very
fine appearance. The females are said to bring
forth every spring two young ones, a male and fe-
male. In the season of breeding combats amongst
the males are general, the females standing aloof,
and becoming the rewards of the victors. At such
times they are unusually thirsty, a circumstance of
which hunters profit, by concealing themselves near
the spots where they are constrained to repair for
water, and thence deliberately taking aim at them.
After the period of delivery, great numbers of the
young are carried off by the Brahftis, and brought
to Kalat for sale. The hunting of the wild-sheep
is a favourite pastime in Balochistan. In winter,
the Brahui follows the chace, and continues to do
so until the close of spring. The meat of this
animal is very dark-coloured, but is esteemed deli-
cious food. The skins are favourite substitutes
for carpets or mats, to repeat prayers upon ; and
many of the masjits, in the little villages amongst
the hills, have their floors spread over with them.
The horns of the beast adorn the exteriors of the

446 NATURAL HISTORY.

buildings, and, with the antlers of deer, are fre-
quently ostentatiously suspended on trees and
rustic shrines. I may note, that many persons
assured me that the straight, tapering horned
animal alluded to above, was the wild-goat ; and, I
believe, our European gentlemen have pronounced
it to be the ibex. The gur-khar, or wild-ass, was
formerly to be found on the dasht Guran, and in
GtirgMna, but has disappeared of late years. It
is still occasionally seen about Kh&ran. It also
ranges the plain of D&lbanding, on the road from
Nushki to Jalk. South-easterly of Kalat, it is said,
to be found on the Pat of Shikarpur, between
Tambu and Roj&n. Nasir Khan had one of these
animals, which is said to have become quite tame.
The flesh of the gur-khar is esteemed lawful food.

Khasm, or deer, are common in the hills, as are
hares on the plains.' A yellow or dun-coloured
ground rat is universal throughout the country, as
are jackals. Hedgehogs are not rare.

BIRDS.

The birds of this part of the world mostly resem-
ble those to be met with in more eastern regions.
The common crow; the bird with black plumage
and long forked tail, called by Europeans king of
the crows ; the handsome speckled and crested
bird, called here miirg sulim&n, the common

INSECTS. 447

sparrow, the crested lark, the cuckoo dove, the
wild pigeon, the mainah, the kingfisher, called mitu,
with the large common vulture, called khalmalak,
may all be seen in Hindustan. Besides them are
the raven, the magpie, the daw, and a bird interme-
diate in size between the raven and crow, of very
glossy black plumage, with red beak and legs. Its
meat is reputed good. There are also owls, hawks,
swallows, and two of three varieties of birds of
small size and dull plumage. In Las and Kach
Gandava are perroquets ; and on the shores of the
former province are large flocks of flamingoes. In
a dry elevated region, like Saharawan and the
greater part of Jhalawan, aquatic fowl are, of
course, but .rare, yet large flocks of them annu-
ally pass over, in their migrations. Ducks are to
be found about Sohrab, and again near Kharan.
The smaller kinds of game, as partridges and quail,
are plentiful, the titta, the chikhor, the budina, &c.,
and in Kach Gandava the hobara, a splendid variety
of bustard, prevails. As Sind is approached, the
wild fowl, the original of our domestic poultry,
ranges in the jangal.

INSECTS.

Of the insects common, the two or three varieties
of wasp, and a large species of hornet, are analogous
to those of warmer countries. Gad-flies are like

448 NATURAL HISTORY.

those of England, and the ordinary white butterfly
is abundant. At Kalat the caterpillar is a very
beautiful object, and has a length of four or five
inches. Beetles of a large size abound. There is
a very troublesome bug, called mangur, which infests
the houses of Kal&t, and annoys by its bite both
natives and strangers, the latter more severely. It
is always seen bloated with blood. By some, its
presence is imputed to the juniper cedar wood
employed in the construction of every house, by
others to the mud used in raising the walls. There
is no mode of avoiding the attack of this insect,
but cold bathing is recommended to prevent the
ill consequences of its wounds. There are likewise,
of ordinary insects, dragon-flies, ladybirds, skippers,
soldiers and sailors, ear-wigs, ground-fleas, crickets,
grasshoppers, gnats, scorpions, centipedes, &c., &c.

