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ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF SaRLY AMERICAN HISTORY
NARRATIVES
OF EARLY MARYLAND
1633—1684
XDITED BY
CLAYTON COLMAN HALL, LL.B., AM.
OF THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOOSXX^
WITH A MAP AND TWO FACSIMILES
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9 vilSS^ »• -J
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CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
NEW YORK 1910
TORT
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vi CONTENTS
PAOS
A Relation of Mabtland, 1635 .63
iNTBODUCnON 65
Voyage to Maryland in the Ark and the Dove .... 70
Luiding in Maryland 71
Friendly Relations with the Native Indiana 73
Settlement at St. Mary's 76
Description of the Country 77
Natural Products of the Country 79
Products for which the Country is adapted 81
Description of the Indians 83
^ Thar System of Government 84
Their Domestic Relations 85
Their Mode of Life 86
Interview between Grovemor Calvert and an Indian Messenger 89
Indian Money of Exchange 90
Conditions of Plantation offered by Lord Baltimore to Settlers or Ad-
^^ venturers in Maryland 91
A^uistructions and Advice to expectant Settlers or Adventurers 92
List of Articles with which Colonists should provide themselves . 93
Computation of the Value of a Servant's Labor .... 96
Articles needed on Shipboard and for Trade 97
Selection of Servants 98
Form of Indenture of a Servant 99
Form of Bill of Lading 100
JList of Gentlemoi Adventurers gone to Maryland .... 101
/^Chabteb of Maryland 101
Preamble; Grant 101
Metes and Bounds 102
Advowson of Churches 103
Proprietary's Rank and Authority 103
Tenure; Status of Province; L^islative Assembly . . 104
Courts and Justice 105
Executive Ordinances; Liberty of Subjects to Emigrate . 106
Privileges of Trade; Military Authority 107
Conferring of Dignities; Erection and Incorporation of Towns . 108
Trade with England; Establishment of Ports . .109
Power to levy Customs Duties; Right of Alienation . . .110
Manors, Courts Baron, and View of Frank Pledge . .111
Relations to the Crown Ill
Interpretation of the Charter in favor of Grantee 112
extbactb from the annual letters of the english province of the
Society of Jesus, 1634, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1642, 1654, 1656, 1681 113
Introduction 115
Departure for America 118
^'"'^ccoimts of Labors and Conversions 120
Certain Deaths mentioned 123
CONTENTS vu
PAGB
Labors among the Indians and Gift of Land from them • . 124
Designations of rank among Indians; the Tayac (Emperor) . 125
y Conversion of an Indian condemned to Death .... 128
Baptism of the Tayac 131
Mode of Trayelling on Missions 136
A Marvellous Cure narrated . 138
^ — ^Dispute about Land Tenure 140
" Execution at Sea of Woman accused of Sorcery .... 141
Sufferings during Sway of the Commissioners of Parliament 141
Establifi^ent of a School of Letters 143
Letteb or GovEBNOR Leonabd Calvert to Lord Baltimore, 1638 . 145
Introduction 147
Expedition for Reduction of Kent Island 150
Arrest of Thomas Smith and John Butler 152
Submissicm of the Inhabitants 153
Piracy in 1635 near Palmer's Island 154
^ — Reference to Legislation 156
Suggestions as to Trade 157
Personal Items — Matting, Bird, LAoa ...... 158
The Lord Baltemore's Case, 1653 161
Introduction 163
Conunissioners of Parliament and Reduction of Virginia and Maryland 166
Reference of Matters in Dispute to Parliament's Committee of the Navy 170
^ Objections to Lord Baltimore's Patent and Answers thereto 171
Reascms of State concerning Maryland in America .... 172
Commission to Sir William Davenant as Governor of Maryland 179
VnunmA and Maryland, or the Lord Baltamore's Printed Case
Uncased and Answered, 1655 .181
Introduction 183
Recitals concerning the Virginia Company 188
Lord Baltimore's Patent 190
Statement of Assurances claimed concerning Virginia 192
Argument as to the Validity of the Grant of Maryland . * . 194
y Charges against Lord Baltimore's Administration 196
Defence for Reduction of Maryland by Commissioners of Parliament 197
Disputed Authority and Battle {it the Severn 203
Instructions of the Commissi<mers of Parliannuit .... 206
Proceedings of Committee of the Navy,' December 31, 1652 209
Oath prescribed for the Governor of Maryland (1648) . . 212
Oath of Fidelity xequiied of Settlers 214
Oath of a Men^ber of the Governor's Council .... 215
Sundry Cpafgea and Allegations 216
Petition to the Commissioners from Inhabitants of Ann Arundel 218
¥nm Inhabitants at the North Side of the Patuxent . 219
viu CONTENTS
PAOB
Answer of the Commissioners to the foregoing Petitions. . 221
Declaration of the Commissioners, published July 15, 1654 . 222
Governor Stone's Resignation, July 20, 1G54 225
Order of the Commissioners for Settling the Government . . 226
Fonn of Appointment by Lord Baltimore of Collector of Customs
under Charles 1 228
Babtlon's Fall, bt Leonabd Strong, 1655 231
Introduction 233
Migration of Purituis from Virginia to Maryland .... 235
Appointment of Commissioners by Parliament .... 236
Proceedings under the Commissioners 237
Conflict resulting in the Battle at the Severn 241
An Account of the Battle 243
Refutation of Babylon's Fall, bt John Langford, 1655 . . 247
Introduction 249
An Account of the Puritan Settlement 255
The Commissioners of Parliament 256
Battle at the Severn 261
Letter of Luke Barber to Oliver Cromwell 262
Letter of Virlinda Stone, Wife of the Governor, to Lord Baltimore . 265
Killing of Four of Governor Stone's Men after Surrender 266
Oath of Fidelity to the Lord Proprietary 267
N Act Concerning Reugion (1649) 269
Punishment for Blasphemy, etc 270
Use of Reproachful Terms concerning Religion forbidden . .271
Religious Liberty ordained for all professing Christianity . 272
Certificate of Governor Stone and Others as to Religious Liberty 274
Leah and Rachel, or. The Two Fruitfull Sisters, Virginia and
Mart-land, bt John Hammond, 1656 277
Introduction 279
Dedications 281
An Account of the Ekirly Conditions in Virginia .... 285
Advantages of the Countiy . 287
Advice to those going thither 288
Conditions of Life, etc. 290
Advantages for the Poor afforded by the New World . . . 296
Puritan Settlement in Maryland 301
Beginning of Dbputes 902
Commissioners of Parliament 303
Batde at the Severn 304
Journal of the Dutch Embassy to Maryland, bt Augustine Herb-
man, 1659 309
Introduction 311
Account of the Journey of the Envoys 314
CONTENTS ix
PAOB
Diacussion with Philip Calvert as to rival claims of the English and
Dutch to Delaware Bay 321
Diacussion with Philip Calvert renewed 323
Audiences with Governor Fendall and Council .... 325
Departure of the Envoys from Maryland 332
^^^^ A Character of the Province of Martlamb, bt George Albop, 1666 335
Introduction 337
Dedications and Preface 340
Geographical Situation and Natural Resources .... 343
Character of the Govenmient 348
Disposition of the Inhabitants 351
Condition of Indented Servants 354
Advantages of the New World for Working-People .... 359
Trade of the Province 363
Customs and Costumes of Indians 365
Warfare and Torture of Captives by Indians 367
Their Religion 369
Their Manner of Hunting 370
Sundry Letters of Alsop, mostly from Maryland .... 371
fy^ VBQM the Journal of George Fox, ifl7^r ^^" ^^ .... 389
Introduction 391
Meetings on Western Shore of the Bay 393
Passage to the Eastern Shore 394
Departure for New England, and Return to Maryland 395
Omtinued Meetings on the Eastern Shore 396
Journey around the Head of the Bay to the Western Shore . 398
Meetings at Severn and the Cliffs 399
Departure for Virginia and Return 400
Meeting at Patuxent 400
Return to Eastern Shore 402
Return to Western Shore; General Meeting; Departure for England . 405
RxpoRiB OF Conferences between Lord Baltimore (Charles, Third
Baron and Second Proprietary) and Wiluam Penn, and
THEIR Agents, 1682, 1683, 1684 407
Introduction 409
Account of Correspondence and Conferences between Lord Baltimore
and William Markham, 1682 . .414
Arrival of William Penn at New Castle 420
Account of Conference between Lord Baltimore and William Penn, 1682 421
Full Report of the Discussion at that Conference .... 425
Report by Lord Baltimore of Conference with Penn, 1683 434
Report hy George Talbot of his Conference with Penn, 1684 437
MAP AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTIONS
Map of Mabtland, fbom "A Relation of Maryland," 1635. From a
copy of the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Build-
ing) FrmUiapieee
rAQM
First Page of Lord Baltimors'b Instructionb to ths First Colon-
ibis. Fmom the original among the Cahert papers in the possesaon
of the Maryland Historical Society 16
Tttle-paoe of "A Relation of Martland/' 1635. From a copy of the
original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) • 70
AN ACCOUNT OF THE COLONY OF THE
LORD BARON OF BALTAMORE, 1633
INTRODUCTION
The Accoimt of Lord Baltimore's Colony in Maryland is
a translation from the Latin original transcribed about the
year 1832 by the late Father William McSherry, S. J., from
the Archives of the Society of Jesus in Rome (Angl. Histor.,
IV. 877-880). The Latin text of Father McSherry's copy,
together with an English translation, was published by the
Maryland Historical Sodety in 1874 {Fund PtMiaUion no. 7).
In 1898 this text was compared with the record in the Jesuit
archives by Father Thomas Hughes, S. J., and several minor
corrections noted.^ In the following text these corrections
have been embodied and the whole translation carefully
revised.
The original document, prepared, as the text indicates,
some months before the departure of the first colonists of
Maryland, and in anticipation of that event, was written by
Father Andrew White, S. J.,' and doubtless transmitted either
by him directly or through the Provincial in England to the
General of the Society at Rome, the Very Reverend Father
Mucio Vitelleschi, for the better information of the latter as to
the nature of the new field in which the writer was to be
engaged.
The sources from which the facts were derived are stated
in the document itself. George, the first Lord Baltimore and
father of Cecilius, the first Proprietary of Maryland, was in
* Maryland Historical Society, Calvert Papers no. 3 (Fund Pub. no. 35),
app. B.
* The note on page 53 of the Maryland Historical Society Fund Publication
no. 7» which ascribes the authorship of this account to Cecilius Lord Baltimore,
is obviously due to an error, either of the transcriber or of the editor. The note
does not appear in the original record in the Archives of the Society of Jesus.
3
4 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
fact an "eye-witness," as he had explored the country upon
the occasion of his visit to Virginia in 1629-1630 after recog-
nizing the unpromising condition of his projected colony at
Avalon in Newfoundland; and the account of Captain John
Smith referred to is doubtless that contained in the Descrip-
tion of Virginia, etc., published in 1612.* The writer of this
document was evidently familiar with the CJonditions of Plan-
tation offered by Cecilius Lord Baltimore as inducements to
persons to embark in the adventure, from which he freely
quotes.
The zealous missionary dwells much upon the prospect of
extending the light of the Gospel in a new field, but at the
same time he does not overlook the material advantages
offered by the Proprietary to such as would join in the enter-
prise either in person or by contribution of money.
A translation of this document was made, from a manu-
script copy formerly in the possession of the Maryland His-
torical Society, by the late N. C. Brooks, LL.D., and published
in 1847 in Force's Tracts, IV., no. 12. In 1872 the Latin text
was printed in the Woodcock Letters for private circulation
among members of the Society of Jesus, with a revision of
this translation.
C. C* H*
* NarraHvea cf Early Vvr^nia^ in this aeries, p. 73.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE COLONY OF THE
LORD BARON OF BALTAMORE, 1633
An Account of the Colony of (he Lord Baron of Baltamore, in
Maryland, near Virginia: in which the character^ quality
and state of the Country, and its numerous advantages and
sources of tveaith are stt forth.
Tms province is near the English Colony in Virginia. The
Most Serene King of England desired that it should be called
the land of Maria or Maryland^ in honor of Maria/ his wife.^
The same Most Serene King, out of his own noble disposition,
recently, in the month of June, 1632, gave this Province to the
Lord Baron of Baltamore and his heirs forever; and this gift he
has confirmed and ratified by the public seal of his whole king-
dom. Therefore the Most Illustrious Baron has already de-
termined to lead a colony into those parts, first and especially,
in order that he may carry thither and to the neighboring
places, whither it has been ascertained that no knowledge of
the true God has as yet penetrated, the light of the Gospel
and the truth; then, also with this intent, that all the associ-
ates of his travels and toils may be invited to a share in the
gain and honor, and the empire of the King be more widely
extended.
For this purpose he is seeking, with all speed and diligence,
for men to accompany him on this voyage, both such as in-
tend to try their fortunes with him, and others also. Indeed,
after attentively considering the whole matter, and taking the
advice of men, distinguished for their experience and wisdom,
he has now weighed with great care all the advantages
as well as disadvantages which have hitherto advanced or
hindered other colonies; and found nothing which does not
> The grant of the province of Maryland was made to Lord Baltimore by
Charles L, king of Engkind. It was named in honor of the queen, Henrietta
Maria.
5
6 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
tend stron^y to confirm him in his design, and promise him
the most prosperous success. For both the writings which
his most noble father has left behind him — an eye-witness,
reliable and worthy of all credit — and the constant reports
of those men who come to us every day from that country,
or places not far from it; and beades, the very faithful ac-
count written and published by Captain Smith, who first
discovered the country — ^what he says of the fertility and ex-
cellence of its soU is truly wonderful and almost incredible —
add to these also the unanimous agreement and testimony of
numberless men, living here in London, who formerly came
from those countries, and intend to return there; and who,
with one voice, verify and confirm what Smith has written.
Wherefore the Most Noble Baron intends, by the aid of
God, to sail for those parts, about the middle of next Septem-
ber; and to those whom he shall find to accompany and assist
him in so glorious an undertaking, he offers many induce-
ments, in the most generous and liberal spirit.
Of which this is the first and most important, (to say
nothing of those rewards of station and preferment, which will
be liberally ^ven in honor of worth, valor, fortitude and noble
deeds), that whoever shall pay a hundred pounds,^ to carry
over five men, (which will be enough for arms, implements,
clothing and other necessaries) ; whether they shall think best
to join us themselves, or intrust the men and money to those,
who shall have charge of this matter, or to any one else, to
take care of them and receive their share of the lands: to all
the men so sent, and to their heirs forever, shall be allotted
the right to two thousand acres of good land. Besides this,
if in the first expedition they prove themselves faithful fol-
lowerS; and do good service, they shall receive no small share
in the profits of trade — of which hereafter — and in other priv-
ileges: concerning which they will be more fully informed,
when they come to the aforesaid Baron. Moreover, as to
what was said before concerning a hundred pounds, this shall
also be understood, in proportion, of a smaller or lai^r sum
of money, whether given by one man, or contributed and
furnished by several together.
The first and most important design of the Most Illustrious
* See Conditions of Plantation, p. 91, infra.
1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S COLONY 7
Baron, which also ought to be the aim of the rest^ who go in
the same ship, is, not to think so much of planting fruits and
trees in a land so fruitful, as of sowing the seeds of religion and
piety. Surely a design worthy of Christians, worthy of angds/
worthy of Englishmen.^ The English nation, renowned for
so many ancient victories, never undertook anything more
noble or glorious than this. Behold the lands are wlute for
the harvest, prepared for receiving the seed of the Gospel
into a fruitful bosom. The Lidians themselves are every-
where sending messengers, to seek after fit men to instruct
the inhabitants in saving doctrine, and to regenerate them
with the sacred water. There are also men here in the city,
at this very time, who declare that they have seen ambassa-
dors, who were sent by their kings' for this same purpose to
Jamestown in Virginia; and infants brought to New England
to be washed in the saving waters. Who then can doubt,
that by one such glorious work as this, many thousands of
souls will be brought to Christ? I call the work of aiding
and saving souls glorious: for it was the work of Christ, the
King of Glory. For the rest, since all men have not such en-
thusiastic souls and noble minds, as to think of nothing but
divine things, and to consider nothing but heavenly things;
because most men are more drawn, secretly or openly, by
pleasures, honor and riches, it was ordained by the wonder-
ful wisdom of God, that this one enterprise diould offer to
men every kind of inducement and rewani.
It is acknowledged that the situation of the country is ex-
cellent and very advantageous, as it extends to the 38th or
40th degree of north latitude, and is in location and climate
not unlike Seville, Sicily, Jerusalem, and the best parts of
Arabia Felix and China. The climate is serene and mild, not
oppressively hot like that of Florida and old Virginia, nor
bitterly cold like that of New England; but preserves, so to
speak, a middle temperature between the two, and enjoys the
^ The Latin text reads digmim angdis, dignum anglis (Md. Hist. Soc. Fund
Pvb. no. 7, p. 47), in allusion to the words attributed to the Pope Gregory the
Great, uttered more than one thousand years before at the sight c^ certain blond
English youths, captives exposed for sale in Rome: — "Non Angli sed AngdV*
The play upon words is necessarily lost in translation.
* F(Mr explanation of this and corresponding titles of rank, see pp. 84^ 125.
8 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
advantages^ and escapes the evils, of each. On the east it is
washed by the ocean; on the west it borders upon an almost
boundless continent, which extends to the Chinese Sea. It
has two very large arms of the sea, both of them bays abound-
ing in fish. One of these, named the Chesa-peack, is twelve
miles wide, and spread out between two districts, runs from
south to north a hundred and sixty miles. It is navigable
for large ships, and is interspersed with various large islands
suitable for grazing; and at these islands can be caught, in
the greatest abundance, the fish called shad.
The other they call the Dilaware,^ in which cod-fish are
caught all the year round; but the most convenient time to
catch them is in the colder months, for the warm weather in-
terferes with salting them. Now this great abundance of
fish arises from the foUowing cause: the wmd, which uni-
formly blows from the Canaries, from the north-east, drives
the water of the ocean, and with it the fish, mto the Gulf of
Mexico; from which, since there is no escape for it either to
the east or the south, it is driven with great force towards the
north, and carries with it large numbers of fish along the
shores of Florida, Virginia, Maryland and New En^and.
These, flying from the lai^r fish, take refuge in shallow places,
where they are more easily caught by the fishermen.
There are various notable rivers. The chief of these they
call the Attawomech,' a navigable river running eastward
140 miles, where there is such a lucrative trade with the
Indians, that a certain merchant in the last year exported
beaver skins to the value of 40,000 gold crowns, and the profit
of the traffic is estimated at thirty fold.
On the plains and in the open fields there is a great abun-
dance of grass; but the country is, for the most part, thickly
wooded. There are a great many hickory trees, and oaks so
straight and tall that beams, sixty feet long and two and a half
feet wide, can be made of them. The cypress trees also grow
to a height of 80 feet, before they have any branches, and
three men with arms extended can barely reach round their
trunks. There are plenty of mulberry trees to feed silk-
worms. The Chinese grain which the Portuguese call Sove
dd' Hierva is also found there. There are alder, ash and chestr
> Delaware. ■ Potomac
1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S COLONY 9
nut treeS; as large as those which grow in Spain, Italy, and
France; and cedars equalling those which Libanus boasts of.
Why should I speak of the pine, laurel, fir, sassafras and
the other trees, with various kinds besides, which yield bal-
sam and fragrant gums? trees useful in every way, for build-
ing, ship-building, for making planks, pitch, tar, turpentine,
sinegma, perfumes, and plasters. The woods moreover are
passable, not filled with thorns or undergrowth, but arranged
by nature for pasture for animals, and for afifording pleasure
to man. There are fruitful vines, from which wine can be
made, and a grape as large as cherries, the juice of which is
thick and oily. The inhabitants call these Mesamines. There
are cherries as big as damsons, and gooseberries just like ours.
There are three kinds of plums. Mulberries, chestnuts and
walnuts, are so plentiful that they are used in various ways
for food. Strawberries and raspberries are also to be found
there.
Of the fishes the following kinds are already known : stur-
geons, turciones (?), seals (?), aristodj shrimps, skates, trouts,
three kinds of mdanurae, (black-tailed perch), erechiniy roaches,
white salmon, mussels, periwinkles, and numberless others of
that sort, the names and species of which are unknown.
For the rest, there are such numbers of swine and deer
that they are rather an annoyance than an advantage. There
are also vast herds of cows, and wild oxen, fit for beasts of
burden and good to eat, besides five other kinds of large ani-
mals unknown to us, which the neighboring people use for
food. Sheep, as well as asses and mules, have to be procured
either from our country or from the Canaries.
The nearest woods are full of horses and wild bulls and
cows. Five or six hundred thousand of the skins of these
animals are carried every year to Seville, from that part of
the coimtry which lies westward towards New Mexico. Any
number of wUd goats can be procured from the neighboring
people. Add to these muskrats, ciuri, beavers, foxes, mar-
tens and weevils [weasels], which do not destroy hens and
eggs as ours do. Among the birds are found a very ravenous
eagle, various kinds of birds of prey, which live, for the most
part, on fishes, and partridges no larger than quails, but in
almost endless numbers.
10 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
There are also great quantities of wild turkeys, which are
twice a8 large as our tame and domestic ones. There are
blackbirds too, and thrushes, and many and various kinds of
small birds, some red, and some blue, etc., etc. Li the winter,
there are plenty of swans, geese, cranes, herons, ducks, kir-
thd, glavci (birds of a green color), parrots, and a great many
others, unknown in our country. The best of citrons and
quinces grow there. Peaches also are so abundant, that an
honorable and reliable man positively declared, that he gave
a hundred bushels to his pig^ last year. Why should I speak
of the excellent lupines, besms, roots, and other things of that
kind? For even the peas in those parts grow ten inches long
in ten days. It is such a good grain country, that, in the
worst years, the seed yields two hundred fold; at other times,
and generally, for one grain, five or six hundred, and in the
best years, fifteen or sixteen hundred; and this too in one
harvest, while the soil is so rich, as to afford three harvests a
year.
It is probable that the soil will prove to be adapted to all
the fruits of Italy, figs, pomegranates, oranges, olives, etc; —
to pass over the rest briefly. There is no lack of those things
that can be made useful to fullers and apothecaries, and no
small supply of tin, iron, hemp and flax. There is also hope
of findir^ gold, for the neighboring people wear bracelets of
gold, which indeed is as yet unwrought, and long strings of
pearls. It is also to be expected that the provident indus-
try and long experience of men will discover many other
advantages and sources of wealth.
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COLONISTS BY
LORD BALTIMORE, 1633
INTRODUCTION
Lord Baltimore's letter of instructions to the colonists
of Maryland is printed from an original manuscript now in the
possession of the Maryland Historical Society, having been ac-
quired by it among a large collection of Calvert Papers ob-
tained by the society in 1888 from a descendant of the last
Lord Baltimore. This document is specially valuable as dis-
closing the mind, purpose and character of Cecilius Lord
Baltimore, the founder of Maryland, for it is an autograph,
written entirely by his own hand, with his own interlinea-
tions and corrections. An endorsement shows it to be a copy
of the letter delivered to the commissioners for the govern-
ment of the province. It is without doubt the original draft
of the instructions which was probably transcribed in a fair
hand or engrossed for signature.
It is noteworthy that in the very first paragraph disputes
concerning religion are prohibited — ^thus showing the determi-
nation of Lord Baltimore, himself a Roman Catholic, that ^
upon this subject there should from the beginning be both
liberty and peace within the province.* His loyalty to the
crown is shown by his insistence upon the taking of the
oath of allegiance to the King as an absolute condition for
permission to settle in the colony and enjoy the benefits
offered' to the colonists.
The sailing which had been planned for September* did not
occur until November, the delay being chiefly caused by the
efforts of members of the old Virginia Company, the charter
of which had been annulled, to defeat Lord Baltimore's en-
terprise altogether. For this reason he too was prevented
*Sec p. 250, infra, *See p. 91, infra. 'See p. 6, iupra.
13
14 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
from canying out his intention of personally accompanying
the cdonistSy finding it necessary, as he states in the letter, to
ranain in England in order to defend his charter rights.
lliis fact also explains the careful instructions given to the
cfwnmifflioners to ascertain what persons had sought to indte
mutiny among the sailors before departure, and the cautions
to avoid anchoring imder the guns of the fort at Point Com-
fort, (where Fort Monroe now stands); to inquire into the
disposition of the more influential settlers in Virginia; to do
what they could with prudence to oblige members of the
Council there; but otherwise to have as little to do with them
as possible during the first year.
This first company of colonists was composed of two classes:
the gentlemen adventurers who went out to take up lands
and become, under the Conditions of Plantation,^ lords of
manors; and the indentured servants.* Of the former, the
ruling class, the large majority was of the Roman Catholic
faith; of the latter, the majority was Protestant, and these
being the more numerous, the larger number of the whole
ship's company was of the latter faith. That among the gen-
tlemen adventurers there were some who were conformable
to the Church of England is shown by the fact that from their
number were to be chosen messengers, the one to convey let-
ters, including one from the King, to Sir John Harvey, gov-
ernor of Virginia, and the other to convey letters to Captain
William Claiborne, who had established a trading-post on Kent
Island and who, claiming prior possession, was during a long
life Lord Baltimore's untiring antagonist. Obviously the
persons to be sdected for these important and delicate mis-
sions were not servants.
The remainder of the instructions, as to place of settle-
ment, mode of building fortifications, planting of com, train-
ing of the men in military discipline, and inquiry as to the
' See p. 91, infra, 'See pp. 99, 100, infra.
INTRODUCTION 15
existence of material for the manufacture of gunpowder, call
for no special comment. They are the prudent and practical
directions of a wise proprietary governor.
It is worthy of note that the author of this letter, Cecilius
Lord Baltimore, upon whom as the result of the death of his
father the planting of Maryland had suddenly devolved, was,
at this time, but twenty-seven years of age.
This document was printed by the Maryland Historical
Society in Calvert Papers no. 1, Fund PMiaxtion no. 28.
C» C* H*
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COLONISTS BY LORD
BALTIMORE, 1633
Instnuiions 13 Novem: 1633 directed hy the Right Hono^
CedUus Lo: Baltimore and Lord of the Provinces of Mary
Land and AvaUm unto his iveU hdoved Brother Leo: Calvert
Es(f, his Ikt^, Deputy Governor of his province of Mary
Land and unto Jerom Hawley and Thomas Comwaleys
Esqrs. his Lc^ Commissioners for the government of Oie
said Province.^
1. Inpri: His Lo**^ requires his said Governor and Com-
missioners th* in their voyage to Mary Land they be very
careful! to preserve unity and peace amongst all the passen-
gers on Shipp-board; and that they suffer no scandall nor of-
fence to be given to any of the Protestants, whereby any just
complaint may heereafter be made, by them, in Virginea or in
England, and that for that end, they cause all Acts of Ro-
mane Catholique Religion to be done as privately as may be,
and that they instruct all the Romane Catholiques to be silent
upon all occasions of discourse concerning matters of Re-
ligion; and that the said Governor and Commissioners treate
the Protestants w^^ aa much mildness and favor as Justice
will permitt. And this to be observed at Land as well as at
Sea.
2. That while they are aboard, they do the)nre best en-
deavors by such instruments as they shall find fittest for it,
amongst the seamen and passengers to discover what any of
them do know concerning the private plotts of his Lo**!*
^ The original document has the following endorsement: — " 15 Novem. 1633.
A Coppy of Instructions to Mr. Leo. Calvert, Mr. Jerom Hawley and Mr. Tho.
Comwaleys the Lo: Baltimores Governor and Commissioners of his province of
Maryland. In the 5th Article some directions is given concerning Cap. Cky-
borne."
16
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itEimaii^iit
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g la
SI
1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 17
adversaries in England, who endeavored to overthrow his
voyage: to leame, if they cann, the names of all such, their
speeches, where and when they spoke them, and to whom;
The places, if they had any, of their consultations, the Instru-
ments they used and the like; to gather what proof es they
cann of them ; and to sett them downe particulerly and cleerely
in writing w^ all the CSrcumstances; together w'!* their opin-
ions of the truth and validity of them according to the condi-
tion of the persons from whom they had the information; And
to gett if they can every such informer to sett his hand to
his Informacion. And if they find it necessary and that they
have any good probable ground to discover the truth better,
or that they find some unwilling to reveale that w^ (by some
speeches at randome, that have fallen from them) they have
reason to suspect they do know concerning that buisness:
that at their arrivall in Mary Land they cause every such p'son
to answer upon oath, to such questions as they shall thinke
fitt to propose unto them : And by some trusty messenger in
the next shipps that retume for England to send his Lo^^ in
writing all such Intelligences taken either by deposition or
otherwise.
3. That as soone as it shall please god they shall arrive^
upon the coast of Virginea, they be not perswaded by the*'
master or any other of the shipp, in any case or for any respect
whatsoever to goe to James Towne, or to come w**^in the com-
mand of the fort at Po3mt-Comf ort : unless they should be f orct
imto it by some extremity of weather, (w*^ god forbidd) for
the preservation of their lives and goodes, and that they find
it altogether impossible otherwise to preserve thejpgel ves :
But that they come to an Anchor somewhere about Aco-
macke,* so as it be not under the command of dny fort; and to
send ashoare there, to inquire if they cann find any to take
w*^ them, that cann give them some good informatione of
the Bay of Chesapeacke and Pattawomeck River, and that
may give them some light of a fitt place in his Lo^?* Coun-
trey to sett downe on; wherein their chiefe care must be to
make choice of a place first that is probable to be health-
full and fruitfull, next that it may be easily fortified, and
1 Accomac, on the easteiti side of Chesapeake Bay, the fort mentioned being
on the west shore.
18 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
\;. thirdly that it may be convenient for trade both w*** the Eng-
lish and savages.
4. That by the first oportunity after theyr arrivall in
Mary Land they cause a messenger to be dispatcht away to
James Town such a one as is conformable to the Church of
England, and as they may according to the best of their judg-
ments trust; and he to carry his ma*** letter to S' John
Harvie the Grovemor* and to the rest of the Councell there,
as likewise his Lo**!* letter to S' Jo: Harvie, and to give him
notice of their arrivall: And to have in charge, upon the de-
livery of the said letters to behave himself w*"^ much respect
unto the Governor, and to tell him th* his Lo**" had an inten-
tion to have come himself in person this yeare into those parts,
as he may perceive by his ma**" letter to him but finding that
the setling of that buisness of his Plantation and some other
occasions, required his presence in England for some time
longer than he expected, he hath deferred his owne coming
till the next yeare, when he will not faile by the grace of god
to be there; and to lett him understand how much his Lo^^
desires to hold a good correspondency w*^ him and that Plan-
tation of Virginea, w*^ he wilbe ready to shew upon all occa-
sions and to assure him by the best words he cann, of his
Lo**?* particular affection to his person, in respect of the many
reports he hath heard of his worth, and of the ancient ac-
quaintance and freindshipp w*'* he hath understood was be-
tween his Lo^P' father and him as likewise for those kind
respects he hath shewne unto his L^^ by his letters since he
understoode of his V^F* intention to be his neighbor in
those parts: And to present him w^ a Butt of sacke from his
Lopp w^ his L*^^ hath given directions for, to be sent unto
him.
5. That they, write a letter to Cap: Claybome* as soone
as conveniently other more necessary occasions will give them
leave after their arrivall in the Countrey, to give him notice
of their arrivall and of the Authority and charge committed
to them by his L**?** and to send the said letter together w*?*
his L**?** to him by some trusty messenger that is likewise
> Sir John Harvey, governor of Virginia, 1629-1639.
* For an account of the subjects of difference between Lord Baltimore and
Captain William Claiborne, aeep.50 et seq., infra.
16331 LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 19
confonnable unto the Church of England, w^ a message also
from them to him if it be not inserted in their letter w** is
better, to invite him kindly to come unto them, and to signify
that they have some buisness of importance to speake w^
him about from his L*"^^ w*? concemes his good very much;
And if he come unto them then that they use him courteously
and well, and tell him, that his L'^^'^ understanding that he
hath settled a plantacion there w*Mn the precincts of his L^^^"
Pattent, wished them to lett him know that his L*^^^ is willing
to give him all the encouragement he cann to proceede; And
that his L^^^ hath had some propositions made unto him by
certalne m'chants in London who pretend to be partners w^^
him in that plantation, (viz) M! Delabarr, Mf Tompson
M' Cloberry, M' Collins, and some others, and that they de-
sired to have a grant from his L^^^ of that Hand where he is:
But his L"^^ understanding from some others that there was
some difference in partner^pp between him and them, and
his L^^^ finding them in their discourse to him, that they
made somewhat slight of Cap: Claybome's interest, doubted
lest he might prejudice him by making them any grant his
IjcP^ being ignorant of the true state of their buisness and of
the thing they desired, as likewise being well assured that by
Cap: Claybome his care and industry besides his charges,
that plantation was first begunn and so farr advanced, was for
these reasons unwilling to condescend unto their desires, and
therefore deferred all treaty w^ them till his Lo^** could
truly understand from him, how matters stand between them,
and what he would desire of his L°**^ in it, w**^ his Lo^^
expects from him; that thereupon his L^^^ may take it into
farther consideration how to do justice to every one of them
and to give them all reasonable satisfaction; And that they
assure him in fine that his L^^^ intends not to do him any
wrong, but to shew him all the love and favor that he cann,
and that his L^^'' gave them directions to do so to him in his
absence; in confidence that he will, like a good subject to his
ma^^*, conforme himself to his bigness gratious letters pat-
tents granted to his Lo^f whereof he may see the Duplicate
if he desire it together w*^ their Commission from his L^pp.
If he do refuse to come unto them upon their invitation, that
they lett him alone for the first yeare, till upon notice given
20 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
to his L^^ of his answere and behaviour they receive farther
directions from his L**^^; and that they informe themselves
as well as they cann of his plantation and what his designes
are, of what strength and what Correspondency he keeps w^
Virginea, and to give an Account of every particular to his
Lopp
6. That when they have made choice of the place where
they intend to settle themselves and that they have brought
their men ashoare w**^ all their provisions, they do assemble
all the people together in a fitt and decent manner and then
cause his ma*^" letters pattents to be publikely read by his
Lopp. Secretary John BoUes, and afterwards his L**pp» Com-
mission to them, and that either the Governor or one of the
Commissioners presently after make some short declaration to
the people of his V^F' intentions w**^ he means to pursue in
this his intended plantation, w*^"" are first the honor of god
by endeavoring the conversion of the savages to Christianity,
secondly the augmentation of his ma***** Empire and Do-
minions in those parts of the world by reducing them under
the subjection of his Crowne, and thirdly by the good of such
of his Countreymen as are willing to adventure their fortunes
and themselves in it, by endeavoring all he cann, to assist
them, that they may reape the fruites of their charges and
labors according to the hopefulnes of the thing, w^ as much
freedome comfort and incouragement as they cann desire;
and w*^ all to assure them, that his L^**.^ affection and
zeale is so greate to the advancement of this Plantacion and
consequently of their good, that he will imploy all his en-
deavors in it, and that he would not have failed to have come
himself in person along w*** them this first yeare, to have
beene partater w*^ them in the honor of the first voyage
thither, but that by reasons of some unexpected accidents,
he found it more necessary for their good, to stay in England
some time longer, for the better establishment of his and
their right, then it was fitt that the shipp should stay for him,
but that by the grace of god he intends w%ut faile to be
w*^ them the next year: And that at this time they take oc-
casion to minister an oath of AUegeance to his ma*!* unto all
and every one upon the place, after having first publikely in
the presence of the people taken it themselves; letting them
1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 21
know that his Lo^^ gave particuler directions to have it one of
the first things that were done, to testify to the world that
none should enjoy the benefitt of his ma**" gratious Grant
unto his L®?^ of that place, but such as should give a pub-
lique assurance of their fidelity and allegeance to his ma*!*.
7. that they informe themselves what they cann of the
present state of the old Colony of Virginea, both for matter of
government and Plantacon as likewise what trades they drive
both at home and abroade, who are the cheife and richest
men, and have the greatest power amongst them whether
their clamors against his Lo**?* pattent continue and whether
they increase or dinwnish, who they are of note that shew
themselves most in it, and to find out as neere as they cann,
what is the true reason of their disgust against it, or whether
there be really any other reason but what, being well exam-
ined proceedes rather from spleene and malice then from any
other cause; And to informe his L^^^ exactly what they
understand in any of these particulers.
8. That they take all occasions to gaine and oblige any of
the Councell of Virginea, that they shall understand incline to
have a good correspondency w^ his L^^ plantation, either
by permission of trade to them in a reasonable proportion,
w*4n his L****.^ precincts, or any other way they can, so it be
cleerely understood that it is by the way of courtesy and not
of right.
9. That where they intend to settle the Plantacon they
first make choice of a fitt place, and a competent quantity of
ground for a fort w*4n w^ or neere unto it a convenient
house^ and a church or a chappel adjacent may be built, for
the seate of his L^^^ or his Governor or other Commissioners
for the time being in his absence, both w®?" his Lo^^ would
have them take care should in the first place be erected, in
some proportion at least, as much as is necessary for present
use though not so compleate in every part as in fine after-
wards they may be and to send his L°pp a Piatt of it and of
the scituation, by the next oportunity, if it be done by that
time, if not or but part of it nevertheless to send a Piatt of
what they intend to do in it. That they likewise make choise
of a fitt place neere unto it to seate a towne.
10. That they cause all the Planters to build their houses
22 XARBATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
in as deceai and amfomie a maniiCT as their abilities and
the fdace will afford, and neexe adjqyniiig one to an other,
and for that purpose to canse streetes to be marked out where
they intend to jdaoe the towne and to oUige every man to
bu^ one bjr an other according to that rule and that they
canse divisions of Land to be made adjoyning on the bac^
flides of tiieir houses and to be aaogned unto them for gar-
dens and sudi uses according to the proportion of eveiy ones
building and adventure and as the conveniency of the [dace
win afford ?r^ his V^ refeneth to their discretion, but is
denrous to have a particuler account from them wbst they
do in it, that his ho^ may be satisBed that every man hath
justice done unto hioL
IL That as soone as conveniently they cann they cause
his V^ surveyor Robert Simpson to survay out such a pro-
portion of Land both in and about the intended towne as like-
wise w^Mn the Countrey adjoyning as wilbe necessary to be
asngned to the present adventurers, and that they asagne
every adventurer his proportion of Land both in and about
the intended towne, as alsoe w^in the Countrey adjoyning,
according to the proportion of his adventure and the condi-
tions of plantadon propounded by his Lo^ to the first ad-
venturers, w^ his L^^ in convenient time will confirme unto
them by Pattent. And heerein his L^ wills his said Gov-
ernor and Commisffloners to take care that in each of the
aforesaid places, that is to say in and about the first intended
Towne and in the Countrey adjacent they cause in the first and
most convenient places a proportion of Land to be sett out for
his L®^* owne proper use and inheritance according to the
number of men he sends this first yeare upon his owne ac-
count; and as he alloweth unto the adventurers, before any
other be asagned his part; w^ w"^ (although his Lopp might
very well make a difference of proportion between himself
and the adventurers) he will in this first colony, content him-
self, for the better encouragement and accomodation of the
first adventurers, unto whom his L^^^ conceive himself more
bound in honor and is therefore desirous to give more satisfac-
tion in everything then he intends to do unto any that shall
come heereafter. That they cause his Lo^**» survayor like-
wise to drawe an exact mapp of as much of the countrey as
1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 23
they shall discover together w^^ the soundings of the rivers
and Baye, and to send it to his L***'^.
12. That they cause all the planters to imploy their ser-
vants in planting of sufficient quantity of come and other
provision of victuall and that they do not suffer them to
plant any other commodity whatsoever before that be done
in a sufficient proportion w*'.** they are to observe yearely.
13. That they cause all sorts of men in the plantation to
be mustered and trained in military discispline and that there
be days appoynted for that purpose either weekely or monthly
according to the conveniency of other occasions; w** are duly
to be observed and that they cause constant watch and ward
to be kept in places necessary.
14. That they informe themselves whether there be any
convenient place w*^in his L^^^' precincts for the making of Salt,
whether there be proper earth for the making of saltpeeter
and if there be in what quantity; whether there be probabil-
ity of Iron oare or any other mines and that they be carefuU to
find out what other commodities may probably be made and
that they give his L^^^ notice together w*"* their opinions of
them.
15. That In fine they bee very careful! to do justice to
every man w*^out partiality, and that they avoid any occasion
of difference w*^ those of Virginea and to have as litle to do
w*^ them as they cann this &st yeare that they connive and
suffer litle injuryes from them rather then to engage them-
selves in a publique quarrell w*^ them, w** may disturbe the
buisness much in En^and in the Infancy of it. And that they
give unto his Lo^** an exact account by their letters from time
to time of their proceedings both in these instructions from
Article to Article and in any other accident that shall happen
worthy his Lo^?* notice, that thereupon his L?? may give
them farther instructions what to doe and that by every
conveyance by w^ they send any letters as his Lo^^ would not
have them to omitt any they send likewise a Duplicate of the
letters w*^ they writt by the last conveyance before that,
least they should have failed and not be come to his Lo^?"
hands.
A BRIEFE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE UNTO
MARYLAND, BY FATHER ANDREW WHITE,
1634
INTRODUCTION
This verdon of the Relation of the Voyage to Maryland is
from an original manuscript in English in the possession of
the Maryland Historical Society l)y which it was acquired in
1894, and published in 1899, in a volume entitled Calvert
Papers no. 3, Fund PtMicaiion no. 35. This manuscript
was sent by Leonard Calvert, brother of Lord Baltimore,
and first governor of the province of Maryland, to his partner
in business, Sir Richard Lechf ord. It was enclosed in a letter
dated from Point Comfort, May 30, 1634, a little more than
two months after the landing of the colonists at St. Mary's,
and was despatched by the Ark, in which those colonists were
conveyed, upon the return voyage of that vessel.
There is a Latin version of the Relatio Itineris in Mary-
landiam, known as Father Andrew White's Narrative, in the
Archives of the Society of Jesus ("Angl. Histor.," IV. 413-
440). A copy of this, together with an English translation,
was published by the Maryland Historical Society in 1874,
Fund Publication no. 7. This Latin text is undoubtedly the
record of the report of the voyage, rendered by Father White,
who accompanied the colonists, and was the first Superior of
the Maryland Mission, to the General of the Society at Rome.
The two versions, the Latin and the English, differ but
little, the former being more full in some particulars, while
in others the latter is more amplified. The chief points of
contrast are, that in the Latin, devout expressions and ac-
knowledgments of Divine favor and protection are more fre-
quent, as would be natural in a letter addressed by a priest
to his spiritual superior; and in the English the description of
the climate, the soil, and the products of the earth are more
27
28 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
full; as would be natural in a letter intended for the informa-
tion of those pecuniarily or personally interested in the colony.
The narrative of events is the same in each.
Leonard Calvert^ the governor, describes the English manu-
script as having been written by ^'a most honest and discreet
gentleman." It is safe to attribute its authorship to Father
White. It has been conjectured, and not without reason,
that he probably kept an exact journal of the voyage, from
which he was able to draw for material in writing reports,
expanding or condensing, according to the occasion and the
purpose of the letter. Leonard Calvert's letter endosing it
contains some of the language of the narrative; but he prob-
ably had it before him as he wrote.
The Finglish version, as an historical document, has the
advantage over the Latin text, that it is an original manu-
script, whereas the latter is known only at second hand,
through its record in the Jesuit Archives.
The substance of this narrative was printed in pamphlet
form in London in 1634 under the title A Rdation of the Success-
ful Beginnings of the Lord Baltimore's Plantation in Maryland,
and was reprinted in 1865 from an original in the British
Museum, in Shea's Early SouOiem Tracts, being no. 1 of that
series.
A translation of the Latin text, made by the late N. C.
.Brooks, LL.D., was published with one of the *' Account" of
Maryland in 1847,* and with it reprinted in Force's Tracts,
IV., no. 12. The Latin text was printed in 1872, in the Wood-
stock Letters, with a revision of Dr. Brooks's translation, for
the use of members of the Society of Jesus. The original
text is also given in Father Thomas Hughes's History of the
Society of Jesus in North America, Documents, L, pt. i., 94.
C. C. H.
' See p. 4, mpra.
A BRIEFE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE UNTO
MARYLAND, BY FATHER ANDREW WHITE,
1634*
On S* Cecilias day, the 22 of November 1633 with a
gentle Northeme gale we set saile from the Cowes about 10
in the mominge, toward the needles, being rockes at the south
end of He of Wight, till by default of winde we were forced to
ankour at Yarmouth, w** very kindly saluted us, how belt we
were not out of feare, for the seamen secretly reported that
they expected the post with letters from the Counsell at Lon-
don : but God would tende the matter, and sent th^ night soe
strong a faire winde as forced a ffrench barke from her ankor
hold driveing her foule upon our pinnace forced her to set
saile with losse of an ankour, and take to Sea, that being a
dangerous place to floate in, whereby we were necessarily to
follow, least we should part companie, and thus God frus-
trated the plot of our Seamen. This was the 23 of Novemb:
on S* Clements day who wonne his Crowne by being cast into
the Sea fastned to an ankor. That momeing by 10 a clocke
we came to Hurste Castle, and thence were saluted with a shot,
and soe passed by the dangerous needles, being certaine sharpe
rockes at the end of the Iland, much feared by Seamen for a
double tyde which she carried to Shipwrecke, tone upon the
rockes, t- other upon the sand.' I omitt our danger passed
Yarmouth, where by dragging anchour in a strong winde and
tide we almost runne of our shipp a ground.
All this Saturday and the night following the winde served
us so well, that next day by 9 of Clocke we got beyond the
westeme Cape of England, and so steered along not soe strong-
ly as wee might because of our pinnace slow saileinge, whome
/The original manuscript is not divided into paragraphs and contains but
little punctuation. The b^nnings of sentences are not even marked by capital
letters. The punctuation and capitalization of this text are such as the sense
requires. ' "The one upon the rocks, the other/' etc.
29
30 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1«33
we feared to leave behinde, for feare shee might meet w***
Turkes or some other pirates though we see none. By this
meanes a faire shipp of London overtooke us of 600 tunne.
Here we had a greate recreation to see that ship and ours runne
for the fame with all the cloath they could make, an howers
space with faire winde and weather, and pleasant sound of
trumpetts, but ours gave the other a topssdle and yet held
with her. This done we stroke one course of our sailes, and
staied for our pinnace, which was farre short of us, and the
Draggon, for soe shee was called, runne from us out of aght
that evening.
Soe all Sunday and Munday the 24*^ and 25**" of Novemb:
we sailed afore the winde, till night, when the winde changed
to Northwest so violent, and tempestuous, as the Dragon was
forced backe to fifamouth,^ not able to keep the sea, being yet
not to goe southwest, but right south to Angola, and our pin-
nace mistrusting her strength came up to us to tell that if shee
were in distresse shee would shew two lights in her shroodes.
Our master was a very sufficient seaman, and shipp as strong
as could be made of oake and iron, 400 tunne, kingbuilt : make-
inge faire weather in great stormes. Now the master had his
choise, whether he would retume England as the Draggon did,
or saile so close up to the winde, as if he should not hold it he
must necessarily fall upon the Irish shoare, so infamous for
rockes of greatest danger: of these two, out of a certaine har-
dinesse and desire to trie the goodnesse of his shipp, in which
he had never beene at Sea afore, he resolved to keep the sea,
with great danger, wanting Sea-roome. The winde grew still
lowder and lowder, makeing a boysterous sea, and about mid-
night we espied our pinnace with her two lights, as she had
forewarned us, in the shroodes, from w*** time till six weekes,
we never see her more, thinkeing shee had assuredly beene
foundred and lost in those huge seas, but it happened other-
wise, for before shee came to the Irish Channell, where we
were now tossinge, shee returned for England, and entered
into the Scilley lies, whence afterward in the Dragons Com-
pany shee came to the long reach* and Canarie lies, God pro-
videing a convenient guard for that small vessell.
> Falmouth.
* The long stretch of open sea from the Canaries to the West Indies.
1633] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 31
This night thus frightfull being past, the winde came about
to South west, full against us, though not very stronge, so
that with many tackes about we scarce crept on our way, soe
all the 26 27 and 28 dayes the winde altered little. On the
29*^ the windes were all day a gathering and toward night
poured forth such a sea of winde as if they would have blowen
our shipp under water at every blast. All next day beinge the
blessed apostle Sf Andrewes day, the like cloude gathered in
fearefuU manner, terrible to the beholders, so that ere it began
to blow it seemed all the sprightes and witches of Maryland
were now set in battaile array against us. This evening the
master saw the sunne fish to swimme against the sunnes course,
a thing evidently shewing fearfuU stormes to come : about 10
in the night a blacke cloud shede a pittifuU shower upon us,
and presently such a furious winde followed as wee were able
to beare noe cloath at all, and yet before we could take in our
maine Course,* w*^ we onely carried, a furious impression of
winde suddainely came, and splitt it from top to toae, and cast
one part of it into the sea. This amazed the stoutest hearte,
even of the sailours, who confessed they had scene ships cast
away with lesse violence of weather, all the Catholiques fell to
praier, Confessiones, and vowes, and then the helme being
bound up, and ship left without saile or government to the
windes and waves, floated at hull like a dish till god were
pleased to take pittie upon her. Thus we were in feare of im-
minent death all this night never lookeing to see day in this
world, till at length it pleased God to send some ease, and by
little and little still more, till we were with milder weather
freed from all those horrours. This deliverie in a manner
assured us of Gods mercy towards us, and those infidells Con-
version of Maryland, his holy Goodness be forever praised,
Amen.
From this time to our joumeyes end, about 3 monethes, we
had not one howre of bad weather, but soe prosperous a navi-
gation, as our mariners never saw so sweet a passage : when I
say 3 months, I meane not we were so long at sea but reckon
the time spent at Barbadoes and S* Christophers, for we
were at sea onely 7 weekes and 2 daies, w*"* is held a speedy
passage. From this time all alonge the Spanish Coast we had
> Mainsail.
32 NARRATI\TES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633
nor good, nor very bad windes, in w*^ time we looked for
Turkes but saw none, it seemes they were returned home to
celebrate their Tamisom,^ a great feast which happeneth about
that time. After we had passed the Straits-mouth' and the
Maderas, and now went full afore the winde, which is here
trade, and ever constant on one point of the Gompasse, still
servinge for south and Southwest, as we sailed we made 3
ships bigger then ours, 3 leagus west from us, labouring as we
imagined towards us. We feared the mi^t be turkes, and
therefore made readie for fi^t, neither wanted some who im-
prudently wished the master to make towards them, but he
answered he could not justifie that to the owners of the ship,
and indeed he mi^t weU have found a hard bargaine of it.
Happily they wei:e Canarie merchants and feared us as we
them.
In the long reach we feared nou^t but Calmes, which
sometimes held a fortni^t or 3 weekes together, and starve
men, but this happens not above once in an age. There are
often tedious stayes for fault of winde, but when it comes it
is ever the same for our way. We sailed 3000 miles in this
reach in a sea of milke without any calme in the dead of winter,
where we had every as bote, as the hotest day of summer in
England, so that in summer tis intolerable for heat, where I
see that dUigerUibus Deum omnia cooperatdiar in 6anum,' for if
we had not had those Crosses, rubbs, and difficulties before
our comeing forth, we had got the bote weather which had
doubtlesse cost most of our lives. From our setting forth till
Christmas day our sickenesse onely sea-sicknesse, then indeed
for the celebrity of the daye wine being given over all the ship,
it was soe immoderately taken as the next day 30 sickened of
fevers, whereof about a dozen died afterward amongest which
one Catholique venturer, M' Nicholas Cfarefax, and one very
faithfull servant of my L"** named M' Barefoot.
Some curiosities we see in our way, as ffieinge fishes, w**
use their finnes as well to ffie as swinune. They are of the
* Presumably Ramazan is meant, the month of Mohammedan fasting. In
the Latin text of this Relation it is called " solemne jejunium," a solemn fasL
Md. Hist. Soc., Calt>cr1 Papers, no. 3, p. 11.
I Of Gibraltar.
I " All things work together for good to them that lore God." Rom. viii. 28.
1633] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 33
bignesse of sparling fish or great smelt very dainty for meat.
Some of them as they rise in hundreds pursued by the dolphins
fell into our ship, being not able to flie above two or three acres,
when their finnes being dried, they must neede dippe them
into the water to flie a fresh againe. After we came within 21
and some odd minutes of the Aquinoctiall, where begins the
tropicke, we saw the tropicke bird, bigge as falcons, with 2 white
feathers in their traines and noe more. Whether they alwaies
keep in the aire, or sometimes rest on the water I know not.
When we had passed the Canaries our govemour begunne to
bee soUicitous for fraight homeward, fearinge we should come
to late for it to Virginia, and likewise that the Vir^nians wd
stand but our heavie freinde, though the could perhaps fui^
nish us in that kinde. After talke had with the commission-
ers and gentlemen, resolution was made to beare up to Bona-
vista directly south, and an Hand right against Angola, on the
Coast of Affrique 14 degrees from the line^ whither the Hol-
lander since the losse of S^ Martines useth to goe for salt,
thence carrieing it to Newfoundland to make fish. This Hand
abounds with goats, haveing in it none inhabitantes but some
40 or 50 Portingalls banished thither for crimes committed by
them. Both the salt for fraight and goates for fresh food
invited us thither, though if the yeare were wet, as it had
beene the yeare afore, noe salt can be made.
We had not gone full 200 miles, when the Commissioners
seeing all the commodity redounded to my L"^, and that their
land provifflon was like to be spent by this circuit, caused the
govemour to question the purser what provision of bread was
aboard, and findeing it short we altered againe our course to
S^ Christophers, and soe began to thinke at what season we
were like to come to Maryland, and how we should procure
our seed come. As for Virginia we expected little from them
but blows, although we carried the kings letters to their
Govemour, and the govemour himselfe much esteemed and
loved my L"*, yet wee feared he could or would doe us little
t, the easternmost of the Cape Verde Islands, in 16^ N. lat, is doubt*
less meant. These islands lie directly off the coast of Senegambia; but the
name Angola was fonnerly applied in a general way to a much larger portion
of the west coast of Africa than that to which it b now limited. The Dutch
lost St. Martin, W. I., in 1633.
34 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
good being overawed by his oounodl. As for the Salvages we
expected to fiode them as our En^ish ill wishers would make
them, and therefore affraid to build all the weale of our plan-
tation on these peradventures, resolution was made for the
Barbadoes, the granarie of all the Chaiybbies lies, which how
be it it was somewhat about for come was the surest course.
In this Hand Mf Hierom Hawley his brother was gpver-
nour/ and in his absence Mf Hers his brother in law was
deputie.' Here we arrived Januar: the 3 hopdng^ for some
refreshinge by convenient good dyet some few dayes, but in
part we were deceived for every thing bore so hi^ price, that
nothing could be had, but it Cost us our eies. A pigg? six
weekes old was at 5' sterling a turke 50? and a chicken at 6?.
Beefe or mutton they have none, and the inhabitants live
wholy upon poane (that Indian bread) and homine, and po-
tato roote which they have in such plentie as they will ^ve
CSart loades to almost any for the fetching. The govemour
told us at first, come was at 1' the bushell, but imderstanding
that we came for come he called a Counsell and decreed there
should none be sould us under 2? a bushell, and soe we found
him a kinde kinsman of Mf Hawleyes. Other poore passages
we had from [him] not worth recountinge.
At our arrivall here we understood the Spanish fleet was
at Bonavista to hinder all strangers from salt, and it being
beyond the tropicke to make prize of them here, therefore we
admired the providence of god in protecting us from that
danger: but from a farre greater at Barbadoes. The very
day we arrived, we found the Hand all in armes to the number
of about 800 men. The servants of the Hand had conspired
to kill their masters and make themselves free, and then
handsomely to take the first ship that came, and soe goe to sea.
This first ship was ours and therefore it was the goodnesse of
god to discover the treason by a servant who was affraid to
Joine in the plott with them. The ringleaders were 2 brothers
named Westons, Westeme men, whereof one was put to death
but the other saved by means of friends, God be praised for
this our deliverance.
' Captain Henry Hawley, governor of Barbadoes 1690-1640.
■Richard Peers was deputy-governor. In some texts the name has been
"Acere."
1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRBEFE RELATION 35
This is one of the 12 Charybbian Hands which ranne up
like a bow in the baye of Mexico, some 30 miles long, and 15
broad, 13 degrees from the line. The clime is so hote as
being now winter they can endure to weare noe more then a
shirt, a pare of linneing drawers and linnen stockings on
them. That time their come was newly reapt. They use noe
bede, but onely hamachoes^ which are curious blankets of fine
cotton neatly wrought and painted on the outside, and hung
up a yard or lesse from ground by a rope at each end f astned to
two posts when they goe to rest, and on the day time taken
away, and carried about with them when they travaile.
Here are many things as well profitable for trade, as full of
content to behold. Their trade is chiefely in come and cotton,
which cotton it delighted us much to see grow upon trees in
such plentie. The cotton tree is not much higher then a
barbara bush, but more treelike. It beares a little bude in
bignesse like a wallnut, which at full time opening in the
middle into fower quarters, their appeares a knot of cotton
white as snow, with six seede in the middle of the bignesse of
vetches which with an invention of wheeles they take out and
soe keep it till the merchants fetch it from them. Here is a
cabbage growes on a tree 180 foot high to be eaten raw or
boiled. The stalke of it is for one ysLvd from top good meat,
to be eaten raw with pepper. It is in tast like the Spanish
Cardo but sweeter. The tree beares but one yearely, and in
wood is onely a leguminous substance. Here are also foxe-
berrie trees, high as ash, the berrie is of bignesse of a hazell
nut with an unctuous skin or cover which washeth scoureth
and laddereth passing well, but is (as they say) somewhat too
strong for fine linnen. Of these I found and carried a num-
ber to Maryland, and have them now in the ground.
There is another tree called palm Christi, with a spongious
stalke. It beares a great thomy cluster of ash-coloured seede
speckled with blacke whereof is made an excellent oyle.
Oranges, lemmons, limes, pomegranade, peaches and such
other f mite there are but not in any great plentie as yet ; an-
other fruit I saw called guaveos, in taste like quinches, in
colour like gould, in figure like the smallest lemmons, a fmit
very gratefull to taste. Another there is like unto these called
*Bed; hammocks.
36 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1634
Papares/ over sweet and luscious, which they use to eat boiled
with other meate.
But the rarest of all other that I thinke is in the world, is
the Charybbian Pineaple, of the colour of gould, mixed with
an orient greene, bigge as three Spanish pineaples, and of the
same figure extemall to the eie, save that the worke of this is
more perfect. It is not hard to peele, but of softe and thinne
skinne, of delitious taste not haveing one membranula or ker-
nell, but ally from highest part to lowest, deane through equally
dainty to taste. It beares in the toppe a Crowne of its owne
leaves curiously compacte, and well it may, for sure it is the
queene of all meat fruits without exception. The taste, as
neere as I can expresse it, is an Aromaticall compound of wine
and strawberries, and a better thing then this of Soveraigne
efficacy to preserve health, and so well tempered to mans
bodie as though it would consume a knife put thereing any
time. There is nothing more restoritive. It growes from a
thing like a Spanish thistle, one onely on every roote, but the
leafe hath noe prickles, but a curious peake about its edges.
In fine I wish one of them in your hande with this paper, for
nothing can express it but it selfe.
There is another speciall fruit called a plantaine, singular
for pleasant and delightfull tast, fructus pLaiani as in latine
they terme it. The tree is but a leguminous substance, to the
hight and thicnesse of a tree of thicknesse of ones thigh.
The leaves which are onely in the toppe for its ribbats are
conmionly a yard or more in length, and more than a quarter
brood decently seamed with veines runneing like ribbs from
the thicke in the middle as from the backe bone. It growes
as high as a Cherry tree. In the top from the very middle
pith springeth a purple sheath like a sugar loafe full of blos-
somes, which with its weight tumes the head downward and
then comes thereon the fruit in a cluster like an hundred cu-
cumbers together, but being ripe yellow coloured and some-
what bigger. They are of curious taste like Marmalate and
much of that temper, very delightfull, fit to preserve, bake,
or eat rawe. The potato root is of the very same colour
skinne and figure of artichooke rootes, but in taste and temper
much like a carrot, but farre more excellent. Here is the
1 Papayas.
1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 37
CSimamon tree, the Avalto tree, the rope tree, which from the
top sendeth out long suckers, which take root in the ground
and so spread over large places, the wilde figge tree, the Maw
forest tree which is poison, the monkey tree bearing fruit, a
plaine and perfect munkeys face, and many others.
Foule I see little, save some few pigeons, stocdoves, and
some others. Vines will not grow there. The place is a
plaine ground, growne over w*** trees and undershrubs without
passage, except where the planters have cleared. Some few
Catholiques there be both English and Irish.
Here we staled from January 3 to the 24^ by which meanes
we came to enjoy againe our pinnace, w**^ not knowing of our
comeing was guided, to our soe great comfort as if that day we
had beene revived to life againe: for before we saw her in the
harbour we gave her for lost in that hideous storme. Herein
gods mercy was shewed towards us, and noe lesse again in
staying us here till the Spanish ships, in number five, were gone
out of our way: for soe it happened, five great Spanish men of
warre came to scoure the Charybbian Coaste, and make prize
of whomsoever they saw saile, beyond the grave Meridian or
tropicke: and had beene those very dayes before S* Christo-
phers, where findeing 2 small english barkes, and 2 or 3
great Hollanders guarded with a man of warre, by way of
Salve gave them a peece of ordinance, or two, (imwilling to
wrong the priviledge of that permisshend plantation, to which
they had given time till one halfe years end to be gone and
provide them elsewhere, or else to expect blowes to enforce
them; this plantation was once afore destroied by the Span-
iard, save some few hidden in the mountaines, by whome
with much miserie the place was againe r^ll;ored.) The hoi-
land man of warre for his salute returned a b ullet, a nd weigh-
ing anchour made to sea, to enter fight, anctfflW* engaged
the 2 English barkes to doe the like. Of tml^^e English
and Hollands, onely 2 had ordinance; but the Spaniards each
about 30 brasse peeces. The manner of this feight I know
not, but in fine aU runne away except the man of warre, who
either fired her self e or sunke when she could hold out no longer,
for she cannot be heard of. If we had come the whilest, tis
like enough we had beene to forward with the rest, haveing so
perfect a ship soe well gunn'd and man'd, and whether we had
38 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
wonne or lost, our ship had certainly spofled for saile til she
had been repared. But god who endeavoreth the spirituall
good of Maryland preserved us from danger, Protedor noster ei
merces nostra magna nimis.^
The 24^ of January we weired from Barba : and by noone
next day made S^ Lucia's, one [of] the Charybbies, divided in it
selfe, the servants (being N^roes) against the Salvage mais-
ters. Then about 4 in the evening we came before Matilena'
where we came to ankor, and 2 Canowes of starknaked Lidians
came paddleing aboard us, with parvats, pumpkins, calla-
bashes, bonana's, muskmellons, watermellons and the like to
exchange with us. They much feared at first the greatnesse of
our ship, and though we put out a white flagge of peace, yet
they deared we would put forth our nations proper colours,
which done, they perceived whence wee were, and then boldly
came aboard. This people is bigger than ours, and fatt and
tawney coloured with ointments and oiles wherew*^ they be
painted. Something wee trucked with them, as knives, bells
and the like: and so they returned, saieing if we would ride
there till momeing they would bring better trucke, as ham-
machoes, baskets and the like. They are a fierce nation,
• feeding on mans flesh, w%ut all knowledge of god, and have
heretofore cut of some English enterprisers. The Iland is all
a hill, yet wonderfuU fruitfull and florishing. It is the serious
report of seamen, upon report of a ffrench wrecke, that here
hath beene seene the Carbimcle, haveing in his head a pre-
tious stone, light as a glowinge coale, of infinite valew; ffides
sit penes autorem.*
Next morning by dawneing of the day we made Guadelupe
an He so called Ar the similitude it hath with Guadelupe of
Spaine, m ounta inous, almost as the other. By noone we
came beffl^B^iserat, where is a noble plantation of Irish
Catholiqu^^PKme the Virginians would not sujffer to live
with then^Secause of their religion. Thence next mome-
s ''Our protector and our exceeding great reward." Gen. xv. 1.
• MarHmque, called by the natives Madiana,
• *' Let the teller of the tale be responsible for it." The reference is piobablj
to the fable that
"the toad, ugly and yenomous.
Wears yet a precious jewel in his head."
1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 39
ing wee came to Maevis/ an Hand infamous for agues by
reason of the bad aire; here haveing staied a day, next
morninge we came to S* Christophers hard by, where we
staied 10 dayes, nobly enterteined by S! Thomas Waroner,
govemour,' Captaine Jefferson, leiuetennant Coronell, by 2
Catholiques Capt: Caverley and Capt. Pellam, and my selfe
in particular by the govemour of the ffrench Colonie in the
same Hand.' Here is beside all the varities of Barbadoes, a
hill of brinistone and much more to be admired, here is also
the virgin plant, or Parthenia, w*^ they terme the sensible tree,
which after the least touch of ones hand I see fall downe with-
ered, and then againe revived after a little space. Here is
the locust tree which I supposed to be that whereon S* John
Baptist lived in the wildemesse. It is high as an elme, soe
loved of bees as they build their Combes on it. I have seene
and tasted the honnie, then w":^ settinge aside the name wilde,
there is none purer of taste and colour, the fruit is also called a
locust, haveing a hard sheath as bigge as six beane codes, con-
teineing in it a tough substance in taste like meale and honny,
with fower or 5 seedes of colour and greatnesse like chestnut.
Some of them we have planted.
From this place we came to Virginia ffebruary the 27*^,
much contrary to My L*^ instructions.* We expected here
every hower to be staied by the Coimcell, desireing noethinge
more then our mine. At this time Captaine Clabome was
there from whome we understood the Indians were all in
armes to resist us, having heard that 6 Spanish ships were a
comeing to destroy them all. The rumour was most like to
have begunne from himselfe. We had the kings letters, and
my Lord treasurers' to the govemours, which made him shew
to us the best usage the place afforded, with promise to fur-
nish us with all manner of Provistions for our Dk|^tion though
much against his Councells will, not doubtin^^Hppose to re-
ceive noble gratification from my L^ by whose helpe he hoped
to recover a great summe of money due to him out of the ex-
chequer. Here we staied 8 or 9 dales not w^out imminent
daunger, under Conmiande of the Castle, and then on the 3 of
I Nevis. I Sir Thomas Warner, goyemor from 1625 to 1649.
* From 1625 to 1713 part of the island of St. Christopher was occupied by the
Frrach. « See pp. 17, 23, supra. ' The Earl of Portland.
40 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1834
March came into Chesapeake bay, at the mcnith of PatomedLe.
This baye is the most ddi^tfall water I ever saw, between
'two sweet landes, with a cfaanndl 4:5:6:7: and 8 fathoms
deepe, some 10 leagues broad, at time of yeare full of fish, yet it
doth yedd to Patomecke, w^ we have nnde S! Gregories. This
is the sweetest and greatest river I have seene, so that the
Thames is bat a little finger to it. There are noe mstrBh^ or
swampes about it, but sdlid finne grcmnd, with great variety
of woode, not dioaked up with miderahiubs, but commonly
80 Carre distant from each other as a coach and fower horses
. .may teavale without molestation*
At our first oomeing we found (as we were tdd) all in
armes; the king of Pascatoway had drawne together 500 bow-
men, great fires were made by ni^t over all the Country, and
the biggnesse of our ship made the natives reporte, we came in
a Canow as bigg as an Band, with so many men, as trees were
in a wood, vnth great terrour unto them aU. Thus we sailed
some 20 leagues up the river to Heme-Iland, so called for in-
finite swarmes of hemes^ thereon. This we cidled S^ Clements,'
here we first came ashoare; here by the overturning of a
shallop we had allmost lost our mades which wee brou^t
along. The linnen they went to wash was much of it lost,
which is noe small matter in these partes. The ground is
heare, as in very many places, covered with pokiberries, (a
little wilde walnut hard of shell, but with a sweet kemell)
with ackhomes, black walnut, cedar, saxafras, vines, sallad-
herbes, and such like. It is not above 400 acres, and therefore
too little to seat upon for us: therefore they have designed it
for a fort to Command the river, meaneing to rsuse another on
the maine land against it, and soe to keep the river from for-
raigne trade, here being the narrowest of the river.
In this pkg^n our b: Ladies day in lent,' we first ofifered,
erected a criRe; and with devotion tooke solenme possession
of the Country. Here our govemour was advised not to settle
himselfe, till he spoake with the emperoui^ of Pascatoway,
^Herons,
■ Now called Bladdston's Island. Tbomas, CknmeUi cf CoUmUd Man^
land, pp. 13, 14.
• March 25, 1634. " Offered" means ''offered die sacrifice ai the mass."
« See pp. 126, 131, infra.
1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 41
and told him the cause of his comeing (to wit) to teach them a
divine doctrine, whereby to lead them to heaven, and to enrich
with such ornaments of civill life as our owne country abounded
withall, not doubting but this emperour beinge satisfied, the
other longB would be more peaceable. With this intention he
tooke our pinnace and went therein higher up the river. In
their way they found still all the Indians fleede from their
houses; till comeing to Patomecke towne, he found there the
king^ thereof a Childe, governed by Archihoe, his uncle.
Here, by an Interpretour, they had some speech with Archi-
hoe, a grave and considerate man, and shewed his errours
in part unto him, which he seemed to acknowledge, bidding
them all very welcome. They could proceed but little with
him in matters of reli^on, their interpretor being a protes-
tant of Virginia, but promised shortly to retume to him, some
one or other; which he desired they would and promised they
should have the best entertainment they could make them
and his men should himt and fish for them, and he and they
would devide what soever they got, being (as they all generally
be) of a very loveing and kinde nature.
flfrom here they went to Pascatoway, the seat of the
Emperour, where 500 bowmen came to meet them at the water
side. Here the Emperour, lesse feareing then the rest came
privately aboard, where he found kind usage, and perceiveing
we came with good meaneing towards them, gave leave to us
to sett downe where we pleased. The king being aboard, his
men by the water side feared some treason, till by interpre-
tours we assured them otherwise. In this journey our gov-
emour tooke Captaine Henrie ffleet, and his 3 barkes, who had
beene a firebrand to inflame the Indians against us. This
Capt: brought aboard our shipp accepted of a proportion in
our beaver trade, for to serve my Lord, excellent in language,
love, and experience with the Indians, most%f all other.
Thus he remained, untill haveing talked with Clabome, another
of our chiefe enemies, he revolt^, and leaveing us went againe
and traded with out leave, and got that time above 200 ^ns,
and as we feared incensed the Indians against us; yet first he
had brought us to as noble a seat as could be wished, and as
good grotmd as I suppose is in all Europe.
^See pp. 84^ 125, th/ro.
42 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
Whilest our govemour was abroad, the Indians began to
loose feare and come to our coart of guarde, and sometimes
aboard our shipp, wondering where tliat tree should grow,
out of which so great a canow should be hewen, supposing it
all of one peece, as their canows use to be. They trembled
to heare our ordinance thinking them fearefuller then any
thunder they had ever heard.
The govemour being returned from Pascatoway, by ffleets
directionSi we came some 9 or 10 leagues lower in the river
Patomecke, to a lesser river on the north side of it, as bigge as
Thames, which we call S' Georges. This river maJ^es 2 excel-
lent bayes, wherein might harbour 300 saile of 1000 tunne a
peece with very great safetie, the one called S* Georges bay/
the other, more inward, S! Maries. On the one side of this
river lives the king of Yoacomaco, on the other our planta-
tion is seated, about halfe a mile from the water, and our
towne we call S* Maries.
To avoid all occasion of dislike, and Colour of wrong, we
bought the space of thirtie miles of ground of them, for axes,
hoes, cloth and hatchets, which we call Augusta Carolina. It
made them more willing to enterteine us, for that they had
warres w^ the Sasquasahannockes, who come sometimes
upon them, and waste and spoile them and their country, for
thus they hope by our meanes to be safe, Grod disposeing
things thus for those which were to come to bring the light of
his holy law to these distressed, poore infidels, so that they
doe indeed like us better for comeing so well provided, assuring
themselves of greater safety, by liveing by us. Is not this
miraculous, that a nation a few dales before in generall armes
against us and our enterprise should like lamb^ yeeld them-
selves, glad of our company, giveing us houses, land, and live-
ings for a trifle. Digitus dei est hic,^ and some great good is
meant towar8 this people. Some few Indians are here to stay
by us till next yeare, and then the land is wholy to be ours
alone.
The natives of person be very proper and tall men, by
nature swarthy, but much more by art, painting themselves
with colours in oile a darke read, especially about the head,
> Afterwafd called St Inigo's Creek.
* "This b the finger of God." Ex. viii. 19.
1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 43
which they doe to keep away the gnats, wherein I confesse
there is more ease then honesty/ As for their faces they use
sometimes other colours, as blew from the nose downeward,
and read upward, and sometimes contrary wise with great
variety, and in gently manner. They have noe bearde till
they be very old, but insteed thereof sometimes draw long
lines with colours from the sides of their mouth to their
eares. They weare their [hair] diversly some haveing it cut
all short, one halfe of the head, and long on the other; others
have it all long, but generally they weare all a locke at the left
eare, and sometimes at both eares which they fold up with a
string of wampampeake or roanoake about it. Some of their
Caucorouses* as they terme them, or great men, weare the
forme of a fish of Copper in their foreheads. They all weare
beade about their neckes, men and women, with otherwhiles
a haukes bill or the talents of an eagles or the teeth of beasts,
or sometimes a pare of great eagles wings linked together and
much more of the like. Their apparell is deere skins and other
furrs, which they weare loose like mantles, under which all
their women, and those which are come to mans stature,
weare perizomata* of skins, which keep them decently cov-
ered from all offence of sharpe eies. All the rest are naked, and
sometimes the men of the younger sort weare nothing at all.
Their weapons are a bow and a bundle of arrowes, an ell
long, feathered with turkies feathers, and headed with points
of deeres homes, peeces of glasse, or flints, which they make
fast with an excellent glew which they have for that purpose.
The shaft is a small cane or sticke, wherewith I have scene
them kill at 20 yards distance, little birds of the bignesse of
sparrows, and they use to practise themselves by casting up
small stickes in the aire, and meeting it with an arrow before
it come to ground. Their bow is but weake and shoots level
but a little way. They daily catch partridge, deere, turkies,
squirrels and the like of which there is wonderfull [plenty?], but
as yet we dare not venture ourselves in the woods to seeke
them, nor have we leasure.
Their houses are built in an halfe ovall forme 20 foot long,
and 9 or 10 foot high with a place open in the top, halfe a
* Honesty in the now obsolete sense of seemliness.
>See p. 84, infra. • Giidka.
44 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
yard square, whereby they admit the light, and let forth the
smoake, for they build their fire, after the manner of ancient
halls of England, in the middle of the house, about which
they lie to deep upon mats, spread on a low scafiFold hafe a
yaid from ground. In one of these houses we now doe cele-
brate,^ haveing it dressed a little better then by the Indians,
till we get a better, which shall be shortly as may be.
The naturall wit of these men is good, conceiveing a thing
quick to. They excell in smell and taste, and have farre
^rper sight than we have. Their diett is poane, made of
wheat, and hominie, of the same with pease and beanes to-
gether, to which sometimes they add fish, foule, and venison,
especially at solemne feasts. They are very temperate from
wines and hote waters, and will hardly taste them, save those
whome our English have corrupted. For chastity I never see
any action in man or woman tendinge to soe much as levity,
and yet the poore soules are daily with \is and bring us turkie,
partridge, oisters, squirells as good as any rabbit, bread and
the like, running to us with smileing countenance and will
help us in fishing, fouling, hunting, or what we please.
They hold it lawful to have many wives, but all keep the
rigour of conjugall faith to their husbands. The very aspect
of the women is modest and grave; they are generally so noble,
as you can doe them noe favour, but they will retume it.
There is small passion amongst them. They use in discourse
of great affaires to be silent, after a question asked, and then
after a little studdie to answere in few words, and stand
constant to their resolution. If these were once christian,
they would doubtlesse be a vertuous and renowned nation.
They exceedingly desire civill life and Christian apparrell
and long since had they beene cloathed, had the covetous
English merchants (who would exchange cloath for nou^t
but beaver, which every one could not get) held them from
it (God forbid we should do the like).
As for religion we neither have language as yet to finde it
out, nor can wee trust therein the protestant interpretours.
M' Altham' hath writ somethin thereof, w^ himselfe can
witnesse; and likewise M' Thorowgood, who drives trade
with the Indians. They acknowledge one god of heaven,
> Celebrate the mass. * Father John Altham, S. J.
1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 45
whome they call our god, and crie a 1000 shames on those that
so lightly ofifend soe good a god, but give noe extemall hon-
nour to him But use all their might to please an Okee which sig-
nifies a frantique spirit, for feare of harme from him. I heare
also, they adore wheat and fire, as gods very beneficiall to
mans nature. In the Matchcomaco, or temple of the Pa-
tuxans, this ceremonie was seene by our traders; at a day
appointed the townes about mett together, and built a great
fire, then standinge all about the same, lifted up their hands
to heaven Crieing Taho Taho, after this was brought forth a
bagge of Poate,^ which is their tobacco, with a great tobacco
pipe, and carried about the fire, a young man following it,
crieing Taho Taho, with great variety of gesture of body, this
done they filled the pipe, and gave to every one a drau^t of
smoake from it which they breathed out on all parts of their
bodies, as it were to sanctifie them to the service of their god.
This is all I can say, save that we perceive they have notice
by tradition of Noah his flood. Wee have not beene above
one moneth Conversant amongest them and therefore must
reserve further particulars to the next ship.
I will end therefore with the soyle, which is excellent so
that we cannot sett downe a foot, but tread on Strawberries,
raspires, fallen mulberrie vines, acchoms, walnutts, saxafras
etc: and those in the wildest woods. The ground is com-
monly a blacke mould above, and a foot within ground of a
readish colour. All is high woods except where the Indians
have cleared for come. It abounds with delicate springs
which are our best drinke. Birds diversely feathered there
are infinite, as ea^es, swans, hemes, geese, bitters, duckes,
partridge read, blew, partie coloured, and the like, by which
will appeare, the place abounds not alone with profit, but also
with pleasure +
Laus Deo
'Spelled Potu in the Latin version. Md. Hist Soc., Fund PuUioation
no. 7, p. 42. See p. 136, infra.
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF CAPTAIN
THOMAS YONG TO SIR TOBY MATTHEW.
1634
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF CAPTAIN
THOMAS YONG TO SIR TOBY MATTHEW.
1634
50 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
The careful directions ^^ch Lord Baltimore gave to his
brother, Leonard Calvert, and the other commisaoners for the
founding of llaryland, as to their n^otiations with Qaibome,
and the terms to be offered to him for conducting trade with
the Indians under license from the proprietary government,
are contained in Lord Baltimore's Letter of Listructions to
the Colonists (p. 19, supra).
As references to this controversy in its various stages occur
in several of the documents printed in this volume, a brief
statement of the grounds of dispute, inserted here, will afford
a better understanding of the subject.
The territory of Maryland was originally included in the
grant to the old Virginia Company, the northern boundary
of which touched the southern boundary of New En^and.
But the charter of that company having been annulled in 1624,
the grant to it had become void, and this territoiy, in which
no private titles had been created, was again at the disposal
of the Crown.
In Jime, 1632, the ^ng, Charies I., made a grant, under
the name of liaryland, of the territory lying between the
Potomac River and the fortieth degree of north latitude to
Cecilius Lord Baltimore, as absolute lord and Proprietary.
He was thus constituted both lord of the soil and political
ruler.*
Shortly prior to this grant to Lord Baltimore, William
Qaibome, who was a member of the Council of Virginia, had
established a post for trading with the Indians in peltries, etc.,
upon Kent Island, which lay within the boundaries of Mary-
land as defined in its charter. ^
Upon the establishment of his government in Maryland,
Lord Baltimore sought to obtain from Claiborne recognition
of his title, promising to him authority to trade under his
license. This Qaibome refused to accept, claiming proprie-
> See charter, p. 103, infra.
INTRODUCTION 61
tary ri^ts in Kent Island. Upon investigation it proved that
what he had was merely a license, dated in 1631, from Sir
William Alexander, Secretary of State for Scotland, to trade
with New England and Nova Scotia,' and no grant of land
whatever.
In the preamble to the Charter of Maryland it is recited
that Lord Baltimore had sought leave to transport a colony
to a region hitherto uncultivated' Quuienus incvUa) and
partly occupied by savages. While the grant itself of the ter-
ritory described is absolute in terms, it waa maintained by
Qaibome that the words hadenus incuUa showed that there
was no intention to grant any land already occupied by English
colonists, and that Kent Island having been occupied by him
prior to the date of Lord Baltimore's patent was excluded from
its operation. It is to be noted that the grant of Maryland
was sought by and promised to George Lord Baltimore, who
had visited Virginia and the Chesapeake Bay in 1629, and at
that time there was no settlement at Kent Island. By reason
of the death of the first Lord Baltimore shortly before the
charter of Maryland was signed, the grant was actually made
to Cecilius, his son and successor in title.
Qaibome addressed a petition to the King setting forth
his claims and grievances, which was referred to the Lords
Commissioners of Plantations, who rendered their decision in
April, 1638," in favor of Lord Baltimore, holding that the lands
in question belonged absolutely to him, that no trade or
plantation should be allowed within their limits without his
permission, and that, with regard to the violences complained
of, the parties should be left to their remedies at law.
There had been both violence and strife over the posses-
sion of Kent Island, and contests with bloodshed both on land
> Arekiveg of Maryland, III. 19, 20.
• Rendered "not jet cultivated and planted" in the version of the charter
contained in this volume (p. 101).
* Arehivet of Maryland, III. 71.
62 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND
and water, finally Governor Calvert succeeded in obtaining
the submission of the settlers upon the island and the recog-
nition by them of the authority of the Proprietary.^ But the
strife went on and Qaibome continued for many years to take
advantage of every disturbance in the colony or of political
change in England, to reassert his claims, and to seek the de-
feat of Lord Baltimore's grant.
Capt^ Yong's letter discloses the temper in which the
controversy was conducted at the be^nning of n^otiations
between the parties.
C. C« H«
I See p. 152, m/po.
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF CAPTAIN
THOMAS YONG TO SIR TOBY MATTHEW,
1634
... the third of July towards sunsett we arrived between
the Capes wch are called Cape Charies and Cape Henry.
About one of the dock we came to an Anchor, the tide being
spent, within three miles of Point Comfort, wch is some
seven leagues from the Capes and lieth upon the very mouth
of James River (whereon standeth a new erected fort, wch
conmiandeth that river).
All my men in my owne ship are, God be praysed, in very
good health, tho' my Vice Admirall hath bene shrewdly visited
with a pestilentiall feavor, whereof about 60 have bene sicke
and twelve dead thereof, but they are now most of them re-
covered.
As soone as we were now come to an anchor we descried
a small barke coming out from Point Comfort, wch bare wth
us, and about half an hower after she came to an Anchor
cloase aboard o' vice admirall. We thought she had bene
some vessell bound from Virginia to New England, whither
the Inhabitants of Virginia drive a great trade for Indian
Come. I sent my Leiutenant aboard her to enquire whence
she was and whither she was bound, and withall to leame
what he could both concerning the State of Virginia and
Maryland, wch is my Lord of Baltimores CoUony, as likewise
on what tearmes those two CoUonyes were, and what corre-
spondence they had one wth another and wth the Indians
also. When he came aboard he found this Barke to be a
vessell of Virginia belonging to one Captajme Cleybome, who
liveth upon an Island within my Lord of Baltimores Territory
called the He of Kent. But the Captayne was gone aboard
o' vice admirall, and thither my Leiuetenant went to him.
Where after salutations and some discourse passed to and fro,
53
54 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1634
they fell in talke concerning my Lord of Baltimores Company,
who arrived heere in March last. He discovered that there
was growne great discontents between my Lords company
and him wch he seemed to excuse as well as he could thougjfi
even by some words that now and then fell from him unawares
my Leiuetenant saith a man might read much malice in his
heart towards them. After some two houres, my Leiuetenant
brought Captayne Qeybome wth him aboard my ship where
he remajm^ till the morning.
By him I understand that the Govemour of Virginia, S'
John Harvie, had bene in Maryland at the Plantation there
wch is called S^ Maries, there to have heard and composed
the differents which were growne between those of my Lords
CoUony and this Qeybumes; and that, that night he was ar-
rived at Point Comfort: That in his company also were
Captayne Calvert Govemour of Maryland, Captasme Come-
wallis, M' Hawley,^ and other principall gentlemen of Mary-
land, and that they were come thither purposely for the com-
posing of those differents, but that he for his part purposed
not to be there, but to retire himself to his own Plantation,
under pretence that he went thither to take order for the se-
curing thereof against certayne Indians, who had lately as he
understood killed a man and a Boy of his, but I plajmly per-
ceaved that the principall and ma3nQe reason of his retreat
was to absent himself from that meeting. I found the man
subtle and fayre spoken but extreamely averse from the pros-
perity of that Plantation. He alleagcd that my Lords com-
pany had accused him to the Grovemour of Virginia for
animating, practizing and conspiring wth the Indians to sup-
plant and cutt them off: that the Govemour had appointed
certayne comm" of this CoUony to jojme wth certa3m other
Comm" of my Lords CoUony to examine the tmth of that ac-
cusation and that upon their information he purposed to pro-
ceed herein according to Justice. That accordin^y they had
examined the matter and had found no grounds for those ac-
cusations and so he conceaved that the purpose of their
comming was now only to make a reconcUiation, but that for
his part he purposed not to be there. On the other Ade, '
^ Thomas Comwallis and Jerome Hawlej, commbsioners for go n a d "
promoe of Maiyland. See Lord Baltimore's instructioiiSy p. 16, 9upra,
.^.
1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG 65
pretended that heeretofore he had borne very good corre-
spondense with them and that he had furnished them with
hoggs and other provisions and done them what curtesies were
in his power, till my Lords people had given directions for the
taking and surprizing his boates, that went to trade, and like-
wise of his owne person. After wch discourse he parted from
me, telling me, though I perceaved afterwards he ment it not,
he would meet me at Point Comfort, but he came no more to
me. The next morning I weighed as soone as the tide served
and about eleven of the clocke I came to an anchor within
Point Comfort, where now I ride. Heere I understood that
the Governor was hard by, and as soone as I had fitted my
dress I tooke boate with intention to have awaited upon the
Governor on shoare, but as soone as I was in my boate I de-
scried his Bargq on the River making towards our shipp, soe
I stood in wth him to meet him, but he perceaving me row
towards him stood towards my vice admirall, whither also I
stood and gott into the ship before him, who as soone as he
perceaved me aboard presently entered therein. After I had
saluted him he was pleased to treat me wth much curtesy and
great affection; to whome I presented his Ma"*» I™ [letters].
After he had read them, he assured me that he would in all
things most willingly and observantly obey his Ma*'** com-
mands, wch I have also found him most effectually and affec-
tionately observe, on all occasions, wherein I had cause to re-
quire his assistance.
In his company, of my Lord of Baltimores Plantation, I
mett only wth Captayne Comewallis, (for Captayne Calvert
fell sicke by the way, and returned,) who was come thither
purposely to meet wth Cleybome, whom I mentioned before.
After some time I took Captayne Comewallis aside and
told him what discourse had passed between Cleybome and
me. He answered me that this Qeyboume had dealt very
unworthyly and falsely with them. That he had also labored
to procure the Indians to supplant them by informing them
that they were Spaniards and that they had a purpose to de-
stroy them and take their Coimtry from them. That the
Indians had a purpose to have attempted it, had they not
bene dissuaded by one Captayne Fleet,* who had in former
' See p. 41, 9upra»
66 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
times lived amongst them, and is now in good creditt wth
them. That Cleybome had contrived divers other malitious
plotts and conspiracies against them. That some others also
of the principal! Councellors of Virginia might justly be sus-
pected to have animated Cleybome to his foule practises.
That his conspiracy and practises was proved against Cley-
bome, both by the confession of the Indians and likewise by
the confession of Christians taken upon oath. That he him-
self publikely protested that if my lords plantation should
surprize or take any of his boates, he would be revenged though
he joined with the Indians in a canoa. That heerapon the
Govemour of Maryland complajmed thereof to S' John Harvie,
the Govem' of Virginia, who forthwth tooke the matter into
his consideration. Upon hearing the accusation of the one
and the defence of the other, it was ordered that Cleybome
should remayne confined in the hands of one Captayne Mat-
thews and Captajme Utie,* two councellors of State in Virginia,
though both of them private friends to Cleybome, whome he
ordered to keep Cleybome from any conferences or messages
to the Indians, and that they two should forthwith, taking
Cleybome along with them, repaire to my Lords Plantation
in Maryland, where also two Com", namely Capta}me Come-
wallis and M' Hawley, chosen for that Colony, should be
joined with them, and that they should take on both sides in-
terpretors and from thence goe in company together to the
Indians and examine the trath of this examination, but that
Cleybome was not to be present at the examination. And
that they should make a trae relation of the state of the buis-
iness to the two Govemo'* who would expect them in this
plantation at Maryland. But precisely and expressly order-
ing them that they should be carefuU in no case to sufifer any
conference to be had wth the Indians, on either side, either
directly or indirectly.
But these two Captaynes, taking along with them Cley-
bome, went towards Maryland, not with any purpose (as it
afterwards appeared by the sequelle) to comply with the
Govemors onier of Virginia, having subtlely and sinisterly
inveigled into their company two very yong gentlemen of my
' Samuel Mathews and John Utie. In reference to Mathews see pp. 59, 61,
infra. In 1635 they led in the deposition of Governor Harvey.
16341 LETTER OP CAPTAIN YONG 67
Lords CoUony (whereof the one was a younger Brother^ of my
Lords, the other of S' John Winters), wth faire words, finding
them in a joviall humor, perswaded them to accompany them
to the examination of these Indians, and so taking these for my
Lord Com", instead of going to my Lords plantation at Mary-
land or giving any notice of their arrivall in those parts, they
take this advantage and, with these young gentlemen wch
themselves tooke and chose in place of Comm"", they goe di-
rectly to the Indians, taking with them also Qeybome and
a servant of his for their Interpreter, and there, in the pres-
ence of Qeybome, examine the Indians upon such Articles
and with such Intergatories as they thought would best serve
for Cleybomes advantage, using also the helpe of the Inter-
preter to frame such answerres from the Indians as would best
suit with their purpose. When they had done they putt this
examination in writing, and after they had themselves signed
it, they procured also these two young gentlemen to putt
their hands also thereunto as taken before them.
This examination they sent to my Lords plantation at
Maryland by one of the Coimcell of Vir^nia, for I should have
told you that there went also two other Councello" of Virginia
with them (who went without or rather contrary to the order,
only to countenance the carriage of this plott the better) to
my Lords plantation at Maryland (where all this while both
the Govemo" remayned expecting their coming) and in his
company came also one of the Indian Kings called the IQng of
Pattuxunt, procured by them to come thither to justifie the
truth and impartiality of their proceedings, Laboring by their
indirect proceeding to cleerr Cleybome from his crimes and also
to incense and exasperate the Indians both against my Lords
people and against those other Christians also who had in-
formed them thereof, suggesting and intimating to them that
my Lords were turbulent people, who cared not what false
pretenses and suggestions they framed to deprive others of
their estate, wch it was evident they labored to wring out of
the hands both of Indians and Christians also, that so in
Fine they might become Lords of that Country. The Gov-
> Geoige Calvert He aocompanied the first colonists to Maryland, but ap-
pears shorUy afterward to have removed to Virginia. He does not figure in
Maryland history.
58 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
emor of Virginia not finding himself well intreated by them
returned to Virginia^ where he made account to finde them
expecting him, as they sent him word by the messenger I spake
of before, they would at Kecoughtan/ but when he came
thither he found them all gone, soe as he could at that time
doe nothing therein. But he had appointed them a new time
for their appearance at James Towne.
Concerning his complaint that my Lords company would
have surprized his boates and him, Capt* Comewallis told
me that Cleybome had bene offered all faire correspondence,
with as free liberty to trade as themselves, but he refused it,
wherefore the Governor gave order to forbid him to trade.
That concerning the surprizall of his person (though his car-
riage towards them very well deserved it) yet it was only a
meere supposition and jealousy of his owne, without any
grounds.
This, so farre as I can leame, is the true state wherein my
Lord of Baltimores plantation stands wth those of Virginia,
wch perhaps may prove dangerous enough for them if there
be not some present order taken in England for the sup-
pressing the insolence of Cleybome and force his complines'
and for disjoynting this faction, wch is soe fast linked and
united as I am perswaded will not by the Governor be easily
dissevered or over ruled with[out] some strong and powerful
addition to his present authority by some new power from
England, and it will be to little purpose for my Lord to pro-
ceed in his colony against which they have so exasperated and
incensed all the English Colony of Virginia as heere it is ac-
counted a crime almost as heynous as treason to favor, nay
allmost to speak well of that Colony of my Lords. And I have
observed myself a palpable kind of strangenesse and distance
between those of the best sort in the country who have for-
merly bene very familiar and Ibving one to another, only
because the one hath bene suspected but to have bene a well
wisher to the Plantation in Maryland.
The Governor only of Virginia (a gentleman in good faith
in my judgment of a noble m3mde and worthy heart) out of
' An Indian town at the mouth of Hampton River, on the east side, three
miles from Point Comfort
I G>mpliance.
1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG S9
his care to observe his Ma^'*' commands signified to him by
his Royall !"• [letters] and also out of his own good inclina-
tions hath carried himself very worthily and respectively
towards them and is ready on ail occasions to give them all
the assistance and furtherance that possibly he can, though
thereby he hath acquired to himself extreame hatred and
malice from all the rest of the country, to whom I can find
only two of his councell indifferent, the one of them called
Captaine Purfree a souldier and a man of an open heart, honest
and free, hating for ought I can [see?] all kinds of dissimula-
tion and basenesse, the other an honest playne man but of
small capacity and lesse power/
The person on whom the strength and sinewes of this
faction depends is one Captayne Mathews an ancient planter
heere, a man of a bold spiritt, turbulent and strong in the
faction of the more refractory sort of the countrey, and as I
have bene informed by persons of good creditt a great op-
poser and interpreter of all letters and commands that come
from the King and state of England, apt also to possesse and
preoccupate the judgments of the rest of his fellow councel-
lors, that letters from the King and from the Lords are sur-
reptitiously gotten and that the obedience to them may and
ought to be suspended till they be warranted by second com-
mands from England, which may issue from them after the
Lords have bene informed by them, for that many times the
Lords are not sufficiently instructed in the necessities and con-
veniencies of this Government heere, pretending and making
them beleeve that evry kind of disobedience doe oftentimes
become gratefull to the State. This gentleman as I heare is
lately married to the daughter of one Sir Thomas Hinton, who
is lately retired hither into these parts,' and he grows, as is
conceaved, much bolder by this alliance, as hoping by his
power to find great strength in England, though for my part
I conceave he hath but small grounds for those hopes, yet
heere we have it very confidently and very frequently re-
ported that a Sonne of S' Thomas Hintons, who is a gentle-
man of the Privie Chamber, is to come over hither Governor.
> Sir John Harvey continued to be the stanch friend of Lord Baltimore and
the Maryland Colony and to entertain suspicions as to the loyalty of Claiborne.
•Sir Thomas Hinton, M. P. 1620^1626.
60 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
S' John Harvye invited me very earnestly that during the
time that my ship was making ready and my shallopp build-
ing I would accompany him to James Towne, whither he was
then going, wch I accepted as a favor, partly led thereunto
with desire to see the country, partly also to see the event
of my Lords buisnesse, and likewise a little to recreate mjrself
after my long voyage, wherein I thank God I have yet had my
health very well. We lay two nights by the way, at a gentle-
mans house a planter of the country one night, and the other
most parte of it aboard S' Johns barge. This countrey
aboundeth with very great plentie insomuch as in ordinary
planters houses of the better sort we found tables foumished
wth porke, kidd, chickens, turkeyes, young geese, Caponetts
and such other foules as the season of the yeare affords,
besides plentie of milk, cheese, butter and come, wch latter
almost every planter in the country hath.