AMPHIBIA.

Of this class there are land tortoises, frogs, toads,
lizards and serpents. Of lizards there are two
varieties common to the soil, the large guana, or
shhsh m&r, as called, and a small species, most abun-
dant, called chelpassa. On walls, and in every
house is a small lizard, the fly-catcher. The excre-
ment of the guna is held in repute for some medi-
cinal properties, particularly for ailments of the
eye. Serpents are by no means few, and their bites

BOTANY. 449

are considered venomous. I doubt it, as instances
thereof, which fell under my observation, were
always relieved by no more effectual remedy than
a dam, or incantation.

BOTANY*

To the botanist the vegetable productions of
Saharawan and Jhalawan undoubtedly present an
ample field for the gratification of his delightful
and favourite studies. I have to regret the want
of scientific information, which permits me only
to enumerate some of the more conspicuous objects
which present themselves in this elegant depart-
ment.

To myself, a superficial observer, the similarity
and approximation of the vegetable productions of
Balochistan, and those of India, on the one side,
and of Persia on the other, could not but be ap-
parent. In the southern provinces there are few
plants not to be found in Western India; in the
northern provinces very many occur which are to
be met with in the hills and valleys of Shir&z
and Persepolis. The vegetation of Persia is, how-
ever, more vigorous.

The olive-tree, or zaitun, is found in the hills
of Jhalawan and Saharawan, and appears to ex-
tend over all the mountainous tract between the
meridian of Kalat and that of the Indus. It

VOL. iv. 2 a

450 NATURAL HISTORY.

flourishes in the hills of the Suliman range, and
of Bangash. It is also a native of the hills of
Shiraz.

The ghwen, or galangiir, (the banni, or binah,
of the Shiraz hills,) is a middle-sized tree, abundant
on the lower hills and less elevated regions of the
superior ones of Saharawan, where it is always
observed to fail where the juniper cedar-tree com-
mences. This tree, a species of mastich, bears clus-
ters of berries of a red or purplish tint, when ma-
ture, in which it differs from the Persian species,
whose berries, when ripe, are white, or yellowish,
like those of the mistletoe. The skin of the berry
covers a viscous matter, in which is enclosed a
stone with a kernel, yielding to expression a bland
oil. A gum-resin exudes from the trunk and
branches of this tree, which is supposed to possess
vulnerary virtues," but is here not collected. In
Persia it is applied to useful purposes in the arts.
The berries, having an acidulated flavour, are eaten
by the Brahtiis.

The appurs, or juniper cedar-tree, seems more
peculiar to the mountains of Saharawan. It con-
tributes by its solemn and majestic appearance to
the scenery of the hills, and is the wood prin-
cipally used at Kalat for purposes of building and
fuel. It abounds on the eastern ranges of Saha-
rawan, and on Chehel Tan, delighting in the su-
perior regions. It bears clusters of berries, which
are gathered, when perfected, and sent for sale

BOTANY. 451

as medicines to Sincl and Hindustan. The appurs
is said to be the harhar kohi of Persian authors.

The siah-chob, or black-wood, is a shrubby tree
of the SaharawAn hills. It has a variety of per-
pendicular stems, shooting to the height of ten or
twelve feet. The leaves are minute, and the
branches bear thorns. It derives its name from
the colour of its stems, which are, however, dark
red, rather than black. This tree is found in the
hills of the Hindu Kosh, north of the Kohistan
of Kabal, and there yields shirkhist, or manna.

The mazmuk is a low bushy shrub, also with
thorns and minute leaves, which bears, in large
tears, a very pure gum, varying in shade from a
clear white to yellow and red. It is found on the
higher hills of Saharawan. The gum is neglected,
or nearly so, although it might be procured in quan-
tity, and the finer specimens are not excelled in
translucence or purity by gum-arabic.

The fig-tree is a native of the hills of Balochis-
tan, as of those of Persia. It is found in the shel-
tered situations of ravines and water-courses. Its
matured fruit is very palatable, the rind white, and
the inner pulp of a lively red.