The country is very good and fertill, the climate pleasant
and wholesome, the land fertile enough and with good hus-
bandry will soone grow into great abimdance, and a great
Trade may quickly be driven heere, if good providence and
care be taken, wch will much advance his Ma^~ customes.
While I stay heere at James Towne, where Now I am,
I meet dayly with severall of the best and most understand-
ing sort of the Inhabitants of this place, by whome I enforme
myself as much as I can of the State of this coimtrey and I
find really that the present Governor hath carried himselfe
heere with very great prudence, hath bene extraordinary dil-
ligent in advancing and furthering the Colony, a great re-
former of the abuses in the Govemement, especially in point of
justice, wch at his first entrance was full of corruption and par-
tiality, the richest and most powerfuU oppressing and swal-
lowing up the poorer, though now much amended by his care
and zeale to justice, though even in that also he is sometimes
overborne by the strength and power of some factious and
turbulent spiritts of his coimcell, for heere in this place all
things are carried by the most voyces of the Councell, and they
are for the most part united in a kind of faction against the
Governor, insomuch as they make their publike consultations
give strength and authority to their faction, and it is hard
for the Governors to determine or order any thing heere con-
1634] LETTER OP CAPTAIN YONG 61
traiy to their dreaming^ for they come all hither preoccu-
pated and resolved to follow and concurr with the votes of
their leaders. Of this faction Captain Mathews, of whom
before I spake, is the head and cheefe supporte. This gentle-
man, as I am told, tooke the boldenesse publikely when the
kings letter was delivered and read in favor of my Lord of
Baltimore was there read, to question whether they were not
surreptitiously procured, and it is vehemently suspected, and
they say not without reason, that he hath bene the incendiary
of all this wicked plott of Cleyboume's and yet continues to
bee the supporter and upholder of him, and except my Lord
finde some meanes speedily and in a very exemplar manner
to curb and suppresse this mans insolencies, he wUI dayly find
more and more practizes and treacherous conspiracies con-
trived against him, and veryly I beleeve if my Lord could
finde meanes over heere to ecclipse his power and greatnesse,
or to remove him from hence, the backe of this faction would
soone be broken and this strong knot would untie of itselfe.
Nor is that other instrument of his of whome I spake before,
namely deyboume, lesse carefully to be lookt unto, since his
practizes, though they be not so publike as the others insolen-
cies, yet are they not lesse dangerous to that Colony, yea and
to the security of the peace of this very land and govemement
of Virginia, where I have bene informed that some of the Coun-
cellors have bene bold enough in a presumptuous manner to
say, to such as told them that perhaps their disobedience
mi^t cause them to be sent for into England, That if the
King would have them he must come himself and fetch them.
M NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
they fell in talke concerning my Lord of Baltimores Company,
who arrived heere in March last. He discovered that there
was growne great discontents between my Lords company
and him wch he seemed to excuse as well as he could thou^
even by some words that now and then fell from him unawares
my Leiuetenant saith a man might read much malice in his
heart towards them. After some two houres, my Leiuetenant
brought Capta3me Qeybome wth him aboard my ship where
he remayned till the morning.
By him I understand that the Govemour of Virginia, S'
John Harvie, had bene in Maryland at the Plantation there
wch is called S^ Maries, there to have heard and composed
the differents which were growne between those of my Lords
CoUony and this Cleybumes; and that, that night he was ar-
rived at Point Comfort: That in his company also were
Captayne Calvert Govemour of Maryland, Captayne Come-
wallis, M' Hawley,^ and other principall gentlemen of Mary-
land, and that they were come thither purposely for the com-
posing of those differents, but that he for his part purposed
not to be there, but to retire himself to his own Plantation,
under pretence that he went thither to take order for the se-
curing thereof against certajme Indians, who had lately as he
understood killed a man and a Boy of his, but I pla3aily per-
ceaved that the principall and mayne reason of his retreat
was to absent himself from that meeting. I found the man
subtle and fayre spoken but extreamely averse from the pros-
perity of that Plantation. He alleag^ that my Lords com-
pany had accused him to the Grovemour of Virginia for
animating, practizing and conspiring wth the Indians to sup-
plant and cutt them off: that the Govemour had appointed
certajme comm" of this CoUony to jojme wth certayn other
Comm" of my Lords CoUony to examine the troth of that ac-
cusation and that upon their information he purposed to pro-
ceed herein according to Justice. That accordingly they had
examined the matter and had f oimd no grounds for those ac-
cusations and so he conceaved that the purpose of their
comming was now only to make a reconciliation, but that for
his part he purposed not to be there. On the other side, he
* Thomas ComwaUis and Jerome Hawlej, commissioners for goreming the
province of Maryland. See Lord Baltimore's instructions, p. 16, nipm.
1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG 56
pretended that heeretofore he had borne very good corre-
spondense with them and that he had furnished them with
hoggs and other provisions and done them what curtesies were
in his power, till my Lords people had given directions for the
taking and surprizing his boates, that went to trade, and like-
wise of his owne person. After wch discourse he parted from
me, telling me, though I perceaved afterwards he ment it not,
he would meet me at Point Comfort, but he came no more to
me. The next morning I weighed as soone as the tide served
and about eleven of the clocke I came to an anchor within
Point Comfort, where now I ride. Heere I understood that
the Governor was hard by, and as soone as I had fitted my
dress I tooke boate with intention to have awaited upon the
Governor on shoare, but as soone as I was in my boate I de-
scried his Barge on the River making towards our shipp, soe
I stood in wth him to meet him, but he perceaving me row
towards him stood towards my vice admirall, whither also I
stood and gott into the ship before him, who as soone as he
perceaved me aboard presently entered therein. After I had
saluted him he was pleased to treat me wth much curtesy and
great affection; to whome I presented his Ma*'**" I"' [letters].
After he had read them, he assured me that he would in all
things most willingly and observantly obey his Ma***" com-
mands, wch I have also found him most effectually and affec-
tionately observe, on all occasions, wherein I had cause to re-
quire his assistance.
In his company, of my Lord of Baltimores Plantation, I
mett only wth Capta3me Comewallis, (for Capta3aie Calvert
fell sicke by the way, and returned,) who was come thither
purposely to meet wth Cleybome, whom I mentioned before.
After some time I took Captayne Comewallis aside and
told him what discourse had passed between Cleybome and
me. He answered me that this Cleyboume had dealt very
unworthyly and falsely with them. That he had also labored
to procure the Indians to supplant them by informing them
that they were Spaniards and that they had a purpose to de-
stroy them and take their Country from them. That the
Indians had a purpose to have attempted it, had they not
bene dissuaded by one Captayne Fleet,* who had in former
^ See p. 41, awpra.
64 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1634
they fell in taike concerning my Lord of Baltimores Company,
who arrived heere in March last. He discovered that there
was growne great diacontente between my Xords company
and him wch he seemed to excuse as well as he could though
even by some words that now and then fell from him unawares
my Leiuetenant suth a man might read much malice in his
heart towards them. After some two houres, my Leiuetenant
brought Captayne Cleybome wth him aboard my ship where
he remayned till the morning.
By him I understand that the Govemour of Vii^nia, S'
John Harvie, had bene in Maryland at the Plantation there
wch is called S* Maries, there to have heard and composed
the differents which were growne between those of my Lords
Collony and this Cleybumes; and that, that night he was ar-
rived at Point Coinfort: That in his company also were
Captayne Calvert Govemour of Maryland, Captayne Come-
wallis, M' Hawley,* and other principall gentlemen of Mary-
land, and that they were come thither purposely for the com-
posing of those differents, but that he for his part purposed
not to be there, but to retire himself to his own Plantation,
under pretence that he went thither to take order for the se-
curing thereof against certayne Indians, who had lately as he
understood killed a man and a Boy of his, but I playnly pei>
ceaved that the principall and mayne reason of hw retreat
was to absent himself from that meeting. I found the man
subtle and fayre spoken but extreamely averse from the pros-
perity of that Plantation. He alleaged that my Lords com-
pany had accused him to the Govemour of Vir^nia for
animating, practizing and conspiring wth the Indians to sup-
plant and cutt them off: that the Govemour had appointed
certayne comm" of this Collony to joyiie wth certayn other
Conun" of my Lords Collony to examine the troth of that ac-
cusation and that upon their ' *
ceed herein according to Jus
examined the matter and ha
cusations and so he conce)
comming was now only to m
his part he purposed not to
' Thonuu Comwallia uid J«roni
[ffonnce of Mainland. See Lord Bti
INTRODUCTION
The ensuing document, A Relation of Maryland, published
originally as a pamphlet in London in 1635; for the informa-
tion of persons contemplating emigration to the new colony,
is practically of the nature of a prospectus. The William
Peaseley mentioned on the title-page, from whom copies and
further information and advice could be obtained, was the
brothei>in-law of Lord Baltimore, having married the latter's
eldest sister, Anne.
This Relation reproduces much concerning Maryland and
its settlement that is contained in Father White's narrative of
the voyage over, and the remainder is no doubt derived from
the reports which the commissioners for the colony were, under
their instructions from the Proprietary, required to send by
every ship departing from the province, as well as from the
publications of Captain John Smith in relation to Virginia,
and William Wood's treatise of New England referred to in
the text.
The account does full justice to the advantages of the new
settlement and the attractiveness of the country, its climate,
etc. If there were any disadvantages or hardships, other than
those which necessarily attend a pioneer settlement in the
wilderness, they are not mentioned. It is true that in con-
trast with the suffering and disastrous loss of life which at-
tended the first settlement of Virginia at Jamestown, and of
New England at Plymouth, the Maryland colonists had no
such experience. This, as is acknowledged in the pamphlet,
was partly due to the fact that for their immediate wants they
were able to obtain supplies from the older settlements; but
65
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF CAPTAIN
THOMAS YONG TO SIR TOBY MATTHEW.
1634
68 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
nities and titles, to raise and maintain a military force, to wage
war, to pursue enemies beyond the borders of the province, and
in the event of sedition or rebellion to proclaim martial law; to
establish ports of entry, and, upon occasion, to impose taxes and
subsidies upon merchandise; to alienate land in fee, fee-tail, or
upon lease; to constitute manors and establish courts baron.
Tt wasin the cBafEerprovided that all subjects of the Crown
going to Maryland and their descendants bom there, should be
esteemed to be natives of England, with power to own land and
other estates of inheritance in England. They were given au-
thority to trade not only with the mother country, but also
with foreign nations with which England was at peace. The
power of the Crown to impose any customs, taxations, or con-
tributions within the province was distinctly renounced,
though the payment of the customary duties on wares and
merchandise brought into England or exported therefrom
was reserved; and it was finally declared that the territory
described should not thereafter be considered as part of Vir-
ginia, and that in the case of doubt as to the meaning of any
word, clause, or sentence in the charter, it should always be
interpreted in the manner most beneficial, profitable, and favor-
able to Lord Baltimore his heirs and assigns. There was re-
served to the Crown and to all the King's subjects of England
and Ireland the liberty of fishing for sea-fish in the waters of
the province, with the privilege of landing for salting and dry-
ing the same, and, for that purpose, of cutting underwood and
twigs for building huts, so that the same were done without
notable injury to the Proprietary or the residents.
This province was granted to Lord Baltimore and his heirs
to be held in feudal tenure in free and common socage only, the
tribute reserved being two Indian arrows to be delivered yearly
in Easter week at Windsor Castle, and the fifth part of the gold
and silver ore to be found within the province. As no precious
metals were discovered, this last was a barren provision.
INTRODUCTION 69
The Latin text of the charter, together with an English
translation, is contained in Bacon's compilation of the Laws
of Maryland, published in 1765. A Latin text obtained from
the records of the Public Record Office in London (Pat. Roll 8
Car. I.) was printed in Maryland Archives, III. 3, and pre-
fixed to it is a table of all variations between that text and the
version in Bacon's Laws. The differences are unimportant and
are chiefly grammatical, such as the use of singular or plural
number. According to a foot-note in Bacon's Laws it appears
that the certified Latin copy which he used, though present-
ing verbal differences, was procured from the same source.
Li the collection of Calvert Papers belonging to the Mary-
land Historical Society there are two manuscript copies of the
charter in Latin, and one in English. There have been nu-
merous reprints of the charter of Maryland in both English and
Latin, but the text here given, originally printed three years
after the grant, and that contained in Bacon's Laws may be
regarded as authoritative English versions. It is noted in
Bacon's Laxvs that the old translation of the charter (the one
here given) had been republished by order of the Lower House
of the Assembly of Maryland, in 1725.
The following pamphlet was reprinted in close imitation of
the typography of the original in 1865, by Joseph Sgljin, New
York. There is a copy of the original edition, which has be-
come very rare, in the Ubrary of the Maryland Historical
Society.
C C. H*
A RELATION OF MARYLAND, 1635
A Relation of Maryland; together with a Map of. the Counbrey^
the Conditions of Plantaiioriy with His Majesties Charter to
the Lord BaUemorey translated into English.
These Bookes are to bee had, at Mailer wiUiam Peasley Esq; his
house, on the hack-side of Drury-Lane, neere the Cock-pit
Playhouse; or in his absence, at Master John Morgans house
in high HoUxmme, over against the Dolphin. London.
September the 8. Anno Dom. 1635/
CHAP. I
A Relation of the Lord BaUemore^s Plantation in Maryland.
His most Excellent Majestie having by his Letters Patent,
under the Great Seale of England, granted a certaine Countrey
in America (now called Maryland, in honour of our gratious
Queene) unto the Lord Baltemore, with divers Priviledges,
and encouragements to all those that should adventure with
his Lordship in the Planting of that Countrey: the benefit
and honour of such an action was readily apprehended by
divers Gentlemen, of good birth and qualitie, who thereupon
resolved to adventure their Persons, and a good part of their
fortunes with his Lordship, in the pursuite of so noble and
(in all likelihood) so advantagious an enterprize. His Lord-
ship was at first resolved to goe in person; but the more im-
portant reasons perswading his stay at home, hee appointed his
brother, Mr. Leonard Calvert to goe Govemour in his stead,
with whom he joyned in Commission, Mr. Jerome Hawley, and
Mr. Thomas Comwallis (two worthy and able Gentlemen.)
These with the other Gentlemen adventurers, and their ser-
vants to the number of neere 200. people, imbarked themselves
for the voyage, in the good ship called the Arke, of 300. tunne
^The italic words reproduce the title-page of the original.
70
A
RELATION
OF
Togctlicr,
fA Map of the Countrey,
The Conditions of Plantation,
With^ His Majeftics Charter to the
iLord ^a/temore, tranflaced
intoEngtifh.
Theft Bookes are to bee had , «t Mailer ififfUm
Pesfley Efq; H$ houfe.on the back-fide of t>ru-
rj-^LMie^ neerc the Cock-fit Playhoufcj or la
his abfbnce, at Mafter /•*» Mtrinns houfc in
high HolhuTftffiyer againft the bolfhw, ■
Ittndtn,
September the 8. Jntf X$m, 1^35.
TITLE-PAGE OF "A RELATION OF MARYLAND," 1635
From a copy of the original in the New York
Public Library (Lenox Building)
1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 71
and upward, which was attended by his Lordships Pinnace,
called the Dove, of about 50. tunne. And so on Friday, the
22- of November, 1633. a small gale of winde comming gently
from the Northwest, they weighed from the Cowes in the Isle
of Wight, about ten in the morning; And having stayed by
the way Twenty dayes at the Barbada's, and Fourteene dayes
at Saint Christophers (upon some necessary occasions) they
arrived at Point Comfort in Virginia, on the foure and twen-
tyeth of February following. They had Letters from his
Majesty, in favor of them, to the Govemour of Virginia, in
obedience whereimto, he used them with much courtesie and
humanitie. At this time, one Captaine Cleybome (one of the
Councel of Virginia) comming from the parts whether they in-
tended to goe, told them that all the Natives were in prepara-
tion of defence by reason of a rumor some had raised amongst
them, that 6. shippes were to come with many people, who
would drive all the inhabitants out of the Countrey.*
On the 3. of March, they left Point-Comfort, and 2. dayes
after, they came to Patowmeck river, which is about 24. leagues
distant, there they began to give names to places, and called
the Southeme point of that Biver, Saint Gregories; and the
Northeme point, Saint Michaels.
They sayled up the River, till they came to Heron Island,
which is about 14. leagues, and there came to an Anchor under
an Island neere unto it, which they called S. Clements.* Where
they set up a Crosse, and tooke possession of this Countrey for
our Saviour, and for our Soveraigne Lord the King of England.
Heere the Governor thought fit for the ship to stay, until
hee had discovered more of the Countrey: and so hee tooke two
Pinnaces,' and went up the River some 4. leagues, and landed
on the South side, where he found the Indians fled for feare,
from thence hee sayled some 9. leagues higher to Patowmeck
Towne where the Weroioance*^ being a child, Archihau his unckle
(who governed him and his Countrey for him) gave all the
> See pp. 39, 40, supra,
* Now called Blackistone's Island. Situated in the Potomac River opposite
the mouth of St. Clement's Bay. Against "Heron Island" stands in the original
a marginal note reading: "So called from the abundance of that Fowle there."
* "The Dove, and one hjred in Virginia," says the nuirgin.
* "So they call their Princes," says the margin.
72 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
company good wellcome, and one* of the company having
entered into a little discourse with him, touching the errours of
their religion, hee seemed well pleased therewith; and at his
going away, desired him to retume thither againe, sa3dng he
should live with him, his men should hunt for him, and hee
would divide all with him.
From hence the Governor went to Paschatoway, about 20.
leagues higher,' where he found many Indians assembled, and
heere he met with one Captaine Henry Fleete an English-man,
who had Uved many yeeres among the Indians, and by that
meanes spake the Countrey language very well, and was much
esteemed of by the natives. Him our Govemour sent a shore
to invite the Werowance to a parley, who thereupon came
with him aboard privately, where he was courteously enter-
tained, and after some parley being demanded by the Gov-
emour, whether hee would be content that he and his people
should set downe in his Countrey, in case he should find a
place convenient for him, his answer was, "that he would not
bid him goe, neither would hee bid him stay, but that he
might use his owne discretion.'^
While this Werowance was aboard, many of his people came
to the water side, fearing that he might be surprised, where-
upon the Werowance commanded two Indians that came with
him, to goe on shore, to quit them of this feare, but they an-
swered, they feared they would kill them; The Werowance
therefore shewed himselfe upon the decke, and told them hee
was in safety, wherewith they were satisfied.
Whilest the Govemour was abroard, the neighbouring Li-
dians, where the ship lay, began to cast off feare, and to come
to their Court of guard, which they kept night and day upon
Saint Clements He, partly to defend their barge, which was
brought in pieces out of England, and there made up; and
partly to defend their men which were imployed in felling of
trees, and cleaving pales for a Palizado, and at last they ven-
tured to come aboard the ship.
The Govemour finding it not fit, for many reasons, to seate
himselfe as yet so high in the River, resolved to retume backe
againe, and to take a more exact view of the lower part, and so
>Pather Altham.
*Piscataway, in the southwest corner of Prince George County.
16341 A RELATION OF MARYLAND 73
leaving the Ship and Pinnaces there, he tooke his Barge (as
most fit to search the Creekes, and small rivers) and was con-
ducted by Captaine Fleete (who knew well the Countrey) to a
River on the North-side of Patomeck river, within 4. or 5.
leagues from the mouth thereof, which they called Saint
Georges River.* They went up this river about 4. Leagues,
and anchored at the Towne of Yoacomaco: from whence the
Indians of that part of the Countrey, are called Yoacomacoes:
At their comming to this place, the Govemour went on
^oare, and treated friendly with the Werowance there, and
acquainted him with the intent of his comming thither, to
which hee made little answere (as it is their manner, to any new
or suddane question) but entertained him, and his company
that night m his house, and gave him his owne bed to lie on
(which is a matt layd on boords) and the next day, went to
shew him the country, and that day being spent in viewing
the places about that towne, and the fresh waters, which there
are very plentifull, and excellent good (but the maine rivers are
salt) the Governor determined to make the first Colony there,
and so gave order for the Ship and Pinnaces to come thither.
This place he found to be a very commodious situation for
a Towne, in regard the land is good, the ayre wholsome and
pleasant, the River affords a safe harbour for ships of any
burthen, and a very bould shoare; fresh water, and wood there
is in great plenty, and the place so naturally fortified, as with
little difficultie, it will be defended from any enemie.
To make his entry peaceable and safe, hee thought fit to
present the Werowance and the Wisoes'ot the To^e with
some English Cloth, (such as is used in trade with the Indians)
Axes, Howes, and Knives, which they accepted very kindly,
and freely gave consent .that hee and his company should dwell
in one part of their Towne, and reserved the other for them-
sdves; and those Indians that dwelt in that part of the Towne,
which was allotted for the English, freely left them their
houses, and some come that they had begun to plant : It was
also agreed between them, that at the end of harvest they
> Now St. Mary's. The site of the town is a little over six miles from the
mouth of the river, which in turn is distant about eight miles from Point
Lookout at the mouth of the Potomac.
* "So they call the chiefe men of accompt among them.'' (Maiginal note.)
74 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
should leave the whole towne; which they did accordingly:
And they made mutuall promises to each other, to live friendly
and peaceably together, and if any injury shotdd happen to be
done on any part, that satisfaction should be made for the
same, and thus upon the 27. day of March, Anno Domini, 1634.
the Govemour tooke possession of the place, and named the
Towne Saint Maries.
There was an occasion that much facilitated their treaty
with these Indians, which was this: The Sasquehanocks (a
warlike people that inhabite betweene Chesopeack bay, and
Delaware bay) did usually make warres, and incursions upon
the neighbouring Indians, partly for superiority, partly for
to get their Women, and what other purchase they could meet
with, which these Indians of Yocomaco fearing, had the yeeie
before our arivall there, made a resolution, for their safety,
to remove themselves higher into the Countrey where it was
more populous, and many of them were gone thither before the
English arrived.
Three dayes after their comming to Yoacomaco the Arke
with the two Pinaces arived there. The Indians much won-
dred to see such ships, and at the thundering of the Ordnance
when they came to an Anchor.
The next day they began to prepare for their houses, and
first of all a Court of Guard,* and a Store-house; in the meane
time they lay abord the ship: They had not beene there many
dayes before Sir John Harvie the governor of Virginea came
thither to visit them; Also some Indian Werowances, and
many other Indians from severall parts came to see them,
amongst others the Werowance of Patuxent came to visit
the Govemour, and being brought into the great Cabin of the
ship, was placed betweene the Govemour of Virginea, and the
Govemour of Mary-land; and a Patuxent Indian that came
with him, comming into the Cabin, and finding the Werowance
thus sitting betweene the two Govemours, started backe, fear-
ing the Werowance was surprised, and was ready to have
leapt overboard, and could not be perswaded to come into the
Cabin, untill the Werowance came himself e unto him; for he
remembered how the said Werowance had formerly beene
taken prisoner by the English of Virginia.
> Guard-house.
1634] A RELATION OP MARYLAND 75
After they had finished the store-house, and unladed the
ship, the Govemour thought fit to bring the Colours on shore,
which were attended by all the Gentlemen, and the rest of the
servants in annes; who received the Colours with a volley of
shot, which was answered by the Ordnance from the ships; At
this Ceremony were present, the Wcrowances of Patuxent, and
Yoacomaco, with many other Indians; and the Werowance of
Patuxent hereupon tooke occasion to advise the Indians of
Yoacomaco to be carefull to keepe the league that they had
made with the English. He stayed with them divers dayes,
and used many Indian Complements, and at his departure
hee said to the Govemour. "I love the English so well, that
if they should goe about to kill me, if I had but so much
breath as to speake; I would command the people, not to
revenge my death; for I know they would not doe such a
thing, except it were through mine owne default/'
They brought thither with them some store of Lidian
Come, from the Barbado's, which at their first arivall they
began to use (thinking fit to reserve their English provision of
Meale and Oatemeale) and the Indian women seeing their ser-
vants to bee unacquainted with the manner of dressing it,
would make bread thereof for them, and teach them how to
doe the like: They found also the countrey well stored with
Come (which they bought with tmck, such as there is desired,
the Natives having no knowledge of the use of money) whereof
they sold them such plenty, as that they sent 1000. bushells of
it to New-England, to provide them some salt-fish, and other
commodities which they wanted.*
During the time that the Lidians stai'd by the English at
Yoacomaco, they went dayly to hunt with them for Deere and
Turkies, whereof some they gave them for Presents, and the
meaner sort would sell them to them, for knives, beades and
the like: Also of Fish, the natives brought them great store,
and in all things dealt very friendly with them; their women
and children came very frequently amongst them, which was a
certaine signe of their confidence of them, it being found by
1 Winthrop, in his Jawnwiy 1. 131, under date of August 29, 1634, notes the
arriTal of the Dcfoe from Mftiyland, laden with com, and bringing letters from
Governor Cahrert, the other two commissioners, the governor of Virginia, and
Captain Yong.
76 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684
experience, that they never attempt any ill, where the women
are, or may be in danger.
Their comming thus to seate upon an Indian Towne, where
they found ground cleered to their hands, gave them oppor-
tunity (although they came late in the yeere) to plant some
Come, and to make them gardens, which they sowed with
English seeds of all sorts, and they prospered exceeding well.
They also made what haste they could to finish their houses;
but before they could accomplish all these things, one Captalne
Qeybome (who had a desire to appropriate the trade of those
parts unto himselfe) began to cast out words amongst the Ind-
ians, sa3ring, That those of Yoacomaco were Spaniards and
his enemies; and by this meanes endeavoured to alienate the
mindes of the Natives from them, so that they did not receive
them so friendly as formerly they had done. This caused
them to lay aside all other workes, and to finish their Fort,
which they did within the space of one moneth; where they
mounted some Ordnance, and furnished it with some mur-
therers,^ and such other meanes of defence as they thought fit
for their safeties: which being done, they proceeded with their
Houses and finished them, with convenient accommodations
belonging thereto: And although they had thus put them-
selves in safety, yet they ceased not to procure to put these
jealousies out of the Natives minds, by treating and using
them in the most courteous manner they coi^ld, and at last
prevailed therein, and setled a very firme peace and friendship
with them. They procured from Virginia, Hogges, Poultrey,
and some Cowes, and some male cattell, which hath given
them a foundation for breed and increase; and whoso desires
it, may furnish himselfe with store of Cattell from thence, but
the hogges and Poultrey are already increased in Maryland, to
a great stocke, sufficient to serve the Colonie very plentifully.
They have also set up a Water-mill for the grinding of Come,
adjoyning to the Towne.*
Thus within the space of sixe moneths, was laid the foun-
dation of the Colonie in Maryland; and whosoever intends now
to goe thither, shall finde the way so troden, that hee may pro-
ceed with much more ease and confidence then these first ad-
* Small cannon.
* Mill Creek lay at the north side of St Maiy's.
1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 77
venturers could, who were ignorant both of Place, People, and
all things else, and could expect to find nothing but what nat-
ure produced: besides, they could not in reason but thinke,
the Natives would oppose them; whereas now the Countrey
is discovered, and friendship with the natives is assured,
houses built, and many other accommodations, as Cattell,
Hogges, Poultry, Fruits and the like brought thither from
England, Virginea, and other places, which are usefuU, both
for profit and Pleasure: and without boasting it may be said,
that this Colony hath arived to more in sixe moneths, then
Virginia did in as many yeeres. If any man say, they are be-
holding to Virginea for so speedy a supply of many of those
things which they of Virginia were forced to fetch from Eng-
land and other remote places, they will confess it, and acknowl-
edge themselves glad that Virginea is so neere a neighbour, and
that it is so well stored of all necessaries for to make those parts
happy, and the people to live as plentifully as in any other part
of the world, only they wish that they would be content their
neighbours might live in peace by them, and then no doubt
they should find a great comfort each in other.
CHAP. II
A description of the Countrey.
The precedent discourse gives you to imderstand, how the
first Colony sate downe in Maryland, what progresse they made,
and in what estate it is at this present : Now my purpose is to
speake of the Coimtrey in generall, that who so lookes that
way, may beforehand know something thereof. It is seated
betweene the degrees of 38 and 40 of North-Latitude, Virginia
bounds it on the South, New-England on the North, and the
Ocean on the East, but the Westeme parts are not yet dis-
covered.
The temper of the Ayre is very good, and agrees well with
the English, as appeared at their firat comming thither, when
they had no houses to shelter them, and their people were en-
forced, not onely to labour in the day, but to watch in their
tumes at night, yet had their healths exceeding well : In Sum-
mer its hot as in Spaine, and in Winter there is frost and snow,
78 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
but it seldome lasts long; this last Winter was the coldest that
had beene knowne in many yeeres: but the yeere before, there
was scarce any signe of Winter, onely that the leaves fell from
the trees, in aU other things it appeared to be Summer; and yet
the last Winter, both their Cattdl and Hoggs kept themselves
in the woods, without any fodder, or other helpe, and the
Hoggs thrived so well, that some of them were killed out of the
woods for Porke and Bacon, which was excellent good and fat.
The Windes there are variable; from the South comes
Heat, Gusts, and Thunder; from the North, or North-west,
cold-weather, and in winter. Frost and Snow; from the East
and South-east, Raine.
The ordinary entrance by Sea into this Countrey, is be-
tweene two Capes, which are distant each from other, about 7 or
8 leagues, the South-Cape is called Cape-Henry, the North,
Cape-Charles, When you are come within the Capes, you enter
into a f aire Bay, which is navigable for at least 200 miles, and
is called Chesopeack Bay, and runneth Northerly: Into this
Bay fall many goodly navigable Rivers, the chiefe whereof is
Patomack, where the Colony is now seated. It's navigable for
140 miles, it begins to be fresh about 2 leagues above Patomack
Towne. The next River Northward is Patuxent, which at
the entrance is distant from the other, about 20 miles, and is
a very pleasant and commodious River; It's fit for habitation,
and easie to be defended, by reason of the Hands, and other
places of advantage, that may command it; from thence, until!
you come to the head of the Bay, there are no more Rivers
that are inhabited: There dwell the Sasquehanocks, upon a
River* that is not navigable for our Boates, by reason of Sholes
and Rockes; but they passe it in Canoos;^ At the entrance
thereof, there is an Iland which will command that River.
Upon the East side of this Bay lie very many Hands which are
not inhabited, where are store of Deere.
On the E^asteme shore of the Country, which lieth upon the
maine Ocean, are sundry small Creekes, and one likely to
proove a very commodious harbour, called Matsopongue;*
neere the mouth whereof, lieth an Iland of about 20 miles in
> The Susquehanna River.
s " A tearme they use for their Boates." (Marginal note.)
* Machepongo lalet. This is in Northampton County, Virginia.
1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 79
lengthy and thence about 6 leagues more Northerly, another
Hand called Chingoto ;^ and about seaven leagues beyond that,
to the North, opens another very large faire Bay, called Dela-
ware Bay. Th^ Bay is about 8 leagues wide at the entrance,
and into it, there falls a very faire navigable River.
The Gountrey is generally plaine and even, and yet hath
some pritty small hiUs and risings; It's full of Rivers and
Oeekes and hath store of Springs and small Brookes: The
Woods for the most part are free from underwood, so that a
man may travell on horsebacke, almost any-where, or himt
for his recreation.
CHAP. Ill
The CtmmodUies vMck this Counbrey affords naiurdUy.
This Countrey affords naturally, many excellent things for
Fhysicke and Surgery, the perfect use of which, the English
cannot yet leame from the Natives: They have a roote which
is an excellent preservative against Poyson, called by the
English, the Snake roote. Other herbes and rootes they have,
wherewith they cure all manner of woundes; also Saxafras,
Gummes, and Balsum. An Indian seeing one of the English,
much troubled with the tooth-ake, fetched of the roote of a
tree, and gave the party some of it to hold in his mouth, and
it eased the paine presently. They have other rootes fit for
dyes, wherewith they make colours to paint themselves.
The Timber of these parts is very good, and in aboundance,
it is usefull for building of houses, and shippes; the white Oake
is good for Pipe-staves, the red Oake for wainescot. There is
also Walnut, Cedar, Pine, and Cipresse, Chesnut, Elme, Ashe,
and Popler, all which are for Building, and Husbandry. Also
there are divers sorts of Fruit-trees, as Mulberries, Persimons,
with severall other kind of Plummes, and Vines, in great
aboundance. The Mast and the Chesnuts, and what rootes
they find in the woods, doe feede the Swine very fat, and will
breede great store, both for their owne provision, or for mer-
chandise, and such as is not inferior to the Bacon of West-
phalia.
^ Chincoteague. The distance from Chincoteague Inlet to Cape HenJopen
at the entrance to Delaware Bay b in fact about 67 miles or 22 leagues.
80 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
Of Strawberries, there is plenty, which are ripe in Aprill:
Mulberries in May; and Raspices in June; Maracocks^ which
is somewhat like a Limon, are ripe in August.
In the Spring, there are severall sorts of herbes, as Com-
sallet, Violets, Sorrell, Purslaine, all which are very good
and wholsome, and by the English, used for sallets, and in
broth.
In the upper parts of the Countrey, there are Bufeloes,
Elkes, Lions, Beares, Wolves, and Deare there are in great
store, in all places that are not too much frequented, as also
Beavers, Foxes, Otters, and many other sorts of Beasts.
Of Birds, there is the Eagle, Goshawke, Falcon, Lanner,
Sparrow-hawke, and Merlin, also wild Turkejrs in great abound-
ance, whereof many weigh 50. pounds, and upwards; and of
Partridge plenty: There are likewise sundry sorts of Birds
which sing, whereof some are red, some blew, others blacke
and yellow, some like our Black-birds, others like Thrushes,
but not of the same kind, with many more, for which wee know
no names.
In Winter there is great plenty of Swannes, Cranes, Geese,
Herons, Ducke, Teale, Widgeon, Brants, and Pidgeons, with
other sorts, whereof there are none in England.
The Sea, the Bayes of Chesopeack, and Delaware, and gen-
erally all the Rivers, doe aboimd with Fish of severall sorts;
for many of them we have no English names: There are
Whales, Sturgeons very large and good, and in great abound-
ance; Grampuses, Porpuses, Mullets, Trouts, Soules, Place,
Mackerell, Perch, Crabs, Oysters, Cockles, and Mussles; But
above all these, the fish that have no English names, are the
best except the Sturgeons: There is also a fish like the Thome-
backe in England, which hath a taile a yard long, wherein are
sharpe prickles, with which if it strike a man, it will put him to
much paine and torment, but it is very good meate: also the
Tode-fish, which will swell till it be ready to burst, if it be taken
out of the water.
The Mineralls have not yet beene much searched after,
yet there is discovered Iron Oare; and Earth fitt to make
Allum, Terra lemnia, and a red soile like Bolearmonicke,*
* See Captain John Smith, in Nafrativea of Eady Virginia, p. 92.
•Ibid, p. 87.
1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 81
with sundry other sorts of Mineralls, which wee have not yet
beene able to make any tryall of.
The soil generally is very rich, like that which is about
Cheesweeke^ neere London, where it is worth 20. shillings an
Acre yeerely to Tillage in the Common-fields, and in very
many places, you shall have two foote of blacke rich mould,
wherein you shall scarce find a stone, it is like a sifted Garden-
mould, and is so rich that if it be not first planted with Indian
come. Tobacco, Hempe, or some such thing that may take off
the ranknesse thereof, it will not be fit for any English graine;
and under that, there is found good loame, whereof wee have
made as good bricke as any in England; there is great store of
Marish ground also, that with good husbandry, will make as
rich Medow, as any in the world: There is store of Marie, both
blue, and white, and in many places, excellent clay for pots,
and tyles; and to conclude, there is nothing that can be rea-
sonably expected in a place lying in the latitude which this
doth, but you shall either find it here to grow naturally: or
Industry, and good husbandry will produce it.
CHAP, iin
The commodities ihat may he pracwred in Marykmd by
indtistry.
Hee that well considers the situation of this Countrey, and
findes it placed betweene Virginia and New-England, cannot
but, by his owne reason, conclude that it must needs partici-
pate of the naturall commodities of both places, and be capable
of those which industry brings into either, the distances being
80 small betweene them : you shall find in the Southeme parts
of Maryland, all that Virginia hath naturally; and in the
Northeme parts, what New-England produceth: and he that
reades Captaine John Smith shall see at large discoursed what
is in Virginia, and in Master William Wood, who this yeere hath
written a treatise of New-England/ he may know what is there
to be expected.
' Chiswicky where the Royal Horticultural Society now has its experimental
garden.
* New Engkm^g Propped (London, 1634).
«.- I
82 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1634
Yet to say something of it in particular.
In the first place I name Come, as the thing most neces-
sary to sustaine man; That which the Natives use in the
Countrey, makes very good bread, and also a meate which
they call Omene,^ it's like our Furmety, and is very savory
and wholesome; it will Mault and make good Beere; Also the
Natives have a sort of Pulse, which we call Pease and Beanes,
that are very good. This Come yeelds a great increase, so
doth the Pease and Beanes: One man may in a season, well
plant so much as will yeeld a hundred bushells of this Come,
20 bushells of Beanes and Pease, and yet attend a crop of
Tobacco : which according to the goodnesse of the ground may
be more or lesse, but is ordinarily accompted betweene 800
and 1000 pound weight.
They have made tryall of English Pease, and they grow
very well, also Musk-mellons, Water-mellons, Cow-cumbers,
with all sorts of garden Roots and Herbes, as Carrots, Parse-
nips, Turnips, Cabbages, Radish with many more; and in
Virginia they have sowed English Wheate and Barley, and it
yeelds twise as much increase as in England; and althou^
there be not many that doe apply themselves to plant Gardens
and Orchards, yet those that doe it, find much profit and pleas-
ure thereby: They have Peares, Apples, and severall sorts of
Plummes, Peaches in abundance, and as good as those of Italy;
so are the Mellons and Pumpions: Apricocks, Figgs and Pome-
granates prosper exceedingly; they have lately planted Orange
and Limon trees which thrive very wel: and in fine, there
is scarce any fruit that growes in England, France, Spaine or
Italy, but hath been tryed there, and prospers well. You
may there also have hemp and Flax, Pitch and Tarre, with
little labour; it's apt for Rapeseed, and Annis-seed, Woad,
Madder, Saffron, etc. There may be had Silke-wormes, the
Countrey being stored with Mulberries: and the superfluity
of wood will produce Potashes.
And for Wine, there is no doubt but it will be made there
in plenty, for the ground doth naturally bring foorth Vines, in
such aboundance, that they are as frequent there, as Brambles
are here. Jion may be made there with little charge; Brave
' Hominy.
16341 A RELATION OF MARYLAND 83
ships may be built, without requiring any materialls from
other parts: Qabboard, Wainscott, Pipe-staves and Masts for
ships the woods will afford plentifully. In fine, Butter and
Cheese, Porke and Bacon, to transport to other countrys will
be no small commodity, which by industry may be quickly
had there in great plenty, etc. And if there were no other
staple commodities to be hoped for, but Silke and Linnen
(the materialls of which, apparantly will grow there) it were
sufficient to enrich the inhabitants. ^
CHAP. V
Of ihe NaturaU disposition of the Indians which inhabUe the
parts of Maryland lohere the English are seated: And their
manner of living.
Hee that hath a Curiosity to know all that hath beene ob-
served of the Customes and manners of the Indians, may find
large discourses thereof in Captaine Smiths Booke of Vir-
ginia, and Mr. Woods of New-England: but he that is de-
sirous to goe to Maryland, shall heere fiind enough to informe
him of what is necessary for him to know touching them. By
Captaine Smith's, and many other Relations you may be in-
formed, that the People are War-licke, and have done much
harme to the English; and thereby are made very terrible.
Others say that they are a base and cowardly People, and to be
contemned: and it is thought by some who would be esteemed
Statesmen, that the only point of poUicie that the English can
use, is, to destroy the Indians, or to drive them out of the
Countrey, without which, it is not to be hoped that they can be
secure. The truth is, if they be injured, they may well be
feared, they being People that have able bodies, and generally,
taller, and bigger limbed then the English, and want not cour-
age; but the oddes wee have of them in our weapons, keepes
them in awe, otherwise they would not flie from the English, as
they have done in the time of Warres with those of Virginia,
and out of that respect, a small number of our men being
armed, will adventure upon a great troope of theirs, and for no
other reason, for they are resolute and subtile enough: But
from hence to conclude, that there can be no safety to live
I
/
84 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
with them, is a very great errour. Experience hath taught us,
that by kind and faire usage, the Natives are not onely become
J peaceable, but also friendly, and have upon all occasions per-
. formed as many friendly Offices to the English in Maryland,
and New-England, as any neighbour or friend uses to doe in the
most Civill parts of Christendome: Therefore any wise man
/ will hold it a far more just and reasonable way to treat the
! People of the Countrey well, thereby to induce them to civility,
• and to teach them the use of husbandry, and Mechanick trades,
whereof they are capable, which may in time be very usefuU to
the English; and the Planters to keepe themselves strong, and
imited in Townes, at least for a competent number, and then
noe man can reasonably doubt, either surprise, or any other ill
dealing from them.
But to proceede, hee that sees them, may know how men
I lived whilest the world was under the Law of Nature; and, as
by nature, so amongst them, all men are free, but yet subject
to command for the publike defence. Their Government is
Monarchical!, he that governs in chiefe, is called the Werow-
ance, and is assisted by some that consult with him of the com-
mon affaires, who are called Wisoes: They have no Lawes, but
the Law of Nature and discretion, by which all things are ruled,
onely Oustome hath introduced a law for the Succession of the
Government, which is this; when a Werowance dieth, his eldest
Sonne succeeds, and after him the second, and so the rest, each
for their lives, and when all the sonnes are dead, then the sons
of the Werowances eldest daughter shall succeede, and so if
he have more daughters; for they hold, that the issue of the
daughters hath more of his blood in them than the issue of his
sonnes. The Wisoes are chosen at the pleasure of the Werow-
ance, yet commonly they are chosen of the same family, if they
be of yeeres capable: The yong men generally beare a very
great respect to the elder.
They have also Cockorooses^ that are their Captains in time
of war, to whom they are very obedient : But the Werowance
himselfe plants C!ome, makes his owne Bow and Arrowes, his
Canoo, his Mantle, Shooes, and what ever else belongs unto
him, as any other common Indian; and commonly the Com-
manders are the best and most ingenious and active in all those
1 Cawoawaassough, adviser.
1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 85
things which are in esteeme amongst them. The women
serve their husbands, make their bread, dress their meate,
such as they kill in hunting, or get by fishing; and if they have
more wives than one, as some of them have (but that is not
generall) then the best beloved wife performes all the offices of
the house, and they take great content, therein. The women
also (beside the household businesse) use to make Matts, which
serve to cover their houses, and for beds; also they make bas-
kets, some of Rushes, others of Silke-grasse, which are very
handsom.
The Children live with their Parents; the Boyes untill they
come to the full growth of men; (for they reckon not by yeeres,
as we doe) then they are put into the number of Bow-men,
and are called Blacke-boyes (and so continue untill they take
them wives) When they are to be made Black-boyes, the an-
cient men that goveme the yonger, tell them. That if they will
be valiant and obedient to the Werowance, Wisos, and docko-
rooses, then their god will love them, all men will esteeme of
them, and they shall kill Deere, and Turkies, catch Fish, and
all things shall goe well with them; but if otherwise, then shall
all goe contrary: which perswasion mooves in them an in-
credible obedience to their commands; If they bid them take
fire in their hands or mouthes, they will doe it, or any other des-
perate thing, although with the apparant danger of their lives.
The women remaine with their Parents untill they have
husbands, and if the Parents bee dead, then with some other
of their friends. If the husband die, he leaves all that he
hath to his wife, except his bow and arrowes, and some Beades
(which they usually bury with them) and she is to keepe the
children untill the sons come to be men, and then they live
where they please, for all mens houses are free unto them;
and the daughters untill they have husbands. The manner
of their marriages is thus; he that would have a wife, treates
with the father, or if he be dead, with the friend that take care
of her whom he desires to have to wife, and agrees with him for
a quantity of Beades, or some such other thing which is ac-
cepted amongst them; which he is to give for her, and must
be payed at the day of their marriage; and then the day being
appointed, all the friends of both parts meet at the mans house
that is to have the wife, and each one brings a present of meate.
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1^34] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 87
They have some things amongst them which may well be-
come Christians to imitate, as their temperance in eating
and drinking, their Justice each to other, for it is never
heard of, that those of a Nation will rob or steale one from
another; and the English doe often trust them with truck,
to deale for them as factors, and they have performed it
very justly: Also they have sent letters by them to Virginia,
and into other parts of the Countrey, unto their servants that
have beene trading abroad, and they have delivered them, and
brought backe answere thereof unto those that sent them;
Also their conversation each with other, is peaceable, and free
from all scurrulous words, which may give offence; They are
very hospitable to their owne people, and to strangers; they
are also of a grave comportment: Some of the Adventurers at
a time, was at one of their feasts, when Two hundred of them
did meet together; they eate of but one dish at a meale, and
every man, although there be never so many, is served in a
a dish by himself e; their dishes are made of wood, but hand-
somely wrought; The dinner lasted two houres; and after
dinner, they sung and danced about two houres more, in all
which time, not one word or action past amongst them that
could give the least disturbance to the company; In the
most grave assembly, no man can expect to find so much
time past with more silence and gravitie: Some Indians com-
ming on a time to James Towne in Virginia, it happened, that
there then sate the Councell to heare causes, and the Indians
seeing such an assembly, asked what it meant? Answer
was made, there was held a Maichronnajco (which the Indians
call their place of Councell) the Indian replyed, that they all
talke at once, but wee doe not so in our Match-comaco.
Their attire is decent and modest; about their wasts,
they weare a covering of Deares skinnes, which reacheth
to their knees, and upon their shoulders a large mantle of
skinnes, which comes downe to the middle of the legge, and
some to the heele; in winter they weare it furred, in summer
without; When men hunt they put off their Mantles, so doe
the women when they worke, if the weather be hot: The
women affect to weare chaines and bracelets of beades, some
of the better sort of them, weare ropes of Pearle about their
necks, and some hanging in their eares, which are of a large
88 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634
sort, but spoyled with burning the Oysters in the fire, and the
rude bearing of them. And they and the young men use to
paint their faces with severall colours, but since the English
came thither, those about them have quite left it; and in
many things shew a great inclination to conforme them-
selves to the English manner of living. The Werowance of
Paschatoway desired the Governor to send him a man that
could build him a house like the English, and in sundry re-
spects, conunended our manner of living, as much better
then their owne: The Werowance of Patuxent, goes fre-
quently in English Attire, so doth he of Portoback,* and
many others that have bought Clothes of the English: These
Werowances have made request, that some of their children
may be brought up amongst the English, and every way,
shew great demonstrations of friendship, and good affection
unto them.
These People acknowledge a God, who is the giver of al
the good things, wherewith their life is maintained; and to
him they sacrifice of the first fruits of their Come, and of
that which they get by hunting and fishing: The sacrifice
b performed by an Ancient man, who makes a speech unto
iheir God (not without something of Barbarisme) which
being ended, hee bumes part of the sacrifice, and then eates
of the rest, then the People that are present, eate also, and
untill the Ceremony be performed, they will not touch one
bit thereof: They hold the Immortalitie of the soule, and
that there is a place of Joy, and another of torment after
death, and that those which kill, steale, or lye, shall goe to
the place of torment, but those which doe no harme, to the
goocf place; where they shall have all sorts of pleasure.
It happened the last yeere, that some of the Sasqueha-
nockf* and the Wicomesses (who are enemies) met at the
Hand of Monoponson,' where Captaine Cleybome liveth, they
all came to trade, and one of the Sasquehanocks did an In-
jury to a Wicomesse, whereat some of Cleybomes people
that saw it, did laugh. The Wicomesses seeing themselves
* Now Port Tobacco, in Charles County. . For probable origin of this
name, see p. 136, note 1, infra.
' Probably the Indian name for Kent Island, where Claiborne had a resi-
cbnr^. Cf. Archives of Maryland, III. 363, 364.
1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 89
thus injured and despised (as they thought) went away, and
lay in ambush for the retume of the Sasquehanocks, and
killed five of them, onely two escaped; and then they re-
turned againe, and killed three of Cleybornes People, and
'some of his Cattlej about two moneths after this was done,
the Wicomesses sent a messenger unto his Lordships Gov-
ernor, to excuse the fact, and to offer satisfaction for the
harme that was done to the English: The Wicomesse that
came with the message, brought in his company an Indian,
of the Towne of Patuxent, which is the next neighbouring
Towne unto the English at Saint Maries, with whom they
have good correspondence, and hee spake to the Govemour
in this manner.
I Am a Native of Patuxent, as thb man (whom you know) can
tell you, true it is, I married a wife amongst the Wicomesses, where
I have lived ever since, and they have sent me to tell you, that they
are sorry for the harme, which was lately done by some of their
people, to the English at Monaponson; and hope you will not make
the rash act of a few young men (which was done in heate) a quar-
rell to their Nation, who desire to live in peace and love with you,
and are ready to make satisfaction for the Injury, desiring to know
what will give you content, and that they will returne such things
as were then taken from thence; But withall, they desire you not to
thinke that they doe this for feare, for they have warres with the
Sasquehanocks, who have by a surprise, lately killed many of their
men, but they would not sue to them for peace, intending to revenge
the injuries, as they could find opportunitie, yet their desire was to
have peace with the English.
The Govemour returned answere to the Wicomesse;
Since you acknowledge the Injury, and are sorry for it, and
onely desire to know what I expect for satisfaction; I tell you I ex-
pect that those men, who have done this out-rage, should be de-
livered unto me, to do with them as I shall thinke fit, and likewise
that you restore all such things as you then tooke from the English;
and withall, charged him with a second Injury attempted upon
some of his owne People, since that time, by the Wicomesses.
The Wicomesse after a little pause, replyed;
It is the manner amongst us Indians, that if any such like ac-
cident happen, wee doe redeeme the life of a man that is so slaine.
90 NARRATIVES OF EARLY BIARYLAND [1634
with A 100« armes length of Roanoke (wfaidi is a sort ol Beades that
theymake, and use for money) and since that you aie heere stran-
gers, and come into our Countiey, you should rather conforme your
selves to the Customes of our Countrey, then impose yours upon us;
But as for the second matter, I know nothing of it, nor can give
any answere thereunto.
The Govemour then told him;
It seemes you come not sufficiently instructed in the businesse
which wee have with the Wicomesses, therefore tell them what I
have said; and that I expect a speedy answere; and so dismist him.
It fdl in the way of my discourse; to speake of the Indian
money of those parts, It is of two sorts, Wompompeag and
Roanoake; both of them are made of a fish-shell, that they
gather by the Sea side. Wompompeag is of the greater sort,
and Roanoake of the lesser, and the Wompompeag is three
times the value of Roanoake; and these serve as Gold and
Silver doe heere; they barter also one commoditie for another,
and are very glad of trafficke and conmierce, so farre as to
supply their necessities: They shew no great desire of heap-
ing wealth, yet some they will have to be buryed with them;
If they were Christians, and would live so free from covet-
ousnesse, and many other vices which abound in Christen-
dome, they would be a brave pieople.
I therefore conclude, that since God Almighty hath made
this Countrey so large and fruitfull, and that the people be
such as you have heard them described; It is much more
Prudence, and Charity, to Civilize, and make them Chris-
tians, then to kill, robbe, and hunt them from place to place,
as you would doe a wolfe. By reducing of them, God shall
be served, his Majesties Empire enlarged by the addition of
many thousand Subjects, as well as of large Territories, our
Nation honoured, and the Planters themselves enriched by the
trafficke and commerce which may be had with them; and in
many other things, they may be usefull, but prejudicial! they
cannot be, if it be not through their owne faults, by negligence
of fortifying themselves, and not conserving military discipline.
1S331 A RELATION OF MARYLAND 91
CHAP. VI
CoridUiona propounded by the Lord BaUemore, to svjch as shall
goe, or adventvre into Maryland.^
What person soever, subject to our soveraigne Lord the
King of England; shal be at the charge to transport into the
Province of Maryland, himselfe or his deputy, with any num-
ber of able men, betweene the ages of 16 and 50, each man
being provided in all things necessary for a Plantatio (which,
together with their transportation, will amount to about 20
I, a man, as by an sestimate hereafter following may ap-
peare) there shalbe assigned unto every such adventurer, for
every five men which he shall so transport thither, a propor-
tion of good land within the said Province, containing in
quantity 1000 acres of English measure, which shall be erected
into a Mannor, and be conveyed to him, his heires, and as-
signes for ever, with all such royalties and priviledges, as are
usually belonging to Mannors in England; rendring and pay-
ing yerely unto his Lordship, and his heires for every such
Mannor, a quit rent of 20 shillings, (to be paid in the Com-
modities of the Countrey) and such other services as shall be
generally agreed upon for publike uses, and the conunon good.
II
What person soever, as aforesaid, shall transport him-
selfe, or any less number of servants then five, (aged, and
provided as aforesaid) he shall have assigned to him, his
heires and assignes for ever, for himselfe, 100 acres of good
land within the said Province; and for and in respect of every
such servant, 100 acres more, he be holden of his Lordship in
freehold, paying therefore, a yeerely quit rent of 2 shillings
for every himdred acres, in the Commodities of the Countrey.
'In after yean the conditions offered to settlen were more than once
modified, the later comers receiying less favorable terms than those offered as
inducements to the first adventurers.
92 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1636
in
Any married man that shall transport himselfe, his wife
and children; shall have assigned unto him, his heires and
assignes for ever^ in freehold^ (as aforesaid) for himselfe 100
acres; and for his wife 100 acres; and for every child that he
shall carry over, under the age of 16 yeeres, 50 acres; paying
for a quit rent 12 pence for every fifty acres.
mi
Any woman that shall transport herselfe or any children,
under the age of sixe yeeres, shidl have the like Conditions as
aforesaid.
V
Any woman that shall carry over any women servants,
under the age of fourty yeeres, shall have for and in respect
of every such woman servant, 50 acres; paying onely a quit
rent as aforesaid.
CHAP. VII
Instrudums and advertisements, far such as shdU intend to
goe, or send, to plant in Maryland.
This Countrey of Maryland, lieth from England to the
Southwest, about 1200 leagues by Sea: the voyage is some-
times performed thither in 5 or 6 weekes, but ordinarily it
is two moneths voyage, and oftner, within that time then
beyond it. The retume from thence to England, is ordina-
rily made in a moneth, and seldome exceeds sixe weekes.
The best time of the yeere for going thither is to be there
by Michaelmas, or at furthest by Qiristmas, for he that comes
by that time shall have time enough to build him a house,
and to prepare ground sufficient to plant in the spring follow-
ing. But there is conveniency of passage thither in most
moneths of the yeere; and any one that will send irnto Mr.
Peasleys,* or Master Morgans house, may there be informed
of the certaine time when any of his Lordships company is
to goe away, and so save the charge of unnecessary attend-
ance here in London.
> See the Intioduction, p. 65, guffo.
1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 93
A particular of such necessary provisions as every Advent-
urer mv^t carry, according to the number of his ser-
vants : together with an estimate of their prices.^
. In VictuaUs.
For one man, for a yeere,
L— s— d
Imprimis, eight bushells of meale ------ 2 — 8 —
/tern, two bushells of Oatmeale ------- — ^9 —
Item, one bushell of Pease -------- — 4 —
Item, one gallon of Oyle --------- — 3 — 6
Item, two gallons of Vinegar -------- — 2 —
Item, one gallon of AquavitaB ------- — 2 — 6
Item, one bushell of Bay-salt -- — 2 —
Item, in Sugar, Spice and Fruit — 6 — 8
Summ. - - - 3—17-8
In ApparreU.
For one man,
Item, two Munmoth caps or hats ------ 0—4 —
Item, three falling Bands --.- o — i — ^3
Item, three shirts ----------- — 7 — 6
Item, one Wastcoate -.-.- — 2 — 2
Item, one suite of Canvas -------- — 7 — 6
Item, one suite of Frize --------- 0-10 —
Item, one suite of Cloth -- 0-16 —
Item, one course cloth, or frize coate ----- 0-15 —
Item, three paire of stockings ------- 0—4 —
Item, sixe paire of shooes --------- 0-13 —
Item, Inkle' for garters — — 2
Item, one dozen of points ■ — — 3
Summ. - - - 4 — 0-10
* This list is copied closely from Captain John Smith's Generall HiHorie cf
Vtrginia (see Narrativeg of Early Virginia, pp. 393 et seq,),
* Broad tape.
* Laces for fastening the clothing.
94 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1636
In Bedding.
For two men,
1— s— d
Item, two paire of Canvas sheets - 0-16 —
Item, seven ells of Canvas to make a bed and boulster
to be fill'd in the country -- - — 8 —
Item, one Rugg for a bed --------- — 8 —
Item, five ells of course Canvas to make a bed at Sea,
to bee fiird with straw - — i —
Item, one course Rugg at Sea ------- — 6 —
Summ. - - - - 2—2—0
whereof one mane part is, -------- 1 — 1 —
In Armes.
For one man,
1-fl-d
Item, one musket ----------- l — —
Item, 10 pound of Powder -------- O-ll —
Item, 40 pound of Lead, Bullets, Pistol! and Goose
shot, of each sort some. --------- — 4 —
Item, one sword ------------ — 5 —
Item, one belt ------------- — 1 —
Item, one bandeleere and flaske ------- — 2 —
Item, in Match 0—2—6
Summ. - - - - 2 — ^5 — 6
In Toclee.
For five persons, and so after the raiefor mme or lesse.
1— s-d
Item, 5 broad Howes, at 2 s. a piece ----- 0-10 —
Item, 5 narrow Howes, at 16 d. a piece - - - - — 6 — 8
Item, 2 broad Axes, at 3 s. 8 d. a piece - - - - — 7 — 4
Item, 5 felling Axes, at 1 s. 6 d. a piece - - - - — 7 — 6
Item, 2 Steele Hand-sawes, at 1 s. 4 d. - - - - — 2 — 8
Item, Two-handsawes at 5 s. - - O-IO —
Item, a Whipnsaw set and filed, with boxe, file and
wrest 0-10—0
Item, 2 Hammers, at 12 d. -------- — 2 —
1636] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 95
Item, 3 Shovells, atls. 6d. 1 6
Item, 3 Spades, at 1 s. 6 d. 16
Item, 2 Awgurs, at6d. -.-- — i — o
Item, 6 Chissells at 6 d. 0—3—0
Item, 2 Piercers stocked, at4d. ------ — — 8
Item, 3 Gimlets, at 2d. 0—0—6
Item, 2 Hatchets, at 1 s. 9 d. 0—3—6
Item, 2 Frowes* to cleave Pales, at 1 s. 6 d. - - - — ^3 —
Item, 2 Hand-bills, at 1 s. 8 d. 0—3—4
Item, one Grindstone ---------- — 1 —
Item, Nailes of all sorts --------- 2 — —
Item, 2 Pickaxes, at 1 s. 6 d. 0—3—0
Summ. - - - - 6—7—2
whereof one mans part ia-------- 1 — ^5 — 8
Houshold Implements.
For 6 persons, and so after the rate, for more
1 — s — d
Item, one Iron pot ----------- — 7 —
Item, one Iron kettle ---------- — 6 —
Item, one large Frying-pan — 2 — 6
Item, one Gridiron ----------- — 1 — 6
Item, two Skillets 0— &—
Item, one Spit 0—2—0
Item, Platters, Dishes, and spoones of wood - - - — 4 —
Summ. - - - - 1 — 8 —
whereof one mans part is, ------- — 4 — 8
An estimate of the whole charge of transporting one ser-
vant, and providing him of aU necessaries for one
yeere.
1. s. d.
Inprimis, In Victualls ----- 3-17 — 8
Item, In apparell ----------- 4 — O-io
Item, In bedding ------------ l — l —
Item, In Armes ------------ 2 — 6 — 6
Item, In tooles -- 1 — 5 — 8
> A frow was a wedge-shaped tool for splitting rails or staves.
96 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND (ie35
Itenij In houshold Implements -------
Itentj Caske to put his goods in------- 0-10 —
Item^ fraight for his gpods at halfe a tunne - - - 1-10 —
/tern, For his Victuall, and passage by Sea - - - - 6— o— o
20.-15.-4
Of which charge, the Adventurer havmg the greatest
part of it m provision and gpods; in case any servant die by
the way, or shortly after his comming thither, the goods of
that servant being sold in the Countrey, will retume all his
chargie againe, with advantage.
A Computation of a servants labour, and the profit that
may arise by it y by instance in some particulars, uhidi
may be put in practise the first yeere.
One man may at the season plant so much come, as
ordinarily yeelds of Wheate 100. bushels, worth
upon the place, at Two shillings a Bushell, - - 10-0 —
Of Beanes and Pease, 20. bushds, worth at three
shillingjs a bushell, ---------- 3 — —
The same man will plant of Tobacco, betweene 800.
and a 1000. weight, which at the lowest rate, at
two pound 10. shil. the hundred, is worth, - - - 2O-0 —
The same man may within the same yere, in the
winter, make 4000. of Pipe-staves, worth upon
the place foure pound the thousand. ----- ig-O— o
49. 00 00.
all their other labours in building, fencing, clear-
ing of ground, raising of CSattell, gardening, etc.
If a mans labour be imployed in Hempe and Flaxe, it
will yeeld him as much profit, as Tobacco at this rate; and
so in many other Commodities, whereof this Countrey is
capable.
No man neede to doubt of the vent of these Conmiodities,
for Merchants send shipping to those parts, who will buy off
these C!ommodities at the aforesaid rates, in as great a quan-
titie, as they shalbe able to make ready for them; because
1636] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 97
they yeeld a great encrease of profit in other Countreys,
which the Planters themselves may make advantage of to
themselves, if they have shipping, and thinke fit to deale in
such a kind of trade. As for instance, a 1000. of Pipe-staves,
which are rated upon the place at foure pound, being carried
to the Canaries, will yeeld 15. or 20. Z. Where likewise, and
at the Westerne Islands, the Indian Come will yedd a great
increase of benefit. The benefit also which may be raised
by trade out of Swine onely, may easily be conceived to be
very great, seeing they multiplie exceedin^y, aske little
tendance, and lesse charge of keeping in that Countrey, so
abounding with Mast, Chestnuts, etc. For Porke being trans-
ported into Spaine, or the Westerne Islands will yeeld about
6. pence a pound, and Bacon, 8. pence, or 9. pence.
A note for the Adventurers memory, of siu:h things as hee
may (if he please) carry vrith him, either for his owne
better accommodatiori (on Ship-board, or for same time
after his arrivaU in Maryland) or for trade, accordr
ing to his abUitie.
Provision for Ship-board.
Pine Wheate-flower, close and well packed, to make pud-
dings, etc. Clarret-wine burnt. Canary Sacke. Conserves,
Marmalades, Suckets, and Spices. Sallet Oyle. Prunes to
stew. live Poultry. Rice, Butter, Holland-cheese, or old
Cheshire, gammons of Bacon, Porke, dried Neates-tongues,
Beefe packed up in Vinegar, some Weather-sheepe, meats
baked in earthen potts, Leggs of Mutton minced, and stewed,
and close packed up in tried Sewet, or Butter, in earthen
pots: Juyce of Limons, etc.
Provision for trade in Virginia or Maryland.
If he be minded to furnish himselfe with Cattell in Vir-
ginia, his best way is to carry a superfluitie of woUen, or
linnen cloth, callicoes, sayes, hatts, shooes, stockings, and all
sorts of clothing; of Wine, Sugar, Prunes, Rasins, Currance,
Honey, Spice, and Grocery wares, with which hee may pro-
cure himselfe cattell there, according to the stocke he dealeth
98 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1835
withall. About 4. or 5. Pound laid out heere in commodities,
will there buy a C!ow; and betweene 20. and 30. shillings, a
breeding Sow. The like Conunodities will furnish him either
there, or in Maryland, with Ho^es, Poultry, and Come. Hee
may doe well also to carry a superfluity of Knives, CSombes,
and Bracelets, to trade with the women Natives; and some
Hatchets, Howes, and Axes, to trade with the men for Veni-
son, Fish, Turkies, Come, Fawnes to store a Parke, etc.
\
Provision for his House.
Iron, and Locks, and Hinges, and bolts; etc. Mustard-
seede, Glasse and Leade for his windowes, Mault for beere, a
Hogshead of Beefe or Porke: Two or three Firkins of Butter,
a hundred or two of old Cheeses; a gallon of honey, Soape
and Candles, Iron wedges, Pookes^ for Rennet to make cheese:
a good Mastiffe, etc.
Provision for HiLsbandry.
Seede Wheate, Rie, Barley, and Gates (the best way to
preserve it from heating at sea, is to carry it in the eare) Eer-
nells of Peares and Apples (especially of Pepins, Pearemaines,
and Dusons)* for the making hereafter of Cider, and Perry;
the stones and seedes of all those f mits and rootes, and herb^,
which he desireth to have. Good store of claver grasse seede,
to make good meadow.
Provision for Fishing and Folding.
InprimiSf necessaries for a boate of 3. or 4. Tunne; as
Spikes, Nayles, Pitch, Tarre, Ocome, Canvis for a sayle,
Ropes, Anchor, Iron for the Ruther: Fishing-lines for Cod
and Macrills, etc. Cod-hookes, and Macrill-hookes, a Seane
or Basse-net, Herring-netts, Leade, Fowling-pieces of sixe
foote; Powder and Shott, and Flint Stones; a good Waters
Spaniell, etc.
A direction for choice of servants.
In the taking of servants, he may doe well to furnish him-
self e with as many as he can, of usefuU and necessary Arts:
> Fennents used in place of rennet for curdling the milk.
* Pippins, peannains, and deuzans — varieties of apple.
1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 99
A Carpenter, of all others the most necessary; A Mill-wright,
Ship-wright, Boate-wright, Wheele-wright, Brick-maker, Brick-
layer, Potter: one that can cleave Lath and Pale, and make
Pipe-staves, etc. A Joyner, Cooper, Turner, Sawyer, Smith,
Cutler, Leather-dresser, Miller, Fisherman, and Gardiner.
These will be of most use; but any lusty young able man, that
is willing to labour and take paines, although he have no par-
ticular trade, will be beneficiall enough to his Master.
And in case any Adventurer shall be unprovided of such
men to supply his number, hee may have directions at the
place where these bookes are to bee had, how and where hee
may provide himselfe of as many as hee please.
The forme of binding a servant.
Tms Indenture made the day of
in the yeere of our Sover-
aigne Lord King Charles, etc. betweene
of the one party, and on
the other party, Witnesseth, that the said
doth hereby covenant promise, and grant, to
and with the said his Executors
and Assignes, to serve him from the day of the date hereof,
untill his first and next arrivall in Maryland; and after for
and during the tearme of yeeres, in such service
and imployment, as the said or his
assignes shall there imploy him, according to the custome of
the Countrey m the like kind. In consideration whereof, the
said doth promise and grant, to
and with the said to pay for his
passing, and to find him with Meat, Drinke, Apparell and
Lodging, with other necessaries during the said terme; and
at the end of the said terme, to give him one whole yeeres
provision of Come, and fifty acres of Land, according to
the order of the countrey. In witnesse whereof, the said
hath
hereunto put his hand and seale, the day and yeere above
written.
Sealed and delivered in
the presence of
100 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1636
The usuall terme of binding a servant^ is for five yeers;
but for any artificer, or one that shall deserve more then ordi-
nary, the Adventurer shall doe well to shorten that time, and
adde encouragements of another nature (as he shall see cause)
rather then to want such usefull men.
A Forme of a BUI of Lading , to he taken from the Master
of the Ship, by every Adventurer, for the better securing of
tiie transportation of his goods.
Shipped by the grace of God in good order and well con-
ditioned by in
and upon the good Ship, called the
whereof is master, under God, for this present voyage
and now riding at
anker in the and by Gods grace,
bound for to say being marked and
numbred, as in the mavgent, and are to be delivered in the
like good order and well conditioned, at the Port of Saint
Maries in Maryland (the danger of the Seas onely excepted)
unto or to assignes.
paying fraught for the said goods
with primage and avarage accus-
tomed.^ In witnesse whereof, the Master or Purser of the said
ship hath affirmed to three Bills of Lading, all of this tenor
and date, the one of which three bills being accomplished,
the other two to stand void. And so God send the good Ship
to her desired Port in safety. Amen. Dated in
There is order taken for convenient houses to be set up
at Saint Maries, where all strangers may at their first com-
ming bee entertained, with lodging and other fitting accom-
modations, for themselves and their goods, till they can better
provide for themselves.
^Primage and avenge were small customaiy additional payments to the
master of the ship, for his care of the goods.
1636] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 101
The names of the GenUemen ddvenivrers thai are gone in person
to this Plantation.
Leonard Calvert, the governor 1 his Lordships
M'
George Calvert,
brothers.
Commissioners.
Jerome Hawley, Esq;
Thomas Cornewallis, Esq; J
Richard Gerard, son to Sir Thomas Gerard Knight and
Baronet.
Edward Wintour,
Freder: Wintour,
sonnes of the Lady Anne Wintour.
Henry Wiseman, son to Sir Thomas Wiseman Knight.
John Saunders.
Edward Cranfield.
Henry Greene.
Nicholas Ferfax.
John Baxter.
Thomas Dorrell.
Captaine John Hill.
John Medcalfe.
William Saire.
THE CHARTER OP MARY LAND
Chables by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To all to whom
these IVesents shall come greeting.
Whereas Our right Trusty and Wellbeloved Subject Cecilius
Calvert, Baron of Baltemore in our Kingdom of Ireland, Sonne and
heire of Sir George Calvert Knight, late Baron of Baltemore in the
same Kingdome of Ireland, pursuing his Fathers intentions, being
excited with a laudable and pious zeale for the propagation of the
Christian Faith, and the enlargement of our Empire and Dominion,
hath humbly besought leave of Us, by his industry and charge, to
transport an ample Colony of the English Nation unto a oertaine
Countrey hereafter described, in the parts of America, not yet culti-
vated and planted, though in some parts thereof inhabited by cer-
taine barbarous people, having no knowledge of Almighty God, and
hath humbly besought our Royall Majestic to give, grant, and con-
firme all the said Countrey, with certaine Priviledges and Jurisdic-
102 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1036
tions, requisite for the good government, and state of his Colony,
and Countrey aforesaid, to him and his heires for ever.
Know tee therefore, that Wee favouring the Pious, and Noble
purpose of the said Barons of Baltemore, of our special! grace, cer-
taine knowledge, and meere motion, have given, granted, and con-
firmed, and by this our present Charter, for Us, Our Heires, and Suc-
cessors, doe give, grant and confirme unto die said Cecilius, now
Baron of Baltemore, his heires and Assignes, all that part of a Penin-
sula, lying in the parts of America, betweene the Ocean on the East,
and the Bay of Chesopeack on the West, and divided from the other
part thereof, by a right line drawne from the Promontory or Cape
of Land called Watkins Point (situate in the foresaid Bay, neere the
river of Wighco)^ on the West, unto the maine Ocean on the East;
and betweene that bound on the South, unto that part of Delaware
Bay on the North, which lieth under the fortieth degree of Northerly
Latitude from the Equinoctiall, where New-England ends; And all
that tract of land betweene the bounds aforesaid; that is to say,
passing from the foresaid Bay, called Delaware Bay, in a right line
by the degree aforesaid, unto the true Meridian of the first fountaine
of the River of Pattowmeck, and from thence trending toward the
South unto the farther banke of the fore-said River, and following
the West and South side thereof unto a certaine place called Cin-
auack,' situate neere the mouth of the said River, where it falls into
le Bay of Chesopeack, and from thence by a straight line unto the
foresaid Promontory, and place called Watkins Point, (So that all
that tract of land divided by the line aforesaid, drawne betweene the
maine Ocean, and Watkins Point unto the Promontory called Cape
Charles, and all its apurtenances, doe remaine intirely excepted to
us, our heires, and Successors for ever.)
Wee doe also grant and confirme unto the said now Lord Balte-
more, his heires and Assignes, all Hands, and Iletts within the limitts
aforesaid, and all and singular the Hands and Iletts, which are, or shall
be in the Ocean, within 10. Leagues from the Easteme shoare of the
said Countrey, towards the East, with all and singular Ports, Har-
bors, Bayes, Rivers, and Inletts, belonging unto the Countrey, or
» Now called Pocomoke River.
* Uncertainty as to the exact location of the points named and changes in the
shore line from the action of the tides led to long disputes with Virginia as to the
position of the boundary across the Chesapeake Bay and on its eastern shore.
The matter was finally determined in 1877 by arbitrators appointed on behalf of
the two states. The agreement thus reached was ratified by the General As-
sembly of Maryland, subject to ratification by Virginia and the Congress of the
United States, in 1878 (acts of Assembly, chapter 374), and provision made for sur-
veying and marking the boundary.
1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 103
Hands aforesaid: And all the Soile, lands. Fields, Woods, Moun-
taines, Fennes, Lakes, Rivers Bayes, and Inletts, situate, or being
within the bounds, and limits aforesaid, with the fishing of all sorts
of fish. Whales, Sturgeons, and all other royal fishes in the Sea, Bays,
Inletts, or Rivers, within the premises: and the fish therein taken:
and moreover all Veines, Mines, and Quarries, as well discovered,
as not discovered, of Gold, Silver, Gemmes, and pretious stones, and
all other whatsoever, be it of Stones, Mettalls, or of any other thing,
or matter whatsoever, found, or to bee found within ^e Countrey,
lies, and limits aforesaid. And Furthermore the Patronages and
Advowsons of all Churches, which (as Christian Religion shall
encrease within the Countrey, Res, Iletts, and limits aforesaid) shall
happen hereafter to bee erected: together with licence and power,
to build and found Churches, Chappells, and Oratories, in conven-
ient and fit places within the premises, and to cause them to be
dedicated, and consecrated according to the Ecclesiasticall Lawes
of our Kingdome of England: Together with all and singular the
like, and as ample rights. Jurisdictions, Priviledges, Prerogatives,
Royalties, Liberties Inmiunities, Royall rights, and franchises of
what kind soever temporall, as well by Sea, as by land, within the
Countrey, lies, Iletts, and limits aforesaid; To have, exercise, use
and enjoy the same, as amply as any Bishop of Durham, within the
Bishoprick, or County Palatine of Durham,^ in our Kingdome of
England, hath at any time heretofore had, held, used, or enjoyed, or
of right ought, or might have had, held, used, or enjoyed.
And him the said now Lord Baltemore, his Heires and Assignes,
Wee doe by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, make,
create, and constitute the true and absolute Lords, and Proprietaries
of the Countrey aforesaid, and of all other the Premises, (except
before excepted) saving alwayes, the faith and allegeance, and So-
veraigne dominion due unto Us, Our Heires and Successors.
To have, hold, possesse, and enjoy the sayd Countrey, lies,
Retts, and oUier the Premises, unto the said now Lord Baltemore,
1 Durham was erecte4 into a county palatine by William the Conqueror. It
was specially referred to in the text as a means of defining the authority conferred
upon the Lord Baltimore in Maryland for the reason that it was the sole one of
the ancient palatinates in England remaining, the others, Chester and Lancaster,
having been united to the Crown. Special power and almost independent au-
thorify as counts palatine were bestowed upon lords occupying frontier posi-
tions, so that they might act quickly for defense. For ihis reason William
of Normandy conferred palatine rank upon the Bishop of Durham, near the
border of Scotland, and upon the Earl of Chester, near the border of Wales.
The palatine jurisdiction of the Bishop of Durham was not wholly abrogated until
1836.
104 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635
his heires and assignes, to the sole and proper use and behoofe of
him the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes for ever.
To bee holden of Us, Our Heires, and Successors, Kings of Eng-
land, as of Our Casde of \^dsor, in Our County of Berkshire, in
free and common soccage,^ by fealty onely, for aU services, and not
in Capite, or by Knights Service: Yeelding and paying therefore to
Us, our Heires and Successors, two Indian Arrowes of those parts,
to be delivered at Our said Casde of Windsor, every yeere on the
Tuesday in Easter weeke; and also the fifth part of aU Gold and
Silver Oare within the limits aforesaid, which shaU from time to
time happen to be found.
Now that the said Countrey thus by Us granted, and described,
may be eminent above all other parts of the said territory, and dig-
nified with larger tides: Know yee that wee of our further grace, oer-
taine knowledge, and meere motion, have thought fit to erect the
same Countrey and Hands into a Province, as out of the fuUnesse of
Our royall Power, and Prerogative, Wee doe, for Us, Our Heires,
and Successors, erect, and incorporate them into a Province, and
doe call it Mary land, and So from henceforth will have it called.
And forasmuch as Wee have hereby made, and ordained the
foresaid now Lord Baltemore, the true Lord, and Proprietary of all
the Province aforesaid: Know yee therefore moreover, that. Wee,
reposing espedall trust and confidence in the fidelitie, wisedome.
Justice, and Provident circumspection of the said now Lord Balte-
more, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, doe grant free, full, and
absolute power, by vertue of these Presents, to him and Us heires,
for the good and happy government of the said Province, to ordaine,
make, enact, and under his and their scales to publish any Lawes
whatsoever, appertaining either unto the publike State of the said
Province, or unto the private utility of particular Persons, according
unto their best discretions, of and with the advise assent and ap-
probation of the Free-men of the said Province, or the greater part
of them, or of their del^ates or deputies, whom for the enacting of
the said Lawes, when, and as often as neede shall require. We will that
the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, shall assemble in such
sort and forme, as to him or them shall seeme best: And the same
^ Free and common socage is a feudal tenure and differs from a tenure in
oapUe by knights' service only in that the uncertain military service required by
the latter is, muier the former, commuted for a fixed tribute, which in this case
consisted only of the two Indian arrows, annually, as mentioned above, and one-
fifth part of the precious metals mined should any be discovered. A number
of reodpts for the Indian arrows delivered from year to year at li^dsor Gistle
are now in the possesaon of the Maryland Historical Society. The province of
Avalon in Newfoundland was held by Lord Baltimore in eapiie.
16351 A RELATION OF MARYLAND 105
lawes duly to execute upon all people, within the said Province, and
limits thereof, for the time being, or that shall be constituted under
the government, and power of him or them, either sayling towards
Mary-land, or returning from thence toward England, or any other
of Ours, or forraine Dominions, by imposition of Penalties, Im-
prisonment, or any other punishment; yea, if it shall be ne^full,
and that the quality of the offence require it, by taking away mem-
ber or life, either by him the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires,
or by his or their Deputies, Lieutenants, Judges, Justices, Magis-
trates, Officers, and Ministers to be ordained or appointed, accord-
ing to the Tenor, and true intention of these Presents: And likewise
to appoint and establish any Judges and Justices, Magistrates and
Officers whatsoever, at sea and Land, for what causes soever, and
with what power soever, and in such forme, as to the said now Lord
Baltemore, or his heires, shall seeme most convenient: Also to remit,
release, pardon, and abolish, whether before Judgment, or after, all
crimes or offences whatsoever, against the said Lawes: and to doe
all and every other thing or things, which unto the compleate estab-
lishment of Justice, unto Courts, Prsetories, and Tribunals, formes
of Judicature and maners of proceeding, do belong: although in these ^
Presents expresse mention be not made thereof, and by Judges by
them delegated, to award Processe, hold Pleas, and determine in all
the said Courts and Tribunalls, all actions, suits, and causes whatso-
ever, as well criminall as civill, personall, reall, mixt, and prstoriall;
which laws, so as aforesaid to be published, Our pleasure is, and so
We en joyne, require, and command, shall be most absolute and avail-
able in Law, and that all the Liege people, and subjects of Us, Our
Heires and Successors, doe observe and keepe the same inviolably,
in those parts, so farre as they concerne them, under the paines there-
in expressed, or to be expressed: Provided neverthelesse, that the
said Lawes be consonant to reason, and be not repugnant or con-
trary, but as neere as conveniently may be, agreeable to the Lawes,
Statutes, Customes, and Rights of this our Kingdome of England.
And forasmuch, as in the Government of so great a Province,
suddaine accidents doe often happen, whereunto it will be necessary
to apply a remedy, before the Free-holders of the said Province,
their Delegates, or Deputies, can be assembled to the making of
Lawes, neither will it be convenient, that instantly upon every such
emergent occasion, so great a multitude should be called together:
Therefore for the better government of the said Province, Wee will
and ordaine, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Succes-
sors, doe grant unto the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires,
that the said now Lord Baltemore and his heires, by themselves, or
by their Magistrates and Officers in that behalfe duely to be or^
106 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635
dained as aforesaid, may make and constitute, fit and wholesome
Ordinances, from time to time, within the said Province, to be kept
and observed, as well for the preservation of the Peace, as for the
better government of the people there inhabiting, and publikely to
notice the same to all persons, whom the same doth, or any way
may conceme; which Ordinances, Our pleasiure is, shall be ob-
served inviolably within the said Province, under the paines therein
to bee expressed. So as the said Ordinances be consonant to reason,
and be not repugnant nor contrary, but so farre as conveniently may
be, agreeable with the Lawes and Statutes of Our Kingdome of
England, and so as the said Ordinances be not extended, in any sort
to bind, charge, or take away the right or interest of any person, or
persons, of, or in their Life, Member, Free-hold, Goods, or Chattells.
Furthermore, that this new Colony may die more happily en-
crease by the multitude of people resorting thither, and may like-
wise be the more strongly defended from the incursions of Salvages,
or other enemies, Pyrates and Robbers: Therefore Wee, for Us,
Oiu* Heires and Successors, doe give and grant by the Presents,
Power, licence, and liberty unto all the liege people, and subjects,
both present, and future, of Us, Our Heires, and Successors (except-
ing those who shall be specially forbidden) to transport themselves
and families unto the said Province, with convenient shipping, and
fitting provisions, and there to settle themselves, dwell and inhabite,
and to Duild, and fortifie Castles, Forts, and other places of strength,
for the publike, and their owne private defence, at me appointment of
the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, the Statute of fugi-
tives, or any other whatsoever, to the contrary of the premises, in
any wise noLithstanding. ^
And wee will also, and of Our more speciall grace, for Us, Our
/ Heires, and Successors, wee doe straightly enjoyne, constitute, or-
' daine, and command, that the said Province shall be of Our Alle-
giance, and that all and singular the Subjects, and Liege p eople of
Us, Oul" Heires, and Successors, transported, or' tbii)e''OTnsported
into the said Province, and the children of them, and of such as shall
descend from them^ there already borne, or hereafter to be bOTie^J)ee,
and shall be Denizens, and Lieges of Us, Our Heires, and^ucces-
sors, of Our Kingdome of England, and Ireland, and be in aU things
held, treated, reputed, and esteemed as the liege faithfuIL42fi£f^of
Us, Our Heires, and Successors, borne within Our Kingdome of
England: and likewise any Lands, Tenements, Revenues, ServTces,
and other hereditaments whatsoever, within Our Kingdome of Eng-
land, and other Our Dominions, may inherite, or otherwise purchase,
~^?eive, take, have, hold, buy, and possesse, and them may occupy,
' enjoy, give, sell, aliene, and bequeath, as likewise, aU Liberties,
1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 107
Franchises, and Priviledges, of this Our Kingdome of England,
freely, quiedy, and peaceably, have and possesse, occupy and enjoy,
as Our liege people, borne, or to be borne, within Our said King-
dome of England without the let, molestation, vexation, 'trouble, or
grievance of Us, Our Heu^s and Successors: any Statute, Act, Ordi-
nance, or Provision to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.
And furthermore. That Our Subjects may be the ra&er encour-
aged to undertake this expedition, with ready and cheerfull minds;
I^ow YEE, that We of Our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and
meere motion, doe give and grant, by vertue of these presents, as
well unto the said now Lord Baltemore and his Heires, as to all other
that shall from time to time repaire unto that province, with a pur-
pose to inhabite there, or to trade with the Natives of the said Prov-
ince, full licence to Lade and Fraight in any Ports whatsoever,
of Us, Our Heires and Successors, and into the said Province of
Mary land, by them, their servants or assignes, to transport, all and
singular, their Groods, Wares, and Merchandize; as likewise all sorts
of graine whatsoever, and any other things whatsoever, necessary
for food or clothing (not prohibited by the Laws and Statutes of
our Kingdomes and Dominions to bee carried out of the said king-
domes) without any lett, or molestation of Us, Our Heires, or Suc-
cessors, or of any of the officers of Us, Our Heires, or Successors;
(saving alwayes, to Us, Our Heires and Successors, the Impositions,
Customes, and other duties and payments for the said Wares and
Merchandise) any Statute, Act, Ordinance or other thing whatso-
ever to the contrary notwithstanding.
And because in so remote a Countrey, and situate amongst so
many barbarous nations, the incursions as well of the Salvages them-
selves, as of other enimies, pyrates and robbers, may probably be
feared: Therefore Wee have given, and for Us, Our Heires, and
Successors, doe give power by these presents, unto the now Lord
Baltemore, his heiies and assignes, by themselves, or their Captaines,
or other their officers, to Leavy, Muster and Traine, all sorts of men,
of what condition, or wheresoever borne, in the said Province of
Mary-land for the time being, and to make wane, and to pursue the
Enemies and Robbers aforesaid, as well by sea as by land, yea, even
without the limits of the said Province, and (by Gods assistance)
to vanmiish and take them, and being taken, to put them to death
by the Law of warre, or to save them at their pleasure, and to doe
all and every other thing which unto the charge and office of a Cap-
taine Grenerall of an Army belongeth, or hath accustomed to belong,
as fully and freely as any Captaine Grenerall of any army hath ever
had the same.
Also, Our Will and Pleasure is, and by this Our Charter, We
108 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [i636
doe give unto the said now Lord Baltemoie, his heires, and as-
signes, full power, liberty, and authority, in case of Rebellion, Tu-
mult, or Sedition, if any should happen (which God forbid) either
upon the land within the Province aforesaid, or upon the maine sea,
in making a voyage thither, or returning from thence, by themselves,
or their captaines, deputies, or other officers, to be authorized under
their scales for that purpose (to whom we also, for Us, Our Heires and
Successors doe give and grant by these presents, full power and au-
thority) to exercise Martiall Law against mutinous and seditious
persons of those parts, such as shall refuse to submit themselves to
his, or their government, or shall refuse to serve in the warres, or
shall flie to the Enemy, or forsake their Ensignes, or be loyterers, or
straglers, or otherwise howsoever offending against the Law, Cus-
tome, and Discipline military, as freely, and in as ample manner and
forme, as any Captaine generall of an army by vertue of his office
mi^t, or hath accustomed to use the same.
Furthermore, That the way to honors and dignities, may not
aeeme te be altogether precluded and shut up, to men well borne,
and such as shall prepare themselves unto this present Plantation,
and shall desire to deserve well of Us, and Our Kingdomes, both in
peace and war, in so farre distant and remote a Countrey: There-
fore Wee, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, doe give free, and abso-
lute power,unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes,
to conferre favours, rewards, and honors, upon such inhabitants
within the Province aforesaid, as shall deserve the same; and to
invest them, with what titles and dignities soever, as he shall thinke
fit (so as they be not such as are now used in England). As likewise
to erect and incorporate, Townes into Boroughes, and Borou^is
into Cities, with convenient priviledges and immunities, according to
the merit of the inhabitants, and the fitnesse of the places, and to doe
aU and every other thing or things, touching the premises, which to
him, or them, shall seeme meete and requisite; albeit they be such as
of their owne nature might otherwise require a more speciall com-
mandement and warrant, then in these Presents is expressed.
Wee will also, and by these Presents, for Us Our Heires and
Successors, Wee doe give and grant licence, and by this Our Charter,
unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, and to all
the inhabitants and dwellers in the Province aforesaid, both present
and to come, to import, or unlade, by themselves, or their servants,
factors, or assignes, all Merchandizes and Goods whatsoever, that
shall arise of the fruits and commodities of the said Province, either
by land or sea, into any of the ports of Us, Our Heires and Succes-
sors, in Our kingdomes of England, or Ireland, or otherwise to dis-
pose oi the said goods, in the said Ports, and if need be, within one
1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 109
yeere next after the unlading of the same, to lade the said merchan-
dizes and goods againe, into the same or other ships, and to export
the same into any other Countrejs, either of our Dominion or for-
reigne, (being in Amity with Us, Our Heires and Successors) Provided
alwayes, that they pay such Customes, Impositions Subsidies and
Duties for the same, to Us, Our Heu-es and Successors, as the rest of
Our Subjects of Our Kingdome of England, for the time being, shall
be bound to pay: beyond which. We will not that the inhabitants of
the foresaid Province of Mary-land, all be any way charged.
And furthermore, of Our more ample and speciall Grace, cer-
taine knowledge, and meere motion. Wee doe, for Us, Oiu* Heires
and Successors, grant unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires
and assignes, full and absolute power and authority to make, erect,
and constitute, within the Province of Mary-land, and the lies and
Iletts aforesaid, such, and so many Seaports, Harbours, Creekes,
and other places, for discharge and unlading of goods and merchan-
dises, out of Ships, Boates, and other vessells — and lading them, and
in such and so many places, and with such Rights, Jurisdictions,
Liberties and Priviledges unto the said ports belonging^^as to him or
them shall seeme most expedient. And that all and singular the
Ships, Boats, and other VesseUs, which shall come for merchandize
and trade unto the said Province, or out of the same shall depart;
shall be laden and unladen only at such Ports as shall be so erected
and constituted by the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires or as-
signes, any Use, Custome, or other thing to the contrary notwith-
standing; saving alwayes unto Us, Our heires and Successors, and
to all the Subjects (of Our Kingdome of England and Ireland) of
Us, Our Heires and Successors, free liberty of fishing for Sea-fish,
as well in the Sea, Bayes, Inletts, and navigable Rivers as in the
Harbours, Bayes and Creekes of the Province aforesaid, and the
Priviledges of salting and drying their fish on the shore of the said
Province; and for &e same cause, to cut and take imderwood, or
^^ggs there growing, and to build Cottages and Shedds necessary
in this behalfe, as mey heretofore have, or might reasonably have
used; which Liberties and Priviledges, neverthelesse, the Subjects
aforesaid, of Us, Our Heires and Successors, shall enjoy without any
notable dammage, or injury, to be done to the said now Lord Balte-
more, his heires, or assignes, or to the dwellers and inhabitants of the
said Province, in the Ports, Creekes and shores aforesaid, and espe-
cially in the woods and Copses growing within the said Province: And
if any shall doe any such dammage, or injury, he shall incurre the
heavy displeasure of Us, Our Heires and Successors, the punbhment
of the Lawes; and shall moreover make satisfaction.
Wee doe fiurthermore, will, appoint, and ordaine, and by these
110 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635
Presents, tar Us, Our Heires and Suooessors, Wee doe grant unto the
said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and asngnes, that he the said
Jjoftd Baltemore, his heires and assignes, may fat»m time to time for
ever, have and enjoy, the Customes and Subsidies, in the Ports, Har-
bours, and other Creekes and places afcHesaid, within the Province
aforesaid; payaUe, or due for Merchandizes luid wares, there to be
fauied or mJaded, the said Customes and Subsidies to be reascMiably
assfased (upmi any oocasicm) by themsdves and the pec^le there, as
aforesaid; to whom we give power by these Presents, for Us, Our
Heires and Successors upcm just cause, and in due proportion, to
assesse.and impose the same.
And further, of Our spedall grace, and of Our certaine knowl-
edge, and meere motion, Wee have given granted, and oNifirmed, and
by these Presents for Us, Our Hdres and Successors, doe give, grant,
and oonfirme unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and
aasignes, full and abscdute licence, power, and authtxitie, that bee the
said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, bom time to
time hereafter for ever, at his, or their will, and pleasure, may assigne,
aliene, grant, demise, or enfeoffe of the Premises so many, and such
parts and parodls, to him or them that shall be vrilling to purchase
the same, as diey shall thinke fit, to have and to hold to them the
sayd person, or persons, willing to take or purchase the same, their
heirs and assignes in fee simple, or fee taile, or for terme of life, or
lives, or yeeres, to bee held of the said now Lord Baltemc»e, his heires,
and asngnes, by such services, customes, and rents, as shall seeme
fit to the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and as^gnes; and not
immediately of Us, Our Heires or Successors: and to the same per-
son or persons, and to aO and eveiy of them. Wee doe give and grant
by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, licence, authori-
tie, and power, that such person or peiscxis, may take the premises,
or any parcell thereof, of the foresaid now Lord Baltnnore, his heires
<Mr assignes, and the same hold to themselves, their heirs, or assignes,
(in what estate of inheritance soever, in fee simple, or in fee taile, at
otherwise, as to them, and the now Lord Baltnnore, his heires and
assignes, shall seeme expedient) of the said now Lord Baltemore, his
heires and assignes; the statute made in the Parliament of Edward,
Sonne of King Henry, late King of England, Our Predecesscv, com-
monly called the Statute Quia emptores ierrarum^ lately published
in Our Kingdome of England, or any other Statute, Acte, Ordinance,
Use, Law, or Custome, at any other thing, cause, or matter diereupon
heretofore had, done, published, ordained, or provided to the oath-
tnaj, in any wise notwithstanding; And by these Presents, We give,
and grant licence unto the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires,
'Statute of Edward I., A. D. 1290, to prevent further sub^nfeodatioii.
1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 111
to erect any parcells of land within the Province aforesaid, into Man-
nors and in every of the said Mannors, to have, and to hold a Court
Baron, with all things whatsoever, which to a Court Baron doe belong,
and to have and hold viewe of Franck-pledge, (for the conservation
of the peace, and the better government of those Parts,) by them-
selves or their stewards, or by the Lords for the time being of other
Mannors, to bee deputed when they shall bee erected: and in the
same, to use all things belonging to View of Franck-Pledge.
And further. Our pleasure is, and by these Presents, for Us, Our
Heires, and Successors, wee doe covenant and grant to and widi the
said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes; That Wee, Our
Heires and Successors, shall at no time hereafter, set, or make, or
cause to be set, any Imposition, Custome, or other Taxation, Rate,
or Contribution whatsoever, in or upon the dwellers and inhabitants
of the foresaid Province, for their Lands, Tenements, goods or Chat-
tells within the said Province, or in or upon any goods or merchan-
dizes, within the said Province, or to be laden, or unladen within any
the Ports or harbours of the said Province: And Our pleasure is,
and for Us, Our Heires, and Successors, Wee charge and conmiand,
that this Our Declaration shall be henceforward from time to time
received, and allowed in all Our Courts, and before all the Judges
of Us Our Heures and Successors, for a sufficient and lawfull dis-
charge, payment, and acquittance; Commanding all and singular,
our Officers and Ministers of Us, Our Heires and Successors, and
enjoyning them upon paine of Our high displeasure, that they doe
not presume at any time to attempt any thing to the contrary of the
E remises, or that they doe in any sort, widistand the same, but that they
e at all times ayding and assisting, as is fitting, unto the said now
Lord Baltemore, and his heires, and to the Inhabitants, and Mer-
chants of Mary-land aforesaid, their servants, ministers, factors and as-
signees, in the full use and fruition of the benefit of thb Our Charter.
And further. Our pleasure b, and by these Presents for Us,
Our Heires and Successors Wee doe grant unto the said now Lord
Baltemore, his heires and assignes, and to the Tenants, and Inhabi-
tants of the said Province of Mary-land, both present, and to come,
and to every of them, that the said Province, Tenants, and Inhabi-
tants of the said Colony or Countrey, shall not from henceforth bee
held or reputed as a member, or a part of the land of Virginia, or
of any other Colony whatsoever, now transported or hereafter to be
transported, nor shall be depending on, or subject to their govern-
ment in any thing, from whom Wee doe separate that, and them, and
Our pleasure is, by these Presents that they bee separated, and that
they be subject inmiediately to Our Crowne of England, as depending
thereof for ever.
112 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1636
And if peichance hereafter it should happen, that any doubts
or questions should arise, concerning the true sence and understand-
ing of any word, clause, or sentence contained in this Our present
Charter, Wee will, ordaine, and conunand, that at all times, and in all
things, such Interpretation bee made thereof, and aUowed in any of
Our Courts whatsoever, as shall be judged most advantagious, and
favourable unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes.
Provided alwayes, that no Interpretation bee admitted thereof, by
which (rods Holy and Truely Christian Religion, or the allegiance
/ due unto Us, Our Heires and Successors, may in any thing suffer
' any prejudice, or diminution.
Although expresse mention bee not made in these Presents, of
the true yeerely value, or certainty of the premises, or of any part
thereof, or of other gifts and grants, made by Us, Our Heires, and
Predecessors, unto &e said now Lord Baltemore, or any Statute,
Acte, Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation, or restraint heretofore
had, made, published, ordained, or provided, or any other thing,
cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any wise
notwithstanding.
In witnesse whereof. Wee have caused these Our Letters to bee
made Pattents. Witnesse Our selfe at Westminster, the Twentieth
day of June, in the Eighth yeere of Our Reigne.*
* J. e., June 20, 1632.
EXTRACTS FROM THE ANNUAL LETTERS OF
THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF THE SOCIETY
OF JESUS, 1634, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1642, 1654,
1656, 1 68 1
INTRODUCTION
The AnnwH Letters of the Provincials of the Society of
Jesus are the reports which they were required to make to
the General of the Society at Rome of the chief events of the
province during the preceding year, and in particular of the
results accomplished by the Jesuit fathers in the missionary
fields. The letters of the Provincials are compilations from
the reports which they themselves received from those under
their jurisdiction. The Maryland mission was included in the
English province, and therefore reports concerning it are con-
tained In the letters of the English Provincial. The extracts
which follow are the portions of the letters for the years in-
dicated which relate to Maryland.
In view of the intolerant spirit of the age, great caution
was observed in the preparation of these letters to avoid the
designation of individuals by their proper names, lest they
should be brought into trouble if the letters should go astray.
In the letter of 1634, for instance. Lord Baltimore is referred
to merely as "a certain Catholic Baron"; and throughout
these extracts the names of converts, except those of Indi-
ans, are uniformly omitted. For the same reason the letters
are without signature. The Jesuit fathers usually travelled
under fictitious names, and were often known by different
names in different localities. When proper names of per-
sons appear in the letters they are generally assumed, the
correct names, as a sort of key to the letter, being sent in a
separate communication.^ The Father Philip Fisher men-
> Hughes, HisUrry of the Society of Jestu in North America, Text, 1. 52.
"5
116 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
tioiied in the letters was known in Maryland as Thomas
Cofdey. The real name of Father John Brock was Morgan;
and Father John Gravener is believed to be the same as
Father John Altham, who was the companion of Father White
in the first voyage.
In the letter of 1639, mention is made of the ^ft to the
Jesuit fathers by the King of Patuxent of the plantation
of Metapannay/ afterward referred to as a farm* This and
other g^fts or cesdons of land by the Indians to the mismon-
aries, or rather to the Society of Jesus, led to a sharp conten-
tion between them and Lord Baltimore, who as absolute lord
and proprietary of the province, under letters patent from
the King of En^and, maintained that no one could hold title
to land in Maryland except under grant from him. The con-
tention of the clergy, or their view of the question involved,
is expressed in the letter of 1642 where it is complidned that
there were those who ''have not feared to violate the immu-
nities of the Church, by using their endeavors that laws of
the kind formerly passed in Elngland and unjustly observed
there, may obtain like force here, to wit: that it shall not be
lawful for any person or conmiunity, even ecclesiastical, in
anywise, even by gift, to acquire or possess any land unless
the permismon of the Civil Magistrate first be obtained/'
Lord Baltimore was so much in earnest in the matter,
and in his apprehensions as to the possible results of encroach-
ment upon his rights by a religious corporation or community,
that he went so far as to appeal to the Congregatio de Propor
ganda Fide at Rome for the recall of the Jesuit missionaries
and the sending of secular priests in their stead.' But the
matter being referred to Father Henry More (great-grandson
of Sir Thomas More, Lord High Chancellor of England), who
was then Provincial of the English province, he conceded the
^ Mattapany.
•FoleY, Recordt o/ the Engluh Province S. J., III. 366.
INTRODUCTION 117
justice of Lord Baltimore's contention, caused to be released
all lands obtained from the Indians, and directed that grants
from the Lord Proprietary be accepted by the priests as ten-
ants under him/ This question being thus settled, the mis-
sions in Maryland continued to be served by the Jesuit fathers.
In the letter of 1654 there is mention of the hanging of a
woman, accused of sorcery on account of the disablement of
a vessel bound to Maryland upon which she was a passenger.
This occurred near Barbados, outside the jurisdiction of Mary-
land. Existing records do not show that any one was ever
executed for sorcery or witchcraft in the province, though
there are records of two trials of persons accused of being
guilty of executions for these causes on the high seas.
All of the extracts here printed, except those from the letters
of 1634 and 1681, were published from transcripts made in
Rome by Father McSherry, S. J., in 1832, both the Latin text
and a translation thereof, by the Maryland Historical Society
in Fund PvUication no. 7 and the supplement thereto. The
Latin text of the extract from the letter of 1634, and a por-
tion of that of 1681, were printed by the same society in its
Fund Publication no. 35 (Calvert Papers no. 3), Appendix A,
from notes furnished by Father Thomas Hughes, S. J. Eng-
lish translations of them all are contained in Records of the
English Province of the Society of Jesus, by Brother Henry
Foley, S. J. (vol. III., London, 1878). The translations in
this volume have been carefully revised throughout by collat-
ing with the Latin text given in the History of the Society of
Jesus in North America, by Father Thomas Hughes, S. J.
(1907), Documents, L, pt. i., 107-136.
C C. H.
' Stcmyhurst MSS. Anglia, IV. 108 f, 108 g, printed in Johnson's FaundaHon
cf Maryland (Maryland Historical Society, Fund PiMicatUm no. 18, pp. 84, 87).
EXTRACTS FROM THE ANNUAL LETTERS OF
THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF THE SOCIETY
OF JESUS, 1634, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1642, 1654,
1656, 168 1
Frcm the Annual Letter of 1634L
Last year, by the good grace and authority of the Kng,
and imder the auspices of a certam CSatholic baron, a con-
sideraUe cdony of En^ishmen, larg^y Catholics, was taken
out to tiie hither shores of America. With them went two
priests of Ours, with a coadjutor; another priest and another
coadjutor followed. Their purpose was, not only to woi^
among the colonists, but also to devote themsdves to pro-
curing the conversion and salvation of the barbarians. For
the promotion of this pious undertaking, many Catholics
showed great liberality, and contributed money as wdl as
servants, these latter being of the first necesaty there. In
the case of a certain servant it seems to have hi^pened not
without divine providence that he was found by those of
Ours who saQed last. Our lay-brother had known him in
Bei^um, and had found him an industrious and faithful
man. Therefore, while preparing himself for departure, he
used all diligence to seek hun out. But when there seemed
now to be no further hope of finding the man, gping on board
a ship which was carrying fresh supfdies to several colonies,
he unexpectedly came upon the man. This person, on ac-
count of the open profession of his faith, had fallen into ex-
treme misery, chiefly because he would by no means bind
himsdf by tiie oath which they call that of alle^ance. So
he was being sent out of the country, according to the usual
course in the charge of a certain heretical merchant, to be
sold at his will in some heretical colony. Recognizing him,
our brother redeems him, and takes him with him as a com-
118
16381 ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 119
panion upon his voyage, as one rescued from the very jaws
of hell and filled with extreme joy.
Furthermore two priests of Ours were assigned this year
as companions to a certain gentleman who went to explore
unknown lands. They with great courage performed an un-
comfortable voyage of about eight months, both much shakeA
in health, with spells of illness, and gave us no slight hope of
reaping ultimately an abundant harvest, in ample and excel-
lent regions.^
From the Annual Letter oj 1638.'
Four fathers belonged to this mission, with one coadjutor
in temporal concerns. And he indeed, after enduring severe
toils for the space of five years with the greatest patience,
humility and ardent love, chanced to be seized by the disease
prevailing at the time, and happily exchanged this wretched
life for an immortal one.
He was also shortly followed by one of the fathers, who
was young indeed, but on account of his remarkable qualities
of mind, evidently of great promise. He had scarcely spent
two months in this mission, when, to the great grief of all,
he was carried off by the common sickness prevailing in the
colony, from which no one of the three remaining priests has
escaped unharmed; yet we have not ceased to labor, to the
best of our ability, among the neighboring people.
And though the rulers of this colony have not yet allowed
us to dwell among the savages, both on account of the pre-
vailing sicknesses, and also because of the hostile acts which
the barbarians commit against the English, they having slain
a man from this colony, who was staying among them for the
sake of trading, and having also entered into a conspiracy
against our whole nation; yet we hope that one of Ours will
shortly secure a station among the barbarians. Meanwhile,
we devote ourselves more zealously to the English; and since
* This expediUon was probably to Virginia, and the gentleman referred to is
supposed to be George Calvert, the brother of Lord Baltimore. The time men-
tioned apparently included that required for the return voyage to England.
Hughes, History of the Society of Jesua in North America, Text, 1. 272.
* By Father Edward Knott, Provincial of the English Province, S. J.
120 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1638
there are Protestants as well as Catholics in the colony, we
have labored for both, and God has blessed our labors.
For, among the Protestants, nearly all who have come
from England in this year 1638, and many others, have been
converted to the faith, together with four servants, whom we
purchased in Virginia, (another colony of our kingdom,) for
necessary services, and five mechanics, whom we hired for a
month, and have in the meantime won to God. Not long
afterwards, one of these, after being duly prepared for death,
by receiving the sacraments, departed this life. And among
these persons hardly anjrthing else worth mentioning has oc-
curred. The following occurrences are more remarkable.
A certain man, entirely unknown to us, but a zealous
disciple of the Protestant religion, was staying with a friend
who was still more zealous; and having been bitten by one
of the snakes which abound in these parts, was expecting
inunediate death. One of Ours, finding this out, took with
him a surgeon, and hurried to the sick man, who, it was re-
ported, had already lost his senses, with the intention of min-
istering to his soul in any way that he could. But the host,
divining his intention, tried to thwart his pious efiForts. And
the priest, as he could find no other opportunity, determined
to stay all night with the sick man. But the host prevented
this too, and, lest the Father should be admitted at night, he
appointed a guard to sleep on a bed, laid across the door of
the chamber occupied by his friend. Nevertheless, the priest
kept on the watch for every opportunity of approach; and
going at the dead of night, when he supposed the guard would
be especially overcome by sleep, he contrived, without dis-
turbing him, to pass in to the sick man; and, at his own de-
sire, received him into the Church. And although, under the
circumstances, it was impossible that the sick man should be
taught much, or be firmly established in his belief, yet when,
contrary to all expectation, he had been cured by our sur-
geon, the grace of God prevailed with him, and he chose rather
to be put out of his friend's house than to retract what he
had done; nay, he even came to us of his own accord, and
happily completed the work he had begun.
Another man, when one of Ours tried to bring him to the
orthodox faith, repulsed him with the answer, ''that he had
1638] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 121
vowed that he never would embrace that faith." A short
time afterwards this wretched man was attacked by disease^
and brought to the last extremity, before the Father was
advised of his sickness. He, however, hastens to the sick
man with all speed, and finds him entirely insensible, yet still
breathing. Accor(Ungly he instructs the attendants to put
some nourishment into the mouth of the sick man, every now
and then, and to summon him if at any time he returned to
consciousness. This was done early the next morning, and
the Father runs to him, and, while talking to him, perceives
that he is in some measure recognized by him, and receives
from him, at times, an answer to a short question, (for he
could not take in too long a discourse at once.) The Father
therefore determined to make use of the present opportunity,
inasmuch as he could not hope for another one afterwards.
And when by various communications he had obtained (as he
judged) the consent of the sick man, understanding from him
that he wished to be made a Catholic, that he was sorry for
.his sins, and that he wished to be absolved from them, he
absolved him from his sins and anointed him with the sacred
oil. After this had been done, the sick man, in a day or two,
was perfectly restored to his senses. And when he was asked
what he had done, or what he had perceived to have been
done around him, he answered with so great joy and such
heart-felt emotion, that he had been admitted into the Cath-
olic Church, and that he intended to remain in it even to his
last breath, that all who were present were affected with no
small admiration. Afterwards, when the Father came again,
he expressed the same joy to him; and to his great satisfaction
performed the other things necessary for completing the work
he had b^un. From that time he gradually recovered; but,
fflnce he had scarcely any proper remedies, and lay for a long
time on his back, a dreadful ulcer broke out over his whole
body. Wherefore we procured necessaries for him, as far as
we could, at our own expense, and sent a surgeon to cure his
malady. And although the surgeon removed a great many
worms from the ulcer, yet by his skilful attention and the
watchful care of others the sick man was cured, and now he
is a strong servant, sound, as we trust, both in mind and
body.
122 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1638
Another man; who was of noble birth, had been reduced to
such poverty by his own unrestrained licentiousness, that he
sold himself into this colony.* Here, when he had been re-
called by one of Ours, to the right faith and the fruit of good
living, he always anxiously doubted whether he had entered
upon the safe road; and on one occasion, when he had in-
trusted himself to the sea in a small skiff, and a frightful storm
arose, such as he had never seen, although he had often met
with storms at sea, and certain shipwreck seemed already at
hand, he earnestly prayed to God, that in confirmation of the
faith he had lately received — ^if it was really true — ^he would
ward off the impending danger. God heard his prayer, and
turning the storm in another direction, confirmed his wa-
vering mind with tranquil peace. Not long afterwards, this
man was brought to the last extremity by a severe disease,
and after taking all the sacraments, about an hour before his
death asked his Catholic attendant to pray for him. It is
probable that an evil angel presented himself to his sight;
for almost at the very point of death he called the same at-
tendant and said, with a cheerful voice: "Don't you see my
good angel? behold him standing near to carry me away; I
must depart;" and thus, happily (as we are permitted to
hope) he breathed his last. Since his burial, a very bright
light has often been seen at night around his tomb, even by
Protestants.
Besides these, one of Ours, going out of the colony, foimd
two Frenchmen, one of whom had been without the sacra-
ments of the Catholic Church for three entire years; the other,
who was already near death, having spent fifteen whole years
among heretics, had lived just as they do. The Father aided
the former with the sacraments and confirmed him in the
Catholic faith as much as he could. The latter he restored
to the Catholic Church, and, administering all the sacraments,
prepared him for dying happily.
As for the Catholics, the attendance on the sacraments
here is so large, that it is not greater among the Europeans,
in proportion to the number of Catholics. The more igno-
rant have been catechised, and catechetical lectures have
been delivered for the more advanced every Sunday; and
1 That is, as an indented servant. See pp. 99, 100, supra.
16381 ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 123
on feast days sermons have been rarely neglected. The sick
and the dying, who have been very numerous this year, and
who dwelt far apart, we have assisted in every way, so that
not even a single one has died without the sacraments. We
have buried very many, and baptized various persons. And,
although there are not wanting frequent occasions of dissen-
sion, yet none of any importance has arisen here in the last
nine months, which we have not immediately allayed. By
the blessing of God, we have this consolation, that no vices
spring up among the new Catholics, although settlements of
this kind are not usually supplied from the best class of men.
We bought ofif in Virginia two Catholics who had sold
themselves into bondage, nor was the money ill-spent, for both
are showing themselves good Christians: one, indeed, sur-
passes the ordinary standard. Some others have performed
the same duty of charity, bujdng thence Catholic servants,
who are very numerous in that country. For every year
very many sell themselves thither into bondage, and living
among men of the worst example and being destitute of all
spiritual aid, they generally make shipwreck of their souls.
Several of the chief men by spiritual exercises have been
formed by us to piety, a fruit not to be repented of. In the
case of one, we adore the remarkable providence and mercy
of God, which brought a man encompassed in the world with
very many diflSiculties, and now at length living in Virginia,
almost continually without any aid to his soul, to undertake
these exercises, not long before his death; by which he prof-
ited so much that he determined on the very best mode of
spending his life thenceforth. This design a severe sickness
prevented, which he bore with the greatest patience, with a
mind generally fixed on God ; and at length having properly
received all the sacraments, in the most peaceful maimer,
contrary to the usual course of his life, which had been so
full of troubles and disquietudes, renders back his soul to
his Creator.
A noble matron also has died, who, coming with the first
settlers into the colony, with more than woman's courage
bore all diflBculties and inconveniences. She was given to
much prayer, and most anxious for the salvation of her neigh-
bors — a perfect example of right management as well in her
124 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639
self as in her domestic conoems — she was fond of our so-
ciety while living, and a benefactor to it when dying — of
bleaaed memory with all, for her notable examples, especially
of charity to the sick, as well as of other virtues.
From the Annual Letter of 1639.
There are in this misrion four priests and one coadjutor.
All are in places far distant — doubtless, because they ex-
pect thus to obtain an earlier acquaintance with the Imrba-
rian language, and propagate more widely the sacred faith of
the Gospel. Father John Brock, the Superior, with a coad-
jutor brother, remains in the plantation of Metapannayen,
which was ^ven us by Maquacomen,^ the King of Patuxent,
and is a sort of storehouse of this misraon, whence most of
our bodily supplies are obtained. Father Philip Fisher* lives
in the principal town of the colony, to which the name of St.
Mary's is given. Father John Gravener' lives in Kent Island,
sixty miles distant. Father Andrew White is distant still
farther, one hundred and twenty miles, to wit: at Kittama-
quund, the metropolis of Pascatoa,^ having lived in the palace
with the Emperor himself of the place, whom they call the
Tayac, from the month of June, 1639.
The cause of the father's going there was on this wise.
He had bestowed much labor and time for the conversion of
the King of Patuxent, which indeed was prayed for by all,
both on account of the recollection of kindness received, for
he had given to the society, as has been said, a farm; and
because he was said to be very powerful among the barbarians,
on account of his reputation for wisdom and his influence.
And now, such had been the beginnings, the desired event was
shortly expected; for some of the people of the king had con-
nected themselves with the fold of Christ; and he himself
appeared abundantly instructed in the first principles of the
faith, when lol unhappy man, he first begins to procrasti-
' This gift or grant led to controversy between the Proprietaiy and the mi»-
sionaries as to their respectire rights. See pp. 116, 117, fupro.
> i4/i(», Father Thomas Copley.
• AliiUf Father John Altham.
* Pascataway.
1639] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 125
nate, then by degrees to grow indififerent, and lastly, in an
open manner, to break off altogether from the design he had
commenced. Nor this only, but he also gave indications, not
to be misunderstood, of a mind entirely alienated from the
whole colony. The Governor, after prudently sounding, de-
termined, by the advice of his friends, that the father should
be recalled from the hospitality of the King, lest, unexpect-
edly, the barbarian should give some example of his perfidy
and cruelty against an innocent man; or indeed lest, this host-
age, as it were, being left with the King, he himself might be
hindered from being able to revenge injuries, if at any time the
Patuxent should discover himself an enemy.
When rulers and kings are spoken of, let no one in his
mind form an august idea of men, such as of the different
princes in Europe. For these Indian kings, though they
have absolute power of life and death over their people, and
in certain prerogatives of honor and wealth excel others,
nevertheless in personal appearances are scarcely anything
removed from the multitude. The only peculiarity by which
you can distinguish a chief from the conmion people is some
badge; either a collar made of a rude jewel, or a belt, or a
cloak, oftentimes ornamented with shells in circular rows.
Their kingdoms are generally circumscribed by the narrow
confines of a single village and the adjacent country; though
the Tayac has a much more extensive dominion, stretching
about one hundred and thirty miles, to whose empire also
other inferior chieftains are subject.
To him therefore, the salvation of Maquacomen being de-
spaired of, Father Andrew betook himself, and being treated
by him very kindly at the first interview, so attached the
man to him, that he was afterwards held by him in the great-
est love and veneration; of which thing this is the strongest
proof, that he was unwilling that the Father should use any
other hospitality than that of his palace. Nor was the queen
inferior to her husband in benevolence to their guest, for
with her own hands, (which thing the wife of our treasurer
also does willingly) she is accustomed to prepare meat for him
and bake bread, with no less care than labor.
The cause of this remarkable affection for the Father, is
to be referred to two dreams which he had, unless you may
126 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639
deem it proper to honor them with another name. One dream
appeared to the mind of Uwanno, the brother-german of the
^nperor, who reigned before him, and whom he slew. For
in his sleep he appeared to see Father White and Father
Gravener before him, and moreover to hear a voice admon-
ishing him, ''Finally these are the men, who from their soul
loved him with all his tribe, and had brou^t with them those
blesrangs, by which he could be happy, if he desired it.'' Hence
so lively an impression of these unknown men remained in
his mind, that even at the first sight, he recognized them when
coming to him, whom afterwards he embraced with remark-
able affection. He was accustomed also to call Father White
his parent, to whose instruction also he wished to give up
for seven years his son, who was very dear to him, as the
whole tribe is very fond of children, and seldom let them go
from their embrace. The other dream, which he is accus-
tomed to relate in frequent conversations, occurred to the
Tayac as he slept, to wit: That his father, deceased some time
before, appeareld to be present before his eyes, accompanied
by a god of a dim color, whom he worshipped, and who was
beseeching him that he would not desert him. At a short
distance stood, accompanied by a most hideous god, one
Snow, an obstinate heretic from England; and finally, in
another direction, the Governor of the colony and Father
White appeared, a god also being his companion, but much
more beautiful, who excelled the unstained snow in whiteness,
seeming gently to beckon the Emperor to him. From that
time, he treated both the Governor and the Father with the
greatest affection.
Not long after the coming of Father White to his court,
the Tayac was in danger from a severe disease; and when
forty conjurers had in vain tried every remedy, the Father,
by permission of the sick man, administered m^cine, to wit:
a certain powder of known efficacy mixed with holy water,
and took care the day after, by the assistance of the boy,
whom he had with him, to open one of his veins for blood-
letting. After this, the sick man began daily to grow better,
and not long after became altogether well. R^tored from
the disease entirely, of himself he resolved as soon as possible
to be initiated in the Christian rites; nor himself only, but
ie391 ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 127
his wife also and two daughters — ^for as yet he has no male
ofifspring. Father White is now diligently engaged in their
instruction; nor do they slothfuUy receive the heavenly doc-
trine, for by the light of heaven poured upon them, they have
long since found out the errors of their former Ufe. The
Emperor has exchanged the skins, with which he was hereto-
fore clothed, for a garment made in our fashion; he makes
also a little endeavor to learn our language.
Having put away his concubines from him, he lives con-
tent with one wife, that he may the more freely (as he says)
have leisure to pray to God. He abstains from meat on the
da3rs in which it is forbidden by the Christian laws; and men
that are heretics who do otherwise, he for that very reason
thinks ought to be called bad Christians. He is greatly de-
lighted with spiritual conversation, and indeed seems to es-
teem earthly wealth as nothing, in comparison with heavenly,
as he once told the Governor, when explaining to him what
great advantages from the English could be enjoyed by a mut-
ual exchange of wares — "Verily, I consider these trifling
when compared with this one advantage — ^that through their
testimony I have arrived at the true knowledge of the one
God, than which there is nothing greater, or which ought to
be greater, in my wishes."
Not long since, when he held a convention of the empire,
in a crowded assembly of the chiefs and a circle of the com-
mon people. Father White and some of the English being pres-
ent, he publicly attested it was his detemMnation, together
with that of his wife and children, abjuring the superstition
of the country, to take the part of Chnst; for that no other
true deity is anywhere else had than among the Christians, nor
otherwise can the immortal soul of man be saved from death
— ^but that stones and herbs, to which, through blindness of
mind, he and they had hitherto given divine honors, are the
humblest things created by the Almighty God for the use
and relief of human life. Which being spoken, he spumed
far away from him with his foot a stone which happened to
be near. A murmur of applause from the people sufficiently
indicated that they did not hear these things with unfavor-
able ears. But the greatest hope is, that when the family of
the Emperor is purified by baptism, the conversion of the
128 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1639
whole empire will speedily take place. In the meantime, we
heartily thank God for so joyful a commencement of affairs,
and are especially encoun^ged when we daily behold those
idols to be the contempt of the natives, which were lately
reckoned in the number of deities.
Another thing not unworthy of mention, the more in-
flamed the Emperor, long since enkindled with the desire of
baptism. A certain Indian having slain an Englishman, on
account of an injury, was found guilty of the homicide, and
was also sentenced to death, at just the time when the Tayac,
with Father White, was coming to the colony. We exhorted
the miserable man, devoted to death, that by receiving sol-
emnly the Christian sacraments he should provide for the
salvation of his immortal soul. When in this thing he ap-
peared to show himself not at all obdurate, we endeavored, as
far as we could, by the power of speech, to move the mind of
the man in some measure inclined to our advice. The pious
Emperor perceived us to labor for language; wherefore, of his
own accord, he added his assistance to accomplish the end.
He not only did not refuse to perform the office of a faithful
interpreter, conveying to the man the things, which he had
received from Father White, to be impressed; but also of him-
self added some things so apposite and efficacious, that he was
the admiration of those present, and at length drew over the
Indian himself to the Catholic side; who, imbued with the
necessary knowledge and washed in the sacred font, prepared
himself for death, for the most part in the very way which
was prescribed to him. And indeed he appeared to be pos-
sessed with so vehement a desire of seeing God, that you would
have thought him almost too eager to have the execution has-
tened. A remarkable eagerness appeared in his coimtenance;
he fortified himself by the frequent and salutary sign of the
cross; he often repeated submissively; and whatever things
he did or said, did not seem feigned for show only, but to come
from the inmost senses and recesses of the soul. When he
came to the place of execution, he inquired, with cheerful coun-
tenance, if he was to sing at his departure;^ and when answer
was given, that rather by piously taking the holy names of
the blessed Jesus and Mary he should propitiate them in his
> CJ. pp. 368, 369, infra.
16391 ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 129
last conflict^ he cheerfully obeyed those who advised him,
and almost at the same moment closed his life and pious
voice, by the cord that stopped his breath. When dead, he
was buried in our cemetery, in the most solemn manner, that
even from this, the barbarians might understand, that al-
though, execrating the crimes of nmlefactors. Christians may
avenge them by merited punishment, nevertheless they hold
their souls dear, and are easily reconciled to them, if they re-
pent. And surely such an example of clemency and charity
to the deceased, struck them so much the more forcibly, the
more it differed from their customs — ^who indeed are accus-
tomed to serve up their enemies, slain in the most cruel manner,
to be feasted on by their friends.
No one, however, was more vehemently moved at the sigjbt
of the dying neophyte than the Tayac, who afterwards eaiv
nestly insisted that he too should receive the gift of baptism.
But the thing being considered in council, it appeared that it
would be for the greater glory of God, if it be deferred a little,
until it could be performed with splendid display, in the greatest
solenmity, and in the sight of his coimtrymen ; his wife also, and
his children coming to a participation of his joy and gladness.
The Emperor, at length, won over by the attentions of the
Catholics, and greatly deUghted with their prolonged hos-
pitality, returned home, the same Father White being his
attendant; whither as soon as he came, he gave conunand to
his people to prepare the church by next Pentecost, the time
appointed for the baptism. On thsA day, at Kittamaquund,
the Governor and other distinguished men of the colony con-
template honoring, by their presence, and by whatever other
means they can, the Christian sacraments and the second and
better birth of the Tayac. May the merciful God cause this
thing to turn out to the good of all — ^to his glory, to our reward,
and to the salvation of the whole tribe.
Whoever shall contemplate in thought the whole earth,
will perhaps nowhere find men more abject in appearance than
these Indians; who nevertheless have souls (if you consider the
ransom paid by Christ,) no less precious than the most culti-
vated Europeans. They are inclined indeed to vices, though
not very many, in such darkness of ignorance, such barbarism,
and in so unrestrained and wandering a mode of life; nevei^
130 NABAATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639
theless in their disposition they are docile, nor will you per-
ceive in theni; except rarely, the passions of the mind trans-
ported in an extraordinary manner. They are most patient
of troubles, and easily endure contumely and injuries, if they
do not involve danger of life. Idols they have few or none,
to whose worship they are greatly addicted ; nor are there any
priests or mystae, to whom the administration of sacrifices
appertains by appointment; though there are not wanting
those who interpret superstitions, and sell them to the people;
but even these are commonly not at all numerous. They ac-
knowledge one God of heaven; notwithstanding, they distrust
that they know in what way he is to be worshipped, in what
way to be honored; from which it happens that they give will-
ing ear to those that teach this knowledge. They rarely think
of the immortality of the soul, or of the things that are to be
after death. If at any time they meet a teacher clearly ex-
plaining these things, they show themselves very attentive
as well as docile, and by and by are seriously turned to think
of their souls, so as to be ready to obtain those things, which,
they perceive, conduce to the salvation of the same. They
are readily swayed by reason, nor do they withhold their
assent obstinately from the truth set forth in a credible man-
ner. This natural disposition of the tribe, aided by the sea-
sonable assistance of divine grace, gives us hope of a most
desirable harvest hereafter, and animates us in the highest
degree to continue our labors in this vineyard. And the
same ought to be an incitement to all those who in future,
by the will of God, may come hither to us for supply or
assistance.
To the hope of the Indian harvest, are to be added also no
mean fruits reaped from the colony and its inhabitants, to
whom, on the principal festival days of the year, sermons are
preached, and the expositions of the catechism given on the
Lord's day. Not only Catholics come in crowds, but also
very many heretics — ^not without the reward of our labors;
for this year twelve in all, wearied of former errors, have
returned to favor with God and the Qiurch. Our people
cease not daily to engage in their divine emplosrment, and to
dispense the sacraments to those that come, as often as circum-
stances demand. In fine, to those in health, to the sick, to
16401 ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 131
the afflicted and the dying, we strive to be in season for coun-
sel, for relief, and assistance of every kind whatsoever.
College of Li^e, etc.
From (he Annual Letter of 1640.
In this mission this year we have been four priests and one
coadjutor. We stated last year what hope we had conceived
of converting the Tayac, or the Emperor, as they call him, of
Pascatoa. From that time, such is the kindness of God, the
event has not disappointed the expectation; for he has joined
our faith, some others also being brought over with him;
and on the 5th of July, 1640, when he was sufficiently in-
structed in the mysteries of the faith, in a solemn manner he
received the sacramental waters in a little chapel, which, for
that purpose and for divine worship, he had erected out of
bark, after the manner of the Indians. At the same time the
queen, with an infant at the breast, and another of the prin-
cipal men, whom he especially admitted to his counsels, to-
gether with his little son, were regenerated in the baptismal
font- To the Emperor, who was called Chitomachon^ before,
was given the name of Charles; to his wife that of Mary.
The others, in receiving the Christian faith, had Christian
names allotted to them. The Governor was present at the
ceremony, together with his secretary and many others; nor
was anything wanting in display which our means could supply.
In the afternoon, the Tayac and his queen were united in
matrimony in the CSiristian manner; then a great holy cross
was erected, in carrying which to its destined place the king,
governor, secretary, and others, lent their shoulders and hands;
two of Ours in the meantime chanting before them the litany
in honor of the Blessed Virgin. And not long after. Father
Andrew White and Father John Gravener had to bear their
own crosses by no means light ; for Father White, in perform-
ing the ceremonies of the sacred rite of baptism, which were
somewhat long, had contracted a fever and became danger-
ously sick with chills; and though he grew better of that ill-
ness, he again sufifered a relapse, which held him even till the
' Kittamaquund. This was the name also of the principal settlement or
town of the tribe. See p. VSA, tupra.
132 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1640
winter. But Father Gravener was so deprived of the use of
his feet, that he could not even put a foot to the ground.
Nevertheless he became well, though afterwards, aflfected
with an abcess, he was carried off in the space of a few dajrs,
upon the 5th of November.
When famine prevailed among the Indians, on account of
the excessive drought of the past summer, that we might not
appear to neglect their bodies, for the care of whose souls we
had made so great a voyage, though com was sold at a great
price, nevertheless we considered it necessary to relieve their
want of bread by assisting them. Amidst these cares, intent
also on settling the affairs of the mission, we passed the greater
part of the winter.
On the 15th of February we came to Pascatoa, not with-
out the great gratulation and joy of the inhabitants, who in-
deed seem well inclined to receive the Christian faith. Not
long after, the King brought his daughter, seven years old,
(whom he loves with great affection,) to be educated among
the English at St. Mary's, and, when she shall well understand
the Chnstian mysteries, to be washed in the sacred font of
baptism. His counsellor, also, of whom we have spoken
above, desiring the goodness of God, which he had experienced
in his own case, to be brought also to his people, has nothing
more earnest in his prayers, than that his wife and children
may be brought to the waters of salvation; which most proper
desire, after suitable instruction, by the favor of God, shall be
gratified.
The Ejng also of the Anacostans, whose territory is not
far distant, has expressed a desire that one of Ours should
sojourn with him; from which it is plainly evident that a
harvest will by no means be wanting to Ours, on which they
may bestow labor with advantage; but rather it is to be feared
that there will not be laborers for gathering so abundant a
harvest. There are also other villages lying near, which, I
doubt not, would run promptly and joyfully to the light of
gospel truth, if any one would impart to them the word of
eternal life. But it is not right for Ours here to be too anx-
ious for bringing the others to the truth, lest they may seem
to abandon prematurely our present tender flock. Nor need
those who are sent for assisting them fear lest the means of hfe
^
1640] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 133
be wanting, since He who clothes the lilies and feeds the fowls
of the air will not suffer those, who are laboring to extend His
kingdom, to be destitute of necessary sustenance.
To Father Philip Fisher, who now resides in the colony of
St. Mary, nothing could have happened more agreeable, than
to labor in the Indian harvest, if he had been permitted by
his own people, who could not do without his services. His
reward, however, has been correspondent to his will; for
while those five of whom we have spoken above, among the
Indians, are cleansed by the water of baptism, as many at
the same time by his active industry are brought back from
heretical depravity into the bosom of the Church. The
Catholics who live in the colony are not inferior in piety to
those who live in other countries; but in urbanity of manners,
according to the judgment of those who have visited the
other colonies, are considered far superior to them. Every-
where the hope of harvest has dawned ; and while each one of
us is anxious by his own efforts to help now these, now those,
various things happen worthy of recital — of which, (others
being omitted for purpose of avoiding prolixity,) two of the
most prominent shall be stated here, in one of which the divine
mercy was manifest, in the other the divine justice.
C^ the day, upon which a certain man was about to ab-
jure heresy, and expiate the sins of his past life by confession,
a flame having caught in the interior part of his house during
his absence, running up the door-post, had burst out at the
top; when he had perceived the thing, for he was not far dis-
tant, he suddenly called to a neighbor, but finds no assistance;
he runs then to another, when he finds only two who will go
with him; and although all this time the fire was burning, and
the house was built of dry logs, nevertheless relief arrived
before any great injury had happened. Some feared lest by
this unexpected occurrence he might be deterred from con-
version. It happened far otherwise however; for his house
being almost uninjured, he thence drew the conclusion that
God was propitious to him and approved his design by a mani-
fest token. Wherefore, uniting a great reformation in morals
with the faith he professed, he now sheds abroad the very
sweet savor of a good example upon all who are acquainted
with him.
134 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1642
The other man^ though he had felt some internal drawings
of God, and had for some time made use of means which
seemed to lead toward conversion, yet on a certain day deter-
mined to cast aside all such thoughts, and go back to the
customary paths of his earlier life. In the time when he medi-
tated better thoughts he had obtained prayei^beads for him-
self; but afterwards, having changed his mind, he was accus-
tomed to smoke them in his pipe with tobacco, after grinding
them to powder, often boasting that he was eating up his
*'Ave Marias''; for so he called the beads by telling of which
the salutation of the angel is recited. But the divine ven-
geance did not let the wicked crime go long unpunished; for
scarcely a year having passed, on the returning vigil of the
day on which he had abandoned his purpose of embracing the
Catholic faith, a more sacrilegious playfulness possessed him,
as was noticed by his companions. Therefore, in the afternoon,
when he had betaken himself to the river for the purpose of
swimming, scarcely had he touched the water when a huge
fish having suddenly seized the wicked man, before he could
retreat to the bank, tore away, at a bite, a large portion of his
thigh, by the pam of which most merited laceration, the un-
happy wretch was in a short time hurried away from the liv-
ing — ^the divine justice bringing it about that he, who a little
wWle before boasted that he had eaten up his "Ave Maria
beads," should see his own flesh devoured, even while he was
yet living.
College of the English at Li^, etc.
A Narrative derived from the Letters of Ours, out of
Maryland, [1642].
In the mission of Maryland for the year 1642, just elapsed,
we have had only three companions and those three priests,
one of whom too was confined by sickneas of three months'
duration. This was Father Roger Rigby. The other two
were Father Philip Fisher, superior of the mission, and Father
Andrew White, who separated themselves in different places
for the purpose of collecting more fruit. The superior. Father
Philip, remained for the most part at St. Mary's, the chief
town of the colony, in order that he might take care of the
1642] ANNUAL LETTERS OP TEDS JESUITS 135
English, who live there in greater numbers, and also of the
Indians not living far distant, as well as those going and
coming backwards and forwards. Father Andrew betook
himself to his former station at Pascataway ; but Father Roger
went to a new residence, which in the vulgar idiom they call
Patuxen, where he could learn the more easily the Lidian Ian-
guage, ^d so better instruct and strengthen in the faith cet^
tain neophjrtes, and scatter more widely along the bank of
that great river the seed of faith.
The following was in substance the fruit of their labors.
Father Andrew suffered no little inconvenience, from a
hard-hearted and troublesome sea-captain of New England,
whoin he had engaged for the purpose of taking him and his
effects, from whom he was in fear a little while after, not
without cause, that he would either be cast into the sea, or be
carried with his property to New England, to the Puritan
Calvinists — ^that is, the very dregs of all Calvinist heresy.
Silently conmiitting the thing to God, at length in safety he
reached Potomac — ^which in the vernacular is called Patomake
— ^in which harbor, when they had cast anchor, the ship stuck
so fast, bound by a great quantity of ice, that for the space of
seventeen days it could not be moved. Walking on the ice,
as if on land, the Father departed for the town; and when the
ice was broken up, the ship, driven and jammed by the force
and violence of the ice, sunk, the cargo however being in a
great measure recovered.
By this misfortune the Father was detained longer in his
visit, to wit, seven weeks; for he found it necessary to bring
another ship from St. Mary's. But the spiritual advantage
of souls readily compensated for that delay; for during that
time was added to the Church the ruler of that little village,
with the other principal men of its inhabitants, who received
the faith of Christ and baptism. Besides these, also another,
with many of his friends; a third likewise, with his wife, his
son, and a friend; a fourth, in like manner, with another of
no ignoble standing among his people. By their example, the
people are prepared to receive the faith, whenever we shall
have leisure to instruct them by catechism.
Not long after, the young Empress (as they call her) of
Pascataway was baptized in the town of St. Mary's and is
_ y
136 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1642
being educated there, and is now a proficient in the English
language. Almost at the same time most of the town called
Portobacco^ received the faith with baptism; which town, as
it is situated on the river Pamac,' (the inhabitants call it Pa-
make,) almost in the centre of the Indians, and so more con-
venient for excursions in all directions, we have determined
to make our residence; and the more so, because we fear that
we may be compelled to abandon Pascataway, on account of
its proximity to the Sesquesehanni, which nation is the most
savage and warlike of these r^ons, and hostile to the Chris-
'\ "tians. An attack having been recently made on a place of
ours, they slew the men whom we had there, and carried away
the goods, to our great loss. And unless they be restrained
by force of arms, which we little expect from the counsels of
the English, who disagree among themselves, we shall not be
safe there.
*" Wherefore, we have to be content with excursions, many
of which we have made this year in ascending the river, which
they call Patuxen. Out of these this fruit has arisen, namely
the conversion of the yoimg queen of that place, namely of
the town having the same name with the river there, and her
mother; also of the young queen of Portobacco; of the wife
and two sons of the great Tayac, as they call him — ^that is
the Emperor, who died last year; and of one himdred and
thirty others besides. The following is our manner of mak-
ing an excursion. We are carried in a pinnace or galley, to
wit: the Father, the interpreter, and a servant — ^for we use
an interpreter, as will be stated hereafter. Two of them propel
the boat with oars, when the wind is adverse or fails; the
third steers with the helm. We take with us a little chest
I of bread, butter, cheese, com, cut and dried before it is ripe,
' beans and a little flour — ^another chest, also, for carrying
bottles, one of which contains wine for religious purposes, six
others holy water for the purpose of baptism; a box with the
' Now known as Port Tobaoco. The name is said to come from the Indian
words Potu-bago, meaning tabacco4eave8 (Maryland Historical Society, Fund
PMicoHcn no. 7, supplement, p. 44).
* Now called Port Tobacco Creek. From filling up of the channel, vesseb
of eyen moderate draft can now (1910) come up only to within four miles of the
town.
1M2] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 137
sacred vessels, and a slab as an altar for the sacred function;
and another casket full of trifles, which we give the Indians
to conciliate their affection — such as little bells, combs, knives,
fish-hooks, needles, thread and other things of this kind. We
have, besides, a little tent, when we are obliged to lie out in
the open air, which is frequently the case; siso a larger one,
which is adapted to keep out the rain. The servants also
bring other things, which are necessary for hunting, and pre-
paring for food whatever they have taken in hunting.
In our excursions we endeavor, as much as we can, to
reach by evening some English house, or Indian village, but
if not, we land and to the Father falls the care of mooring the
boat fast to the shore, then of collecting wood and making a ^
fire, while in the meantime the two others go to himt — so that ^-
if they take anything it may be prepared. But if not, having
refreshed ourselves with our provisions, we lie down by the
fire and sleep. If fear of rain threatens, we erect our hut and
cover it with a larger mat spread over; and, praise be to God,
we enjoy this humble fare and hard couch with a not less joy-
ful mind, than more luxurious provisions in Europe, with this
present comfort that God now imparts to us a foretaste of
what he will give to those who labor faithfully in this life, and
mitigates all hardships with a degree of pleasantness; espe-
cially because His Divine Majesty appears to be present with
us, in an extraordinaiy manner. For, considering that the
difficulty of this language is so great, that none of us can yet
converse with the Indians without an interpreter (though
Father Rigby has made a little progress, so that he hopes he
will be able by a short time to converse with them upon things
of ordinary importance, and to instruct them as far as may be
necessary for admission to baptism; for he has composed a
short catechism, by the aid of an interpreter), these things, I
say, being considered, it appears miraculous that we have been
able to effect anything with them; especially when we have
no interpreter except a yoimg man who is not himself so well
acquainted with their language but that he sometimes excites
their laughter; so that for a time we seemed almost to despair
in mind, but by patience we are succeeding, and in a gradual
way are bringing them over to what we desire.
It has also pleased the Divine Goodness, by the virtue of
138 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1642
His Holy Cross, to effect something beyond mere human power.
The circumstances are these: a certain Indian, called an Anar
costian, from his country, but now a Christian, whilst he was
making his way with others through a wood, fell behind his
companions a little, when some savage of the tribe of the
Susquesehanni, which I have mentioned before, attacked him
suddenly from an ambuscade, and with a strong and light spear
of locust wood, (from which they make their bows), with an
oblong iron point, pierced him through from the ri^t side to
the left, at a hand's breadth below the armpit near the heart
itself with a woimd two fingers broad at each side. From
the effect of this when the man had suddenly fallen, his ene-
mies fly with the utmost precipitation; but his friends who
had gone on before, recalled by the sudden noise and shout,
return and carry the man from the land to the boat, which
was not far distant, and thence to his home at Pascataway,
and leave him speechless and out of his senses. The occur-
rence being reported to Father White, who by chance was but
a short distance away, he hastened to him the following morn-
ing, and found the man before the doors, Isring on a mat before
the fire and enclosed by a circle of his tribe — ^not indeed alto-
gether speechless, or out of his senses, as the day before, but
expecting the most certain death almost every moment, and
with a mournful voice joining in the song with his friends
that stood around, as is the custom in the case of the more dis-
tinguished of these men, when they are thought to be certainly
about to die. But some of his friends were Christians, and
their song, which, musically indeed, but with plaintive inflec-
tion of tone, they modulated, was, "May he live, oh God! if it
so please thee;" and they repeated it again and again, until
the Father attempted to address the dying man, who inmie-
diately knew the Father, and showed him his wounds. The
Father pitied him exceedingly; but since he saw the danger to
be most imminent, omitting other things he briefly runs over
the principal articles of faith; and repentance of his sins being
excited, he received his confession; then elevating his soul
with hope and confidence in God, he recited the gospel which
is appointed to be read for the sick, as also the Lauretan
litanies of the Blessed Virgin,* and told him to commend him-
' Litanies of the Virgin, originally used at the Holy House of Loretto.
1642] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 139
self to her most holy intercessions, and to call unceasingly
upon the most sacred name of Jesus. Then the Father, ap-
plying the sacred relics of the Most Holy Cross, which he car-
ried in a casket hung to his neck, but had now taken off, to
the wound on each side, before his departure (for it was nec-
essary to depart, for the purpose of administering baptism to
an aged Indian, who was considered about to die before the
morrow) directed the bystanders, when he should breathe
his last, to carry him to the chapel for the purpose of burial.
It was now noon when the Father departed; and the fol-
lowing day, at the same hour, when by chance he was borne
along in his boat, he saw two Indians propelling a boat with
oars towards him; and when they had come alongside, one
of them put his foot into the boat, in which the Father was
sitting. Whilst he gazed on the man with fixed eyes, being
in doubt, for in a measure he recognized by his features who
he was, but in part recollected in what state he had left him
the day before, the man, on a sudden, having thrown open his
cloak, and having disclosed the cicatrices of the wounds, or
rather a red spot on each side, as a trace of the wound, imme-
diately removed all doubt from him. Moreover, in language
of great exultation he exclaims that he is entirely well, nor
from the hour at which the Father had left yesterday had he
ceased to invoke the most holy name of Jesus, to whom he
attributed his recovered health. All who were in the boat
with the Father, taking cognizance of the thing both by seeing
and hearing, breaking forth into praise of God and thanksgiv-
ing, were greatly rejoiced and confirmed in the faith at this
miracle.
But the Father advising the man that, always mindful of
so great and manifest a blessing, he should return thanks, and
persevere to treat that holy name and most holy cross, with
love and reverence, dismisses the same from him. Then the
man, returning to fais own boat together with the other, boldly
propelled it with the oar, which he could not have done, unless
he had been of sound and entire strength.
This is about the sum of the labor and fruit for this year;
one thing, however, remains not altogether to be omitted,
though to be touched upon lightly, to wit, that occasion of
suffering has not been wanting from those, from whom rather
140 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1664
it was natural to expect aid and protection; who^ too intent
upon their own affairs, have not feared to violate the immu-
nities of the Church, by using their endeavors, that laws of
this kind formerly passed in England and unjustly observed
there, may obtain like force here, to wit: that it shall not be
lawfiil for any person or community, even ecclesiastical, in
any wise, even by gift, to acquire or possess any land, unless
the permission of the civil magistrate first be obtained/ When
Ours declared this to be repugnant to the laws of the Church,
two priests were sent from England to teach the contrary.-
But the reverse of what was expected happened; for our rear
sons being heard, and the thing itself being more clearly im-
derstood, they easily fell in with our opinion, and most of the
laity. This I add by way of conclusion, that two other fathers
have recently come to us from England, to our great com-
fort, after an unpleasant voyage of fourteen weeks, whereas it
is not generally more than six or eight. But of these and
their labors and their fruit, if God grant it, we will speak else-
where. We hope indeed that it will be abundant, which we
may predict from their present zeal and the unanimity of their
minds, since that is the most certain sign of the abiding of
Him with us, who is in the completest degree one, and the
beginning of all unity.
From the Annual Letter of 1654
This year Father Francis Fitzherbert, destined for Mary-
land, at the first intimation of our superior, without a single
companion, with singular magnanimity and alacrity of mind,
entered upon an arduous expedition, and a laborious and long
journey among unknown men, dissimilar in morals and re-
ligion. Nor during his whole journey was there wanting a
harvest abundant according to his deserts, from his confi-
dence in God and his patience. Four ships sailed together
from England, which a fearful storm overtook, when carried
beyond the Western Isles,' and the ship in which the Father
was carried, the violent waves so shattered, that, springing a
leak by the continued violence of the sea, it almost filled its hold.
But in carrying away and exhausting the water, the men, four
> In reference to this controversy see pp. 116, 117, aufra. ' Azores.
1665] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 141
at a time, not only of the ship's crew but of the passengers,
every one in his turn, sweated at the great pump in ceaseless
labor, day and night.
Wherefore, having changed their course, their intention
was to make sail towards the island, which the English call
Barbados; but it could be accomplished by no art, by no labor;
then the design was, having abandoned the ship and its freight,
to commit themselves to the long boat. But the sea, swelling
with adverse winds, and the huge mountainous waves, for-
bade. Many a form of death presenting itself to the minds
of all, the habit of terror, now grown familiar, had almost ex-
cluded the fear of death. The tempest lasted two months in
all, whence the opinion arose, that it was not raised by the vio-
lence of the sea or atmosphere, but was occasioned by the
malevolence of witches. Forthwith they seize a little old
woman suspected of sorcery; and after examining her with
the strictest scrutiny, guilty or not guilty, they slay her, sus-
pected of this very heinous sin. The corpse, and whatever
belonged to her, they cast into the sea.^ But the winds did
not thus remit their violence, or the raging sea its threaten-
ings. To the troubles of the storm, sickness was added, which
having spread to almost every person, carried ofiF not a few.
Nevertheless, the Father remained untouched by all the con-
tagion, and unharmed, except that in working and exercising
at the pump too laboriously, he contracted a slight fever of a
few days' continuance. Having passed through multiplied
dangers, at length, by the favor of God, the ship, contrary to
the expectation of all, reached the port of Maryland.
From the Anmud Letter of 1655 and 1656
In Maryland, during this year and the next preceding.
Ours have escaped grievous dangers, but have had to contend
with great difficulties and straits, and have suffered many un-
pleasant things as well from enemies as from our own people.
The English who inhabit Virginia made an attack on the colo-
nists, themselves Englishmen too; and safety being guaranteed
on certain conditions, received indeed the Governor of Mary-
^ See p. 117, supra^ and Archives of Maryland, III. 306.
142 XABBATTTES OF EARLY ILIETLAND {ics
laody* vith maitr odxcs, in azTTeoiier. Bet Iq treatheroos vio-
I^tkn of the eoo&kcB, focir cif ibe ctpdrcB. and dme of tliem
C&tri-Ai^ ant of c iAi i au e hatred <£ oar icfinm aicre pierced
with leftden bdbu' RpptnTiB cno oar hooses, thev dpiMndrri
for death the unpa^Uxs, as ther called theni, mUmTu^ iner-
haUe ffangfitfT to those vbo sfaou! be caug^ Bat the
Fathers, by the protectkn of God. cJoKmii to them, nere
tamed frm before their faees in a EnJe boat; their books^
fufuiUire ; and irfaaterer was in the boose, fcfl a prey to the
rrjbben. With ahnost the entire loss of their piupciU, private
and domestic, together with great peril of life, they woe se-
cretly canied into Mnpnia: and in the greatest vant of neces-
aaries^ acaicdy and whh dificnlty do tbey antain fife, lliey
live in a mean hot, lov and depressed, not mocfa mdike a ds-
tem^ or even a tooob, in which that great defender of the faith,
St. Athaitawns, hj eoneealed for many yean. To their other
miseries this inconvenience was added, that whatever com-
f est CM* aid this year, under name of itfipend, bom pioos men
in En^andy was ^fas ^i n fl ii for thptn^ had been kat, the ship
being intereepted in wiiich it was canied. But nothing affects
than more than that there is not a supply of wine, wiiidi is
sufficient to perform the sacred mysteries of the altar. They
have no servant, either for dcHnestic use, or for directing thdr
way thrcMig^ unknown and suspected places^ or even to row
aiMl steer the boat, if at any time there is need. Often, over
qiAcious and vast rivers, cMie of th^n, akxie and unacoonn
panied, passes and repasses kmg dtstanres, with no other
p3ot directing his couise than Divine Fhyvidenoe. Even
thotigh the enemy should depart and they diould return to
Maryland, the things which they have already suffoed from
thdr people, and the disadvantages iriiich st^ threaten are
not mudb more tolaaUe.'
< WiDkai Stooe. >See pt 303, o^s.
•The occoncDeei here doeribed, mod the ^'«r"i«'«" cff die Juiuit miaMi-
MiitB, oocnmd ouriug the 9WKf of die Gonwniiw<Mii is ^ipaiiitod fay j^ulmiiait,
vf whfMti Vat j^ownnDoit off die Plraprieluy wbs tenipomiljr overamwii. (See
pf>, 166, 204, infraJ) In 1638, when die aupi e m e aodftoritj bMl beoome iraled in
Olirer CroiDwefl M Lofd PMHitor, die anthoritj off Lori B
md dMKopoa die Jcaiii nmBonuies iflmucd to dieir fields off labor.
1681] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 143
From the Annual Letter of 1681
The Maryland mission flourishes; the seed which our
Fathers sowed there is growing up into a copious crop and
promises an abundant harvest hereafter. Four 3rear8 ago
they opened, in the midat of barbarism, a school of humane
letters, conducted by two of them, and the youths bom there,
unusually devoted to letters, are making good progress. This
new-bom school has sent to St. Omer two students, who are
surpassed in intelligence by few Europeans and strive for the
palm with the foremost of their class. Hence we infer that
these lands, undeservedly called barbarous, are most prolific,
not alone of gold and silver and other products of the earth,
but also of men made for virtue and the higher education.
Two have been sent thither this year to aid those who are
laboring in that most ample vineyard of the Lord.
All this year there has been a great contention about prop-
erty. The enemies of the Society have enviously spread the
report that it possessed immense wealth, almost enough to sus-
tain an army, thus turning to the injury of the Society the very
beneficence of our Fathers, who to those who have had recourse
to them have administered the desired aid promptly, and in
proportion to their slender resources generously; and yet it is
certain that those who speak thus are either deceived or deceiv-
ing, for whatever Ours possess in the island ^ would hardly suf-
fice to support a hundired. And if we take account of what
perishes through the ignorance of those in charge of it, of what
is lost through the avarice of rustics' withholding the annual
revenues, of what is spent on lawyers that the estate itself
be not ^ched away, it suffices for far fewer, unless they aid
themselves by their own labor. The rest is adequately supplied
by the charity of the faithful, for whom we labor strenuously.
Much has been brought into j'eopardy and preserved with diffi-
culty; some things have been lost. Yet we trast in the good-
ness of God and the piety of the Catholics that, while we sow
spiritual seed, we shall reap carnal things in abundance, and
that to those who seek the kingdom of God the other things
> At that time Europeans not minutely informed were prone to assume that
any American ("West Indian") colony was an island. See p. 299, infra.
* Tenant fanners.
144 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1681
shall be added. Meanwhile having modest and fragal living
and proper clothing, we are contented therewith.
In the mean time hearty thanks are to be rendered to the
Divine mercy for the occasions whereby it calls into exercise
our faith and virtue, and for the singular fortitude from on
high with which it indues our Fathers, to bear all things read-
ily and joyfully for CJhrist. They have taken joyfully the
spoiling of their goods, knowing that they have a better and
enduring substance. They had trial of mockings and scourg-
ings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment; they were
stoned, they were sawn asunder,^ were tempted, were slain
with the halter; they wandered about destitute, tormented,
afflicted. Yet, such is the mercy of God, he has not suffered
us to be tempted above that we are able to bear, but with the
temptation has also made a way to escape, that we may be
able to bear it. In Him is placed our assured hope, that He
that hath begun this good work will Himself finish it.
^ The statements as to being sawn asunder and slain with the halter are not
to be taken liteAillyy the phrases being borrowed from Hebrews xi. 36, 37. The
actual grievances, however real, were not due to those in authority, but were the
result lather of lawless violence.
LETTER OF GOVERNOR LEONARD CALVERT
TO LORD BALTIMORE, 1638
INTRODUCTION
The letter of Leonard Calvert, Lieutenant-Governor of
Maryland, to his brother the Lord Proprietary, dated April
25, 1638, contains a graphic account of the reduction of Kent
Island to obedience, the inhabitants of which, instigated by
William Qaibome, had continued during the four years which
had elapsed since the founding of the Colony to refuse sub-
mission to the authority of Lord Baltimore.
Palmer's Island, mentioned in the narrative as being occu-
pied and fortified by Thomas Smith and others from Kent
Island, lies near the head of Chesapeake Bay, within the
mouth of the Susquehanna Biver, and therefore commands
the entrance to what was then a great waterway for trade,
conducted in canoes, with the Indians. The island is well
within the borders of Maryland, and is now generally known as
Watson's Island. William Qaibome, who sought to control this
trade independently of Lord Baltimore's rights under the char-
ter of Maryland, was the agent of, and in some enterprises a
profit-sharer with, the mercantile house of Qoberry and Com-
pany, of London. When this firm was informed of Lord Bal-
timore's authority and of Claiborne's resistance thereto, they
revoked his agency, and appointed as his successor George
Evelin, with power of attorney to act for them. But so greatly
were the inhabitants under the influence of Qaibome that Eve-
lin seems to have been unable to assert his authority until Gov-
ernor Calvert entered upon the island with an armed force
and made prisoners of Thomas Smith and John Butler, who
were Qaibome's principal agents, the latter being his brother-
in-law. This being done, and a general amnesty offered to all
147
148 INTRODUCTION
the other inhabitants who should within twentv-four hours
submit themselves to the authority of the Lord Proprietary,
they with one accord accepted the ofiFer, and gladly received
grants of the land which they occupied, to which previously
they had no pretence of title.
In this letter Governor Calvert asks his brother to send
over^ signed in advance, the draft of an act, to be submitted to
the Assembly, ''censuring" Butler for piracy as Smith had
been. The reference here made appears to be the only record
extant of the seizure of goods by Butler from a boat belong-
ing to those at St. Mary's. This fornml accusation against
Butler the Governor wished to have, to hold over his head as
a means of securing loyalty and good behavior on his part for
the future.
The charge of piracy against Smith, for which he was tried
and condemned to death, arose in this wise:
In 1635, a pinnace belonging to the Kent Island station'
was seized by the Maryland officers for trading without a
licence from the proprietary government. Claiborne retali-
ated by sending out a vessel, the Cockatrice, under the com-
mand of Ratcliffe Warner,' with orders to seize any vessels
belonging to St. Mary's. To meet this move, and to maintain
his authority. Governor Calvert despatched two pinnaces, the
St. Helen and the St. Margarety Captain Thomas Comwaleys
being in command. Meeting on April 23, 1635, with Oai-
bome's vessel in the Pocomoke River, an engagement fol-
lowed, in which one Maiylander was killed and several
wounded, while on the other side Lieutenant Warner and
two of his men were killed and their boat captured.
On the 10th of May following, there waa another conflict in
the same river, this time Thomas Smith being in conmiand
of Claiborne's vessel. There appears to have been bloodshed
> CdveH Papers, I. 141, 145 (Maryland Historical Society, Fvnd Ptddiea^
Hon no. 28).
' Bozman, History of Maryland^ II. 34, 35.
NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND 149
upon this occasion also, and for this occurrence the charge
of piracy was laid against Smith, for which he was arrested,
tried and convicted three years later.^
The latter part of the letter is interesting from its per-
sonal character, and the account it contains of Governor
Calvert's efforts to send to his brother specimens of the native
birds and animals of America, and to obtain for him Indian
matting, which appears to have been desired as a novelty both
for domestic use and for gifts to friends.
C C* M»
> Arekivet 0/ Maryiand, L 16, 17.
LETTER OF GOVERNOR LEONARD CALVERT
TO LORD BALTIMORE, 1638 »
Good Brother : I have endeavored this last winter to bring
the Inhabitants of the He of Kent' willingly to submit them-
selves to your govemement and to incourage them thereunto
I wrote unto them a letter in November, where amongst other
motives I used to perswade them, I promised to free them
from all question of any former contempts they had com-
mitted against you, so that they would from thence forward
desist from the like and submit themselves to the govern-
ment and to shew them greater favor I gave them the choice
to name whom they would of the Inhabitants of the Ileand to
be theire commaunder ; but one Jhon Butler Qeybomes brother
in law and one Tho: Smith an agent of Geybomes upon Kent
was of such power amongst them that they perswaded them
still to continue in theire former contumacie. Upon notice
given me hereof, I presently appointed Cap* Evelin" Comman-
der of the Ileand w°^ formerly I purposely omitted because he
was had in a generall dislike amongst them, him they con-
temned and conmiitted many Insolencies against; wherefore
findeing all faire meanes I could use to be in vaine, and that
no way but compulsion was left, I gathered togeather about
twenty musketteers out of the Colony of S^ Maries and appoint-
ing the command of them to Capt Comewallis* whome I tooke
' The original manuscript ia endorsed as follows: "25 April] 1638. My Bro:
Leonard to me. from Virginea, the taking of the He of Kent Palmers Band,
what number of people and catle upon ihem. Portobacke. Cedar, redd-bird,
matts and Lyon.*'
* For a brief statement of the grounds of controversy between Loid Balti-
more fJkd William Qaibonie oonoeining Kent Island, see p. 50, mpnu
* Robert Evdin had been appointed by Clobeny and Company ol Loodoo
their attorney in the room of Claibonie, who had been their former agent and rep-
resentative for trading with the Indians.
* One of the commissioneTs for the coloniiation of Maryland (see p. 16b
nipro) and for many years the chief military officer of the province.
150
1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 151
as my assistant wH' me, I sat saile from S^ Maries towards Kent
about the latter end of November, intending to apprehend
Smith and Butler if I could, and by the example of theire
p\inishmf to reduce the rest to obedience, but it beeing then
f arre in the winter, the windes were so cross and the weather
so fowle in the bay, that after I had remayned a week upon
the water I was forct to retume back and deferre that expe-
dition untill some fitter tyme. Two months affter in the be-
ginning of ffebruarie I was given to understand that the Ind-
ians at the head of the bay, called the Sasquahannoughs,
intended in the spring following to make warre upon us at
S^ Maries pretendmg revenge for our assistmg of our neigh-
bors Indians against them two yeares before (w^ we never
did though they will needs thinck so) and that they were in-
couraged much against us by Thomas Smith who had trans-
planted himselfe w^ other English from the He of Kent the
last summer to an Ileand at the head of the bay fower miles
below the falls called Palmers Ileand^ and understanding like-
wise that they had planted and fortified themselves there by
directions from Cap* Qeyboume w*?* intent to live there inde-
pendent of you (because they supposed it out of the limits of
your Province) and that the sf Smith and Mf Botler whom
I have formerly mentioned was then preparing to carrie a
farther supply from Kent both of men and necessaries to the
sf Ileand; I thought it expedient to stop theire proceedings
in the b^nnings, and for that purpose haveing advised w^''
the councell about the busines I sat forth from S^ Maries for the
He of Kent w*^ thirtie choice musketteers takeing Cap* Come-
walleis and Capt: Evelin in my company. To Cap* Comew:*
I appointed the command of those Soldiers I carried w*^ me,
and afterward arriving at the sf Ileand I landed w*? my com-
pany a little before sunne rise, at the southermost end thereof
where Cap? Cleybomes howse is seated w*^in a small ffort of
Pallysadoes, but findeing the gate towards the sea at my
comeing fast barred in the inside one of my company beeing
acquainted w*^ the place quickly fownd passage in at an other
gate and commeing to the gate w^ I was at opened unto me,
^So called from the name of the original grantee. Afterward variously
known by the names of subsequent occupants, and now, generally, as Watson's
Island. * Comewallis.
152 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [1638
80 that I was arrived and entered the fort w%ut notice taken
by any of the Ileand w^ I did desire, the easilier to appre-
hend Boteler and Smith the cheife incenduaries of the former
seditions and mutinies upon the Ileand; before they should be
able to make head against me, and understanding that Boteler
and Smith were not then at the fort but at theire severall plan-
tations I sent to all the lodgeings in the fort and caused all the
persons that were f ownd in them to be brought unto me there-
by to prevent theire giving untymely notice unto Boteler and
Smith of my commeing, and takeing them all alongst w^
me I marched wH* my company from thence w*^ what speed
I could towards Botelers dwelling called the great thicket
some five miles from the fort and appointed my Pinnass to
meet me at an other Place called Crafonl, and makeing a stand
about halfe a mile short of the place, I sent my En^gne one
Mf Clerck (that came once w**^ M! Copley from England) w^
tenne musketteires to Butler to acquaint him that I was come
upon the Ileand to settle the govemement thereof and com-
maund his present repaire unto me at Craford two miles dis-
tant from thence, w*? the Ensigne accordingly did and brought
Boteler unto me before I removed from where he left me.
After I had thus possessed myselfe of him I sent my Serjeant
one Robert Vaugham w*^ six musketteires to Thomas Smiths
who lived at a place called beaver neck right against Boteler
on the other side of a Creeck w^ like commands as I had
formerly given for Boteler, and then marching forward w*!*
your Ensigne displayed to Craford by the tyme I was come
thither Smith was brought unto me where haveing both the
cheife delinquents against you I first charged them w*? theire
crimes and afterward committed them Prisoners aboard the
Pumass. I came in and appointed a gard over them, after I
caused a proclamation to be made of a generall pardon to all
other the Inhabitants of the Ileand excepting Boteler and
Smith for all former contempts against you that should w^'^in
fower and twenty howers after the proclaiming of the same
come in and submit themselves to your govemement where-
upon w^'^in the time appointed the whole Ileand came in
and submitted themselves. Haveing received theire submis-
sion, I exorted them to a faithfull continuance of the same,
and encouraged them thereto by assureing them how ready
1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 153
you would be alwayes upon theire deserts to condescend
to any thing for theiie g^. Afterwani I gave order for
the carrieing of Boteler and Smith to S^ Maries in the Pin-
nass I came in, and w^ them sent most of the Soldiers as a
gard upon them conmiaunding them to be delivered into the
custody of the sheriffe at S^ Maries untill my retume and my
Pinnass to retume to the Ileand to me, where till my Pin-
nasses retume I held a court and heard and determined diverse
causes between the Inhabitants. At the end of the sf court I
assembled all the Inhabitants to make choise of theire delegates
to be present for them at a generall assembly then held at
S* Maries for the makeing of Lawes w^ they accordingly did,
and before my departure from them I gave them to under-
stand that every man that held or desired to hold any land in
the Ileand, it was necessarie they should take pattents of it
under the scale of the Province as holding it of you w*!* they
were all very desireous of, so that some tyme this summer I
promised to come to the Ileand and bring Mf Lewger w^ me
to survay and lay out theire lands for them and then to pass
grants unto them of it, reserveing onely such rents and services
to you as the law of the Province should appoint. There is
upon the Ileand about one hundred and twentie men able to
beare armes as neer as I could gather; of the women and chil-
dren I can make no estimate. In conclusion appointing the
command of the Ileand to three of them, vist: to Mf Robert
Philpot as commaunder and William Cox and Tho: Allen joynt
commissioners w^ him I departed for 8} Maries, where after
my arrivall I called a grand inquest upon Smith who fownd a
bill against him for Pjrracie, whereupon he was arraigned
before the assembly and by them condemned to suffer death
and forfeit, as by a particular act for that purpose assented
unto by the whole howse and sent unto you, you will perceive;*
I have omitted aa yet to call M' Boteler to his tryall, because
I am in hopes by dewing favor unto him to make him a good
member, but I have not as yet released him, though I have
taken him out of the sheriffes custody into my owne howse
where I intend to have him remayne untill I have made farther
experience of his disposition and if I can win him to a good
inclination to your Service, I shall thinck him fittest to take
I Archives of Maryland, I. 16, 17.
154 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CAX,VERT [1638
the commaund of the lie of Kent; for those others w^ have
now that charge from me are very unable for it, nor is there
better to be fownd upon the Ileand; but least (Boteler de-
meaning himselfe otherwise then well and that I should finde
cause to thinck him fitter to be pimished then pardoned)
there should want meanes to ^ve him condigne punishment
for all his former offences, I desire you would send over an
act the next yeare w*? your assent thereto, to be proposed to
an assembly in Maryland for theire assent censureing Boteler
as Smith was for Pyracie w^ he committed at the hc^ of the
bay neer Palmers Ileand in the yeare 1635 upon a Pinnasse
belonging to 8^ Maries by takeing and a great quantitie of
trucking commodities from Jhon Tomkins and serjeant Rob-
ert Vaughan who had the chai^ of her and togeather w^
the sf Pinnass and goodes carried the sf Tomkins and Vaughan
prisoners to Kent. Smith hath solicited you I suppose by his
letters for his pardon but I shall desire you that you would
leave it to me to do aa I shall finde him to deserve; whereby
(if it be possible he should be the better for it) it will take
better effect w^ him when he shall continue at my mercie
under whose eye he is. Palmers Ileand beeing already seated
and fortifyed and a good stock of cattle to the number of thir-
teen head put upon it, I thought not good to supplant but
understanding there were five men inhabiting it servants to
Cap^ Cleybome and formerly under the command of Smith I
sent Serjeant Robert Vaugham and two others w^ him from
S^ Maries to set downe there and to the sd: Vaugham gave
the commaund of all the rest, and by reason Cap* Cleybome
hath been attainted of ffelony in the last assembly at S! Maries
by particular act and sentenced to forfeit ail his estate in the
Province* I gave Vaugham authoritie to take the servants
and other goodes and chatties belonging to Cleybome upon
the Ileand into his charge, and to have them forth commeing
when they shall be demaunded of him togeather w*^ what
profitt shall be made by the Serjeants labors. I am informed
that upon occasion of discourse given before Sf Jhon Harvey
Mr Kempe and Mf Hawley^ by Mf Boteler whether Palmers lie
^ Archives of Maryland^ I. 23.
' Jerome Hawley, one of the commissioners for the original settlement of
Maryland. See p. 16, supra.
1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 165
were w^^^in the Province of Maryland or no Mf Hawley did so
weackly defend your title to it that Boteler grew more confi-
dent of proceeding in planting it for his Brother Cleybome and
I have some reason to thinck that Mf Hawley did willingly let
your title fall for some designe sake of his owne upon trade
w*? the Sasquahannoughs w^ he might conceive better hopes
to advance by its depenice on Virginia then on Maryland, for
when I sat in counsell at S^ Maries about the expedition I
made to Kent to stop the proceedings of that designe of Bote-
ler and Smiths planting it; he earnestly diswaded it by sug-
gesting all the reasons he could to make your title doubtfull
to it the Ileand and then how unlawfull an act it would be to
hinder theire planting it, and though it was made appeare that
theire seating there was most dangerous to the Colony at S^
Maries by reason that they had incouraged the Indians to set
upon us and might hereafter furnish them w^ gunns to our
further harme if we should suffer them to proceed, whereaa
otherwise Boteler and Smith beeing removed we might hope
to make a peace w^ those Indians yet it seemed some designe
he had upon theire setting downe there was so deare unto him
that he preferred it before the safetie of all us and his owne
family beeing included in the daunger, and would needs have
perswaded it to be in Virginia though the express words of
your pattent limits the Province to the northward where New
England ends but it is apparent that the Hand is w^in your
Province for the line of fortie by Smiths map* by w*^ the
Lords Refiferies* lade out the bonds* lyeth right over the first
falls and this Ileand is fowre miles to the sowtherd below those
falls as I can witnes for I was there the last summer and ob-
served it. I beleeve the faire promises w^ he made you in
England when you procured the preferm* he hath in Virginia
how usefull he would prove to your Colony by it, will never
be performed by him for nothing moveth him but his owne
ends and those he intendeth wholly to remove from Maryland
and place them in Virginia, and intendeth shortly to remove
his wife and family thither. I am sorry it was your ill fort-
une to be a meanes of so much good to him who is to ingrate-
> See in NarraHves of Early Virginia, opposite p. 76, the Teproduction of
Captain John Smith's map of Virginia, 1612, on which "Smiths falb" appear
just south of 40^ N. hit. * Referees. • Bounds.
IM LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [ifi38
full for it| for he disclaimes that he ever sought your help or
had any from you towards his preferm! for he tluncketh you
did not so much as know he pretended to the place he hath
nor that you knew he had it untill a long t3ane after it was
passed unto him^ thus Cap^ Comewallis telleth me hath heard
him say, and he is of such greevance unto the Governor and
Secretarie of Virginia that they promise to themselves noth-
ing but mine by his draweing all the perquisites of theire two
places from them, and do therefore wonder that you would be
the meanes of procureing such a place for him. They do both
intend by theire letters to solicite your help for the removeing
him and it were well for both Colonies that he were, for he
can not have less power, then too much in that Colony w**" (by
impoverishing Sf Jhon Harvey and draweing from him and
the secretarie the execution of all the cheife services w*? the
Kings proffitts and the peoples estates hath dependencie on
he will bring unto himselfe; so that Maryland wherein it shall
have occasion to use Virginia is like shortly to seeck for it
onely to him where there is nothing to be hoped for but what
is unserviceable to his owne ends and nothing scapeth his
designmt though it be never so much beyond his reach to
compass.
The body of lawes you sent over by M^ Lewgpr* I endeav-
ored to have had passed by the assembly at Maryland but
could not effect it, there was so many things unsuteable to
the peoples good and no way conduceing to your proffitt that
being they could not be exempted from others w*? they will-
ingly woidd have passed they were desireous to suspend them
all. The particular exceptions w"? were made against them
Mf Lewger hath given you an account of in his dispatches to
you : others have been passed in the same assembly and now
gent unto you w^ I am perswaded will appear unto you to
provide both for your honor and proffitt as much as those
you sent us did.' The trade w*? the Indians they wholly
exempted themselves from and leaft it to you, onely Cap*
Comewallis I have promised should not want the most I could
say unto you to procure leave for him that he might rent
three twenty pownds shares in it yearely so long as he is
* John Lewger, secretary of the province.
* Arehives of Maryland^ I. 619.
1638] NABRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 157
a member of your Colony, w*? I did as well to decline his
hindrance of passing the whole to you, as also to give him
incouragement for the many services he hath done you in the
Colony, for though it hath been his fortune and myne to have
had some differences formerly yet in many things I have had
his faithfull assistance for your service and in nothing more
then in the expedicion to Kent this last winter.
I would not wish you (now it is in your hands to dispose
of) to intrest too many sharers in it for that hath been hither-
to the distruction both of the trade and the traders, for they
never agreeing to trade joyntly did by theire severall trade pre-
vent on an others marcket and by over bidding the prise for
beaver dayly spoyled the trade whereas if it had been in one
hand, or in so many as would have joyned, it might have
made some profit to the adventurers but in the way it hath
been hitherto they that have used it hath reaped nothing
but losse, wherefore if you shall thinck good to let me have
any share in it I desire you would not interest any other be-
sides Ca.p? Comewalleis, for there is none else in Maryland
that knoweth what belongeth to the trade and therefore are
not like to joyne in the wayes w^ are most expedient for the
good of it. If you would let it out to us two for two or three
yeares, rent free, I am perswaded it would be brought to such
a state by the way we should bring it in that it would be farre
more profittable and certaine then ever it was for hereafter
or if you thinck good to use it all yourselfe and send over
truck for it I shalbe ready to do you the best service I can,
but you must cause boates and himds to be procured of your
owne here and not put yourselfe to hyer them for that will
eat you out of all your profitt if not your principall and you
must designe to place ffactories as soone as you can on shore
in some convenient places whereto the trade may be drawne
for the way of boating it though the boates be a mans owne
is very chargeable and uncertaine. I have delivered some
Tobaccoes to Mf Lewger but whether it be sufficient or too
much to ballance the accounts I am to passe I can not yet tell
for I have not had tyme since his commeing to make them up.
it is not for any profitt to mjrselfe that I have purposely de-
layed it (as I hope you will do me so much right as to beleeve)
but for want of Leisure from the publike services of the
158 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [1638
Cdony and the neceasarie loockdng after some meanes of my
owne subfiistanoe w^ is so difficult to oompasB here as it re-
quireth much tyme and labor. I meane this summer to pass
all mamier of accounts that are between you and me unto
Mr Lewger, for I have ^spoeed of all my other buanesses so,
as I may have sufficient Idsure to do it in. Mf Lewger is a
very serviceaUe and diligent man in his secretaries place in
Karjdand, and a veiy faithfull and able assistant to me.
The cedar you writt for by him I could not procure to send
this yeare by reason there is veiy few to be f ownd that are
usefdl tymber trees. Two I heird of farre up in Patuxent
river, and two others upon popelyes* Hand in the bay nere
to E^t, and the f raight and other diaig^ for the shipping
them will be so deer that I made a question whether you
would thinck fitt to undeigp it. It will stand in ei^t or tenne
pownds a tunne f raight for En^and besides other charge of
transporting it to shipping from where it is felled neither is
there meanes in Maiyland to transport it unless it might be
split into clapboard, and whether it will not be made unser-
viceable to y^ by useing it so, I can not tell because I do not
know the use you designe it for; by your next letters I pray
informe me what you will have done in it. The matts w^
you wrot for amounts to such a charge to be bought from the
Indians that I had not sufficient meanes to purchase it. It
is not lesse then fortie pownds worth of truck out of En^and
will buy 350 yards of matt besides the charge of seecking
them in twentie severall Indian towns, for unless they be be-
i^dcen there is very few to be had but such as are not worth
buyeing to give a freind, and besides for the use you intend
them it is necessarie they should be all of one make other-
wise they cannot flower a roome; and before I shall procure
so many yards I must send all the Province over but if you
desire to have them and will provide truck to buy the? upon
farther notice from you I will be speack them, to have them
all in as few places as I can to avoid charge; I am sure my
Brother Porttobacco* now Emperor of Paskattaway, will
assist me in it as much as he can for he is much your freind
and servant and hath expressed himselfe to me to be so and
giveth y^ many thancks after his Indian fashion for your guift
sent him by Mf Lewger. He hath w*Mn this two yeares stept
■Poplar Island. ' See above, pp. 126 and 136.
1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 169
into the Empire of the Lidians by killing his eldest brother,
the old Emperor, and enjoyeth [it] yet w . peace through the
good correspondencie he keepetii w*** me w*? aweth his Ind-
ians from offereing any harme unto him. I had procured
a red bird and kept it a good while to have sent it to you but
I had the ill fortune to loose it by the negligence of my ser-
vant who carelesly let it out of ttie cage. The beaver w"^ I
sent to you the last yeares belongeth unto the account of the
stock of Cap? Humber brought over.
The Lyon I had for you is dead, if I can get an other I
will and send it you. I have had no leisure all this last winter
to Virginia to procure an act to be made by the generall as-
sembly then held there for the secureing of your right in the
trade w^^'in your precincts, and thought it to no purpose to
recommend it to Mf Hawleys care after I had understood so
much of him concerning Palmers Ileand. Against there next
assembly w^ will be at the retume of shipping next yeare I
will provide a bill drawne as effectuall for that purpose as I
can and endeavor what I may to get it passed.
I have sent you herew*!* a letter from Mf Robert Philpot
of Kent (who hath at this present the commaund of the
Ileand) to his ffather the keeper of hygh parcke/ I pray
cause it to be delivered unto him and finde some occasion to
commend his sonne unto him for his faire carriage here, as he
doth deserve, for he came in at the first claime I made of the
Ileanders submission to your Pattent, and incourage his
fifather I pray what you can to supply him this yeare, for that
I understand is the intent of his letter to him; I have writ
unto you concemeing the deer you sent for in an other letter
by it selfe sent herew*? as you appointed me. Thus w*? best
love and service to my sister Baltimore and my other two
sisters and my Brother Peasely I rest
Your most affectionate
ffrom Virpnia loveing Brother
this 25^ of Aprill Lbonabd Calvebt
1638.
Cap* Wintor remembreth his
service to you, I left him well
in Maryland.
1 Hyde Park.
THE LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE, 1653
INTRODUCTION
After the death of the 'King, Charles I., and the assump-
tion by Parliament of all the functions of government in
England, Lord Baltimore recognized the neoessily of so con-
stituting the government of Maryland, if he were to retain
control of it, as to disarm the of Irrepeated charge that it was |
"a hot-bed of popery." He therefore appointed as Lieu- •
tenant Governor, William Stone, a Protestant and friend of
the Parliament, and reorganized the Council so that one-half
the members were Protestants. He required in the form of
oath prescribed for the Governor that he would engage to main-
tain religious liberty in the province, in accordance with the pol-
icy pursued from its founding, and that in making appointments
to office, etc., he would not discriminate between persons on
account of religious opinion, but ''only as they were found
faithful and well deserving.''^ About this time a consider-
able number of Puritans, availing of the broad liberty of
conscience secured in Maryland, migrated thither from Vir-
ginia, where they had been harshly treated, and settled at
a place assigned to them which they called Providence, but
upon which the name of Annapolis was afterward bestowed.
In 1694, under the administration of Sir Francis Nicholson,
royal governor, the seat of government was transferred thither
from St. Mary's, and it remains the capital of the state.
Governor Stone, having occasion to visit A^r^nia in 1651,
designated as deputy governor during his absence his pre-
decessor, Thomas Greene,' a Roman Catholic and royalist,
> Arckivea of Maryland, III. 210.
* Lecmard Calvert died in 1647, and on his death-bed named Greene as his
successor.
163
and a member of the Governor's Council. Greene took ad-
vantage of his brief authority to follow the example of Gov-
} emor Berkeley in Vii^jnia, and prockumed Charies II. king,
with rejoicings and a general {inrdon. Stone promptly re-
turned and relieved Greene of lus office, but the mischief had
been done.
^nUiam Claiborne, whose watchful eye appears ever to
have been upon Kent Island,' saw his opportunity. He had
been an ardent royalist and a member of the Council of ViT'
. ginia; but that did not prevent him from applying to Par^
. liament for a commission to be issued to himself and others to
reduce the colonies of Vii^nia and Maryland to obedience,
: pointing to the proclamation in each of the accesi^on of
\ Charles II. as evidence of their disaffected condition.
Meanwhile the royalists in Virginia had pointed out to the
exiled heir to the throne that lai^ numbers of Puritans,
enemies to the Crown, were being received and harbored in
Maryland, thus proving the disloyal^ of Lord Baltimore to
the royd cause. Charles was thereupon led to issue from
his court on the island of Jersey a commisuon to Sir William
Davenant as governor of Maryland, to supersede Lord Bal-
timore in authority, thou^ not to deprive him of his rights
as lord of the soil. Sir William was a poet; how efficient a
governor he would have proved is unknown, as the vessel upon
which he sailed got no fiuther than the Englieb Channel, where
it was seized by a cruiser belonging to the Parliament. His
mission to Maryland was thus quiddy ended.
In this way Lord Baltimore was called upon to defend
his charter from attack on both eddes. Its annulment was the
one thing desired by the members of the old Vii^nia Com-
pany, and title to Kent Island was what Clubome sought.
Each used the arguments they deemed best calculated to serve
th^ purpose.
' For ft brief statement of Claiborne's relatjons to Kent Islaiid, see p. 60,
supra.
INTRODUCTION 165
The Lord BaUemore^s Case, with the "Reasons of State"
which follow, is of the nature of a brief in answer to the con-
tentions of Qaibome and those associated with him. Ap-
pended to it as an exhibit is a copy of the commission issued
to Sir William Davenant. These documents were printed in
pamphlet form so as to be useful apparently in informing the
public mind, as well as in presenting the case before the Coun-
cil of State.
In the opening statement it is represented that the Council,
being satisfied that Maryland was never in opposition to the
Parliament, had caused the name of Maryland to be stricken
out of the Instructions to the Commissioners, which was
twice done, but by some mistake or other it was put in again.
The commission was eventually issued (as the narrative
shows) to apply to "aJl the Plantations in the Bay of Chesa-
peake." Maryland, therefore, while omitted by name, was
included by geographical description. This "mistake" has
been attributed to the ingenuity of Qaibome, who, being per-
fectly familiar with the country, relied successfully upon
ignorance of American geography on the part of members of
the Council. It is not evident, however, that he was in Eng-
land at the time that this commission was issued. At all
events he joined the other conunissioners after their arrival in
Virginia.
The commissioners appointed by Parliament overthrew'
Lord Baltimore's government, removed Governor Stone from }
office, and placed the control of affairs in the hands of men i
of their own selection from among the Puritans who had I
sought refuge in Maryland and settled at Providence. Lord/
Baltimore's authority was not restored without bloodshed,!
and not completely until 1658, after Cromwell had become 1
Lord Protector. Then the government of the province was i
surrendered to Josias Fendall, whom Lord Baltimore had
commissioned as Lieutenant Governor.
166 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
Copies of this pamphlet are veiy rare. The following
text was copied from an original in the Lenox Library, New
York. There is another copy of the original edition in the
library of the Maryland Historical Society, from which a
reprint was made in the Maryland Historical Magadv/Bj vol.
IV., no. 2 (Jime, 1909). The "Reasons of State concerning
Maryland'' are to be found in Archives of Maryland^ III. 280.
C C H.
THE LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE, 1653
The Lord Bdltemor^s Case, Coricerning the Province of Mary-
land, adjoyning to Virginia in America, With fuU and
dear An^swers to all material Objections, Umching his
Rights, Jurisdiction, and Proceedings there. And certaine
Reasons of State, why the Parliament should not impeach
the same. Unto which is also annexed, a true Copy of a
Com mission from the late King's Eldest Son, to Mr. WHl-
la m Davenant, to dispossess the Lord tSalienwre of the
said f'rovinc ejj^ecause of his adherence to this Commonr
Weam.' "
London, Printed in the Yeare, 1653.*
In 1632 the Lord Baltemore had a Patent granted to him
and his heirs, of the said Province of Maryland, with divers
priviledges and jurisdictions for the Government thereof, the
better to incourage him to settle a Colony of English there,
whereby to prevent the Dutch and Swedes from incroaching
any nearer to Virginia, Maryland being between Virginia,
and the Dutch and Swedes Plantation on that Continent, and
New-England beyond them, to the Northward.
The Lord Baltemore hereupon in 1633 sent two of his own
brothers with above 200 people to begin and seat a Planta-
tion there, wherein, and in the prosecution of the said Plan-
tation, ever since, hee and his friends have disbursed above
40000 I. whereof 20000 I. at least, was out of his own purse,
and his said two brothers died there in the prosecution thereof.
In Septem. 1651, when the Councell of State sent Com-f
missioners from hence, to wit, Captaine Dennis, Captain
Steg,* and Captain Curtes, to reduce Virginia to the obediencel
of the Parliament, Maryland was at first inserted in their)
Instructions to be reduced as wel as Virginia, but the Councel
^ Title-page. * Spelled Stagge in the oommissioQ.
167 I
1^8 XAHRAITTES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1661-1652
being afterwds aatiflfiBd that that Flantatxm was never in
oppofiitioQ to the Pariiamait, that Gqytam Stone, the Lord
Baltemote^s Depotr there, was genenlly knowne to have
been always aealooshr affected to the Pariiament, and that
divefs of the Fuliaments fnends were, bjr the Lord Balte-
moie's spedafl direction, re ce iv ed into llaiyland, and well
tzeated there, when they were fiain to leave Vbgrnia for their
good affection to the Fkrliament: then the Gooneell Ihou^t
it not fit at all to distoib that Plantation, and therefore caused
Maryland to be struck oat of the said Instractions, which was
twice done, it being by some migfAlrA qt other put in a second
In this expedition to Viiginia, Oiptain Doinis and Cap-
tain Stegg, the two diiefe GcminiisBicxiias, were cast away,
outward bound in the AdmiraD of that Fleet, which was sent
from hence upoa that service, and with th^ the Originall
CScMnmisBicHi for that service was lost.
But C^. Curtes having a cof^ of the said Commission
and Instructions with him in anoth^ ship, arrived safe in
Virginia, and there being also nominated in the said Commis-
sion two other persons resident in Miipnia, to wit. Cap. Ben-
net^ and Cap. Geybom (known and dedared enemies of the
L. Baltemore's) they, together with Cap. Curtes, proceeded
to the reducement of Mri^nia^ wiiich was effected accord-
in^y upon Articles, among whidi one was; That the Virgin-
ians should injoy the antient bounds and limits of Vir^^nia,^
and that they should sed^ a Charter from the Parliament to
that purpose.
In the reducement of Virginia, Captain Stone (the L.
Baltemore's Deputy of Maryland) sent to the Commisdoners
at the first arrival of the Fleet in Mrginia, to c^er them all
the assistance he could, and did actually assist them therein,
with provision of victuaO, and other neceasaries, as will be
testified (if need be) by Mr. Edward Gibbons Major-Generall of /^
New-En^and,' and (fivers others who were thai there, and
eye-witnesses of it, and are now here.
Notwithstanding which, the said CommisBooners, after
'Tbe effect of das vouki have been to iDdnde Mirjimd vitlun die bomids
t^
See Jofauon's Wamiet-working Ptovidmee^ m dds aeries, p. tL
*
1662] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 169
Virginia was reduced, went to Maryland, and upon pretence
of a certaine clause (which it seems was by some meanes or
other, put into their Instructions, after Maryland was struck
out as aforesaid) to wit, that they should reduce all the Plan-
tations in the Bay of Chesapeack^ to the obedience of the
Parliament, and some part of Maryland, where the L. Balte-
more's chief Colony there is seated, being within that Bay, as
well as most of the Plantations of Virginia are; they required
Captaine Stone, and the rest of the Lord Baltemore's Officers
there, first to take the Ingagement, which they all readily
subscribed, and declared, that they did in all humility sub-
mit themselves to the Government of the Commonwealth of
England in chief under God; then the Commissioners re-
quired them to issue out Writs and Processe out of the L.
Baltemore's Courts there in the name of the Keepers of the
Liberty of England, and not in the name of the Lord Proprie-
tary, as they were wont to doe, wherein they desired to be
excused; because they did not conceive the Parliament in-
tended to divest the Lord Baltemore of his right there, and
that they understood out of England that the Councell of
State intended not that any alteration should be made in
Maryland. That the Kings name was never used heertofore
in the sayd Writs, but that they had alwayes been in the name
of the Lord Proprietary, according to the Priviledges of his
Patent,^ ever since the beginning of that Plantation; that
the late Act in England for changing of the forms of Writts
declared only, that in such Writs and Process wherein the
Kings name was formerly used, the Keepers of the Liberty
of England, should for the future be put in stead thereof:
that the continuing of the Writs in the Lord Proprietaries
name, was essentiall to his Interest there, and that therefore
they could not without breach of trust, concur to any such
alteration; whereupon the Commissioners demanded of Cap-
tain Stone the Lord Baltemore's Commission to him, which
he delivered, and then without any other cause at all, they
removed the sayd Captain Stone, and the Lord Baltemore's
other Officers out of their Imployment there under him, and
1 For the text of these instructions see pp. 206-208, infra, and Archives of
Maryland, III. 264. In the caption Virginia only is mentioned.
* See charter of Maryland, p. 105, supra.
170 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1662
appointed others to manage the gpyemment of that Planta-
tion, till the pleasure of the Counoell of State and Parliament
should be further known therein; seized upon all the Records
of the Place, and sent divers of them hither into England,
aU which they did without any opposition at all from Gap.
Stone, or any other of the Lord Baltemore's Officers, in r^ard
of their respect and reverence to the Commissioners of the
Parliament.
The Colony of Virginia, not long after, sent one Colonell
Bfathews^ hither into England to get their Articles confirmed
by the Paiiiament, which were read in the House on the 31.
August 1652. Upon the reading whereof a Petition of the
Lord Baltimores, and of about twenty more considerable
Protestant Adventurers and Planters to and in Maryland, who
are known by divers Members of the House to have been well
affected alwayes to the Parliament, and who signed the said
Petition, was also read; whereby it was humbly desired that
before the House passed that Article concerning the old
limits of Virginia, the said Petitioners might be heard by their
Councell, in regard Maryland was long since esteemed part of
Virpoia, and therefore they were concerned in that Article;
and they further humbly desired in the sayd Petition, that
the Loni Baltemore's Officers might be restored to their
places in Maryland under him, and that the Petitioners might
quietly enjoy the Priviledges of the sayd Patent of Maiyland,
upon confidence whereof, they had Adventured so much of
their fortunes thither as aforesayd.
Whereupon divers Parchments under the Lord Balte-
more's hand and seale, which were sent out of Maryland, by
the sayd Capt. Bennet, and Capt. Qeybom, were at that
time produced to the House by a Member thereof, who it
seems conceived that there would appear something in them,
whereby the Lord Baltemore had forfeited his said Patent,
or at least that his Authority in Maryland was not fit tc be
allowed of by the Parliament.
The House on the 31. August 1652* referred the sayd
Article concerning the old Limits of Virginia, to the Com-
mittee of the Navy to consider what Patent was fit to be
* See Letter of Thomas Ymig, pp. 59^ 61, supra^
• Commoru Joumala, VII. 173.
16621 LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 171
granted to the Inhabitants of Virginia^ and to hear all Parties,
and consider of their particular Claims, and report the same,
with their Opinions to the Parliament, and the sayd Parch-
ments delivered in concerning Maryland, were also referred
to the same Committee.
The Lord Baltemore accordingly made his claim before
the said Committee, unto whom he delivered a true Copy of
his said Patent, and desired therefore that the Patent which
the Virginians were Suitors for, might not extend to any part
of Maryland, it being made appear to the said Committee,
that that Province had not been for these 20 years last past
accounted any part of Virginia, and that the Virginians had
neither possession of any part thereof, at the time of the
making of the said Articles, nor for 20 years before, nor that
the present Inhabitants of Virginia had ever at all any right
imto it.*
Then, upon the sugg^ion of a Member of that Committee,
certain Exceptions against the Lord Baltimores Patent, and
his Proceedings thereupon in Maryland, were shortly after
presented in writing to the said Committee, unto which the
Lord Baltemore put in his Answer also in writing, which was
read, and the Committee upon debate thereof (it seems)
thought not fit to deliver any Opinion in the business, but
Ordered, that the whole matter of fact should be stated by a
Sub-Committee, and reported first to the said Grand Com-
mittee, and afterwards to the House.
The Exceptions aforesaid were many, but the substance
of them are reduceable to these heads following, which are
set down by way of Objections, with Answers to them.
1. Object. A pretended injury done to the Virginians by
the said Patent, in regard Maryland was heretofore part of
Virginia.
Answ. The present Inhabitants of Virginia had never any
right to Maryland, no more then' to New-England, which was
part of that Country heretofore called Virginia, as well as
Maryland, but distinguished and seperated afterwards from
it by a Patent as Maryland was. There was indeed a Patent
> No private titles to land within the area of Maryland had been created by
the old Virginia Company, the charter of which had been annulled.
•Than.
172 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652
heretofore granted by Ejiig James in the 7. yeare of his reign^
of a great part of that northern Continent of America, which
was th^i <»Iled Virginia, to divers Lords and Gentlemen here
in England, who were by that Patent erected into a Corpora-
ticMi, hy the name of the Vir^nia Company, in which tract of
land granted to the said Company, that Comitry which is now
caDed Maryland, was included, but that Patent was L^ally
evicted by a QuorarUo in the then Kings Bench, in 21. year
of the sayd King James,' 8. or 9. years before the Patent of
Maryland was granted to the L. Baltemore; which Company
or Corporation the Lihabitante of Virginia desire not now to
revive, by vertue of their Artides abovementioned, but ab-
hor ibe memory of it, in regard of the great oppression and
slavery ibey lived in under it, when it was on foot, so as they
never having had any Patent, right, or possession of the sayd
Province of Maryland, there could be no injury done to them
by the Lord Baltemore's sayd Patent, after the eviction of the
sayd Virginia Companies Patent thereof. For it was as free
in the late IQngs power to grant any part of that Continent
not possessed before by any Legall grant then in force from
the Crown of En^and (which Maryland was not, at the time
of the Lord Baltemore's Patent thereof) as it was for King
James to grant the aforesaid Country to the said ^^r^nia
Company.
2. Object. A pretended wrong done by the Lord Balte-
more to the above mentioned Capt. Cleybom, in dispossessing
him of an Island in the sayd Province, called the Isle of Kent.'
2. Ansioer. It was a business above 14. years dnce, upon a
full hearing of both parties, then present, decided by the then
Lords Commissioners for Forraign Plantations, against the
sayd Capt. Cleybom and his Partners, Mr. Maurice Thomson
and others, and the sayd Capt. Cleybom hath himselfe, also by
divers Letters of his to the Ix)rd Baltemore, acknowledged the
great wrong he did him therein; which Letters were proved at
the Committee of the Navy, and are now remajming with that
>The second Viiginia charter, of May 23, 1609.
' While the writ of quo toarranto against the \^rginia Company was issued
out of the King's Bench on November 4, 1623, in 21 Jac. I., judgment was not
finally rendered till May 24, 1624, in his twenty-second year.