The hills of Saharaw&n have, according to my
observation, four varieties of ferula, the most im-
portant of which is the hing, or ferula assafoetida.
This plant spreads itself over a large extent of
country, being found on the western hills of Sa-
harawan, and on those of Nushki, Shorawak, and

2 & 2

452 NATURAL HISTORY.

Peshing. It even occurs so far south as the neigh-
bourhood of Wad, in Jhdlawan. It is found in
the -vicinity of Sistan, and flourishes extremely in
some parts of western Khorasan, as near Ghain,
whence, via Kandahar, passes to the east much of
the assafoetida of commerce. Again, it becomes
an article of lucrative traffic with the natives of
Seghan, Kamerd, Ajer, &c., north of Bamian, whose
hills and valleys produce the plant abundantly.

The gum-resin is 'collected at Ntishki, and was
formerly at Gurghina, but the plant there in late
years is said to have failed. Little of the produce
of Balochistan finds its way into the markets be-
yond its frontiers. It is in general use as a savoury
ingredient in cookery, and the green plant is uni-
versally eaten. The assafoetida of comftierce is
usually adulterated with flour, sand, and other sub-
stances. A test of its purity is affirmed to be, the
retention of its liquescency for a year. With re-
spect to the medicinal virtues of assafoetida, its
anthelmintic powers are alone known to the
Brahtiis, who administer the seeds of the plant to
children afflicted with worms, and distribute the
gum-resin amongst their melon fields, to preserve
the plants from the ravages of earth worms. They
conclude that the quantities of the drug annually
passing through their country to Bombay are des-
tined to similar purposes.

The ferula, next to assafoetida in importance, is
called hushi ; it is, I suspect, the Persian jowashir,

BOTANY. 453

and may be the pastinaca opopanax. It bears a
gum-resin, but this is wholly neglected. The green
plant is roasted and eaten by the Brahuis. This
ferula, like the assafoetida, ranges over a large ex-
tent of country, but is more universal than that
plant. I believe that it everywhere accompanies the
assafoetida, but it is also common on the granite
and gneiss ranges of Kftbal, to which the more
valuable vegetable is a stranger. There is an irre-
gularity in the dispersion o"f the assafoetida, but
which no doubt admits of explanation. I have seen
it only on hills of secondary formation, on those of
Shorawak and Seghan, but had not the opportunity
of verifying whether it is peculiar to them. The
hushi flourishes vigorously on the hills near Kabal,
and large quantities of the gum-resin might be ob-
tained. Esteemed a vulnerary, it enters into the
composition of ointments, but no~ further use is
made of it. The dried stems are sol# in the bazars
as fuel, and selected ones are distributed in the
roofs of houses.

There are two other species of ferula, much in-
ferior in size to the hushi. On neither of them
could I detect any gum-resin. They are very
general.

A variety of the gaz, or tamarisk tree, flourishing
principally in Khar&n,-but found also in the valley
of tKe Mulloh river, yields a sweet-tasted gum, as
has been elsewhere noted. The tree producing it
differs from the common variety of tamarisk in

454 NATURAL HISTORY.

having white flowers in place of red ones, and that
its verdure is of a more lively, although paler green.
The variety in question bears also a species of galls,
which, like those of the oak tree, are used as mor-
dants in dyeing. The gum and tree have both the
name of shakr-gaz, and the galls are called sakor.
I have reason to believe that this species of tama-
risk is known in the swamps of Mazanderan. The
common tamarisk, or gaz, is met with along the en-
tire line of road from S6nmiani to Shall, and in-
deed from thence to Kandahar, Gazni, and Kabal,
but never larger than a straggling bush, and always
in swampy grounds* This tree thrives particularly
in the valley of the Indus, at Bah&walpur, MuMn,
Peshawer, and at Jelalabad. It is the athello of
the Arabs. A solitary tree of the species amongst,
the ruins of old Babylon, is supposed by some to be
a vestige of the famed hanging gardens. Be this as
it may, the athello, or gaz, as a shrub, still fringes
the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris.

The oleander, or gandeli, as called, is found in the
stony beds of the torrents of Balochistan. With
its handsome appearance and splendid tufts of
flowers it enlivens many a dreary scene. A native
of the hills south of Shiraz, it is found, in delightful
contrast to the bold and stern features of the rocky
landscape, along the beds of the mountain rivulets
which traverse them. The plant is poisonous to
cattle, and its firm-pointed leaves possess acrid pro-
perties* Its BrShui name is jowar, and " am chi

BOTANY. 455

talin ka jowar," or " as bitter as jowar, 3 ' is a
proverb.

Two or three varieties of willows are found in
Saharawan, near water-mills, or on the banks of
canals. They are not indigenous, neither are the
poplars, chanars, or planes, and cypresses, to be seen
in gardens.

The plains of Saharawan, as well as of Jhalawan,
so far south as Baghwan, are covered with two
notable varieties of plants; one called bunti, or
terk, the other kar-sh6t6r. The former has two
species, the stalks of the one white or yellowish, of
the other red, constituting the white and the red
terk. The latter is esteemed a febrifuge. This plant
is general over the wilds of Afghanistan. It has a
fragrant and peculiar odour, like rue, which it im-
parts to the passing breeze. It is eagerly eaten by
camels, sheep, and goats, and, when dried, is col-
lected for fuel. The kar-shutur, or camel's-thorn,
is, as its name implies, a thorny bush, and a fa-
vourite food of camels. Besides these, the manguli
is a common plant, bearing yellow flowers. It is
said to be poisonous to horses and camels, not so to
sheep and goats. About Kalat, and generally in
cultivated ground, the shir-gunar is a frequent plant,
from which exudes a highly acrid milk. Near the
skirts of hills, and in their lower regions, are a
number of odoriferous plants. During the spring,
so profuse is the vegetation on the hills that num-
bers of sheep constantly die of repletion. The

456 NATURAL HISTORY.

animals burst, and their flesh, while eaten, becomes
nearly black* The hills of Saharawan and Jha-
lawan boast a great diversity of flowering plants
with bulbous roots. Of these, the varieties of the
lala, or tulip, of the orchis, &c., are most conspicuous.
Pinks are general. Amongst the many other plants
of the plain, and of the little pasture-ground occur-
ring, are several common in England, as clover,
hawkweed, mallows, thyme, horse-mint, dandelion,
star-flowers, docks, iris, camomile, cuckoo's bread
and cheese, &c.

The wild white rose abounds on the hills of Sa-
harawan, and seems to select the higher elevations.
The petals are gathered for medicinal uses, and
females and children make themselves necklaces of
the scarlet hips. As we proceed northward towards
K4bal, the wild rose is of a yellow colour, and, with
its blossoms covering the entire stems and branches,
is a magnificent object. Its leaves are most minute.
Bed and white wild roses at Kabal are very seldom
seen, but again prevail in certain favoured spots in
the Hazarajat.

A thorny bush y called shinaluk, abounds on the
hills of Kalat, and is much used as fuel. It bears
yellow flowers, like the furze-bush, and, like it,
burns fiercely and with a crackling noise. The true
furze embellishes with its golden blossoms the neigh-
bourhood of Wad.

Of the many plants found in the hills, there are
some possessing medicinal properties, and some

BOTANY. 457

which are useful in other ways. Of the medicinal
plants, hishwarg and panirband may be noted. They
both delight in temperate climates, and are found
principally amongst the hills of Jhalawan. They
are alike natives of the hills of Eastern Afghanis-
tan. Hishwarg, which may be a species of justicia,
is esteemed a refrigerant and febrifuge. The leaves
and roots, of a harsh bitter taste, are used in de-
coction, the roots being deemed most effectual.
Panirband (the cheese-maker) is the constant com-
panion of the former, and a very similar plant in
appearance and manner* of growth, there being
slight differences in the colour of the leaves and
form of the flowers. Panirband has leaves of a
mouse colour, and its flowers are umbelliferous,
while those of hishwarg are of the tuberose descrip-
tion. In the former they are succeeded by globular
seed vessels, the parts of the plant held of value.
These are invested with a yellow, waxy pulp, when
ripened, of an astringent and sweetly bitter taste, and
are much celebrated for their efficacy in pains and
disorders of the stomach. In the valley of the
Indus, where they are sold in shops, I have wit-
nessed that they are serviceable. In such cases, I
could not account for their mode of action, although
I could readily believe them to be tonic. Inserted
in milk, they have the property of coagulating it,
whence they serve as substitutes for rennet, and this
circumstance has conferred upon the plant its name.
Besides these, the plantago, ispaghul, is common,