• For an explanation of this claim see p. 60, mpra.
1662] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 173
Committee: wherefore the Lord Baltemore humbly conceives,
that against the sayd Capt. Qeyboms owne acknowledgement,
and a Determination so long since of that business, and above
14 years quiet possession in the Lord Baltemore of the said
Island, the Parliament will not think fit upon a private Con-
troversie of meum and tuunif between him and the said Cley-
bome, to impeach his Patent of the said Province, or his right to
the said Island, but leave both parties to their legall remedy.
3. Object. That the said Patent constitutes an hereditary
Monarchy in Maryland, which is supposed, by some, to be incon-
sistent with this Common-wealth.
3. Answ. The Jurisdiction and stile which the Lord
Baltemore useth in Maryland, is no other then what is war-
ranted by his Patent (as may appeare by his answer at the
Committee of the Navy to the Exceptions above mentioned,
and by perusall of the said Patent) and that is onely in the
nature of a County Palatine,^ subordinate, and dependent on
the Supreame Authority of England; for by the Patent, the
soveraign Dominion, Allegiance, the fift part of ail Gold and
Silver Oare which shall happen to be found there, and severall
other Duties are referred to the late King, his Heires, and
Successors, who are now the Parliament of this Common-wealth :
and although it be true, that a Monarchicall Government here
which shoidd have any power over this Common-wealth, would
not be consistent with it, yet certainly any Monarchical Gov-
ernment in forraign parts which is subordinate to, and de-
pendent on, this Conmionwealth, may be consistent with it,
aswell as divers Kings under that famous Common-wealth of
the Romans heretofore were, insomuch as they thought it con-
venient and fit to constitute divers Kings under them. All
Lords of Mannors or Liberties here in England may, in some
kinde, be aswell accounted Monarches within their severall
Mannors and Liberties as the Lord Baltemore in Maryland;
for Writs issue, at this day, in their names out of their Courts'
within their respective Mannors and Liberties, and not in the
name of the Keepers of the libertie of England; Oathes of
Fealty are taken to them by their Tenants, and they have
^ See charter of Maiyland, pp. 103, 111, supra.
'Manorial courts, namely, courts lest, also called ''view of frank pledge/'
and courts baron. C/. charter of Maiyland, P- IH, nipra.
174 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1662
great Royalties and Jurisdictions, some more than others, and
some as great in proportion, within their said liannors and
Liberties, as the Lord Baltemore hath in Maryland, except the
power of making Lawes touching life and Estate, power of
pardoning, and some few others of lesser concernment, which
although they may not be convenient for any one man to have in
En^and, yet they are necessary for any (whether one man or a
Company) that undertakes a Plantation, in so remote and
wild a place as Ifariland, to have them there; especially with
such limitations as are in the Lord Baltemore's Patent; to wit,
that the Laws be made with the consent of the Freemen of the
said Province, or the major part of them, or their Deputies,
and that they be consonant to reason, and be not repugnant
or contrary, but, as neare as conveniently may bee, agreea-
ble to the Laws of England; which limitations the Lord
Baltemore hath not exceeded, as may appeare by his Answer
to the Committee of the Navy to the Exceptions above men-
tioned: and although it be not fit that any one Person should
have a n^ative Voyce here in the making of Lawes, yet
certainly, as no Company, so no sin^e man, that is well in
his wits, will be so indiscreet, as to undertake a Plantation at
so vast an expence as the Lord Baltemore hath, if after all his
charge, pains, and hazards, which are infinite in such a busi-
nesse, such necesatous factious people as usually new Planta-
tions consist of, for the most part, and went thither at his
charge, or by contract or agreement with him, should have
power to make Lawes to dispose of him, and all his estate there,
without his consent, and he be left without remedy: for before
the Supream Authority here, upon any appeale to it, will prob-
ably be at leisure from business of greater consequence, or
perhaps have convenient means to relieve him, he may be
ruined and destroyed: such chargeable and hazardous things
as Plantations are, will not be undertaken by any, whether it be
a Company or a single man, without as great incouragements
of pri^edges as are in the Lo. Baltemore's Patent of Mary-
land; and if it be not any prejudice, as certainly it is not, but
advantagious to the interest and honor of this Common-
wealth, that an Englishman (although a Recusant, for the
Lord Baltemore knows of no Lawes here against Recusants
which reach into America) should possess some part of that
ie621 LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 175
great Continent of America with the priviledges and juris-
dictions aforesaid dependent on, and subordinate to it, then
the Indian Kings or Forreigners (as the Dutch and Swedes afore
mentioned) who have no dependency on it, as certainly it is,
then he hopes the Parliament will not thinke it inconsistent
with this Common-wealth, but just, that he should injoy the
Bights and Priviledges of his Patent, upon confidence whereof,
he and his friends have adventured the greatest part of their
fortunes for the honour of this Nation, as well as their own
particular advantage; especially seeing no other person hath
any wrong done him therein, for none are compelled to go to
Maryland, or to stay there, but know beforehand upon what
termes they are to be in that place; and the English Inhabi-
tants of that Province are so well pleased with the Government
constituted there by the said Patent, as that, by generall con-
sent of the Protestants, aswell as Roman Catholiques, it is
established by a Law^ there, aswell as freedome of Conscience
and exercise of Religion within that Province is, to all that
profess to believe in Jesus Christ, as appears by the Laws of
that Province now in the hands of the said Committee of the
Navy, which makes it evident that a Petition lately read at
that Committee, with ten unknown hands to it, in the name
of the Inhabitants of Maryland, against the Lord Baltemore's
sayd Patent, is eyther wholly fictitious, or else signed by some
few obscure factious fellows, which is easie to bee procured by
any ill affected person, against any Government whatsoever.
4. Object. That the Lord Baltemore gave his assent to
certaine Lawes for Maryland in 1650, in one of which Lawes the
late King Charles is stiled the late high and mighty Prince
Charles the first of that name K. of England, etc. And in
another of the said Lawes it is Enacted, That the L. Baltemore
shall have 10s. a hogs-head for all Tobacco's ship't from Mary-
land in any Dutch Vessell, and bound for any other Port then
his Majesties, whereby some would infer, that hee did acknowl-
edge a Charles the second to be King, etc. for that the word
first, in one Law, inferred a second, and by the word Majesty,
in the other Law, the Lord Baltemore must mean the late
Kings eldest son, for the late Eang Charles was dead, when the
Lord Baltemore assented to that Law, to wit, in August 1650.
^ See the Act concerning Religion, pp. 269-273, infra.
176 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1650
4. Answ. To this is answered, that although those
Lawes were assented unto by the Lord Baltemore in August
1650, yet it appears by his said Declaration of assent, that
some of them were enacted in Maryland by the Assembly there,
in April 1649, whereof that Law was one, whereinthose words,
to wit, any other Ports then his Majesties, are inserted (as was
proved to the said Committee of the Navy) at which time, the
people in Maryland could not know of the late Kings death,
which was but in January then next before; for in February,
March, and April, ships usually return from those parts, and in
September, October, and November, goe thither; so as the
A^mbly in Maryland could mean no body by that word
Majesty, but the late King, and the L. Baltemore could have
no other meaning but what the Assembly had, for he did but
assent to what they had done, and was before enacted, as
aforesaid: as to the other law, wherein those other words are
inserted, to wit, the late high and mighty Prince Charles, the
first of that name, etc. it was one of those Laws which were
passed by the Assembly in Maryland, in April 1650, when the
people there knew of the late Kings death; to wit, a year after
the other law above-mentioned, with divers others, which were
enacted in April, 1649, as aforesaid, though in the ingrosse-
ment of them all here, (when the Lord Baltemore gave his
assent to them altogether in August, 1650,) it is written before
it, because they were transposed here in such order, as the
Lord Baltemore thought fit, according to the nature, and more
or lesse importance of them, placing the Act concerning Religion
first, etc. And as to those words, the first of that name, etc.
the word first, doth not necessarily imply a second, as some
infer upon it, no more then when the first bom of thy sonnes
were commanded to be given to God, did imply a second, which
was performed, though there were never a second; the word
first, hath relation to the time past, and not to the time to come ;
King James is stiled in History, James the first of that name.
King, etc. though there were never a second of that name
King of England, etc. and it is usually written and said, that
a King died in the first yeer of his Raign, when he lived not to
enter into a second, the like whereof may be made out by
many other instances; and as the L. Baltemore is confident
the Assembly in Maryland had no intention by those words.
leso] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 177
Charles the first, etc. to mfer a second King of that name, no
more had he, m his assent to that Law, any such thought or
meaning; and the comportment of him and his Officers in
Maryland above-mentioned, towards the Parliament, and
their friends, doth sufficiently confirme it.
Among other priviledges granted to the L. Baltemore, and
the Inhabitants of Maryland, by his said Patent, one is, (by
an expresse clause therein inserted) that the said Province
should not from thence forward be, or be reputed any part of
Virginia,* or bee dependent or subject to their Government in
any thing, (although the Government of Virginia was then
immediately in the Kings hands) but was, by the said Pat-
ent, (in express words) seperated from it, and so it hath
been ever since, which was one of the chiefest incouragements,
upon confidence whereof, the L. Baltemore, and others, adven-
tured so great a part of their estates thither as aforesaid, for
it was the priviledges and inmiimities, and not the land only,
granted by the said Patent, which did chiefly induce the Lord
Baltemore to make so great an Adventure, without which he
would not certainly, upon the conditions of a common Planter,
have disbursed any thing upon a Plantation in America:
Wherefore he hopes the Parliament will not think it just, or
fit, to deprive him, and the Inhabitants of Maryland of so
important a privUedge, (which is theh- inheritance, and dearly
purchased by them) by putting them now under the Govern-
ment of Vir^nia, upon colour of any Articles agreed on, when
the Virginians were declared enemies of this Commonwealth,
and the rather, because even in point of policy also, (as is
humbly conceived) for certain Reasons of State heerunto
annexed, it will be more advantageous to the honour and in-
terest of this Commonwealth, to keep those two Grovemments
still divided, and to preserve and protect the Lord Baltemore's
rights and priviledges aforesaid in Maryland, then to destroy
either of them.
1 See the chartert p. Ill, supra.
178 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [less
Reasons of State, concerning Maryland in America.
1. First, It is much better to keep that Government still
divided from Virginia (as it hath beene for these twenty yeares
last past,) then to unite them; for, by that meanes, this Com-
mon-wealth will have the more power over both, by making
one an Instrument (as occasion shall require) to keep the
other in its due obedience to this Common-wealth.
2. Secondly, in case any defection should happen in either
Colony (as lately was in Virginia) the other may be a place of
refuge for such as shall continue faithfuU to this Common-
wealth, as Maryland lately was, upon that occasion, which it
could not have beene, in case the Government of that place had
been, at that time, united unto, or had had any dependence
on Virginia.
3. Thirdly, it will cause an emulation in both, which of
them shall give the better account of their proceedings to the
Supreme Authority of this Common-wealth, on which they
both depend, and also which of them shall give better satisfac-
tion to the Planters and Adventurers of both.
4. Fourthly, the Lord Baltemore having an estate, and his
residence in England, this Commonwealth will have a better
assurance of the due obedience of that Plantation, and the
Planters and Adventurers thither, of having right done unto
them, in case the Government thereof have still a dependence
on him, and he upon this Commonwealth, (as he had before
on the late King) then if the Government of that place at so
remote a distance, should be disposed of into other hands who
had little or nothing here to be responsible for it, and whose
interest and residence were wholly there.
5. Fifthly, by the continuance of his Interest in the Gov-
ernment thereof, this Commonwealth and the people there,
are eased of the charge of a Deputy Govemour; which he, at
his own charges, maintains, the Inhabitants there being yet
so poor, (and so like to be for many years) as they are not able
to contribute any thing towards it.
6. Sixthly, if the L. Baltemore should, by this Common-
wealth, be prejudiced in any of the rights or priviledges of his
Patent of that Province, it would be a great discouragement to
1060] LORD BALTEMORFS CASE 179
others in forraign Plantations, upon any exigency, to adhere
to the interest of this Gonunonwealth, because it is notoriously
known, that, by his expresse direction, his Officers and the
people there, did adhere to the interest of this Commonwealth,
whendl^othei^ng^^ Plantations (except Jjfew-England)'
dec^red a^nst the^PSfliament, and at tnat~time received
their friends inTtime of distresse, for whicETie was like divers
times to be"dg pilved uf his I ntefest there, by the Colony of
Virginia, and others, who had Commission from the late Kings
eldest Sonne for that purpose, as appears by a Commission
granted by him to Sir William Davenant,^ the Original whereof
remaines with the Councell of State, and a true Copy thereof
is hereunto annexed.
A true Copy of a Commission, from the late Kings eldest
Sonne, to Mr. WiUiam Davenant, concerning Mary-
land, the OriginaU whereof remains with the Courted of
State.
Chables R.
Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To Our
Trusty and Well-beloved Sir William Davenant, Knight, and
to all others, to whom these presents shall come, greeting:
Whereas the Lord Baltemore, Proprietary of the Province and
Plantations of Maryland in America, doth visibly adhere to
the Rebells of England, and admit all kinde of Schismaticks,
and Sectaries, and other ill-affected persons into the said Plan-
tations of Maryland, so that We have cause to apprehend very
great prejudice to Our Service thereby, and very great danger
to Our Plantations in Virginia, who have carried themselves
with so much Loyalty and Fidelity, to the King Our Father, of
blessed memory, and to Us; Know yee therefore. That Wee,
repofflng speciall trust and confidence in the courage, con-
duct, loyalty, and good affection to Us, of you Sir William
Davenant, and for prevention of the danger and inconveniences
above-mentioned, doe by these presents, nominate, consti-
>Sir William Dayenant, the royalist poet (1605-1668), appointed poet-
lameate in 1637.
INTRODUCTION
The foUowing pamphlet, which was published in London
in 1655, is in form of answer to the narrative next preceding
in this publication, The Lord BaUemore^a Case, which had been
printed two years before. But as the letter was in fact a
defence or plea to the attacks that had been made upon the
authority and administration of the proprietary government in
the province of Maryland by the commissioners of Parliament,
this paper may be regarded rather as a rejoinder than an
answer.
It is to be noted that the date of this pamphlet is subse-
quent to the termination of the Parliament by which the
commissioners were appointed for the reduction of the planta-
tions within the Chesapeake Bay, and the assumption of the
supreme power in England by Cromwell as Lord Protector.
While the commissioners were declaring their acts to be done in
the name of the Lord Protector, there is no evidence that
they had been re-commissioned by him. In fact they seem
to have apprehended that their authority in Maryland was
abrogated, for on September 26, 1655, Cromwell was moved
to write in answer to inquiry from them an explanation of a
former letter, referred to as dated January 12 preceding, which
he declared was merely intended to forbid any violence between
Yir^nia and Maryland on the subject of their respective
boundaries.^
' Thurioe's State Papers, IV. 56. Bosman's Hietory of Maryland, II. 688
(appendix, no. LXXXVI). The text of the letter dated January 12, 1654/5, ia
contained in the pamphlet Hammond vb. Heamane, reprinted in the Maryiand
Historical Magmne, IV. 248.
183
184 NABRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
The events wfaidi led to the conflict or battle at the Severn
near Annapdis on March 25, 1655, are as follows: Under dr-
ciunstanoes already noted/ the Council of State of the En^ish
Parliament on September 26, 1651, appointed Cs^tain Robert
Denis, Mr. Richard Bennett, Mr. Thomas Stagge, and CSaptiun
Qaibome commisBionerB ^^to reduce all the {dantations within
the Bay of CSiesapeake to thdr due obedience to the pariia-
ment of the Commonwealth of England." Captain Denis
and Mr. Stagge sailed from Kngland on the ship John^ of which
the former was commander, and perished in the wreck of that
vessel. It was provided, however, in the commisaon, that in
the event of the death of Captain Denis his place should be
taken by Captain Edmund Curtis, commander of the frigate
Quinea, Ci^tain Curtis arrived safely in Viri^nia with a du-
plicate copy of the commismon. There he was joined by the
other two conmusmoners, Bennett and Gaibome, the former
one of the Puritans bom Vir^nia who had sou^t and obtiuned
sanctuary in Marjrland, and the other the persistent diumant
of ^nt Island. The government of Vir^nia was i»x>mptly re-
organized, Bennett being dedared governor, and daibome a
member of the Council and secretary, ''next in authority to the
gpvemor."
Attention was then ^ven to Maiyland. Governor Stone,
a Protestant, was vnlling enough to take the engagement of
submission to the Commonwealth of En^and, but declined to
issue writs, etc., otherwise than in the name of the Lord
Proprietary, declaring that to do so would be a violation of his
oath already given to the latter. He was therefore summarily
removed from office together with Mr. Thomas Hatton the sec-
retary, and the other members of the Council, and a new Coun-
cil of ox persons appointed in their place. This action was
taken by Bennett, Curtis, and Qaibome, commisaoners, by an
instrument dated at St. Mary's, March 29, 1652, and agned
>See p. 165, M^wk
INTRODUCTION 186
by all three. This is the last we hear of Captain Curtis upon
this service. Probably his engagements as a seafarer took
him away from the colonies.
But the remidning conmiissioners soon found that they had
made a mistake, and in response to ''the desire of the inhabi-
tants'' reinstated Governor Stone and Secretary Hatton to
then* places on the Council and their former offices, Governor
Stone to act ^'according to his former power, reserving and
saving to himself as also to the aforesaid Mr. Thomas Hatton,
Robert Brooke esqr. and Captain John Price their oaths
made to the Lord Baltimore, Lord Proprietor of this Province
until the pleasure of the State of England be further known." ^
This action was taken by the commissioners Bennett and
Gaibome under date of June 28, 1652, just three months after
Governor Stone had been removed from office. The latter
accepted his reinstatement at the hands of the commissioners
and continued to issue writs, etc., in the name of the Lord
Proprietary, as he might reasonably have understood that he
was authorized to do by the express reservation of the oath
previously taken by him to the Proprietary.
For this and other alleged acts in recognition of the Lord
Proprietary's authority, Governor Stone and Council were again
sunmiarily removed by conmiissioners Bennett and Qaibome,
and ten commissioners, of whom Leonard Strong was one,
were appointed in their stead "for the well ordering, directing
and governing the affairs of Maryland." This was done by an
instrument dated at Patuxent, July 22, 1654, and issued "in
the, name of his Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scot-
land, Ireland and all the Dominions thereto belonging." Of
the former Coimcil, but one, Mr. Richard Preston, was included
among the new commissioners, of whom William Fuller, one of
the refugees from Virginia, was made chief with William Du-
rand as secretary. To the latter Secretary Hatton was re-
quired to deliver the records of the province.
^ Archives of Maryland, III. 276.
186 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
Meanwhile, Cromwell had very effectively dissolved the
Long Parliament by military intervention on April 20, 1653,
and the Barebones Parliament on December 12, and had
assumed the supreme authority under the title of Lord Pro-
tector, which was prodaimed by Stone in Maryland May 6,
1654. Lord Baltimore appears to have held that upon the
dissolution of the Pariiament the authority of the com-
missioners appointed by it ceased, and as the Lord Protector
had taken no action against his charter, he was reinstated in
the enjoyment of all his former rights simply by the termi-
nation of the power of those by whom he had been deprived.
He therefore instructed Governor Stone to assert his authority,
by force if necessary.^
The government of Maryland was finally peaceably sur-
rendered into the hands of Lord Baltimore in 1658, under the
terms of an agreement entered into in England between him
and Richard Bennett, one of the commissioners. Josias Fen-
dall wa^>appointed lieutenant Governor of Maryland by the
Lord Proprietary, and acted as his representative in consum-
mating the agreement, publishing its terms, and recovering
from the conmuttee of government the great seal and other
evidences of authority.'
This pamphlet and the one preceding were written in advo-
cacy respectively of the opposite sides of a controversy. The
^>06Besfflon of Maryland was the real issue in the case. It has
been sought to point out in foot-notes where the zeal of con-
troversy has gone to the extent of coloring facts or of so pre-
senting them as to cause misapprehension.
The text here given has been collated with a copy of the
original edition in the Harvard CoUegq Library. The pamphlet
was reprinted in 1838 by Peter Force, in Historical Tracts^
vol. n., no. 9.
C« C* H.
> Archives of Maryland, in. 298, 300.
*Arehivea cf Maryland, III. 332, etc.
VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND, OR THE LORD
BALTAMORE'S PRINTED CASE UNCASED
AND ANSWERED, 1655
Virginia and Maryland, or The Lard Baltamare^s printed
CASE, uncased and answered. Shewing, the illegality of his
Patent, and Usurpation of Royal Jurisdiction and Do-
minion there.
With, The Injustice and Tyranny practised in the Government,
against Uie Laws and Liberties of the English Nation, and
{he just Right and Interest of the Adventurers and Planters.
Also, A short Relation of the Papists late RAellion against the
Government of his Highness (he Lord PrfAedor, to which they
were reduced by the Parliaments Commissioners ; but since
revolting, and by Lord BaUanwre^s instructions caused to
assault the Protestants there in their Plantations, were by a
far lesser number repulsed, some slain, and aU the rest taken
Prisoners.
To which is added, A brief Account of the Commissioners pro-
ceedings in the reducing of Maryland, with the Grounds and
Reason thereof; the Commission and Instructions by which
they acted ; the Report of the Committee of the Navy, conr
ceming that Province; and some other Papers and Pas-
sages relating thereunto : together with the Copy of a Writing
under the Lord BaUamore^s Hand and Seal, 1644, discov-
ering his Practices, with the King at Oxford against the
Parliament, concerning the Londoners and others trading
in Virginia.
For the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now
wHl I arise, saith the Lord, I vnll set him in safety, from
him that puffeth at him. Pscd. 12. 5.
London, prirUed and are to be sold at the Crown in Popes-headr
Ally, and in Westminster HaU. 1655.^
^ The title-page of the original.
187
188 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1607-1623
In the yeer 1607, divers preceding discoveries having con-
firmed an Opinion, That the Country of Virginia was fit for
Plantation; It pleased God to afifect the mindes of very many
worthily disposed Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others to con-
ceive it as a matter of great Religion and Honour, to under-
take the work of perfecting a Cbistian Plantation in those
parts. Whereupon King James was pleased to become the
first Founder of this noble work, and by his Letters Patents
from time to time renewed and enlarged, granted all ample
Privileges and Immunities, both to those that managed in
England, and those that went to inhabit there: which gave
so great an encouragement that fifty Earls and Barons, three
hundred and fifty Knights, and six hundred Gentlemen, and
Merchants of primest rank became incorporated, and were
originally named in the Letters Patents by the name of the
Company of Virginia, being a greater union of Nobles and
Ck)mmon8, then ever concunred to such an undertaking. But
nevertheless, partly by the natural difficulties incident to all
new Plantations; but chiefly, through the unnatural and
faulty impediments arising by the cross agitations of two
powerful factions in the Company, the work went heavily on
for the first twelve yeers, appearing desperate in the several
ill successes thereof. And though afterward somewhat ad-
vanced and prosperous, yet in the yeer 1621* by the fatal blow
^ of a Massacre, it was almost shattered to pieces, and brought
I to a very low and calamitous condition; which occasion the
contrary faction presently took hold of, insomuch that they
exceedingly slighted the action, and cared [ceased?] not to cast
aspersions on the Country, and on the whole management of
that affair. And then further strongly possessed and advised
the then Ejng, against the form of the Companies Govern-
ment, as consisting of an excessive number of Councellours,
and a confused Popularity, as being a Nurse of Parliamentary
spirits, and obnoxious to Monarchical Government. There-
upon Order was made upon the eighth day of October, 1623,*
at the Council-Table, whereby the Company were moved to
give in their assents for surrendering their Patent, and alter-
ing their form of Government, and a new one proposed,
1 March 22, 1621/2.
• Its text u in Brock, Vvr^ima Ccmffony, II. 22^230.
1624-1626] VffiGINIA AND MARYLAND 189
wherein the Interests and Rights of all men should be pre-
served : which Order the CJompany not submittmg unto, A Qiu)
Warranto was directed for the calling in of their Patent, and
an advantage taken upon their mispleading. The Patent was
condemned in Trinity-Term following; but for many yeers
after, not vacated upon the Record in the Office of the Rolls,
whereby some that sought the overthrow of the Lord Balta-
more's Patent for Maryland, in the beginning of the Parlia-
ment, 1640, took out the Virginia Patent again under the
broad Seal of England : therefore thought by primest Lawyers
now to be unquestionably in force, at least to point of interest ;
and that Patent of Maryland unconsistent and void.
Thus in brief was the late Company dissolved, and a
Commission given to divers Lords and others, for present
directing and ordering the affairs of Virginia; and that they
should advise touching a better form of Government for ad-
vancing and establishing the Colony. Then issued also sev-
erall Proclamations, and several Orders from the Council-
Table, with great assurances under the Broad Seal and privy
Seal, that all men, with the Adventurers and Planters, should
be assured, that their Rights and Interests should be con-
served and enlarged, onely alteration in point of Government.
But both that Commission and renewing of the Companies
Charter expired, and all those Proceedings were delayed, by
reason of the death of King James, which then suddenly en-
sued. The principal scope of that Commission was, that they
should finde a better form of Government for the Countryes
advancement, and therein was especially promised the con-
servation of every man's right; intentions worthy the wis-
dom and justice of so great a Prince. But nothing was done
by those Commissioners touching either of those ends, nor by
those by whose prosecutions these things hapened, who having
attained their private ends of spleen and profit upon the
changes and revolutions of ensuing times deserted the interest
of the Colony, and left her weltring in her blood, unsupplied
with Ammunition and Arms in the heat of a difficult war with
the Indians: the burthen and charge whereof was onely un-
dergone by the remaining Planters, who thus forsaken by their
former friends, were constrained both to work and fight for
their lives and subsistance; and thereby preserved the Col-
190 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633-ie34
ony from desertion, and at last restored it by the blessing of
God to peace and plenty.
And then, about the yeer 1633, Lord Baltamore pretend-
ing, though not truely, the greatest part of the Country was
unplanted, procured that tibe aforesaid judgement so long
delayed, was entred, and obtained a Patent, for that part
now called Maryland, which he hath since held with a few
people and small Adventurers, debarring of those to whom it
belonged from planting of it; destroying and ruinating those
formerly seated under Virginia, at the Isle of Kent; and inter-
dicting Trade with the Indians for Furs, discovered and begun
by the Virginians, by direction and commission from the
King; which since by this means is enjoyed by the Dutch and
Sw^es, with the profit of many thousand pounds yeerly;
which Trade had been solely in the En^ish Nations hands,
had not the Lord Baltamore interdicted it, and seized all Ve&-
sels, and displanted their Plantations.^ And those Swedes
and Dutch do trade for great quantities of Guns Powder and
Shot with our Indians, to the total endangering this Ck)lony,
if not timely prevented. Such a ground-Work, had the Patent
of Maryland upon the Rights and Labours of others; and as
unreasonable and unjust have been the whole proceedings
and management of their Colony and Interests, at their Grst
arrival surprising and confiscating many Vessels with the
Goods of divers that they found trading with the Natives
under the commissions of Virginia, which they had enjoyed
neer thirty yeers. And professing an establishment of the
Romish Religion onely,* they suppressed the poor Protestants
> Maryland comprises, not the "greatest part," but a small area only of the
land embraced in the original grant to the Virginia Company, the charter oi
which had been abrogated. No grants of land had been made within its area.
The contention of Claiborne in respect to Kent Island is briefly discussed in the
Introduction to the Letter of Thomas Yong (p. 60, 3upra), Trade within Maiy-
land by Virginians without licence from Lord Baltimore had been forbidden by
order of the Lords Commissioners for Plantations April 4, 1638, and by procli^
mation of the Governor of Virginia October 4, 1638; Archives of Mainland, III.
72, 79. There were neither Dutch nor Swedes within the limits of Maryland at
the date of the charter or of the settlement of the province.
> The missions in Maryland were in charge of the Jesuit Fathers, but there
was never any establishment of the Roman Catholic Church in the province.
See Lord Baltimore's Instructions, p. 16, fupro, and the Act concerning Religion,
pp. 269^273, infra.
1634] VIRGINIA AND. MARYLAND 191
among them, and carried on the whold frame of their Govern-
ment in the Lord Proprietaries name; all their Proceedings,
Judicature, TryaJs and Warrants, in his name. Power and
Dignity, and from him onely:^ not the least mention of the
Soveraign Authority of England in all their Government; to
that purpose, forceably imposing Oaths, (judged illegal in a
Report made by CJommittee of the Council of State, 1652,)
to maintain his royal Jurisdictions, Prerogatives, and Do-
minions, as absolute Lord and Proprietary, to protect chiefly
the Roman Catholick Religion in the free exercise thereof;
and all done by yeerly Instructions from him out of England,
as if he had been absolute Prince and King. By all which it
is easily evident, that the Patent of Maryland was grounded
upon no good foundation.
The King being mis-informed; when in nothing more
deeply and directly, could the Honour and Justice of his
Throne be concerned, then* m confirming and conserving
the Interest of so great a conjunction of Nobles, Knights,
Gentlemen and Merchants, who so piously and worthyly ad-
ventured their Moneys, and expended their Estates and
Labours; whose Rights and Interests, though their Patent
were called in, for the time, in point of Government, yet had
received the most solemn Declarations and Assurances, under
the Broad Seal and Privy Signet, Orders of Councels, Letters to
the CJolony, and by general Proclamations there and here.
That it were impious to think that either the then King
or King James being rightly enformed, would ever have
granted such a Patent as this of Maryland, it being neer two
third parts of the better Territory of Virginia;' and as no way
consistent with Equity, and the Honor and publick Faith of
the Kingdom: so was no way agreeable (in the absolute and
regal power assumed and executed by him) to the late Mo-
narchical Government, or to the present Authority of the
Commonwealth of England, under his Highness the Lord
Protector, and most injurious to the Rights and Interests of
the noble Adventurers and the painful indefatigable Planters,
who had so long under God, conserved the Country from
total mine.
> See charter, pp. 105, 106, d seq., supra.
s Than. * See preceding page, note 1.
192 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1023-^1025
A short and successive Narration of mad of the aforesaid vublick
Assurances J fdOaws viz.
1. By an Order of the Councel the eighth of October, 1623,
before the Quo Warranto brought, to Arm the mindes of the
Adventurers and Planters against any mistaken fear and
apprehenfflon, as if their Estates should receive prejudice.
2. And whereas the Lords of the Councel were enf ormed,
that the intended change of the Government, had begot a
general discouragement amongst the Adventurers: notwith-
standing sundry other Declarations made at the Board, Viva
Voce, and that former Act of Councel, their Lordships were
pleased by an Order of the twentieth of October, 1623,^ to
declare again, that there was no other intention, but onely
and meeriy in reforming and change of the present Govern-
ment; and that no man should receive any prejudice, but
have his Estate fully and wholly confirmed; and if in any
thing defective, better to be secured; which Order was sent
over by their Lordships command, and published in Virginia
for encouragement of the Planter.
3. King James was also pleased to express the same in his
Commission to sundry of his own privy Councel, and other
Commissioners for the time being, for the afifairs of Virginia,
July 5, 1624,' that his intention was to alter the Letters Patr-
ents, as to the form of Government; but with the preserva-
tion of the Interest of every Adventurer and Planter.
4. The like Declaration of the King's intentions was
exprest in the Commission' then sent to Sir Francis Wiat and
the Councel then appointed by his Majesty, to direct the
Affairs and People in Virginia; and the like hath been in-
serted in all King Charles his Commissions, and of all the
Govemours of Virginia, that have been since that time to
this present.
5. The said King Charles by his Proclamation May 13,
1625,* declared. That his aim was onely to reduce the Gov-
> Text in Brock, Virgirwi Company, IL 234^235.
' July 15. Text in HasEard's Historical CoUecticm, L 183, and Rymer's
Foedera, XVIL 60^-613.
* August 26, 1624. Hazaid, L 189-192; Rymer, XVIII 618.
* Hazaid, I. 203-205; Rymcr, XVUL 72.
1634] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 193
eminent into such a right course, as might best agree with the
form held in the rest of his Monarchy, and not intended to
impeach the interest of any Adventurer or Planter in Virginia.
6. The Lords of the Coimcel by their Letter dated the 24
of October, 1625,* declare to the Colony, That the Kings pleas-
ure was to preserve every man's particular right, and the
Planters to enjoy their former priviledges; with addition of
other requisite immunities; encouraging also the Planter to
discoveries both by Sea and Land; and to perfect the Trade
of Furs: which Letter, according to their LordsMjps com-
mand, was published in Virginia. But Captain Cleybom,
who was thereupon imployd by Commission from the Gover-
nour, under the King's Broad Seal, and the Seal of the Colony,
and then discovered those parts of the Trade of Maryland, was
thereby utterly undone, supplanted and expelled by the Lord
Baltamore.
7. The King also, for the encouragement of the Planters,
by his Royal Letters the 12 of September, 1628,* was pleased to
promise thereby to renew and confirm unto the Colony under
the great Seal of England, their Lands and Priviledges formerly
granted to them.
8. And when the generall Assembly, consisting of the
Govemours, Councel, and Burgesses of the whole Colony
complained to the Lords of the Councel, of the interruption of
their Trade by the Lord Baltamore's Deputies their Lord-
ships were pleased by their Letter July 22, 1634,* to signifie
that the Plantation of Virginia should enjoy their Estates
and Trade, with the same freedom and priviledge as they did
before the recalling of their Patent.
By all which it appears, that howsoever the Government
could not be reduced from that popular form of the Company
in England, but by revocation of the Patent itself; yet in
respect of both those King? Declarations, and the Lords
Orders, the Adventurers and Planters of Virginia, as to their
Rights and Priviledges, according to the Rule of Equity,
remain in the same condition, as if no such Judgement had
been given.
*Acf3 of the Privy Council, Colonial, I. 92-95.
* Virginia Magasine of History, VII. 267.
> Piinted in Chalmers, Political Annals, p. 131.
194 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
Object} But they answer hereunto to this effect, though
not truely neither, That the Lord Baltamore his Patent takes
in no part, that the Vii^inians had then planted, and so the
interests of all men is preserved; and, that Maryland is no
other, then a particular Plantation, as the Company used to
grant to divers Adventurers and Planters; and, that the King
might do as much as the Company while they stood.
Answ. 1. We reply, That the Adventurers and Planters
were encouraged to expend their Estates, in so vast a propor-
tion, and to hazard their lives in all extremities, alwayes ac-
companying new designs and b^innings, in hope, that their
shares upon the division of Lands, being four hundred Miles
along the Seashore, and into the Land from Sea to Sea, would
recompence them and their Heirs, as in Ireland, heretofore, and
now is done. But this Literest by the Patent of the Lord
Baltamore's comprehending neer two degrees, which is an
hundred and twenty Miles, is wholly taken from them, and
scarce is there any room for any Adventurers to take up any
Land due unto them.
It is truely answered, that all the Adventurers of the Com-
pany were Tenants in conmion to all the Land, which was not
actually divided and set out, and their claim cannot justly
be thus nullified, and yet their interest said to be reserved.
3. It is granted, That the Lord Baltamore may have as
large a proportion of Land, as ever was granted to any by the
Company, though his adventures have never been proportion-
able to som mens. But we think it agreeing to reason, that he
should people it, and either shew his right to it by the advent-
ure of people sent over to plant it, which was by the Company
appointed to be fifty Acres to every person transported thither;
otherwise, how unreasonable is it, that he should possess two
third parts of the Bay of Virginia, which may perhaps be said
to be as big as the Kingdom of England and Scotland, and
yet now in many years have not more men there, except such
as have gone from Virginia, then can or do plant as much as
is contained in a small comer thereof, and those chiefly em-
ployed in Tobacco; and the great name of Maryland is but in
effect made a factory for Trade; Ammunition and Arms being
as conunonly sold to the Indians (though not altogether so
^ /. e,, objectiaii.
1666] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 196
openly) as among the Swedes and Dutch: a Nursery for
Jesuits, and a bar to keep off other Planters from the greatest
part of the Country left void, and for the most part not known
by him or his.
5. We say, that after we had discovered, and brought the
Indians of those parts of Maryland to a Trade of Com and
Beaver, by virtue of the King's instructions under the Broad
Seal of England, with the expence of our Bloods and Estates,
and exercised annual intercourse with them above eight and
twenty yeers: how can it be said, our Interests and Rights
are preserved, when we are forbidden this Trade, our Men
slain. Vessels and Goods seized, Persons imprisoned, and the
whole Trade assumed onely to the Lord Baltamore's use,
and he not able to manage it neither, but left it to the Swedes
and Dutch?
6. And chiefly we answer. We claim Right by Possession,
having planted the Isle of Kent almost three yeers before ever
the name of Maryland was heard of, and Burgesses for that
place sitting in the Assembly of Virginia; whereby it is evi-
dent, that the Lord Baltamore's suggestions to the King,
mentioned in his Patent, that those parts were uncultivated
and unplanted, unless by barbarous people not having the
knowledge of God, was a mis-information; and by it, that
Patent appears to be surreptitiously and illegally gotten:^
and if the Lord Baltamore takes away those Lands from them,
who have also purchased the Interest of the Natives (a Right
not inconsiderable) and seize their Goods, and that in an
hostile manner as he hath done; How can it be said, that those
mens Interests and Rights are preserved, they being the first
Discoverers of that Island, by vertue of the King's Commission,
and planted there under the Government of Virginia, on the
confidence they apprehended from the former assurances, and
there began in great part the Trade of Furs.
How unjust an intrusion then will the Lord Baltamore's
> Geoige, Lord Baltimore, visited Viiginia in October, 1629, and upon his
return to England shortly afterward applied to the king for the charter of Mary-
land. The region was correctly described as being uninhabited at that time,
as Claiborne did not establish his post at Kent Ishmd until 1631. The charter
of Maryland was granted in June, 1632, to Cecilius Lord Baltimore, his father
who was the applicant having died in April of that year.
196 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
Patent appear, which overthrowB the Literests of so many
and such Persons: for the Company of Vii^inia were of a
nature diversified from other Companies; which if it had not
been founded on so good Grounds, yet their zeal and pious
endeavours to propagate the true Christian Reli^on, enlarge
the English Dominions, and to encrease the Trade and Strength
of shipping, and considerably the Customes, do deserve justice,
with addition of reward for so honourable and good intentions.
In the next place, to prove the Lord Baltamore's usurpa-
tion of Royal Jurisdiction and Dominion in Maryland, as ab-
solute Lord and Proprietary, there needs no more then his
Commissions and Processes running in this stile, viz. We,
Us, and. Given under our hand and greater Seal of Arms, in
such a yeer of our Dominion, etc. The Oath also, that he
tenders to all his Subjects and the Inhabitants, such being
the very words thereof, as by the Oath itself, copied from his
own hand, and herewith published, appears. This is surely
incompatible to the Engli^ Nation, that there should be any
such principality erected over them, whereas the books of Law
teach us, that all Writs, Executions, and Conmiands ought to
be done in the name of the Supream Authority onely, and is so
appointed by the late Platform of Government, for all the
Dominions of the Commonwealth, of which this is a part; and
by a late Ordinance declaring Treason upon such penalty,
that none ought to exercise any power, but in the Lord Pro-
tector's name; and these men acting so wilfully, cannot ex-
cuse themselves. By the ancient English Laws, all those
Pleas that concern Life, and Member, and Pardons, cannot be
done in the name of any inferior Person; and all Writs, In-
dictments, and Process as heretofore, so must now only be in
the name of the Lord Protector, and not in the name of the
Lord Baltamore's, as he hath assumed in Maryland. And
whereas the Lord Baltamore pretends to the like priviledges
as in the County-Palatine of Duresme,* even those priviledges
of Duresme, and all the other County-Palatines of England,
^Durham. The palatine authority of the Bishop ci Durham, although
much curtailed in 1535 (27 Henry VIII. c. 25), was not finally abolished until 1836.
Until that date courts were held and writs issued in the name of the Bishop, not
of the Crown. The exercise by Lord Baltimore in Maryland of the powers men-
tioned in the tert was in strict accordance with the express terms of his charter*
1644] VmOINIA AND MARYLAND 197
were; and are taken away as dishonorable^ and incongruent to
the English Nation, by the Statute of the 27 Hen. 8. 25. With
what strange confidence then doth the Lord Baltamore pub-
hsh to the world, That these Royalties and Priviledges are
warranted by his Patent, when as they are contrary to Law,
and to the Government now established under his Highness,
and to a Clause in his Patent, wherein it is provided, That no
Construction be made thereof, whereby the Government in the
Common-wealth of England should suffer any prejudice or
diminution.
Whereby it appears there was as good Cause to reduce
Maryland as Virginia; the People and General Assembly
thereof also complaining of their Grievance, among many
other exorbitant Usurpations of Lord Baltamore over them,
as appears by their Complaint in Governor Green's time, made
and Recorded there by a Committee of that Assembly: But
'tis known that Governor Green was deposed by Lord Balta-
more, for suffering that Committee, and not for proclaiming
the Kings Son,^ as he aleadgeth, when no such thing appears
in rerum naiura, nor no word in all his many Instructions, of
the Parliament, much less of his pretended affection to them,
or their friends, but clean contrary: And 'tis notoriously
known that all the Lord Baltamore's Governors usually took
the Kings part against the Parliament; and his Brother, Mr.
Leo. Calvert, his only Governor while he lived there, ever
declared himself against them: And to evince this irref rage-
ably, and clearly to demonstrate the management and com-
plexion of this business, both Lord Baltamore himself, and his
Brother, by long Solicitations at Oxford, procured and sent
over in Anno 1644 Commissions under the Kings Broad Seal,
to surprize the Parliaments and London-ships in Virginia; and
' On June 9, 1647, Governor Leonard Gilvert on his death-bed commissioned
Thomas Greene, a member of the Council, as his successor. On August 6, 1648,
Lord Baltimore, deeming it wise, in view of the situation of affairs in England,
that the governor of Maryland should be a Protestant, commissioned William
Stone to that office. On September 20, 1649, Governor Stone, having occasion
to go to Virginia, appointed his predecessor Greene to act as his deputy during
his absence. Greene seized upon the opportunity afforded by his brief authority
to proclaim Charles II. king. This was on November 15, 1649. Governor
Greene's temporary commission was shortly thereafter terminated by the return
of Governor Stone. See p. 164, supra.
198 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652
to impose Customs, raise Regiments, and Fortifie the Comitry
against the Parliament; which appears by several Writings
mider the Lord Baltamore's Hand and Seal, (one of which is
hereunto annexed.) They did with zeal proclaim the Kings
Son, Charles the Second, at Maryland; and some that read
it, and assisted therein, of the primest rank, are still continued
Counsellors by him, and never a word of blame; whereas 'tis
evident his own Interest is more than circumspectly watcht
over, and contended for. How can he pretend that his Gov-
ernor, Captain Stone, bare any affection to the Parliament,
when without check from himself, in their Assemblies Laws,
he used the name of King, and His Majesty; and of Charles
the First, when the Second was Proclaimed there? And why
did Lord Baltamore himself in England advisedly consent
and approve those Laws in terminiSj under his hand, 1650, if
such had not been his own thoughts toward the Parliament?^
The Commissioners that were imployed by the Parliament to
Reduce Virginia, Anno 1652, were commanded to Reduce all
the Plantations in the Bay of Chesapiak: and then, that all
Writs should issue in the Names of the Keepers of the Lib-
ertie of England: They saw not how they could decline this
service, well knowing how contrary to those Commands, and
the Honor and Interest of the Parliament, the Government of
Maryland was exercised; and think strange any should pre-
tend assistance and supply of Victuals from Maryland to that
Fleet, when no such thing ever was; that the Parliament Ships
were entertained there in his Harbors, whenas never any of
them came at Maryland, nor within near 100. miles thereof,
save only the Ginn^ Frigot, who went thither to Reduce that
Province; they knew his Governor had alwayes bore affection
to the Khigs side, that Charles the Second (as hath been said)
was proclaimed there, that the Councel were all Papists,'
or indifferently affected, and that they refused to Govern
the people by the Laws of England (another Clause in the
Parliaments Commission) to wUch several of their actings,
and even Lord Baltamore's Instructions were contrary, as in
' See Lord Baltemor^s Case, pp. 175-177, ncpro. > Gtdnea.
* At the time of the appointinent of Goyemor Stone in August, 1648, Lord
Baltimore changed the composition of the Council so that one-half the mranbers
were Protestants. Previous to that date they had all heea Roman Catholics.
1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 199
this particular, and many others, appears by the Reports of
the Committee of the Navy, and the Cfeuncel of State, to whom
the Parliament referred this Cause; a Copy of which Report
is hereunto annexed: And they ruled in Maryland in such an
absolute way and authority, as no Christian Prince or State in
Europe exercises the like.
His Governor hath an absolute Negative Voice in all things,
and in the Assembly of the Burgesses; calls into the Upper
House (as he terms it)* whom he will, to over-vote the rest;
places and dis-places whom he will in that Councel : and the
Lord Baltamore himself, though in England, appoints all
Officers, even to the meanest degree; and who flatter him most,
are sure to have it: His Mandates are sent over to stop Jus-
tice, and the Judges imprisoned for proceeding according to
Justice: Writs are given out under the Governors hand in his
own Case, without any judgement of Court, to seize mens
Goods into the Governors hands: His Governors are not
suable for any just debts, and so they usually exercise their
priviledges even to the oppression and discontent of the
people: No Appeals allowed from their Courts, though con-
sisting but of two men, and those perhaps of no great knowl-
edg or skill in Government, no not to the general Representa-
tive Assemblies. It would be infinite to rake in this Dunghil ;
but all indifferent men that have lived and been there, know
these things to be sad Truths; and surely not without cause,
have the general Assemblies there, most of the Councel and
the Freemen, been often contesting with the Lord Baltamore's
Governors about these things, and yet could never obtain any
redress from him; but have resolved to Petition the State of
England.
Why therefore should Maryland, so ill Founded, and so ill
Managed, be wrung from the right of Virginia, against all
Law and Equity, as is before truely set forth? And be estab-
lished to Lord Baltamore, a professed Recusant, as his pub-
lished Book intimates; who hath in effect made it a subject
of his own domination and tyranny (being his main aim :) But
to colour it, and the better to get friends^ first made it a
^ The Assembly waa divided into two houses by its own act in April, 1650.
The Upper House consisted of the members of the Council and was presided over
by the Governor. Archives of Maryland^ I. 272.
200 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
I receptacle for Papists, and Priests, and Jesuites, in some ex-
traordinary and zealous manner; but hath since discontented
them many times and many ways, though Intelligence with
Bulls, Letters, etc. from the Pope and Rome be ordinary for
f his own Interests; and now admits all sorts of Religions, and
intended even 2000 Irish, and by his own Letters clears and
indemnifies one, that said. Those Irish would not leave a Bible
in Maryland. His Country, till he employed Captain Stone,
never had but Papist Govemours and Counsellors, dedicated
to St. Ignatius, as they call him, and his Chappel and Holyday
kept solemnly: The Protestants for the mc^ time miserably
disturbed in the exercise of their Religion,* by many wayes
plainly enforced, or by subtil practises, or hope of preferment,
to turn Papists, of which a very sad account may from time
to time be given, even from their first arrival, to this very day.
Virginia hath used all good Neighbourhood towards them,
without which assistance and supply, even of all things, they
could not have subsisted; for their numbers were inconsider-
able, and their Adventures small and very little after the first
ship, in comparison of such a work. And though Lord Balta-
more pretends great Adventures with his Friends thither;
yet none have appeared there to any considerable value from
him for many yeers, onely what Merchants, and some few
have done upon Returns of Tobacco and Beaver: so that in
Truth it will appear, and that by his own Letters too, Mary-
land hath been chiefly planted by Virginia from the first to
last, and by people from thence wanting seats in their nar-
row limits;' Maryland taking away above half the Country,
which (as hath b^n said before) was onely discovered by Vir-
ginia, with continual Trade and abode of people there for
above 20 yeers, by Commissions and Warrants in the Bong's
Name, and was planted by Colonel Claibom under Virginia
Government, some yeers before ever the name of Maryland,
or Lord Baltamore was ever heard of there; which himself
^ This statement, like many of the allegations in this pamphlet, is without
foundation in fact.
'The statement that settlers from Virginia moved to Maryland for lack of
space in the former colony is obviously incredible. The migration was in fact
that of Puritans, who, being harassed in Virginia, came to Maryland to enjoy the
religious liberty that was there extended to all. See p. 163, tn/ro.
1656] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 201
kneW; though he mis-informed the King, and obtained his
Patent upon pretence of -Unplanted places onely.*
But the many illegal Executions and Murthers of several
persons at the Isle of Kent by the Lord Baltamore's com-
mands and his Officers; the Imprisonments, Confiscations
of many mens Estates, and of Widows and Orphans, to the
destruction of many Families there; especially his seizure
of Captain Gaibom's Estate, though out of his Patent, because
planted, to the value of 6000 pounds, with the great tyranny
and wrong done there, although the then King Declared and
Commanded the contrary, but was disobeyed by the Lord
Baltamore's Agents, are too long to be inserted here.'
Many Inconveniences and Losses hath Virginia suffered
by Maryland, of which the continual Invitation and Enters
tainment of run-away servants, and protecting fugitive per^
sons and indebted, is not the least: But above all, it is easie
to be made appear that the Lord Baltamore hath continually
ever since their seating there, interposed in the matters of
Government in Virginia by the potency of his friends in the
late Kings Court, both by placing and displacing the Gov-
emnours. Counsellors, and Supream Officers, as they stood
affected or were displeasing to him.
Mr. Bennet and Captain Claibom being two of the Com-
missioners, that were imployed by the Parliament to reduce
Virginia and Maryland, are strangely taxed by Lord Balta-
more for being his declared enemies: indeed, it seems for their
service to the Parliament, he is become implacable towards
them, though Captain Curtis, another Commissioner now in
England, and all Maryland can testifie how unwilling, and
1 See p. 195, note 1, supra^
' A bill of attainder was unanimoualj found by the Assembly of Maryland
on March 24, 1637/S, against Claiborne, on the charges of piracy and murder,
and his estate declared forfeited to the Lord Proprietary. Archives of Mary-
land, I. 23. Three days later an order was issued to the sheriff of Kent Island
to seize his goods and chattels, of which return was made Jime 20, 1638. Ibid.,
III. 70, 76. On April 4 of the same year the Lords Commissioners of Plantations
had denied Claiborne's title to Kent Island and confirmed that of Lord Balti-
more as Proprietaiy. Ibid,, III. 7L The inhabitants of Kent Island had been
reduced to obedience, and Thomas Smith, Claiborne's representative, taken
prisoner by an armed force under Govemer Leonard Calvert in February, 1637/S.
See p. 152, supra.
202 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1665
how tenderly they did any thing there, and how much they
desired and endeavoured to have declined any alteration, if
either Captain Stone the Govemour or the Councel, would have
issued out Writs in the name of the Keepers of the Liberty of
England, and have promised to govern according to the Laws
of England; both which they refused tmder their hands:*
and the Commissioners being sent to Maryland, is since owned
by the Report of the Conunittee of the Councel of State, and
the Lord Baltamore taxed and blamed for not issuing out Writs
as they required them; and therefore seems a bold aspersion
for the Lord Baltamore to pubUsh, that Maryland being struck
out of their commission, was afterwards by some mistake put
into the Commission the second time : and as strange it seems,'
that now since the reduction of Maryland the Lord Baltamore
in opposition and contempt of the Supream Authority of
England, should cause his Governor and Councel most falsly
and rebelliously to revolt and recede from the same, and give
instructions under his own hand, as he had lately done, to
issue out all Writs and Proceedings in his own name onely:
which they have accordingly done, and not the least mention
of the Lord Protector's name in all their Government.* This
the said Commissioners, though they received confirmation
of their Commission from the Parliament imder the Seal (the
Original the first time miscarrying), yet bore with a long
time onely by Letters out of Virginia, admonished Captain
Stone and that Councel of their error, and protested against
their actings: but they continued obstinate. The Commis-
sioners were desirous still to expect and attend a settlement
and determination out of England, and to intermeddle as
little as they could. But about a yeer since Lord Baltamore
sends over Instructions and Commands to Captain Stone and
his new made Councel, all or most Papists, or indifferent,
to seize the Lands and Estates of all such as would not take the
Oath of fidelity (as he stiles it) before specified. But the
people of Maryland generally abhorred this Oath and justly as
> Archives of Maryland, III. 275, 300.
* See Lord BaUemore*8 Case, p. 169, supra.
' Parliament having been dissolved by Cromwell, it was claimed on behalf
of Lord Baltimore that the authority of the conmiissioners appointed by that
body had expired.
1656] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 203
is conceived, especially those of Patuxent and Severn declined
to take it, a^ being against their Engagement, incompatible
with their subjection to the Commonwealth of England, and
incongruous to serve two absolute Superiours, whereupon
Captain Stone and his Counsel proclaim them seditious, and
rebels to Lord Baltamore, and forget not to include the two
Commissioners, though in Virginia under the same name,
with other opprobious terms: whereupon the people of Pa-
tuxent, Severn, and Kent often and earnestly apply them-
selves if possible to have relief from those Commissioners, yet
they still desirously forbore to intermeddle, hoping it would
be done out of England, until after many solicitations Mr.
Bennet and Captain Qaibom with onely two men in July
last went thither in a Boat, yet using all fair means: but how
ill they were treated for their moderation, and intended to be
surprised by night, and made Prisoners, and how they were
necessitated to prevent greater mischief and the present mine
of hundreds of Families to interpose to have that Oath sus-
pended, and the Government managed in the Lord Protector's
name; (which being denied to avoid bloodshed, they re-
assumed the Government out of those hands that so ill-man-
aged it, and placed it in others for the time being under his
Highness the Lord Protector, until he should please to sig-
nifie his further pleasure) will appear in a Dedaration then
and herewith published, together with the peoples Petition,
the Commissioners answer thereunto, and an Order for setling
the Government in the hands of Captain William Fuller, and
others.
The Lord Baltamore also since gives particular Commis-
sion and Conmiand to seize the persons of those Commission-
ers, under his Hand and Seal, dated in November last; and
for their service to the Lord Protector to proceed against them
as abettors in mutiny and sedition; chides, and upraids
Captain Stone for cowardise, provokes him to fighting and
bloodshed (a course too often acted in Maryland), appoints
another Governor in case he decline it, and yet sends no
revocation of the Commissioners reducement, though he ac-
knowledges he sought it earnestly of the Lord Protector but
could not obtain it; yet to blinde and delude Captain Stone
and his Counsel, there came over a Letter of Recommenda-
204 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1665
tion from his Highness of one Captain Barbar, and by what
practise or mistake is not known, a subscription thereon to
Captain Stone Govemour of Maryland. And by this (together
with a Copy of that Petition of the Merchaints and others
trading to Virginia, brought in by Mr. Eltonhead, and sent
over by Lord Baltamore), Captain Stone and all Maryland
fall to arms, and disarm and plunder those that would not
accept the aforesaid Oath. A part of them at last stood upon
their guard, onely sought to Captain Stone to shew his Com-
mission, and they would submit; he caused to imprison their
Messengers, and being of far greater number, assaulted them
at their houses, threatens to have their blood, calls them
Round-head Rogues and Dogs, brought whole bagfuls of
chewed Bullets, rolled in pqwder, saying. The Devil take him
that spares any; and so falls on upon the day dedicated to
the Virgin Mary, with the word Hey for St. Mary: but the
Protestants commanded their men not to shoot upon pain of
death, until some being slain by a voUy of shot from the
Marylands, they defended themselves, and God confounded
Capt. Stone and all his Company before them: there were
near double the number in Prisoners to the Victors, twenty
slain, many wounded, and all the place strewed with Papist
beads where they fled; but the Proceedings thereof, and how
the arm of the Lord was revealed, and his mighty power
manifested even to admiration, together with the success, and
the evils drawn upon themselves, appears by the relation
thereof, at this time also published by a Messenger from
thence.^
The Lord Baltamore pretends in print, his entertainment
into Maryland of the Parliaments Friends thrust out of Vii>
ginia; but those very men whom he so stiles coming thither
being promised by Captain Stone, that he would declare urg-
ing the Oath upon them, complain of it to the Parliament,
are in answer thereunto vilified by Lord Baltamore, and pub-
lickly taxed for obscure factious fellows, and in his later Letters
termed the basest of men, and imworthy of the least favour
^ The accounts of the battle at the Severn, March 25, 1655, as narrated by
those engaged on opposite sides, are conflicting. The two documents next fol-
lowing in this volume, Babylon's FaU, by Leonard Strong, and The Refutation^ etc.,
by John Langford, give substantially the two versions.
1656] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 205
or forbearance; such advantages doth he make on all sideS;
at such a distance^ and in such incomposed times, that he con-
fidently takes the liberty to aver such extream and contrary
things which amaze other men that see them. The place as
himself confesses, had been deserted, if not peopled from Vir-
ginia. He might with more reason scruple to supplant the
Rights of the most considerable conjuncture of worthy men
that ever undertook such an Adventure, as Plantation out of
England; which hath been the b^inner and parent of all the
rest.
The late King James revoked the "Virginia-Companies
Patent for denjdng him to alter the Government, for which he
had fundamentally provided to give Instructions from time
to time, and was the same, which the last King did by his
Commission to Sir William Davenant, of which t£e Lord Bal-
tamore speaks so much,^ and makes such inferences as serve
his own ends. But the Truth is, all that can rightly and
properly be collected from thence is onely this, (his right to
the Soil being in express words reserved), if the King might
dispose of the Government of Maryland, why not the Parlia-
ment, as they have done; and why not the Lord Protector
as he also hath done? Another of those Fundamentals was.
That no Papists should be tolerated to remain in Virginia, but
sent away if they would not take the Oath of Allegiance, and
was so practised : this the old Lord Baltamore refusing, stayed
not in Vir^nia; and, Hinc iUa lachryrna, to all those that were
of the Councel, who with their wives and children have not
suffered a little for it; of which onely Colonel Matthews and
Colonel Claibom remain alive. His son this Lord Baltamore
now publishes himself a Recusant, and avers contrarily that
the Laws against Papists and Recusants extend not thither;
yet his Patent says, No interpretation shall be admitted
thereof, by which God's holy and truely Christian Religion,
or the allegiance due to the Successors of the State of Eng-
land,' should suffer any prejudice or diminution.
* The commission to Sir William Davenant was issued in February, 1649/fiO,
by Charles II., then in exile, and not by the "last King" as stated in the text
See p. 180, supra,
'This expression, "the State of England," does not occur in the charter of
Maryland.
206 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1651
By all which surely it's most evident, This Couaty Pala-
tine turned imd coveted by him, appears disagreeable to Law
and to his own Patent: and as a Monster unlike the rest of
the Dominions of the Commonwealth of En^aod, and con-
trary to the late Platform of Government under his Highness
the Lord Protector; yet hath he omitted no means to mforce
his DominioQ on those men that are most unwilling to sub-
mit to him as an absolute Prince and hereditary Monarch.
Neither doth that instance of the Roman Commonwealth in
his printed Pamphlet hold for him, who though they permitted
and continued many Kingships over people that fonneriy had
them, as is now done in Virginia among the Indians; yet he
cannot shew, that ever they constituted King over the people of
Rome to govern absolutely over them, as this case pleads for,
to have a n^atdve voice, yeti, and a power ad pladtum, in all
things that is before specified, to the great r^;ret of t^e lur
habitants, the oppression of many, uid the obstruction of
justice, of which Maryland hath afforded no mean examples
and Complaints.
But although Vir^nia seeks the re-establishment of her
bounds so often assured under the great Seal of En^and, and
otherwise, yet to renew any such Authority as this of Mary-
land, or that of the Company over her, she dedres it not; but
to be from time to time under such Govermnent as the State
of England shall appoint.
Duplicate Instmctiom^ for Captain Robert Dermis, Mr. Ridt.
Bennet, Mr. Tho. [Stagge], and CafA. William Claibom
appointed Commissioners for the redueetnent of Virginia,
(mid the Inhabitants thereof to their due obedience to the
CommonvxaUh of England.
Whereas the Parliament of England by an Act intituled,
An Act prohibiting trade with Barbadoes, Virginia, Bermu-
das and Antego, hath committed to this Cotmc^ several
powers therein expressed, for the setling, reducing, and gov-
erning the said Islands, printed copies of which Acta are here-
with delivered you, In pursuance whereof, a Fleet is now set
> Prom the Council <rf SUte, the chief ezecutiTe ftuthorily of England at this
lesi] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 207
forth victualled; armed, and maimed under the command
and conduct of Captain Robert DenniS; to effect by the bless-
ing of God the ends aforesaid; and for the management of
that service you are hereby joyntly nominated and appointed
Conmiissioners: and for your better directions and proceed-
ings therein, you are to follow these Instructions following:
Such of you as are here to repair on board the ships, John
or the Guinny^ Friggot of the States, which of them you shall
think fit, and winde and weather permitting to sail to Vir-
ginia, as Captain Robert Dennis shall direct and appoint.
And upon your arrival in Virginia, you, or any two or more
of you, (whereof Captain Robert Dennis to be one) shall use
your best endeavours to reduce all the Plantations within the
Bay of Chesepiak to their due obedience to the Parliament and
the Commonwealth of England.
For which purpose, you, or any two or more of you, (where-
of Captain Robert Dennis to be one) have hereby power to
assure pardon and indenmity to all the Inhabitants of the said
Plantations that shall submit unto the present Government,
and Authority as it is established in this Conunonwealth; in
which pardons you may make such limitations and exceptions,
as you or any two or more of you, whereof capt. Robert Dennis
to be one, shall think fit.
And in case they shal not submit by fair wayes and meanes,
you are to use all acts of hostility that lies in your power to
enforce them, and if you shal find people so to stand out as
that you can by no other wayes or means reduce them to their
due obedience, you or any two or more of you whereof capt.
Rob. Dennis to be one have power to appoint captains, and
other Officers, and to raise forces within every of the planta-
tions aforesaid, for the furtherance and good of the service,
and such persons as shall come in unto you and serve as
soldiers, if their masters shal stand in opposition to the pres-
ent Government of this Common-wealth, you or any two or
more of you whereof capt. Rob. Dennis to be one, have here-
by power to discharge and set free from their masters all such
persons so serving as souldiers.
You shall cause and see all the several Acts of parlament
against Kingship, and the house of Lords to be received and
' Guinea,
a08 NARRATIVES OF EARLY IIARYLAND [1651
published; as also the Acts for abolishing the Book of common
prajrer, and for subscribing the ingag?ment, and all of their
Acts therewith ddivered to you.
You or any two or more of you have ful power to admin-
ister an Oath to all the Inhabitants and planters there, to be
true and faithful to the conmion-wealtii of En^and as it is
now established without a King or house of Lords: You or
any two or more of you, whereof cap. Robert Dennis to be
one, have power to ^ve liberty to the inhabitants, and plant-
ers who shaJil have taken the engagement f ormeriy mentioned
to choose such Burgesses as they shall think fit, and send to
the place you shal appoint for the better Ululating and
governing aflfairs there; provided that nothing be acted con-
trary to the Government of the commonwealth of England,
and the Laws established.
You shall cause all Writs, Warrants, and other processe
whatsoever to be issued forth as occasion shall require, in the
name of the Keepers of the liberty of England, by authority
of Parliament.
In case of Mortality, or absence of Cap. Bob. Dennis, you
or any two, or more of you have power to put in execution
these instructions. In case of Mortality or absence of Cap.
Rob: Dennis, Edmund Curtis commander of the Guinny
Frigot is hereby impowered to act as Commissioner with you,
or any two or more of you, and he is also in the absence of
Capt. Robert Dennis to take the chaige of the Fleet so far as
concerns the shipping, according to the power given to Cap.
Rob: Dennis. And lastly as we doubt now but you will use
your best diUigence, and care in carrying on of this affair of
consequence with which you are intrusted, and that by your
good endeavours it will have a good issue, so the Counsel wil
take the same into consideration that respect may be had of
your pains, and travel therein, and of a recompence agreeable
to your service, when the same shall be compleated, and work
upon which you are imployed shall be finished.
Signed in the name and by order of the Councel
of State appointed by authority of Parlam.
Whitehal 26 John Bradshaw President.
Sept: 1651.
Jo: Thurloe Cler: of the Counsel.
1662] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 209
Committee Navy 31 December: 1652.
In pursuance of an order of Parlament of the 31 Aug.
1652, whereby the 4. and part of the 7. and 8. Articles agreed
on at James City for the surrendring and setting of plantation
of Virginia, with certain parchments concerning Manland, and
the petition of the Inhabitants of Virginia, are referred unto
this Committee to consider what patent is fit to be granted to
the said Inhabitants of Virginia, and to hear all parties, and to
consider of their particular claims, and to report the same
unto the Parlament,^ This C!ommittee upon examination of the
matter of fact, and upon hearing both parties, and their Coun-
sel, do find, and humbly certifie:
Hiat by a Patent dated the 23 day of May, in the 7th year
of King James,' there was granted to divers Adventurers and
Planters by the name of the Virginia Company, all those
Lands, Countries, and Territories scituate in that part of
America called Virginia, from Cape or point comfort all along
the sea coast ^to the Northward two hundred mile; and from
the said Cape or point comfort all along the sea-coast to the
Southward 200 nules; all that space of Land lying from the
sea-coast of the precinct aforesaid up into the Lands through-
out from sea to sea. West and Northwest, and all the Isl-
ands lying within 100 miles along the coast of both seas of the
precincts aforesaid, with the soyls etc. thereunto belonging to
hold to them and their heirs forever under the several reser-
vations therein mentioned;
That the said patent was afterwards by a Quo warranto
in the 21 of the said King repealed, and made void;
That in the 8th year of the late King, upon the humble
petition of the Ld. Baltemore, that he might have and enjoy a
coUony or parcel of ground in America then uncultivated, and
not inhabited by any save the Indians there was by patent dated
20 June 8 Car. granted to the said Lord Baltemore all that
parcel of Land lying in the part of America, from the sea on the
'The original has here a note: "See note, page 46." The reference is appar-
ently to the parliamentary record mentioned, as there is no note on page 46 of the
original edition of the pamphlet.
s The second Virginia patent, 1600.
210 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [16S2
East to the Bay of Chessaphia* on the West, extending from
Watkins point to Delawar Bay, and from Delawar Bay to
Potowmeek River, and so along to Watkins point, together
with the Islands thereunto belonging, and by the said patent
called the Province of Mariland, To hold the same in as ample
manner as any Bishop of Duiliam, within the Bishoprick or
Comity palatine of Durham in England, heretofore ever held
or injoyed, and to hold the same in free and common soccadg,
as of the Castle of Windsor, Reserving to the King, his Heirs,
and successors faith, allegiance, and dominion, and two
Indian arrows yearly with the fifth part of all gold and silver
Oar found in and upon the said province, and also liberty for
any the people of England or Ireland to fish as well in those
seas, as in any ports or Creeks of the said province, and to salt
and cure their fish there. That in and by the said patent, power
is granted to the Lord Baltemore and his heirs to make Laws
by and with the Counsell assent, and approbation of the
Freemen of the said Province, or the Major part of them,
that shal concern life or Member as often as his Lordship shal
think fit, etc. so as such Laws be consonant to reason, and
not repugnant, nor contrary, but as neer as possible may be
agreeable to the Laws of this Nation;
That by the said Patent the said Province is separated
from Virginia, but by express provisoe declared to be subject,
and depending upon the Crown of England, And in case any
doubts arise about any claim in the said patent, the same
were to be decided by the Courts of En^and.
It also appears by examinations taken by this Committee
that Kentish Island was before the date of the said Patent
part of Virginia, and planted and inhabited by Cap. Qaibom
three years before the arrival of the Lord Baltemores Agents
in Maryland, and that Burgesses sat in the Assembly at
James Town in Vlr^nia for the said Island, And that the Vir-
ginians had the sole possession of the Bay of Chesopiack, and a
free Trade with the Indians;
That in the yeer 1633, upon the arrival of the Lord Balte-
mores Agents in Maryland, the Vir^nians were prohibited
from trading with the Indians, in any part of Maryland,
which formerly they had accustomed, whereupon severaU
1 Chesapeake.
1652] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 211
dififerences arose between capt. daiborns men and the L. B.^
planters, and capt. Qaybom continuing his trade, a Vessell
called the Longtail was seised upon by the Marilanders, and
one Lieutenant Warren (with some others whom he sent to
rescue the said Vessel) were killed by the Marilander in that
attempt in Potomoke* River; That the goods of Mr. Harman
and others were all seised by the Lord Baltemores Agents, and
at length after three yeares suffering, Captaine Claibom was
forsibly disseisd and dispossest of his plantation in Kentish
Island; and forced for safety of his life to fly into England,
and ever since that L: B. hath had possession of the said
Island, not suffering any of the Virginians to trade in the said
Bay without ceisure and confiscation of their Goods.
It likewise appears unto this Committee upon perusal of
the several parchments mentioned in the Order of Parla-
ment, that the L: B. hath constituted forms of Oaths, and
injoyned the taking thereof by all persons as wel Officers as
others within the said province, and that not to the King, but
to himself, and that he hath issued out Writs in his own name,
all his Commissions and processe running in this stile (viz.)
we, us, and given under our hand, and greater seal of arms in
such a yeer of our Dominions over the said Province. That
he hath likewise appointed an upper and lower house of
Assembly and also a privie counsel of State, which is not men-
tioned in the said patent. And we further find that several
of the Laws made by the said Lord Baltemore are not agree-
able to the Laws, Statutes, and customs of England, as for
instance:
That the Lands sold by the said Lord Baltemore are di-
rected to be purchased and held of him, and his Heirs only in
soccadg, as of the Mannor, etc. ;
That the Oaths hereafter mentioned must be taken by all
that shal bear Office, or shall inhabite, or come into the said
province, upon pain of being banished, and if they return, and
refuse, to be subject to such Fine as his Lordship shall think fit.
> Lord Baltimore's. ' Pooomoke.
212 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1648
The Oaih of the LietUenant or chief Governor of the Province of
Maryland}
I A. B. doe Sweare I will be true and faithfull to the Right
Honourable Cecilius, Loid Baron of Baltemore, the true and abso-
lute Lord and Proprietaiy of this Province of Maryland, and his
Heires, and him and them, and his and their Riirhts, Royal Juris-
dictioi^ and Seignoiy, aU Ind every of them into or ove/ the said
Province and Islands thereunto belonging, Will at all times Defend
and Maintaine to the utmost of my power; and will never accept
of, nor execute any Place, Office, or Employment within the said
Province, any way concerning or relating to the Grovemment of the
said Province, from any Person or Authority, but by, from, or under
the hand and Scale at Arms of his said Lordship, or his Heires or
Assignes, Lords and Proprietaries of the said Province. I will
faithfully serve his said Ix>rdship as Lieutenant of the said Prov-
ince, and in all other Offices conmiitted to my Charge by his said
Lordships Com^ntssion or Commissions to me, and will willingly
yield up the said Commission and Commissions againe, and aU
Offices, Powers, and Authorities granted or to be granted by them or
any of them, into the hands of his said Lordship, and his Heires and
Assignes, or to such person or persons a^ he or they shall appoint,
whensoever he or they shall appoint me so to doe, and shall signifie
the same to me in writing under his or their hand and Scale at Ames.
And will not presume to put in execution, or attempt to execute any
Office, Power, or Authority granted unto me by any of the said Com-
missions, aft^ that his Lordship, his Heires or Assignes, Lords and
Proprietaries of the said Province shall repeale them or anv of them
respectively by any writing imder his or their respective hand and
Scale at Armes, and that the said Repeale be published in this Prov-
ince. I will doe equall Right and Justice to the poore and to the
rich, within the said Province, to my best skill, judgement, and power,
according to the Lawes and Ordinances of the said province, and in
default thereof according to my conscience, and best discretion, and
the power granted and to be granted to me by his said Lordships
Conmiission or Conmoiissions; I will not for fear, favour, or affection,
^ This was the form of oath prescribed for Governor Stone. It differs from
the previous forms chiefly in the obligation to disturb no one on account of his
religion, "and in particular no Roman Catholic." Thus Lord Baltimore sought
to insure the continuance under the Protestant governor of the policy of rdig-
ious liberty already established. The expressions, "Rights, Royal Jurisdictioos,
Seignory," etc, are in conformity with the tenns of the charter.
16481 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 213
or any other cause, let, hinder, or delay Justice to any, but shall
truely execute the said Office and Offices respectively according to
his said Lordships Commissions to me in that behalf, and to the
true intent and meaning thereof, and not otherwise, to the best of
my understanding and Judgment. I wil not know of any attempt
against his said Lordships person, or his Rights or Dominion into,
or over the said province, and the people therin, but I will prevent,
resist, abd oppose it with the utmost of my power, and make the
same known with all convenient speed to his said lordship, and I
will in all things from time to time as occasion shal serve faithfully
coimsel and advise his said Lordship according to my heart and
conscience; And I do further swear I will not by my selfe, nor any
other person directly, trouble, molest or discountenance any person
whatsoever in the said province professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ,
and in particular no Roman Catholick, for or in respect of his or
her Religion, nor his or her free exercise thereof within the said prov-
ince, so as they be not unfaithful to his said Lordship or molest or
conspire against the civil Grovemment established under him, nor
will I make any difiFerence of persons in conferring Offices, Rewards,
or FaiBOurs proceeding from the Authority which his Lordship hath
conferred on me as his Lietenant here, for or in respect to their said
Religion respectively, but meerly as I shall find them faithful and
wel-deservin^ of his said Lordship, and to the best of my under-
standing endowed with morall vertues and abilities fitting for such
Offices, Rewards or Favours, wherein my prime aim and end shall
be from time to time sincerely the advancement of his said Lord-
ships service here, and the publick unity and good of the Province
wiuout partiallity to any, or any other sinister end, whatsoever.
And if any other Officer or persons whatsoever shal during the time
of my being his said Lordships Lieutenant here, without my con-
sent or privity, molest or disturb any person within this province
professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ meerely for or in respect of his
or her Religion, or the free exercise thereof, upon notice or com-
plaint thereof made unto him, I will apply my power and Authority
to relieve any person so molested or troubled, whereby he may have
Right done him for any damage which he shal suffer in that kind,
and to the utmost of my power wil cause all and every such person
or persons as shal molest or trouble any other person or persons in
that manner to be punishment. I wil faithfully serve his lordship
as his Chansellor and Keeper of his great Seal of this Province com-
mitted to my charge and custody by his said Lordships Commission
to me, to the best of my skil, and understanding. I will cause the
impression in Wax of the said Seal to be affixed to all such things as
I have, or shal from time to time receive commission or Warrant
214 NARRATIVES OF EARLY ^^lARYLAND [1648
for so doing from his said Lordship under his hand and Seal at arms;
and that it shaU not be affixed to any other Writing, or thing what-
soever, direcdy or indirectly with my privy consent, or knowledg.
I wil do my best endeavour carefully to preserve the said Great Seal
in my custody so long as it shall please his said Lordship to continue
me in the charge and keeping thereof, to the end that it may not be
lost, stoUen, or unlawfully taken from me; And whereby any other
Person may affix the impression thereof unto any Writing, or thing
whatsoever without Authority for so doing lawfully derived, or to be
derived from, by, or under a commission of Warrant under his said
Lordships Hand and Scale at Arms, and that I will truly and faith-
fully deliver up againe the said great Scale into the hands of such
Person or Persons as his said Lordship, or his Heirs shaU appoint,
when his, or their pleasure for that purpose shall be signified to me
under his, or their hands and Scab at arms; so help me God, and
by the contents of this Book.
The oath of fidelity to the Lord Proprietor
I A: B. Do faithfully and truly acknowledge the Right Honour-
able Cecilius Lord Baron of Baltemore to be the true and absolute
Lord and Proprietary of this Province and Country of Maryland,
and the Islands thereunto belonging; And I do swear that I will
bear true faith unto his Lordship and his Heires as to the true and
absolute Lords and proprietaries of the said Province and the Islands
thereunto belonging, and will not at any time by words or actions
in publick or private, wittingly or willingly to the best of my under-
standing any way derogate from; but will at all times as occasion
shall require to the uttermost of my power defend and maintaine
all such his said Lordships and his Heires Right, Title, Interest,
Priveledges, Royal Jurisdiction, Prerogative,* propriety and Do-
minion over and in the said province of Maryland, and the Islands
thereunto belonging, and over the people who are or shall be there-
in for the time being as are granted or mentioned to be granted to
his said Lordship, and to his Heirs by the King of England in his
said Lordships patent of the said province under the Great Scale of
England. I do also swear that I will with all expedition discover
to his said Lordship, or his Lieutenant or other chief Governor of
the said province for the time being, and also use my best endeav-
ours to prevent, any plot, conspiracy, or combination which I shall
know or have cause to suspect is intended or shall be intended against
the person of his said Lordship, or which shal tend any wayes to
^ See p. 212, note 1.
1648] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 215
the disinherison or deprivation of his said Lordships or his heirs
the Right, Title, Royal Jurisdiction or Dominion aforesaid, or any
part thereof, and I do swear that I will not either by myself or by
any other person, or persons directly, or indirectly, take, accept,
receive, purchase or posses any Lands, Tenements or Heredita[me]nts
within the said Province of Maiyland, or the Islands thereunto be-
longing from any Indian or Indians to any other use or uses, but
to me use of his said Lordship and his heirs or knowingly from any
other person or persons not deriving a legall Title thereunto from
or under some Grant from his said Lordship, or his said Heirs le-
gally passed or to be passed under his or their Great Seal of the
said province for the dme being, so help me God and by the Con-
tents of this Book.
The Oath of a Cotmsdlor of State in Maryland.
I A: 6. Do swear that I will be true and faithfuU to the Right
Honorable Cecilius Lord Baron of Baltemore, the true, and abso-
lute Lord and Proprietory of this Province of Maryland, and his
Heirs, and him and them and his and their Right, Royal Junsdic-
tions and simiory,* and every of them into and over the said Prov-
ince and Islands hereunto belonging wil at all times defend and
maintaine to the utmost of my power, and will never accept of, nor
execute any Place, 0£Sce, or Imployment within the said Province,
any way concerning or relating to the Government from time to time,
but from his said Lordship, or his Heirs, Lords, and proprietaries
of the said Province, under his or their Hands and Seal at Arms.
The peace and welfare of the people of this Province I will ever
procure, as far as I can: I will aid and assist the administring and
execution of Justice in all things to my power: to none will I delay or
deny Right, for fear, favor, or affection; I will to my best skill, and
according to my heart and conscience, give good and faithful Coun-
sel to the said Lord and Proprietary, and his Heirs, and to his, and
their Lieutenant and chief Governor of this Province for the time
being, when thereunto I shall be called; I will keep secret all mat-
ters committed or revealed unto me, or which shall be moved or
debated secretly in Councel, and faithfully declare my mind and
opinion therein, according to my heart and conscience: And if any
of the said Treaties and Councel shall touch any the Privy Coun-*
sellors of this Province, I will not reveal the same to him so touched
or concerned, but will keep the same secret until such time as by
the consent of the Lord Proprietary, or chief Governor here for the
^See p. 212, note 1, nipra.
216 NARRAITVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
time being, pobKcatioD AaM he made thereof; I wiD as m Comuel-
lor, as A Jostioe, and Commiwii wif ' i , for luuKiialion of tlie peace
of this Pnmnoe, do equal n^A nnlo tibe poor, and to die rich, to die
best of mjr imdefstandiiig and jw^ment, aee u i diii g to die Laws
troBk time to time in force widiin diis Prufiuoe; and in defaolt dieie-
of , acc o i din g to mj best discretion^ and genoallj in all things wiU
do as • hudifnl Counsellor to tfie Lotd R c pi ie t aiy; And I do further
Svrear, I wiD not bj mjself , or an j odicr penon, direcdj or indirecdy
trouble, molest, or disoounlenanoe ai^ penon or peisuus in the said
Prorinoe, proiesBing to believe in Jesus Christ, and in particular, no
Roman CatiioHck, for, or in respect of his or their Religion, nor in
hb or her bee c i e reis e thereof within tiie said Province, so as thej be
not unfaithful to his said Lordship, nor molest or conspire against the
Civil Government established under him. So help me God, and
the Contents of this Bocdc
That* w hoeue ve r shall call any cme an Idolater, Pi^>]sh
Priest, Jesuite, Jesuited Pi^Mst, etc to forfdt t^i pounds; and
that no F^pvBSt shall be troubled for eiffirciae of his Bdigbn,
80 as they be faithful to his Lordship.'
WhoeoevCT shall be accessoiy to the running away of an
Apprentice, shaD suffer death; Imt the party hinndf, if i^>pre-
headed, to serve his time double.
Whosoever shall counterfdt his Lordships Seal or Sign
Manual, shall suffer the loss of his hand, imprisonment during
life, or pains of death, or confiscation of Lands or Estate, or
any one or nK>re of them as the Governor, and Qiancellor,
and Councel, shall think fit.
* The text here relaros to the enamentioD of pravincisl stalutes aBeged to
be repugnant to the laws ai EngUnd,
'This prohibitioo against uaing epithets indicatrre of refigious affiliations
9ppliftd to all alike, but oolj if the tenns were used in a reproachful manner. It
was eqnaOjr punishable so to call a person a Puritan, Presbyterian, Calrinist, or
Lutheran. The penally, however, was ten shillings, not ten pounds, as stated
in the text. See the Act oonoeming Religion, p. 269, infra. Arckiva o/ Man^
land, L 244. At an Assembly held in Maryland in October, 1654, one year before
the date of this pamphlet, during the sway of the commissioiiers aj^iointed by
Parfiament, this act was repealed and a new one enacted, pfovi«&ig dial liberCy
sfaottid not be extended to sudi as professed "popoy or prdacy." Ihid^ L 341,
351. In the writs issued for the decti<Mi of this Assembly it was directed that
no Roman Catholic should be eligible to membership or allowed to vote. See
p. 22S, infra. Upon the restoration of the authori^ of Lend Baltimore in 1658,
this npcBl was treated as a nullity and the old act providing for rdigious liberty
renred. Arehivetcf Maryland, 11.5^
18651 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 217
His Lordship suffers Dutch, French, or Italian Descents
to plant, and enjoy equal priviledges with the British and
Irish Nations.^
And lastly, Li one of his Laws he mentions the High and
Mighty Prince Charles, the First of that name ; and in another
expresseth, That none shal transport any Tobacco's in any
Dutch Vessel bound for any other Port than his Majesties.
Unto all which Exceptions, Answer having been made by
the Lord Baltemore, which is hereunto annexed; the same is
humbly submitted to the Judgment and further direction
of this Honorable House.
It hath been confessed by the Lord Baltamore, That one
Captain Green his Lieutenant-Governor of Maryland, did soon
after the death of the late King, proclaim lus Son Charles
Stewart King of England, etc. for which his Lordship saith
he did by a Writing imder his hand and seal (which is one of
the parchments remaining with this Conmiittee) revoke the
Commission granted to the said Captain Green, and appointed
one Stone in his room: but there is no such cause mentioned
in the said Writing.'
It likewise appears. That in March 1651 the Governor and
Councel of Maryland, being required by the Commissioners
that were sent thither, to issue forth Writs in the Name of
The Keepers of the Libertie of England; they refused the
same, sajdng, They could not do it without breach of their
Trust and Oath.
^ Acts of naturalization or deniaaHon as they were then called, were passed in
favor of a number of persons natives of the continent of Europe, the first being in
favor of Augustin Hemnan, a distinguished Bohemian who became a valuable
member of the province, and lord of Bohemia Manor in Cecil County, a name
still preserved.
'See p. 197, note 1, supra.
NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
To the HorumrcAle, Ridiard Bennet, and Col. WUHam Clai-
bourn, Esquires, Commissioners of the CommonweaUh of
England, for Virginia and Maryland.
The Humble Petition of the Conunissioners and Inhabitants
of Severne, alias Ann Arundel County.
^leweUi,
That whereas we were invited and encouraged by CaptEun
Stone, the Lord Baltamore's Governor of Maryland, to re-
move ourselves and Estates into this Province, with promise
of enjoying the liberty of our Consciences in matter of He-
licon, and all other priviledges of English Subjects; And
your Petitioners did upon this ground, with great cost, labor,
and danger, remove ourselves; and have been at great charges
in building and clearing: Now the Lord Baltamore imposeth
an Oath upon us, by Proclamation, which he requireth his
Lieutenant forthwith to publish; which if we do not take within
three months after publication, all our Lands are to be seized
for his Lordships use. This Oath we conceive not f^reeable
to the terms on which we came hither, nor to the liberty of
our Consciences as Christians and free Subjects of the G>m-
mon-wealth of England: Neither can we be perewaded in our
Consciences by any light of God, or engagement upon us, to
take such an Oath; but rather humbly conceive it to be a very
real grievance, and such an oppression as we are not able to
bear; neither do we see by what lawful power such an Oath,
with such extream penalties can by his Lordship be exacted
of U8 who are free Subjects of the Common-wealth of England,
and have taken the Engagement to them. We have Com-
plained of this grievance to the late honorable Councel of
State in a Petition subscribed by us, which never received any
answer, such as might clear the lawfulness of such his proceed-
ings with us: but an aspersion cast upon us of being Factious
fellows; neither have we received any Conviction of our error
in not taking the said Oath, nor Order by that power, before
whom our Petition is still depending, to take it hereafter;
neither can we believe that the Common-we^th of England
will ever expose us to such a manifest, and real bond^e (who
1664] VIRGD^IA AND MARYLAND 219
the Subject) as to make us Swear absolute subjection to a
Government, where the Mmisters of State are bound by Oath
to countenance and defend the Roman Popish Religion, which
we apprehend to be contrary to the Fundamental Laws of
England, the Covenant taken in the three Kingdoms, and the
Consciences of true English Subjects: and doth carry on an
arbitrary power, so as whatever is done by the people at great
costs in Assemblies, for the good of the people, is liable to be
made Null by the negative Voice of his Lordship ; But affirma-
tive Propositions and Commands are incessantly urged, and
prest, and must not be denied.
In consideration whereof, we humbly tender our Condi-
tion and Distraction, upon this occasion falling upon the hearts
of all the people, to your view and Consideration, intreating
your honors to relieve us according to the Cause and the power
wherewith you are intrusted by the Common-wealth of Eng-
land: the rather, because upon such an exigent as this, we
have none to flie to but your selves the honorable Commis-
sioners of the Common- weiBLlth of England; not doubting but
God will direct you into what his mind and will is in this matter
concerning us, and that you will faithfully apply your selves to
our Itedress in what is Just, and our lawful Liberty; which is
the Prayer of your poor Petitioners.
Severn River, the 30. of January, 1653.*
Subscribed by Edw. Lloyd, and 77 persons of the
House-keepers, and Freemen, Inhabitants.
To the Honorable Richard Bennet, and Colonel WiUiam Clai-
houm, Esquires, Commissioners for the Common-rveaUh of
England, tvUhin the Bay of Chesopiak.
The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of the North-side of
Patuxent River in the Province of Maryland.
Sherveth,
That we being reduced by your Honors from that Tyran-
nical power exercised over the people of this Province by the
Lord Baltamore and his Agents, unto the Obedience of the
Common-wealth of England, to which Government we have
Subjected and Engaged, and have by your Honors been often
^ /. 0., 1654, new style.
220 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654
enjoyned reall conformity and obedience to the same, and
not to own any other powi^ or Authority as we will answer
the contrary: In subjection whereunto, we have had peace
and freedom hitherto, which with all thankfulness we cannot
but acknowledge and in our continued obedience, do expect
from the Pailifunent next under God continued peace, liberty,
and protection from the pride, rag^, and insolency of their,
and our adversaries: Now so it is, may it please your honors,
that of late the Lord Baltamore doth by his Order and Agents
seek to set over us the old form of Government formerly exer-
cised by him in this Province, which we did conceive, by the
blessing of God upon yom* honors endeavors, had been fully
made Null and void; yet not^thstanding, by the Arbitrari-
ness of his own will, he appoints Laws for us, and sets up
Popish Officers over us, outing those Officers of Justice ap-
pointed by you; issuing forth Writs in his own name, contrary
to your honors Order and appointment: And doth by Procla-
mation under his own Hand, and in his own Name, impose an
Oath, which if refused by us, after three months, all our
Lands and Plantations are to be seized upon to his Lordships
use: And if taken by us, we shall be ingaged at his will to fi^t
his battels, defend and maintain him in his Patent, as it was
granted to him by the late King, ete. Which Oath, we humbly
conceive, is contrary to the Liberty and freedom of our Con-
sciences, as Christians, and contrary to the fundamental Laws
of England; contrary to the Engagement we have taken in
Subjection to the Common-wealth of England, and unsutable
to Freemen, to own any other power than that to which we
belong, and to whom we are, and have Engaged; and con-
trary to the Word of God, to fight for, and defend, and main-
tain Popery, and a Popish Antichristian Government; which
we dare not do, unless we should be found Traytors to our
Country, fighters against God, and Covenant-breakers.
The Premises Considered, we humbly spread our Condi-
tion before your view and Consideration, hoping that as you
are Commissioners for the Common-wealth of England, and
that power which God hath put into your hands, that you will
up, and be doing, in the name and power of our God, that we
be not left for our faithfulness as a prey to ungodly and un-
reasonable men, before we can make our Complaint and Griev-
ie64] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 221
ance known to the Supream Authority of England; which
with all readmess we shall endeavor to do by the first oppor-
tunity; and from whom we do hope, and shall expect, by
God's blessing, to have a gracious Answer, and sutable Re-
dress; And your Petitioners hereunto Subscribed, shall pray,
etc.
Dated in Patuxent River, in the Province of
Maryland, the first of March, 1653/
Subscribed, Richard Preston^ and 60 more of the
House-keepers, and Freemen.
An Answer to the Petitions lately Received from the Inhabitants
of the Rivers of Severn and PatitxerU.
GendemeUj
We have lately Received from you a Petition and Com-
plaint against the Lord Baltamore his Governor and Officers
there, who upon pretence of some uncertain Papers and Re-
lations to be sent out of England, but no way certified or au-
thenticated, have presumed to recede from their Obedience to
the Common-wealth of England, to which they were reduced by
the Parliaments Conmiissioners; to the contrary whereof, noth-
ing hath been sent out of Engird, as far as is yet made Appear
unto us; But Duplicates and Confirmation of the Commission-
ers Power and Actions were sent from the Parliament since
the Recution* of Virginia and Maryland. Now whereas you
Complain of real Grievances and Oppressions, as also of the
Imposition of an Oath upon you against the Liberty of your
Consciences, which you say you cannot take as Christians, or
as Free Subjects of the Common- wealth of England; We have
thought good to send you this Answer, That because we, nor
you, have not as yet received, or seen sufficient order, or direc-
tions from the Parliament and State of England, contrary to
the form to which you were Reduced and Established by the
Parliaments said Conmiissioners; Therefore we advise and
require you, that in no Case you depart from the same, but
that you continue in your due Obedience to the Common-
wealth of England, in such manner as you, and they, were
> 1654, N. S. * Reduction.
222 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1664
then appointed and engaged; And not to be drawn aside from
the same upon any pretence of such uncertain Relations; as we
hear are divulged among you. To which we expect your real
Conformity^ as you will answer the contrary; notwithstanding
any pretence of power from the Lord Baltamore's Agents, or
any other whatsoever to the contrary.
Your very loving friends,
W^nia, March Richard Bennet.
the 12. 1653 [1654]. Will. Claibourn.
A Dedaralian published in Maryland.
It cannot be unknown to the Inhabitants of Maryland,
that about two yeers since, this Province was Reduced and
Settled under the Obedience of the Common-wealth of Eng-
land, by the Parliaments Commissioners sent thither with
special Commission and Instructions to that purpose: And
that Captain William Stone, Mr. Tho. Hatton, and others, re-
assuming the power and place of Governor and Councel here,
undertook, and promised to continue in their said Obedience,
and to issue out all Writs, Process, and proceedings in the
Name of the Keepers of the Liberty of England, as was Com-
manded by the said Instructions, by which Maryland was
reduced; which said Commission and Instructions have been
since renewed, and the proceedings of the said Commissioners
owned by the Committee of the Councel of State, as by their
Order and Report drawn up for the Parliament may appear,
wherein the Lord Baltamore's Agents are taxed for refusing
to issue out Writs in the Name of the Keepers of the Liberty
of England. Notwithstanding all which appearing so clear and
evident. The said Captain Stone and Mr. Hatton, though they
continued, and exercised the Government for some time, and
for divers Courts, in the Name of the Keepers of the Liberty
of England, yet have they since, upon no good ground, falsi-
fied their said trust and engagement, thou^ acted publickly,
and after long Advice and Consideration: And having re-
jected, and cast oflf their said Obedience to the Common-
wealth of England, have further refused to Govern this Pro-
vince according to the Laws of England, but declare and
assume a power and practise contrary thereunto, and con-
1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 223
trary to the late Platform of Government of the Common-
wealth of England^ Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions
thereof; As namely, by the Governors Negative Voice in As-
semblies, and his chusing and removing Counsellors at pleas-
ure, and the like, is manifest. And whereas we have lately
received Commands from his Highness the Lord Protector,
to publish the said Platform of Government; and that all
Writs and Proceedings should be issued in the Name of his
Highness;^ to which, though we desire this Government should
be conformable, yet the said Captain Stone and Mr. Hatton,
having lately Associated unto them divers Counsellors, all of
the Romish Religion, and excluding others appointed by the
Parliaments Commissioners, have, and do refuse to be obedi-
ent to the Constitutions thereof, and to the Lord Protector
therein; And have in the name, and by special direction of
the said Lord Baltamore, made Proclamation, and exacted an
Oath of Fidelity from all the Inhabitants of the Province, con-
trary, and inconsistent to the said Platform of Government:
which said Oath nevertheless, and the Law here commanding
the same, and many other Laws, are likewise by the Report of
the said Committee of the Councel of State, declared to be con-
trary to the Laws and Statutes of the English Nation; which is
an express breach of his Patent, And whereas the said Oath,
in many particulars, is distasted by all the Inhabitants of
Maryland: and especially out of tenderness of Conscience by
all Northern Plantations of Patuxent and Seveme, who having
lately engaged to the Parliament of England, do say, and de-
clare, they cannot take the said Oath to the Lord Baltamore
to be absolute Lord and Proprietary of Maryland, and to the
utmost of their power, to defend and maintain all his Rights,
and Royal Jurisdictions, Prerogatives, Dominion, etc.. Upon
which their refusal of the said Oath, the said Captain Stone,
by the said Lord Baltamore's especial direction, hath set forth
a Proclamation, declaring. That all such persons so refusing,
shall be for ever debarred from any Right, or Claim to the
Lands they now enjoy, and live on: And that the said Captain
Stone, as his Lordships Governor, is thereby required to cause
the said Lands to be entred, and seized upon, to his Lord-
ships use;
* This assertion is not sustained bj evidence.
224 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1654
By which strange, and exorbitant proceedingSi many great
Cruelties and Misctuefs are likely to be committed, and many
hundreds, with their Wives and Families, are utterly ruined,
as hath been formerly done here, and at Kent, though Planted
before the Lord Baltamore's Claim to Maryland; with many
Murders, and illegal Executions of men, ODnfiscations of Esh
tates and Goods, and great miseries sustained by Women and
Orphans: In Consideration and just fear whereof, the said
Planters of Patuxent and Seveme, have made their often
Addresses to us, as some of the then Conmiissioners for the Re-
ducement of Maryland, and most lamentably Complain of the
great Danger they stand in of being utterly undone, and
chiefly for engaging their Fidelitie to the Conmion-wealth and
Parliament of England, now devolved to his Highness the
Lord Protector; their Obedience and Faith to both, being
plainly repugnant to each other, and inconsistent;
We therefore the Commissioners of the Parliament, having
written and proposed to the said Captain Stone and that
Councel, for a Meeting, to procure a right understanding in
the matters aforesaid, and to prevent the great inconven-
iences likely to ensue: In Answer thereunto, though they ac-
knowledge our Lines Peaceable, yet so exulcerated are their
minds, that in the very next Line they add. We in plain terms
say J We suppose you to he Wolves in Sheeps dotking; with many
other following like uncivil, and uncomely words, and ex-
pressions;
In Contemplation therefore of all the Premises, we have
thought fit for to make publication hereof, and to justifie and
manifest our proceedings in these Affairs, lest many people
may be ensnared by false and cunning suggestions and pre-
tences, as lately hath been practised herein, the falsitie where-
of time hath sufficiently demonstrated; And we are ready to
give further satisfaction for the truth of any of the particu-
lars before alleaged, if any shall desire it, or repair to us to that
purpose, which they may securely do.