458 NATURAL HISTORY.

and, as a demulcent, is much used. Another plant,
called yutrangan, and by Afghans trikandar, is cele-
brated, however idly, for its aphrodisiac virtues. The
cassia senna, common in Sind, prevails along the
line of coast westward. It is also found so far north
as Hshtnagar, in the plain of Peshawer. This is
one of those plants which distinctly exhibits the
sexual variations, like the date tree, and lasura, or
cordia myxa.

Amongst the useful plants, the fiesh, a species of
aloe, is perhaps the more generally so. From its
fan-like leaves are manufactured mats, ropes, san-
dals, and numerous articles of domestic conveni-
ence. This plant affects a mild moderate tempera-
ture. In Afghanistan it is a native of the hills of
Bangash and Peshawer. The thin flexile branches
and stems of the gishtar are made into a sub-
stitute for whipcord and catgut by the Brahuis;
the plant has no leaves. They are also considered
strengthening diet for camels, which eagerly feed
on them. The marmut, a variety of lichen, is some-
times employed as food, but more generally as a
medicine ; it is thought efficacious in diseases of
debility.

It will be seen, from the preceding observations,
that Balochistan, while it may boast of some variety
in its plants, is by no means a woody country. The
largest trees indigenous to its hills are the ghwen
and apurs, and neither has a height exceeding twen-
ty to twenty-five feet. While the variations in

MINERALOGY. 459

latitude of the several provinces are not important,
the differences in elevation are sufficient to cause a
strong contrast in their vegetable productions. This
is very observable with regard to the provinces of
Saharawan and Kach Gandava, under the same pa-
rallel. In the former are to be seen most of the
trees and plants I have enumerated ; in the latter
are to be met with, of indigenous growth, little be-
yond stunted mimosas, hers, and karils. The south-
ern and maritime province of Las has a few trees of
Indian origin, which may be considered importa-
tions, as the kenatti (palma Christi), the doguri
(ficus religiosa), and the emmali or ambli (tamar
Indicus), with the nim (melia azadarachta). It has
others common to both countries, as the tamarisk,
the peru, the ber, the perpuk, the karil, the d^dar,
and a few which, if not peculiar to it, are not found
eastward, as the guguT, producing the gum-bdel-
lium, the olive, the krtip, a species of capparis, &c.

MINERALOGY.

That a country possessing so large a proportion
of mountainous surface as Balochistan, should be
destitute of metallic and mineral treasures is hardly
to be credited. That they are unknown or neg-
lected, must be ascribed to the ignorance and
apathy of the inhabitants. The extensive regions
under note have never been scientifically explored,

460 MINERALOGY.

and present, no doubt, an ample field to reward
skilful research. That the metallic and mineral
treasures have not been developed, we are told
is owing to an aversion to excite the cupidity, or
to promote the benefit, of the Durdnis, who claim
the produce of mines. The sulphur mines of Kach
Gandava, worked formerly with vivacity, were held
by them under a military force, and the revenue
was enjoyed by the governor of Dera Ghazi Khan.