Wherefore we advise, and in the Name of his Highness the
Lord Protector, Require all the Inhabitants of this Province,
to take notice of the Premises, and to contain, and keep them-
selves in their due obedience under his Highness the Lord
Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Domin-
1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 225
ions thereto belonging; of which this is undoubtedly a part,
and ought to be Governed accordingly; whereby they may
assure themselves of the peaceable enjojrment of their Liber-
ties, profession of their Religion, and their Estates, and that
they shall be protected from wrong and violence in what kind
soever.
Hereby also Protesting against the said Captain William
Stone, Mr. Thomas Hatton, and all others any way Confed-
erate, or Assistant with them in their unlawful practises, that
they may be accomptable, and answerable to God and the
State of England under his Highness the Lord Protector, for
all the mischiefs, damages, losses, and disorders that may, or
shall happen thereby.
^ Dated at Patuxent in Mary- Richard Bennet
w land the 15. of July 1654. Will. Claiborne.
Captain William Stones Resignation of the Government.
Whereas since the Orders or Directions of the Commis-
sioners of the State of England for the Government of this
Province of Maryland, of the 28 of June, 1652, I William
Stone Esquire, Governor of the said Province, was Enjoyned
by the Direction and Appointment of the Right Honorable,
the Lord Baltamore, Lord Proprietary of the said Province, to
issue out all Writs and Process, within this Province, in his
the said Lord Proprietaries name, and to admit of those of
the Councel which were appointed by his Lordship, and no
other: And whereas upon my CompliLce with his Lordships
Commands therein, not any wayes contradictory, so far as I
understand, to any Command from the Supream Authority in
England, the said Commissioners, in pursuance of their Dec-
larations lately here published, have threatened, and gone
about by force of Arms to compel me to decline his, the said
Lord Proprietaries, Directions and Commands before men-
tioned; which in regard of the trust reposed in me, by his
said Lordship, as Governor here under him, I conceive I was
engag^ not to do; I have therefore thought fit, for preven-
tion of the effusion of Blood, and mine of the Country and
Inhabitants, by an Hostile Contest upon this occasion, to lay
down my Power as Governor of this Province under his Lord-
226 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654
ship; and do promise for the future, to submit to such Govern-
ment as shall be set over us by the said ConmiissionerSy in the
Name, and under the Authority of his Highness the Lord
Protector.
Witness my Hand the 20 of July, 1654.
In presence of William Stone.
Thohas Gerrabd.
Thomas Hatton.
Edm. Scarbubgh.
Order far settling the GcvemmerU of Martfjond.
Whereas by several Orders drawn up and Published at St.
Marie's the 29 of March, and the 28 of June, 1652, Mary-
land was Reduced and settled under the Authority and Obedi-
ence of the Common-wealth of En^and, as to the Government
thereof, by special Order and Conmiand of the Counoel of State
by Conmussion from the Parliament, and was left in the hands
of Captain William Stone, Mr. Hatton, and others; who were
required, and promised to issue out Writs and other Process
in the Name of the Keepers of the liberty of En^and, accord-
ing to the express words of the Commission and Instructions
for Reducing, Settling, and Governing of all the Plantations
in the Bay of Chesapiak to the Obedience of the Common-
wealth of En^and, as in and by the aforesaid Orders and Proc-
lamations may and doth appear: And whereas the aforesaid
Captain Stone, by special Order and Directions from the Lord
Baltamore as it appeareth, was perswaded and induced to go
away from his Obligation and the Trust reposed in him. By
issuing forth Writs and all other Process in the Name of the
Lord Proprietary of this Province, placing and displacing those
of the Councel, and imposing an Oath upon the Inhabitants,
contrary unto and inconsistent with the said Engagement and
Oath to the Common-wealth of England, upon the Penalty and
Forfeiture of the Lands of all such as should Refuse to take
the same within three Months after publication thereof, which
were then to be Entred upon, and Seized to his Lordships use;
thereby occaaoning great discontent and disturbance among
the Inhabitants, besides the Irregularity and Cruelty of the said
proceedings, and the Opposition, Contempt, and Rebellion
9
l«64] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 227
therein to the Common-wealth of England and his Highness
the Lord Protector; And further, whereas by a late Proclama-
tion, dated the 4th of this Month, published in this Province,
both the Commissioners of State, and the people who adhered
to their Engagement to the Common-wealth of England,
and refused to own or acknowledge any other Name or Au-
thority, as to Government, or take any other Oath but what
they had already taken to that power, were charged. That they
drew away the people, and led them into Faction, Sedition,
and Rebellion against the Lord Baitamore; whereby not only
the Lands and Plantations of many hundreds of people, but
also their Estates and Lives were liable to be taken away at the
pleasure of the aforesaid Lord Baitamore and his Officers: By
all which unjust and unreasonable proceedings, the people
were put upon a necessity of standing upon their own de-
fence, for the Vindication of their just Rights and Liberties,
and freeing themselves from those great Oppressions, where-
by the whole Province was very much threatned, and appar-
ently endangered; For the prevention whereof, as also for the
Relief of those who were so deeply distressed, and for the Set-
tlement of the Province in peace, and in their due Obedience
under his Highness, The said Commissioners by Authority
derived unto them from his Highness the Lord Protector,
applyed themselves unto Captain William Stone the Governor,
and the Councel of Maryland, according to a Declaration of
the 15 of this Month, herewith published, who returning only
opprobrious and uncivil language, presently mustered his whole
power of men and Souldiers in Arms, intending to surprize
the said Commissioners, and as could be imagined, to destroy
all those that had refused the said unlawful Oath, and only
kept themselves in their due obedience to the Common-wealth
of England, under which they were Reduced and Settled by the
Parliaments Authority and Commission as aforesaid; Then
the said Commissioners in peaceable and quiet manner, with
some of the people of Patuxent and Seveme, went over the
River of Patuxent, and there at length received a Message
from Capt. Stone, That the next day they would meet and
treat in the Woods; and thereupon being in some fear of a
party to come from Virginia, he condescended to lay down
his power lately assumed from the Lord Baitamore, and to
228 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1664
submit (as he had once before done) to such Government as
the Commissioners should appoint under his Highness the
Lord Protector;
It is therefore Ordered and Declared by the said Com-
missionerSy That for Conservation of the Peace and publick
administration of Justice within the said Province of Mary-
land, Captain William FuUer, Mr. Richard Preston, Mr. Wil-
liam Durand, Mr. Edward Lloyd, Captain John Smith, Mr.
Leonard Strong, Mr. Lawson, Mr. John Hatch, Mr. Richard
Wells, and Mr. Richard Ewen, or any Four of them, whereof
Captain William Puller, Mr. Richard Preston, or Mr. William
Durand to be always one, to be Commissioners for the well
Ordering, Directing, and Governing the Affairs of Maryland,
under his Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scotland, f
and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, and in his Name\.
only, and no other; and to proceed therein as they shall see
cause, and as neer as may be, according to the Laws of England :
To appoint and hold Courts for the due administration of Jus-
tice and Right in such places, and at such times as they shall
think fit and necessary: And any of the Commissioners of the
Quorum, to issue forth Writs, Warrants, Subpoena's, etc. As
also that they Summon an Assembly to begin on the 20th
day of October next; For which Assembly all such shall be
disabled to give any Vote, or to be Elected Members thereof,
as have bom Arms in War against the Parliament, or do pro-
fess the Roman Catholick Religion. And the said Mr. Wil-
liam Durand is hereby appointed to be Secretary to the said
Commissioners, and to receive the Records from Mr. Thomas
Hatton; And Captain John Smith, to be Sheriff for this ensu-
ing yeer.
Dated at Patuxent, in the Province
of Maryland, the 22 of July Richard Bennet.
1654. WiLUAM Claiborne.
Cecilius, Lord Baltamore, To all to whom these Presents
shall come. Greeting. Whereas our Sovereign Lord the King,
by Sis Highness Commission under the Great Seal of Eng-
land, bearing date at Oxford the 28 day of February now last
past. Hath authorized Leonard Calvert Esquire, Brother of
me the said Lord Baltamore, to Treat, Conclude, and Agree at,
16441 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 229
and with the General Assembly of the Colony of Virginia; for
and concerning the Ascertaining and Establishing by Act of
General Assembly there, of Customs and Duties to be paid to
His Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors in Virginia, upon
Exportation of Tobacco, and other Goods and Merchandizes
from thence, and upon all other Goods and Merchandizes
brought in and imported there, other then for necessary sup-
ply for Cloathing imported, as by the said Conmiission more
at large appeareth: And whereas by a Contract or Agree-
ment in Writing, bearing date the day of the date of the said
Conmiission, made between our Sovereign Lord the King, of
the one party; and me, the said Lord Baltamore, on the other
party, Reciting the said Commission herein before recited;
ur said Sovereign Lord the King, for the considerations in the
id Contract or Agreement expressed. Is pleased, and hath
agreed with me the said Lord Baltamore, that in case a cer-
tainty of Customs and Duties shall be Established by Act of
General Assembly of the said Colony of Virginia, according
to the tenor of the said Commission, That then His said Mar
jesty will make a Lease or Grant to me, and such others as I
shall desire to be jojmed with me, of the same Customs and
Duties which shall be established as aforesaid, for such term,
and under such Rents and Covenants as in the same Contract
or Agreement, are expressed; And that immediately after
the Establishing of the said Customs and Duties as aforesaid,
and until such Lease or Grant shall be made as aforesaid, I
the said Lord Baltamore, and such as I shall appoint, shall
be the Receiver or Receivers, Collector or Collectors of all such
Customs and Duties as shall be established as aforesaid, to the
proper use of me the said Lord Baltamore, my Executors,
Administrators, and Assigns, without accompt; paying ceiv
tain Rents, Salaries, and Entertainments in the said Contract
or Agreement expressed and mentioned; And his Majesty
hath by the same Contract or Agreement, Constituted and
Ordained me, the said Lord Baltamore, and my Deputy or
Deputies, to be appointed by me, to be his Collector and Re-
ceiver of all Customs and Duties which shall become due and
payable to His Majesty, as aforesaid, as by that part of the said
Contract or Agreement which is remaining with me the said
Lord Baltamore, being under the Great Seal of England, more
230 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1644
at large appeareth: Know ye now, That I the said Lord Balta-
more, for divers good Causes and Considerations me thereunto
moving. Have substituted, ordained, made, and appointed;
And by these Presents do Substitute, Ordain, Make, and
Appoint to be my Deputy in this
behalf, and do by force and vertue of the same Contract or
Agreement, Authorize and put the said
in my place and stead, and to the use of me, my Heirs, Execu-
tors, Administrators, and Assigns, to Receive, Collect, and
Gather all such Customs and Duties whatsoever, as in pursu-
ance of the before recited Commission, and Contract, or Agree-
ment shall be established to be paid to his Majesty, his Heirs
and Successors in Virginia aforesaid, by Act of General Assem-
bly of the said Colony, and out of the same to pay, and
charge all such Rents, Salaries, and Entertainments, as by
said Contract or Agreement are mentioned to be by me paid
and discharged; rendring to me, my Executors, Administra-
tors, and Assigns, the Overplus or Remainder of the same
Customs and Duties: Giving, and hereby Granting unto the
said as full Power and Authority
to recover, and receive the said Customs and Duties to be Es-
tablished as aforesaid, to the use aforesaid, when the same
shall grow due; and to give Acquittances and Receipts for
the same, and to Substitute and Appoint one or more Person
or Persons under him in this behalf, and the same to revoke at
his will and pleasure, and to pay and discharge the said Sala-
ries and Entertainments, as I my self have, or may, or might
claim to have by force and vertue of the said Contract or
Agreement; And further, to do, execute, and finish all and
every such further, and other Acts and things which shall be
expedient and necessary to be done by the said
touching the Premises by reason of his being
niy Deputy as aforesaid, as effectually as I might do the same
being personally present: Ratifjring, Confirming, and Allow-
ing all, and whatsoever the said
shall do, or cause to be done in the Premises in pmmiance
hereof. In witness whereof I the said Lord Baltamore have
hereunto put my Hand and Seal at Arms, the tenth day of
April, 1641, Annoq; Regis Caroli Angl. etc. vicessimo.
C. Baltamore.
BABYLON'S FALL, BY LEONARD STRONG, 1655
INTRODUCTION
Leonabd Strong, the author of this pamphlet published
in London in 1655, who is described on the title-page as Agent
for the people of Providence in Maryland, was one of the Puri-
tan settlers at that place. On July 22, 1654, Governor Stone
/having been ousted by Richard Bennett and William Clai-
borne, the commissioners of Parliament, Strong was named
by them as one of the ten conmiissioners appointed ''for the
conservation of peace and the administration of Justice in the
Said Province of Maryland." *
This pamphlet, Babylon's Fall, and the one which imme-
diately follows in this voliune, the Refutation of Babylon's
FaUj by John Langford, give very contradictory accounts of
the same events. For their better understanding the two
papers should be read in conjunction, so that each may cast
light upon the other.
In respect to the battle at the Severn between the forces
under Governor Stone, representing the Lord Proprietary,
and those imder William Fuller, representing the govern-
ment at Providence, established by the commissioners ap-
pointed by the Parliament of England, it is to be observed
that in these conflicting reports each side is diarged by the
other with responsibility for the strife and with having begun
hostilities. Discrepancies like these, and as to the number
engaged on each side and the number slain, are not unusual in
accounts of military events written respectively from the view-
point of the victors and the vanquished, in respect to matters
* See p. 228» tupra.
233
234 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
conducted on a larger scale than those which are here re-
corded.
The words "royal jurisdictions" complained of in this
pamphlet as contained in the oath prescribed by Lord Balti-
more in the form of oath for the Governor and Councillors,
has already been noted as expressing merely acknowledgment
and recognition of the "royalties, royal rights and temporal
franchises" such as belonged to the Bishop of Durham, within
the county palatine of Durham, and which were conferred
upon Lord Baltimore in Maryland by the terms of his charter.
The Governor was not required by his oath to uphold the
Roman Catholic religion, but merely not to molest or discrimi-
nate against those that professed it.
In respect to the Assembly convened by the conunission-
ers which is described as "a full and lawful representative of
the whole Province" it is to be noted that in the writs for the
election it was expressly directed that no Roman Catholic
should be eligible for election, or permitted to vote.
In this pamphlet it is charged that Governor Stone had
issued "several Conunissions to Papists and other desperate
and bloody fellows." This grouping of descriptive terms well
illustrates the animus of the writer.
The text here printed is taken from an example of the
original edition in the library of the Boston Athenseum. The
pamphlet was reprinted in the Maryland Hi^orical Magazine,
III. 228, from a transcript made from a copy in the British
Museum.
C. C« H.
BABYLON'S FALL
Babylonia FaU in Maryland: a Fair Warning to Lord BaUamore;
or a Relation of an AssavU made by divers Papists, and
Popish Officers of the Lord BaUamor^s against the Pro-
tedants in Maryland; to whom God gave a great Victory
against a greater force of SovUiers and armed Men, who
came to destroy them.
Published by Leonard Strong, Agent for the people of Providence
in Maryland. Printed for ihe AvthoTy 1655.^
In the yeer 1649, many; both of the congregated Church,
and other well-affected people m Virginia; being debarred
from the free exercise of Religion under the Government of
Sir William Barkely,' removed themselves^ Families and Es-
tates into the Province of Maryland, being thereunto invited
by Captain William Stone, then Governor for Lord Balta-
more, with promise of Liberty in Religion and Priviledges of
English Subjects.
An Oath to the Lord Baltamore was urged upon this people
soon after their coming up, which if they did not take, they
must have no Land, nor abiding in the Province. This Oath
was very scrupulously looked upon: first, In regard it bindes
to acknowledge and be subject to a Royal Jurisdiction and
absolute Dominion of the Lord Baltamore, and to defend it
and him against all power whatsoever. Tins was thought far
too high for him, being a Subject, to exact upon such terms as
it was exacted and too much unsutable to the present liberty
which God had given the En^h Subjects from Arbitrary and
Popish Government as the Lord Baltamore's Government
doth plainly appear to be. Secondly, It was exceedingly
scrupled on another accoimt viz. : That they must swear to up-
hold that Government and those Officers who are sworn to
^Title-page of the original. > Berkeley.
235
236 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1662
countenance and uphold Antichrist, in plain words expreat in
the Officers Oath, the Roman Gatholids: Religion/ And for
these people to own such by an Oath, whom in their hearts
they could by no means dose with; what could it be accounted
but Collusion?
Yet neverthdess the people that were then come up to
Providence, considering Lord Baltamore to be Lord of the
soil, and willing to acknowledge him, and pay him his due
Rents and Services; upon that account took an Oath which
was much qualified and moderated from its former rigour: but
this, though it was accepted by Captain Stone, the Lord Bal-
tamore's Lieutenant, yet utteriy rejected by his Lordship,
who gave order. That the Oath absolutely diould be urged;
and g&ve special instructions and charge to his lieutenant to
proclaim. That all that would not take the Oath within three
Months after publication, and pay Rents, and sue out Patents,
should be expulsed the Province, and the Land seized to his
Lordships use; who required his Officers to see the contents
of the Proclamation executed.
Now the people having been formerly senable of such
yokes, imposed contrary to what was promised them before
they came into the Province, complained by their Agent in
En^and.
First, to the Lord Baltamore, desiring his Lordship, That
such burthens as the Oath and other great inconveniences
mentioned in our instructions, might be removed. But the
Lord Baltamore rejected the motion. Our Agent presented
a Petition to the Council of State, where it hath been depend-
ing neer four yeers, without any hearing. Answer or Relief;
wUch hath brought unspeakable troubles upon this Province,
and now at last occasioned the Shedding of much English
blood, yea, of the Saints in Maryland. God grant that Right
and Justice may have a more open course to flow into all the
Dominions of England, without obstructions, and that inno-
cent blood be not shed any more for want thereof.
In the yeer 1652 Richard Bennet Esq., Colonel William
Oeybome, and Captain Edmund Curtis, Commissioners from
the supream Authority of the Commonwealth of England,
arrived in Maryland, in the Guiny^ Friggot, to reduce that
* See p. 212, supra, and note 1, there. *Ouuied^
ie64] BABYLON'S FALL 237
Province into the obedience of the CpcMnonwealth of Eng-
lagtraccordmg'Tb their Commission; which wiS te effec ted
iByttiem, first, in their taking away the Commissions and
Powers of the Lord Baltamore, in the hands of Captain Wil-
liam Stone his Govemour, and Thomas Hatton his Secretary,
and the rest of the Lord Baltamores Councel; as they had
very good cause so to do; for none of the English Dominions |
had more need of being reduced; and caused them to take
the Engagement to the Commonwealth of England, as it was
then without King or House of Lords. And so they might
have continued in their places still, onely to the Common-
wealth of England; but they would not yield to issue out Writs
in any other name, then Lord Baltamore's because of their
Oath to him.
In the yeer 1654, upon some Instructions and Relations
from the Lord Baltamore out of England, Captain William
Stone and Mr. Thomas Hatton, and the Popish Councellors,
rose up against the Reducement, displacing those whom the
States Commissioners had placed, and introducing the old
Popish Councel; calling that which was done by commission
from the Councel of State in England, Rebellion against the
Lord Baltamore; and those that were Actors in it. Factious
and Seditious Persons: which was done by a Proclamation
full of railing terms, published at Providence in the Church-
meeting.
The Commissioners for the Commonwealth of England,
hearing that new Orders and Instructions were come to Mary-
land from Lord Baltamore, and that one Scarborough, a mi&-
chievous instrument of the Lord Baltamore, was gone up [to]
Maryland, resolved to come and see in what condition their
affairs stood. And finding a direct contradiction to, andy
receding from that obedience to the Commonwealth of Eng- \
land which was promised but not performed by the Lord
Baltamore's Officers, applied themselves in a peaceable and
loving way to perswade them into their due and promised
obedience, yet because the said Commissioners were given to
understand. That there was a mischievous design by Lord
Baltamore's Officers and their Complices to apprehend their
persons, and to raise Forces against the lawful Power of the
Commonwealth of England;
238 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1064
The siud Commissioners desired some to come down from
Providence, and some from Putnxent to guard their Persons,
and defend themselves and people from that power of men in
Arms which by this time Captain Stone had pressed in Lord
Baltamore's name, upon pain of death to asast him against
the said Commissioners, and gathered together in a formi-
dable manner. But the said Commissioners being greatly
desirous of peace, and willing to avoid the shedding of blood,
applyed themselves to the said Captain Stone to bring him to
a parley and conference; where alter some arguing, the said
Captain Stone resigned up the Government which he took up
in the Lord Baltamore's name, into the hand of the Commis-
sioners of England; promising to be obedient to that Govern-
ment, which by their Authority should be set over them, under
his Highness the Lord Protector.
The ordering and governing the affairs of Maryland, was
then conmiitted to Captain Will. Fuller, Mr. Rich. Preston,
Mr. Richard Dxu'and, Mr. Edward Lloyd, and others men-
tioned in the Commission, who were required to attend the
Engagement of the Commonwealth of England, to keep
Courts, and to summon an Assembly in October following.
At this Assembly there was a full and lawful Representative
of the whole Province,* where the Act of Reducement of this
Province by Commission from the Councel of State in Eng-
land to Richard Bennet Esq., Col. William Geybome, Ed-
mund Curtis, was freely and fuUy acknowledged by the whole
Assembly; the Burg^sse of every respective (>)unty and Limit
confirming the same and submitting thereunto. And did pass
and record an Act, That whosoever did publish any Writ or
Summons, Declaration or Proclamation, either in the Lord
Baltamore's or any other name, then the Government so set-
tled as aforesaid had and received should be accounted a
Delinquent against the Commonwealth of England, and dealt
with accordingly.
The same A^mbly did make Protestation against a Decla-
ration sent over by his Lordship and recorded by his Secre-
tary; wherein the said Lord did declare the people at Provi-
dence, by him called Annardundel,' to be Rebels; and strictly
* This was the sesaon from which Romaii Catholics w&e ezduded and pio-
hibited from Yotiiig at the election of members. * Ann ArandeD.
1866] BABYLON'S FALL 239
charged his OflBcers efficaciously to deal with them accord-
ingly: but no ground or reason thereof could be found, But
their not compliance with his Arbitrary and Popish Govern-
ment, and the adhering to the Engagement and the Reduce-
ment aforesaid, and Government setled by the aforesaid Com-
missioners.
After this Assembly, the Province was quiet, and so con-
tinued until the later end of January; about which time the
Ship Golden Fortune^ whereof Captain Tilman was Comman-
der, arrived in Maryland.
Then the Lord Baltamore's Officers, and the Popish party
began to divulge abroad, and boast much of power which came
in that ship from his Highness the Lord Protector to confirm
the Lord Baltamore's Patent to him, and to re-establish his
Officers in their former places imder him: which pretended
power they assumed to themselves; Captain Stone and the
rest giving out threatning speeches. That now the Rebels at
Putuxent and Seveme, should know that he was Govemour
again; giving Order, That neither Act of the said Assembly
should be observed, nor Writ from the power established by
the Conmiissioners aforesaid obeyed, but what should issue
forth in the name of the Lord Proprietory, viz. Lord Balta-
more. And further, the said Captain Stone gave several
Commissions to the Papists and other desperate and bloody
fellows, to muster and raise men in arms to be ready upon all
occasions, giving out that he would go to Putuxent and seize
the Records of the Province at the place where they were ap-
pointed to be kept by an Act of the Assembly, and to appre-
hend Mr. Richard Preston also, at whose house they were;
which shortly after was effected by Vertue of a Warrant in
Captain Stone's name, without Proclaiming, or shewing any
power by which he acted such high Robberies. But in threat-
ning speeches declared. That they would have the Government;
and for the terror of others, would hang some of the Commis-
sioners, which were entrusted with the Government by the
Commissioners of the Commonwealth of England, under his
Highness the Lord Protector, namely Captain William Fuller,
Mr. Richard Preston, and Mr. William Durand.
About this time Captain William Puller, Mr. William Du-
rand, Mr. Leonard Strong and Mr. Richard Ewen, to whom
240 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
among othere the Goveniment was oommitted, sent two
MeasaigerB of quality and trust with Letters to Captain Stone
in a way of peace and love; dealing him to make it known by
what power he surprised the Records; and desiring him, the
said OEtptain Stone, to give an Answer, as by the Letter, re-
lation thereunto being had, more at laige appeareth: But
the said detain Stone, instead of ^ving a satisfactory Answer,
imprisoned the Messengers, and in much wrath and fury said
he would show no power: at last he affinned, that he acted by
a power from Lord Baltamore; and that the Lord Protector
had confirmed the Lord Baltamore's power. If so, Sir, said
one of the Messengers, if it be confirmed, let that appear and
it will satisfie. Gonfinned, said Captain Stone, 111 confirm it;
and so sent them home. After this the said Captain Stone and
his Officers proceeded in their wicked desgn; yet to colour it
over, the said Captain Stone puUished a Proclamation to de-
ceive the amazed and distracted people at Putuxent; wherein
he called God to witness, that he intended not to use any hos-
tile way to them or the people at Providence. Which Pro-
testation, how false and feigned it was, the foIlo¥nng proceed-
ings of himself and Officers will dearly evidence to ail the
World: for notwithstanding this Proclamation and Protes-
tation, the said Captain Stone sent up to Putuxent one Wil-
liam Eltonhead and Josias Fendall, and with them twenty
men in Arms, who did beset and entred the house of Mr. Rich-
ard Preston, with intent to surprise him; but not finding him
at home, took away in Guns, Swords and Ammunition to the
value of 30 L sterling; ransacked every place in and about the
house, to seek for the said Richard Preston; and as some of
the Company then said with purpose to hang him for his re-
bellion against the Lord Baltamore. At the same time they
surprised John Sutton, who was appointed by the Assembly
and Secretary to attend the Records for any that should have
occasion to use them either for search or Copy; and carried
him away Prisoner with such Guns and Ammunition he had,
and kept him about twenty dayes; even so they dealt with
Lieutenant Peter Johnson; several other houses at Putuxent,
they served in the like kinde. And when they were desired
to shew by what power or Conmiission they so acted, they
would in a proud bravado dap their hands on their swords.
1655] BABYLON'S FALL 241
and say, Here is a Commission. This was no sooner effected
at Putuxent, but presently thqr mustered in Anns two him-
dred or two hundred and fifty men at the house of the afore-
said Eltonhead, which Eltonhead and Fendall sent up by night
several Boats with armed men, and forced many of Putuxen
whether they would or not to go with them upon their warlike
Expedition to Providence; taking all the Guns, Powder, Shot,
and Provision, they could an3rwhere finde. And when they
had done what they pleased at Putuxent, they bent all their
forces towards Providence, the chief place of the residence of
most of the Commissioners, and people that were forced out of
Virginia by Sir William Barkely for conscience sake, Some of
the said Company marching by Land, others by Water; they
that marched by Land, did much spoil and robbery in all the
Houses and Plantations where they came, breaking open
Doors, Trunks and Chests. In this barbarous manner, they
carried it for about forty miles.
Now again the Commissioners at Providence sent other
Messengers with a Letter to Capt. Stone, still complaining
his proceedings and seeking the knowledge of his power; and
that some better accomodation might be attended to prevent
the mine and desolation of the whole Province, which this
course was very likely to bring to pass. If he were resolved
to come to no Parley or Treaty they protested in the said
writing, that by the help of God, they were resolved to commit
themselves into the hand of God, and rather die like men, than
live like slaves. This was also rejected by the said Captain
Stone and his Complices, the Messengers apprehended, their
Boat seized, and onely three of six escaped to bring the report
of their desperate and bloody design, and that they were upon
their march in a hostile way.
Capt. Stone and his Company still drew neerer to Provi-
dence, into a place called Herring-Creek, where they appre-
hended one of the Commissioners, and forced another man of
quality to flie for his life, having threatned to hang him up at
his own door; and not finding the man, affrighted his wife,
and plundered the house of Ammunition and Provision,
threatning still what they would do to the people at Provi-
dence, and that they would force the rebellious factious
Roimdheads to submit ; and then they would show their power.
2i2 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
Having now left the Country behinde them bare of men,
save only such as fled into the Woods from their cruelty and
rapine, as also of Arms and Ammunition; the poor women
urging this to them, What should they do if the Lidians should
come upon them, being thus strip'd of men and Arms to de-
fend them; and in what a sad and sorrowful condition they
were left : These merciless men answered scoffin^y, It matters
not, your sorrow is our joy.
And indeed, it is too apparent, that the Indians waited
upon their motions, and by examination it was found at Pro-
vidence, that the Indians were resolved in themselves, or set
on by the Popish faction, or rather both together to fall upon
us: as indeed after the fight they did, besetting houses, killing
one man, and taking another prisoner.
Now the people at Providence perceiving such a tempest
ready to fall upon them, and all messages rejected, prepared
for their coming, looking up and crying to the Lord of Hosts
and King of Sion, for counsel, strength and courage, being
resolved in the strength of God to stand on their Guard, and
demand an account of these proceedings; seeing no other
remedy, for so great a mischief, could be found.
About this time Captain Stone sent two men to publish a
Proclamation quite against the Law established by the Com-
missioners of the Conunonwealth of England, and against an
Act of a lawful Assembly; which being read, and having no
other Treaty to offer, they were quietly dismi^ed to their own
Company, to whom they might have gone if they would.
That night Captain Stone and his Army appeared in the
River of Seveme at Providence, with eleven or twelve Vessels,
greater and lesser, some of which had plundred by the way,
in which their whole Army were wafted.
Capt. Fuller and the Councel of War appointed at Provi-
dence Mr. Wil. Durand, Secretary, to go aboard the Golden
Lion, which then lay at Anchor in the River, and to fix a Proc-
lamation in the main mast, directed to Captain Heamans,
Conmiander of the said Ship, wherein he was required in the
name of the Lord Protector, and Commonwealth of England,
and for the maintenance of the just Libertyes, lives and Es-
tates of the free Subjects thereof against an unjust power to
be aiding and assisting in this service.
16661 BABYLON'S FALL 243
The said Captain Heamans at first was unwilling; but
afterwards seeing the equity of the Cause, and the groundless
proceedings of the Enemy, he offered hiniself, Ship, and Men
for that service, to be directed by the said William Durand.
The enemy was come within the command of the Ship at
the shutting in of the evening: the Captain of the Ship was
required to command them aboard by a piece of Ordnance.
The enemy with a great noise rejected the warning. Then
another Piece was levelled where they heard the Boats rowing;
the Shot whereof lighting something neer, but doing no hurt;
A Messenger came aboard; but had nothing of any message
to deliver, save onely that Captain Stone thought the Captain
of the Ship had been satisfied. To which the Captain an-
swered. Satisfied, with what? I never saw any power Cap-
tain Stone had, to do as he hath done; but the Superscription
of a Letter.^ I must, and will, appear for these in a good
Cause.
That night the Enemy run into the Creek, where they
landed out of reach of the Ship.
But in the morning; all their Vessels were block'd up by
a small Barque with two pieces of Ordinance, which was com-
manded to lie in the mouth of the Creek, and so kept from
coming out.
The same day, being the first day of the week, and the 25
of March, the Enemy appeared in a body upon a narrow neck
of the Land, neer their Vessels, and with Drums and shout-
ings said. Come ye Rogues, come ye Rogues, Roundheoded Dogs ;
wtuch caused the Captain of the Ship to give fire at them, and
forced them to march further off, into the neck of Land.
In the meantime Capt. WUl. Fuller with his Company
came up the River with shoutings and couragious rejoycings,
and landed with a himdred and twenty men, six mile distant
from the Enemy: and immediately sent away all their Sloaps
and Boats, committing themselves into the hand of God: he
marched directly where the Enemy lay waiting for him. The
Enemies Sentry shot; immediately they appeared in order.
Captain Fuller still expecting that then at last possibly they
might give a reason of their coming, commanded his men upon
pain of death not to shoot a Gun, or give the first onset ; setting
>Seep. 204.
244 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656
up the Standard of the Commonwealth of En^and: against
which the Enemy shot five or six Guns, and Ulled one man
in the front before a shot was made by the other. Then the
word was given In the name ofGodfaU an; God is our Strength^
that was the word for Providence; the Marylanders Word
was Hey for Saint Maries. The Charge was fierce and sharp
for the time; but through the ^orious presence of the Lord
of Hosts manifested in and towwls his poor oppressed people,
the Enemy could not endure, but gave back; and were so
effectually chai^ied home, that they were all routed, turned
their backs, threw down their Arms, and be^ed mercy. After
the first Volley of shot, a small Company of the Enemy, from
behinde a great tree fallen, galled us, and wounded divers of
our men, but were soon beaten off. Of the whole Company of
the Marylanders there escaped onely four or five, who run
away out of the Army to carry news to their Confederates.
Captain Stone, Colonel Price, Captain Gerrard, Captain Lewis,
Captain Hendall, Captain Guither, Major Chandler, and all
the rest of the Councellors, Officers and Souldiers of the Lord
Baltamore among whom, both Conmianders and Souldiers, a
great number being Papists, were taken, and so were all their
Vessels, Arms, Ammunition, provisions; about fifty men
slain and wounded. We lost onely two in the field; but two
died since of their wounds. God did appear wonderful in
the field, and in the hearts of the people; all confessing him
to be the onely Worker of this victory and deliverance.
Examinaiur per Tne^
William Durand,
Secretary of Maryland.
The Postscript.
Thus God our Strength appeared for us; and the blood
which they thirsted after in others, was given to themselves
to drink; the miseries which they threatned to the innocent,
fell upon the guilty; the pit which they digged for others, them-
selves fell into; the cords which they brought to binde us,
bound themselves. This is the Lord's doing, it may well be
marvellous in our eyes.
What hath been written, is but a verv abstract of those
1655] BABYLON'S FALL 245
great and various providences of God toward his people, and
against Antichrist; a great Volume would not contain the
wonders which the Lord himself hath wrought and manifested
to the hearts of his people in this dispensation. The sum is,
Satan and his seed, rising up against the seed of the woman,
bruises the heel of Christ, but destroyes himself utterly. The
further evil men proceed in their own way, the neerer to de-
struction: so it is with all flesh, it works itself into mine,
through the adored depths of the wisdom of God.
Those who are acquainted with the clear and familiar ap-
pearances of God to his people in times of distress, can under-
stand and rojoyce in what may be now a little further hinted.
First, the Lord confounded the Language of Babel in the
hearts, projects, and consultations of his people, when they
were devising to defend themselves from this danger, till they
came to that condition of Jehosaphat, we know not what to
do, but our eyes are towards thee; wilt thou judge them? for
we have no strength against this multitude.^
Secondly, Now the Lord gives testimony from himself in
the Spirits of many of his Saints in a wonderful, plain, yet
glorious manner; (for the secret of the Lord is with them that
fear him) so that as well women as men spake, or rather God
spake in them an express testimony what should be the issue
of this conflict, that is, glory to God in the highest, delivrance
to his people, destruction to Babylon, Songs unto Sion; which
was revealed so powerfully, evidently, and certainly, that it
ravish'd the hearts of some, astonished others, and encouraged
the heart both of General, Captains, and Souldiers, as well as
others that could not fight, to a Triumph before the Engage-
ment, and the enjoyment of a victory by the assurance of faith,
before one stroke of the battle.
The bow of the Lord was made quite bare, to be seen of all
that had an eye to see, and his arrows were seen to be sharp in
the heart of the Kings enemies before they fell under him.
God made the feeble to be as David, and David as God : they
were carried out in the strength of the Lord, who gave this
testimony to one of the Captains, just as the Enemy came up.
The Victory is yours: but God shall be seen, and not man in
it. After the battle, what acknowledgement of God in it was
* II Chronicles xx. 12.
246 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [less
in every mean Souldiers mouth, as well as the Commanders,
what praising of God, is beyond expression. They run through
all the Company, Give God the glory. Blessed be the name of
the Lord.
REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL, BY JOHN
LANGFORD, 1655
INTRODUCTION
This pamphlet, as its title indicates, was prepared in
reply to the document next preceding in this volume. Its
author, John Langford, is described on the title-page as ^'Gen-
tleman, servant to the Lord Baltimore,'' and in the first para-
graph he declares that he had been employed by his Lordship
in his affairs relating to the province for above twenty years.
The original receipt for the first delivery of two Indian
arrows, the yearly tribute reserved under the charter of Mary-
land, at Windsor Castle, Tuesday, April 23, 1633 (this paper
is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society), recites
that they were delivered at the Castle by John Langford.
This was six months before the sailing of the first colonists.
Langf ord was among the early settlers of Maryland, where he
became surveyor general and a member of the Council.
A brief sunmiary of the events which led up to the condi-
tions mentioned in this and the two preceding papers, and to
the battle at the Severn, is given in the introduction to Virginia
and Maryland^ pp. 184-186, supra.
It is to be noted that in this conflict Captain Fuller had the
support of Captain Heamans, commanding the ship Golden
Lion, an armed merchantman trading from England, and
then lying at anchor in the river. The motives which in-
duced Captain Heamans to take sides in the conflict are dif-
ferently represented by the narrators of this and the preceding
account, the one claiming his S3rmpathy with the cause, the
other that his services were bought and paid for. It is evi-
dent, however, that Captain Puller did formally demand the
support of Heamans in the name of his Highness the Lord Pro-
249
250 NARRATIVES OF EARLY 3AARTLAND
tecton Fuller also seemed the Bsnnce of a small baik trading
out of New England^ equii^)ed with two {Meces of oidnance,
idiieh he caused to blodLsde the mouUi <^ the cieA where the
boats were lying whidi had broug^ the greater part of Gov-
ernor Stone's men to the scene. This was done during the
ni^t preceding the engagement, and thus cut off in advance
their means of retreat.
The letters of Mr.^ Luke Barber and Mrs. Yirlinda Stone,
wife of the Governor, contain valuaUe accounts from persons
who had the best poenUe means of information. Thekillingof
certain of the prisoners after thejr had surrendered upon prom-
ise of quarter, mentioned in these letters, is an undisputed fact .
Following the letters is the text* of the oath of fkklity re-
quired of grantees of land, with an explanatory note pointing
out the differences between this oath and that required of
the Governor and the members of Council; a copy of the Act
concerning Religion enacted in 16^; and of a declaration
signed by the Governor and iMonbers of other Protestant
inhabitants of the province dated April 17, 1650, and certify-
ing to the completeness of reli^ous liberty enjoyed by them
under the proprietary government.
The Act concerning Reli^n has been the subject of much
controversy and consequent misapprehensioiL By many it
has been supposed that the establishment of rdigious freedom
in Maryland dates from this enactment in 1649. But it is dear
from the instructions ^ven by Lord Baltimore, under date of
November 13, 1633, to the first colonists,' that this was the
fixed policy of Lord Baltimore from the banning. That it
was prescribed by proclamation of the Lord Proprietary ap-
* Abo referred to as Dr. Buber. He was a member of the GMmcfl and for
a short time Deputy Governor. Arckiveg o/ Maryland, TTL 323, 331.
'This text differs somewhat from that of the oadi of fidelity pieacribed in
1648 (Arehivet cf Maryland, UL 196), chieflj in omitting the word "royal"
befofe the word " jurisdictiaii.^ See p. 214^ ntpra.
* See pp. 13, 16, nipra.
INTRODUCTION 261
pears from the record of the trial of William Lewis in 1638.
Lewis, a Roman Catholic, had forbidden certam Protestants,
servants quartered with him, to read certain books in his
house. He seems to have had sufficient cause of provoca-
tion, but being tried before a court composed of three Roman
Catholics, Governor Calvert, Secretary Lewger, and Captain
Comwaleys, he was convicted and fined for having interfered
with those persons in the exercise of their religion ''contrary to
his Lordship's proclamation." Another case arose in 1642,
in which the traverser was also punished by fine.
The credit for the enactment of 1649 has been claimed
both for Roman Catholic and Protestant influence in the
Assembly; and to substantiate such claims, the rival dispu-
tants have each asserted a majority in the Assembly for the
reli^ous faith which they championed. The facts upon this
point are hardly now susceptible of conclusive proof, but even
if established, nothing as to the controlling influence by which
this legislation was enacted would be proved; for it would
have to be further shown that the measure was carried by the
solid, or at least majority, vote of members adhering to one
or the other of these two religious factions. And this is im-
possible, for no record of the proceedings of the Assembly of
1649 exists beyond the record of the laws enacted and of the
adoption of an address to the Lord Proprietary, remonstrat-
ing against the transmission of laws prepared in advance for
the assent of the Assembly. There is no record as to how the
vote stood on any question.
In view of its record in other countries, notably in Spain
and the Netherlands, it can hardly be claimed that the estab-
lishment of religious liberty was in accordance with the
general policy of the Church of Rome; and that it was not
in accordance with the views of the Puritans in Maryland is
shown with emphasis by the fact that as soon as the controlling
hand of the Proprietary was removed, at the first Assembly held
252 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
under their sway, and from which Roman Catholics were ex-
cluded, this Act concerning Religion was repealed, and one sub-
stituted by which ''this liberty" was denied to popery and
prdacy. Members of the Churches of Rome and of England
were alike excluded from the benefits of toleration.^
The facts seem to be easily reducible to the foUowing con-
clusion:
Lord Baltimore, himself a Roman Catholic, perceived that
in order to secure religious freedom for those of his own com-
munion whom he invited to settle in Maryland, it would be
necessary to accord it impartially to all who professed Chris-
tianity. He therefore in a broad-minded i^irit of liberality
and fairness adopted from the beginning the principle of relig-
ious liberty as the fixed policy of his government. This is in
accordance with the explanation of his course ^ven by his son
and successor, Charles, in a letter to the Lords of the Council
of Trade and Plantations, dated in Ifarch, 1678.*^
When, after the overthrow of the royal power in England,
Lord Baltimore recognized the necessity of committing the
government of Maryland into the hands of Protestants, which
he did by the appointment of William Stone as gpvemor,
together with that of Protestant members of the Council, he
sought to preserve the continuance of his policy by securing
the passage of a law upon the subject by which the people
would become committed by their own act to the principle of
religious liberty. With this view he sent to the Governor for
submission to the Assembly a body of sixteen laws, apparently
a sort of code, of which an act for religious liberty was one.
The Assembly did not accept these laws in the form trans-
mitted, enacted only a portion of them, and made alterations
in those. Among those so passed was the ''Act concerning
Religion." The latter part of this act, in which the object is
' Archives of Mar^and, I. 340.
' Archives <i Maryland, \. 267,268.
INTRODUCTION 263
declared to be "the promotion of love and amity among the
inhabitants/' contains some language identical with that used
in the oath prescribed for the Governor and may therefore be
reasonably concluded to have been adopted from the original
draft sent over by Lord Baltimore.
It is instructive to note that upon the restoration to Lord
Baltimore in 1658 of his authority in the province, the laws
enacted by the assemblies held under the authority of the
commissioners of Parliament being deemed without legal force
and void, the commissioners demanded and obtained from
Lord Baltimore his promise that he would never consent to the
repeal of that law which they had themselves attempted to
repeal at the Assembly held by them in 1654, as above noted.
(Archives of Maryland, III. 334.)
The ori^al copy of the Act concerning Religion, engrossed
on sheepskin and bearing the signature "C. Baltemore," is in
the possession of the Maryland Historical Society, being among
the large collection of Calvert Papers acquired by that so-
ciety from England in 1888. How an act relating solely to
Maryland should have been among them is explained by the
endorsement upon it: — "Brought from Maryland in the
troublesome times," (Calvert Papers, I. 75, Fund Pvblication
no. 28.)
The text of the following pamphlet has been collated
with a copy of the original edition in the library of the Boston
Athenffium. It was reprinted in the Maryland Historical
Magazine, IV. 42, from a transcript made from an original
copy in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Ct C. H.
REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL
A JvM and Cleere ReftUation of a Fahe and Scandalous Pamr
phlet Entitvled Babylons Fall in Maryland &c and A true
Discovery of certains strange and inhumane proceedings of
some ungratefuU people in Maryland^ tawcads those who
formerly preserved them in time of their greatest distresse.
To which is added a law in Maryland concerning Religion, and
a Declaration concerning the same.
By John Langford, Gentleman^ servant to (he Lord Baltemare.
Hee that is first in his owne cause seemeth juM, but his neighbour
commdh and searcheth him. Prov. 18. 17.
Whose haired is covered by deceit, his vnckednesse shall be shewed
before the whole Congregation. Prov. 26, 26.
London, Printed for (he Author, 1655.*
Having lately met with a Pamphlet, entituled, Babylons
Fall in Maryland etc. which layes many false and scandalous
aspersions upon the Lord Baltemore, his Government and
Officers in Maryland, put forth by one Leonard Strong and
attested by WUliam Durand pretending to be Secretary of
that Province, It was thought fit, in regard I have beene ac-
quainted with and imployed by my Lord Baltemore in his
affairs relating to that Province, both heere and there, for
above twenty years last past, That I should publish this brief
Refutation thereof, to undeceive such as may be deluded by it.
Captaine Stone (who is well known to be a Zealous and well
affected Protestant) being Govemour of Maryland under the
Lord Baltemore did receive and protect in Maryland those
people and their families mentioned by Mr. Strong when they
were distressed in Virginia under Sir William Berkley, among
whom it is to be noted that Mr. Richard Bennet (afterwards
Govemour of Virginia) was one, and thereupon a Commission
was granted by Charles Stuart the eldest son of the late King
> Title-page of the original.
254
1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 255
to Sir William Davenant, constituting him Governor of the said
Province, alleadging therein the reasons to be, because the
Lord Baltemore did visibly adhere to the Rebels in England
(as he terms them in that Conmiission) and admitted all kind
of Sectaries and Schismaticks, and iU affected persons into
that Plantation.
These people seated themselves at a place by them called
Providence, but by an Act of a Generall Assembly there called
Anne-Arundell in Mariland and there was nothing promised
by my Lord or Capt. Stone to them, but what was performed.
They were first acquainted by Capt. Stone before they came
there, with that Oath of Fidelity, which was to be taken by
those who would have any Land there from his Lordship, and
the Oath which was required of them to take before they
could have any Patent for Land there, was ratifyed by an
Act of a Generall Assembly of that Province, wherin those
very men had their Burgesses, there being an expresse Clause
in it. That it should not bee understood to infringe or preju-
dice Liberty of Conscience in point of Religion, as will appeare
by the Oath it selfe, nor had they any regrett to the Oath till
they were as much refreshed with their intertainment there,
as the Snake in the Fable was with the Country-mans breast,
for which some of them are equally thankfull.
But it is now, it seems, thought by some of those people too
much below them to take an Oath to the Lord Proprietary
of that Province, though many Protestants of much better
quality have taken it and (which is more then can be hoped
for from some of these men) kept it.
As to the Government there, they knew it very well before
they came thither, and if they had not liked it they might have
forborne comming or staying there, for they were never forced
to either. The chiefe Officers under my Lord there are Prot-
estants. The Jurisdiction exercised there by them is no
other then what is warranted by his Lordships Patent of that
Province, which gives him the power and priviledges of a
Count Palatine there, depending on the Supream Authority
of England, with power to make Lawes with the Peoples con-
sent, and of Martiall Law in cases of Mutiny, Rebellion, or Se-
dition, without which powers and priviledges, his Lordship
would not have undertaken that Plantation, and have beene at
256 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1661
SO great a charge, and run so many hazards as he hath done
for it.
There are none there sworn to uphold Antichrist, as Mr.
Strong falsly suggests, nor doeth the Oath of Fidelity bind
any man to maintain any other Jurisdiction, or Dominion of
my Lords, than what is granted by his Patent; for by expresse
words it relates to such only as are therein contained, what-
soever Mr. Strong sayes to the contrary.
Though some of those people (it seemes) thinke it unfit that
my Lord should have such a jurisdiction and dominion there,
(unto which he hath as good a right as Mr. Strong or any of
those people can claime to any thing they have) yet they it
seemes by their arrogant and insolent proceedings thinke it
fit for them to exercise farre more absolute Jurisdictions
and Dominion there then my Lord ever did, such as in truth
are Arbitrary and Barbarous without any lawfuU right or Au-
thority at all, nor are they contented with freedome for them-
selves of Conscience, Person and Estate, (all of which are es-
tablisht to them by Law there and injoyed by them in as
ample manner as ever any people did in any place of the world)
unlesse they may have the liberty to debarr others from the
like freedome, and that they may domineere, and doe what
they please.
As to the pretended Commission mentioned by Mr. Strong
from the supreame Authority of England in 1652, for reducing
of Maryland, there was no such thing; but the ground of that
pretence was this. In September 1651, when the Councell of
State sent Commissioners from hence, that is to say, Capt.
Dennis, Capt. Steg, and Capt. Curtis, to reduce Virginia to the
obedience of the Parliament, the said Councell appointed a
Committee of themselves for the canying on of the Aflfaires of
the Admirallty, to ^ve instructions to the said Commissioners
for that business, and Colonell George Thomson being then in
the Chaire of that Committee, Maryland was at first inserted
in their instructions to bee reduced as well as Virginia, but the
Committee being afterwards satisfied by all the Merchants
that traded thither (who were engaged to assist with their
ships in the reducement of Virginia) that Maryland was not
in opposition to the Parliament, that Captaine Stone the Lord
Baltemores Lieutenant there, was generally knowne to have
1662] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 267
beene alwayes zealously affected to the Parliament; and that
divers of the Parliaments friends were by the Lord Balte-
mores especiall directions received into Maryland, and well
treated there, when they were faine to leave Virginia for their
good affections to the Parliament; then the said Committee
thought it not fit at all to disturbe that Plantation and there-
fore in the presence of many of the said Merchants, caused
Maryland to bee struck out of the said instructions, and the
Councell of State did thereupon give Licence to many Ships to
trade at that time to Maryland, but would not permit any to
goe to Virginia, till that Colony were reduced to obedience;
all which will bee testified by divers Merchants and others to
be true.
In this expedition to Virginia Captaine Dennis and Cap-
taine Steg the two chiefe Commissioners (who were present
when Maryland was struck out of the said Instructions) were
cast away outward bound, in the AdmiraJl of that Fleet which
was sent from hence upon that service, and with them the
Originall Commission for that service was lost.
But Capt. Curtes having a Coppy of the said Commission
and Instructions with him in another ship, arrived safe in Vir-
ginia, and there being also nominated in the sayd Commission
two other persons resident in Virginia, that is, Mr. Richard
Bennett before mentioned, and Capt. Cleybome (known and
declared Enemies of the Lord BaJtemores) they together with
Capt. Curtes proceeded to the reducement of Virginia, which
was effected accordingly; and Captaine Stone being then the
Lord Baltemores Lieutenant of Maryland, did actually assist
them therein. After all which, the sayd Mr. Bennett and Capt,
Qeybume went notwithstanding to Maryland, and upon pre-
tence of a certaine Clause in their Instructions, That they
should reduce all the Plantations in the Bay of Cheseapeacke,
to the obedience of the Parliament, because some part of
Maryland, where the Lord Baltemores chiefe Colony there is
seated, is within that Bay, as well as all the Plantations of
Virginia are, they required Capt. Stone and the rest of the
Lord Baltemores Officers there, first to take the Engagement,
which they all readily subscribed, and declared, that they did
in all humility submit themselves to the Government of the
Conmion-wealth of England, in chiefe under God: then the
268 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1652
said Commissioners required them to issue out Writs and Pro-
cesse out of the Lord Baltemores Courts there, in the name of
the Keepers of the Liberty of England, and not in the name
of the Lord Proprietary as they were wont to doe; wherein
they desired to bee excused, because they did conceive the
Parliament intended not to devest the Lord Baltemore of his
right there; and that they understood out of England that
the Councell of State intended not that any alteration should
be made in Maryland, that the IQngs name was never used
heertofore in the said Writs, but that they had alwayes beene
in the name of the Lord Proprietary according to the Privi-
ledges of his Patent, ever since the beginning of that Planta-
tion. That the Act in England for changing of the formes
of Writs declared onely, that in such Writs and Processe where-
in the Kings name was formerly used, the Keepers of the
Liberty of England should for the future be put in stead thereof.
That the continuing of the Writs in the Lord Proprietaries
name was essentiall to his interest there, and therefore they
could not without breach of trust concur to any such alteration:
Whereupon the said Commissioners demanded of Captaine
Stone the Lord Baltemore's Conmiission to him, which hee
shewed them, and then without any other cause at all they
detained it and remooved him, and his Lordships other Officers
out of their employment there under him, and appointed others
to mannage the Government of that Plantation independent
of his Lordship.
By which it appears Mr. Bennet and Capt. Cleybome took
upon them an Authority much contrary to the intention of the
Councell of State, and indeed contrary to common sense and
reason; for certainly if the Councell had had any excuse to
have altered their mind in that particular of Maryland, after
they had strucke it out of the sayd Instructions, they would
have caused it to have been put in againe by the same name,
whereby their Intention might have beene cleerely under-
stood; much lesse could they have any Intention of reducing
any place that was not in opposition against them, but in due
obedience; so as if Maryland had been by any mistake put in
by name to be reduced, upon a supposition in the Councell
that it had been in opposition, yet they could not in reason
intend that in case their Commissioners had found when they
1654] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 269
came upon the place (as they did) that it was not in opposi-
tion^ tlutt they should reduce it or prejudice any mans right
upon that accompt: so that whatsoever was done in Maryland
by the sayd Mr. Bennet, then Govemour of Virginia, and the
other persons Mr. Strong mentioneth as Commissioners from
England for reducing of Maryland, or their subordinate
Officers, having no firmer foundation from hence, was done
without Authority, which makes all those proceedings men-
tioned by Mr. Strong of his friends and their pretended assem-
bly there, illegall, mutinous, and usurp'd, and the Lord Balte-
more and his Officers had just reason to rectifie the same by
all lawfull means, other then which they used none, when they
reassumed the Government; for by lus Lordships Patent he
and his Substitutes have power to make use of what force they
can, to compell such as shall unlawfully oppose his Govern-
ment there, and by a Law made with the consent of a generall
Assembly of that Province, wherein the sayd people above
mentioned had also their Burgesses, it was enacted that such as
should by force of Armes oppose the Government there under
the Lord Proprietary, or attempt the disinherison or dispossess-
ing him (as those people did before Capt. Stone attempted
any force upon them) of his rights or Jurisdiction there, ac-
cording to his Patent, should be punished with Death and con-
fiscation of their Estates, as is usuall and necessary in the like
cases to be done in all such Governments whatsoever; though
no such severity is ever put in execution there, but when all
fair and gentle means, being first tried to reduce such people
to obedience will not prevail.
Moreover that pretended authority of the said Commis-
sioners for reducing of Maryland was urged heere in England by
Colonell Matthews,^ Agent for the said Mr. Bennet, and the
Colonie of Virginia, when his Petition was debated before the
Committee of Petitions of the late Parliament which began
in July 1653, and was by that Committee dismissed, and yet
notwithstanding, after the sayd dismission and Dissolution of
that Parliament, the sayd Mr. Bennet and Capt. Qeybome
did again in July 1654, come into Maryland, and with the as-
* See Yang's letter, p. 59, supra^ as to Samuel Matthews. He acted more
than once as agent in London on behalf of Bennett and Claiborne,
of Parliament in Virginia and Maryland.
Ki)iiiiiiK<:t(t I
260 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1654
sistance of some of the people above mentioned^ by force of
Armes turned out Capt. Stone and the Lord Baltemore's other
Officers, and put others in their roomes, by what Authority no
man knowes; for although they had had, sa they pretended,
an Authority (which in truth they had not) from the Parlia-
ment which was dissolved in April 1653, to do what they did
in Maryland in 1652, according to Mr. Strong's relation, yet
after the Dissolution of that Parliament the Authority from
it ceased, so as all proceedings in prosecution thereof after-
wards was unwarrantable, unless that Authority which they
pretended had been given them by an Act or Ordinance of
Parliament for a certain time then not expired, or confirmed
by the succeeding supream Authority heer which it was not.
And althou^ Mr. Strong shelter most of the bloudy
actions done by those who imploy him hither, under pre-
tence that the Govemement the Counsellors and Officers in
Maryland were Popish, and therefore there must needs be
some designe to extirpate those of another Judgement, yet he
doth not (because indeed he cannot) make appeare any dis-
turbance given by Lord Baltemores Government to any per-
son there for matter of Religion, but contrariwise it is well
known that no Nation affords better Lawes to prevent any
difference arising upon that Accompt, nor more freedome of
CJonscience then that Government doth, as the most consid-
erable Protestants in that Province have attested by an In-
strument under their hands, unto which the sayd Mr. Durand
(attestor of the aforesayd Pamphlet) hath also subscribed his
name, wherein they doe also acknowledge that the sayd free-
dome is provided for not only by the sayd Lawes there, with
his Lordships assent unto them, but by severall other strict
Injunctions and Declarations of his Lordships for that purpose.
There are as well affected Councellors and Officers to his
Highnesse and this Government imployed and intrusted by
the Lord Baltemore in Maryland as any that oppose his Lord-
ship there. And his Highnesse was by Capt. Stone caused to
be publikely and in a solemn manner proclaymed there as
Soveraign Lord of that place.*
As for the late unhappy contests there which (as Mr. Strong
saith) were desired by those people above mentioned to be
^ Archives of Maryland, III. 304.
1665] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 261
composed in an amicable way, how doth that agree with their
turning Captaine Stone out of his Govemement in July 1654,
by force of Armes, and ferrying their men over the River
towards Capt. Stone in the last conflict, and the shooting of
Ordnance from Capt. Hemans Ship at Capt. Stone, and the
blocking up of Capt. Stones Boats by a Barque with two
peeces of Ordnance (as Mr. Strong confesseth they did before
any hostile attempt made by Captain Stone upon them) which
forced Capt. Stone to engage with them in his own defence.
As to Capt. Stones taking away the Records and Arms from
those of Patuxent, if he did so, it was but what every discreet
man ought to have done in the like case, they having been
Actors in displacing him as formerly; and lest in his absence
they should attempt upon the Colony behind him; but Mr.
Strong, I suppose, is the more impudent in alleadging untruths,
and indeavouring to smother imder them the barbarous and
bloudy actions of those people, because he knows that they
have taken order to hinder what they can, all persons and
Letters which may come from thence hither, and have imposed
Oaths upon all those of concernment whom they had in their
custody, that they neither should endeavour to com over into
England, nor write any Letters or Petitions into England, to
manifest to his Highness the truth of their proceedings in
Maryland, which will reflect upon Mr. Strong as much as any
one else; nevertheless providence, notwithstanding all their
diligence to the contrary, hath brought some Letters and
Persons lately over from thence, which much contradict Mr.
Strongs Relation of the last contests there, viz. a Letter from
Mr. Luke Barber to his Highness the Lord Protector, which
the sayd Mr. Barber wrote when he thought he should not have
been able to have got away from thence, the people above
mentioned having detained him as well as others, but after-
wards finding means to come hither himself in the same ship
wherein hee intended to have sent that Letter, hee thought fit
instead thereof to declare by word of mouth to his Highness
what was therein contayned, a Copy of which Letter sub-
scribed by the said Mr. Barber is heerunto annexed, and he will
affirm the contents thereof upon Oath to be true. Another
is a Letter from Captain Stones wife (hee being a Prisoner,
and not suffered to write himselfe) to my Lord Baltemore, a
262 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656
Copy whereof is also heerennto annexed : by both which it ap-
pears cleerly that Mr. Strong hath omitted to mention the
putting to death of fowr of Captain Stones party by the people
above mentioned in cold bloud, severall dayes after the fi^t,
and hath very falsly related Capt. Stones and the Lord Balte-
mores other Officers proceedings in that last contest as well
in relation to his HighnesS; as to those people above mentioned ;
wherfore for the present I shall refer the Reader to the said
Letters for satisfaction therin, till further proofe bee made
thereof in such a way as his Highness shall please to direct ;
whereupon my Lord Baltemore doubts not but his Highness
will be pleased to do him and his Officers in Maryland right,
and to call those to a strict accompt who were actors in the
horrid murthers aforesaid: for certainly that pretence of
theirs of acting what they did (as Mr. Strong sayes) in his
Highness name will not excuse them; no man I conceive
doubting but that whosoever shall presume to put any man
to death in his Highness name, without any lawfull Authority
from him, doth put a great dishonour upon his Highnesse, and
not mitigate but aggravate the crime of murther in so doing.
And lastly, though it be a good thing to sing prayses and
give thankes to God as Mr. Strong doth at the end of his
Pamphlet, so tis a good thing to know God is not mocked, but
will render unto every man according to his actions, and vindi-
cate the innocent.
The Coppy of a Letter intended far his Highnesse.
May it please your Highnesse:
Having formerly had the honour to relate to your EQghnes
not only in your Army, but also as a domestick servant, I
humbly thought it my duty to give to your Highness a true
relation of the late disaster of this Countrey, wUch although
it bee not a place any way considerable or worth your High-
ness trouble, yet when I consider the great care and pains your
Highness hath formerly taken both below your selfe, and
almost incredible to those that have not be^ eye-witnesses
of them, for the true setling of Government, and avoyding the
needless shedding of bloud, it gives encouragement to my pen,
and assures me that the score upon which I write, will obtain
1655] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 263
a pardon of your Highness for my presumption, it being
humbly and in the name of that great God (whom I know had
not your Highness feared would never have so palpably helpt
your Highness in your greatest necessity, and fought your
Battels) to beg a boon which will, I doubt not, absolutely end
the needless shedding of bloud, in this part of the World, in
regard now both parties pretend to fight for your Highness:
My Lord, my humble Petition to your Highness is, that your
Highness would be pleased graciously to condescend so low
as to settle the Country, so as we may heere understand the
absolute pleasure and determinate will of your Highness there-
in, the disobeyers of which cannot after your Highnesse known
pleasure but in a moment perish, and the rest live secure and
happie. My Lord I am an absolute stranger heere, as yet
having not been a month in the Countrie, in which time this
unfortunate action fell out, so much the sadder, in regard of
the conmion enemie the Indian who ever takes advantage by
our intestine troubles being both cruel and potent, and ther-
fore I hope will be a motive to further the charitable conde-
sending of your Highnesse for setling the Country. My Lord
having had a very tedious passage being necessitated to stay
above two months in Bermudas and above one month in Vir-
ginia, so that I was above halfe a yeare from the time that I
came out of England to my arrivall in Maryland, at which
arival I found the Country in a great disturbance, the Gover-
nour Captain Stone being ready to march with his Army
(which heere is considerable if it consist of 200 men) against a
partie of men at a place called Anne-Arundell who the yeer
before (pretending a power from your Highnesse as also that
your Highnesse had taken the Lord Baltemores Country from
him) bred a great disturbance in the Countrey and withall
tooke away the Govemours Commission from him, which
Govemour being since informed by a Gentleman by name
Mr. Elkonhead^ (one that came out of England 2 or 3
months after me) that the Lord BaJtemore kept his Patent,
and that your Highnesse had neither taken the Lord Balte-
mores Patent from him nor his Land, hee thought hee might
act by the contents of his former Commission from the Lord
Baltemore and accordingly went up to reduce those people
< Eltonhead.
264 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656
to the Lord Baltemores Govemement, but still under your
Highness command; as fonnerly under the Kings^ having heer
in the Country before I came first solemnly proclaymed your
Highness, as also in all Proclamations and pubUck Edicts
en^g with God preserve the Lord Protector and the Lord Pro-
prietary. Now going up to reduce these people, if possible by
fair meanes, a Declaration to which purpose the Govemour
desiring me to bear hun company [upon] the march, I got
leave to carry to them, in the end of which the Govemour
did protest, as in the presence of Almighty God, that he came
not in a hostile way to do them any hurt, but sought all meanes
possible to reclaime them by faire means; and to my knowl-
edge at the sending out of Parties (as occasion served) he
gave strict command, that if they met any of the Anne-Arun-
dell men they should not fire the first Gun, nor upon paine of
death plunder any: these were his actings to my knowledge
upon the march; but comming neerer to them, there was a
Ship a Merchant man called the Golden Lion, one Hemans
Commander, and as appeares hired by them, having since
received his reward of them, who seeing the Govemour land
his men under the command of his ship, shot at them as they
landed over night, and the next morning, continuing his course
(as I am credibly informed) kild one of the Govemours men,
and so began the war which after fell out, for the Anne-Axundell
men comming suddenly upon them on the one side, and the
Golden Lyon being on the other side, they being in a neck of
Land invironed round with water, except one little place by
which the Anne-Arandel men came in upon them, where after
a skirmish the Govemour upon quarter given him and all his
company in the field, yielded to be taken Prisoners. But
two or three dayes after the Victors condemnd ten to death,
and executed fowre, and had executed all had not the inces-
sant Petitioning and begging of some good women sav'd some,
and the souldiers others; the Govemour himself e being con-
demned by them and since begd by the Souldiers, some being
sav'd just as they were leading out to execution, and since fall
a sequestring their Estates, and taking away what they have
as if they were meere Malignants, and had fought directly
against your Highnesse, in which I cannot but speake my
conscience knowing that at their first setting out the generall
16661 REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 265
cry was that they went to reduce the Country and bring it
under the obedience of your Highnesse and the Lord Proprie-
tary, as also the Govemour who protested to mee before he
went out, that had he not been very credibly informed that
your Highnesse had not taken away the Lord Baltemores
Patent, nor his Land as the Anne-Arundel men pretended, he
would not stirre in the business. My Lord, the reason why I
take upon mee to give your Highnesse an account of this
action is nothing but out of my duty to your Highnesse to give
a true and impartiall account of the proceedings heere, in
regard they still keepe the Govemour and most of the Councdl
Prisoners, as also all the chiefe Officers till all the shipping is
already gone out of the Country except one, and till that is
gone I heare for certain none of them shall be releast, by which
meanes, they are not onely debard from comming for England
(as some desired to answer for what they had done before your
Highnesse, and were denied it) but are likewise hindered from
writing their grievances, as not being suffered to write to their
own Wives, but their Letters are broke open, so that I cannot
but thinke my selfe bound in conscience to declare the truth,
afl also to remaine so long as I possesse a being in this world,
My Lord
Your Highnesse most obedient and ever
Loyall Subject
Maryland this 13. of Aprill, 1655. ^' ^^^^^
For the Right Honourable the Lord BaUemorey these present.
Right Honourable :
I am sorry at present for to let your Honour understand
of our sad condition in your Province. So it is, that my Hus-
band, with the rest of your Councdl went about a month agone
with a party of men up to Anne-Arundell County, to bring
those factious people to obedience under your Government.
My Husband sent Dr. Barber with one Mr. Coursey with a
Message to them, but they never returned againe before the
fight began. Also he sent one Mr Packer the day after, with
a Message, and he likewise never returned, as I heard : but so
it is, that upon Sunday the 25. of March they did ingage with
the people of Anne-Arundell, and lost the field, and not above
266 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
five of our men escaped; which I did conceive ranne away
before the fight was ended; the rest all taken, some killed and
wounded; my Husband hath received a woimd in his shoulder,
but I heare it is upon the mending. My Husband, I am con-
fident, did not thmke that they would have engag^, but it
did proove too true to all our great damages; They as I heare,
being better provided then my Husband did expect; for they
hired the Captain of the Golden Lion, a great ship of burden,
the Captains name is Roger Hemans a yong man, and his
Brother, who have beene great sticklers in the businesse, as I
hear. Captaine Heman was one of their Councell of War,
and by his consent would have had all the Prisoners hanged;
but after Quarter given, they tried all your Councellors by a
Councell of Warre, and Sentence was passed upon my Hus-
band to be shot to death, but was after saved by the Enemies
owne Souldiers, and so the rest of the Councellors were saved
by the Petitions of the Women, with some other friends which
they found there; onely Master William Eltonhead was shot
to death, whose death I much lament, being shot in cold bloud;
and also Lieutenant William Lewis, with one Mr Leggat and a
Germane, which did live with Mr. Eltonhead, which by all
Relations that ever I did heare of, the like barbarous act was
never done amongst Christians. They have Sequestred my
Husbands Estate, only they say they will allow a maintenance
for me and my Children, which I doe beleeve will bee but small.
They keep my Husband, with the rest of the Councell, and all
other Officers, still Prisoners; I am very suddenly, God will-
ing, bound up to see my Husband. They will not so much
as suffer him to write a Letter unto mee, but they will have
the perusall of what hee writes. Captaine Tylman and his
Mate Master Cook are very honest men, and doe stand up
much for your Honour; they will informe you of more pas-
sages then I can remember at the present; and I hope my
Brother will be downe before Captain Tylman goes away, and
will write to you more at large; for he is bound up this day
for to see his Brother, if they doe not detain him there as well
as the rest; the occasion I conceive of their detainment there
is, because they should not goe home, to informe your Honour
of the truth of the businesse before they make their owne tale
in England, which let them doe their worst, which I do not
1666] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 267
question but you will vindicate my Husbands honour which
hath ventured Life and Estate to keep your due heere, which
by force he hath lost. And they give out words, that they
have won the Country by the sword, and by it they will keepe
the same, let my Lord Protector send in what Writing hee
pleaseth. The Gunners Mate of Hemans, since his comming
down from Anne-Arundell to Patuxent, hath boasted that he
shot the first man that was shot of our Party. All this I write
is very true, which I thought goode to informe your Lordship,
because they will not suffer my Husband for to write himselfe:
I hope your Honour will be pleased for to looke upon my
Sonne, and for to wish him for to be of good comfort, and not
for to take our afflictions to heart. And nothing else at pres-
ent, I rest
Your Honours most
humble Servant
ViRLiNDA Stone.
Post-script.
I hope your Honour will favour me so much, that if my
Sonne wants twenty or thirty poimds you will let him have it,
and it shall be payd your Honour againe.
Hemans the Master of the Golden Lion is a very Knave,
and that will be made plainly for to appeare to your Lordship
for he hath abused my Husband most grosly.
A True Copy of the Ooih of Fiddiiy to the Lord Proprietary of
the Promnce of Maryland.^
I A. B. Doe sweare that I will be true and faithfull (so long as
I shall be a member of this Province) to the Right Hon. Csecilius,
Lord Baron of Baltemore, Lord and Proprietary of this Province of
Maryland, and the Islands therunto belonging, and to his Heyres
Lords and Proprietaries of the same, and to hb Lieutenant or Chiefe
Govemour heer for the time being: And will not at any time by
words or actions in publique or in private, wittingly or willingly, to
the best of my understanding, any way derogate from, but will at all
times, as occasion shall require, to the utmost of my power, defend
> This form of oath differs in some particulars from that prescribed in 1648,
printed in Archives of Maryland, 1. 196, and at p. 214, supra, with which it is to
be compared. Tlie changes are apparently due to the changed political condi-
tions in England.
268 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1665
and maintain all such his sayd Lordships and hb Heyres just and
lawful! Right, Title, Interest, Privileges, Jurisdictions, Prerogative,
Propriety and Dominion, over and in the sayd Province and Islands
thereunto belonging, and over the people who are or shall be therein
for the time being, as are granted to his sayd Lordship and his Heyres
by the late King of England in his sayd Lordships Patent of the sayd
Province under the Great Scale of England, not any wise understood
to infringe or prejudice Liberty of Conscience, in point of Religion;
And I doe also sweare that I will with all expedition discover to his
Lordship or to his Lieutenant or other Chiefe Govemour of the sayd
Province for the time being, and also use my best endeavour to pre-
vent any Plot, Conspiracy, or Combination, which I shall know, or
have just cause to suspect, is or shall be intended against the person of
his sayd Lordship, or which shall tend any way to the disinherison or
deprivation of his sayd Lordship or his Heyres their Right, Title,
Jurisdiction, and Dominion aforesayd, or any part thereof; And I
doe swear that I will not either by myself or by any other person or
persons, directly or indirecdy take, accept, receive, purchase or pos-
sesse any Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments withm the sayd Prov-
ince of Maryland, or the Islands thereunto belonging from any Ind-
ian or Indians to any other use or uses but to the use of his sayd
Lordship, and his Heires Lords and Proprietaries of this Province,
or knowingly from any other person or persons not deriving a legall
Title thereunto, by, from, or under some grant from his said Lord-
ship or his Heires Lords and Proprietaries of this Province, legally
passed or to be passed under his or their great Scale of the said Ptov-
mce for the time being.
So help me God, etc.
This Oath was appointed by my Lord to bee taken by
everyone who had any Land granted to him in Maryland
from his Lordship before any Patent thereof should passe
the Seale to him; and it was also appointed to be taken by a
Law made in Maryland in An. 1649, with the consent of the
Protestants as wel as the Roman Catholiks there, by every in-
habitant above the age of sixteene yeeres, upon paine of Ban-
ishment in case of refusal, and of fine in case of return and a
second refusall; but it was never yet imposed upon any, nor
any ever yet banished or fined for refusall of it, onely they
could have no land granted them from his Lordship, unlesse
they tooke it; nor was there any other Oath appointed to bee
taken upon any penalty whatsoever. But there was another
16491 REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 269
Oath appointed for the Govemour and CJouncell onely in Mary-
land to take, which have these clauses among others in them
(viz.) That they shall not accept or execute any Place, Office,
or Imployment in Maryland relating to the Government thereof
from any Person or Authority but from the Lord Baltemore
or his Heires: and another Clause (viz.) that they shall not
directly or indirectly, trouble, molest, or discountenance, any
person whatsoever in the said Province, professing to believe
in Jesus Christ, and in particular no Roman Catholick, for or
in respect of his or her Religion, nor in his or her free exercise
thereof within the said Province. But this Oath was never
imposed upon any body, nor any penalty appointed for the
refusall thereof; for it was free for any man, if he did not like
the Oath not to accept of the place of Govemour, or one of
the Councel there; and this last mentioned Oath of the Gov-
emour and Councel was appointed in the life time of the late
King. The Lord Baltemore conceiving it lawfull and justi-
fiable by his Patent to require such an Oath from such as hee
should employ in Offices of so great tmst in so remote a place;
for although by his Patent the sovereign Dominion of that
Province bee reserved to the late King, hia Heirs, and Succes-
sors, yet the immediate and subordinate authority of the Gov-
ernment thereof is granted to his Lordship and his Heyres, so
as no man ought to act therein but by authority derived from
him. And hee appointed this Oath to be taken by the afore-
sayd Officers when he made Capt. Stone Govemour and Mr.
Tho. Hatton Secretary, and others of his Councell there who
being of different Judgement in Religion from himselfe, his
Lordship thought it but reasonable and fit that as he did
oblige them by Oath not to disturbe any there who professed
to beleeve in Jesus Christ, so to expresse the Roman Catho-
lickes in particular, who were of his own judgement in matter
of Religion.
A true Copy of a Law made in Maryland enlUviedy An Ad
concerning Religion.
Forasmuch as in a well Governed and Christian Common-
wealth, matters concerning Religion and the Honour of God
ought in the first place to bee taJken into serious consideration
270 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARLYAND [1649
and indevoured to be setled. Bee it therefore ordayned and
Enacted by the Bight Honourable Csedlius Lord Baron of
Baltemore/ absolute Lord and Proprietary of this Province,
with the Advice and Consent of the Upper and Lower House'
of this General! Assembly, that whatsoever Person or Per-
sons within this Province and the Islands thereunto belong-
ing, shall from henceforth Blaspheame GOD , that is curse
him, or shall deny our Saviour JESUS CHRIST to bee the
Son of God, or shall deny the Holy Trinity, the Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost, or the Godhead of any of the sayd Three
Persons of the Trinity, or the Unity of the Godhead, or shall
use or utter any reproachful! speeches, words, or language^
concerning the Holy Trinity, or any of the sayd three Per-
sons thereof, shal be punished with death, and confiscation
or forfeiture of all his or her Land and Goods to the Lord
Proprietary and his Heires. And bee it also Enacted by the
Authority and with the advice and assent aforesaid. That
whatsoever Person or Persons shall from henceforth use or
utter any reproachful! words or speeches concerning the blessed
Virgin Mary, the Mother of our Saviour, or the holy Apostles
or Evangelists, or any of them, shall in such case for the first
Offence forfeit to the sayd Lord Proprietary and liis heires
Lords and Proprietaries of this Province, the sum of 5 L ster-
ling, or the value thereof, to bee levied on the goods and
chattells of every such person so offending; but in case such
offender or offenders shall not then have goods and chattels
sufficient for the satisfying of such forfeiture, or that the same
be not otherwise speedily satisfied, that then such offender or
offenders shall be publikely whipt, and bee imprisoned during
the pleasure of the Lord Proprietary, or the Lieutenant or
Chief e Govemour of this Province for the time being; and that
every such offender and offenders for every second offence shall
forfeit 10 l. sterling or the value thereof to be levied as afore-
' "This title is given his Lordship in his Patent of Mazyland/' (Maiginal
note in the original pamphlet.) The reference is to the words "absolute Lord."
The title Baron of Baltimore was conferred on his father by James I.
* These words, ** of the Upper and Lower House," are interlined in the en-
grossed copy of the act They are not in the record, Archives of Maryland,
I. 244. The assembly was divided into two houses in April, 1650 {ibid., 272),
subsequent to the passage of the act, but prior to its approval by the Lord
Proprietary.
1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 271
saydy or in case such offender or offenders shall not then have
goods and chattels within this Province sufficient for that
purpose, then to be publikely and severely whipt and im-
prisoned as before is expressed. And that every person or
persons before mentioned, offending heerin the third time,
shall for such third offence, forfeit all his lands and goods and
be forever banisht and expelled out of this Province. And be
it also further Enacted by the same authority, advice and
assent, that whatsoever person or persons shall from hence-
forth upon any occasion of offence or otherwise in a reproach-
full maner or way, declare, call or denominate, any person or
persons whatsoever, inhabiting, residing, trafficking, trading,
or commercing, within this Province, or within any the Ports,
Harbors, Creeks or Havens to the same belonging, an Here-
tick, Schismatick, Idolater, Puritan, Presbyterian, Independent,
Popish Priest, Jesuit, Jesuited Papist, Lutheran, Calvinist,
Anabaptist, Brownist, Antinomian, Barrowist, Roundhead,
Separatist, or other name or terme in a reproachfuU maner
relating to matter of Religion, shall for every such offence
forfet and lose the sum of 10 8. sterling, or the value therof
to be levied on the goods and Chattels of every such offender
and offenders, the one halfe thereof to be forfeted and payd
unto the person and persons of whom such reproachfull
words are or shall bee spoken or uttered, and the other
halfe thereof to the Lord Proprietary and his Heirs, Lords
and Proprietaries of this Province; But if such person or pei>
sons who shall at any time utter or speak any such reproach-
full words or language, shall not have goods or chattells suffi-
cient and overt within this Province to bee taken to satisfie
the penalty aforesayd, or that the same bee not otherwise
speedily satisfied, that then the person and persons so offend-
ing shal be publikely whipt, and shall suffer imprisonment
without Bayle or Mainprise until he, she, or they, respectively
shall satisfie the party offended or grieved by such reproach-
full language by asking him or her. respectively forgivenes
publikely for such his offence before the Magistrate or Chiefe
Officer or Officers of the Towne or Place where such offence
shall bee given. And be it further likewise Enacted by the
Authority and consent aforesayd, that every person and per-
sons within this Province, that shall at any time heereafter
272 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1649
proi^iaiie the Sabaoth or Lords day called Sundaji by fre-
quent swearing, drunkennesse, or by any undviU or (Usorderly
Recreation, or by working on that day, when absolute necessity
doth not require, shall for every such first offence forfet 2s. 6d.
sterling or the value thereof; and for the second offence 58.
sterling or the value thereof; and for the third offence and for
every time he shall offend in like manner afterwards 10s. ster-
ling or the value thereof; and in case such offender or offenders
shall not have sufficient goods or chatteUs within this Prov-
ince to satisfie any of the aforesayd penalties respectively
heereby imposed for prophaning the Sabaoth or Lords day
called Sunday as aforesaid, then in every such Case the party
80 offending shall for the first and second offence in that kind
be imprisoned till hee or she shall publikely in open Court before
the cheif Commander, Judge, or Magistrate of that Coimty,
Towne, or Precinct wherein such offence shall be conmiitted,
acknowledge the scandall and offence hee hath in that respect
given, against God, and the good and civill Government of
this Province: And for the third offence and for every time
after shall also be publikely whipt. And wheras the inforc-
ing of the Conscience in matter of Religion hath frequently
fallen out to bee of dangerous Consequence in those Common-
wealths where it hath beene practised, and for the more quiet
and peaceable Government of this Province, and the better
to preserve mutuall love and xmity^ amongst the Inhabitants
here, Bee it therefore also by the Lord Proprietary with the
advice and assent of this Assembly, Ordained and Enacted,
except as in this present Act is before declared and set forth,
that no person or persons whatsoever within this Province or
the Islands, Ports, Harbors, Creeks, or Havens thereunto be-
longing; professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ shall from hence-
forth be any waies troubled, molested or discountenanced, for
or in respect of his or her Religion, nor in the free Exercise
thereof within this Province or the Islands thereunto belong-
ing, nor any way compelled to the beleefe or exercise of any
other Religion against his or her consent, so as they be not
unfaithful to the Lord Proprietary, or molest or conspire against
the civill Government, established or to be establi^ed in this
' '*Amyty" in the original act (engrossed copy). See Arckivei of Maryland,
I. 246. There are a few other verbal differences which do not affect the sense.
1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 273
Province under him and his Heyres. And that all and every
person and persons that shall presume contrary to this Act
and the true intent and meaning thereof, directly or indirectly,
ejrther in person or estate, wlfully to wrong, disturbe, or
trouble, or molest any person or persons whatsoever within
this Province professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ, for or in
respect of his or her Religion, or the free Exercise therof
within this Province, otherwise then is provided for in this Act,
That such person or persons so offending shall be compelled
to pay treble damages to the party so wronged or molested,
and for every such offence shall also forfet 20 s. sterling in
Money or the value thereof, half thereof for the use of the
Lord Proprietary and his Heires Lords and Proprietaries of
this Province, and the other halfe thereof for the use of the
partie so wronged or molested as aforesayd; or if the party so
offending as aforesayd, shall refuse or bee unable to recompence
the party so wronged or to satisfie such fine or forfeiture, then
such offender shall be severely punished by publike whipping
and imprisonment during the pleasure of the Lord Proprietary
or his Lieutenant or chiefe Govemour of this Province for the
time being, without Bayle or Mainprise. And be it further
also Enacted by the authority and consent aforesayd, that the
Sheriffe or other Officer or Officers from time to time to be
appointed and authorised for that purpose of the County,
Town, or Precinct where every particular offence in this pres-
ent Act contained, shall happen at any time to be conmiitted,
and whereupon there is heerby a forfeiture, fine, or penalty
imposed, shall from time to time distrain, and seise the goods
and estate of every such person so offending as aforesayd,
against this present Act or any part therof, and sell the same
or any part therof, for the full satisfaction of such forfeiture,
fine, or penalty as aforesayd, restoring to the Party so offend-
ing, the Remainder or overplus of the sayd goods, or estate,
after such satisfaction so made as aforesayd.
This act was passed by a Generall Assembly in Maryland
in April 1649, and assented imto by the Lord Baltemore in
1650, and the intent of it being to prevent any disgusts be-
tween those of different judgements in Religion there, it was
thought necessary to insert that clause in it concerning the
274 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1650
Virgin Mary, of whom some, otherwise might perhaps speake
reproachfully, to the offence of others. And in the time of the
Long Parliament when the differences between the Lord Balte-
more and Colonell Samuel Matthews, as Agent for the Colony
of Virginia were depending before a Committee of that Parlia-
ment for the Navy, that Gause in the sayd Law concerning
the Virgin Mary was at that Conmiittee objected as an excep-
tion against his Lordship, wherupon a worthy Member of the
sayd Committee stood up and sayd, that he wondered that
any such exception should be taken against his Lordship; for
(sayes hee) doth not the Scripture* say, that all Generations
shall call her blessed? and the Committee insisted no more on
that exception.
The Declaration and Certificate of WiUiam Stone Esquire,
LieiUenant of the Province of Maryland, by Commission
from the Right HonourcMe the Lord BaUemore, Lord Pro-
prietary thereof, and of CajOaine John Price, Mr. Thomas
Hatton, and Captain Robert Vaughan of his sayd Lord-
ships Councell there, and of diners of the Burgesses now
met in an Assembly there, and other Protestant Inhabitants
of the sayd Province, made the 17. day ofAprU, Anno Dom.
one thousand six hundred and fifty.
We the said Lieutenant, Councell, Burgesses, and other
Protestant Inhabitants above mentioned, whose names are
heerunto subscribed, doe declare and certifie to all persons
whom it may conceme. That according to an Act of Assembly
heer, and severall other strict Injunctions and Declarations
by his sayd Lordship for that purpose made and provided,
wee doe heere enjoy all fitting and convenient freedome and
liberty in the exercise of our Religion under his sayd Lord-
ships Government and Interest; And that none of us are any
wayes troubled or molested, for or by reason thereof within
this his Lordships sayd Province.
William Stone Govemour
Jo. Price 1
Robert Vaughan [ Coimcell
Tho. Hatton J
> ''La. i. 48." (Maiginal note in the original pamphlet)
1550]
REFUTATION OP BABYLON'S FALL
275
James Cox
Tho. Steennan
John Hatche
George Puddington .
Robert Robines
Walter Bain
William Brough
Francis Poesy
♦William Durand
Anthony Rawlins
Thomas Maydwell
Marke Blomefield
Thomas Bushell
William Hungerford
William Stumpson
Thomas Dinyard
John Grinsdith
William Edwin
Richard Browne
Stanhop Roberts
William Browne
John Halfehead
William Hardwich
Elias Beech
Raph Beane
John Slingsby
James Morphen
Francis Msui^in
John Walker
William Hawley
William Smoot
John Sturman
John Nichols
Burgesses.
Note that
James Cox and
George Puddington
were then Burgesses
for the people at Anne-
Arundell
♦Note that this is
the same man who
attests Mr. Strongs
pamphlet before
mentioned.
George Sawyer
William Edis
John Gage
Robert Ward
William Marshall
Richard Smith
Arthur Turner
William Pell
William Warren
Edward Williams
Hugh Crage
George Whitacre
Daniel Clocker
John Perin
Patrick Forrest
George Beckwith
Thomas Warr
Walter Waterling
LEAH AND RACHEL, OR, THE TWO FRUITFULL
SISTERS VIRGINIA AND MARY-LAND, BY
JOHN HAMMOND, 1656
INTRODUCTION
John Hammond, the author of this pamphlet, which was
published in London in 1656, represents himself as having
been twenty-one years in the American plantations, resident
for nineteen years in Vir^nia, and for the last two years in
Maryland, whence he escaped after sentence of death had been
passed upon him for the part he took in support of Governor
Stone and the Lord Proprietary.
The first portion, which relates to Leah "the elder sister,"
as he calls Virginia, has much of the character of a prospectus
put forth by a promotor of emigration. He paints in glow-
ing colors the charm of life in the New World as contrasted with
the struggling and painful existence which many were com-
pelled to lead in the crowded cities of the Old, and gives,
moreover, very practical advice to those proposing to migrate,
either as independent adventurers or as servants, laborers,
etc., whose only means of pa3ring their passage over would
be by binding themselves to work it out in service during a
prescribed term.
The misrule which is described as prevailing during the
earlier years of the Virginia colony is what led to the annul-
ment of the charter of the old Virginia Company.
In the portion of the pamphlet devoted to Rachel, or
Maryland, the latter is described as the younger sister, of
whose beauty the writer became enamored as the patriarch
Jacob was of his younger wife. The greater part of the
account of Maryland is, however, given to the battle of the
Severn and the events which preceded it,^ and is written with
* For other aocounts, see the three documents or narratives next preceding.
279
2S0 NABBATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
the partiaan zeal which mi^t not mueasmaUy be expected
from one who, as UM in the poBtaciipt, had been condemned
to death by the one party to the contest as a punishment for
his loyalty to the other ade.
The protestation of the autiior that he wrote this pam-
phlet without reward may perhaps be r^arded with doubt, un-
less it be assumed that, having been condenmed to death once,
he deemed that he was under obligations to those through
wboee agency he had escaped execution, and ^oee protection
or assistance he mi^t yet need.
The following text b taken from a copy of the orig^lal
edition, now very rare, in the Harvard College Library. The
pamphlet was reprinted in 1844^ by Peter Force, Histaricdl
Tracts, vol. m., no. 14.
C. C. M«
LEAH AND RACHEL, OR, THE TWO FRUITFULL
SISTERS VIRGINIA AND MARY-LAND, BY
JOHN HAMMOND, 1656
Leah and Rachd, or, the Two FruiifuU Sisters Virginia and
Mary4and: Their Present Condition^ ImpartiaUy stated
and related.
Wiih A RemovaU of such Imputations as are scandalously cast
on those Countries, uherAy many deceived Souls, chose
rather to Beg, Steal, rot in Prison, and come to shamefuU
deaths, then to belter their being by going thither, wherein is
jjlenty of aU things necessary for Humane subsistance.
By John Hammond.
Ecdes. 22. t;. 8. // children live honestly and have wherewith,
they shall put away the shame of their Parents.
London, Printed By T. Mabb, and are to be sold by Nich. Bourn,
neer the RoyaU Exchange, 1656/
TO
His Honoured and Worthy Friends the WorehipfvU William
Stone Esquire, Govemour and Leiut. General of the Prov-
ince of Mary4and, and Mr. James WiUiamson of Rapor
hanock in Virginia Gentlemen.
Gentlemen,
As yee both are Eminent in your Places, and are as well
beloved where ye live, and that your loves to each other are
such, as I wish the Union between Vii^nia and Mary-land to
be, my Subject being concerning both places: I know none
more fit then your selves to Dedicate it to, (not so much for
your kindnesses, which I have often tasted of) as that the
truth hereof under your Patronage may obtain belief and
' From the title-page of the original.
281
282 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1666
credit: I crave your Pardons, for intruding this unknown to
youy and using your names to so mean a piece; I have certi-
fied you wherefore I did it; to which I add, that I am desir-
ous the whole country may note your affections to each
other; And that I dare in England own and Entitle him my
Govemour, that in Mary-land I fled for submitting to. I
shaU no further enlarg here more, then to let you know, that
I am to those Countries and Your selves, an
Humble Servant, and Well-wisher
whilest lam
Jo. Hammond.
TO
Those two worthy Commanders and Marriners, Capt. John
Whittle, Commander of the good Ship, the Freeman, now
hound for Virginia; And Capt. Sam. Tilghtnan, Commander
of the Golden Fortune, now hound for the Province of
Mary-Land.
Sirs,
As I have made choice of two Honourable Gentlemen, the
one belonging to Virginia, the other to Mary-land; So I
thought it not impertinent equally with them to Dedicate
this to you two living in England, and using the Trade of
Yir^nia and Mary-land, that your selves may judge and
testifie, who well know the Country, that I have not added
to their worths, but rather been sparing of what is justly their
dues: For it is a received errour amongst the many slanders
cast on these places, that we are sworn neither to Speak nor
Write but glossingly of them; If we are so sworn, they cannot
believe yee are; and therefore will credite your Affiimations.
Both places speak worthily of you, both for affable usage of
your Passengers, and noble deportments towards the inhabi-
tants in those Countries; and so are yee both noted, that I
wish yee were as well known to all strangers deshrous to ship
themselves thither, as to us that have lived there: They then
would as much covet to be your Passengers, as we that by
experience have felt and known your goodnesse; many other
Gentlemen of good repute uses the Trade : but this I dare
affirm, that though they may be had in equall esteem, yet
1856] LEAH AND RACHEL 283
men more generally beloved and applauded I have not known,
using that Course than your selves: You know I flatter not;
therefore I crave no excuse, unlesse for my presumption in
this attempt; but seeing unknown to your selves, I have
published your names here in Print, pray call me not to ac-
count for it: This Book I confess is not worthy of it, nor I of
your angers; but how ever ye see it is past, and litera scripta
manet;^ yee must either buy up and bum all, or ye will be
found here, and I hope not blemisht in it, nor in owning the
truth of.
Your reall Servant,
John Hammond.
Leah and RacheU, or the tvx> fruiifvU Sisters of Virginia and
Mary4and; their present condition impartially stated and
related. *
It is the glory of every Nation to enlarge themselves, to
encourage their own forraign attempts, and to be able to have
of their own, within their own territories, as many several
commodities as they can attain to, that so others may rather
be beholding to them, then they to others; and to this pur-
pose have Encouragements, Priviledges and Emunities been
given to any Discoveries or Adventurers into remote Colonies,
by all politique Common Wealths in the world.
But alas, we Englishmen (in all things else famous, and to
other Coimtries terrible) do not onely fjule in this, but vilifie,
scandalize and cry down such parts of the unknown world,
as have been found out, setled and made flourishing, by the
charge, hazzard and diligence of their own brethren, as if
because removed from us, we either account them people of
another world or enemies.
This is too truly made good in the odiums and cruell
slanders cast on those two famous Countries of Virginia and
Mary-land, whereby those Coimtries, not onely are many
times at a stand, but are in danger to moulder away, and
come in time to nothing; nor is there any thing but the fer-
tility and natural gratefulnesse of them, left a remedy to
prevent it.
^ The written word abides.
284 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1656
To let our own Nation (whose common gpod I covet, and
whose Common-wealths servant I am, as bom to no other use)
be made sensible of these injuries: I have undertaken in this
Book to give the true state of those places, according to the
condition they are now in; and to declare either to distressed
or discontented, that they need not doubt because of any
rumour detracting from their goodnesses, to remove and cast
themselves and Fortunes upon those Countries, in which if
I should deviate from the truth, I have at this present carping
enemies in London enou^, to contradict and cry down me and
this, for Lnpostours. It is not long since I came from thence
(God knows sore against my will) having lived there upward
of one and twenty years; nor do I intend (by Gods assistance)
to be long out of it again: and therefore can by experience,
not hearsay (as Bullock^ and other lying Writters have done,
who at randome or for their own private lucre have rendred
their Books rediculous and themselves infamous lyars, nor will
I like them, over extoll the places, as if they were rather Para-
dices than earthly habitations; but truly let ye know, what
they are, and how the people there live.) Which when im-
partially viewed, will imdoubtedly dear up those Foggy Mists,
that hath to their own mine blinded and kept off many from
going thither, whose miseries and misfortunes by staying in
England are much to be lamented, and much to be pittied.
In respect these two Sister Countries (thou^ distinct
Governments) are much of one nature, both for produce and
manner of living; I shall only at present, Treat of the elder
Sister Virginia, and in speaking of that include both: And
ere I leave off, shall in particular rehearse the unnaturall
usuage Maryland the younger Sister, hath had, not by Vir-
ginia; but by those Vipers she hath received and harboured
with much kindnesse and hospitalitie.
The Country is reported to be an unhealthy place, a nest
of RogueS; whores, desolute and rooking' persons; a place of
intolerable labour, bad usage and hard Diet, etc.
To Answer these severd calumnies, I shall first shew what
it was? next, what it is?
' Virginia Im/partially Examined, by William Bullock, Gent (London, 1649),
a pamphlet in which the government ol Viiginia u denounced, and its condition
described as wretched. ' Cheating.
1607-1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 285
At the first settling and many years after, it deserved
most of those aspersions (nor were they then aspersions but
truths) it was not settled at the publique charge; but when
found out, challenged, and maintained by Adventurers, whose
avarice and inhumanity, brought in these inconveniences,
which to this day brands Virginia,
Then were Jayls emptied, youth seduced, infamous women
drilled in, the provisions all brought out of England, and
that embezzlled by the Trustees (for they durst neither hunt,
fowl, nor Fish, for fear of the Indian, which they stood in aw
of), their labour was almost perpetuall, their allowance of
victual small, few or no cattle, no use of horses nor oxen to
draw or carry, (which labours men supplyed themselves) all
which caused a mortality; no civil courts of justice but under
a Marshall law, no rech'esse of grievances, complaints were
repaied with stripes, moneys with scofiPes, tortures made de-
lists, and in a word all and the worst that tyrany could in-
flict or act, which when complained of in England, (but so
were they kept under that it was long ere they would suffer
complaints to come home); the bondage was taken of, the
people set free, and had lands a signed to each of them to live
of themselves, and enjoy the benefit of their own industry;
men then began to call what they laboured for their own, they
fell to making themselves convenient housing to dwell in, to
plant come for their food, to range the wood for flesh, the
rivers for fowle and fish, to finde out somwhat staple for supplie
of cloathmg, to continue a commerce, to purchase and breed
cattle, etc. but the bud of this growing happinesse was again
nipt by a cruell Massacre committed by the Natives,* which
again pulPd them back and kept them under, enforcing them
to get into Forts (such as the infancy of those times afforded) :
they were taken off from plantmg; their provisions destroyed,
their Cattle, Hogs, Horses, etc. kilPd up, and brought to such
want and penury, that diseases grew rife, mortality exceeded;
but receiving a supply of men, amimition and victuals out of
England, they again gathered heart, pursued their enemies,
and so often worsted them, that the Indians were glad to sue
for peace, and they desirous of a cessation, consent^ to it.
They again began to bud forth, to spread further, to gather
> NarraHves of Early Virginia, p. 357.
286 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1607-1656
wealth, which they rather profusely spent (as gotten with
ease) then providently husbanded, or aimed at any publique
good; or to make a Country for posterity; but from hand to
mouth, and for a present being; ne^ecting discoveries, plant-
ing of Orchards, providing for the Winter preservation of their
stocks, or thinking of any thing staple or firm; and whilest
Tobacco, the onely Commodity they had to subsist on, bore a
price, they wholy and eagerly followed that, neglecting their
very planting of Com, and much relyed on England for the
chief est part of their provisions; so that being not alwayes
amply supplied, they were often in such want, that their case
and condition being related in England, it hindred and kept
off many from going thither, who rather cast their eyes on the
Barren and freezing soyle of New England, than to joyn with
such an indigent and sottish people, as were reported to be in
Virginia.
Yet was not Virginia all this while without divers honest
and vertuous inhabitants, who observing the general neglect
and licensiousnesses there, caused Assemblies to be call'd
and Laws to be made tending to the glory of God, the severe
suppression of vices, and the compelling them not to neglect
(upon strickt punishments) planting and tending such quan-
tities of Com, as would not onely serve themselves, their
Cattel and Hogs plentifully, but to be enabled to supply
New England (then in want) with such proportions, as were
extream reliefs, to them in their necessities.
From this industry of theirs ajid great plenty of Com,
(the main staffe of life) proceeded that great plenty of Cattel
and Hogs (now innumerable) and out of which not only New
England hath been stocked and relieved, but all other parts
of the Indies inhabited by Englishmen.
The inhabitants now finding the benefit of their indus-
tries, began to look with delight on their increasing stocks
(as notlung more pleasurable then profit), to take pride in
their plentifully furnished Tables, to grow not onely civil,
but great observers of the Sabbath, to stand upon their repu-
tations, and to be ashamed of that notorious manner of life
they had formerly lived and wallowed in.
They then began to provide and send home for Gospel
Ministers, and largely contributed for their maintenance;
1665] LEAH AND RACHEL 287
But Virginia savouring not handsomely in England, very few
of good conversation would adventure thither, (as thinking
it a place wherein surely the fear of God was not), yet many
came, such as wore Black Coats, and could babble in a Pulpet,
roare in a Tavern, exact from their Parishoners, and rather
by their dissolutenesse destroy than feed their Flocks.
Loath was the Country to be wholly without Teachers, and
therefore rather retain these then to be destitute; yet still
endeavours for better in their places, which were obtained,
and these Wolves in sheeps cloathing, by their Assemblies
questioned, silenced, and some forced to depart the Country.
Then began the Gospel to flourish, civ3, honourable, and
men of great estates flocked in: famous building? went for-
ward. Orchards innumerable were planted and preserved;
Tradesmen set on work and encoura^, staple Commodities,
as Silk, Flax, Pot-ashes, etc. of which I shall speak further
hereafter, attempted on, and with good successe brought to
perfection; so that this Country which had a mean beginning,
many back friends, two ruinous and bloody Massacres, hath
by Gods grace out-grown all, and is become a place of pleas-
ure and plenty.
And having briefly laid down the former state of Virginia,
in its Infancy, and filth, and the occasion of its scandalous
aspersions: I come to my mam subject, its present Condition
and Hapinesse (if any thing can be justly called happy in this
transatory life otherwise then as blessings which in the well
using whereof, a future happinesse may be expected.)
I aflSrme the Country to be wholesome, healthy and fruit-
full; and a modell on which industry may as much improve
itself in, as in any habitable part of the World; yet not such
a Lubberland as the Fiction of the land of Ease is reported to
be, nor such a Utopian as Sr. Thomas Moore hath related to be
found out.
In the Coimtries minority, and before they had well cleared
the ground to let in a3rre (which now is otherwise) many im-
puted the stifling of the wood to be the cause of such sick-
nesse; but I rather think the contrary; for divers new Rivers
lately settled, were at their first comming upon them as woody
as James Rivers, the first place they setled in, and yet those
Rivers are as healthy as any former setled place in Virginia or
288 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
England it self: I belie^^a (and that not without reason) it was
only want of such diet as best agreed with our English natures,
good drinks and wholesome lodgings were the cause of so
much sicknesses, as were formerly frequent, which we have
now amended: and therefore enjoy better healths: to which
I add, and thkt by experience ^n^ my commmg into Eng-
land, (and many if not all Virginians can do the like,) that
change of ayre does much alter the state of our bodies : by
which many travellers thither may expect some sickness, yet
little danger of mortality.
A Geographicall description of the Country I shall not_
attempt (as having little skill in the Mathematicks) enough 'of
that hath been formerly Written; nor is it a place now to
learn to discover. I shall abhor to spirit* over any; but go
along with such as are voluntarily desirous to go thither, and
lead them with my blunt relation (for truth knows little of
eloquence) aboard the Ships thither bound, and carrying you
into the Country, shew you the courtesie of the place, the dis-
position of the Inhabitants, the commodities, and give all
sorts of people advice how and where to set down for their
present benefit and future accommodation.
If any are minded to repair thither, if they are not in a
capacity to defray their own charges (if they are I wish they
might and so be at their own disposing) let them not be se-
duced by those mercinary spirits that know little of the place,
nor aime at any good of theirs, but onely by foysting and
flattering them to gain a reward of those they procure them
for; beware them, for it is not only hab nab* whether ye go
to a good service or a bad, but scandalous to your selves to be
so seduced, and it were good and very just that such vaga-
bond people were severely punished, as great betrayers of
their own Nation, for ye cannot imagine but there are as well
bad services as good; but I shall shew ye if any happen into
the hands of such crooked dispositions, how to order them
and ease your selves, when I come to treat of the justice of
the Country, which many being ignorant of suffer inconven-
iences, which by this they may prevent.
' Carry any over against their will; kidnappers were in the seventeenth cen-
tury called "spirits."
" Haphazard.
1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 289
Let such as are so minded not rashly throw themselves
upon the voyage, but observe the nature, and enquire the
qualities of the persons with whom they ingage to transport
themselves, or if (as not acquainted with such as inhabit
there, but go with Merchants and Mariners, who transport
them to others), let their covenant be such, that after their
arrival they have a fortnights time assigned them to enquire
of their Master, and make choyce of such as they intend to
expire their time with, nor let that brand of selling of servants,
be any discouragement to deter any from going, for if a time
must be served, it is all one with whom it be served, provided
they be people of honest repute, with which the Country is
well replenished.
And be sure to have your contract in writing and under
hand and seal, for if ye go over upon promise made to do this
or that, or to be free or your own men, it signifies nothing,
for by a law of the Cotmtry (waving all promises) any one
coming in, and not paying their own passages, must serve if
men or women four years, if younger according to their years,
but where an Indenture is, that is binding and observing.
The usual allowance for servants is (besides their charge of
passage defrayed) at their expiration, a years provision of
come, dubble apparrell, tooles necessary, and land accord-
ing to the custome of the Country, which is an old delusion,
for there is no land accustomary due to the servant, but to the
Master, and therefore that servant is unwise that will not
dash out that custom in his covenant, and make that due of
land absolutely his own, which although at the present not of
80 great consequence, yet in few years will be of much worth,
as I shall heres^ter make manifest.
When ye go aboard, expect the Ship somewhat troubled
and in a hurliburly, untill ye cleer the lands end, and that the
Ship is rummaged, and things put to rights, which many
times discourages the Passengers, and makes them wish the
Voyage imattempted: but this is but for a short season,
and washes off when at Sea, where the time is pleasantly
passed away, though not with such choise plenty as the shore
affords.
But when ye arrive and are settled, ye will find a strange
alteration, an abused Country giving the lye in your own
290 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1665
approbations to those that have calumniated it, and these
infalable arguments may convince all incredible and obstinate
opinions, concerning the goodnesse and delightfulnesse of the
Country, that never any servants of late times have gone
thither, but in their Letters to their Friends conmiend and
approve of the place, and rather invite than disswade their
acquaintance from conmiing thither. An other is this, that
seldom (if ever) any that hath continued in Virginia any time,
will or do desire to live in England, but post back with what
expedition they can; although many are landed men in Eng-
land, and have good Estates here, and divers wayes of pre-
ferments propounded to them, to entice and perswade their
continuance.
The Country is as I said of a temperate nature, the dayes,
in summer not so long as in England, in winter longer; it is
somewhat hotter in June, July and August then here, but
that heat sweetly allayed by a continual breaze of winde,
which never failes to cool and refresh the labourer and travel-
ler; the cold seldom approaches sencibly untill about Christ-
mas, (although the last winter was hard and the worst I or
any Uving there knew) and when winter comes, (which is
such and no worse then is in England), it continues two
monthes, seldom longer, often not so long and in that time
although here seldom hard-weather keep men from labour, yet
there m work is done all winter except dressing their oVn
victuals and making of fires.
The labour servants are put to, is not so hard nor of such
continuance as Husbandmen, nor Handecraftmen are kept
at in England, as I said little or nothing is done in winter
time, none ever work before sun rising nor after sun set, in the
sunmier they rest, sleep or exercise themselves five houres in the
heat of the day, Saturdayes afternoon is alwayes their own,
the old Holidayes are observed and the Sabboath spent in good
exercises.
The Women are not (as is reported) put into the ground
to worke, but occupie such domestique imployments and
houswifery as in England, that is dressing victuals, righting
up the house, milking, imployed about dayries, washing,
sowing, etc. and both men and women have times of recrea-
tions, as much or more than in any part of the world besides.
1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 291
yet som wenches that axe nasty^ beastly and not fit to be so
imployed are put mto the ground, for reason tells us, they
must not at charge be transported and then mantained for
nothing, but those that prove so aukward are rather burthen-
some ti^en servants desirable or usefull.
The Country is fruitfull, apt for all and more then Eng-
land can or does produce. The usuall diet is such as in Eng-
land, for the rivers afford innumerable sortes of choyce fish,
(if they will take the paines to make wyers or hier the Na-
tives, who for a small matter will undertake it), winter and
summer, and that in many places sufficient to serve the use of
man, and to fatten hoggs. Water-fowle of all sortes are (with
admiration to be spoken of) plentifull and easie to be killed,
yet by many degrees more plentifull in some places then in
othersome. Deare all over the Country, and in many places
so many that venison is accounted a tiresom meat; wilde
Turkeys are frequent, and so large that I have seen some
weigh neer threescore pounds; other beasts there are whose
flesh is wholsom and savourie, such are unknowne to us; and
therefore I will not stuffe my book with superfluous relation
of their names; huge Oysters and store^ in aU parts where the
salt-water comes.
The Country is exceedingly replenished with Neat cattle,
Hoggs, Goats and Tame-fowle, but not many sheep; so that
mutton is somwhat scarce, but that defect is supplied with
store of Venison, other fledi and fowle. The Country is full
of gallant Orchards, and the fruit generally more luscious
and delightfull then here, witnesse the Peach and Quince,
the latter may be eaten raw savourily, the former differs and
as much exceeds ours as the best relished apple we have doth
the crabb, and of both most excellent and comfortable drinks
are made. Grapes in infinite manners grow wilde, so do Wal-
nuts, Smalnuts, Chesnuts and abundance of excellent fruits.
Plums and Berries, not growing or known in England; graine
we have, both English and Indian for bread and Bear, and
Pease besides English of ten several sorts, all exceeding ours
in England; the gallant root of Potatoes are common, and so
are all sorts of rootes, herbes and Garden stuffe.
It must needs follow then that diet cannot be scarce,
^ Huge oysters, and plenty of them.
292 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1666
since both rivers and woods affords it, and that such plenty of
Cattle and Hogs are every where, which yeeld beef, veal, inilk,
butter, cheese and other made dishes, porke, bacon, and pigs,
and that as sweet and savoury meat as the world affords;
these with the help of Orchards and Gardens, Oysters, Fish, .
Fowle and Venison, certainly cannot but be sufficient for a
good diet and wholsom accommodation, considering how
plentifully they are, and how easie with industry to be had.
Beare is indeed in some place constantly drunken, in other
some, nothing but Water or Milk and Water or Beverige;*
and that is where the goodwives (if I may so call them) are
negligent and idle; for it is not for want of Com to make Malt
with (for the Country affords enough) but because they are
sloathfull and carelesse: but I hope this Item will shame them
out of those humours, that they will be adjudged by their
drink, what kinde of Housewives they are.
Those Servants that will be industrious may in their time
of service gain a competent estate before their Freedomes,
which is usually done by many, and they gaine esteeme and
assistance that appear so industrious. There is no Master
almost but will allow his Servant a parcell of clear ground to
plant some Tobacco in for himself, which he nmy husband at
those many idle times he hath allowed him and not prejudice,
but rejoyce his Master to see it, which in time of Shipping he
may lay out for conmiodities, and in Summer sell them &gafl^
with advantage, and get a Sow-Pig or two, which any bodj^
almost will give him, and his Master suffer him to keep them' ''
with his own, which will be no charge to his Master, and with
one years increase of them may purchase a Cow Calf or two,
and by that time he is for himself, he may have Cattel, Hogs
and Tobacco of his own, and come to live gallantly; but this
must be gained (as I said) by Industry and affability, not by
sloth nor churlish behaviour.
And whereas it is rumoured that Servants have no lodg-
ing other then on boards, or by the Fire side, it is contrary to
reason to believe it: First, as we are Christians; next as people
living under a law, which compels as well the Master as the
Servant to perform his duty; nor can true labour be either
' A name then given to various refreshing drinks, 0. g., grape juioe» or cider
and water.
1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 293
expected or exacted without sufficient cloathing, diet, and
lodging; all which ^both their Indentures (which must invio-
lably be observed) and the Justice of the Country requires.
But if any go thither, not in a condition of a Servant, but
pay his or her passage, which is some six pounds: Let them
not doubt but it is money well layd out; yet however let them
not fail, although they carry little else, to take a Bed along
with them, and then few Houses but will give them enter-
tainment, either out of curtesie, or on reasonable tearms; and
I think it better for any that goes over free, and but in a mean
condition, to hire hiioself for reasonable wages of Tobacco
and Provision, the first year, provided he happen in an honest
house, and where the Mistresse is noted for a good Housewife,
of which there are very many (notwithstanding the cry to the
contrary) for by that means he will live free of disbursment,
have something to help him the next year, and be carefully
looked to in his sicknesse (if he chance to fall sick) and let him
so covenant that exceptions may be made, that he work not
much in the hot weather, a course we alwayes take with our
new hands (as they call them) the first year they come in.
If they are women that go after this manner, that is pa3ring
their own passages, I advise them to sojourn in a house of
honest repute, for by their good carriage, they may advance
themselves in marriage, by their ill, overthrow their fortunes;
ajxd although loose l<;i«>\i8 sddoiLe live long unmarried if
free, yet they match with as desolute as themselves, and never
live handsomly or are ever respected.
For any that come over free, and are minded to dyet and
quarter in another mans house, it matters not whether they
know on what term or conditions they are there; for by an
excellent Decree, made by Sir William Berkly, when Gover-
nour, (as indeed he was the Author of many good Laws:) It
was ordered, that if any inhabitant received any stranger
Merchant, or border into their houses, and did not condition in
Writing with him or them so entertamed on what tearms he
received them, it should be supposed an invitation, an[d] no
satisfaction should be allowed or recovered in any Court of
Justice; thereby giving notice that no stranger coming into
the Country should be drilled in, or made a purchase of under
colour of friendship: but that the Inhabitants at first coming
2K XA2lEJLTTVES CMF EARLY MAETIJkND [USS
w-i*^" >t t2:«ci krr.v !^.«^ iLer seazi %:• deal wizh tfaem. that if
zhifrr :jLf: i^x zbt terns ibsr car recxTng- i :?tff!w>'fie& at fleas-
^:r*r: a L«r 9r> z^jod and OjCzceodftLMe* tiat is k never Ke to
X':.**^ for tcrjK Uiat cazrr o%rr TanSjes and estates with
a <>!t^rTr.^AtyjO to rsisahct. err adrke is that tfaer neither
fr, V^r^rs, fcr that wfll be eraraeafcJe; bijc cc the sodden pur-
ftaaty for that mar pro've aniVjftacate: bat that tfaer for the
firit j^ar bire a hfjnat 'for aeats are ahaajes to be hoed) and
br that means, ther will &:< occhr &> je coctent and fire at a
eiieap rate, bat be aeqoaintal in the Coantnr and leam the
worth and pxAoeaBe of the FlantatioQ ther mean to porcfaaae:
aLd 3o not rashiv iniangle themselves in an 31 baqsain, or
fiode where a eoavenieDt parcefl of Land is f <»- Uor tums to be
taken np.
Yet are the Inhabitants gmeraDr afiiable, co u r tixius and
rery aans^tant to strangers ^for what bat plflotr makes bos-
pttalitT and good neighbourhood) and no woner are they
settled, but they will be visiting, p re apnti ng and advicing
the strainer how to im{xo¥e what they have, how to better
th^r way of livelilKxxL
Justice is there duly and daOy administred: haidhr can
any travaOe two miles together, but they wiD finde a Justice,
whidi hath power (tf himaplf to hear and detennine mean
differences, to secure and bind over notorioos (lenders, of
which very few are in the Country.
In every County are Courts kept, every two moneths, and
oftener if occaaon require, in whidi Courts all things are de-
termined without exceptions; and if any didike the proceed-
ings of those Courts, they have liberty to appeal to the Quar-
ter Court, which is four times a year; and fit»n thence to the
Assembly, which is once or oftner every year: So that I am
confident, more speedy Justice and with smaller charge is not
in any place to be found.
Theft is seldome punished, as being sddome or never com-
mitted; for as the Proverb is, where there are no recdvers^
there are no thieves; and altiiou^ Doores are ni^tly left
open (especially in the Summer time), Hedges har^ng full
of Cloathes, Riate frequently used amongst all comers and
goers (smd there is good store of Plate in many houses) yet I
1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 295
never heard of any losse ever received either in Plate, linnen,
or any thing else out of their Houses all the time I inhabited
there.
Indeed I have known some suffer for stealing of Hogs, (but
not since they have been plentifull) and whereas Hogstealing
was once punished with death, it is now made penal, and
restitution given very amply to the owner thereof.
Cases of Murther are punished as in En^and, and Juries
allowed, as well in Criminal causes, as in all other differences
between party and party, if they desire it.
Servants complaints are freely barkened to, and (if not
causlesly made) there Masters are compelled either speedily to
amend, or they are removed upon second complaint to another
service; and often times not onely set free, (if the abuse merit
it) but ordered to give reparation and damage to their servant.
The Country is very full of sober, modest persons, both
men and women, and many that truly fear God and follow that
perfect rule of our blessed Saviour, to do as they would be done
by; and of such a happy inclination is the Country, that many
who in England have been lewd and idle, there in emulation
or imitation (for example moves more than precept) of the in-
dustry of those they finde there, not onely grow ashamed of
their former courses, but abhor to hear of them, and in small
time wipe off those stains they have formerly been tainted
with; yet I cannot but confesse, there are people wicked
enough (as what Country is free) for we know some natures will
never be reformed, but these must follow the Fryers rule.
Si rum caste, tamen catUe;^ for if any be known, either to pro-
phane the Lords day or his Name, be fotmd drunk, commit
whoredome, scandalize or disturb his neighbour, or give
offence to the world by living suspiciously in any bad courses;
there are for each of these, severe and wholsome laws and
remedies made, provided and duly put in execution. I can
confidently affirm, that since my being in England, which is
not yet four moneths, I have been an eye and ear witnesse
of more deceits and villanies (and such as modesty forbids
me to utter) then I either ever saw or heard mention made
of in Virginia, in my one and twenty years aboad in those
parts.
^ If not chastely, then at anj rate, cautiously.
296 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
And therefore those that shall blemish Virginia any more,
do but like the Dog bark against the Moon^ untill they be
blind and weary; and Virginia is now in that secure growing
condition, that like the Moon so barked at, she will passe on
her course, maugre all detractors, and a few years will bring
it to that glorious happinesse, that many of her calumniators
will interc^e to procure admittance thither, when it will be
hard to be attained to; for in smal time, little land will be to
be taken up; and after a while none at all ; and as the Mulberry
Trees grows up, which are by every one planted, Tobacco will
be laid by, and we shall wholy fall to making of Silk (a Sample
of 400Z. hath already been sent for England, and approved of)
which will require little labour; and therefore shall have little
use of Servants; besides, Children increase and thrive so well
there, that they themselves will sufficiently supply the defect
of Servants: And in small time become a Nation of themselves
sufficient to people the Country: And this good policy is there
used; As the Children there bom grow to maturity, and ca-
pable (as they are generally very capable and apt) they are
stai preferred and put into authority, and carry themselves
therein civilly and discretly; and few there are but are able
to give some Portions with their daughters, more or lesse,
according to their abilities; so that many comming out of
England have raised themselves good fortunes there meerly
by matching with Maidens bom in the Country.
And therefore I cannot but admire, and indeed much
pitty the dull stupidity of people necessitated in England,
who rather then they will remove themselves, live here a base,
slavish, penurious life; as if there were a necessity to live and
to live so, choosing rather then they will forsake England to stuff
New-Gate, Bridewell, and other Jayles with their carkessies,
nay cleave to tybume* it selfe, and so bring confusion to their
souls, horror and infamie to their kindred or posteritie, others
itch out their wearisom lives in reliance of other mens charities,
an uncertaine and unmanly expectation; some more abhor-
ring such courses betake themselve to almost perpetuall and
restlesse toyle and draggeries out of which (whilst their
strength lasteth) they (observing hard diets, earlie and late
houres) make hard sluft to subsist from hand to mouth, untill
^ The famous place of execution.
1656] LEAH AND RACHEL 297
age or sicknesse takes them off from labour and directs them
the way to beggerie^ and such mdeed are to be pittied, relieved
and provided for.
I have seriously considered when I have (passing the
streets) heard the several Cryes, and noting the commodi-
ties, and the worth of them they have carri^ and cryed up
and down, how possibly a livelihood could be exacted out of
them, as to cry Matches, Smal-coal, Blacking, Pen and Ink,
Thred-laces, and a hundred more such kinde of trifling mer-
chandizes; then looking on the nastinesse of their linnen
habits and bodies, I conclude if gain sufficient could be raised
out of them for subsistance, yet their manner of living was
degenerate and base, and their condition to be far below the
meanest servant in Virginia.
The other day, I saw a man heavily loaden with a burden
of Faggots on his back, crying. Dry Faggots, Dry Faggots;
he travailed much groimd, bawled frequently, and sweat with
his burthen: but I saw none buy any, neer three houres I
followed him, in which time he rested, I entered into discourse
with him, offered him drink, which he thankfully accepted of,
(as desirous to learn the mistery of his trade) I enquired what
he got by each burden when sold? he answered me three
pence: I further asked him what he usually got a day? he
replyed, some dayes nothing some dayes six pence; some
time more, but seldome; me thought it was a pittifuU life,
and I admired how he could live on it; And yet it were dan-
gerous to advise these wretches to better their conditions by
travaile, for fear of the cry of, a spirit, a spirit.*
The Country is not only plentiful! but pleasant and profit-
able, pleasant in regard of the brightnesse of the weather, the
many delightfull rivers, on which the inhabitants are settled
(every man almost living in sight of a lovely river) the abun-
dance of game, the extraordinary good neighbourhood and
loving conversation they have one with the other.
Pleasant in their building, which although for most part
they are but one story besides the loft, and built of wood, yet
contrived so delightfull, that your ordinary houses in Eng-
land are not so handsome, for usually the rooms are large,
daubed and whitelimed, glazed and flowered, and if not
> A kidnapper.
298 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1655
glazed windows, shutters which are made very pritty and
convenient.
Pleasant in observing their stocks and flockes of Cattle,
Ho^?3, and Poultry, grazing, whisking and skipping in their
sights, pleasant in having all things of their own, growing or
breeding without drawing the peny to send for this and that,
without which, in England they cannot be supplyed.
The manner of living and trading there is thus; each man
almost lives a free-holder, nothing but the value of 12 d. a
year to be paid as rent, for every 50. Acrees of land; firing
cost nothing, every man plants his own come and neede take
no care for bread: if any thing be bought, it is for commodity,^
exchange presently, or for a day; payment is usuall made
but once a year, and for that Bill taken (for accounts are not
pleadable.)
In summer when fresh meat will not keep, seeing every
man kils of his own, and quantities are inconvenient, they
lend from one to another, such portions of flesh as they can
spare, which is repaied again when the borrower kils his.
If any fall sick, and cannot compasse to follow his crope
which if not followed, will soon be lost, the adjoyning nei^-
bours will either voluntarily or upon a request jojm together,
and work in it by spels, untill the honour' recovers, and that
gratis, so that no man by sicknesse loose any part of his years
worke.
Let any travell, it is without charge, and at every house
is entertaiLent a^ in a hosiery, an<Hdth it hearty welcome
are stranger entertained.
In a word, Virginia wants not good victual, wants not
good dispositions, and as God hath freely bestowed it, they
as freely impart with it, yet are there aswel bad natures as
good.
The profit of the country is either by their labour, their
stockes, or their trades.
By their labours is produced come and Tobacco, and all
other growing provisions, and this Tobacco however now
low-rated, yet a good maintenance may be had out of it, (for
they have nothing of necessity but cloathing to purchasse),
or can this mean price of Tobacco long hold, for these reasons,
* Convenience. ■ Owner.
1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 299
First that in England it is prohibited, next that they have
attained of late those sorts equall with the best Spanish,
Thirdly that the sicknesse in Holland is decreasing, which hath
been a great obstruction to the sail of Tobacco.
And lastly, that as the mulbery tree grows up, tobacco
will be neglected and silke, flax, two staple commodities
generally fallen upon.
Of the increase of cattle and hoggs, much advantage is
made, by selling biefe, porke, and bacon, and butter etc.
either to shipping, or to send to the Barbadoes, and other
Islands, and he is a very poor man that hath not sometimes
provision to put off.
By trading with Indians for Skins, Beaver, Furres and
other conmiodities oftentimes good profits are ndsed; The
Indians are in absolute subjection to the English, so that they
both pay tribute to them and receive all their severall king
from them, and as one dies they repaire to the English for a
successor, so that none neede doubt it a place of securitie.
Several ways of advancement there are and imployments
both for the learned and laborer, recreation for the gentry,
traffique for the adventurer, congregations for the ministrie
(and oh that God would stir up the hearts of more to go over,
such as would teach good doctrine, and not paddle in faction,
or state matters; they could not want maintenance, they would
find an assisting, an imbracing, a conforming people.)
It is knowne (such preferment hath this Country re-
warded the industrious ^th) that some fiom being wool-
hoppers and of as mean and meaner imployment in England
have there grown great merchants, and attained to the most
eminent advancements the Country afforded. If men can-
not gaine (by diligence) states in those parts (I speake not
only mine own opinion, but divers others, and something by
experience) it will hardly be done, unlesse by meere lucke as
gamsters thrive, and other accidentals in any other part what-
soever.
Now having briefly set down the present state of Virginia not
in fiction, but in realitie, I wish the juditious reader to consider
what dislike can be had of the Country, or upon what grounds
it is so infamously injured. I only therein covet to stop those
blackmouthed babblers, that not only have and do abuse
XARRATTTES OF EARLY MAKTLAXD [itfS
m> vJiAt a pbmatirMi, but afaaae Gods gmt falcBBiqB in adcfing
to Fn^Mirf 90 fioarighii^ a bandit in posviMfing maiqr aoiils,
ntf>^r to foQoir dcqiantc and ntiaerabfe f^ wiryn in yjigj^tnd^
tben to moifft in sd honooiable an undertaking as to travik
and inhabhe there; but to thoae I siiaJl (if admonition will
not vorfce on their l e ueaul apidts) ostj bbj. Let faini that is
fitfaie be filthie atilL
Maiyla^ AdditiomM.
Kmng for 19 yeaie served Tiif^nia the dder aster, I
easting my eye on Sfarj-land the yom^er, grew in amomed
on her be^itj, resol vii^ like Jacob when he had first served for
Leah, to beg^i a besh serviee for Rarhell,
Two year and upward have I enjoyed her company with
delig^ and profit, but was enforced by reason ot her un-
natural disturbances to leave her weeping (or her children
and would not be ecnnforted, because they were not; yet will
I never totaDy forsake or be beaten off bom her.
Twice* hath she been d^owred by her own Inhabitants,
stript, shome and made ddonned: yet sach a natnrall futility
and comdinesse doth she retain that she cannot but be loved,
but be pittied; and although she would ever have vailed to
Virginia as her dder, yet had not these two fatall mischi^
hapened, she would evdong have ^read ho* sdf as lai]^,
and produced as mndi in evoy lespect as Viri^nia does or
could doe.
Mary-land is a province not commcHily knowne in England,
because the name of Vir^nia includes or douds it, it is a
Country wholy belonging to that honorable Gentlanan the
Lord of Baltamore, granted him by Pattent under the broad
Seal of Eo^and long since, and at his chai^ settled, granted
for many reasons, and this for one; that Virginia having more
land then they could manure or look after in convenient time,
first the Duch came and tooke from the English much land
which they still hold, next the Swead, who intrenched neerer
and had not this Pattent came and prevented it, Dutch,
Swead, French and other strangers had pend up our Nation
■The reference is to In^'s rebelfioii, 1645» and the interventioD of die oom-
mmcnen of Partiament, 1G51.
1649] LEAH AND RACHEL 301
with in the bounds of Virginia, whereas now they have now all
Mary-land, as it were their own, it being only granted for the
use of Brittaines and Irish.
It is (not an Island as is reported, but) part of that maine
adjoyning to Virginia, only separated or parted from Vir-
ginia, by a river of ten miles broad, called Patomack river;
the commodities and manner of living as in Virginia, the soyle
somewhat more temporate (as being more Northerly). Many
stately and navigable rivers are contained in it, plentifully
stored with wholsome springs, a rich and pleasant soile, and
so that its extraordinary good[nes hath made it rather desired
then envied, which hath been fatall to her (as beauty is often
times to those that are endued with it) and that the reader
may thoroughly be informed how she hath suffered, I shall in
brief relate, and conclude.
It is to be understood that in the time of the late King,
Virginia being whol for monarchy, and the last Country
belonging to England that submitt^ to obdience of the Com-
monwealth of England, And there was in Virginia a certaine
people congregate into a Church, calling themselves Inde-
pendents, which daily encreasing, severall consultations were
had by the state of that Coloney, how to suppresse and ex-
tinguish them, which was daily put in execution, as first their
Pastor was banished, next their other Teachers, then many
by informations dapt up in prison, then generally disarmed
(wch was very harsh in such a country where the heathen live
round about them) by one Colonel Samuel Mathews* then a
Counsellor in Virginia and since Agent for Virginia to the then
parliament, and lastly in a condition of banishment, so that
they knew not in those streights how to dispose of them-
selves.
Mary-land (my present subject) was courted by them as
a refuge, the Lord Proprietor and his Governor solicited to,
and severall addresses and treaties made for their admittance
and entertainment into that province, their conditions were
pittied, their propositions were barkened to and agree on,
which was that they should have convenient portions of land
assigned them, libertie of conscience and priviledge to choose
* See letter of Thomas Yong, p. 59, mpra; also Winthrop's Journal, 11. 167»
168.
302 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1649
their owne oflBcers, and hold courts within themselves. All
was granted them, they had a whole County of the richest
land in the province asigned them, and such as themselves
made choyce of, the conditions of plantations (such as were
conmion to all adventurers) were shewed and propounded to
them, which they extreamly approved of, and nothing was in
those conditions exacted from them, but appeales to the
Provincial court, quitrrents, and an oath of fidelitie to the
Proprietor: An assembly was called throughout the whole
Country after their comming over (consisting aswell of them-
selves as the rest) and because there were some few papists
that first inhabited these themselves, and others being of
different judgments, an act passed that all professing in Jesus
Christ should have equall justice, priviledges and benefits in
that province, and that none on penaltie (mentioned) should
disturb each other in their several professions, nor give the
urging termes, either of Roundheads, sectarie. Independent,
Jesuit, Papist, etc.. Intending an absolute peace and imion;
the Oath of Fidelitie (although none other then such as every
Lord of a manner^ requires from his tenant) was over hauled,
and this clause added to it (provided it infring not the libertie
of the conscience.)
They sat downe joyfully, followed their vocations chear-
fully, trad increased in their province, and divers others were
by this incouraged and invited over from Virginia.
But these people finding themselves in a capacitie not
only to capitulate, but to oversway, those that had so re-
ceived and relieved them,
Began to pick quarrells, first with the Papists, next with
the oath, and lastly declared their aversness to all conformali-
tie, wholy ayming (as themselves since confessed) to deprive
the Lord proprietor of all his interest in that country, and
make it their own: with [what] unworthiness? What in-
gratitude? with [what] unparalled inhumanitie was in these
practices made obvious.
Amongst others that became tenants in this aforesaid
distress was one Richard Bennett Merchant, who seated and
settled amongst them, and so (not only owed obedience to
that government, but) was obliged as a man received in his
> Manor.
1652] LEAH AND RACHEL 303
pretended distresse, to be a gratfiill benefactor. Upon the
setting forth of a fleet mtended for the reducement of Vh-ginia,
the said Bennet and one daibome, a pestilent enemie to the
wel-faire of that province and the Lord Proprietor, although he
had formerly submissively acknowledged he owed his for-
feited life to the said proprietor, for dealing so favorably with
him for his misdemeanors, as by his treacherous letters under
his hand (now in print) is manifest, and many other acts of
grace conferred on him, having a commission directed to
them and others (who miscarried by sea) to reduce Virginia
(not Mary-land, for they were in obedience to the Common-
wealth of England, and great assistance to the said fleet)
although they knew Mary-land to be excluded and dasht out of
their Commission, yet because the commission mentioned the
Bay of Chesapeack, in which Mary-land was (as well as Vir-
ginia) yet they were resolved to wreth and stretch their com-
mission to the prejudice of Mary-land and becomming ab-
betters and confederats with those serpents that have been
so taken in, presumed to alter the government and take
away the govemours Commission, putting in others in their
place, viz. a Papist in cheife, and one more, who misgoverning
the Coimtry, they were excluded, and the former governor
restored with an addition of Commissioners of their owne
creatures, and as taking power from them, untill further
knowledge from England, driving herein at their own interest.
The govemour (so restored) being truly informed that their
proceedings were illegal, held Courts and proceeds as if no
such alteration had been made, issues out Writs (accord-
ing to order) In the name of the Lord proprietor, but they
require and command them to do it in the name of the Keep-
ers of the Liberties of England, according to act of Parlia-
ment, to which answer sufficient was given, that they never
were in opposition to the present power, they had taken the
Engagement, and for the tenure or form of writs, they were not
compelled by vertue of that act to make them otherwise then
they always had done, for by Patent from the late K. they had
power to issue out in the Proprietors name, and never had
used the Kings name at all, therefore that act requiring all
Writs formerly issuing out in the late Kings name, now to re-
volve to the Keepers of the Liberties of England, was no
304 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655
way binding to them, who had never used the kings name
at all.
But it was not leli^on, it was not punctilios they stood
upon, it was that sweete, that rich, that larg^ Country they
aimed at; and therefore agrees among^ themsdves to frame
petitions, complaints, and subscriptions from those bandetoes
to themselves (the said Bennet and Qaibome) to ease them of
their pretended sufferings, and then come with anns, and againe
make the Province their own, exalting themselves in all places
of trust and command, totally expulsing the Govemer, and
all the hospitable Proprietors, Officers out of their places.
But when his EQghnesse (not acquainted with these matchi-
nations) had owned and under his hand and signet acknowl-
edged Cap. Will. Stone (the former governor) Governor for
the Lord Baltamore of his Province of Mary-land, he again
endeavored to reasume the government, and fetched away the
records from those usurpers, proclaimed peace to all not obsti-
nate, and favorably received many submissives, who with
seeming joy returned, bewailing their unworthy ingratitude
and inhumanitie, blaming the imbridled ambition and base
averice of those that had misled them.^
The Province consists of foure Counties already inhabited,
viz. St. Maries, Calverton, An Arundal and Kent. St. Maries
and Calverton submitted. An Arundall and part of Kent
opposed.
The Governor desirous to reclaim those opposing, takes a
partie about 130 persons with him, and sailes into those parts,
one Roger Heamans who had a great ship under hun, and
who had promised to be instrumentall to the governor, to wind
up those differences (being Judas-like, hired to joyn with
those opposing Coimtries) and having the Govemour and his
vessells within reach of his Ordnance, perfidiously and con-
trary to his imdertaking and ingagments, fires at them and
enforces them to the first shore to prevent that mischief.
The next morning he sends messengers to those of An
Arundall to treat, and messengers aboard that Shittlecock
Heamans, but all were detained; and on the 25 of March last
(being the next day and the Lords day) about 170 and odd
* See Archivet of Maryland, III. 275; and sufira, pp. 203, 239, 260, ei 9eq.,
for other accounts of the occurrences above narrated.
1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 305
of Kent and Anne Arundall came marching against them.
Heaman fires a pace at them, and a small vessel of New-
England under the command of one John Cutts comes neere
the shore and seazes the boats, provision and amunition be-
longing to the Governour and his partie, and so in a nick, in a
streight were they fallen upon.
The Governour being shot in many places yeilds on quarter,
which was granted; but being in hold, was threatned (not-
withstanding that quarter given) to be imediatly executed,
unlesse he would writ to the rest to take quarter, which upon
his request they did, twentie odd were killed in this skirmish,
and all the rest prisoners on quarter, who were disarmed and
taken into custodie.
But these formerly distressed supplicants for admittance,
being now become High and Mighty States, and supposing
their Conquest unquestionable, consult with themselves (not-
withstanding their quarter given) to make their Conquest
more absolute, by cutting ofif the heads of the Province, viz.
the Governor, the Counsel and Commanders thereof: And so
make themselves a Counsel of War, and condemn them to
death: Foure were presently executed, scilicet, Mr. William
Eltonhead, one of the Councel; Capt. William Lewis, Mr.
John Legate Gentleman, and John Pedro; the rest at the im-
portunity of some women, and resolution of some of their
souldiers (who would not suffer their designe to take thorough
effect, as being pricked in Conscience for their ingratitudes)
were saved, but were Amerced, Fined and Plundred at their
pleasures:^ And although this was prophetiquely foreseen by
diverse eminent Merchants of London, who Petitioned his
Highnesse for prevention, and that his Highnesse sent a
gracious command to Bennet, and all others, not to disturb
the Lord Baltamores Officers, nor People in Mary-land, but
recalled all Power or pretence of Power from them; yet they
still hold, and possesse (in defiance of so sacred a mandate)
the said Province of Maryland, and sent an impious Agent
home to Parlie whilest they plundred; but he hath long
since given up his account to the great avenger of all injuries:
Although sticklers (somewhat more powerfuU, but by many
> For other accounts of thia conflict see Babykn'M Fall, and Refutation of
Babylon** Fall, supra.
306 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656
degrees more brazen fac't then his spirit could bare him forth
to appear) Now labour to justifie these inhumanities, dis-
orders, contempts, and rebellions; so that I may say with the
Prophet Jeremiah;* How doth the Citty sit solitary that was
full of people? How is she become a^ a widdow? She that
was great amongst the Nations, and Princesse amongst the
Provinces? How is she become tributary? Thus have they
brought to desolation, one of the happiest Plantations that
ever Englishmen set foot in, and such a Country (that if it
were again made formall) might harbor in peace and plenty
all such as England shall have occasion to disburthen, or de-
sire to forsake England.
A pious consideration of these distractions is by his High-
nesse taking notice of, and these controversies are by him
referred to the Hearing, and Report of those two Honourable
and judicious Gentlemen the Lords Whitlock and Widdring-
ton,' whose Pains and Moderation in Hearing, and mildly dis-
puting indifferently the condition of these uproars, gives not
onely hopes of relief, but have added to their renowns, by all
those that (as observed) have been present at the severall
Hearings, an account whereof will ere long be published in
print.*
Upon determination whereof, it must be concluded that a
settlement will follow, and then many families will flock over
to inhabit these mines, the fertility of the Province will (in
short time) make good (excepting the blood spilt which can
never be recalled nor satisfied for.)
Let this be no discouragement to any to goe over, for it
will now be more firmly settled then ever, and so throughly
setled that neither envy nor deceipt can again ever shake it.
And being so setled, I know no country (although I have
travelled many) that I more affect, more esteem; that which
profits delights, and here is both absolute profit, reall delight;
I shall forget my undertaking in the beginning of my booke,
^ Lamentations i. 1.
' Bulstrode Whitelocke and Sir Thomas Widdrington, commissioners of the
Great Seal, called lords as members of Cromwell's upper house.
' Archives cf Maryland, III. 320, 330, 331. The matter was finally adjusted
and Lord Baltimore's authority restored bj agreement between him and the
commissioners. Ibid,, 332.
1666] LEAH AND RACHEL 307
which was not to over extall the Country: for should I indeed
give it its due commendations, I should seem to be subom'd;
but in few words, it is that Country in which I desire to spend
the remnant of my dayes, in which I covert to make my grave.
This I have not written for profit, for it is known I have
given away the copy, and therefore am the less to be mis-
trusted for a deluder, for popular applause I did it not, for in
this pregnant age, my lines appear so harsh and disordered,
that I would not have affixed my name to it, but in obedience
to those commands that so require it, and to prevent the im-
putation of a libeller. The maine drift and scope I have here-
in aimed at, is to discover Virginia and Mary-land, and stand up
in their just defences when calumniated, to let many that pine
in England know, they are to their mines deluded, that are
frighted from going thither, if their wayes of livelihood be
not certaine in England.
Post-script.
A Word to (he Govemour and CounseU in Virginia.
Gentlemen,
As I have done your Country of Virginia justice in stand-
ing up in its defence, so I expect and entreat the like from you :
I know ye are honest and understand your selves; I cannot
except nor speake against any of ye, but Will. Claiborne,
whom ye all know to be a Villaine, but it is no more blemish to
your degree, to have him of your societie, then it was to the
Apostles to have Judas of theirs. I have had injury by him
by palpable cousinages done me, as I shal one day demon-
strate. But for the decree of your court against one Captaine
Thomas Thoroughgood, late Commander of the shipp Cres-
sent, I desire you to consider of it again and reverse it for
these reasons following.
I was an inhabitant of Mary-land of two years standing,
proscribe to die by the rebells of the Bay. I fled disguised
to Virginia, came a bord his Ship by an unknowne name,
made my condition, not my person, known to him, and he
charitably brought me for England, otherewise I had causelesly
been put to death. For which letters certifies us in England,
308 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656
that ye have amersed him in deep penalties, by an acte of
Assembly made against masters or Conmianders of ships that
shall Carrie away any of the inhabitants of your oolonie with-
out a pass.
First, know I was no inhabitant of Virginia, but Mary-
land, a government ye have nothing to doe with.
Next I came with my Govemours consent, Captalne Wil-
liam Stone who in England justifies Captaine Thoroughgoods
bringing me home: and here I must and will abide such cen-
sure or vindication as the supreame power of England shall
find me to have merited; and therfore I humbly request ye to
peruse and reverse that order against him for bringing me for
England.
I shall hereafter give such an account to Virginia of my
actions from time to time, that they shall be fully satisfied;
I never deserved the least injurie either from any Govern-
ment, nor any private person, since I first inhabited there.
But that shall be a subject particular: and a peece not use-
full in England, but only to scatter in Virginia amongst my
friends, whos good opinion I covet, and that they may know in
many odiums I have been wron^d, and that I am the man
that have seene aflSiction*
JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO MARY
LAND, BY AUGUSTINE HERRMAN, 1659
INTRODUCTION
Augustine Herrman, the author of the following journal,
was a prominent figure in Maryland's history. A Bohemian
by birth, he was first a member of the Dutch colony of New
Netherland. The high esteem in which he was there held is
sufficiently proved by his selection by Governor Stuyvesant
as one of the two envoys sent on a mission to Maryland, the
account of which is here presented. Herrman was so much
impressed by what he saw there that he subsequently removed
to Maryland and became a large landholder, lord of a manor,
which he called Bohemia in remembrance of the land of his
birth, and an influential and valuable member of the com-
munity. In 1661 he was naturalized by special order of the
Proprietary* and was the first person not a subject of the
English Crown to enjoy the rights of a freeman in Maryland.
The circumstances which led to the mission to Maryland
are briefly as follows:
Soon after the settlement of Dutch colonists, under the aus-
pices of the Dutch West India Company, upon the island of
Manhattan in 1624, several attempts were made by them to
effect a settlement upon the west bank of the Delaware River.
None of these became permanent, however, and in 1631 the
inhabitants at a place they called Swanendael on the Lewes
River were all massacred by the Indians.
The charter of Maryland was granted by Charles I. to Lord
Baltimore in 1632; the first colonists set sail in November,
> Archivea of Maryland, III. 398. This order b dated January 14, 1660/1.
See alao petition tor naturalization in Archivea o/ Maryland, II. 144. The in-
clusion of Hemnan's name in the petition seems to have been unnecessary.
311
312 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
1633, and landed at St. Mary's in March, 1634. At that time
there were no Europeans settled upon the west bank of the
Delaware, which by the terms of his charter was included in
Lord Baltimore's grant.
In 1638, a party of adventurers from Sweden sailed into
Delaware Bay and effected a settlement at what is now the
site of Wilmington, and there erected a fort which in honor of
their queen they called Fort Christina. This colony grew in
strength, and the Dutch, becoming concerned at this, built
in 1651 a fort to which they gave the name of Nieuw Amstel,^
where Newcastle now is; but this was soon captured by the
Swedes and renamed Fort Casimir. The Dutch in turn capt-
ured both forts in 1655, and reduced the Swedish settlement
to their obedience.
All this strife had been conducted within the territory
granted to Lord Baltimore, and in order to prevent these set-
tlers from claiming title by adverse possession the Governor
and Council of Maryland in 1659 despatched Colonel Nathaniel
Utie, a settler near the head of the Chesapeake Bay and a
member of the Council, to proceed to the Delaware and notify
the Deputy Governor, Alrichs, that the settlement was within
the limits of Maryland, and that the settlers must submit to
the authority of the Lord Proprietary's government. Colonel
Utie appears to have exceeded the letter of his instructions by
adding certain direful threats as to what would follow in the
event of noncompliance on their part. The Dutch were not
prepared to submit, and were not prepared for the war which
they understood would be immediately thrust upon them.
Therefore, while making preparations for the latter contin-
gency, they despatched Augustine Herrman and Resolved
Waldron as envoys to the Governor and Council of Maryland
to negotiate for a settlement of the matters in dispute.
In the preamble of the charter of Maryland the territory
^ New Amstel.
INTRODUCTION 313
granted to Lord Baltimore is described aa hadenus inculta
(rendered in the translation printed in this volume^ as ''not
yet cultivated and planted") and inhabited only by savages.
This expression hactenus incuUa is the basis of the claim on
the part of the Dutch that the territory along the Delaware
was not included in Lord Baltimore's grant for the reason
that there had been Dutch settlements there prior to 1631. It
has already been noted that there was no settlement there
either at the date of Lord Baltimore's charter or at the date of
the landing of the colonists in Maryland.
In response to the contention of the Marylanders that the
English claimed the continent of North America by right of
discovery, the envoys boldly carried the claim of title for the
Dutch to the time of Columbus, asserting that the benefit of
his discoveries inured to them as assignees of the Spanish
Crown to which they formerly were subject. A map of Mary-
land was made by Herrman in 1670' which was engraved by
W. Faithome in London in 1673. It is remarkably accurate
80 far as the tide-water portion of the state is concerned, but
largely conjectural as to the western, mountainous, and then
unexplored portion.
The Dutch original of this journal is in the archives of the
state of New York at Albany, where it is designated as ''New
York Colonial Manuscripts, vol. 18, p. 96." A translation
was printed in Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the
State of New York^ II. 88 et seq. In the text which follows,
the translation has been carefully revised, and certain correc-
tions made, by Dr. A. J. F. van Laer, archivist of the state of
New York.
C. C XI.
^See i4 Rda^Um cf Man^and, p. 101, supm.
* In conferring naturalization upon Henman ten years before. Lord Balti*
more mentions such a map as having been already drawn by him.
JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO MARY-
LAND, BY AUGUSTINE HERRMAN, 1659
Jaumal kept by Avgustine Herrman dvririg his Embassy from
the Right Honorable the Director'-Oeneralf Petrus Stuyvesant
and the Supreme Council of New Netherlands to the Hon^
Govemor^eneral and CouncU of Maryland, tcvddng the
pretensions set up by CdUmd Nalhanid Utie to the South
rxver.
Jovmal kepi during the Journey to Virginia.
September 30, Tuesday. Set out on our journey from New
Amstel about noon, accompanied by Resolved Waldron and
our attached soldiers and guides, and, after travelling about
an hour, arrived at a small creek which comes from Jager&-
land. Our course, aa we computed, was west-northwest.
About an hour and a half further came to a little creek or run
of water, which we suppose flows also from Jagersland. Our
course was westerly, and, having travelled about an hour^
further, came to another run of water flowing southwards,
where we must encamp for the night, as the Indians would not
proceed any farther. Nothing occurred on the way except
hearing a shot fired to the north of us, which the Indiums
doubt^ not was by an Englishman. Whereupon we fired
three shots, to see if we should be answered, but heard nothing.
October 1, Wednesday. In the morning, before sunrise, pro-
ceeded on our course a little south of west by south, creased
two other little runs of water, branches, as we surmised, of the
South River, and some dry thickets. The coimtry afterwards
rose somewhat, and again descended; about nine o'clock,
came to the first stream that, the Indians said, flowed into the
> The " hour " by which distances are indicated in the manuscript equab three
nautical miles.
314
1«501 JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 315
Bay of Virginia, where we breakfasted; we computed it to be
about five leagues from New Amstel. This stream, the Ind-
ians stated, is called, in their tongue, Cimamus, which signi-
fies ELare Creek,^ because the whole of this point is so named.
From this stream we proceeded southwest and west-south-
west straight through the woods, without a path, and about
one league or somewhat more, struck, as we presumed, the
same creek; following it along to where the tide comes up,
we found the boat wluch the Indians had mentioned, hauled
on shore, and entirely dried out.
We embarked and dismissed our four guides, but Sander
*Poeyer, with his Indian, accompanied us; shortly after we
pushed ofiF, the boat became almost half full of water, where-
upon we were obliged to land and turn the boat upside down;
we caulked the seams somewhat with old linen, our people
having left behind them the tow which had been given them
for that purpose, and thus made it a little tighter, but one
was obli^d to sit continually and bail out the water. In
that way, we came with the same tide a good league and a
half down Elk River, and found ourselves at its east branch,
where we built a fire in the woods, and proceeded with the
night ebb on our journey with great labor, as the boat was very
leaJcy, and we had neither rudder nor oar, but merely paddles.
October 2, Thursday. Having paddled down Elk River
almost the whole of the night, came about 8 o'clock to Sassa-
fracx River, where we stopped during that tide at ,'
on the plantation of one Mr. Jan Turner. Here we found
Abraham the Finn, a soldier who had run away from Christina,
and also a Dutch woman, whom he, the Jaeger,' brought
hither. We offered them the General's pardon, in case they
would return to New Amstel within six months, and should
they then be unwilling to stay there, they would be at liberty
to go to the Manhattans. The woman accepted these con-
ditions, having three months more to serve, when she would
return. But the soldier raised many objections. We pre-
vailed, however, so far on him, that he made us a pair of new
* Thb stieam, a tributaiy of the Elk River, appears from the description to
be what is now known as Big Elk Creek.
* Blank in original.
* Hunter. Cf, Jagerslancl, above.
316 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659
oars. We set Sander Poyer on shore here to obtain informar
tion, but we could not leam anything, as the only residents
there were some Swedes and Ilnns, who had run away in
the time of Governor Prins/ Having thus had a little rest,
and the tide being favorable, we prosecuted our journey; but
after we had pushed off from the ^ore, the aforesaid Abraham
with one Marcus, a Finn, came to our side in a canoe, and
would not let us pass, as they claimed the boat, and, not-
withstanding we assured them that they should have the boat
on our return, they forcibly held on to us, and this Marcus
drew a pocket-pistol and threatened to fire if we would not
stop. They had, besides, two snaphances; we finally got rid
of them with a great deal ado. On leaving the river, we heard
heavy volley finng on Colonel Utie's island, otherwise called
,* wMch we presumed must have proceeded from fifty
or sixty men; it was mingled with music. This lasted untU
night, so that we conjectured they were making ready to go to
the South River. On looking aroimd for information, we
accidentally foimd a newly begun plantation on our road,
where people had come and were busy cutting down timber
for a house, but the carpenter, who was one of my acquaint-
ances, knew not what the firing meant, unless it might pos-
sibly be some feasting or frolic. He invited us, it being late,
to remain with him through the night, as there was not another
house on the way between this and Kent Island, but we pro-
ceeded on our journey and got two leagues farther. We would
have gladly dispatched an Indian, could we have got one, to
carry intelligence to New Amstel and to return to the Swedes
with the boat, but we feared to be detained, so that we had
no doubt but under the circumstances Sander Poeyer would
do his duty.
This Sassafrax River runs close to our creek, which empties
near Reedy Island. There is only a high hill between the two,
whence both streams are visible at the same time. From
that place the woman said she came down with the Jaeger. I
understood that ships could sail up as far as this river, but
no farther, because it is then shallow and navigable only for
sloops, especially Elk River, which is quite shallow.
' Johan Printz, governor of New Sweden from 1G42 to 1653.
* Manu3cript defective; the island is called Spesutia (Utie's Hope).
Idfi91 JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 317
October 3, Friday. We rowed forward during the tide of
that night and day until opposite Pools Island/ which we
estimate to be miles from Sassafracx River. It lies
near the west shore, and we passed with our leaky boat along
the east shore, observing nothing on the way except that
there was no fresh water to be found along here as far as
Kent Island. We arrived, towards evening, at the north end
of Kent Island, where, meeting a strong flood tide against us,
and being fatigued, we took up our quarters with Captain
* Wikx, who resides on the point and is one of the three
ma^trates of that island. Getting into discourse with him,
we could learn nothing of any general design that the English
might have, up to this time, of invading the South River, but
he had understood that it belonged to Maryland, and they
were bound, by agreement, to aid in maintaining my Lord
Balthamoor's patent, or right and title. We replied on the
contrary and said, we should be able to prove that the river
belonged to us of old and to no one else, and whoever should
wish to have it, must, by force of arms, wrest it from us;
but that we, in the meantime, were prepared, and that 100
soldiers had already arrived and that in case of need fully 100
more might be expected, to defend the river to the last man.
But we hoped that the English, with whom we had lived so
long in neighborly friendship, would not try to get another
man's land and rights, and thereby commence an open war,
etc. From this conversation, he turned to certain news he
had heard from Mr. Bateman, which Mr. Wright, the Indian
interpreter, had brought down to Accomacq, from above the
Bay, that in regard to the war which the Indians and the
English are at present waging against one another, the former
acknowledged that they were incited by the Dutch of the
Hoerekill to murder the English, and that it happened in the
following manner. A certain Indian came to a Dutchman
in the Hoerekill and told him that he intended to kill a Dutch-
man because his father had been formerly slain by one. To
which the Dutchman answered, that his father had been killed
by the English and not by the Dutch, and therefore that he
should revenge himself on one of the former. Thereupon the
^ Poole's Island.
* Blank in original. Joseph T^cks; Archivea of Mainland, 1. 382.
318 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659
Indian went off and dew an Englishman, and in this way the
war commenced. It was suspected that the Dutch had not
only secretly fomented it, but had furnished the Indians with
powder and ball and guns, with which they were most abun-
dantly supplied, a circumstance that the English took very
ill. At first denying, then extenuating the case, I inquired
the name of the Dutchman who had given the Indian such
counsd; but he answered, he did not know; in such matters no
witnesses were called, but things were done in secret, so that
he could not be persuaded to the contrary.
We further inquired for a boat to convey us thence to the
Governor and back, as oiu* little skiff could not be used any
longer, and was, also, too small. He offered us his own, but
inquired what security he should have that he would get the
boat back or be paid for it, as he had frequently before been
deceived in that manner. To which we stated, that we could
not give him any other security than our woids and creden-
tials, and that we should draw for security and payment on
Mr. Brouwne, who, we presumed, was arrived with his ketch
at Seavom. And so we agreed at 20 Jbs. of tobacco per day
for the boat, and 20 lbs. tobacco for one man to accompany us,
which was the lowest terms we could agree on. Otherwise,
we should have been greatly perplexed, as we could not learn
of any other opportunity here. We found here 's*
wife, who said she had come away with her husband's con-
sent, as he intended to follow her; but when we offered her
pardon if she were willing to return with us. Captain Wikx
complained that she was so lazy that she did not earn her salt;
whereupon we observed, that it was easy to infer from this,
that she had run away from the South River through laziness
and unwillingness to work.
October 4. We sailed or rowed over to Seavome to see if
Mr. Brown had arrived there and would accept the draft,
but he had not come. Captain Wicx wished to lodge us that
night at Colonel Utie's, who, we understood, was at his plan-
tation at Seavom, but we declined, saying that we believed he
was above on his island, as there had been so much firing,
and so we took up our quarters, it being dark, at the house
of Mr. ,* father-in-law of Godtfried Banner, the Indian
^ Blanks in original.
1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 319
trader, who, only a few days before, had gone up to his plan-
tation; but his wife and child were at home. We gave the
former to understand that our nation attributed great blame
to Godtfried for enticing and transporting our fugitives from
New Amstel, and that he would, therefore, do well to get the
runaways back again there. Whereupon his father-in-law
and mother-in-law excused him, sa3dng that they had come,
from time to time, to him, and had eaten him so bare that he
would scarce have food enough for himself for the winter, and
that he could not get the people to return nor could he refuse
them a night's lodging, with many other excuses and com-
plaints that the majority of the people they had seen, and
even a poor, old man, with his wife and child, whom they had
received in the greatest misery, were utterly idle and lazy,
and not worth their food; nay, that they were too lazy to
wash their own spoons and the plates which they ate off.
We again took occasion to answer, that it was evident enough
from this, that the people had not run away on account of
the badness of the place, nor on account of ill-treatment, but
because they had neglected, at the time, to do anjrthing for a
living and had come to Virginia to gain the bread of idleness.
But it was replied, with all that, many had died of hunger,
and the people had been refused bread for money, etc. To
this we ^n replied, that this could not be supposed to be
true. Nevertheless, even had they suffered any wrong, they
must complain to the General and Council of New Nether-
land and not run to a strange nation. To which they made
answer, that the Director in the South River* had refused and
prevented their passage; with many other debates, too long
to be here stated, the substance whereof was finally as follows:
That the General and Council of New Netherland should pub-
lish a general pardon so that each may re-establish himself,
and that the condition of the colony be redressed, and that
those who will not remain there but wish to go to the Man-
hattans, be conveyed thither. The old man, who is a farmer
and husbandman, promised to accompany us back to the
Manhattans, but not to remain in the colony, which was
allowed him. We understood, also, that there were many in
' Alrichs.
320 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659
Seavome who hired themselves and their children as servants.
We requested that they be notified to return.
October 5 : (7**' 25.)* Sunday. Rising early in the morn-
ing, gave a draft on Mr. Brouwne to pay Captain Josiae Wiks,
on account of General Stuyvesant, in New Netherland, so
much of his goods for the hire or use of the boat, to the value
of 20 Jbs. of tobacco, and for one man to accompany us, also
20 lbs. of tobacco, the amount whereof should be stated on our
return, and reimbursed in beavers or other articles at the Man-
hattans. But this was not sufficient for Captain Wicks; he
made us sign an obligation that we should deliver his boat
safe at his house, or pay therefor 1500 lbs. of tobacco, at Sea-
vome or Kent, or ms^e it good in brandy at the Manhattans.
Being thus agreed, we received intelligence that Colonel Utie
was at home at his plantation, and Captain Wicks importuned
us to pay him a visit. But we answered that we dare not lose
the opportunity of wind and weather, and that our message
to the Governor required dispatch, and therefore Colonel Utie
must excuse us from visiting him. As it was Sunday, he
would probably entertain us too elaborately and detain us, for
which we could not answer, and thus, with such like excuses,
we set forth on our journey, with a fair breeze and fine weather,
which brought us towards evening to May Billingsly's plan-
tation at the Cliffs, estimated to be miles from Seavom.
We did not observe any public preparations against the
South River.
October 6: (September 26). Monday. Reached Potucxen
river towards evening, where our people requested a night's
lodging at Mr. Coerse's.* He welcomed us politely, being one
of the Council with whom we had divers friendly conversa-
tions, and observed that Colonel Utie had been authorized to
state at the colony of New Amstel that it was seated within
their limits, and should therefore submit to them, but not to
go to work with such menaces; and he was not well pleaaed
^ The double notation of dates at this pomt and subsequently marks the
period of divergence between the Julian calendar and the Gregorian — Septem-
ber 25 O. S., October 5 N. S. The Dutch at this time used the new style, the
English and Swedes the old.
* Heniy Coursey.
1660] JOURNAL OP THE DUTCH EMBASSY 321
that, on that account, 100 soldiers, as we stated, had gone
thither, for whose sakes we urged the more to hasten our
journey. We also learned here that my Lord Balthamoer's
patent dated only from about the year 1634,^ to which we
answered that our patent was issued nearly forty years ago.
Whereupon they claimed to derive theirs originally from Sir
Walther Ralegh since the year 1584, and we, on the other
hand, take our origin, as vassals and subjects, from the King
of Spain, then the first finder and founder of all America.
Thus we finally concluded our conversation, with the hope,
which we mutually expressed, that this matter might be
settled and adjusted without bloodshed, and thereupon parted.
October 7: {September 27). Tuesday. Left our boat there
and inarched a-foot overland nine English miles, to the sec-
retary's, Mr. Philip Calvert,' and Mr. Ooersy conducted us full
three English miles on the right road. Reaching Mr. Calvert's
plantation early in the afternoon, we sent two of our people in
advance to announce our approach and that we could not
forbear paying him our respects, requesting passage across his
creek to Mr. Ooverzee's [Overzee's], with whom we proposed to
lodge, whereupon he invited us in, and after salutation we
informed him that we had been sent by the Governor-General
and Council of New Netherland to the Governor and Council
of Maryland on weighty affairs, requesting him, therefore, with
all speed, to be pleased to send intelligence thereof to the
Governor, who lived English miles farther up, and to
recommend that we have an early audience and dispatch.
We then took our leave, crossed the creek and arrived at Mr.
Symon Overzee's, to whom we were very welcome guests.
October 8: (September 28). Wednesday. Mr. Overzee hav-
ing invited the secretary, Mr. Philip Calvert, to dine, he came,
being the next neighbor, early in the forenoon to visit us,
whom we again requested, in Mr. Overzee's presence, to inform
Governor Fendall,* as early as possible, of our coming, so that
we may have an audience and be dismissed without delay, as
> The patent or charter of Maryland was dated June 20, 1632. The colonists
sailed in Norember, 1633, and the settlement in Maryland was begun March 25,
1634.
* A younger half-brother of Cecil Lord Baltimore.
• Josias Fendall, governor 1656-1660.
322 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1059
the business was of great consequence, and caused daily great
expenses not only as regards ourselves individually^ who had,
in addition, at our cost, a boat with a man at 40 Z&8. of to-
bacco per day, but principally in regard to the military and
other preparations and expenses, which were expressly await-
ing our return with over 100 soldiers who had come from the
Manhattans. Thereupon he promised to do his utmost, but
that nothing could be effect^ before the next court, which
was to meet on of October. We then conversed about New
Netherland and ^rginia, and the conveniences of both being
considered, he wished Maryland may be so fortunate as to have
cities and villages like the Manhattans. And hereabouts, we
gave him to understand that Manhattans signified the entire
country, having preserved the ancient name of the Indian na-
tion among whom the Dutch had first settled. And in this way
proceeded to the boundaries, when he said that the Maryland
patent extended along the sea from 38 to 40 degrees, wherein
Delowar bay was also included, and so across to Pamans^ Island
and thence to the source of Potomock River. To which we
observed, that the 38^ to the 40^ degree must be understood
[to apply] only to the upper part of Cheseapeak Bay, and
that then the colony of Virginia extended from the lower part
of the said bay to the sea. To this he replied: Not so; and
that it was expressly stipulated that they should extend unto
New England, whereupon we inquired : If they wish to touch
New England, where would New Netherland be in that case?
He answered: He knew not. And we said, that therefore we,
both of us, well knew that such was a mistake; that our people
were in possession of New Netherland and had settled on that
place several years before Lord Balthamoer had obtained his
patent; further alleging, among other things, that Sir Edm.
Ployten* had, in former times, set up a claim to Delowar Bay,
and that, therefore, one claim must be as good as the other.
> Palmer's Island, now generally called Watson's Island, lies within the mouth
of the Susquehanna River, but south of the fortieth degree of north latitude.
* Plowden. In 1634 Sir Edmund Plowden received a patent under the great
seal of Ireland for a palatine province called New Albion, embracing the present
New Jersey, Long Island, eastern Pennsylvania, and parts of Delaware and
Maryland. Little came of the grant; for its history, see Winsor, NanxUive
and Criti4xd HiHory of America, IIL 457-468.
1669] JOURNAL OP THE DUTCH EMBASSY 323
Whereunto he replied that Ploythen had had no commission^
and lay in jail in England on account of his debts, relating
that he had solicited a patent for Nova AJbium from the King,
but it was refused him, and he thereupon applied to the
Viceroy of Ireland, from whom he had obtained a patent, but
that it was of no value. Hereupon we confoimded him by
his own words, and said, that it was not certain whether my
Lord Balthamoer's daim to Delowar Bay, should he have any,
was not obtained by falsehood and misrepresentation, since it
was very probable that the King of England would not have
done anything against us, as he once had knowledge of, and
consented to, the Dutch plantation of New Netherland, and
had most expressly ordered and commanded those of Vir-
^nia and New Eii^and, as we should prove by their own
English authorities, not to approach within one hundred
leagues^ of each other. It was, therefore, dear and evident,
if their patent set forth that they could go as far as New
England, that it was fraudulently obtained and of no value
whatsoever.
October 9: (September 29). Thursday. Nothing occurred,
except drawing up our proposals, which we thought best to do
in English, in order to bring matters sooner to a speedy
condusion.
October 10: (September 30). Friday. Again, nothing, has
occurred, except that we heiud the secretary has communi-
cated our arrival to the Governor by a letter forwarded
from constable to constable. He invited us to dinner on
Sunday.
October Vi Saturday. Again, nothing special has occurred.
We are impatiently waiting for the Governor's answer.
October V, Sunday. Accompanied Mr. Overzee to Secre-
tary Calvert's to dinner, where Mr. Doughty, the minister,*
accidentally called. After dinner talked about his charts or
maps of the country, of which he laid on the table two that
> One hundred miles. (Virginia patent of 1606.)
* Francis Doughy, one of the first Presbyterian ministers in America,
founded Mespath near Newtown on Long Island in 1642, and preached there,
but in 1655 removed to Maryland, his daughter, the widow of Adriaen van der
Donck, having married a Miuryland settler. See Nanrativet of New NetheHandf
pp. 334, 366, 401.
324 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1650
were engraved and one in manuscript. One was printed at
Amsterdam, by direction of Captain Smith, the first dis-
coverer of the great bay of Chesapeack, or Virg^lia; the
second appeared also to be printed at Amsterdam, at the time
of Lord Balthamoer's patent; we knew not by whom or where
the manuscript one was drawn. AH differed, one from the
other. He wished to prove from them the extent of Lord
Balthamoer's boundaries, but we, on the contrary, showed
and maintained that if Chesapeak Bay ran, above, so crooked
towards the northeast, they would come so far within our line.
To this, he asked how could that be, for the English first dis-
covered and possessed all these parts. Thereunto, we an-
swered that the Dutch came but three years later in our parts
than they in theirs. To which he replied, that they took their
beginning from Sir Walder Ralegh; and we said, then we de-
rive our origin from the King of Spain. But, he retorted,
you were then not yet a free and independent nation. Where-
upon he was told that the King of Spain was, at the time of the
discovery of America, our king, and we were as much his
vassals and subjects as they were the subjects of their king
or republic of England, but afterwards, when we were obliged
to take up arms, and achieved our liberty, the King of Spain
conveyed over and to us, in full propriety, by lawful right and
title, all his own and other conquered lands in Europe and
America.^ To this, he said that the King of Spain was, indeed,
in the West Indies, but not so far to the north, and that the
English were the first discoverers. And we again observed
that the contrary could be proved from Spanish journals and
chronicles, and also that even the French had, in the year
1524,* been before them in these parts. Lastly, being half
angry, he demanded whether the English had not been the
first in Delowar bay, for it obtained its name from them.
And we answered, No; that the Dutch had been the first in
the river, long before Lord Delowar ever came to Virginia,*
and we again asked: What right had the Kings of Spain,
France or England, more than the Hollanders or the Dutch,
* By the treaty of Mflnster, in 1648, Spain confinned to the Dutch the pos-
session of their colonies in regions formerly claimed by Spain.
* The allusion is to the voyage of Veriazano.
* There is no evidence in support of this statement
1650] JOURNAL OP THE DUTCH EMBASSY 326
to the New World — ^America? But these and such like dis-
courses, running higher and higher, were left off; he said he
had invited us as a welcome to the country, and thencefor-
ward we conversed on other subjects, and parted from one
another with expressions of friendship.
October V, Monday. Nothing occurred.
October V, Tuesday. This being court day at Potuxen,
and Mr. Overzee going thither, we deemed it advisable to
have a brief request presented to [the court] for audience and
a place of reception, copy whereof is hereunto annexed.
October Vi Wednesday. In the evening, about sunset, we
received m answer an invitation written by Philip Calvert,
in the name and on the behalf of the Governor and (coun-
cil, that we should have an audience at the house of Mr.
Bateman, sending, with this view, two horses to convey us
there.
October V, Thursday. We took our departure in the morn-
ing from Mr. Overzee's for Mr. Bateman's, at Potucxen, being
about eighteen or twenty English miles, and about between
three and four o'clock in the afternoon, arrived Governor
Josiah Fendall with the secretary Philip Calvert and the
councillors William Stone, Thomas Gerrard, Nathaniel Utye,
Edward Loyd, Luke Barber, Baker Broukx,* who, after hav-
ing welcom^ us, and, afte; we had complimented them on
the part of our Director General and Council of New Nether-
land, thanked us cordially; and dinner being ready, the Gov-
ernor said he would give us an audience after we had dined.
And, sitting down to table, they placed me beside the Governor
on his left hand; on his right sat Philip Calvert, the secretary,
next to him Resolved Waldron, and so on the other members
of the Council around the table. During the dinner a varied
conversation was held.
The cloth having been removed, we were invited to the
audience, and after we had again presented the friendly,
neighborly respects and compliments of the Honorable Director
General and Council of New Netherland, we delivered, in the
first place, our letters of credence, which the Governor, open-
ing and seeing that they were written in Dutch, had Mr.
Overzee called to translate them. Meanwhile, their sub-
> Brooks.
326 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1659
stance being stated, we proceeded to deliver our speech^ in
En^ish, by way of declaration and manifest, which, for this
purpose, we had previously committed to paper. In order that
no mistake may be hereafter pleaded in the one or the other,
we gave the secretary the original, with the request that he
would be pleased to collate it with us, and we distinctly
and clearly read the duplicate, which we moreover delivered
under the seal of our conmiission, with the statement, at the
end of the certificate, that that was all we had to say and to
propose at that time, on the part and in the name of the
Director General and Council, subscribing the same with our
own hand, in the presence of all ; and we exchanged the du-
plicate for the original, and the original again for the copy,
which we kept for ourselves, and left them the other.
We perceived a great change, for some of the Council, as
it seems, had no correct knowledge of what passed; and the
Governor, in answer, inquired whether his letter, which he
had sent with or by Colonel Utie, had not been shown to the
Governor General of the Manhattans? We replied, No: his
Honor had not seen any formal letter, but that we had, indeed,
understood, at the South River, that Mr. Allericks ' had re-
ceived a private letter in answer to his, but without day or
date, or place where written, whereof the Director General
and Council did not take any notice. Whereupon the Gov-
ernor made answer, that he had nothing to do with the gov-
ernment of the Manhattans, but with the governor and people
who had lately seated themselves within his limits in Delo-
war Bay, to whom they had sent Colonel Uty; not that he
should have communicated his instruction which had been
given him for his guidance and vindication only, as we were
not obliged to deliver our instruction to them. To this we
replied, that the governor and people in the South River were
not a separate, but subaltern and dependent government,
and simply deputy governor and members of New Nether-
land, so that whatever was presented and given to them in
> An English translation of the letter of Governor Stuyvesant, together with
the speech of the envoys and the reply of the Governor and Council, is printed
in full in Archives of Maryland, III. 366-378.
> Jacob Alrichs was director of the Dutch colony of New Amstel, possessed
at this time by the city of Amsterdam, yet deemed a part of New Netherland.
1659] JOURNAL OP THE DUTCH EMBASSY 327
the matter of high jurisdiction, etc., did not affect them but
the General and Council, and consequently, the whole state
of New Netherland, and the lords proprietors thereof; yea,
the sovereignty of Their High Mightinesses. Whereunto he
again rejoined, that they did not know nor imderstand any
better than that the governor in Delowar derived his com-
mission from the city of Amsterdam, and had come with his
people to settle there as a separate government. To which
we again answered. No; but that the city of Amsterdam
owned the place as a colony and particular district of New
Netherland, which was sin/ar, in ^er and style, to their
counties in Virgima or Maryland, and we had more such
colonies planted in New Netherland, so that whatever injury
was done to the colony of New Amstel, was, I say, inflicted on
the entire state of New Netherland. Meanwhile, Colonel
Nathaniel Utie began to bluster and to say, that they ought
not to take any notice at all of this matter; his acts had been
directed against a people that had intruded into my Lord
Balthamore's province, and if the Governor and Council
will again command him, he will again act as he had done.
We rejoined thereto. If he returned and comported himself as
he had done, he would lose the name of ambassador and be
dealt by 88 a disturber of the public peace, because a deputy
or ambassador could not attempt an3rthing except to notify
the magistracy and regents of the place in a courteous manner
of his embassy; but to summon a place by fire and sword
was the style of avowed enmity, war and hostility. To this
he replied, that he had done nothing in contradiction to his
commission and instructions. To which we rejoined, that they
had only to look at the answer he had brought back, which
would clearly show how he had acted. And he, thereupon,
further said, that he heard they had threatened to send him to
Holland; he only wished they had done so. We replied, that
should he return and act as he had done, probably he would
not fare any better. Whereupon he inquired, how, then,
should he behave? He had certainly sent two men before
him to announce his approach; afterwards put up at the
public tavern, and was he, then, not to walk out and see the
place and converse with the people who requested to have
some discourse with hun? To which we again remonstrated.
328 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 1659
that he was at liberty to see the place and converse with the
people, but not to excite them to revolt and rebellion against
their ma^strates, and threaten them with being plundered and
driven off in case they would not willingly surrender. So that
these criminations and recriminations being bandied somewhat
sharply and angrily, especially by the colonel, the Governor
was pleased to put a stop to him, and we were at liberty to ex-
press our meaning without any interruption, whereupon we
referred entirely to our manifest and declaration, and to the
answer which Colonel XJty himself had brought from New
Amstel. We requested that such might be taken into con-
sideration and that no frivolous discourses be allowed.
The Governor submitted to the Council, among other things,
that we had come without asking proper permission, which
Colonel Uty ought to have given and signified. To which we
answered that we were not acquainted with the state and form
of their government, but that we should in future regulate
ourselves according to such custom as may be pleasing to
them to establish in such cases. Hereupon, Colonel Utie
began again to exclaim, sajring that we ought to have first rec-
ognized him and gone to his island, and inquired if we should
be permitted to proceed farther, adding m so many words
that, had he met us, or had he known of our coming, he would
have detained us there, and not allowed us to go on. But
one of the Coimcil softened that expression by saying that we
should have been furnished with a better boat and accommo-
dation, for we had stated that we had come down in a small,
leaky boat, and dared not venture from the shore. But we
readily discovered that, had we not done our best to avoid
Colonel Utie on the way, he would have at once endeavored to
prevent our design.
At length, after some debate, we were invited to with-
draw, and, after a short deliberation, were recalled and in-
formed that they had acted by special order and command
of Lord Baltha^oore, whose right and jurisdiction they are
sworn to maintain, and that they would exhibit Lord B^tha-
moer's patent on the morrow, until when they should defer
any further public business, and pass the remainder of the
evening over a glass of wine, promising, on our request, to dis-
miss us by next Saturday.
1659] JOURNAL OF TEIE DUTCH EMBASSY 329
Meanwhile, we proceeded now and then to engage one and
another of them m private conversation, in the first place
to dispose them to a friendly course, and to have the claim
they set up to our limits, and we to theirs, decided by commis-
sioners, in order to avoid further mischief and bloodshed; and
in the second place, to agree to an intimate correspondence
and confederation for reciprocal trade and intercourse. We
found the majority of them favorably inclined to this view,
but yet, they gave it to be understood that it was not in their
power, and that they had no other commission than to defend
Lord Balthamoor's lawful patent. This they were disposed
to do, however, with all possible and justifiable prudence.
I had also a private conversation on that point with the
Governor, who declared that he would prefer to continue in
peace and quietness than to live in hostility and war.
October V, Friday morning. After breakfast, the Governor
and Council laid before us Lord Balthamoore's patent, and
read to us the article respecting his jurisdiction. We re-
quested a copy thereof, when we should answer it. We were
then allowed to make an extract of it ourselves. Mean-
while, the Governor and Council went to hold their court at
the next plantation, whilst we, in the meantime, had time to
read and reread the above mentioned patent, and to extract
the point respecting the boundary, to which we drew up on
paper a written refutation. For we found that it was set
forth in the preamble that Lord Balthamoer had applied to
and petitioned His Majesty for a tract of country in America,
which was neither cultivated nor planted, but only inhabited
as yet by barbarous Indians. In answer whereimto, we
maintain^ that our South River, called of old Nassaw River,
had been long before occupied, appropriated and purchased
by us m virtue of a commission and grant of Their High
Mightinesses the Lords States General of the United Nether-
lands, and therefore that it was His Royal Majesty's inten-
tion and justice not to have given away and granted that part
of a country which had been previously taken possession of
and settled by the subjects of Their High Mightinesses the
Lords States General, as already declared and demonstrated,
and that Lord Balthamor's patent was invalid where it makes
mention of Delowar Bay, or any part thereof, as well as in
330 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659
various other respects and particulars. We requested a note
might be made of this. The Governor and Council returning
in the afternoon, and supper being over, we delivered the
above mentioned answer in writing, having read the same
aloud. Whereupon we perceived another change, and the
Governor made his defence: That, on the contrary, our asser-
tion and action were invalid, for the aforesaid patent was
granted by the King, with full kno^dedgp and understanding
of the case, that Delowar Bay should remain and belong to the
English, and demanded a view of our patent to New Nether-
land or Delowar Bay. We answered that at that time we did
not have to show it, much less had we come for that purpose,
but only to prepare a way for a future meeting of deputies on
both sides, then to dispose chiefly of that point, agreeably to
our advice contained in our declaration. The Governor
thereupon made answer that they then need not have ex-
hibited their patent either, from which we concluded that
they r^retted having discovered and exposed themselves so
far, sa}dng if that part of the patent was invalid, or if they
yielded it, the entire patent might then become void. We
replied that we drew no inferences on that subject except so
far aB it concerned us, and they set up a claim to our limits.
Whereupon the Governor rejoined: That Col. Clabbome* had
heretofore set up the same exception against Lord Baltha-
moer in regard to the Island of Kent, of which said Col. Gab-
bort held that he had taken actual possession before the afore-
said patent had been granted, but that it did not avail, and
fared badly with him, so that he was obliged to beg hi^ life
from Lord Balthemor. To this we answered that this was a
different case; that we were not subjects of England, but a
free, sovereign people belonging to the Dutch nation, who, as
we had already declared, had as much right to take possession
of any lands in America as any other nation. And with this
and such like debates, was the meeting adjourned for the night.
October V, Saturday. The Governor and Council [being
met in order to our]* dismissal, they again demanded the ex-
hibition of the patent we had to the South River. We gave
them for answer as before, that we had not brought it with
us, but referred that point to future comissioners on both
> Claiborne. ' Manuscript destroyed.
1669] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 331
sideS; and we again withdrew. They drew up their answer,
which they read to us who were called in for that purpose.
Hereupon we asked their Honors whether this writing con-
tained all they had to dispatch by us. To this they declared,
they had nothing else; but that they persisted therein. We
then again inquired, how we were to act in the matter of our
military; whether all further hostility and encroachment
should cease, and we might safely send back our garrisons
and soldiers, or whether we must let them continue there.
To this they answered, that we must please ourselves in that
matter, and they would act as they thought best. Where-
unto we replied, that we should in that case remain on our
defensive, as we had declared and protested, and that we
hoped nevertheless that they would not be guilty of any
clandestine and sudden attack, as is usual in public and
open war, but according to the custom in neighborly and
public peace and alliance between nations, first give notice
and warning that friendship is at an end. To which they
rejoined: that they should act therein as would be most
advisable. We further inquired, what was to be the under-
standing on the subject of ojir fugitives, and received for
answer that they should, by law, oblige such as were in debt
to pay, but they did not mean to send them back, inasmuch
as they considered the people in Delowar Bay to be under
their jurisdiction, and consequently were not fugitives from
the General and Council of the Manhattans. Whereupon we
replied, that we too would adhere to the lex talionis, in order
to act in like manner towards their fugitives. And thus ter-
minated our meeting and business.
The Governor also asked what Dutch Swedes meant — ^why
we named them so in our declaration? And we answered,
because the greatest number of them were partners of Dutch-
men and formerly resorted under the Hon"* Company's juris-
diction, and had been heretofore winked at and tolerated,
until they began to be so insolent in the river as not to hesi-
tate forcibly to seize, in a treacherous manner, on Fort New
Amstel, previously Casimier, whereby the General and Council
of New Netherland were compelled and obliged to clear and
purge the river, once for all, of such dishonest and hypocritical
friends.
332 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1669
October V, Sunday morning. Again, having breakfasted,
their Honors' answer, fairly written out by the secretary, was
placed in our hands, and so took a most friendly leave, as we
could not but perceive, that were it in their power they would
willingly incline to a friendly agreement, but that they must
first have authority to that effect from Lord Balthamoer, or
otherwise wait for such order as he may send respecting it this
sunmier; for I so understood, in private conversation, from
the secretary, Philip Calvert, who is Lord Balthamoer's half-
brother, that they expected something to this purpose, though
they knew not what; for Lord Balthamoer had, last year,
ordered them to inform him what they had done with the
people of Delowar Bay, to which they had answered, that they
could not yet write anything as to the effect, but that they
intended to do so and so.
We had likewise some private conversation on the sub-
ject of establishing mutual trade and commerce, overland,
between Maryland and Delowar Bay, which, I assured him,
could easily be carried on, as soon as this question was termi-
nated and the limits on both sides adjusted. I recommended
him to notify his brother thereof, in order to engage him
therein in all reasonableness, for not only his province in gen-
eral, but himself in particular, would be most highly benefited
by such trade, so that an effort might then be inade to estab-
lish an easy passage by land for mutual intercourse.
He also particularly inquired about the hill, which we had
proposed in our declaration for a neutral meeting, where the
Sassafrax River, in Virginia, and the creek which enters the
South River behind Reedy Island, seem to take their rise;
and we are to institute and make further inquiry respecting
that hill at the earliest opportunity.
Finally, we returned together from Patuxen river to St.
Mary's, to our quarters at Master Simon Overzee's.
October ft, Monday. Nothing particular occurred, except
preparing to dispatch things with Resolved Waldron to the
South River and the Manhattans.
October f i, Tuesday. Sent off the said Resolved Waldron
on his return overland, with the reports, papers and documents
respecting our negotiations, and I set out for Virginia to ascer-
'n the opinions of the Governor and others there concerning
1650] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 333
this matter, and thus to create some diversion between them
both; also to clear ourselves, at the same time, of the slander
which some people seek to attach to us, that we had excited
the Indians to massacre the English at Accomacq.
God grant that the whole may redound to the glory of His
name and the general advantage and safety of us all, and
that we may be directed by His Divine Majesty. Amen.
In haste,
Augustine Herrm[an].*
To the honorable, worshipful, wise and very prudent Mr.
Comelis van Ruyren, to be delivered to the Hon. Director
General and Council of New Netherland.
^ Manuscript imperfect.
A CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARY-
LAND, BY GEORGE ALSOP, 1666
INTRODUCTION
Of George Alsop little is known beyond what is disclosed
by his own statements. He appears to have been bom in
London of parents in moderate or humble circumstances,
and was apprenticed to some manual trade or handicraft.
From his brief period of service, two years, it may be sus-
pected that he did not complete his term of indenture. He
admits in the dedication to Lord Baltimore that he was "wilde
and confused,'^ and the letters purporting to have been written
to his father and brother aboard ship, just before sailing, in-
dicate that he had embarked for Maryland in the capacity
of an indentured servant. Persons who embarked for Mary-
land without being able to pay passage money, which at this
time amounted to about £6, entered into an agreement or
indenture to work out their passage by service in the province.
The usual term for which they became thus bound was four
years. These persons were known as indentured, or more gen-
erally as indented servants. At a later date they were called
redemptioners.*
This author had in some way acquired a quantity of ill-
assorted information, and also an extensive vocabulary, but
was without sufficient education to enable him to make proper
use of either. His style is therefore extravagant, inflated and
grandiloquent. It is also coarse and vulgar, even for the
seventeenth century. Certain passages which add nothing t o
the narrative, but were apparently inserted merely for t he C^
sake of their impropriety, have been omitted from the follow-
^ For the terms of employment of indented servants see A RelaUon of Mary'
landf p. d9, supra,
337
338 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
Alsop served according to the customary indenture or
agreement for four years upon the plantation of Mr. Thomas
Stockett, in Baltimore County, who was evidently a most
humane and generous master; and he describes in this nar-
rative the lot of an indented servant in Maryland as being both
easy and alluring, especially in contrast with the struggle for
life among the poorer classes in London. It is not unlikely
that Alsop was able to practise some mechanical trade, and
this fact alone would have secured for him consideration and
good treatment in a colony where skilled artisans were few.
His story no doubt describes his own personal experiences
rather than general conditions throughout the province.
The situation of laborers in the tobacco fields of southern
Maryland was probably not so fortunate, but of this he would
be likely to know little. At the period at which Alsop wrote
the need of laborers to till the land was great in Maryland,
and servants of all grades and capacities were in demand and
valued. A century later a very different picture of the con-
dition of the indented servants is presented in the letters of
William Eddis (Liters from America, p. 63) ; but during that
interval negro slaves from Africa had been introduced in
large numbers, and there had been also the transportation
from England of convicts who were sold into penal servitude.
These conditions had completely revolutionized and lowered
the condition of servants in the province.
It may reasonably be assumed that Alsop was en-
couraged and probably rewarded by Lord Baltimore for the
preparation of this pamphlet, to be used as an inducement
for persons to ship for Maryland in the capacity of servants.
His statements are often exaggerated, but the truth of many of
them is borne out by other authorities. Those which relate
to facts within the range of his personal knowledge, may be
regarded as reasonably trustworthy. Many of his opinions,
such as, for instance, that the Indians were naturally white.
INTRODUCTION 339
and that their brown c5omplexion was due to the use of dyes,
are manifestly without foundation.
This book was printed in London in 1666 and reprinted
in New York among ''Shea's Tracts" in 1869; and in 1880 by
the Maryland Historical Society, Fund Pyblicaiion no. 15.
A limited edition de luxe was published in Cleveland in 1902
under the editorship of Dr. N. D. Mereness.
C. C. H.
A CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARY-
LAND, BY GEORGE ALSOP, 1666
A Character of the Province of Mary-land, wherein is Described
in four distinct Parts, (Viz.)
I. The ScUuation, and plenty of the Province.
11. The Laws, Customs, and ruitural Demeanor of the
Inhabitant.
III. The worst and best Usage of a Mary-Land Servant,
opened in view.
IV. The Traffique, and vendable Commodities of the
Countrey.
Also, A small Treatise on the wUde and naked Indians (or
Sv^quehanokes) of Mary-Land, their Cv^stoms, Manners,
Absurdities, and Religion. Together wUh a Collection of
Historical Letters By George Alsop.
London, Printed by T. J. for Peter Dring, at the sign of the Sun
in the PouUrey: 1666.*
To the Right Honorable CcecUius Lord Baltemore, Absolute Lord
and Proprietary of the Provinces of Mary-Land and Avalon
in America.
My Lord,
I HAVE adventured on your Lordships acceptance by
guess; if presumption has led me into an Error that deserves
correction, I heartily beg Indempnity, and resolve to repent
soundly for it, and do so no more. What I present I know
to be true, Experientia docet ;' It being an infallible Maxim,
That there is no Globe like the occular and experimental view
of a Countrey. And had not Fate by a necessary imploy-
ment, confin'd me within the narrow walks of a four years
^ Title-page of the original. * Experience teaches.
340
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 341
Servitude, and by degrees led me through the most intricate
and dubious paths of this Countrey; by a commanding and
undeniable Enjoynment, I could not, nor should I ever have
undertaken to have written a line of this nature.
If I have wrote or composed any thing that^s wilde and
confused, it is because I am so my self, and the world, as far
as I can perceive, is not much out of the same trim; there-
fore I resolve, if I am brought to the Bar of Common Law
for any thing I have done here, to plead Non compos mentis,
to save my Bacon.
There is an old Saying in English, He must rise betimes that
would please every one. And I am afraid I have lain so long
a bed, that I thmk I shall please no body; if it must be
so, I cannot help it. But as Feltham in his Resolves^ says,
In things that must be, 'tis good to be resolute; And there-
fore what Destiny has ordained, I am resolved to wink, and
stand to it. So leaving your Honour to more serious medita-
tions, I subscribe my self,
My Lord,
Your Lordship most
Humble Servant,
George Alsop.
To aU the Merchant Adventurers for Mary-Land, together vyUh
those Commanders of Ships thai saile into thai Province.
Sirs,
You are both Adventurers, the one of Estate, the other
of Life: I could tell you I am an Adventurer too, if I durst
presume to come into your Company. I have ventured to
come abroad in Print, and if I should be laughed at for my
good meaning, it would so break the credit of my Understand-
ing, that I should never dare to shew my face upon the Ex-
change of (conceited) Wits again.
This dish of Discourse was intended for you at first, but it
was manners to let my Lord have the first cut, the Pye being
his own. I beseech you accept of the matter as 'tis drest,
only to stay your stomachs, and I'le promise you the next
shall be better done. Tis all as I can serve you in at present^^
^ Owen Felltham, Resolves, Divine, Moral, and Political (London, 1628, etc.)*
342 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND tl666
and it may be questionable whether I have served you in this
or no. Here I present you with A Character of Mary-Land^
it may be you will say 'tis weakly done, if you do I cannot
help it, 'tis as well as I could do it, considering the several
Obstacles that like blocks were thrown in my way to hinder
my proceeding: The major part thereof was written in the
intermitting time of my sickness, therefore I hope the affict-
ing weakness of my Microcosm may plead a just excuse for
some imperfections of my pen. I protest what I have writ is
from an experimental knowledge of the Country, and not
from any imaginary supposition. If I am blamed for what I
have done too much, it is the first, and I will irrevocably
promise it shall be the last. There's a Maxim upon Tryals
at Assizes, That if a thief be taken upon the first fault, if it be
not to hainous, they only bum him in the hand and let him
go: So I desire you to do by me, if you find any thing that
bears a criminal absurdity in it, only bum me for my first fact
^and let me go. But I am affraid I have kept you too long
in the Entry, I shall desire you therefore to come in and sit
; down.
G. Alsop.
The Preface to the Reader.
The Reason why I appear in this place is, lest the general
Reader should conclude I have nothing to say for my self; and
truly he's in the right on't, for I have but little to say (for
my self) at this time : For I have had so large a Joumey, and
so heavy a Burden to bring Mary-Land into England, that I
am almost out of breath : I'le promise you after I am come to
my self, you shall hear more of me. Good Reader, because
you see me make a brief Apologetical excuse for my self, don't
judge me; for I am so self-conceited of my own merits, that
I almost think I want none. De Lege nan judicarvdum ex solA
linea, saith the Civilian; We must not pass judgement upon a
Law by one line: And because we see but a small Bush at a
Tavern door, conclude there is no Canary. For as in our
vulgar Resolves 'tis said, A good face needs no Band, and an
ill one deserves none: So the French Proverb sayes, Bon Vien
il n'a favl point de Ensigne, Good Wine needs no Bush. I
suppose by this time some of my speculative observers have
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 343
judged me vainglorious; but if they did but rightly consider
me, they would not be so censorious. For I dwell so far from
Neighbors, that if I do not praise my self, no body else will:
And since I am left alone, I am resolved to summon the Magna
Charta of Fowles to the Bar for my excuse, and by their irre-
vocable Statutes plead my discharge, For its an ill Bird will
befoule her own Nest: Besides, I have a thousand Billings-
gate* Collegians that will give in their testimony. That they
never knew a Fish-woman cry stinking Fish. Thus leaving
the Nostrils of the Citizens Wives to demonstrate what they
please as to that, and thee (Good Reader) to say what thou
wUt, I bid thee Farewel.
Geo. Alsop.
A Character op the Province of Mary-Land.
CHAP. I.
Of the situation and plerUy of the Province of Mary-Land.
Mary-Land is a Province situated upon the large extending -
bowels of America, under the Government of the Lord Balte-
more, adjacent Northwardly upon the Confines of New-Eng-
land,' and neighbouring Southw^y upon Virginia, dweUi^
pleasantly upon the Bay of Chsesapike^ between the Degrees of
36 and 38,' in the Zone temperate, and by Mathematical com-
putation is eleven hundred and odd Leagues in Longitude
from England, being within her own imbraces extraordinary
pleasant and fertile. Pleasant, in respect of the multitude of
Navigable Rivers and Creeks that conveniently and most
profitably lodge within the armes of her green, spreading, and
delightful Woods; whose natural womb (by her plenty) main-
tains and preserves the several diversities of Animals that
rangingly inhabit her Woods; as she doth otherwise generously
fructifie this piece of Earth with almost all sorts of Vegetables,
as well Flowers with their varieties of colours and smells, as
> Billingsgate, the great London fish-market. After this preface, six pages of | L
verses are omitted. J v
'Should be 38 and 40.
344 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [ie06
Herbes and Roots with their several effects and operative
virtues, that offer their benefits daily to supply the wsnt of
the Inhabitant whene're their necessities shall Sub-pcena them
to wait on their commands. So that he, who out of curiosity^
desires to see the Landsldp of the Creation drawn to the life,
or to read Natures universal Herbal without book, may with
the Opticks of a discreet discerning, view Mary-Land drest
in her green and fragrant Mantle of the Spring. Neither do I
think there is any place under the Heavenly altitude, or that
has footing or room upon the circular Globe of this world, that
can parallel this fertile and pleasant piece of ground in its
multiplicity, or rather Natiuies extravagancy of a super-
abounding plenty/ For so much doth this Country increase
in a swelling Spring-tide of rich variety and diversities of aU
things, not only common provisions that supply the reaching
stomach of man with>a satisfactory plenty, but also extends
with its liberality and free convenient benefits to each sensi-
tive faculty, according to their several desiring Appetites.