The mountain chains of Balochistan are of com-
pact limestone, enclosing, as instanced at Chehel
Tan, marine shells and corals, identical with si-
milar objects picked up on the sea shores at this
day. At the skirts of the ranges bordering on
Kach Gandava and Sincl, where evidences of a
peculiar action are manifest in tepid and sulphu-
reous springs, marine petrifactions of an earlier
date are frequent ; at least, not to be identified with
the present products of the ocean. The paral-
lelism of the principal ridges of Balochistan deserves
attention, particularly as it pervades by far the
greater part of the chains which, radiating south-
ward from the primary belt of the Caucasus, rib
as it were this part of the world. The direction
is from north by east to south by west. The mi-
nor ranges, which stretch into the northern Pan-
jab, from the Pir Panj&l belt, east of the Indus ;
and west of that river, the ranges which define
the limits of Shamla, Banu, Sohdt, and Bajore, with
those farther to the westward, separating Lughm&o,

MINERALOGY. 461

from Taghoh and Nijroh; and again these places
from the Kohistan and Koh Daman, have all the
same inclination; so has the chain bounding to
the west Koh Daman and the Kohistan, while
supporting the elevated mountainous region of the
Hazarajat. Farther south the hills of eastern Ban-
gash, the long chain of Chaisaghar, or Takht Suli-
man, west of the Indus, the ranges intersecting the
country south of Ghazni, and between it and Shall,
have a strictly conformable course. In Balochis-
tan the continuity of the system of parallelism
is preserved by the chains separating Kach Gan-
d&va and the valley of Sind from Saharawan and
Jhalawan, by the minor ridges extending west of
them, until they merge into the loftier barrier of
Khwoja Amran, dividing Saharawan, Sherrud, and
Peshing from Shorawak, Buldak, and the vicinity
of Kandahar.

It must not, however, be supposed that all the
mountains in this part of the world have the
same direction. While there is evidently one
system, distinguished by its inclination from north
to south, there is as palpably another extending
from east to west. Belonging to it are the Sef6d
Koh range, south of the Jelalabad valley, the
Siah Koh, north of .the same valley; the ridges
south of the valley of Kabal, and the range
traversing the chains of Saharawan, and marking
the course of the Bolan river. To examine the
structure of these various hills would, no , doubt,

462 MINERALOGY.

be a labour of interest, and one which might lead
to the confirmation of many important geognostic
theories, or displace them by others more agreeable
to facts. I regret it is in my power only to show-
there is something to be done. While the hills
of Balochistan, that is the more considerable ones,
are of limestone, as we proceed northward, and
approach the superior belt of Caucasus, in the vi-
cinity of Kabal, the ridges are composed of gneiss
and mica slates. There are also ridges of pure
granite ; and there is one circumstance which struck
me, that the pure granite is always attended by
genuine slate, while the spurious granite, or gneiss,
is never without mica slate. Very many of the
granite ranges in the vicinity of the Caucasus being
distinct, are highly instructive, as the peculiarities
of their construction and conformation become ap-
parent. These have, I believe invariably on the
one front, a bold, and more or less abrupt aspect ;
on the other, towards their bases, they support a
mass of upraised schistose strata.

Of metals known to exist, lead is most abun-
dant, being found at Khozdar, in the hills between
Sind and Balochistan, and again in the ranges be-
tween Kalat and Panjghtir. The same hills yield
antimony. Iron obviously occurs in the hills north
of Bela, and so widely dispersed a metal must needs
be found in many other places. Copper^ is believed
to occur in the hills west of Sohrab and Ghiddar,
also at Kisandun, "between Sohrb and Rodinjo.

MINERALOGY. 463

The sulphur mines of Kachi are in the hills west
of Suran and Sannl They are lazily worked, and
yield a profit of twelve thousand rupees annually.
Formerly they yielded five times as much. The
ore is carried to Bagh for purification. It is ef-
fected by boiling the pounded matter in oil, until
the fluid is evaporated, when the stones and im-
purities subside, and the sulphur remains on the
surface. Fine porcelain clay abounds in the low
hills between Kalat and Mangachar ; much of the
limestone of the hills is so translucent as to be,
in fact, excellent marble. Boles and ochres are
common, and in the Bolan valley is an earth re-
sembling fullers'-earth, and applied to similar pur-
poses. Coal occurs both in the Bolan pass and in
the hills of Gurghina. Agates, and fragments of
jasper, are found in the hills east of Kalat, near
Shalkoh, and are used in place of flints.

THE

LONDON :

Printed by S. & J. BEWTLEY, WILSON, and FLEY,
Bangor House, Shoe Lane,

ROUTE MAP
TB X Hisso
BALOCHISTAN, AFGHANISTAN