So that had Nature made it her business, on purpose to have
found out a situation for the Soul of profitable Ingenuity, she
could not have fitted herself better in the traverse of the whole
Universe, nor in convenienter terms have told man, Dwell
here, live plentifully and be rich.
The Trees, Plants, Fruits, Flowers, and Roots that grow
here in Mary-Land, are the only Emblems or Hieroglyphicks
' of our Adamitical or Primitive situation, as well for their
variety as odoriferous smells, together with their vertues,
according to their several effects, kinds and properties, which
still bear the Effigies of Iimocency according to their ori^nal
Grafts; which by their dumb vegetable Oratory, each hour
speaks to the IrJiabitant in silent acts, That they need not
look for any other Terrestrial Paradice, to suspend or tyre their
curiosity upon, while she is extant. For within her doth
dwell so much of variety, so much of natural plenty, that
there is not any thing that is or may be rare, but it inhabits
within this plentious soyle : So that those parts of the Creation
that have borne the Bell away (for many ages) for a vegetable
plentiousness, must now in silence strike and vayle all, and
* Compare A Brief e RdaHon of the Voyage unto Maryland, p. 45, and A
RelaUon of Maryland, p. 79, supra.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 345
whisper softly in the audituaJ parts of Mary-Land, that None
but she in this dwells singular; and that as well for that she
doth exceed in those Fruits, Plants, Trees and Roots, that
dwell and grow in their several Clymes or habitable parts of
the Earth besides, as the rareness and super-excellency of her
own glory, which she flourishly abounds in, by the abundancy
of reserved Rarities, such as the remainder of the World (with
all its speculative art) never bore any occular testimony of
as yet. I shall forbear to particularize those several sorts of
vegetables that flourishingly grows here, by reason of the vast
tediousness that will attend upon the description, which
therefore makes them much more fit for an Herbal, than a
small Manuscript or History.
As for the wilde Animals of this Country, which loosely
inhabits the Woods in multitudes, it is impossible to give you
an exact description of them all, considering the multiplicity
as well as the diversity of so numerous an extent of Creatures:
But such as has fallen within the compass or prospect of my
knowledge, those you shall know of; videlicet , the Deer, be-
cause they are oftner seen, and more participated of by the
Inhabitants of the Land, whose acquaintance by a customary
familiarity becomes much more common thaii the rest of
Beasts that inhabit the Woods by using themselves in Herds
about the Christian Plantations. Their flesh, which in some
places of this Province is the common provision the Inhabi-
tants feed on, and which through the extreme glut and plenty
of it, being daily killed by the Indians, and brought in to the
English, as well as that which is killed by the Christiah In-
habitant, that doth it more for recreation, than for the benefit
they reap by it. I say, the flesh of Venison becomes (as to
food) rather denyed, than any way esteemed or desired. And
this I speak from an experimental knowledge; For when I
was under a Command, and debarred of a four years ranging
Liberty in the Province of Mary-Land, the Gentleman whom
I served my conditional and prefixed time withall, had at one
time in his house fourscore Venisons, besides plenty of other
provisions to serve his Family nine months, they being but
seven in number; so that before this Venison was brought to
a period by eating, it so nauseated our appetites and stomachs,
that plain bread was rather courted and desired than it.
346 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
The Deer here neither m shape nor action differ from our
Deer in England: The Park they traverse their ranging and
unmeasured walks in^ is bounded and impaneird in with no
other pales then the rough and billowed Ocean: They are
also mighty numerous in the Woods^ and are httle or not at
all affri^ted at the face of a man, but (like the Does of Whet-
stons Park)^ though their hydes are not altogether so gaudy
to extract an admiration from the beholder, yet they will
stand (all most) till they be scratcht.
As for the Wolves, Bears, and Panthers of this Country,
they inhabit conmiordy in great multitudes up in the re-
motest parts of the Continent; yet at some certain time they
come down near the Plantations, but do little hurt or injury
worth noting, and that which they do is of so degenerate and
-low a nature, (as in reference to the fierceness and heroick
vigour that dwell in the same kind of Beasts in other Coim-
tries), that they are hardly worth mentioning: For the high-
est of their designs and circumventing reaches is but cowardly
and base, only to steal a poor Pigg, or kill a lost and half
starved Calf. The EflBgies of a man terrifies them dreadfully,
for they no sooner espy him but their hearts are at their
mouths, and their spurs upon their heels, they (having no
more manners than Beasts) gallop away, and never bid them
farewell that are behind them.
The Elke, the Cat of the Mountain, the Rackoon, the Fox,
the Beaver, the Otter, the Possum, the Hare, the Squirril, the
Monack,* the Musk-Rat, and several others (whom I'le omit
for brevity sake) inhabit here in Mary-Land in several droves
and troops, ranging the Woods at their pleasure.
The meat of most of these Creatures is good for eating, yet
of no value nor esteem here, by reason of the great plenty of
other provisions, and are only kilPd by the Indians of the
Country for their Hydes and Furrs, which become very profit-
able to those that have the right way of traflBquing for them,
as well as it redounds to the Indians that take the pains to
catch them, and to flay and dress their several Hydes, selling
' Whetstone Park is the name of a street in London between Lincohi's Inn
Fields and High Holbom. The reference is evidently to frail females by whom
in Alsop's time it was frequented.
' Probably this is a name for the woodchuck, or the chipmunk.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 347
and disposing them for such Commodities as their Heathenish
fancy delights in.
As for those Beasts that were carried over at the first
seating of the Country^ to stock and increase the situation, as
Cows, Horses, Sheep and Hogs, they are generally tame, and
use near home, especially the Cows, Sheep and Horses. The
Hogs, whose increase is innumerable in the Woods, do dis-
frequent home more than the rest of Creatures that are look'd
upon as tame, yet with little trouble and pains they are slain
and made provision of. Now they that will with a right His-
torical Survey, view the Woods of Mary-Land in this par-
ticular, as in reference to Swine, must upon necessity judge '
this Land lineally descended from the Gadarean Territories.* '
Mary-Land (I must confess) cannot boast of her plenty of
Sheep here, as other Coimtries; not but that they will thrive
and increase here, as well as in any place of the World be-
sides, but few desire them, because they commonly draw
down the Wolves among the Plantations, as well by the sweet-
ness of their flesh, as by the humility of their nature, in not
making a defensive resistance against the rough dealing of a
ravenous Enemy. They who for curiosity will keep Sheep,
may expect that after the Wolves have breathed themselves
all day in the Woods to sharpen their stomachs, they will come
without fail and sup with them at night, though ^y times
they surfeit themselves with the sawce that's dish'd out of
the muzzle of a Gun, and so in the midst of their banquet
(poor Animals) they often sleep with their Ancestors.
Fowls of all sorts and varieties dwell at their several times
and seasons here in Mary-Land : The Turkey, the Woodcock,
the Pheasant, the Partrich, the Pigeon, and others, especially
the Turkey, whom I have seen in whole hundreds in flights
in the Woods of Mary-Land, being an extraordinary fat Fowl,
whose flesh is very pleasant and sweet. These Fowls that I
have named are intayled from generation to generation to the
Woods. The Swans, the Geese and Ducks (with other Watei^
Fowl) derogate in this point of setled residence; for they
arrive in millionous multitudes in Mary-Land about the
middle of September, and take their winged farewell about
the midst of March : But while they do remain, and beleagure
' See Luke viii. 26-33.
348 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
the borders of the shoar with their winged Dragoons, several
of them are summoned by a Writ of Fieri facias j to answer
their presumptuous contempt upon a Spit.
As for Fish, which dwell in the watry tenements of the
deep, and by a providential greatness of power, is kept for the
relief of several Countries in the world (which would else sink
under the rigid enemy of want), here in Mary-Land is a large
sufficiency, and plenty of almost all sorts of Fishes, which live
and inhabit within her several Rivers and Creeks, far beyond
the apprehending or crediting of those that never saw the
same, which with very much ease is catched, to the great re-
freshment of the Inhabitants of the Province.
All sorts of Grain, as Wheat, Rye, Barley, Gates, Pease,
besides several others that have their original and birth from
the fertile womb of this Land (and no where else), they all
grow, increase, and thrive here in Mary-Land, without the
chargable and laborious manuring of the Land with Dung;
increasing in such a measure and plenty, by the natiural rich-
ness of the Earth, with the common, beneficial and convenient
showers of rain that usually wait upon the several Fields of
Grain (by a natural instinct), so that Famine (the dreadful
Ghost of penury and want) is never known with his pale visage
to haunt the Dominions of Mary-Land.
' Could'st thou (O Earth) live thus obscure, and now
Within an Age, shew forth thy plentious brow
Of rich variety, gilded with fruitful Fame,
That (Trumpet-like) doth Heraldize thy Name,
And tells the World there is a Land now found.
That all Earth's Globe can't parallel its Ground?
Dwell, and be prosperous, and with thy plenty feed
The craving Carkesses of those Soub that need.
CHAP. 11.
Of the Government and Natural disposition of (he Peojjie.
Mary-Land, not from the remoteness of her situation, but
from the regularity of her well ordered Government, may
(without sin, I think) be called Singular: And though she is
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 349
not supported with such large Revenues as some of her Neigh-
bours are, yet such is her wisdom in a reserved silence, and not
in pomp, to shew her well-conditioned Estate, in relieving at
a distance the proud poverty of those that wont be seen they
want, as well as those which by imdeniable necessities are
drove upon the Rocks of pinching wants: Yet such a loath-
some creature is a common and folding-handed Beggar, that
upon the penalty of almost a perpetual working in Imprison-
ment, they are not to appear, nor lurk near our vigilant and
laborious dwellings. The Country hath received a general
spleen and antipathy against the very name and nature of
it; and though there were no Law provided (as there is) to
suppress it, I am certainly confident, there is none within the
Province that would lower themselves so much below the dig-
nity of men to beg, as long as limbs and life keep house to-
gether; so much is a vigilant industrious care esteem'd.
He that desires to see the real Platform of a quiet and
sober Government extant. Superiority with a meek and yet
commanding power sitting at the Helme, steering the actions
of State quietly, through the multitude and diversity of
Opinionous waves that diversely meet, let him look on Mary-
Land with eyes admiring, and he'le then judge her, The Miracle
of this Age.
Here the Roman Catholick, and the Protestant Episcopal,
(whom the world would perswade have proclaimed open Wars
irrevocably against each other) contrarywise concur in an
unanimous parallel of friendship, and inseparable love in-
tayled unto one another:* All Inquisitions, Martyrdom, and
Banishments are not so much as named, but unexpressably
abhorr'd by each other.
The several Opinions and Sects that lodge within this
Government, meet not together in mutinous contempts to dis-
quiet the power that bears Rule, but with a reverend quietness
obeys the legal conmiands of Authority. Here's never seen
Five Monarchies' in a Zealous Rebellion, opposing the Rights
> Religious liberty and freedom of conscience were secured by law under
the proprietary government. That there were religious animosities, however, was
manifest during the sway of the commissioners of Parliament, 1652-1658.
* The sect known as "Fifth Monarchy Men" who made an uprising in Lon-
don in 1661.
350 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
and Liberties of a true seUed Govenunent, or Monarchical
Authority: Nor did I ever see (here in Maiy-Land) any of
those dancing Adamitical Sisters, that plead a primitive In-
nocency for their base obscenity, and naJced deportment; but
I conceive if some of them were there at some certain time of the
year, between the Months of January and February, when
the winds blow from the North-West quarter of the world,
that it would both cool, and (I believe) convert the hottest of
these Zealots from their burning and fiercest Concupiscence.
The Government of this Province doth continually, by all
lawful means, strive to ptu^ her Dominions from such base
corroding humors, that would predominate upon the least
smile of Liberty, did not the Laws check and bridle in those
imwarranted and tumultuous Opinions. And truly, where a
Kingdom, State or Government, keeps or cuts down the
weeds of destructive Opinions, there must certainly be a
blessed Harmony of quietness. And I really believe this
Land or Government of Mary-Land may boast, that she
enjoys as much quietness from the disturbance of Rebellious
Opinions, as most States or Kingdoms do in the worid: For
here every man lives quietly, and follows his labour and im-
ployment desiredly; and by the protection of the Laws, they
are supported from those molestious troubles that ever attend
upon the Commons of other States and Kingdoms, as well as
from the Aquafortial operation of great and eating Taxes.
Here's nothing to be levyed out of the Granaries of Com;
but contrarywise, by a Law every Domestick Governor of a
Family is enjoyned to make or cause to be made so much
Com by a just limitation, as shall be sufficient for him and his
Family: So that by this wise and Janu&-Iike providence, the
thin- jawed Skeliton with his starv'd Carkess is never seen
walking the Woods of Mary-Land to aflfrighten Children.
Once every year within this Province is an Assembly
called, and out of every respective Coimty (by the consent
of the people) there is chosen a number of men, and to
them is delivered up the Grievances of the Coimtry; and they
maturely debate the matters, and according to their Con-
sciences make Laws for the general good of the people; and
where any former Law that was made, seems and is prejudicial
to the good or quietness of the Land, it is repealed. These
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 351
men that determine on these matters for the Republique, are
called Burgesses, and they commonly sit in Jmito about six
weeks, being for the most part good ordinary Householders of
the several Counties, which do more by a plain and honest
Conscience, than by artifiicial Syllogisms digest up in gUded
Orations.
Here Suits and Tryals in Law seldome hold dispute two
Terms or Courts, but according as the Equity of the Cause
appears is brought to a period. The Temples and Grajrs-
Inne are dear out of fashion here: Marriot^ would sooner get
a paunch-devouring meal for nothmg, then for his invading
Counsil. Here if the Lawyer had nothing else to maintain
him but his bawling, he might button up his Chops, and bum
his Buckrom Bag, or else hang it upon a pin untill its Antiquity
had eaten it up with durt and dust: Then with a Spade, like
his Grandsire Adam, turn up the face of the Creation, pur-
chasing his bread by the sweat of his brows, that before was
got by the motionated Water-works of his jaws. So contrary
to the Genius of the people, if not to the quiet Government of
the Province, that the turbulent Spirit of continued and
vexatious Law, with all its querks and evasions, is openly and
most eagerly opposed, that might make matters either du-
bious, tedious, or troublesom. All other matters that would
be ranging in contrary and improper Spheres, (in short) are
here by the Power moderated, lower'd and subdued. All
villanous Outrages that are committed in other States, are
not so much as known here: A man may walk in the open
Woods as secure from being externally dissected, as in his
own house or dwelling. So hateful is a Robber, that if but
once imagin'd to be so, he's kept at a distance, and shun'd
as the Pestilential noysomness.
It is generally and very remarkably observed. That those
whose Lives and Conversations have had no other gloss nor
glory stampt on them in their own Coimtry, but the stigma-
tization of baseness, were here (by the common civilities and
deportments of the Inhabitants of this Province) brought to
detest and loath their former actions. Here the Constable
hath no need of a train of Holberteers,* that carry more
^ John Marriott, a lawyer of Gray's Inn, noted for his laige appetite.
* Halberdiers.
352 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
Annour about them, then heart to guard hnn : Nor is he ever
troubled to leave his Feathered Nest to some friendly suc-
cessor, while he is placing of his Lanthem-hom Guard at the
end of some suspicious Street, to catch some Night-walker, or
Batchelor of Leachery, that has taken his Degree three story
high in a Bawdy-house. Here's no Newgates for pilfering
Felons, nor Ludgates for Debtors, nor any Bridewels to lash
the soul of Concupiscence into a chast Repentance. For as
there is none of these Prisons in Mary-Limd, so the merits
of the Country deserves none, but if any be foully vitious, he
is so reserved in it, that he seldom or never becomes popular.
Common Alehouses, (whose dwellings are the only Receptacles
of debauchery and baseness, and those Schools that trains up
Youth, as well as Age, to mine) in this Province there are
none;^ neither hath Youth his swing or range in such a pro-
fuse and unbridled liberty as in other Countries; for from an
antient Custom at the primitive seating of the place, the Son
works as well as the Servant (an excellent cure for untam'd
Youth), so that before they eat their bread, they are com-
monly taught how to earn it ; which makes them by that time
Age speaks them capable of receiving that which their Parents
indulgency is ready to give them, and which partly is by their
own laborious industry purchased, they manage it with such
a serious, grave and watching care, as if they had been Masters
of Families, trained up in that domestick and governing power
from their Cradles. These Christian Natives of the Land,
especially those of the Masculine Sex, are generally conven-
iently confident, reservedly subtle, quick in apprehending,
but dow in resolving; and where they spy profit sailing towards
them with the wings of a prosperous gaJe, there they become
much familiar. The Women dififer something in this point,
though not much : They are extreme bashful at the first view,
but after a continuance of time hath brought them acquainted,
there they become discreetly familiar, and are much more
talkative then men. All Complemental Courtships, drest up
in critical Rarities, are meer strangers to them, plain wit comes
nearest their Genius; so that he that intends to Court a Mary-
> This was probably true of Baltimore County where Alsop lived and where
the population was sparse. There was a tavern at St. Mary's which at a later
date (1686) was ordered suppressed on account of disorders occurring there.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 353
Land Girle, must have something more than the Tautologies
of a long-winded speech to carry on his design, or else he may
(for ought I know) fall under the contempt of her frown, and
his own windy Oration.
One great part of the Inhabitants of this Province are
desiredly Zealous, great pretenders to Holiness; and where
any thing appears that carries on the Frontispiece of its EflSi-
gies the stamp of Religion, though fundamentally never so
imperfect, they are suddenly taken with it, and out of an
ea^r de^re to any thing that's new, not weighing the sure
matter in the Ballance of Reason, are very apt to be catcht.
Quakerism is the only Opinion that bears the Bell away:
The Anabaptists have little to say here, as well as in other
places, since the Ghost of John of Leyden^ haunts their Con-
venticles. The Adamite, Ranter, and Fift-Monarchy men,
Mary-Land cannot, nay will not digest within her liberal
stomach such corroding morsels: So that this Province is an
utter Enemy to blasphemous' and zealous Imprecations,
drain'd from the Lymbeck' of hellish and damnable Spirits,
as well as profuse prophaness, that issues from the prodigality
of none but cract-brain Sots.
'Tis said the Gods lower down that Chain above.
That tyes both Prince and Subject up in Love;
And if this Fiction of the Gods be true.
Few, Mary-Land, in this can boast but you:
Live ever blest, and let those Clouds that do
Eclipse most States, be alwayes Lights to you;
And dwelling so, you may for ever be
The only Emblem of Tranquility.
* Leader of the Anabaptists of Mfinster in 1534-1535.
* Blasphemy was a punishable offence. See act concerning reli^^on, p. 270,
tupra,
•Alembic
364 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
CHAP. m.
The necessariness of Servitude proved, with the common usage
of Servants in Mary-Land, together imih their Priviledges.
As there can be no Monarchy without the Supremacy of a
King and Crown, nor no King without Subjects, nor any
Parents without it be by the fruitful off-spring of Children;
neither can there be any Masters, unless it be by the inferior
Servitude of those that dwell under them, by a commanding
enjoynment: And since it is ordained from the original and
superabounding wisdom of all things, That there should be
Degrees and Diversities amongst the Sons of men, in acknowl-
edging of a Superiority from Inferiors to Superiors; the Ser-
vant with a reverent and befitting Obedience is as liable to
this duty in a measurable performance to him whom he serves,
as the loyalest of Subjects to his Prince. Then since it is a
common and ordained Fate, that there must be Servants as
well as Masters, and that good Servitudes are those CoUedges of
Sobriety that checks in the giddy and wild-headed youth from
his profuse and uneven course of life, by a limited constrain-
ment, as well as it otherwise agrees with the moderate and
discreet Servant: Why should there be such an exclusive
Obstacle in the minds and unreasonable dispositions of many
people, against the limited time of convenient and necessary
Servitude, when it is a thing so requisite, that the best of
Kingdoms would be unhing'd from their quiet and well setled
Government without it. Which levelling doctrine we here of
England in this latter age (whose womb was truss'd out with
nothing but confused Rebellion) have too much experienced,
and was daily rung into the ears of the tumultuous Vulgar
by the Bell-weather Sectaries of the Times: But (blessed be
God) those Clouds are blown over, and the Government of the
Kingdom coucht under a more stable form.
There is no truer Emblem of Confusion either in Monarchy
or Domestick Governments, then when either the Subject, or
the Servant, strives for the upper hand of his Prince, or Master,
and to be equal with him, from whom he receives his present
subsistance: Why then, if Servitude be so necessary that no
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 365
place can be governed in order, nor people live without it,
this may serve to tell those which prick up their ears and bray
against it, That they are none but Asses, and deserve the
Bridle of a strict commanding power to reine them in: For
I'me certainly confident, that there are several Thousands
in most Kingdoms of Christendom, that could not at all live
and subsist, unless they had served some prefixed time, to
learn either some Trade, Art, or Science, and by either of them
to extract their present livelihood.
Then methinks this may stop the mouths of those that will
undiscreetly compassionate them that dwell under necessary
Servitudes; for let but Parents of an indifferent capacity in
Estates, when their Childrens age by computation speak them
seventeen or eighteen years old, turn them loose to the wide
world, without a seven years working Apprenticeship (being
just brought up to the bare formality of a little reading and
writing) and you shall immediately see how weak and shiftless
they'le be towards the maintaining and supporting of them-
selves; and (without either stealing or be^ng) their bodies
like a Sentinel must continually wait to see when their Souls
will be frighted away by the pale Ghost of a starving want.
Then let such, where Providence hath ordained to live as
Servants, either in England or beyond Sea, endure the pre-
fixed yoak of their limited time with patience, and then in a
small computation of years, by an industrious endeavour,
they may become Masters and Mistresses of Families them-
selves. And let this be spoke to the deserved praise of Mary-
Land, That the four years I served there were not to me so
slavish, as a two years Servitude of a Handicraft Apprentice-
ship was here in London; VolerUi enim nU difficile :^ Not that I
write this to seduce or delude any, or to draw them from their
native soyle, but out of a love to my Countrymen, whom in
the general I wish well to, and that the lowest of them may
live in such a capacity of Estate, as that the bare interest of
their Livelihoods might not altogether depend upon persons
of the greatest extendments.
Now those whose abilities here in England are capable of
maintaining themselves in any reasonable and handsom
mmmer, they had best so to remain, lest the roughness of the
1 Nothing 18 di£Scult to the willing.
356 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1666
Ocean, together with the staring visages of the wilde Animals,
which they may see after their arrival into the Country, may
alter the natural dispoations of their bodies, that the stay'd
and solid part that kept its motion by Doctor Trigs purgation-
ary operation, may run beyond the byas of the ^eel in a
violent and laxative confusion.
Now contrarywise, they who are low, and make bare shifts
to buoy themselves up above the shabby center of beggarly
and incident casualties, I heartily could wish the removal of
some of them into Mary-Land, which would make much
better for them that stayed behind, as well as it would advan-
tage those that went.
They whose abilities cannot extend to purchase their own
transportation over into Mary-Land, (and surely he that
cannot command so small a sum for so great a matter, his life
must needs be mighty low and dejected) I say they may for the
debarment of a four years sordid liberty, go over into this
Province and there live plentiously well. And what's a four
years Servitude to advantage a man all the remainder of his
dayes, making his predecessors happy in his sufficient abilities,
wMch he attained to partly by the restrainment of so small a
time?
Now those that commit themselves unto the care of the
Merchant to carry them over, they need not trouble them-
selves with any inquisitive search touching their Voyage;
for there is such an honest care and provision made for them
all the time they remain aboard the Ship, and are sailing
over, that they want for nothing that is necessary and con-
venient.
The Merchant commonly before they go aboard the Ship,
or set themselves in any forwardness for their Voyage, has
Cionditions of Agreements^ drawn between him and those
that by a voluntary consent become his Servants, to serve
him, his Heirs or Assigns, according as they in their primitive
acquaintance have made their bargain, some two, some three,
some four years; and whatever the Master or Servant tyes
himself up to here in England by Condition, the Laws of the
Province will force a performance of when they come there:
Yet here is this Priviledge in it when they arrive, If they dwell
> For form of indenture see p. 99, mpra*
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 357
not with the Merchant they made their first agreement withall,
they may choose whom they wiU serve their prefixed time
with; and after their curiosity has pitcht on one whom they
think fit for their turn, and that they may live well withall,
the Merchant makes an Assignment of the Indenture over to
him whom they of their free will have chosen to be their
Master, in the same nature as we here in England (and no
otherwise) turn over CJovenant Servants or Apprentices from
one Master to another. Then let those whose chaps are always
breathing forth those filthy dregs of abusive exclamations,
which are Lymbeckt from their sottish and preposterous
brains, against this Country of Mary-Land, saying, That
those which are transported over thither, are sold in open
Market for Slaves, and draw in Carts like Horses; which is so
damnable an untruth, that if they should search to the very
Center of Hell, and enquire for a Lye of the most antient and
damned stamp, I confidently believe they could not find one
to parallel this: For know. That the Servants here in Mary-
Land of all Colonies, distant or remote Plantations, have the
least cause to complain, either for strictness of Servitude,
want of Provisions, or need of Apparel : Five dayes a**d a half
in the Summer weeks is the alotted time that they work in;
and for two months, when the Sun predominates in the high-
est pitch of his heat, they claim an antient and customary
Priviledge, to repose themselves three hours in the day within
the house, and this is imdeniably granted to them that work
in the Fields.
In the Winter time, which lasteth three months (viz.)
December, January, and February, they do little or no work>
or imployment, save cutting of wood to make good fires to
sit by, unless their Ingenuity will prompt them to hunt the
Deer, or Bear, or recreate themselves in Fowling, to slaughter
the Swans, Geese, and Turkeys (which this Country affords
in a most plentiful manner:) For every Servant has a Gun,
Powder and Shot allowed him, to sport him withall on all
Holidayes and leasurable times, if he be capable of using it,
or be willing to learn.
Now those Servants which come over into this Province,
being Artificers, they never (during their Servitude) work in
the Fields, or do any other imployment save that which
358 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
their Handicraft and Mechanick endeavounB are ci4)able of
putting them upon, and are esteemed as well by their Masters,
as those that imploy them, above measure. He that's a
Tradesman here in Mary-Land (though a Servant), lives as
well as most conmion Handicrafts do in London, thou^ they
may want something of that Liberty which fVeemen have,
to go and come at their pleasure; yet if it were ri^tly under-
stood and considered, what most of the Liberties of the sev-
eral poor Tradesmen are taken up about, and what a care and
trouble attends that thing they call Liberty, which according
to the common translation is but Idleness, and (if weighed in
the Ballance of a just Reason) will be found to be much heavier
and cloggy then the four years restrainment of a Mary-Land
Servitude. He that lives in the nature of a Servant in this
Province, must serve but four years by the Custom of the
Country;' and when the expiration of Ws time speaks him a
Freeman, there's a Law in the Province, that enjoyns his
Master whom he hath served to give him Fifty Acres of Land,
Com to serve him a whole year, three Sutes of Apparel, with
things necessary to them, and Tools to work withiall ; so that
they are no sooner free, but they are ready to set up for them-
selves, and when once entred, they live passingly well.
The Women that go over into this Province as Servants,
have the best luck here as in any place of the world besides;
for they are no sooner on shoar, but they are courted into a
Copulative Matrimony, which some of them (for aught I know)
had they not come to such a Market with their Virginity, might
have kept it by them untill it had been mouldy, unless they
had let it out by a yearly rent to some of the Inhabitants of
Lewknors-lane,* or made a Deed of Gift of it to Mother Coney,
having only a poor stipend out of it, untill the Gallows or
Hospital called them away. Men have not altogether so good
luck as Women in this kind, or natural preferment, without
they be good Rhetoricians, and well vers'd in the Art of
perswasion, then (probably) they may ryvet themselves in the
time of their Servitude into the private and reserved favour
of their Mistress, if Age speak their Master deficient.
In short, touching the Servants of this Province, they live
well in the time of their Service, and by their restrainment in
* A disreputable neighborhood in London.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 369
that time, they are made capable of living much better when
they come to be free; which in several other parts of the world
I have observed, That after some servants have brought their
indented and Umited time to a just and legal period by Servi-
tude, they have been much more incapable of supporting
themselves from sinking into the Gulf of a slavish, poor, fet-
tered, and intangled life, then all the fastness of their pre-
fixed time did involve them in before.
Now the main and principal Reason of those incident
casualties, that wait continually upon the residencies of most
poor Artificers, is (I gather) from the multiplicity or innumer-
ableness of those several Companies of Tradesmen, that dwell
so closely and stiflingly together in one and the same place,
that like the chafing Gum in Watered-Tabby,* they eat into
the folds of one anothers Estates. And this might easily be
remedied, would but some of them remove and disperse dis-
tantly where want and necessity calls for them; their dwell-
ings (I am confident) would be much larger, and their condi-
tions much better, as well in reference to their Estates, as to
the satisfactoriness of their minds, having a continual imploy-
ment, and from that imployment a continual benefit, without
either begging, seducing, or flattering for it, encroaching that
one month from one of the same profession, that they are
heaved out themselves the next. For I have observed on the
other side of Mary-Land, that the whole course of most Me-
chanical endeavours, is to catch, snatch, and undervalue
one another, to get a little work, or a Customer; which when
they have attained by their lowbuilt and sneaking circum-
ventings, it stands upon so flashy, mutable, and transitory a
foundation, that the best of his hopes is commonly extinguisht
before the poor undervalued Tradesman is warm in the en-
joyment of his Customer.
Then did not a cloud of low and base Cowardize eclipse
the Spirits of these men, these things might easily be diverted;
but they had as live take a Bear by the tooth, as think of leav-
ing their own Country, though they live among their own
National people, and are governed by the same Laws they
have here, yet all this wont do with them; and all the Reason
they can render to the contrary is, There's a great Sea betwixt
> Presumably, gum arable ii3ed in making watered silk.
360 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1666
them and Mary-Land, and in that Sea there are Fishes, and
not only Fishes but great Fishes, and then should a Ship meet
with such an inconsiderable encounter as a Whale, one blow
with his tayle, and then Lord have Mercy upon us : Yet meet
with these men in their common Exchange, which is one
story high in the bottom of a Celler, disputing over a Black-
pot, it would be monstrously dreadful here to insert the par-
ticulars, one swearing that he was the first that scaled the
Walls of Dundee, when the Bullets flew about their ears as
thick as Hail-stones usually fall from the Sky; which if it
were but rightly examined, the most dangerous Engagement
that ever he was in, was but at one of the flashy battels at
Finsbury, where commonly there's more Custard greedily
devoured, then men prejudiced by the rigour of the War.
Others of this Company relating their several dreadful ex-
ploits, and when they are just entring into the particulars, let
but one step in and interrupt their discourse, by telling them
of a Sea Voyage, and the violency of storms that attends it,
and that there are no back-doors to run out at, which they
call, a handsom Retreat and Charge again; the apprehensive
danger of this is so powerful and penetrating on them, that a
damp sweat immediately involves their Microcosm, so that
Margery the old Matron of the Celler, is fain to run for a half-
peny-worth of Angelica to rub their nostrils; . . .
Now I know that some will be apt to judge, that I have
written this last part out of derision to some of my poor
Mechanick Country-men: Truly I must needs tell those to
their face that thmk so of me, that they prejudice me ex-
tremely, by censuring me as guilty of any such crime : What I
have written is only to display the sordidness of their disposi-
tions, who rather than they will remove to another Country
to live plentiously well, and give their Neighbors more Elbow-
room and space to breath in, they will crowd and throng upon
one another, with the pressure of a beggarly and unnecessary
weight.
That which I have to say more in this business, is a hearty
and desirous wish, that the several poor Tradesmen here in
London that I know, and have borne an occular testimony of
their want, might live so free from care as I did when I dwelt
in the bonds of a four years Servitude in Mary-Land.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 361
Be just (Domestick Monarchs) unto them
That dwell as Household Subjects to each Realm;
Let not your Power make you be too severe,
Where there's small faults reign* in your sharp Career:
So that the Worlds base yelping Crew
May'nt bark what I have wrote is writ untrue.
So use your Servants, if there come no more,
They may serve Eight, instead of serving Four.
CHAP. IV.
Upon Trafiquey and what Merchandizing Commodities this
Province affords, also how Tobacco is planted and made fit
for Commerce.
Trafique, Commerce, and Trade, are those great wheeles
that by their circular and continued motion, turn into most
Kingdoms of the Earth the plenty of abundant Riches that
they are commonly fed withall : For Trafique in his right de-
scription, is the very soul of a Kingdom; and should but Fate
ordain a removal of it for some years, from the richest and
most populous Monarchy that dwells in the most fertile clyme
of the whole Universe, he would soon find by a woful experi-
ment, the miss and loss of so reviving a supporter. And I am
certainly confident, that England would as soon feel her
feebleness by withdrawment of so great an upholder; as well
in reference to the internal and healthful preservative of her
Inhabitants, for want of those Medicinal Drugs that are landed
upon her Coast every year, as the external profits, Glory and
beneficial Graces that accrue by her.
Paracelsus might knock down his Forge, if Trafique and
Commerce should once cease, and grynde the hilt of his Sword
into Powder, and take some of the Infusion to make him so
valorous, that he might cut his own Throat in the honor of
Mercury: Galen might then bum his Herbal, and like Joseph
of Arimathea, build him a Tomb in his Garden, and so rest
from his labours: Our Physical Collegians of London would
have no cause then to thunder Fire-balls at Nich. Culpeppers
'Rein.
362 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
Dispensatory/ All Herbs, Roots, and Medicines would bear
their original christening, that the ignorant might understand
them: AUmm grecum would not be Album grecum then, but a
Dogs turd would be a Dogs turd in plam terms, in spight of their
teeth.
If Trade should once cease, the Custom-house would soon
miss her hundreds and thousands Hogs-heads of Tobacco, that
use to be throng in her every year, as well as the Grocers would
in their Ware-houses and Boxes, the Gentry and Conmionalty
in their Pipes, the Physician m his Drugs and Medicinal Com-
positions: The Oeering) Waiters' for want of imployment,
might Qike so many Diogenes) intomb themselves in their
empty casks, and rouling themselves oflf the Key into the
Thames, there wander up and down from tide to tide in con-
templation of Aristotles unresolved curiosity, until the rotten-
ness of their circular habitation give them a Quietus est, and
fairly surrender them up into the custody of those who both
for the profession, disposition and nature, lay as near claim
to them, as if they both tumbled in one belly, and for name
they jump alike, being according to the original translation
both Sharkes.
Silks and Cambricks, and Lawns to make sleeves, would
be as soon miss'd at Court, as Gold and Silver would be in the
Mint and Pockets: The Low-Country Soldier would be at a
cold stand for Outlandish Furrs to make him MuflFs, to keep
his ten similitudes warm m the Winter, as well as the Furrier
for want of Skins to uphold his Trade.
Should CoDMnerce once cease, there is no Country in the
habitable world but would undoubtedly miss that flourishing,
splendid and rich gallantry of Equipage, that Trafique main-
tained and drest her up in, before she received that fatal
Eclipse: England, France, Germany and Spain, together with
all the Kingdoms
But stop (good Muse) lest I should, like the Parson of
Pancras, run so far from my Text in half an hour, that a two
hours trot back again would hardly fetch it up: I had best
while I am alive in my Doctrine, to think again of Mary-Land,
1 The allusion is to « contemporary controversy over the unauthorized pub-
cation of an English translation of the Pharmacopoeia,
• Tide-wmters. A term formerly applied to customs inspectara.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 363
lest the business of other Countries take up so much room in
my brain, that I forget and bury her in oblivion.
The three main CJommodities this Country affords for
Trafique, are Tobacco, Furrs, and Flesh. Furrs and Skins, as.'
Beavers, Otters, Musk-Rats, Rackoons, Wild-Cats, and Elke
or Buffeloe, with divers others, which were first made ven-
dible by the Indians of the Country, and sold to the Inhabi-
tant, and by them to the Merchant, and so transported into
England and other places where it becomes most commo-
dious.
Tobacco is the only solid Staple Commodity of this Prov-
ince: The use of it was first found out by the Indians many
Ages agoe, and transferred into Christendom by that great
Discoverer of America Columbus. It's generally made by all
the Inhabitants of this Province, and between the months of
March and April they sow the seed (which is much smaller
than Mustard-seed) in small beds and patches digged up and
made so by art, and about May the Plants commonly appear
green in those beds: In June they are transplanted from their
beds, and set in little hillocks in distant rowes, dug up for the
same purpose; some twice or thrice they are weeded, and sue-
coured from their illegitimate Leaves that would be peeping
out from the body of the Stalk. They top the several Plants
as they find occasion in their predominating rankness: About
the middle of September they cut the Tobacco down, and
carry it into houses, (made for that purpose) to bring it to its
purity: And after it has attained, by a convenient attendance
upon time, to its perfection, it is then tyed up in bundles, and
packt into Hogs-heads, and then laid by for the Trade.
Between November and January there arrives in this
Province Shipping to the number of twenty sail and upwards,
all Merchant-men loaden with Commodities to Trafique and
dispose of, trucking with the Planter for Silks, Hollands,
Serges, and Broad-clothes, with other necessary Goods, priz'd
at such and such rates as shall be judg'd on is fair and legal,
for Tobacco at so much the pound, and advantage on both
sides considered; the Planter for his work, and the Merchant
for adventuring himself and his Commodity into so far a
Country: Thus is the Trade on both sides drove on with a
fair and honest Decorum.
364 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
The Inhabitants of this Province are seldom or never put
to the affrightment of being robb'd of their money, nor to
dirty their Fingers by telling of vast sums: They have more
bags to carry Com, then Cojm; .and though they want, but why
should I call that a want which is only a necessary miss? the
very effects of the dirt of this Province affords as great a profit
to the general Inhabitant, as the Gold of Peru doth to the
straight-breecht Commonalty of the Spaniard.
Our Shops and Exchanges of Mary-Land, are the Merchants
Store-houses, where with few words and protestations Goods
are bought and delivered; not like those Shop-keepers Boys
in London, that continually cry. What do ye lack Sir? What
d'ye buy? yelping with so wide a mouth, as if some Apothe-
cary had hired their mouths to stand open to catch Gnats and
Vagabond Flyes in.
Tobacco is the currant Cojm of Mary-Land, and will
sooner purchase Commodities from the Merchant, then money.
I must confess the New-England men that trade into this
Province, had rather have fat Pork for their Goods, then To-
bacco or Furrs, which I conceive is, because their bodies being
fast bound up with the cords of restringent Zeal, they are fain
to make use of the lineaments of this Non-Canaanite creat-
ure physically to loosen them; for a bit of a pound upon a
two-peny Rye loaf, according to the original Receipt, will
bring the costiv'st red-ear'd Zealot in some three hoius time
to a fine stool, if methodically observed;
Medera- Wines, Sugars, Salt, Wickar-Chairs, and Tin Candle-
sticks, is the most of the Commodities they bring in: They
arrive in Mary-Land about September, being most of them
Ketches and Barkes, and such small Vessels, and those dis-
persing themselves into several small Creeks of this Province,
to sell and dispose of their Commodities, where they know the
Market is most fit for their small Adventures.
Barbadoes, together with the several adjacent Islands, has
much Provision yearly from this Province: And though these
Sun-burnt Phaetons think to outvye Mary-Land in their
Silks and Puffs, daily speaking against her whom their neces-
sities makes them beholding to, and like so many Don DiegoB
that becackt Pauls, cock their Felts and look big upon't; yet if
a man could go down into their infemals, and see how it fares
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 365
with them there, I believe he would hardly find any other
Spirit to buoy them up, then the ill-visaged Ghost of want,
that continually wanders from gut to gut to feed upon the
undigested rynes of Potatoes,
Trafique is Earth's great Adas, that supports
The pay of Armies, and the height of Courts,
And makes Mechanicks live, that else would die
Meer starving Mar^rs to their penury:
None but the Merchant of this thing can boast.
He, like the Bee, comes loaden from each Coast,
And to all Kingdoms, as within a Hive,
Stows up those Riches that doth make them thrive:
Be thrifty, Maiy-Land, keep what thou hast in store.
And each years Trafique to thy self get more.
A Relation of the Customs, Manners, AhsurdUies, and Religion
of the SiLsquehanxKk Indians in and near Mary-Land.
As the diversities of Languages (since Babels confusion)
has made the distinction between people and people, in this
Christendompart of the world; so are they distinguished Na-
tion from Nation, by the diversities and confusion of their
Speech and Languages here in America: And as every Nation
^^3ifffers in their Laws, Manners and Customs, in Europe, Asia and
Africa, so do they the very same here; That it would be a most
intricate and laborious trouble, to run (with a description)
through the several Nations of Indians here in America, con-
sidering the innumerableness and diversities of them that dwell
on this vast and unmeasured Continent: But rather then I'le
be altogether silent, I shall do like the Painter in the Comedy,
who being to limne out the Pourtraiture of the Furies, as they
severally appeared, set himself behind a Pillar, and between
Iright and amazement, drew them by guess. Those Indians
that I have conversed withall here in this Province of Mary-
Land, and have had any occular experimental view of either
of their Customs, Manners, Religions, and Absurdities, are
called by the name of Susquehanocks, being a people lookt
upon by the Christian Inhabitants, as the most Noble and
Heroick Nation of Indians that dwell upon the confines of
America; also are so allowed and lookt upon by the rest of
366 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
the Indians, by a submissive and tributary acknowledgement;
being a people cast into the mould of a most large and War-
like deportment, the men being for the most part seven foot
high in latitude/ and in magnitude and bulk suitable J>^-80
liigh a pitch; their voyce large and hollow, as ascending out
of a Cave, their gate and behavior strait, stately arid'majestick^
treading on the Earth with as much pride, contempt, and dis-
dain to so sordid a Center, as can be imagined from a creature
derived from the same mould and Earth.
Their bodies are cloth'd with no other Armour to defend
them from the nipping frosts of a benumbing Winter, or the
penetrating and scorching influence of the Sun in a hot Sum-
mer, then what Nature gave them when they parted with the
dark receptacle of their mothers womb. They go Men, Women
and Children, all naked,' only where shame leads them by a
natural instinct to be reservedly modest, there they become
covered. The formality of Jezabels artificial Glory is much
courted and followed by these Indians, only in matter of
colours (I conceive) they differ.
The Indians paint upon their faces one stroke of red, an-
other of green, another of white, and another of black, so that
when they have accomplished the Equipage of their Counte-
nance in this trim, they are the only Hierogljrphicks and
Representatives of the Furies. Their skins are naturally
white, but altered from their originals by the several d3dng8
of Roots and Barks, that they prepare and make useful to
metamorphize their hydes into a dark Cinamon brown. The
hair of their head is black, long and harsh, but where Nature
hath appointed the situation of it any where else, they divert
it (by an antient custom) from its growth, by pulling it up hair
by hair by the root in its primitive appearance. Several of
them wear divers impressions on their breasts and armes, as
the picture of the Devil, Bears, Tigers, and Panthers, which
are imprinted on their several lineaments with much diflBculty
and pain, with an irrevocable determination of its abiding
there : And this they count a badge of Heroick Valour, and the
only Ornament due to their Heroes.
> Altitude. The Susquehannah Indians were a lai^ and warlike people; but
the stature here ascribed to them is an obvious exaggeration.
> Compare the description of the dress of the Pascataway Indians, p. 43, supra.
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 367
These Susquehanock Indians are for the most part great
Waniours, and seldom sleep one Summer in the quiet annes
of a peaceable Rest, but keep (by their present Power, as well
as by their fonner Conquest) the several Nations of Indians
roimd about them, in a forceable obedience and subjection.
Their Government is wrapt up in so various and intricate
a Laborynth, that the speculativ'st Artist in the whole World,
with his artificial aoid natural Opticks, cannot see into the rule
or sway of these Indians, to distinguish what name of Gov-
ernment to call them by; though Purchas in his Peregrination
between London and Essex, (which he calls the whole World)
will undertake (forsooth) to make a Monarchy^ of them, but
if he had said Anarchy, his word would have pass'd with a
better belief. All that ever I could observe in them as to this
matter is, that he that is most cruelly Valorous, is accounted
the most Noble: Here is very seldom any creeping from a
Country Farm, into a Courtly Gallantry, by a sum of money;
nor feeing the Heralds to put Daggers and Pistols into their
Annes, to make the ignorant believe that they are lineally de-
scended from the house of the Wars and Conquests; he that
fights bests carries it here.
When they determine to go upon some Design that will
and doth require a Consideration, some six of them get into
a comer, and sit in Juncto ; and if thought fit, their business is
made popular, and immediately put into action; if not, they
make a full stop to it, and are silently reserv'd.
The Warlike Equipage they put themselves in when they
prepare for Belona's March, is with their faces, annes, and
breasts confusedly painted, their hair greazed with Bears oyl,
and stuck thick with Swans Feathers, with a wreath or Dia-
dem of black and white Beads upon their heads, a small
Hatchet, instead of a Cymetre, stuck in their girts behind
them, and either with Guns, or Bows and Anows. In this po&-
ture and dress they march out from their Fort, or dwelling, to
the number of Forty in a Troop, singing (or rather howling out)
the Decades or Warlike exploits of their Ancestors, ranging
the wide Woods tmtill their fury has met with an Enemy
^ See A Relaiion of Maryland^ p. 84, supra. The contemptuous reference
above is to Purchas's Pilgrimes (1625), that great storehouse of narratiyes of
▼oyages.
368 NARRATIVES OF EARJLY MARYLAND [1666
worthy of their Revenge. What Prisoners fall into their
hands by the destiny of War, they treat them very civilly
while they remain with them abroad, but when they onoe
return homewards, they then begin to dress them in the habit
for death, putting on their heads and armes wreaths of Beads,
greazing their hair with fat, some going before, and the
rest behmd, at equal distance from their Prisoners, bellow-
ing m a strange and confused manner, which is a true pre-
sage and fore-runner of destruction to their then conquered
Enemy.
In this manner of march they continue till they have
brought them to their Barken CSty, where they deUver them
up to those that in cruelty will execute them, without either
the legal Judgement of a Coimcil of War, or the benefit of
their Clergy at the Common Law. The common and usual
deaths they put their Prisoners to, is to bind them to stakes,
making a fire some distance from them; then one or other of
them, whose Genius delights in the art of Paganish dissection,
with a sharp knife or flint cuts the Cutis or outermost skin of
the brow so deep, imtill their nails, or rather Talons, can fasten
themselves firm and secure in, then (with a most rigid jerk)
disrobeth the head of skin and hair at one pull, leaving the skull
almost as bare as those Monumental Skelitons at Chyrurgions-
Hall; but for fear they should get cold by leaving so warm
and customary a Cap off, they immediately apply to the skull
a Cataplasm of hot Embers to keep their Pericranium warm.
While they are thus acting this cruelty on their heads, several
others are preparing pieces of Iron, and barrels of old Guns,
which they make red hot, to sear each part and lineament of
their bodies, which they perform and act in a most cruel and
barbarous manner: And while they are thus in the midst of
their torments and execrable usa^, some tearing their skin
and hair of their head off by violence, others searing their
bodies with hot irons, some are cutting their flesh off, and
eating it before their eyes raw while they are alive; yet all this
and much more never makes them lower the Top-gallant sail
of their Heroick courage, to beg with a submissive Repentance
any indulgent favour from their persecuting Enemies; but
with an undaunted contempt to their cruelty, eye it with so
slight and mean a respect, as if it were below them to value
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 369
what they did, they courageously (while breath doth libertize
them) sing the summary of their Warlike Atchievements.
Now after this cruelty has brought their tormented lives
to a period, they immediately fall to butchering of them into
parts, distributing the several pieces amongst the Sons of War,
to intomb the mines of their deceased Conquest in no other
Sepulchre then their unsanctified maws; which they with
more appetite and desire do eat and digest, then if the best of
foods should court their stomachs to participate of the most
restorative Banquet. Yet though they now and then feed
upon the Carkesses of their Enemies, this is not a common
dyet, but only a particular dish for the better sort ; for there
is not a Beast that runs in the Woods of America, but if they
can by any means come at him, without any scruple of Con-
science they'le fall too (without sajring Grace) with a devour-
ing greediness.
As for their Religion, together with their Rites and Cere-
monies, they are so absurd and ridiculous, that its almost a
sin to name them. They own no other Deity than the Devil,
(solid or profound) but with a kind of wilde imaginary con-
jecture, they suppose from their groundless conceits, that the
World had a Maker, but where he is that made it, or whether
he be Uving to this day, they know^not. The Devil, as I said
before, is all the God they own or worship; and that more out
of a slavish fear then any real Reverence to his Infernal or Dia-
bolical greatness, he forcing them to their Obedience by his
rough and rigid dealing with them, often appearing visibly
among them to their terrour, bastinadoing them (with cruel
menaces) even unto death, and burning their Fields of Com
and houses, that the relation thereof makes them tremble
themselves when they tell it.
Once in four years they Sacrifice a Childe to him, in an
acknowledgement of their firm obedience to all his Devillish
powers, and Hellish conmiands. The Priests to whom they
apply themselves in matters of importance and greatest dis-
tress, are like those that attended upon the Oracle at Delphos,
who by their Magic-spells could conunand a jito or con from
the Devil when they pleas'd. These Indians oft-times raise
great Tempests when they have any weighty matter or design
in hand, and by blustering storms inquire of their Infernal
370 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666
God (the Devil) How matters shaJl go with them either in
publick or private.
When any among them depart this life, they give him no
other intombment, then to set him upright upon his breech in a
hole dug in the Earth some five foot long, and three foot deep,
covered over with the Bark of Trees Arch-wise, with his face
Du-West, only leaving a hole half a foot square open. They
dress him in the same Equipage and Gallantry that he used to
be trim'd in when he was alive, and so bury him (if a Soldier)
with his Bows, Arrows, and Target, together with all the rest
of his implements and weapons of War, with a Kettle of Broth,
and Com standing before him, lest he should meet with bad
quarters in his way. His Kinred and Relations follow him to
the Grave, sheath'd in Bear skins for close mourning, with the
tayl droyling on the ground, in imitation of our English Sol-
emners, that think there's nothing like a tayl a Degree in
length, to follow the dead Corpse to the Grave with. Here
if that snuffling Prolocutor, that waits upon the dead Monu-
ments of the Tombs at Westminster, with his white Rod were
there, he might walk from Tomb to Tomb with his. Here lies
the Duke of Ferrara and his Dutchess, and never find any
decaying vacation, unless it were in the moldering Consump-
tion of his own Lungs. They bury all within the wall or Pal-
lisado'd impalement of their City, or Connadago as they call
it. Their houses are low and long, built with the Bark of
Trees Arch-wise, standing thick and confusedly together.
They are situated a hundred and odd miles distant from the
Christian Plantations of Mary-Land, at the head of a River
that runs into the Bay of Ch^esapike, called by their own
name The Susquehanock River, where they remain and in-
habit most part of the Summer time, and seldom remove far
from it, unless it be to subdue any Forreign Rebellion.
About November the best Hunters draw off to several
remote places of the Woods, where they know the Deer, Bear,
and Elke useth; there they build them several Cottages, which
they call their Winter-quarter, where they remain for the
space of three months, untill they have killed up a sufficiency
of Provisions to supply their Farnilies with in the Summer.
The Women are the Butchers, Cooks, and Tillers of the
ground, the Men think it below the honour of a Masculine, to
1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 371
stoop to any thing but that which their Gun, or Bow and Ar-
rows can command. The Men kill the several Beasts which
they meet withall in the Woods, and the Women are the Pack
horses to fetch it in upon their backs, fleying and dressing the
hydes, (as well as the flesh for provision) to make them fit for
Trading, and which are brought down to the English at several
seasons in the year, to truck and dispose of them for course
Blankets, Guns, Powder, and Lead, Beads, small Looking-
glasses, Knives, and Razors.
I never observed all the while I was amongst these naked
Indians, that ever the Women wore the Breeches, or dared
dther in look or action predominate over the Men. They are
very constant to their Wives; and let this be spoken to their
Heathenish praise, that did they not alter their bodies by their
dyings, paintings, and cutting themselves, marring those Ex-
cellencies that Nature bestowed upon them in their original
conceptions and birth, there would be as amiable beauties
amongst them, as any Alexandria could afford, when Mark
Anthony and Cleopatra dwelt there together. Their Mar-
riages are short and authentique; for after 'tis resolv'd upon
by both parties, the Woman sends her intended Husband a
Kettle of boyPd Venison, or Bear; and he returns in lieu
thereof Beaver or Otters Skins, and so their Nuptial Rites
are concluded without other Ceremony.
A CcUection of some LeUers thai were v/ritten by the same Author,
most of them in the time of his Servitude.
To my mvch Honored Friend Mr. T. B.
Sir,
I have lived with sorrow to see the Anointed of the Lord
tore from his Throne by the hands of Paricides, and in con-
tempt haled, in the view of God, Angels and Men, upon a
public Theatre, and there murthered.^ I have seen the sacred
Temple of the Almighty, in scorn by Schismaticks made the
Receptacle of Theeves and Robbers; and those Religious
Prayers, that in devotion Evening and Morning were offered
up as a Sacrifice to our God, rent by Sacrilegious hands, and
^ An allusion to the execution of Charles I. in 1649.
372 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1658
made no other use of, then sold to Brothd-houses to li^t
Tobacco with.
Who then can stay, or will, to see things of so great wi^gjht
steered by such barbarous Hounds as these: First, were there
an E^jrpt to go down to, I would involve my Liberty to them,
upon condition ne'er more to see my Countiy. What? live in
ffllence under the sway of such base actions, is to give consent;
and though the lowness of my present Estate and Condition,
with the hazard I put my future dayes upon, might jAesd a
just excuse for me to stay at home; but Heavens forbid: lie
rather serve in Chains, and draw the Plou^ with Animals, tiU
death shall stop and say. It is enough. Sir, if you stay behind,
I wish you wdl: I am bound for Mary-Land, this day I have
made some entrance into my intended voyage, and when I
have done more, you shall know of it. I have here inclosed
what you of me desired, but truly trouble, discontent and
business, have so amazed my senses, that what to write, or
where to write, I conceive my self almost as unci^>able as he
that never did write. What you'le find will be Ex tempore,
without the use of premeditation; and though there may
want something of a flourishing stile to dress them forth, yet
I'm certain there wants nothing of truth, will, and
Heavens bright Lamp, shine forth some of thy Light,
But just so long to paint this dismal Night;
Then draw thy beams, and hide thy glorious face»
From the dark sable actions of this place;
Leaving these lustful Sodomites groping still.
To satisfie each dark unsatiate will,
Untill at length the crimes that they conunit.
May sink them down to Hells Infernal pit
Base and degenerate Earth, how dost thou lye.
That all that pass hiss, at thy Treachery?
Thou which couldst boast once of thy King and Crown,
By base Mechanicks now art tumbled down.
Brewers and G)blers, that have scarce an Eye,
Walk hand in hand in thy Supremacy;
And all those Courts where Majesty did Hirone*
Are now the Seats for Oliver and Joan:
Persons of Honour, which did before inherit
Their glorious Titles from deserved merit.
Are all grown silent, and with wonder gaze.
1658] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 373
To view such Slaves drest in their Courtly rayes;
To see a Drayman that knows nought but Yeast,
Set in a Throne like Babylons red Beast,
While heaps of Parasites do idolize
This red-nos'd Bell, with fawning Sacrifice.
What can we say? our King they've Murthered,
And those well bom, are basely buried:
Nobles are slain, and Royalists in each street
Are scom'd, and kicked by most men that they meet:
Religion's banisht, and Heresie survives.
And none but Conventicks in this Age thrives.
Oh could those Romans from their Ashes rise.
That liv'd in Nero's time: Oh how their cries
Would our perfidious Island shake, nay rend.
With clamorous screaks unto the Heaven send:
Oh how they'd blush to see our Crimson crimes,
And know the Subjects Authors of these times:
When as the Peasant he shall take his King,
And without cause shall fall a murthering him;
And when that's done, with Pride assimie the Chair,
And Nimrod-like, himself to heaven rear;
Command the People, make the Land Obey
His baser will, and swear to what he'l say.
Sure, sure our Grod has not these evils sent
To please himself, but for mans punishment:
And when he shall from our dark sable Skies
Withdraw these Clouds, and let our Sun arise,
Our dayes will surely then in Glory shine.
Both in our Temporal, and our State divine:
May this come quickly, though I may never see
This glorious day, yet I would sympathie.
And feel a joy run through each vain of blood.
Though Vassalled on t'other side the Floud.
Heavens protect his Sacred Majesty,
From secret Plots, and treacherous Villany.
And that those Slaves that now predominate,
Hang'd and destroy'd may be their best of Fate;
And though great Charles be distant from his own.
Heaven I hope will seat him on his Throne.
Vale.
Yours what I may,
From the Chimney-comer upon a G. A.
low Cricket, where I writ this in
the noise of some six Women,
Aug. 19. Anno
374 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1658
To my Honoured Father, at his House.
Sir,
Before I dare bid Adieu to the old World, or shake hands
with my native Soyl for ever, I have a Conscience inwards
tells me, that I must ofifer up the remains of that Obedience of
mine, that lyes close centered within the cave of my Soul,
at the Alter, of your paternal Love: And though this Sacrifice
of mine may shew something low and thread-bare, (at this
time) yet know. That in the Zenith of all actions. Obedience is
that great wheel that moves the lesser in their circular motion.
I am now entring for some time to dwell under the Gov-
ernment of Neptune, a Monarchy that I was never manured
to live under, nor to converse with in his dreadful Aspect,
neither do I know how I shall bear with his rough demands;
but that God has carried me through those many gusts a shoar,
which I have met withall in the several voyages of my life, I
hope will Pilot me safely to my desired Port, through the worst
of Stormes I shall meet withall at Sea.
We have strange, and yet good news aboard, that he whose
vast mind could not be contented with spacious Territories
to stretch his insatiate desires on, is (by an Almighty power)
banished from his usurped Throne to dwell among the dead.
I no sooner heard of it, but my melancholly Muse forced me
upon this ensuing Distich.
Poor vaunting Earth, gloss'd with uncertain Pride,
That Hv'd in Pomp, yet worse than others d/d:
Who shall blow forth a Trumpet to thy praise?
Or call thy sable Actions shining Rajes?
Such Lights as those blaze forth the vertues dead.
And make them live, though they are buried.
ThouVt gone, and to thy memory let be said.
There lies that Oliver which of old betray'd
His King and Master, and after did assimie,
With sweUing Pride, to govern in his room.
Here I'le rest satisfied, Scriptures expound to me,
Tophet was made for such Supremacy.
The death of this great Rebel (I hope) will prove an Omen
to presage destruction on the rest. The World's in a heap
of troubles and confusion, and while they are in the midst of
1668] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 375
their changes and amazes, the best way to give them the bag,
is to go out of the World and leave them. I am now bound
for Mary-Land, and I am told that's a New World, but if it
prove no better than this, I shall not get much by my change;
but before I'le revoke my Resolution, I am resolv'd to put it
to adventure, for I think it can hardly be worse then this is:
Thus conunitting you into the hands of that God that made
you, I rest
Your Obedient Son,
From aboard a Ship at GraTe»- G. A.
end, Sept 7th. Anno [1G58]
To my Brother.
I Leave you very near in the same condition as I am in my
self, only here lies the difference, you were boimd at Joyners
Hall in London Apprentice-wise, and I conditionally at Navi-
gators Hall, that now rides at an Anchor at Gravesend; I
hope you will allow me to live in the largest Mayordom, by
reason I am the eldest: None but the main Continent of
America will serve me for a Corporation to inhabit in now,
though I am affraid for all that, that the reins of my Liberty
will be something shorter then yours will be in London: But
as to that, what Destiny has ordered I am resolved with an
adventerous Resolution to subscribe to, and with a contented
imbracement enjoy it. I would fain have seen you once more
in this Old World, before I go into the New, I know you have
a chain about your Leg, as well as I have a clog about my
Neck: If you can't come, send a line or two, if not, wish me
well at least : I have one thing to charge home upon you, and I
hope you will take my counsel, That you have alwayes an obedi-
ent Respect and Reverence to your aged Parents, that while
they live they may have comfort of you, and when that God
shall sound a retreat to their lives, that there they may with
their gray hairs in joy go down to their Graves.
Thus concluding, wishing you a comfortable Servitude, a
prosperous Life, and the assurance of a happy departure in
the immutable love of him that made you. Vole.
Your Brother,
G. A.
From GraYesend, Sept. 7. Anno
376 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1650
To My mvch Honored Friend Mr. T. B. at his House.
I Am gpt ashoar with much ado, and it is very well as it is,
for if I had stayed a little longer, I had certainly been a Crea-
ture of the Water, for I had hardly flesh enough to carry me
to Land, not that I wanted for any thing that the Ship could
afford me in reason: But oh the great bowls of Pease-porridge
that appeared in sight every day about the hour twelve, in-
gulfed the senses of my Appetite so, with the restringent
quality of the Salt Beef, upon the internal Inhabitants of my
belly, that a Galenist for some dayes after my arrival, with
his Bag-pipes of Physical operations, could hardly make my
Puddings dance in any methodical order.
But to set by these thingiB that happened unto me at Sea,
I am now upon Land, and there I'le keep my self if I can,
and for four years I am pretty sure of my restraint; and had
I known my yoak would have been so easie, (as I conceive it
will) I wotild have been here long before now, rather then to
have dwelt under the pressure of a Rebellious and Trayterous
Government so long as I did. I dwell now by providence in the
Province of Mary-Land, (under the quiet Government of the
Lord Baltemore) which Country abounds in a most glorious
prosperity and plenty of all things. And though the Infancy
of her situation might plead an excuse to those several imper-
fections, (if she were guilty of any of them) which by scandal-
ous and imaginary conjectures are falsly laid to her charge,
and which she values with so little notice or perceivance of dis-
content, that she hardly alters her visage with a frown, to let
them know she is angry with such a Rascality oL people, that
loves nothing better then their own sottish and abusive accla-
mations of baseness: To be short, the Country (so far forth
as I have seen into it) is incomparable.
Here is a sort of naked Inhabitants, or wilde people, that
have for many ages I believe lived here in the Woods of Mary-
Land, as well as in other parts of the Continent, before e'er it
was by the Christian Discoverers found out; being a people
strange to behold, as well in their looks, which by confused
paintings makes them seem dreadful, as in their steme and
heroick gate and deportments; the Men are mighty tall and
big limbed, the Women not altogether so large ; they are most
of them very well featured, did not their wilde and ridiculous
1669] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 377
dresses alter their original excellencies: The men are great
Warriours and Hunters, the Women ingenious and laborious
Housewives.
As to matter of their Worship, they own no other Deity then
the Devil, and him more out of a slavish fear, then any real
devotion, or willing acknowledgement to his Hellish power.
They live in little small Bark-Cottages, in the remote parts of
the Woods, killing and slaying the several Animals that they
meet withall to make provision of, dressing their several
Hydes and Skins to Trafique withall, when a conveniency of
Trade presents. I would go on further, but like Doctor Case,
when he had not a word more to speak for himself, I am
affraid my beloved I have kept you too long. Now he that
made you save you. Amen.
Yours to command,
G. A.
From Maiy-Land, Febr. 6. Anno
And not to forget Tom Forge I beseech you, tell him that
my Love's the same towards him still, and as firm as it was
about the overgrown Tryal, when Judgements upon Judge-
ments, had not I stept in, would have pursued him untill the
day of Judgement, etc.
To my FaJEker at his House.
Sir,
After my Obedience (at so great and vast a distance) has
humbly salu|;ed you and my good Mother, with the cordialest
of my prayers, wishes, and desires to wait upon you, with the
very best of their effectual devotion, wishing from the very
Center of my Soul your flourishing and well-being here upon
Earth, and your glorious and everlasting happiness in the
World to come.
These lines (my dear Parents) come from that Son which
by an irregular Fate was removed from his Native home,
and after a five months dangerous passage, was landed on the
remote Continent of America, in the Province of Mary-Land,
where now by providence I reside. To give you the particu-
lars of the several accidents that happened in our Voyage by
Sea, it would swell a Journal of some sheets, and therefore too
378 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659
large and tedious for a Letter: I think it therefore necessary
to bind up the relation in Octavo, and give it you in short.
We had a blowing and dangerous passage of it, and for
some dayes after I arrived, I was an absolute Copernicus, it
being one main point of my moral Creed, to believe the World
had a pair of long legs, and walked with the burthen of the
Creation upon her back. For to tell you the very truth of it,
for some dayes upon Land, after so long and tossing a passage,
I was so giddy that I could hardly tread an even step; so that
all things both above and below (that was in view) appeared
to me like the Kentish Britains to William the Conqueror, in a
moving posture.
Those few number of weeks since my arrival, has given me
but little experience to write any thing large of the Country;
only thus much I can say, and that not from any imaginary
conjectures, but from an occular observation. That this
Country of Mary-Land abounds in a flourishing variety of
delightful Woods, pleasant Groves, lovely Springs, together
with spacious Navigable Rivers and Creeks, it being a most
healthful and pleasant situation, so far as my knowledge has
yet had any view in it.
Herds of Deer are as numerous in this Province of Mary-
Land, as Cuckolds can be in London, only their horns are not
so well drest and tipt with silver as theirs are.
Here if the DevU had such a Vagary in his head as he had
once among the Gadareans, he might drown a thousand head
of Hogs and they'd ne're be miss'd, for the very Woods of this
Province swarms with them.
The Christian Inhabitant of this Province, as to the gen-
eral, lives wonderful well and contented: The Government
of this Province is by the loyalness of the people, and loving
demeanor of the Proprietor and Governor of the same, kept in a
continued peace and unity.
The Servant of this Province, which are stigmatized for
Slaves by the clappermouth jaws of the vulgar in England,
live more like Freemen then the most Mechanick Apprentices
in London, wanting for nothing that is convenient and nec-
essary, and according to their several capacities, are extraor-
dinary well used and respected. So leaving things here as
I found them, and lest I should conmiit Sacnledge upon your
1659] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 379
more serious meditations, with the Tautologies of a long-
winded Letter, I'le subscribe with a heavenly Ejaculation to
the God of Mercy to preserve you now and for evermore,
Amen.
Your Obedient Son,
G.A.
From Maiy-Land, Jan. 17. Anno
To my much Honored Friend Mr. M. F.
Sir,
You writ to me when I was at Gravesend, (but I had no con-
veniency to send you an answer till now) enjoyning me, if
possible, to give you a just Information by my diligent ob-
servance, what thing were best and most profitable to send
into this Country for a commodious Trafique.
Sir, The enclosed will demonstrate unto you both par-
ticularly and at largq, to the full satisfaction of your desire, it
being an Invoyce drawn as exact to the business you imployed
me upon, as my weak capacity could extend to.
Sir, If you send any Adventure to this Province, let me beg
to give you this advice in it; That the Factor whom you im-
ploy be a man of a Brain, otherwise the Planter will go near to
make a Skimming-dish of his Skull : I know your Genius can
interpret my meaning. The people of this place (whether
the saltness of the Ocean gave them any alteration when they
went over first, or their continual dwelling under the remote
Clyme where they now inhabit, I know not) are a more acute
people in general, in matters of Trade and Commerce, then in
any other place of the World; and by their crafty and sure
bargaining, do often over-reach the raw and unexperienced
Merchant. To be short, he that undertakes Merchants im-
ployment for Mary-Land, must have more of Knave in him
then Fool ; he must not be a windling piece of Formality, that
will lose his Imployers Goods for Ck)nscience sake; nor a
flashy pieSe of Prodigality, that will give his Merchants fine
Hollands, Laces, and Silks, to purchase the benevolence of
a Female : But he must be a man of solid confidence, carrying
alwayes in his looks the Efiigies of an Execution upon Com-
mand, if he supposes a baffle or denyal of paymentrwhere a
debt for his Imployer is legally due.
380 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1661
9r, I had like almost to f ofgot to tell you in what part
of the Worid I am: I dwdl by providence Servant to Mr.
Thomas Stocket, in the County of Baltemoie, within the
Province of Mary-Land, under the Government of the Lord
Baltemore, being a Country abounding with the variety and
diversity of all that is or may be rare. But lest I diould
Tantalize you with a relation of that which is very unlikdy
of your enjoying, by reason of that strong Antipathy you have
ever had 'gainst Travd, as to your own particular: I'le only
tell you, that Mary-Land is seated within the larg^ extending
armes of America, between the Degrees of 36 and 38,^ being in
Longitude from England eleven hundred and odd Leagues.
Vak.
G. A.
From Biuy-Luidy Jan. 17. Anno
To my Honored Friend Mr. T. B. at his House.
Sir,
Yours received, wherein I find my self much oblig^
to you for your good opinion of me, I return you millions
of thanks.
Sir, you wish me well, and I pray God as well that those
wishes may light upon me, and then I question not but all
will do well. Those Pictures you sent sewed up in a Past-
board, with a Letter tacked on the outside, you make no
mention at all what should be done with them: If they are
Saints, unless I knew their names, I could make no use of
them. Pray in your next let me know what they are, for my
fingers itch to be doing with them one way or another. Our
Government here hath had a small fit of a Rebellious Quotid-
ian,' but five Grains of the powder of Subvertment has quali-
fied it. Pray be larger in your next how things stand in
England : I understand His Majesty is retum'd with Honour,
and seated in the hereditary Throne of his Father; God bless
him from Traytors, and the Church from Sacrilegious Schisms,
and you as a loyal Subject to the one, and a true Member
> Should be 38 and 40.
' The reference is to the treachery of Governor Fendall, who after accepting
appointment from the Proprietary sought to cast off his authority, and ac-
cepted a new appointment as governor from the Assembly (1660).
1661] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 381
to the other; while you so contmue; the God of order, peace
and tranquUity, bless and preserve you, Amen.
Vale.
Your real Friend,
G.A.
From Maiy-Land, Febr. 20. Anno [1661].
To my Honored Father at his House.
Sir,
With a twofold umneasurable joy I received your Letter:
First, in the consideration of Gods great Mercy to you in par-
ticular, (though weak and aged) yet to give you dayes among
the living. Next, that his now most Excellent Majesty Charles
the Second, is by the omnipotent Providence of God, seated
in the Throne of his Father. I hope that God that has placed
him there, will give him a heart to praise and magnifie his
name for ever, and a hand of just Revenge, to punish the
murthering and rebellious Outrages of those Sons of shame
and Apostacy, that Usurped the Throne of his Sacred Honour.
Near about the time I received your Letter, (or a little before)
here sprang up in this Province of Mary-Land a kind of pigmie
Rebellion: A company of weak-witted men, which thought to
have traced the steps of Oliver in Rebellion. They began to
be mighty stiff and hidebound in their proceedings, clothing
themselves with the flashy pretences of future and imaginary
honour, and (had they not been suddenly quell'd) they might
have done so much mischief (for aught I know) that nothing
but utter mine could have ransomed their headlong follies.
His Majesty appearing in England, he quickly (by the
splendor of his Rayes) thawed the stiffness of their frozen
and slippery intentions. All things (blessed be God for it)
are at peace and unity here now: And as Luther being asked
once. What he thought of some small Opinions that started up
in his time? answered, That he thought them to be good honest
people, exempting their error: So I judge of these men, That
their thoughts were not so bad at first, as their actions would
have led them into in process of time.
I have here enclosed sent you something written in haste
upon the Kings coming to the enjoyment of his Throne, with
a reflection upon the former sad and bad times; I have done
382 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1661
them 88 well as I could, considering ail things: If they are not
so well as they should be, all I can do is to vvisk them better for
your sakes. My Obedience to you and my Mother alwayes
devoted.
Your Son
a A.
FVom Maiy-Landy Febr. 9. Anno
To my Cosen Mris. EUinor Evins}
E' re I forget the Zenith of your Love,
L et me be banisht from the Thrones above;
L ight let me never see, when I grow rude,
I ntomb your Love in base Ingratitude:
N or may I prosper, but the state
f gaping Tantalus be my fate;
R atner then I should thus preposterous grow,
E arth would condenm me to her vaults below.
V ertuous and Noble, could my Genius raise
1 mmortal Anthems to your Vestal praise,
N one should be more laborious then I,
S aint-like to Canonize you to the Sky.
The Antimonial Cup (dear Cosen) you sent me, I had; and
as soon as I received it, I went to work with the Infirmities
and Diseases of my body. At the first draught, it made such
havock among the several humors that had stoln into my body,
that like a Conjurer in a room among a company of little
Devils, they no sooner hear him begin to speak high words,
but away they pack, and happy is he that can get out first,
some up the Chimney, and the rest down stairs, till they are
all disperst. So those malignant humors of my body, feelmg
the operative power, and medicinal virtue of this Cup, were
so amazed at their sudden surprizal, (being alwayes before
battered only by the weak assaults of some few Emporicks)
they stood not long to dispute, but with joynt consent made
their retreat, some running through the sink of the Skullery, the
rest climbing up my ribs, took my mouth for a Garret-window,
and so leapt out.
^ An acrostic.
1662?] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 383
Cosen, For this great kindness of yours, in sending me
this medicinal vertue, I return you my thanks: It came in a
very good time, when I was dangerously sick, and by the
assistance of God it hath perfectly recovered me.
I have sent you here a few Furrs, they were all I could
get at present, I humbly beg your acceptance of them, as a
pledge of my love and thankfulness unto you; I subscribe,
Yoiu" loving Cosen,
G. A,
From Maiy-Landy Dec. 9. Anno
To my Brother P. A.
Brother,
I have made a shift to unloose my self from my Collar now
as well as you, but I see at present either small pleasure or
profit in it : What the f uturality of my dayes will bring forth,
I know not; For while I was linckt with the Chain of a re-
straining Servitude, I had all things cared for, and now I have
all things to care for my self, which makes me almost wish my
self in for the other four years.
Liberty without money, is like a man opprest with the
Gout, every step he puts forward puts him to pain; when on
the other side, he that has Coyn with his Liberty, is like the
swift Post-Messenger of the Gods, that wears wings at his heels,
his motion being swift or slow, a^ he pleaseth.
I received this year two Caps, the one white, of an honest
plain countenance, the other purple, which I conceive to be
some antient Monumental Relique; which of them you sent I
know not, and it was a wonder how I should, for there was no
mention in the Letter, more then, that my Brother had sent me
a Cap : They were delivered me in the company of some Gen-
tlemen that ingaged me to write a few lines upon the purple
one, and because they were my Friends I could not deny them;
and here I present them to you as they were written.
Haile from the dead, or from Eternity,
Thou Velvit Relique of Antiquity;
Thou which appear'st here in thy purple hew,
Tell's how the dead within their Tombs do doe;
How those Ghosts fare within each Marble Cell,
SM .V.\r.?^\Tr»-ES OF E^RLY lURTUkXD pflS?
W^CRr aafloo^ dnD Cor A^es ifaoo <fidst
l^lat Bfaa ^efat cofcr cue? leil as tStoA ve
UfMB cor kaees Txrie Hat» to haaoor dice:
Atti if ao IxMMScr^s dae, leil ■§ vfcaae pair
Tbcn immir cnpveredst, aad «el jomii' hattz
Let^s kzKPV Ls nazse, dat ae anj shrv mt^ett;
If cdkerrae, «rl kisB tfaee vim mpect.
SftT, didit dmi cover NclTs' old bnooi head,
Vihkh oo die top of Wcstmimter h^ Lad
Scaods oo a Pole, cicciBd to die akr.
As a gnod Trophj to Ins maDorr.
PfiMD fais pcrfidioos aksD (fidst diaa bM dava,
lo a disdaio to hooour saA a cxon
Itldi dme^pOe Vehvt? tefl aie, hadrt dua d^ fJI
From die lu^ top of diat Cadiedral?
None of die Heroes of die Roman stem.
Wore ever socli a fuhioo'd Diadem,
Didsl dioa ^xak Turkish in dir imtiMPan dreasiy
Tboa'dst cover Great ^fogoll, juid do man leas;
But in dij make methinb dioa'rt too too scant.
To be so great a ^looarch's Tknfaeiant.
The Jews bjr 3>foses swear, dicy never knew
E're sudi a Cap drest op in Hebrew:
Nor die strict Order of die BomiA See,
Wears anj Cap diat kioks so base as thee;
His Hdiness hates dij Lowness, and instead.
Wears Peters spired Steeple on his head:
The Cardinals descent is mudi more flat.
For want of name, baptized is A Hat;
Through eadi strict Chder has my fancy ran,
Bodi Ambrose, Austin, and the Franciscan,
Where I bdieU ridi Images of the dead.
Yet scarce had one a Cap upon his head:
EipiacofDacy wears Caps, but not like thee,
InougQ several shaped, with much diversity:
^were best I think I presently should gang
To Edenbur;^is strict Presbyterian;
But Caps they've none, their ears being made so large.
Serves them to turn it like a Garnesey Barge;
Those keep their skulls warm against North-west gusts.
When they in Pulpit do poor Calvin curse.
Thou art not Fortunatus, for I daily see,
» OKver CromweU's.
1662?] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 385
That which I wish is farthest o£F from me:
Thy low-built state none ever did advance.
To christen thee the Cap of Maintenance;
Then till I know from whence thou didst derive
Thou shalt be call'd, the Cap of Fugitive.
You writ to me this year to send you some Smoak; at
that instant it made me wonder that a man of a rational Soul,
having both his eyes (blessed be God) should make so unrea-
sonable a demand, when he that has but one eye, nay he which
has never a one, and is fain to make use of an Animal con-
ductive for his optick guidance, cannot endure the prejudice
that Smoak brings with it: But since you are resolved upon
it, I'le dispute it no further.
I have sent you that which will make Smoak, (namely To-
bacco) though the Funk it self is so slippery that I could not
send it, yet I have sent you the Substance from whence the
Smoak derives: What use you imploy it to I know not, nor will
I be too importunate to know; yet let me tell you this. That
if you bum it in a room to affright the Devil from the house,
you need not fear but it will work the same effect, as Tobyes
galls did upon the leacherous Fiend.^ No more at present.
Vale.
Your Brother,
From Maiy-Landy Dec. 11. Amio G. A.
To my Honored Friend Mr. T. B.
• Sir,
This is the entrance upon my fifth year, and I fear 'twill
prove the worst: I have been very much troubled with a
throng of unruly Distempers, that have (contrary to my ex-
pectation) crouded into the Main-guard of my body, when
the drowsie Sentinels of my brain were a sleep. Where they
got in I know not, but to my grief and terror I find them pre-
dominant: Yet as Doctor Dunne, sometimes Dean of St.
Pauls, said. That the bodies diseases do but mellow a man for
Heaven, and so ferments him in this World, as he shall need no
long concoction in the Grave, but hasten to the Resurrection.
And if this were weighed seriously in the Ballance of Religious
"Tobit viii. 2, 3.
386 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [16d3
Reason, the World we dwell in would not seem so inticing and
bewitching as it doth.
We are only sent by God of an Errand into this World, and
the time that's allotted us for to stay, is only for an Answer.
When God my great Master shall in good earnest call me home,
which these warnings tell me I have not long to stay, I hope
then I shall be able to give him a good account of my Message.
Sir, My weakness gives a stop to my writing, my hand being
so shakingly feeble, that I can hardly hold my pen any further
then to tell you, I am yours while I live, which I believe will
be but some few minutes.
If this Letter come to you before I'me dead, pray for me,
but if I am gone, pray howsoever, for they can do me no harm
if they come after me.
Vale.
Your real Friend,
From Maiy-Land, Dec. 13. Anno G. A.
To my Parents.
From the Grave or Receptacle of Death am I nused, and
by an omnipotent power made capable of offering once more
my Obedience (that lies close cabbined in the inwardmost
apartment of my Soul) at the feet of your immutable Loves.
My good Parents, God hath done marvellous things for
me, far beyond my deserts, which at best were preposterously
sinful, and unsuitable to the sacred will of an Almighty: But
he is merciful, and his mercy endures for ever. When sinful*
man has by his Evils and Iniquities pull'd some penetrating
Judgment upon his head, and finding himself immediately
not able to stand under so great a burthen as Gods smallest
stroke of Justice, lowers the Top-gallant sayle of his Pride,
and with an humble submissiveness prostrates himself before
the Throne of his sacred Mercy, and like those three Lepars
that sate at the Gate of Samaria, resolved. If we go into the
City we shall perish, and if we stay here we shall perish also:
Therefore we will throw our selves into the hands of the Assy-
rians and if we perish,* we perish : This was just my condition
as to eternal state; my Soul was at a stand in this black storm of
'n Kings vii. 3, 4, 5.
16037] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 387
affliction: I view'd the World, and all that's pleasure in her,
and found her altogether flashy, aiery, and full of notional
pretensions, and not one firm place where a distressed Soul
could hang his trust on. Next I viewed my self, and there I
found, instead of good Works, lively Faith, and Charity, a
most horrid neast of condemned Evils, bearing a supreme
Prerogative over my internal faculties. You'l say here was
little hope of rest in this extreme Eclipse, being in a desper-
ate amaze to see my estate so deplorable: My better Angel
urged me to deliver up my aggrievances to the Bench of Gods
Mercy, the sure support of all distressed Souls: His Heavenly
warning, and inward whispers of the good Spirit I was resolv'd
to entertain, and not quench, and throw my self into the armes
of a loving God, If I perish, I perish. 'Tis beyond wonder to
think of the love of God extended to sinful man, that in the
deepest distresses or agonies of Affliction, when all other
things prove rather hinderances then advantages, even at
that time God is ready and steps forth to the supportment of
his drooping Spirit. Truly, about a fortnight before I wrote
this Letter, two of our ablest Phjrsicians rendered me up into
the hands of God, the universal Doctor of the whole World,
and subscribed with a silent acknowledgement, That all their
Arts, screw'd up to the very Zenith of Scholastique perfection,
were not capable of keeping me from the Grave at that time :
But God, the great preserver of Soul and Body, said contrary
to the expectation of humane reason. Arise, take up thy bed
and walk.
I am now (through the help of my Maker) creeping up
to my former strength and vigour, and every day I live, I hope
I shall, through the assistance of divine Grace, climbe nearer
and nearer to my eternal home.
I have received this year three Letters from you, one by
Capt. Conway Commander of the Wheat-Sheaf, the others by
a Bristol Ship. Having no more at present to trouble you
with, but expecting your promise, I remain as ever.
Your dutiful Son,
Maiy-Land, Apr. 9. Anno G. A.
I desire my hearty love may be remembered to my Brother,
and the rest of my Kinred.
FROM THE JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX,
1672, 1673
INTRODUCTION
Prior to the grant, by Charles II. to William Penn, in 1681,
of the charter of Pennsylvania, many members of the Society
of Friends, or Quakers, had availed themselves of the religious
liberty established in Maryland to settle in that province,
especially in that portion on the eastern shore of the Chesa-
peake Bay. These people had received scant hospitality in
other colonies. In Massachusetts a law was passed banishing
Quakers, with severe and cruel punishment for returning:
for the first offense flogging and imprisonment at hard labor;
for the second offense the ears were to be cut off; and for the
third the tongue was to be bored with a hot iron. At length,
in 1658, capital punishment was decreed, and in October,
1659, members of that Society were actually hanged on Boston
Common.* It is true that at one time in Maryland there was
an order of Council which bore hardly upon the Quakers,
but it had no reference to their religious beliefs. It was required
by general law that every settler should take the oath of
fidelity to the Lord Proprietary, and that every man capable
of bearing arms should be enrolled in the militia and provided
with arms and ammunition. The punishment prescribed in
the order of Council above referred to for refusal to comply
with these requirements was banishment from the province,
and for returning after such banishment, the offender was to
be whipped from constable to constable until he was again out
of the province.'
* Fiske, The Beginning of New En^fiand, p. 189.
> Archives of Maryland, III. 362.
391
C? TAxTT mkxylaxd
of
to be
not ip-
TUs
fjri0x ''A Ccfawi
% asm rx ise ^ ' j^ rwr^
:j f #« ^f J I
■■■■ 1
(X
kcd ud MiKoe «> hzge tntt bi XSSI seated
In 16^ Gmc^ Fox. the 5:nrjrfer cf the Sodetj, Tisited
it/; cu^xrJ^ss m Ar::erxa. Tbe i'Zxswzs^ extzacG feooi his
yjrjraal fxxs^in the prjrtaoos tfisar-^ u> Murlaod.
Tl^£:3t oxnMt teiLsof tvo fraenl meetiziigs held, one at
Went Eirer and thie ccher in Talbcc Goonrr, diorthr after
Fox's smrsd m Marjlaad from Jazoaiea and before his de-
fjdrtore for Xeir Eoglaod. The aeeood and third extracts tdl
fA the msetiDgs l^d in Uarjlaad after his return from New
EofistzA saA before sailing for the Old World.
The foQowing text is taken from the original puUicaticHi
made in London by Thomas Xorthcott in 1694. There have
been maoj subaeqoent editioTB of the Joimal published.
can.
FROM THE JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX,
1672, 1673
Here^ we found John Bumeyate, intending shortly to
Sail for Old England: but upon our Arrival he altered his
purpose; and joined with us in the Lord's Service, which we
were upon. He had appointed a General Meeting for all
the Friends in the Province of Maryland, that he might see
them together, and take his Leave of them, before he de-
parted out of the Country: And it was so ordered by the good
Providence of God, that we landed just time enough, to reach
that Meeting; by which means we had a very seasonable
Opportunity of taking the Friends of the Province together.
A very large Meeting this was, and held Four Days; to which
(besides Friends) came many of the World's People, divers
of which were of considerable Quality in the World's Account :
For there were amongst them five or six Justices of the Peace,
a Speaker of their Parliament or Assembly, One of the Council,
and divers others of Note; who seemed well satisfied with the
Meeting. After the Publick Meetings were over, the Mens
and Womens Meetings began; wherein I opened to Friends
the Service thereof, to their great Satisfaction.' After this
we went to another Place, called the Cliffs, where another Gen-
eral Meeting was appointed: We went some part of the way
by Land, and the rest by Water; and a Storm arising, our
>Tliat 18, in Maryland. John Bumyeaty like William Edmundson men-
tioned below, was a famous travelling Fri^d. Their narratiYes of their travels
were also printed, the former's mider the name The Truth Exalted (Londcm,
1691), those of the latter as Journal of the Life, Travels, etc., of William
Edmundaon (Dublin, 1715). Another account of Maiyland, or at least of the
northeastern part of it, by two other sectaries, writing a few years later, 1679-
1680, may be found in the Journal of Dankera and Sluyter, which it is intended
to publish later in this series.
* This "meeting for discipline" was the origin of Baltimore Yearly Meeting,
still one of the chief organizations of American Friends.
393
394 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1672
Boat was run on ground, in danger to be beaten to pieces: and
the Water came in upon us. I was in a great Sweat, having
come very hot out of a Meeting before; and now was Wet with
the Water beside : yet having Faith in the Power of the Lord,
I was preserved from taking hurt, blessed be the Lord. To
this Meeting also many of the World's People came, and did
receive the Truth with Reverence. We had also a Mens-
Meeting, and a Womens-Meeting, at which most of the Back-
sliders came in again; and several of those Meeting9 were
established for taking Care of the Ajffairs of the Church.
After these Two General Meetings were over, we parted
Company, dividing our selves into several Coasts, for the
Service of Truth. James Lancaster and John Cartwright went
by Sea for New-England; William Edmundson, and three
Friends moie with \L, sdled for Virginia, where things were
much out of Order: John Bumeyate, Robert Widders, George
Pattison and I, with several Friends of the Province, went
over by Boat to the Eastern Shore,* and had a Meeting there
on the First Day; where many People received the Truth
with Gladness, and Friends were greatly refreshed. A very
large and Heavenly Meeting it was, and several Persons of
Quality in that Country were at it; two of which were Jus-
tices of the Peace. And it was upon me from the Lord, to send
to the Indian Emperor and his Kings, to come to that Meeting:
The Emperor came, and was at the Meeting; but his Kings,
lying further off, could not reach thither time enough: Yet
they came after with their Cockarooses.* I had in the
Evening (for they staid all Night) two good Opportunities
with them; and they heard the Word of the Lord willir^ly,
and did confess to it. What I spake to them, I desired
them to speak to their People; and let them know, That God
was setting up his Tabernacle of Witness in their Wilderness-
Country, and was setting up his Standard, and glorious Ensign
of Righteousness. They carried themselves very courteously
and lovingly, and inquired. Where the next Meeting would be,
and they would come to it: Yet they said. They had had a
great Debate with their Council about their Coming, before
they came now.
> The part of Maiyland east of Chesapeake Bay.
s See p. 84, note 1.
1672] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 395
The next Day we began our Journey by Land to New-
England, a tedious Journey through the Woods and Wilder-
ness, over Boggs and great Rivers. We took Horse at the
Head of Tredaven-Creek/ and travelled through the Woods,
till we came a little above the Head of Miles-River; by which
we passed, and rode on to the Head of Wye-River: and so
got to the Head of Chester-River; where making a Fire, we
took up our Lodging in the Woods. Next Morning setting
forward again, we travelled through the Woods, till we came
to Saxifrax-River, which we went over in Canoos (which are
Indian-Boats;) causing our Horses to swim by. Then we
rode on to Bohemia-River; where in like manner swimming
our Horses, we our selves went over in Canoos. We rested a
little at a Plantation by the Way, but could not stay long, for
we had Thirty Miles to ride that Afternoon, if we would reach
a Town; which we were willing to do, and therefore rid hard
for it. And I with some others, whose Horses were stronger,
got to the Town that Night, exceedingly tired; and withal wet
to the Skin: But George Pattison and Robert Widders, being
weakerhorsed, were fain to fall short, and lie in the Woods
that Night also; making themselves a Fire. The Town we
went to, was a Dutch Town, called New-Castle;' whither
Robert Widders and George Pattison came to us next Morn-
ing. . . •
On the Sixteenth of the Seventh Month" we set forward
again from hence,^ and travelled (as near as we could com-
pute) about Fifty Miles that Day, through the Woods, and over
the Boggs, heading Bohemia-River and Saxifrax River. At
Night we made us a Fire (as we used to do) in the Wooda, and
lay there all Night : and it being rainy Weather, we got under
some thick Trees for Shelter; and afterwards dried our selves
1 Tred Avon Creek, a tributary of the Choptank River, in Talbot County.
Miles or St. Michaers River is in the same county. The Wye forms in part the
border between that and Queen Anne's County. The heads of Chester and Sas-
safras Rivers lie on the border between Kent County and Delaware; that of
Bohemia River on the boundary between Cecil County and that state.
'Newcastle, Delaware.
* The narrative is resumed at the point where the return of the writer from
New England is recorded. The date intended b September 16, 1672, Fox be-
ginning ^s years with March.
«From Newcastle.
396 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAJSfD [1672
again by the Fire. Next Day we waded through Chester-
River, a very broad Water, and afterwards passing through
many bad Boggs, lay that Night also in the Woods by a Fire;
not having gone (by reason of Hindrances in the River and
\ Boggs) above Thirty Miles that day. But on the day follow-
~Tng we travelled hard: and though we had some troublesom
Boggs in our way, we rode about Fifty Miles; and got safe
that Night, but very weary, to a Friend's House, one Robert
Harwood, at Miles-River in Mary-land. This was the Eigh-
teenth Day of the Seventh Month: and though we were very
weary, and much dirtied with getting through the Boggs in
our Journey; yet hearing of a Meeting next day, we went to
it, and from it to John Edmundson's: from whence we went
three or four Miles by Water to a Meeting on the Firstr-Day
following. At this Meeting there was a Judge's Wife, who
had never been at any of our Meetings before; and she was
reached, and said after the Meeting: She had rather hear us
once, than the Priests a thousand times. Many others also of
the World's People, that were there, were very well satisfied;
For the Power of the Lord was eminently with and amongst
us: blessed for ever be his holy Name! We passed from thence
about twenty two Miles, and had a Meeting upon the Kentish
Shore, to which one of the Judges came; and a good Meeting
it was. Then, after we had had another good Meeting hard by
there, at one Henry Wilcock's House, where also we had good
Service for the Lord; we went by Water about twenty Miles, to
a very large Meeting, where were some Hundreds of the World's
People, and divers of the Chief Rank, both English and Indians:
For there were four Justices of the Peace, and the High-SherifiF of
Delaware, and some others from thence: and there was an
Indian Emperor, or Govemour, and two others of the Chief
Men among the Indians. With these Indians I had a good
Opportunity the Night before the Meeting; and I spake to*
them by an Interpreter: and they heard the Truth atten-
tively, and were very loving. A blessed Meeting this was,
and of great Service, both for Convincing, and Establishing
in the Truth them, that were convinced of it; blessed be the
Lord, who causeth his blessed Truth to spread. After the
Meeting a Woman came to me, (whose Husband was one
of the Judges of that part of the Country, and a Member of
1672] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 397
the Parliament or Assembly there) and told me, Her Hus-
band was sick, not like to live; and desired me to go home
with her to see him. It was three Miles to her House; and
I being just come hot out of the Meeting, it was hard for me
then to go: Yet considering the Service, I got an Horse,
and went with her, and visited her Husband; and spake,
what the Lord gave me to him: And the Man was much
refreshed, and finely raised up by the Power of the Lord;
and he afterwards came to our Meetings. I went back again
to the Friends that Night; and next day we departed thence,
and went about nineteen or twenty Miles to Tredhaven-Creek,
to John Eklmundson's again: from whence, on the Third
of the Eighth Month, we went to the General Meeting for
all Maryland-Friends.
This Meeting held five Days together: the first three Days
we had Meetings for Publick Worship, to which People of all
sorts came; the other two days were spent in the Mens and
Womens Meetings. To those Publick Meetings came many of
the World, both Protestants of divers sorts, and some Papists;
and amongst these were several Magistrates, and their Wives,
and other Persons of chief Accoimt in the Country: and of
the conmion People there were so many, besides Friends,
that they thought, there were sometimes a Thousand People
at one of those Meetings. So that, although they had not
long before enlarged their Meeting-place, and made it as big
again, as it was before; yet it could not contain the People.
I went by Boat every Day four or five Miles to the Meeting,
and there were so many Boats at that time passing upon the
River, that it was almost like the Thames; and People said,
There were never so many Boats seen there together before.
And as the Concourse of People was very great (so that one
of the Justices, who was there, said. He never saw so many
People together in that Country before;) so it was a very
Heavenly Meeting, wherein the Presence of the Lord was
gloriously manifested, and Friends were thereby sweetly re-
freshed, and the People generally satisfied, and many con-
vinced : for the blessed Power of the Lord was over all ; ever-
lasting Praises to his Holy Name for ever. After the Publick
Meetings were over, the Mens and Womens-Meetings began,
and were held the other two Days: for I had something to
398 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1672
impart to them, which concerned the Glory of God, and the
Order of the Gospel, and the Government of Christ Jesus.
So when these Meetings were all over, we took oiir Leaves
of Friends in those parts; whom we left well established in
the Truth (which is of good Report amongst the People there,
and great Enquiring^ there are after it, amongst all sorts of
People.) And upon the Tenth Day of the Eighth Month we
went from thence about Thirty Miles by Water, passing by
Cranes-Island, and Swan-Island, and Kent-Island in very
foul Weather and much Rain; whereby (our Boat being
open) we were not only very much wetted, but in great dan-
ger of being overset: Insomuch that some of tixe World
thought, we could not have escaped casting away, till they
saw us come to Shore next morning. But blessed be God,
we were very well. And having got a little House, and dried
our Cloths by the Fire, and refreshed our selves a little, we
betook us to our Boat again; and put off from Land, some-
times Sailing, and sometimes Rowing: but having very foul
Weather that day too, we could not get above twelve Miles
forward that Day. At Night we got to Land, and made us
a Fire, and some lay by that; and some lay by a Fire at an
House a little way off. Then, next Morning pursuing our
Journey, we passed over the great Bay, and sailed about
Forty Miles that day; and making to Shore at Night, we lay
there, some in the Boat, and some at an Ale-house by. Next
morning (it being the First-Day of the Week) we went Six
or Seven Miles to a Friend's House, who was a Justice of the
Peace; where we had a Meeting that Day: and this was a
little above the Head of the Great Bay. So we were almost
four Days upon the Water, weary with Rowing; yet all was
very well, blessed and praised be the Lord. We went next
Day to another Friend's House, near the Head of Hatton's-
Island, where we had good Service amongst Friends and
others: as we had also the Day following at Geo. Wilson's, a
Friend, that lived about three Miles further; where we had
a very precious Meeting, there being a great Tenderness
amongst the People.
After this Meeting we sailed thence about Ten Miles to James
Frizby's (who was a Justice of the Peace) and there, on the
Sixteenth of the Eighth Month, we had a very large Meeting;
1672] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 399
at which, besides Friends, were some Hundreds of People, as
it was supposed, and amongst them were several Justices of
the Peace, and Captains, and the Sheriff, with other Persons
of Note in the World's Account. A blessed, heavenly Meet-
ing this was, and a powerful, thundering Testimony for Truth
was bom therein; and a great Sense there was upon the Peo-
ple, and a great Brokenness and Tenderness was amongst
them. We stayed after Meeting, till about the Eleventh Hour
in the Night, that the Tide turned, and was with us: and then
taking Boat again, we passed that Night and the next Day
about Fifty Miles, to another Friend's House. The two next
days we made short Joumies, visiting Friends: and on the
Twentieth we had a great Meeting at a place called Severn,^
where there was a Meeting-Place, but not large enough to
hold the People by many; for the People of those parts came
generally to it. Divers of the Chief Magistrates were at it,
and many other considerable People; and it gave them gen-
erally great Satisfaction. Two days after we had a Meeting
with some, that walked disorderly; and we had good Service
in it. Then spending a day or two in visiting Friends there-
abouts, we passed to the Western-Shore;' and on the Twenty
fifth Day had a large and precious Meeting at William Coale's,
where the Speaker of their Assembly,* with his Wife, and a
Justice of Peace, and several other People of Quality were
present. Next Day we had a Meeting, six or seven Miles
further, at Abraham Birkhead's, where many of the Magis-
trates and upper sort of People were; and the Speaker of
the Parliament or Assembly for that Country was Convinced :
A blessed Meeting it was, praised be the Lord. We travelled
on next Day; and on the Day following (which was the Twenty
eighth of the Eighth Month) had a large and very precious Meet-
ing at Peter Sharp's, on the Clifts, between Thirty and Forty
MUes distant from the former. Many of the Magistrates, and
upper Rank of People were at this Meeting, and a heavenly
Meeting it was. One of the Govemour's Council's Wives was
^ At or near Annapolis.
'Apparently the western shore of the Severn River is meant. The trav-
ellers were already on the western shore of the bay, having crossed at the head.
* Thomas Notley was speaker of the lower house of Assembly at the date
of this journal.
400 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1672
Convinoed; and her Husband very loving to Friends: and one
that came from Virginia (Being a Justice of the Peace there)
was Convinced; and hath a Meeting since at his House.
There was some Papists at this Meeting; and one of them
threatned, before he came, that he would Dispute with me:
but when he came, he was reached, and could not oppose.
Blessed be the Lord, the Truth hath reached into the Hearts
of People beyond Words, and it is of a good Savour amongst
them. After the Meeting we went about Eighteen Miles to
James Preston's, a Friend that liveth on Pottuxon-Biver;
and thither came to us an Indian King, with his Brother, to
whom I spake; and I found, they understood the thing I
spake of. Now having finished our Service in Mary-land,
and intending forthwith to set forward for Virginia, we had a
Meeting at Pottuxon on the Fourth Day of the Ninth Month,
to take our Leaves of Friends. The Meeting was in the Meet-
ing-Place; and many of the World's People of all sorts were at
it; and a powerful Meeting it was.^ . . .
We passed over Potomack-River also; the \^^ds being
high, the Water very rough, our Sloop open, and the Weather
extream Cold ; and having a Meeting there-aways also, some
People of the World, that came to it, were Convinced: and
when we parted thence, some of our Company went amongst
them. We steered our Course for Pottuxon-River; and I
sate at Helm most part of the Day, and some of the Night.
About the First Hour in the Morning we reached James Pres-
ton's House in Pottuxon-River; which is accounted about
Two hundred Miles from Nancemum ' in Virginia. We were
very weary; yet the next Day (being the First of the Week,
and Fifth of the Month) we went to the Meeting not far from
thence: and the same week we went to an Indian-King's
Cabbin, where several of the Indians were; with whom we
had a pretty Opportimity to discourse: and they carried
themselves very lovingly. We went also that Week to a
General Meeting: from which we went about Eighteen Miles
further to John Gearies, where we had a very precious Meet-
^ From November 5, 1672, to January 4, 1673, Fox was occupied in a mis-
sionary journey through Virginia to Carolina, in Carolina, and back again through
Virginia, crossing the Rappahannock to the northward on January 4.
' Nansemond.
1673] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 401
ing; praised be the Lord God for ever I But after this the
Cold grew so exceeding sharp^ such extream Frost and
snowy Weather, beyond what was usual in that Country;
so that we could hardly endure to be in it. Neither was it
easie or safe to stir abroad ; yet we got (with some Difficulty)
six Miles through the Snow to John Mayor's, where we met
with some Friends, that were come from New-England;
whom we had left there, when we came away: and glad we
were to see each other, after so long and tedious Travels.
By these Friends we understood, that William Edmundson,
having been at Road-Island and New-England, was gone
from thence for Ireland; that Solomon Eccles coming from
Jamaica, and landing at Boston in New-England, was taken
at a Meeting there, and banished to Barbados; that John
Stubbs and another Friend were gone into New-Jersey, and
several other Friends to Barbados, Jamaica, and the Leeward-
Islands. It was Matter of Joy to us to understand, that the
Work of the Lord went on and prospered, and that Friends
were imwearied, and diligent in the Service.
On the Twenty Seventh of the Eleventh Month, we had a
very precious Meeting in a Tobacco-House: and on the next
Day we returned to James Preston's, about Eighteen Miles
distant. But when we came there we found, his House was
burnt down to the Ground the Night before, through the
Carelessness of a Maid-servant : So we lay three Nights on the
Ground by the Fire, the Weather being very Cold. We made
an Observation, which was somewhat strange, but certainly
true; that one Day in the midst of this Cold Weather, the
Wind turning into the South, it grew so hot, that we could
hardly bear the Heat ; and the next Day and Night, the Wind
chopping back into the North, we could hardly endure the
Cold.
On the Second of the Twelfth Month, we had a glorious
Meeting at Pottuxon: and after it went to John Gearie's
again, where we waited for a Boat, to carry us to the Monthly
Meeting at the Gifts; to which we went, and a living Meeting
it was, praised be the Lord: This was on the Sixth of the
Twelfth Month. And another Meeting we had on the Ninth,
wherein the Glory of the Lord shined over all; blessed and
magnified be his Holy Name for ever.
402 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1673
From hence we intended to go to Anamessy;^ and on the
Twelfth Day of the Twelfth Month we set forward in oiu*
Boat: And travelling by Night, as well as by Day, in the
Night we run our Boat on Ground in a Creek near Manaco-
River. There we were fain to stay, till Morning, that the Tide
came, and lifted her off again : And in the mean time, sitting
in an open Boat, and the Weather being bitter-cold, some
had like to have lost the Use of their Hands, they were so
frozen and benummed with Cold. But in the Morning, when
the Tide had set our Boat a-float again, we got to Land, and
made us a good Fire; at which we warmed our selves well : and
then went to our Boat again, and passed on about ten miles
further to a Friend's House; where next day we had a very
precious Meeting, at which some of the Chiefs of the Place
were. I went after the Meeting to a Friend's House, about
four miles off, at the Head of Anamessy-River; where on the
Day following, the Judge of the Country, and a Justice with
him came to me, and were very loving, and much satisfied with
Friend's Order. The next Day we had a large Meeting at
the Justice's House, but it was in his Bam; for his House
could not hold the Company. There were several of the Great
Folks of that Country; and among the rest there was an
Opposer: but all was preserved quiet and well, and a precious
Meeting it was; and the People were much taken and affected
with the Truth, blessed be the Lord. We went next Day to
see one Capt. Colbum, who was also a Justice of the Peace;
and there we had some Service. Then returning again, we
had a very glorious Meeting at the same Justice's, where we
met before; and there were many People of Accoimt in the
World, Magistrates, Officers, and others at it. It was a large
Meeting, and the Power of the Lord was much felt; so that
the People were generally well satisfied, and taken with the
Truth : and there being several, both Merchants, and Masters
of Ships from New-England, the Truth was spread abroad;
blessed be the Lord!
A Day or two after, departing from this place, we travelled
about sixteen miles through the Woods and Bogs, heading
Anamessy-River, and Amoroca-River; part of which last we
' Annainessicksy described in Archives of Maryland, IIL 452, as four miles
from Manokin, in Somerset County, on the eastern shore of the bay.
1673] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 403
went over in a Canooei and came to Manaoke/ to a Friendly
Woman's House: where on the Twenty fourth of the Twelfth
Months we had a large Meeting in a Bam; and the Lord's liv-
ing Presence was with uS; and among the People: blessed be
his Holy Name for ever-more 1 Friends had never had a
Meeting in those Parts before. After this Meeting we passed
over the River Wicocomaco,' and through many bad and
watry Swamps and Marish Way; and came to James Jones,
a Friend, who was a Justice of the Peace: where we had a
large and very glorious Meeting, praised be the Lord God.
Then passing over the Water in a Boat, we took Horse, and
travelled about Twenty four Miles through Woods and trouble-
som Swamps, and came to another Justice's House; where
we had a very large Meeting, much People of the World
being at it, and many of Considerable Account amongst
them: and the living Presence of the Lord was amongst us,
praised for ever be his holy Name I This was on the Third
Day of the First Month, 1672/3. And on the Fifth Day
of the same we had another living and heavenly Meeting,
at which divers of the Justices, with their Wives, and many
others of the World's People were; amongst whom we had
very good Service for the Lord, blessed be his Holy Name.
At this Meeting was a Woman that lived at Anamessy, who
had been many Years in Trouble of Mind; and sometimes
would sit moping near two Months together, and hardly
speak or mind any thing. When I heard of her, I was moved
of the Lord to go to her, and tell her. That Salvation was
come to her House. And after I had spoken the Word of
Life to her, and intreated the Lord for her, she mended; and
went up and down with us to Meetings, and is since well:
blessed be the Lord!
Being now clear of these parts, we left Anamessy on the
Seventh Day of the First Month: and passing by Water about
Fifty Miles, came to a Friendly Woman's House at Hunger-
River.' We had very rough Weather in our Passage to this
Place, and were in great Danger, for the Boat had like to have
been turned over: and I lost both my Hat and Cap: yet we
^Manokin, in Somerset County.
'This is the Eastern-Shore Wicomico, in Wicomico G>unty.
' Honga lUver.
404 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1673
recovered them again with much ado; and through the good
Providaice of God got safe thither, praised be his Name. At
this idaoe we had a Meeting, where we had never any before;
and amongst the People that were at it, there were two Pa-
pists, a Man and a Woman: the Man was very tender; and
the Woman confessed to the Truth. This Meeting was not so
laige, as it would have been, if many, who intended to have
be^ at it, could have got to it: but the Weather was so foul,
and the Wster by reason of high Winds, so rough, that it was
not safe to pass upcm it. I had no Friend now with me, but
Robert Widders; the rest having dispersed themselves into
several parts of the Oountiy in the Service of Truth.
So soon as the Wind would permit, we passed from hence
about Forty Miles by water, rowing mo^t part of the way; and
came to the Head of little Choptandc-River, to Dr. Winsmore's,
who was a Justice of Peace, and lately convinced. Here we
met with some Friends, with whom we staid a while: and then
went on by Land and Water, and had a large Meeting abroad;
for the House we were at, coidd not recdve the People. There
were divers of the Ma^strates, and their Wives at this Meeting;
and a gpod Meeting it was, blessed be the Lord, who is making
his Name known in that Wildemes^Oountry. We went back
from thence to a Friend's House, whose Name is William Ste-
phen's, where we met with those other Friends, that had been
travelling in other parts; and were much refreshed in the Lord
together, when we imparted to each other the good Success, we
had had in the Lord's Work, and the Prosperity and spreading of
Truth in the places, where we travelled. Jolm Gartwright and
another Friend had been at Yir^nia, where were great Desires
in People after the Truth: and being now returned, they staid
but a Uttle with us here; and then set forward for Barbados.
But before we left this place, we had a very glorious Meeting
here, at which were very many of the World's People, and some
of the Chief of them. For there was the Judge of that Cotm-
try, and three Justices of the Peace, and the High-Sheriff, with
their Wives, and several others: And of IncUans there was
he, who was called their Emperor, and one of the Lidian King^,
and their Speaker; who all sate very attentive, and carried
+>»pmselves very lovingly: and an establishing, settling Meetr
\ was. Tbjs was on the Twenty third of the first Month.
1673] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 405
And on the Twenty fourth we went by Water ten Miles
to the Indian Town, where this same Emperor dwelt; whom
I had acquainted before with my Coming, and desired him to
get their Kings and Councils together. In the Morning the
Emperor came himself, and had me to the Town; and they
were generally come together, and had their Speaker, and
other Officers with them, and the Old Empress sate among
them: And to give them their due, they sate very grave and
sober, and were all very attentive, beyond many that are
called Christians. I had some with me, that could interpret
to them; and we had a very good Meeting with them, and of
very good Service it was: for it gave them a good Esteem of
Truth and Friends; blessed be the Lord I
After this^ we had many Meetings in several parts of that
Country; one at William Stephens's, which was a general
Meeting once a Month: another at Tredhaven-Creek; another
at Wye; another at Reconow-Creek; and another at Thomas
Taylor's in the Island of Kent. Most of these Meetings
were large, there being many of the World's People at them,
and divers of them of the most Considerable in the World's
Account: And the Lord's Power and living Presence waa
with us, and plenteously manifested amongst the People,
by which their Hearts were tendred, and opened to receive
the Truth, which had a good Savour amon^ them; blessed
be the Lord God over all for ever. Then being dear of that
side, we passed over the Bay^ about Fourteen Miles to a
Friend's House, where we met with several Friends; and I sent
for Thomas Thurston thither, and had a Meeting with him,
to bring the Truth over his bad Actions.
Now having travelled through most parts of that Coun-
try, and visit^ most of the Plantations thereabouts, and
had very good Service for the Lord in America, having alarm'd
the People of all sorts, where we came, and proclaimed the
Day of God's Salvation amongst them; we found, our Spirits
began to be clear of those parts of the World, and to draw
towards Old England again. Yet we were desirous, and felt
Freedom from the Lord to stay, till the General Meeting for
that Province of Mary-land was over (which drew nigh;)
that we might see Friends generally together, before we de-
*To the Western Shore.
406 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [ie73
parted. Wherefore spending our time in the interim, partly
in visiting Friends and Friendly People, and in having Meet-
ings about the Clifts and Pottuxon; and partly in writing
Answers to some Cavilling Objections, which some of Truth's
Adversaries had raised and spread abroad, to hinder People
from receiving the Truth: we were not idle, but laboured in
the Work of the Lord, until that General Provincial Meeting
came on; which began on the Seventeenth Day of the Third
Month, and lasted four Days. On the First of these days the
Men and Women had their Meeting^ for Business, wherein the
Affairs of the Church of God were taken Care of; and many
things, relating thereunto, were opened unto them to their
Edification and Comfort. The other Three Days were spent
in Publick Meetings for the Worship of God, at which divers of
considerable Account in the Government, and many others
of the World's People were present; who were generally satis-
fied, and many of them reached: for it was a wonderful,
glorious Meeting, and the mighty Presence of the Lord was
seen and felt over all ; blessed and praised be his Holy Name
for ever, who over all ^veth Dominion I
REPORTS OF CONFERENCES BETWEEN LORD
BALTIMORE AND WILLIAM PENN, AND
THEIR AGENTS, 1682, 1683, 1684
INTRODUCTION
On March 4, 1680/1, Charles II., King of En^and, made a
grant to William Pemi of the province of Pennsylvania. Its
area, in language said to have been settled by Lord Chief Jus-
tice North, was described as bounded as follows: ^Hhe Dela-
ware on the east, whence it extended westward five degrees
of longitude, the 43d degree of latitude on the north, and on
the south a circle of twelve miles drawn about New Castle to
the beginning of the 40th degree of latitude.'^ This definition
of the southern boundary was impossible of gratification under
any interpretation that could be put upon it. The question
was therefore left open whether the "circle of twelve miles
about New Castle'' meant a circle having that circumference
with Newcastle as its centre; a circle with that diameter, with
Newcastle at the centre, or a circle of twelve miles radius
drawn about that point. But even with this last, the most
favorable construction, the conditions were impossible of ful-
filment, for Newcastle lies twenty miles south of the fortieth
degree of north latitude.
The boundaries of Maryland, as defined in the charter
from Charles I., dated June 20, 1632, included all that part of
the peninsula Isdng between the ocean and the Chesapeake Bay
which lay north of a right line running east from Watkins
Point on the bay to the ocean, thence northerly to that part of
Delaware Bay which lies under the fortieth degree of north
latitude where New England is terminated; thence westerly
in a right line from Delaware Bay by the degree aforesaid to
the true meridian of the first source of the Potomac River,
then south to the south bank of the said river, and thence
easterly and southerly following the south bank of the river,
409
410 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
aod then acrosB the Bay by the shortest line to Watkins P(Mnt,
the i^aoe of beginning/
Peon had persuaded himsdf and assured oth^B that the
head of the Chesapeake Bay fdl within the area of his grant;
but the fortieth d^ree of north latitude wfaidi was named as
his south boundary as wdl as the nortii boundary of Lord
Baltimore's province, lies many miles north of the head of the
bay; and when this fact was made plain Penn was eag^r to
secure by some means or other an outlet upon the bay which
would not be subject to control by his nra^ibor on the south.
Hence the pnJongied and fruideas discusaons, the reports of
^duch are here ^veiL
It will be observed that througliout these discusoons Lord
Baltimore (jb was Charies, third Baron, who had succeeded to
the title in 1675) made no suggestions whatever. He simply
insisted upon the terms of his charter, and that the true loca-
tion of the fortieth d^ree of north latitude should be deter-
mined by astronomical observations made on the spot with
adequate instruments.
In Bfarch, 1664, Charles H. had granted to his brother,
James, the Duke of York, aU tl^ territory lying between the
Connecticut River and the eastern shore of the Delaware.
This included the region that had been settled by the Dutch
and by them called New Netherland. In September of that
year the Dutch colonists were reduced to subjection by a
force mider the command of Colonel Nlcholls, and in the fol-
lowing month the Dutch settleo^nts on the west bank of the
Delaware, which lay within the territory granted to Lord
Baltimore, were likewise reduced to subjection. Penn, ap-
parently feeling doubtful about the success of his efforts to
secure an outlet on the Chesapeake, endeavored to make sure
of one on the Delaware by obtaining from the Duke of York
a grant of land on its west side, north of Cape Henlopen, all
I Charter of Maryland, p. 102, mpra.
INTRODUCTION 411
of which lay within the limits of Lord Baltimore's patent.
This grant was made in August, 1682. After the failure of
his negotiations with Lord Baltimore, Penn hastened to Eng-
land to secure a confirmation of his title to this territory upon
the Delaware. Against Lord Baltimore's claim to ownership
was urged the expression hadenus incuUa (hitherto unculti-
vated) which had previously been urged by both Claiborne*
in respect to Kent Island and the Dutch envoys' in 1659.
It was also argued that Baltimore's claim was barred by his
long acquiescence in the Dutch settlements and his failure
to reduce them to obedience by force of arms; and that the
Duke of York's title was complete by right of conquest. The
Duke in 1685 succeeded to the throne as James II., and by him
the application of Penn was referred to the Commissioners of
Trade and Plantations. The Commissioners were therefore
required to determine the delicate question as to whether ^
a grant made by the King when he was Duke of York was
valid or not. They decided in favor of its validity, and di-
rected that to avoid contests in the future the peninsula be-
tween the two bays be divided into two equal parts by a line
drawn from the latitude of Cape Henlopen northward to the
fortieth degree; and declared that the western half belonged
to Lord Baltimore, and the eastern to his Majesty, and con-
sequently to his griuitee William Penn.*
Though running beyond the limits of the narratives here
printed, it may be useful briefly to state the outcome of this
dispute. After the decision in his favor as to Delaware, Penn
procured the issue of a writ of quo vxxrranio for the annulment
of the charter of Maryland; but proceedings in the case were
^ VvrgivAa and Maryiandf pp. 190, 201, supra.
* Journal of the Dutch Embassy, p. 329, supra.
'In respect to the daim of Qaiboine, based on the expression hadenus
tnmiAa, the Lords Commissioners of Plantations had in 1638, during the reign of
Charles I., decided in favor of Lord Baltimore (p. 190 supra). That decision and
the one mentioned above have onlj this in common, that each sustained the var
lidity of a grant made by the reigning sovereign.
412 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND
brought to an abrupt tenmnation by the flight of James 11.
and the accession of William and Mary to the throne. King
William soon assumed direct jurisdiction over both Maryland
and Pennsylvania, and appointed governors in the name of the
Crown. The authority of the Proprietary of Maryland was not
restored until 1716. By reason of the death of the original
parties to the contest, and the intervention of royal govei^
nors, the boundary dispute slumbered; but eventually it was
renewed between the sons of William Penn and Charles, fifth
Lord Baltimore. In 1732 the latter entered into an agreement
with the Penns for the settlement of the matter in accordance
with a map attached to the paper. How he was led to do
this it is impossible now to determine, for the map to which
he gave his assent was palpably inaccurate and by accepting
it he surrendered everything for which his grandfather had
vigorously contended. Well-known landmarks were misplaced
on this map, and Cape Henlopen, from which one of the lines
was to run, was marked at about twenty miles to the south of
its true location. The agreement was ingeniously worded
that the dividing line should run, not from that cape, but
from the point ^'on the said map called Cape Henlopen." It
was also agreed that the boundary should be run fifteen miles
south of the southernmost point of Philadelphia, while the
fortieth degree of latitude, mentioned in both grants as the
boundary, lies north of that city. When, upon visiting Mary-
land during the same year, these errors were pointed out to
Lord Baltimore, he repudiated the agreement, and this led to
proceedings in chance^ for its enforcement. A final decision
was not reached until 1750 when the Lord Chancellor held that
the agreement of 1732 was binding upon the parties thereto, and
issued a decree in accordance with that opinion. By this de-
cision the territory of Maryland was reduced by a strip about
twenty miles wide along the entire length of the northern
boundary, and in obedience to the decree a line was surveyed,
INTRODUCTION 413
run and marked by monuments to establish the boundary be-
tween the two provinces as thus determined. This is the
famous Mason and Dixon's line — so called from the names of
the English engineers by whom its location was established.
The reports of the two conferences between Lord Balti-
more and William Penn were printed in the Archives of Mary-
land, V. 374 et seq., from copies made from the Colonial Papers
in the Public Record Office in London; also in the Pennsyl-
vania Magazine of History, VI. 414. The report of the con-
ference between William Penn and Colonel Talbot was printed
in the Maryland Historical Magazine, III. 21, from the original
manuscript in the possession of the Maryland Historical
Society.
C* C« H«
REPORTS OF CONFERENCES BETWEEN LORD
BALTIMORE AND WILLUM PENN, AND
THEIR AGENTS, 1682, 1683, 1684
A narrative of the whole Proceedings betwixt the Lord Balte-
more and Captain WiUiam Markham Deputy Governor
under WiUiam Pen Es^ as alsoe betwixt the Lord BaUe-
mare, and the said Pen.
His Majestie having bin graciously pleased to ^ve to M'
William Pen a Tract of Land in America to the northward of
Maryland, the said Pen in Aprill (1681) sends one Captain
WilUam Markham his kinsman^ to be his deputy and towards
the latter end of August following, Captain W™ Markham
came to Maryland with a letter from M' Pen to the Lord Bal-
temore and at the same time brought another from His most
sacred Majesty bearing date the second day of Aprill in the
three and thirtieth year of His Majestie's reign.* The Lord
Baltemore having perused the king's letter, as also that from
M' Pen, the said Markham was assured by the Lord Balte-
more, that the king's commands should be readily and very
speedily obeyed, and by that means M' Pen's desires and re-
quest would be likewise complyed with, the said Pen having
by his letter requested that the Lord Baltemore would give all
the dispatch possible in the busmess of the bounds.
But by reason of the great heats then in August Captain
Markham happened to fall dangerously ill, and because the
Lord Baltemore was willing to embrace all opportunities of
expressing his great friendshipp, respect and kindness to M'
Pen, he invited M' Markham to his house where he continued
' William Markham was deputy for Penn from April, 1681, till Pemi's airival
in October, 1682, and at subsequent times deputy-governor or otherwise con-
cerned in the administration of Pennsylvania and Delaware.
> April 2, 1681. The letter is printed in Archives of Maryland, V. 273.
414
1681] BALTIMORE AND MARKHAM 415
very dangerously ill for the space of three weeks and better;
some time in September the said Markham grew soe well that
he resolved to return to Delaware, and before he parted with
the Lord Baltemore they both agreed to meete the sixteenth
of October next following, in order to take observation for
the ascertaineing the fortieth degree of northern latitude; the
said Markham haveing promised, and assured the Lord Balte-
more, that he would send to New York to borrow of one Col.
Lewis Morris there a sextile* of six or seaven foote radiis, being
the only fit instrument that could be heard of. Captain
Markham meeting with a long passage up Chesapeake Bay
writes to the Lord Baltemore, that he could not possibly
attend the sixteenth as had been agreed on, but desired it
might be on the twenty sixth of October. But soone after
that, came another letter from Captain Markham, wherein he
gave the Lord Baltemore advice, that he was relapsed, and
soe ill that he should not be able to attend the business of the
bounds till the Spring.
Whilst the said Markham was said to be thus ill, many
reports were given out by the friends (vulgarly called Quakers)
both of Maryland, as well as those of Pensylvania, that the
degree of forty northerly latitude would be as lowe as Pooles
Island in the Bay of Cheaspeak; and it seems that M' Pen had
bin so far possesst therewith, that he made bold to write a
letter* dated the sixteenth of September (1681) and directed
the same to James Frisby, Edward Jones, Augustine Herman,'
George Oulfield, Henry Ward and Henry Johnson, at their
Plantations in Pensylvania; for soe was the letter superscribed,
the contents of which being, that as he was confident, and
ready to beleeve they were within his bounds they should not
pay any more taxes, or sessments by any Order or law of
Maryland etc. This letter soe alarmed the Inhabitants of
Baltemore and Cecell Countys,* that they immediately refused
pajdng their levys, which had bin assessed by a Law past but
two months afore this happened. Notice hereof being given
1 Sextant
' The original letter is in the possession of the Maiyland Historical Society.
It is printed in Calvert Papers no. 1, p. 323, and in Archives of Maryland, V. 285.
•See p. 311, supra,
* Then comprising the whole northeastern part of Maiyland.
416 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
to the Lord Baltemore and his Councill^ orders were immedi-
ately issued out to the military Officers of the said Countys
to assist the respective Sheriffs in the due execution of theire
office, and with great difficulty it was that some of the in-
habitants were made to comply with the then Publick leavy;
tho' the parties to whom that letter was particularly directed,
gave little credit to it, being confident that M' Pen had been
misinformed, as it will sufficiently appeare both he and many
others have been, in relation to the fortieth degree of northern
latitude.
The trouble and indeed sedition that the said letter had
occasioned for some little time, made the Lord Baltemore
judge it absolutely necessary to have the bounds speedily
fixst; but Captain Markham was said to have a tertian Quar-
tan ague, soe that the Lord Baltemore could not procure the
settlement of the bounds, as he then desired; some time
after this, reports came down to the Lord Baltemore, that one
William Haig a Quaker, and much employed by M*^ Pen had
taken observation at the head of the Bay, which very much
dissatisfied the said Haig and other friends, for upon those ob-
servations it was then given out by the Quakers, that if the
degree of forty did not afford William Pen a Harbor, he would
be forct to buy one of Baltemore, or otherwise that their ships
must enter and cleer in Marvland. The said Haig in a short
time after this came to the'Xord Baltemore's House on Pat-
tuxent river, where, amongst other discourse, the Lord Balte-
more askt the said Haig whether he had not taken some ob-
servations at Elk river for his private satisfaction, which Haig
owned; but with all pretended that the Instrument was soe
small, that there could be noe certainty; the Lord Baltemore
prest no further but told the said Haig he should be glad that
Markham were well, for that he had several reasons to press for
a dispatch of the business of the bounds; that the quiet and
peace of Maryland very much required it.
The fourteenth of May (1682) the Lord Baltemore writt a
letter to Capt : Markham, who, he understood, to be well, to
signifie that he appointed the tenth of June to meete him with
persons to settle the bounds; to which letter the said Mark-
ham gave answer, and with assurance, that he would not faile
to meete the Lord Baltemore at M' Augustin Herman's Plan-
1682] BALTIMORE AND MARKHAM 417
tation on Bohemia river, which was the place the Lord Balte-
more appointed to meet him; but some disturbance about that
time happening in Virginia, the Lord Baltemore did not think
it prudent, nor indeed safe for the Province, to be at any dis-
tance from Patomeck river, over which the mutineers in Vir-
ginia threatened to come to cutt up the tobaccos in Maryland,
as they had don in some Countys of Virginia;* The Lord
Baltemore therefore sent away Commissioners who were pre-
cisely on the tenth of June at Augustin Herman's Plantation,
but neither finding Capt: William Markham nor any person
else there from him, they immediately writt to him, and sent
their letter by an expresse. But to that no answer was given,
nor to a second they writt, tho' both (as can be proved) came
speedily to the said Markham, who, to be out of the way at
that time, pretended business at New York.
When the Commissioners had expected some days, and
finding noe hopes of seeing Markham, they for the Lord Balte-
more's satisfaction made three several observations, in which
they differed not above a minute or two. After this they
being nere New Castle they had a curiosity to see that town,
and being there they were told there was a sloop newly arrived
from New York, that had brought the instrument which
Captain Markham had sent to Colonel Lewis Morris for: with
some difficulty and many entreaties they persuaded the mas-
ter of the sloope to permitt them the use of it, and with it in
a very cleere day being on the twenty seaventh of June (1682)
they found the latitude of the place of observation which was
in the towne, to be thirty nine degrees forty odd minutes.
After the taking of this observation the Comm" returned,
and then the said Markham sent letters, excuseing his being
absent, and signified that he would be ready when ever the
Lord Baltemore would appoint a second time; upon this
the Lord Baltemore by Letters signified to Captain Markham,
that he would not faile to be up at Augustine Herman's some
time in September following; but a day certaine could not be
fixt, by the Lord Baltemore in regard, as he signified by his
letter, to the said Markham, that two of his Artists were then
^ The allusion is to the plant-cutting riots in Gloucester, New Kent, and Mid-
dlesex Counties, Virginia, in May, 1682. See Hening, StahUes cU Large of Fir-
ginia, II. 562, III. 11.
418 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
lU; but on the twelfth of September the Lord Baltemore set
saile from Patuxent up the Bay and on the fourteenth the Ld.
Baltemore mett at Major Peeter Sawyers a letter from Captam
Markham dated the eighth of the same month, wherein he
positively promised, and assured the Lord Baltemore that he
would attend his coming. This letter put the Lord Baltemore
out of all doubts, assureing himself that Markham would not
be guilty of such incivilities and indecencies as he had offered
the Commisffloners.
On the 19^ of September the Lord Baltemore being ar-
rived at Elk river he sent a letter to Markham to give him
notice of his being there, on the twentieth his Ldp. writt to the
said Markham againe. After writeing that letter the Lord
Baltemore being certainely advised that Markham was gpn
up Delaware, and finding little roome, and want of severall
conveniences at M*" Herman's, the Lord Baltemore, with about
twelve Gentlemen in Company with him, in all not above twenty
persons, went the one and twentieth to New Castle, where
staying till the three and twentieth, and heareing noe news of
Markham's comeing, tho' it was proved he had received both
the L"^ Baltemore's letters, his Ldp the said three and twen-
tieth in the evening procured boats, and that night reacht
Upland^ and tooke his quarters in Captain Markham's lodge-
ings, who, his Ldp was told, was newly gon up to Burlington
in East' new Jersey being gon after his receipt of his Lord-
shipp's first letter of the 19*** of September.
Sunday morning being the twenty fourth very early,
Markham came into the creeke, at Upland, and was not a little
amazed to imderstand that the Lord Baltemore was there.
About tenn of the clock that morning, Captain Markham came
to see the Lord Baltemore, but with such a disordered counte-
nance, and odd behaviour, as was easily perceived by all the
Company. The L^ Baltemore not seeming to take any notice
of the confusion he saw him in desired of Captain Markham
that he might see the new Instrument for observation, which
he heard M' Pen had sent him, the which he readily yielded to,
but for want of some small glasses, which the said Markham
said William B[aig had taken away, the instrument could not
be made use of; Soe then the Lord Baltemore requested he
* Now Giester» Pennsylvania. ' West
1682] BALTIMORE AND MARKHAM 419
might see the instrametit Colonel Lewis Morris had lent, which
was likewise brought forth by one richaxd Noble a quaker,
who sett the same up, and it being a very cleer day observacion
was taken therewith, by the said Noble, as likewise by those
artists the Lord Baltemore had with him and they all agreed
that the latitude of Upland was by that sextile of Colonel
Morris in 39 degrees forty seven minutes and five seconds*/
after the taking of this observacion the Lord Baltemore told
Captain Markham, that since the degree of north latitude would
be about twelve miles more due north from Upland it would be
necessary to goe up Delaware river to see where forty did cut
the said river; But the said Markham by the advice of Haig
(who seemed to govern more than Markham) declined that
proposition giving very slight reasons for his refusall, but
told the Lord Baltemore that he was ready to goe to the heads
of any of the rivers in the Bay to take the fortieth degree of
north latitude, and to assure the Lord Baltemore of that, he
immediately gave it under his hand; which the Lord Baltemore
has ready to produce.
The twenty fifth of September being munday the Lord
Baltemore resolved to take his leave at Upland, and in the
aftemoone the Lord Baltemore, Captain Markham and above
forty more, being at the landing in order to take boate, the L^
Baltemore spoake to the said Markham thus: You are sen-
sible. Captain Markham, that by an observacion taken yester-
day, that this Plantation is in thirty nine degrees forty seaven
minutes and some seconds, and must therefore be sensible
that I am here about twelve miles to the southward of the
degree of forty, which is my north boimds, as the same is M'
Pen's south botmds. Therefore, afore you and afore all the
rest here present I lay claime to this place, and as far further as
the degree of forty will reach; to this Captain Markham re-
plied nothing, but immediately conducted the L"^ Baltemore to
the Boate, assureing the Loni Baltemore that he would not
faile the next day being the 26*** to be at New Castle with
Colonel Lewis Morris' Instrument, which the Lord Baltemore
desired, and the said Markham likewise promised faithfully to
bring with him to the end the degree of forty might be taken
at the head of the Bay.
^ ActuaUy, 39^ 48^ N.
420 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1682
The twenty sixth and twenty seaventh the Lord Balte-
more waited at New Castle for Markham, but finding there
was no hopes of seeing him, the Lord Baltemore returned to
M' Augustin Herman's and thither came a letter from Mark-
ham signifying that the persons most oonoemed for the Gov-
ernment, would noe wise consent that he should meete, as he
had given under his hand, giving this reason that the Quakers
were very much disordered by the Lord Baltemore's laying
daim to a place called Chichester about three or four miles
below Upland. This being all that was don in relacion to
the business of the bounds, notwithstanding His Majestie's
letter of the second of April (1681) procured by the said Wil-
liam Pen, the ssud letter ordering the Lord Baltemore to ap-
point with all convenient speed Some person or persons who
might in conjunction with the Ag^nt or Agents of the said
William Pen make a true division and seperacion of the Pro-
vinces of Biaryland and Pensylvania according to the bounds
and d^ree of Northern latitude expressed in our letters
Pattents by settling and fixing certaine land marks where they
shall appeare to border upon each other, which are the words
of Bjs Majestie's said letter. This letter of the King's was
little regarded, tho' M' Pen's letter* of the tenth of April (1681)
to the Lord Baltemore gave notable hints for the speedy com-
plying with His Majestie's Commands in that letter of the
second of April, the which the L^ Baltemore was forward
enough to have obey'd, had others had that due regard to His
Majestie's grace and favoiu* therein. But it not serveing the
tume was wholy layd aside by Pen's Agent.
About the twenty fourth of October following M' W"* Pen
comes into Delaware river, and came to an anchor afore New
Castle, and there demanded and tooke the keyes of that Towne,
and then tooke possession of what else EQs royal Highness the
Duke of York pretends to; tho' the same hath been justly
claimed by the present L^ Baltemore as also by his Father,
This being don, without taking the least notice of his High-
ness his Gov' at New York, and altho' the said William Pen
sent a letter by his Secretary to the Lord Baltemore bearing
date the second of November (1682) writt at New Castle, yett
M' Pen made no mention of such his proceedings, nor did he
^ Calvefi Papen no. 1 (Md. Hist Soc^ Fvnd Pyb. no. 2S), p. 322.
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 421
order his Secretary to take any notice thereof, which seemed
a little strange to the Lord Baltemore who had bin told by
M' Pen formerly that His royal Highness the Duke of York
had made him offers of his pretentions on Delaware, and that
he had refused the Duke in regard (as he signified) he knew
it to be the Lord Baltemore's and of this the Lord Baltemore
took notice to M' Pen at their Conference.
On the thirteenth of December last the Lord Baltemore and
M' William Pen had a conference at the house of Colonel Tho"
Tailler at the ridge in Ann Arrundell County, to which place
the said William Pen was so kind as to come; but afore the
conference (which M' Pen desired should have bin private)
there was some what spoke by the said Pen, which in short
was as followeth. M' Pen signified, that as the King had
given him a considerable Tract of land to the backward of the
Lord Baltemore, he was sensible that without the Lord Balte-
more's good neighbourhood and kindness to him, a great part
of that Countrey soe given him, would prove but a dead
lump of earth, for without an Inlett the same would be use-
less, and therefore he requested the Lord Baltemore to be soe
good and kind a neighbour as to afford him but a back door
for the improvement of that which otherwise (without such a
convenience) would signify nothing to him; Adding this, that
what was but the hundredth part of the Lord Baltemore's
interest, would be ninety nine parts of the hundred of William
Pen's.
As this request of M' Pen's did not at all seem unreason-
able to the Lord Baltemore, soe was it not the Lord Balte-
more's intentions to deny the said Pen any neighbourly, and
friendly kindness; and all that the Lord Baltemore then re-
plied was that he supposed M' Pen did not expect a speedy
answer to his request; which M' Pen answered againe he did
not; then the Lord Baltemore proposed to M' Pen, that the
Conference he had desired might be afore his friends, and such
of the Lord Baltemore's Council as were then there; that it
would be best, and safest to have it publick, for that an affaire
of that conceme to them both, being publicly debated, would
give most satisfaction to the Inhabitants of both Provinces.
M' Pen then demanded how many persons the Lord Baltemore
would have present, the Lord Baltemore desired that all the
422 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
friends he had brought with him might be present if he soe
pleased, and that only six Gentleman of the Lord Baltemore's
CouncUl should be the rest. M' Pen did, at last, declare that
what the Lord Baltemore desired was reasonable, faire and
honourable; then all persons were called in, and the said Pen
began his discourse which he continued for some time, after
which he pulls out a letter, and gives it the L^ Baltemore, as
the ground and foundacion of theire further discourse.
The Lord Baltemore perceiving it to be a letter from His
Majestie, reads the same privately, afterwards, againe, to the
whole board; saying he found by that letter, that His Majes-
tie had been misinformed, and to make that out, the Lord Bal-
temore reads the bounds mentioned in his Patent; after this
the Conference held for some howres, the which was taken m
short hand by the Clerk of the Assembly in Maryland, and the
next morning the Clerk brought it faire writt out; and the
same was read, approved and signed by the Gentlemen of the
Lord Baltemore's Councill. And had not the said Pen been
hastned and hurried away by many Quakers, that are Inhabit-
ants of Maryland, to a meeting that day, M' Pen had had a
Coppy of the said Conference with him; but loath he was to
stay soe long, and therefore requested the Lord Baltemoie to
send him one, which accordingly has bin done. The Lord
Baltemore with the Gentlemen of his Council waited on M'
Pen to the place, where the friends meeting was to be that
day, and there took his leave and parted with the said Penn,
who the next day went to a general meeting at Choptank
river in Talbot County, where the Lord Baltemore had onlered
Colonel Philaemon Lloyd and his Major with some horsemen
to waite on the said Pen in his retume. This is what past
between the Lord Baltemore and William Pen who by agree-
ment are to meete some time in March next for the finding out
the degree of forty, northerly latitude.
The King's letter which M' Pen delivered at the Conference
to the Lord Baltemore, bearing date the 19*** day of August
1682 in the foure and thirtieth yeare of His Majestie's reign*
makes mention of an admeasurement of two degrees accord-
ing to the usuall computation of sixty miles to a degree to be
the best and certaine method of setting forth and ascertaining
* Printed in Archives of Maryland, V. 371,
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 423
the boundaries between Maryland and Pensilvania; but the
Lord Baltemore humbly conceiving that His Majestie had
received some misinformation touching the bounds of his Prov-
ince, did, at the Conferrence, produce his Pattent, and the
bounds of the same were read to M' Pen, and the Gentlemen,
then at the Board; After which M' Pen proposed, as a more
equall way for him and the Lord Baltemore to take their com-
mencement from the Capes which (as the said Pen affirmed)
lay in thirty seaven degrees, and five minutes,^ and that having
bin received for a long time to be the true latitude of the capes,
and by which masters of shipps have governed themselves would
be as well for the Lord Baltemore, as the said William Pen,
Urgeing that an uncertainty of soe long standing would be better
than to runn into new errors, which discourse of M' Pens seemed
to shew a jealousie in him, and not to carry much reason with
it, or which many of the Gentlemen, then present, imagined
rather proceeded from an unwillingness to have the boimds
ascertained the surest, and most certaine way, which, as the
Lord Baltemore had often urged might be by a sextant of six,
eight or tenn foote, diameter, which being large and fixt in a
frame, and the frames standing sure upon firme ground, must by
aU Artists be held a more certaine way of taking an observacion,
then by a small sea quadrant, and that held up by the hand,
which is always in motion, and the persons perhaps aboard a
ship who tooke the latitude of the capes; where there was the
shaking of the hand and error in the Instrument besides the
unskillfuUness and ignorance of those observators against
which M' Pen spoake soe much; But in a fixt Instrument of
the Diameter abovesaid and that set in a frame on firm land
a certain observation may be taken, and that with out the
help of an horrison, and this M' Pen it's beleeved knew well
enough to be the surest way; but he having been misinformed
as to the degree of forty northerly latitude (which he was
assured would fall lower than Saxafras river in the Bay of
Chesapeake as by their false mapps appeare, and having as-
sured his friends, and particularly those of his late Society
for Trade, that all the head of the said Bay would fall within
Pensilvania) is now unwilling to have the truth discovered.
1 According to the charts of the United States Coast Survey the lighthouse at
Cape Charles stands at 3r 07' 22^ N. lat
424 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
For whilst M' Pen and his friends were kept in their said
error about the degree of forty then the Lord Baltemore was
prest to have an obeervacion taken, and His Majestie's com-
mands in the first letter of the second of Aprill 1681 complyed
with; but that first letter not serveing the turn another was
procured upon as great a misinformation to EQs Majesty as
could be given. And it will also appeare that upon such blind
observations as are usually taken by masters of shipps (who
often times are noe more artists than just to saile their shipps
to porte by guesse) these great mistakes have risen. For
M' Pen did owne to the Lord Baltemore, that both His Majestic
and the Lords of the Councill were assured that New Castle
lay seaven, eight or tenn miles to the northward of the fortith
degree northerly latitude, whereas M' Pen, his deputy William
Markham and the chiefe of the friends (called Quakers) have
since owned that New Castle lyes some iniles to the southward
of that degree. Now, whereas the said Pen desires to have an
admeasurement from the Capes, to the degree of forty, offering
that as the most equall way, 'lis well knowne, that that can
never be effected by reason the wayes from the Capes to Wat-
kins Point are not passable, there being not only waters to
pass over, but likewise such rotten grounds, as noe person can
gett thro; and from Watkins Point (the Lord Baltemore's
south bounds) there are severall large rivers to crosse over,
besides that a due north line will crosse Chesapeake Bay
towards the upper part thereof, and for these reasons (were
there noe other) those offers and proposalls of M' Pen to the
Lord Baltemore can never be comply'd with, and soe conse-
quently the degree of forty must be taken as the Lord Balte-
more, at the Conferrence, did propose.
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 42S
[Endorsed]
Delaware, 13*** Dec' 1682.
Conferrence between my Lord Baltemore and M' Pen.
A Conferrence hdd between the right Horun^ the Lord Balte-
more Proprietor of Maryland and William Pen Escf*
Proprietary of PensUvania at the house of Colonel Tfiemas
TaiUer on the ridge in Ann ArrundeU County Wednesday
the 13"^ of December 1082.' Visf
William Pen Esq" declares in a very florid manner his reall
and hearty inclinations to maintaine and keepe a neighborly
and friendly correspondence with his Lopp.' and the people of
this Province that it was not the ambition of Government or
Dominion that flatter'd him into these parts of the world but
meerely to secure his owne that moved him to come into this
Country which since it was his fortune he well enough liked
and shall study all wayes and meanes imaginable to approve
himselfe a good Neighbor. He then produces a letter from the
King to the Lord Baltemore as a foundation or introduction
to their further discourse.
His Ldp having read the letter answers vizt:
L^ Baltemore. His Majestie's letter I receive with all respect
and with that sense of my duty as becomes me but by the
purport of this letter I conceive His Majesty hath received
some misinformation for the cleering of wluch I have here not
only a coppy of mine but a Transcript of your Patent by both
which we must be governed I having for my northern Bounds
the fortieth degree of northern latitude which by your Pattent
is your Southern bounds as Watkins point is mine.
His Lopp then reads the Bounds in the Pattent.
W. Pen Escp. By my Petition to the King I craved five
degrees northward. The Lords told me it was a great deale of
land that my Lord Baltemore had but two to which I replyed
that the difference was vastly great on my Lord Baltemore's
side as for its position being richly accomodated with the Bay
on both sides and severall faire navigable rivers and Creeks
^ This report of the diacuasion was taken down in shorthand. Archives c/
Maryland, V. 380. * Lordship.
426 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
etc. and my reason for soe great a quantity was not out of a
covetous humour but only that I might reach the lake of Can-
nada for the conveniency of an inlett to my Province to which
they gave their opinion that I should be answerd to that by
having a passage in this Bay but if the Lord Baltemore will
stand to and abide by the literall sense of his Pattent, then I
think we must lay aside the King's letter untill we shall have
first considered the grants and reasons of our Pattents. If
the Lord Baltemore will take thirty seaven and half degrees
for thirty eight and soe runn on to forty being halfe a d^ree
of difference I think it is considerable and had I covetted to
have taken my commencement from Watkins Point as the
Lord Baltemore is allowed I had possibly gained more consid-
erably, but confident that he would not endeavor to deprive
me of anything that might conduce to my benefitt without any
great prejudice to himselfe I was contented to begin where
the Lord Baltemore ended, being firmly and stedfastly re-
solved to approve myself his good neighbor and give him
the right hand of fellowship, and it shall be the Lord Balte-
more's fault and not mine if there be not as faire and amicable
Correspondence between the two Provinces as between any
united Provinces whatsoever, but if His Majestie's letter
must be waved we must proceed moderately to argue the
grounds and reasons of our Pattents and waite the King's
leisure for a further interpretation of his grant to me.
Lord B. It was never my intentions nor indeed in my
thoughts to deprive M' Pen of anything that might conduce to
his benefit soe as the same may not tend greatly to my prejudice
and what M' Pen means by a commencement from Watkins
Point I understand not but sure I am that had his Pattent
given him his commencement anywhere to the southward of
the fortieth degree of northern latitude he had deprived me
of soe much of my right which yet I beleeve M' Pen never
desired nor coveted. But M' Pen you seem a httle tmkind
in having proposed any deniall of mine to what you offered and
for any kindness you may reasonably expect from me I think
it not soe well timed ; let but the line be first layd out thereby
to ascertaine to each of us his propper and just bounds and
then lett it be seen whether I shall deny M' Pen any neigh-
borly kindness within my power.
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 427
TF" Pen. The King it's true did command the laying out
the line between us, but if for a more ready way of accom-
modacion to us both he hath thought fitt to make other
proposalls I cannot tell why they may not be taken into consid-
eracion, but I shall concede and wave that letter wholly make-
ing this further offer. The Capes for several years have bin
reputed to lye in the latitude of thirty seaven or between thirty
seaven degrees and five minutes or thereabouts and hath bin
soe generally taken and approved on by all persons for some
considerable space of years and by which calculation all ships
and Vessels have proceeded on their Voyages before such time
as either interest or prejudice could sway them on the one side
or the other. Soe then if the Lord Baltemore please to take
his conunencement from the Capes which has bin generally and
of soe long continuance reputed to lye in thirty seaven degrees
and five minutes and from thence measure by line two degrees
fifty five minutes will just reach to the fortieth degree.
Lord B. My Pattent gives me the fortieth degree of north-
em latitude for my northern boimds and there is noe way soe
certaine to find that as by an observacion to be taken by a
sextant of six or seaven foote radies and such an Instrument
you have belonging to Colonel Lewis Morris of New York;
besides your conmiencement by your Pattent is given at the
fortieth degree of northern latitude.
TT** Pen. Then I shall only say we will wave and wholy
lay aside the King's letter at this time. If the Lord Balte-
more will begin at thirty seaven and a halfe insted of thirty
eight he will then indeed have more than was designed for
him. I therefore offer as a medium between us the more easily
to accommodate this matter, let the Lord Baltemore first begin
at the antient and generally reputed and knowne place of
thirty seaven degrees and five minutes and thence with a direct
line to forty. What falls then within his bounds much good
may it doe him. I am contented and doubt not but he is soe
worthy and soe much a Gentleman as not to endeavor to de-
prive me of an3rthing shall appeare to be within my Grant.
This I say I offer onely to lett the [Lord] Baltemore know
that altho' I am sensible the King's letter is grounded upon
strong presumption and sound circumstance yet I am willing
to wave that and accommodate the business between us a
428 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
more equal way as I conceive viz. to commence at the com-
mon, generall and soe long reputed know[n] place before either
the Lord Baltemore or myselfe could challenge any interest
in these parts of the world.
Lord B. It is other discourse that I expected to have
heard from you at this time, and well hoped I should have bin
soe far favored by you as to have received some small advice
from you before you had soe far proceeded upon that part of
the Countrey which has bin alwajrs reputed and knowne to
be justly claimed by me; but to wave that I desire to be in-
formed by you whither you have purchased the Dukes pre-
tentions to Delaware.
W^ Pen. Upon tearmes of the moiety of halfe the reve-
nues thereof to be reserved for himself e I hold it of his gift ;
but this leads to other discourse. I would willingly proceed
first to the ascertaineing the bounds between us.
Lord B. The certaine bounds betwixt us must be the for-
tieth degree of northern latitude as I have already shewn you
by my grant.
W" Pen. And to find out that I propose in my judgement
the most equall way that can be, which is to begin at the
Capes, a place soe generally and soe long knowne and reputed
to lye within the latitude of thirty seaven and five minutes,
and has not for the space of soe many years bin knowne to
vary foure or five minutes by any observacion yet taken and
soe from thence to measure two degrees fifty five minutes
which will just make the fortieth degree.
Lord B. My southern bounds being Watkins Point was soe
determined by Commissioners from His Majesty and others
from my father, now had they sett out Watkins Point higher
up the Bay my Father must have bin contented therewith and
the Northern bounds being the fortieth degree of northern
latitude beyond which I am not to runn.
W* Pen. Possibly the Lord Baltemore's southern boimds
might be layd out by Commissioners who may be could or did
not see what they did. The uncertainty of an observacion
I apprehend and conceive it dangerous to confide in, for by
the shakeing of a hand the error in the instrument or the un-
skillfullness or ignorance of the observator great inconveniences
may incurr to the prejudice of either side but I doe offer as the
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 429
most equaJl way between us to pitch upon the soe long reputed
and generally knowne and received place of thirty seaven
degrees odd minutes which for the space of forty, fifty or
sixty yeares has bin concluded the latitude of the Capes
(speaking now of antiquity and before ever the Lord
Baltemore or myselfe were ever concerned in these parts)
and from thence to measure by line till we arrive to forty
which I conceive farr more safe than to trust to the igno-
rance of an observator the shakeing of his hand or a bad in-
strument.
Lord B. A more certaine observation of the fortieth degree
may be now taken at the head of the Bay than formerly there
was of thirty seaven and haJfe where you say the capes lyes
and I apprehend it to be more safe and sure for us both to have
an observacion taken in the proper place with such an Instru-
ment as I have already spoke of, and surely M' Pen you will
as well confide in your friends as I shall on such as I shall
appoint to joyne with them. Now for your owne satisfaction
the course you have proposed may be pursued, but that which
I shall depend on and be wholy determined by is a due obser-
vation to be taken of the fortieth degree being the northern
bounds of my Pattent.
W. Pen. I doe not object against the Lord Baltemore's
bounds but I say to find that out, which I think a case wherein
a man ought to be as cautious as in the choice of a wife well to
consider before hand, I propose the most equall way between
us both to take our commencem* from a certaine generall
reputed taken and received place of latitude of soe many years
standing described by all mapps and by which all masters of
shipps and vessels have been governed and soe from thence
proceed distinctly to measure to forty, soe to remaine to pos-
terity in order to the waveing any future disputes or dififer-
ences, which is all the favour I request.
Ijyrd B. Since you owne the case to be so tender, as truely
I doe, I think there will therefore be the greater reason to
have our business determined the best and surest way, which I
have already offered. Tho' for your satisfaction, M' Pen, I
shall not refuse the liberty to any person to doe that which
you propose and make report to you, that which I am resolved
to trust to and be concluded by is an observation to be taken
430 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682
with an iDstniment of six or seaven foote diameter, for the
sunn will deceive neither of us.
W. Pen. I acknowledge that as a favoiu* from the Lord
Baltemore but still I moove the most equal way in my opinion
of ascertaining the bounds between us.
Lard B. M' Pen, you did I remember once propose to me
in England that you had offers made you of that part of
Delaware from his royale Highness which I lay claime to, but
you would not, as you then said, accept thereof because you
knew it was mine. The same I heare you have now possesst
yourselfe of. I onely desire to know upon what tearmes you
claime.
W. Pen. If the Lord Baltemore please I desire we may
first conclude our former discourse and then I shall shew
myselfe most willing and ready to give you all satisfaction
I can in that point.
Lard B. I am willing and have allways been ready to con-
clude the business of the bounds according as my Pattent
directs me.
W. Pen. I conceive that where there is a certaine degree
allowed of and generally received for the space of soe many
years to commence there and soe proceed by measure to the
fortieth degree is the most equall way can be proposed, and
am willing to be concluded thereby, and hope the Lord Balte-
more may not be opposite to it; and if that which is not the
hundredth part of my Lord Baltimore's interest may be
ninety nine parts of the hundred of mine, nay possibly sine
quo nan, that upon which the rest wholy depends, the Lord
Baltemore I request will not place my eagerness therein to the
account of my disrespect but of my interest and honest en-
deavours to hold a faire and amicable correspondency with
him, for that I cannot imagine that fifty or sixty yeares ex-
perience and general concurrence in opinion could have any
designe of favoure or prejudice either to the Lord Baltemore or
myselfe.
Lard B. The latitude of the Gapes was taken by a sea
Quadrant which by noe artist will be held for exact and cer-
taine as an Instrument of six, eight or tenn foote diameter and
with such an instrument I desire to have the degree of forty
taken.
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 431
W. Pen. I doe not apprehend that a sea quadrant can have
any prejudice for the Lord Baltemore more then for William
Pen.
Lard B. I say that it was more uncertaine the observation
formerly taken at the Capes by a Sea Quadrant then an obser-
vation now to be taken of the fortieth degree of Northern lati-
tude with such a fixt land Instrument as I have already made
mention of can be.
W. Pen. You say true, the taking of thirty seaven then
may be as uncertaine as the taking of forty now, but I say
an uncertainety of soe long standing and soe generally received
and approved of by all persons when neither the instrument
nor observator could be imagined to have any design of interest
or prejudice for either of us is safer to depend on then to runn
into new errors, and then if it fall within my Lord Baltemore's
bounds I hope he will be kind to me and if within mine I shall
approve myselfe as kind to the Lord Baltemore as I intended.
Lord B. The way that you propose, should I yield to it,
would be but error upon error, therefore let our bounds be
ascertained as I have offered. Then possibly I may have
an opportunity of shewing my kindnes to M' Pen and till that
be don neither he nor I can approve ourselves as we both
desire.
W. Pen. I have I think proposed the most equitable way
to that end, but suppose the Capes to lye within the latitude of
thirty seaven and this part of the Country in thirty six de-
grees and thirty minutes, which is halfe a degree difference,
what will then follow but to sett the sea and land together by
the eares. But waveing disputes of that nature I am con-
tented to take our conmiencement from the long generally
taken and reputed place of thirty seaven degrees and five
minutes and thence to run to forty which I apprehend the
most faire and equal way and am thereby willing to be con-
cluded.
Lord B. Would it not seeme very strange and preposterous
in England for me to proceed upon a bare su^estion or sup-
position of an observation of thirty seaven taken at the Capes
and that by masters of shipps with theire small Quadrants to
find out the degree of forty?
W. Pen. Let the Lord Baltemore pitch upon one and I
432 NARRATIVES OP EARLY MARYLAND [1682
another to goe and take their observation at the Capes and
from thence calculate where Watkins Point lyes, which will
not cost above five or six days expense, and from thence pro-
ceed to find out the degree of forty, by which, as I have soe often
reiterated, I am willing to be concluded. As for the Land in
dispute I valine it not but barely for an Inlett for the conveni-
ency of my Province.
Lard B, It is not to deprive M' Pen of an Inlett to his
Province but my interest which makes me argue this much, for
should I consent to take that for my bounds which in truth is
not, would be a meanes to destroy the very foundation of my
Pattent, which you cannot blame me if I be not soe forward
to doe.
W. Pen. If the Lord Baltemore would vouchsafe to dis-
course with me a word or two in private I should possibly open
myselfe more fully and freely in this point and frankly ac-
quaint him what I would request of him, and whether the head
of the Bay fall within his or my bounds we should I doubt not
make all things commodious between us, for which reason I
would crave a little private discourse with the Lord Baltemore.
Lard B. I hope I have not offered anything injurious to M'
Pen, onely am desirous to preserve my own interest, to which
end I desire that two able men may be made choice of to find
out the degree of forty whereby I am bounded by my Pattent
to the Northward. Here is Captaine Connaway a good
discreete able man let him be one before he goes out.
W. Pen. Capt : Connaway it's true is a knowing person, but
before we goe further I am desirous to purge him of some
aspersions have bin cast on him, that he should have advised
me. I doe declare that I never had any advice from him in
this particular neither indeed did I to my knowledge ever see
him before such time as I had my Pattent granted me.
Lard B. What has been said of Capt: Connaway I knowe
not, but what ever he hath said or don I doe assure you never
tooke any impression upon me; but that some misreports have
been made the Mapps and draughts which have bin sett forth
sufficiently evince.
W. Pen. Upon the view of the Mapp of Maryland some
persons taking the meetes as the same lay displayed found that
the Author had either much abused the Lord Baltemore in the
1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 433
wrong calculation or else allowed him more land then indeed
was intended for him and accordingly some draughts have bin
made.
Lord B. My Pattent gives me, as you and all here present
know, the fortieth degree of Northern latitude, and the Sunn
with such an Instrument as I have mentioned will soone
satisfie us where that is, for thither my Pattent gives me.
W. Pen. Then thus in short I have here produced the
King's letter, in answer to which the Lord Baltemore sayeth
that he will rather abide by his Pattent which is under the
great seale then to the bare contents of a letter.
Lord B. M' Pen were it your case would you not stick to
a Pattent soe plaine as mine is?
W. Pen. I doe not blame the Lord Baltemore. It may be
I should doe the same as he does. I have consented to wave
that and for the more equal aconmiodation between us I have
proposed that for the ascertaining the bounds between us let
us begin and take our commencement from the Capes, so
antiently and generally knowne and reputed to lye within
thirty seaven degrees and five minutes, and thence proceed till
we come to forty, which binds the Lord Baltemore to the North-
ward and from whence I must begin. To that the Lord Balte-
more doth reply that true he is boimded by the fortieth degree
to the Northward and the most exact way to find that out is by
an observation taken with a land Instrument. In answer to
which I have returned that I conceive that to be an uncertaine
way for the reasons I have so often urged, and say lett some
persons be jointly commissionated between us to take obser-
vation at the Capes and report how much it varies from the
antient generally reputed and received opinion and then
proceed to find the latitude of Watkins Point and from thence
by an exact line measure out to the degree of forty. To that
end if the Lord Baltemore please to select foure or five per-
sons to be jointly empowered between us soe unanimously to
proceed without jarring, which will consequently arise from
different parties.
Lord B. That may be don for your private satisfaction by
any persons that may make theire report to you.
W. Pen. 1 doe propose and request that we may accomr
modate the business between ourselves.
434 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1683
Lord B. I onely first premise that an observation be dudy
taken to answer the King's commands.
W. Pen. I question not but if the Lord Baltemore would
vouchsafe to discourse the business in private with me we
should fairely accommodate all matters.
The afore gping is to our certaine knowledge the summe
and substance of what materially was argued and spoken by
the right hon^ Charles Lord Baltemore and WilliamPen Esq"
the day and place aforesaid which hath bin read and ap-
proved of by
Pmup Calvebt
Thomas Tailleb
A true Copy Henry Courset
examined by me Henrt Dabnall
C. Baltemosbl W^ Digges
Will. Steevens.
The sums and sub^nce of what was argued and spoken by
Charles Lord BaUemare and WiUiam Penn Esf at theire
Private Conference at New CasOe on Delaware River Tues-
day the 2ff^ of May 168S.
M' Penn having by his letter of the 23"* of Aprill last de-
sired that I would lett him know where in some neere part of
my Province he might meete me and that with what speed my
affaires would permitt, I wrote him word that I would b^in
my Voiage up the Bay about the Middle of May, which accord-
ingly I dUd and being arrived at Saxafras River Wednesday
the 23^ of the said month I dispatcht from thence M' John
Damall, one of my Chief Secretaries, with a letter to M' Penn
signifieing my Arrival in that part of my Province; and Tues-
day following being the 29*^ of the Same month I mett M'
Penn about eight nules short of new Castle to which place that
day I came in Company with the said Penn.
Li the evening the same day I desired to know of M' Penn
what proposall he had to make, signifieing that I was come
thither to see what friendly issue might be putt to the buisnes
of our boimds; to which he Answered that tho he thought his
Majesties Letter of the 19*** of August (82) was not to be in-
1683] BALTIMORE AND PENN 436
sisted on by him as to the two degrees mentioned therein he
conceded there was yet an admeasurement to be insisted on,
StUl That seeming very strange to me both in regard that M^
Penn had (at a Conference afore) consented to wave that letter
as also in regard that it was not agreeable to my Pattents, he
tooke some paines (and not without heat) to let me under-
stand what he meant by an other admeasurement, which he
said must Still be insisted on being thus, that as my Northern
boimds was the f ortith degree of Northern Latitude he did not
doubt but to have that ascertained by an admeasurement in
this manner, that there should be an observation first taken
at Watkins point and, according to the Latitude that that
place by an observation should be found to lye in, that from
thence there should be an Admeasurement to the degree of
forty, saying that out of every degree he did not doubt but to
gaine six or seaven miles and by that means to gett water at
the head of Chesapeake Bay, and that this was the Mistery
which he was plaine to tell the Lord Baltemore, and did assure
me that he would procure it from his Maj***.
To which I answered that if he Could impose his dictates
upon the King and Council it would be in vaine for me to hope
to have Justice don me but I was not (as I told him) of opinion
that he could impose in that kind; and since he discourst of
having an observation taken at Watkins point (my South
Boundb) in order to such an admeasurement as he had last
proposed to himselfe, I did not see any reason why my North
bounds might not also be ascertained by an observation, and
then demanded of him how he Resolved to have the Northern
bounds of his Province (being the 43"* degree of Northern
Latitude) Settled and fixt and answered me, by an observa-
cion, to which I again Replyed that he did not then approve of
an admeasurement for his three degrees, tho he thought it Nec-
essary in my Case and yet I said to him that there was more
reason for admeasurement as to his bounds (there being
Severall degrees mentioned in his grant) then in mine, where I
had nothing given me by any Number of degrees but only
Watkins point for my south bounds, and the degree of forty
for my north-bounds, besides that an admeasurement in my
case might be said not to be rationally practicable as will
easily be made appeare.
436 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1683
This haying been argued with some Earnestness M' Penn
at last told me that if I would hearken to accept of a proposal
which he had to make me he did not doubt but all matters
could Soone receive a friendly issue. I told hun I was desirous
of nothing more, then that our differences might be amicably
Ended betwixt us; He then proposed thiS; that if I would lett
him have Susquehanna River for an Inlett and Land Enough
on Each Side the said River Sufficient of his Occasions and
that I would let him know certainly imder my hand what price
or value I would Sett upon the same, he would then willingly
joine with me to bring an observation to find the degree of
forty Northerly Latitude and with such instruments as we
had then propper for that purpose. To this I answered that
I wondered, ^ould I be willing to dispose of that w*** he
desired, how he would expect I was able to give him any thing
certaine imder my hand afore I knew Certainly how far North
up Susquehanno River the fortieth degree Northern Lattitude
(my North bounds) could reach.
He then desired to know what Latitude Cap^ James Con-
away and some other persons found Palmers Island, which is
in Susquehanno River, to lye in by an observation I had
caused to be taken the 28*^ of februaiy last. For his Satis-
faction therein I product to him the observation under their
hands and the same read to him, by which he saw that the
said Island was 16 miles to the Southward of the degree forty,
and then he told me that by that observation he thought
New Castle was about twelve miles from the said Degree, and
then proposes to me that if I would give him from Under my
hand what he must give for as many miles as I should runn up
the said River, sajdng if tenn miles how much should I de-
mand for tenn miles and if sixteen miles how much for 16
miles, and that after I had given him this Certaine under my
hand he would then be willing to go with me to the heads of the
Rivers and joine with me in the taking observacons as I had all
along insisted on; Adding that we should take but a few per-
sons with us and not have the Noise and trouble of any troopes
of horse.
As this proposall was New and a very Strange way of pro-
ceeding as I thought, I desired some time to consider of what
he had offered, but I found he was not willing to give me any
1684] TALBOT AND PENN 437
longer time then the next day being the 30**^ of May, so that I
tooke that little time to consider of his proposalls, and made
him some other offers which he thought not good to yield to,
after w** we parted, and this is the sume and Substance, nay
(I may almost say) the very words that were Spoken on both
sides, But that it is the substance of what was (at that time)
argued and Spoken by M' Penn and me and I will make oath
when required, and I doubt not but M' Penn will owne as
much when we meet at the Council board.
This 31'* May 1683. C. Baltemorb.
Report of a conference between Cof Talbot^ and William Penn
on various matters connected vnih his Government of Pen-
sibxinia and Col^ TalboVs interference therein.
After wee had Sate a minute or two. And the how do you's
being over I begann.
CoU. Talbot. S' I came to towne accidentally and being
told that your honnor was here I thought it the duty of a
Gentleman to come and pay my respects to you.
Wm. Penn. I give CoYL Talbot many thanks for his kind-
nesse.
Talbot. If I had heard at home of your honors being here
I had come purposely to waite on you and Indevor to remove
the opinion you had of my Incivility in not Leaving a Letter for
your honnor when I was at your house in Philadelphia.
Penn. It did seeme strange to me and others that haveing
noe way disobliged thee thou shouldst be wanting in soe
ordinary a part of common Civility as writeing to me when
thou didst not meete my selfe at home.
Talbot. S' the tearmes in which my Comission is writt
are Sufficient to prove that I had noe more to doe at Phila-
delphia, then deliver my Errand to your honnor or your Deputy
and then come away, and I should have Exceeded that if I
had writt any private Letters to you while I was there, flfor if my
^ George Talbot, who was settled near the head of Chesapeake Bay and was
surveyor-general of the province. In 1684, when Charles Lord Baltimore went
to England, leaving his infant son Benedict Leonard nominal governor, Talbot
was the chief of a commission of deputy governors by whom the government of
the province was administered.
438 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684
Lord Baltemore had thought that to be necessary 'tis like he
would have given me orders to that purpose in Case of your
honnors absence, But if I had come thither on any buisnesse
of my owne I would not have omitted that or any other tes-
timony of my respect to you, for in anything (not opposite to
my Lords Interest) you ^ball find me as willing as any man to
serve you.
Perm. Trudy I never Expected Lesse from one of thy
family, for I know Some of thy relations and found them to be
persons of much Integrity and worth But Since thou dost
speake of Exceeding thy Comission I think I have something
of that kind to object against thee. I am told that in CoU
Talbots retume from Philadelphia, he did (at Amersland and
other places) use perswasions to certaine Sweades and ffinns
to remove into Maryland and live under the Lord Baltemore.
Now the question is whether Coll Talbot did this or did it not.
Talbot. S' I will not disowne my owne act. I certainly
did it, for finding severall of them much disatisfied, and de-
clareing theire discontents to me, I thought I should be very
remisse if I omitted soe faire an occasion of serveing my Lord
Baltemores intrests and tis certaine I did not make it my
buisnesse to Lessen theire feares nor doe I see how it may be
faulty in any man to tell them the truth that theres better
Land and Cheaper rents and greater Incouragements for
poore men in Maryland then in Pensilvania.
Perm. But it ended not there for thou didst say that they
pay noe taxes in Maryland for getting Children but that they
must pay a Crowne per Childe here.
Talbot. Your honor is Sensible that if you are wrongd in
that I am not the first author of it for you cannot but know
'twas all over Pensilvania before I went thither.
Perm. It is the Custome in all Countries to keepe account
of the Increase and decrease of the people in Registries of
births and Burialls and because I doe soe it give occasion
for that report. But the Lord is my Witnesse I had noe intent
to lay any such tax on the Country for I am soe farr from it that
I have Voluntarily given away things of that kind which the
Assembly here settled on me. But who were those persons that
told thee they were disatisfied with my Government for I
think I give none any occasion to be soe.
16841 TALBOT AND PENN 439
ToUhA. I am not willing to tume Informer nor would my
Lorde Baltemore Expect soe meane a Service from me.
Penn. Thou ne^ist not, for I know who the men are and
they themselves were the firet that told me of it But (as I said
alr^uiy) all this was beyond the Comission thou didst shew
at Philadelphia. Hadst thou any Comission to Invite per-
sons out of my Country into Maryland? If thou hadst I hope
thou canst produce it, and if thou canst not I am to Looke
upon thy actions then as the act of a private person acting
of himselfe and not of an officer acting by Commission.
Talbot. I had noe particular Com^^ to that purpose in
writeing, but I have a generall written Comission to use my
best Endeavors to gett the County of New Ireland* planted and
Inhabited; and to Invite people thither from all parts, by
Vertue of which a Lone I may Justifie what I did and I had
Likewise private directions from my Lord to give all reasonable
Encouragement to such persons as may be willing to remove put
of Pensilvania into Maryland.
Perm. Are those Instructions written?
Talbot. It is not necessary that any of your Councill should
have a written warrant under your hand and Seale for every
Service they are order'd to doe for you, but 'tis Enough that
you bid them doe it.
Perm. Well, well, lay that aside. But the Indian Capt.
Mahaloha complaines to me that thou forcedst a paper from
him that I gave him wherein I declared that I bought his Land
in Delaware and Susquehanno from him and desired that he
should not be molested in his hunting in those parts.
Talbot. I had the paper freely from himself without using
any thing of force or terror to him.
Perm. Then wilt thou restore it to him againe?
Talbot. That I cannot doe, because there are some pas-
sages in it necessary for my Lord to see and I must therefore
send it to him.
^ There was no county of this name in Maryland. Talbot, who was an
Irishman, had a grant of Susquehannah manor in the northeastern portion of
the province. He changed the name to New Connaught, and the surrounding
region was known as New Ireland. It was comprised in Cecil County, which
was established in 1674. Calvert Papers no. 1, Md, Hist. Soe. Fwtd Pub.
no. 28, pp. 95, 96.
440 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [leW
Penn. But thou didst forbid him and threaten him from
hunting in Maryland, which is Complained of as a great grev-
ance by the Inhabitants of this towne, whose Chiefe liveing
is by the Indian trade, for thou hast said that thou wilt not
suffer them to carry sldnns nor furrs out of Maryland hither.
TaUbot. There's a Law in Maryland that forbids the Carry-
ing away of Deer skins Elk skins and hides, and there's noe rea-
son that we should give heathens a Liberty which we deny to
our Selves; but for theire furrs they may carry them whether
they will provided they have my Lord's Licence to himt in
Maryland and not pretend to warrant themselves by any for-
raigne Licence.
Penn. These Niceties are only Necessary on the Borders of
Sweaden and Denmarke where travellers are put to renew
theire passports at every Castle they passe by. But if that
paper would not doe, The Indians have a native right to hunt,
fish, and fowle in all places and are not to be hindered from it
by the English.
Talbot. S', the Indians (as your honor knowes) are di-
vided into Severall Small Nations. Every Nation has its par-
ticular Territory bounded with natural! bounds. Noe one
nation was or is to hunt in any part of the others Territory
without Licence first obtained. Some of these Territories are
Seated by the English by Consent and Composition with the
Natives who in all treaties reserved to themselves the rights of
hunting, fishing, and fowling in all the lands they sould or
gave away, and in these Territories soe obtained by the English
the Old Proprietors (and noe other Indians) doe challenge the
priviledge of hunting. But the Susquehannoks and theire
Country were Conquer'd by the Marylanders at great Ex-
pence of blood and money and the Susquehanohs are now
noe Nation. That part of theire Country that lyes in Mary-
land, betweene the 40^ degree and the rivers of Patapsco, Elke
and Saxafras, was never hunted on in theire time by the
Delaware Indians nor any others but the Susquehannohs
Indians onely, and now that not onely the Land is my Lord's
by his Charter but the Susquehanoh rights of hunting there
and barring all others is Invested in my Lord by right of
Conquest, The Delaware Indians ought to be Licenced by my
Lord's Authority or not permitted to hunt any where west-
1684] TALBOT AND PENN 441
ward of Elk river noe more then in the Susquehannoes time,
but to the Eastward of Elk river there's noe man will hinder
them it being theire Antient right to hunt there.
Perm. I have bin the more willing to heare thee discourse
of rights of Conquests because it makes for me in the Case be-
tween the Lord Baltemore and mee. But I will justifie that
the Conquest of the Susquehannes was noe just Conquest
nor managed like a just Conquest, for noe cause of warr was
given by them and they then were betrayed out of theire
Lives by Inviteing them downe among the English and lastly
theire five great men that came out to treat were Inhumanely
knockt in the head against all reason and the Law and Cus-
tome of all nations.* Oh it is much to be feared that the Cry
of soe much innocent blood will at some time or other bring
downe Gods wrath upon the Children yet unborn in Maryland
though I heartily wish it otherwise.
Talbot. S'; I have Answerd your honnor in all points that
Conceme my owne Justification and I hope you are Satisfied
that I have don but what I ought to doe and that I did it out of
the duty and obligation I owe my Lord and not out of any
sett purpose to disserve you. But if you be not I hope my
Lord will and then I have my End. But now your honor has
put me upon a discourse that is out of my Element, for I was
not then in America nor have I any Com*°" from my Lord to
talk with your honnor of these things, and doe therefore desire
to be Excused from Answering to any questions relateing to
the Controversy between my Lord and you any further than
Concerns my selfe.
Penn. I had not fallen into it if thy selfe had not begunn
it ; but Since we are Entered Upon it Let us talk a little more of
it as we have don already calmly, and without passion. How
f arr dost thou reckon it to be from this towne to thy hous upon
a Diametricall line.
Talbot. Some 11 or 12 mile somewhat over or under, S'.
Penn. Or under— Then if under 12 mile— Coll Talbot (I
suppose) is sensible that he has built his hous within the King's
12 mile Circle of New Castle which I wonder he would doe or
■ The allusion is to the treacherous act of Major Thomas Truman, which
was denounced by the Assembly of Maryland (1676) as a horrid crime against
the laws of God and of nations. Archives of Maryland, II. 486, 500.
442 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684
how he hopes to keepe it knowing how punctuaU the King is in
reserving the property thereof to himselfe.
TaJboU S'l I am Likewise sensible that his Majesties
reserve layd on th^ Circle was a very late act, and long after
the date of the Charter of Maryland and that it was not in-
tended to Cutt any thing from Maryland by it, but to keepe
soe much from Pensilvania in Case the 40^ degree were found
to be to the Southward of New Castle. But that being found to
be otherwise I doe not feare that Maryland can loose any part
of its Extent upon accoimt of a reserve thats Latter then the
date of the Chiurter.
Perm. The reserve was layd by the King and Duke when
they weer in full and LawfuU possession of all Delaware river
by Conquest from the Dutch who were seated here long before
the Maryland Charter begann.
Talbot. But does it appeare that the Dutch were seated
here by any grant or publick Licence from the Crowne of
England?
Perm. Why 'tis noe matter whether they did or not. Why
dost thou ask?
Talbot. Because there's Lately an order of Councill past in
England that the Dutch Settlement in Delaware (although be-
fore the Charter of Maryland's date) shall noe more be pleaded
against my Lord's right to this place unlesse it be made out
that they did it by Licence from the Crowne of England.
Perm. Tis impossible any such order should passe, and I
not receive as timely notice of it as the Lord Baltemore.
Talbot. I dare assure your honnor that it is soe, and if you
have not gott notice of it already your friends in E^and will
not forgett to send you it, or if they neglect it my Lord will not.
Perm. Why 'tis a very tmlikely thing that such an order
should passe after the reserve made by the King and pattent
past to the Duke and after the opinions had of the Leamedst
Lawyers in England both in the Civill and Comon Law, that
the Lord Baltemore's right was devolved to the Dutch by
theire Conquest, and theire right to the Duke by his; for if a
Shipp be taken by Piratts and kept 24 houres by them and
retaken by a man of warr shee shall be prize to the King
and the owner looses his right to her and 'tis the same case
here.
1684] TALBOT AND PENN 443
Talbot. I [Ay], S', if there were noe difference betweene a
reall Estate and a Chattell. But the property of a reall Es-
tate is not soe readily made void as that of a Chattell, as is to
be seene in hundreds of cases.
Perm. Why there's the mistake of a great many men that
take Land in America for a reall Estate, whereas the opinion of
all the Judges in England is that it is but a Chattel as it will
appeare when the Lord Baltemore and I doe come to tryall.
Talbot. Personall Estates are past from one man to
another by Common Bargaines without soe much as a scrowle
of paper and never are Intaylable. But we see that land in
America is intailable and when it is it passes not from one to
another without fine, Recovery, Wife's release of Dower,
Conveyance, acknowledgm^ before a judge and Lastly inrowle-
ment, which shews it to differ as much from a Chattel as Land
of Inheritance in Middlesex doth.
Penn. It may be soe in Maryland where (perhapps) you
have made a Law that Lands shall be tailable but they are
not soe in any other part of America.
Talbot. I know of noe law in Maryland more then the old
Comon Law of England that makes any mention of Intaileing
of Lands or any thing to that purpose or of changeing the Condi-
tion of them from a personall to a reall Estate. And that reall
Estates if Conquer'd by Enemies and recoverd by the Crown
are claimeable by the former Proprietors. The restoreing of
the Cavaliers in England to theire reall Estates but not theire
Chattells is a Sufficient Instance.
Penn. Theire Case and the Lord Baltimore's Case are very
different, for they were Comon Subjects and in the imediate
protection of the Crowne and ought by all Law and reason to
be restored to the Lands they lost and the case between them
and the usurpers might be tryed by the Comon Law. On the
contrary the Lord Baltemore is a great Prince, holds onely by
two Arrowes, Ought to defend his Territories against f orraigners
at his owne charge, and if he looses them, and the King recover
them, they become the King's property and not his. And if
he would be remedied by Iaw, it must be by the Civill Law
and not the Common because the Dutch a forraigne Nation
were concerned, and the Civill Law (which is Lex gentium)
adjudges the right of all conquered Lands to the Conqueror.
444 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684
And if (by the Civill Law) the Dutch were Lawfully Seized
of this place and that (by the same Law) the King (who re-
coverd it by Armes from them) was Lawfully reinvested in it,
what remedy has the Lord Baltemore at the Civill Law, for at
the Comon law this case cannot be tryed?
Talbot. S', you know that in my Lord's Charter there's a
grant of all Royalties in the same manner as the Bishops of
Durham Enjoyed at any time heretofore in theire Diocesse.
The Bishoprick of Durham lyes neare Scotland and was often
in danger of being Conquered by the Kings of Scotland. Now
the question is if the Scotts (in those former times when Eng-
land and Scotland had two Kings) should Conquer and keep
Durham for 40 yeares, and then the King should reconq' it
Whither the Bishop might legally clayme and recover his
land againe.
Perm. He might but here you must distinguish for Dur-
ham is in England and if wonn by the Scotts the losse was
upon account of the Crowne and of the people of England and
therefore in all equity he ought to be restored. But America
is another thing and the losse of a spott of ground here is not
of such Concerne to England as the Bishoprick of Durham.
Talbot. That distinction will not alter the Case for I am
sure that Maryland is now (by my Lord and his Ancestors)
made as profitable to the Crowne of England as ever Durham
was. But if it should be soe adjudged that all that the Duke
recovered from the Dutch should be his, What right does that
give him to the Whore kills, which my Lord tooke and burnt?
Penn. Yea I have heard after what manner that place was
taken and Kept.
TaJbot Taken it was Certainely but Capt. Jones that tooke
it Neglected to stay and keepe possession untill a plantacon
or two were seated on my Lord's account, as I would have
stay'd though I had not above one man to keepe me Com-
pany. But Jones Neglect of seating then gives noe title to the
Duke to enter upon it and Conquer it from my Lord.
Penn. They say that Coll Talbot gives out that he will
Suffer noe new Settlements on Christine Creeke but on the
Lord Baltemores account. Methinks there is noe need of soe
much heate. Young men are more precipitate in Execution
then old men in considering. This may be layd aside till the
1684] TALBOT AND PENN 445
King and Councill decide the matter. Thou mayst hurt thy
selfe by it, for perhapps when the Controversy is Ended thou
ma}rt then prove to be a Pensilvanian for any thing thou
knowest yett.
TaJhot. S', I hardly think I shall, or if I doe, I beleeve
your honnor will not like me a jott the worse or employ me the
lesse in your businesse for being diligent in the trust my Lord
has now reposed in me. But if the Chiefe foundation of your
title to the Lower parts of Delaware river, be the possession the
Dutch once had here, I doe not see what right that can give
you to seate St Jones, St. Georges, the Upper parts of Christine*
and the forrests backwards where noe settlements were ever
made till after the last Conquest from the Dutch. Certainly
nothing can be objected against our right beyond all others to
seat on those parts which doe lye in Maryland and never were
Cultivated by the Dutch.
Perm. If the Lord Baltemore be soe sure of recovering
these parts he should not blame me for being a better husband
for him then himself is, for I reserve farr greater rents on those
Lands then he does on his, the profit of which will be his when
he recovers them.
TaJhot. No S', for I know *tis his Lo'^ intent to make
the rents here as Easie (when he recovers this Country) as they
are in the rest of Maryland and in the meane time the rents
of such plantacons goe into others pockets that ought to goe
into his, and therefore you need not think it strange that I
am unwilling to suffer such new Settlements to goe forwards or
shall Endeavor to hinder them when begunn.
Perm. But though the Dutch wero not seated in all those
places, 3ret they bought all Delaware river and bay from the
Natives and 3 daies journey back into the woods, which would
take in a good part of Chesepeake bay besides the whole forrest
betwixt it and Delaware bay. Coll Talbot seemed even now to
assert the Validity of Indian purchases and Indian Conquests
while they made for his purpose; has he any thing to say
against them now?
TaJbot. I Looke on an Indian Conquest or purchase to be
a sufficient title to barr a weaker Indian pretension, but not to
> St Jones Creek is In Kent County, St. George's and Christiana in Newcastle
County, Delaware.
446 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684
oppose an English Pattantee that hath his Charter from the
(>owne of England, as appeares in the Case of Capt Clayboume
that bought Manapousen (now the Isle of Kent) from the In-
dians before the Maryland Charter and (in that right) seated
upon it but was cast out by an order of Councill upon a full
hearing in England. And the like of Capt Brent who in right
of his wife the Piscatoway Emperors daughter and only Child
pretended a right to the most part of Maryland but could doe
noe good on't after a great bustle about it, and yom* Indian
title will Signifie no more or I am much mistaken.
Perm. It seemed strange to me that the Lord Baltemore
should promise me (in this towne) another meeting in Sep-
tember and yet when he came up the bay never to send to me
to meete him, but tak observacons and runn a Line without
giveing me the least notice, and Lastly to send Coll Talbot to
me to demand positively the Dukes Land of me, and all this
after a solemne promise upon his honor not to doe anjrthing
untill our September meeting. I doe not know how the Lord
Baltemore will Justifie such proceedings and such breaches of
his word when I acquaint the King and Councill with them.
Talbot. S', I know that my Lord had intentions of deal-
ing kindly and neighborly with you, had he not received three
Letters by Captaine Markham, Mr. Clarke and Mr. Harrison,
in which were Expressions which were looked upon to be soe
disobligeing as were sufficient to disengage his Lo^^ from any
promise of that kind had he past any to your honnor, and as to
his takeing private observacons his Lo^^ had a great deale of
reason for it, because first Capt. Markham and then your honnor
refused to Joine with him in it, for you are sensible that in
England if two be at Law, and the defendant refuse to joyne
with the plaintiff in Examining Witnesses, the plaintiff may
proceed exparte and Examine his owne witnesses without the
defendants presence, which is the same case here where the
40*** degree is the Chiefe and onely Evidence by which this
dispute must be Ended. My Lord had reason to Examine
exparte when none would Joine with him.
Perm. I know the Lord Baltemore took advantage of my
agents proceedings in my absence, which was not soe fayre
without Inquireing into his Instructions, wherein he might
be better satisfied what my Agent could doe and what not.
1684] TALBOT AND PENN 447
Talbot. I pray S' was Capt. Markhams Com*°° pleni-
potentiary or not?
Perm. It was Plenipotentiary with referrence to his In-
structions.
ToJbot Then my Lord was onely to take notice of his
Comission wch he saw and not of the Instructions wch he
saw not.
Perm. Well wee have had Enough of this. But let me de-
sire thee not to molest the Inhabitants of Christine. Thou
doest discourage them from improving theire plantations, for
it is a present Injury to mee, and a future one to the Lord
Baltemore if it prove his fortune to recover these parts.
ToJbot. I have given them noe disturbance yet, for I have
received noe order from my Lord to turn any out of theire
houses that are seated already, but I must not permit new
seaters on any account, by my Lords.
Perm. But have a Care of obeying lUegall orders if thou
receivest them.
Talbot. S'; I thank you for your advice, but I am not
Lawyer Enough to Judge what orders are legall and what are
not; but my Lord knowes better things then to send me II-
legall Comands, and therefore I will not dispute the legality
of any directions that come from him, and what I doe in obedi-
ence thereunto wch may seeme cross to your bono" Interests I
desire once more that they may be understood as don out of
affection to his Lo^^^ Concemes and not any prejudice against
your honnor.
Welsh, the Survey GenF of Ddaware. But Governor, if
thou shouldst comand me any thing that were illegal I de-
clare I would not obey it.
Perm. It were not reason to Expect thou shouldest.
Talbot. But I that am not so Versed in law as Mr. Welsh
must be guided by my Superiors.
Perm. I see thou wilt pin thy opinions in law as well as
Gospel on other mens sleeves.
Talbot. I pray S*" lets change the discourse, or if your
honour resolves to Entertaine me alwaies with Controversy
you will fright me from Wayting on you here any more, But if
yo' bono' will promise to receive my respects as from a private
Gentleman and not as from my Lord Prop*^ of Marylands
448 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684
officer, I will come constantly to Kisse your hands when I
heare you come to towne.
Penn. Coll Talbot shall be kindly welcome wheresoever I
am. Then Let us talk of Vineyards etc.
And there the dispute Ended and we talked of other
indifferent things.
INDEX
INDEX
Abraham the Finn, runaway soldier,
315.
Accomae, 17, 17 n.
Alexander, Sir William, 61.
Allen, Thomas, 153.
Alrichs, Jacob, 312, 325, 325 n.
Alsop, George, 337-338; A CharaeUr of
the Province of Maryland, 340-387;
letters of, 371-387.
Altham, Father John, 44, 44 n., 116,
124 n.; see aUo Gravener, Father
John.
Amoroca River, 402.
Anaoostan Indians, Jesuit missionaiy
activities among, 132, 138-139.
Angola salt industry, 33.
Annamessicks, 402, 402 n., 403.
Anne Arundel; see Providence; eeedeo
Severn.
Antigua, trade, 206.
Archihoe, 41, 71.
Ark, ship, 27, 70, 74.
Attawomech River, 8.
Augusta Carolina, 42.
Avalon, Lord Baltimore's colony of, 4,
67, 104 n.
Bacon, Law$ of Maryland, 69.
Bain, Walter, 275.
Baltimore, Benedict Leonard Oalvert,
fourth baroUy 437 n.
Baltimore, Cecilius Calvert, second
baron. Account of the Colony of, 5-10;
acts of, 269-274; adversaries of,
16-17, 54; Caee of, 167-180; see aUo
Virginia and Mcaryland; character of,
13; controversy with Claibome, 49-
52, 147-148, 150-156, 172-173, 193;
feudal rights in Maryland, 103, 104,
104 n., 110-111; grant of Maryland
to, 5, 101-112; instructions to Mary-
land settlers, 91-100; ImtnuHone to
the CoUndate, 16-23; jurisdiction over
Avalon, 104 n.; letters to, 150-158,
348-349; oaths of fidelity to, 214-
216, 267-268; proclamation, 228-230;
treatment of Gov. Stone, 203-204;
voyage to Maryland, 18, 20.
Baltimore, Charles Calvert, third baron,
conferences with William Penn, Re-
porU, 414-437.
Baltimore, George Calvert, first baron,
3-4, 51, 57, 57 n., 101; visit to Vir-
ginia, 119 n., 175 n.
Baltimore County taxes, 415-416.
Baltimore Yeariy Meeting, 393 n.
Barbados, Catholics in, 37; climate, 35;
com trade, 35, 75; cotton trade, 35;
fauna, 37; flora, 35-37: food prices,
34; friends in, 401; government, 34;
relations with Maryland, 34; trade,
206, 299, 364-365.
Barbar, Capt., 204.
Barber, Luke, letter of, 261, 262-265;
conference with Dutch embassy to
Maryland, 325-332.
Barefoot, Mr., 32.
Bateman, Mr., entertains Dutch em-
bassy to Maryland, 317, 325.
Baxter, John, 101.
Beane, Raph, 275.
Beckwith, George, 275.
Beech, Elias, 275.
Bennett, Capt. Richard, commissioned
by Pariiament to reduce hostile colo-
nies, 168, 184, 201, 226-228, 236-
237, 257-260, 302-305; declaration
of, 222-225; instructions to, 206-208;
petitions to, 218-222; governor of
Virginia, 254.
Berkeley, Gov. Sir William, of Vi>
ginia, 235, 241, 254, 293.
Bermudas, trade, 206.
Big Elk Creek, 315 n.
Billingsly, May, 320.
Birkhead, Abraham, 399.
Blackistone's Island, 71, 71 n., 72; de-
scription, 40, 40 n.
Blomefield, Mark, 275.
Boavista, 33 n.; Spanish salt trade at, 34.
451
452
INDEX
Bohemia River, 395, 395 n., 417.
Bolles, John, secretary of Lord Balti-
more, 20.
Bosman, History of Maryland, 183 n.
Bradshaw, Free. John, 208.
Brent, Capt., 446.
Brock, Father John, Jesuit superior,
124.
Brooke, Robert, 185.
Brooks, Baker, conference with Dutch
embassy to Maryland, 325-332.
Brooks, N. C, 4, 28.
Brough, William, 275.
Brown, Mr., 318.
Browne, Richard, 275.
Bullock, William, Virginia ImpartiaUy
Examined^ 284 n.
Burlington, N. J., 418.
Bumyeat, John, 393, 393 n., 394.
Bushell, Thomas, 275.
Butler, John, 147; expedition against,
151-155.
Calvert, Sir Geoxge, see Baltimore,
George Calvert, first baron.
Calvert, Gov. Leonard, 16 n., 27, 28, 54,
101, 228; attitude toward Parlia-
ment, 197; Letter to Lord BdUxmore,
150-158; Lord Baltimore's Instrvc-
tiona to, 16-23; relations with Cap-
tain Comwallis, 156-157; vojrage to
Maryland, 70 ff.
Calvert, Philip, deputy-governor of
Maryland, 66, 321; oorierence with
Dutch embassy, 323, 325-332; wit-
nesses Penn-Baltimore conference,
434.
Calvert, William, deputy-governor of
Maryland, 66.
Calvert Paper*, 3 n., 13, 15, 27, 69, 117,
148 n., 253, 415 n., 420 n., 439 n.
Carolina, Fox's missionary journey to,
400.
Cartwright, John, associate of Geoige
Fox, 394, 404.
Casimier, see Fort New Amstel.
Catholics in Barbados, 37; in liaiy-
land, 118-144, 190 n., 198 n., 200; in
St. Christopher, 39; in Virginia, 38,
142; toleration of, 16; eee aUo Jesu-
its; Missionaiy activities; Rdigion;
Toleration.
Caverley, Capt., 39.
Cawcawaaasough, 84 n.
Cecil County taxes, 415, 416.
Chandler, Major, capture of, 244.
Charies I., charter of, to Maryland, 101-
112; loyalty of Maryland Assembly
to, 175-177.
Charies II., attitude of Maryland
toward, 198; commission from, 254-
255; letters patent of, 422, 425-426;
papers concerning, 179-180.
Charies, Cape, 102, 423, 423 n.
Chesapeake Bay, description, 8, 40.
Chester, Eari of, palatine, 1(^ n.
Chester, Pa., 418.
Chester River, 395, 395 n., 396.
Chichester, 420.
Chincoteague Island, 79, 79 n.
Chiswick, 81, 81 n.
Chitomachon, see Pascatoa, Tayac of.
Choptank River, Penn-Baltimore con-
ference on, 422.
Christine Creek, settlements on, 444.
Cimamus stream, eee Big Elk Creek.
Cinquack, 102.
Claiborne, Capt. William, 16 n., 39;
commissioned by Parliament to re-
duce hostile colonies, 168, 184, 201-
204, 208-210, 218-228, 236-237, 257-
260, 302-305; controversy with Lord
Baltimore concerning Kent Island,
14, 18-20, 41, 49-52, 53-54, 147-
148, 150-156, 172-173, 193, 330,
446; denounced by John Hammond,
307.
Clarke, lir., 446.
Clerek, Mr., 152.
Qoberry, Mr., 19.
Qoberry and Company, 150 n.
Clocker, Daniel, 275.
Coale, William, 399.
Cockatrice, ship, 120.
Cockorooses; see Cawcawaaasough.
Colbum, Capt., 402.
Collins, Mr., 19.
Connaway, Capt. James, 432, 436.
Conway, Capt., 387.
Cook, Mate, 266.
Copley, Father Thomas, 124 n., 152;
see also Fisher, Father Philip.
Comwallis, Capt. Thomas, 16 n., 56,
70 ff., 101, 148; commissioner for
governing Maryland, 54 n., 56; Lord
Baltimore's IratnictvmM to, 16-23:
INDEX
453
relations with Gov. Leonard Calvert,
156-157; expedition against Clai-
bome, 150-155.
Couney, Mr., 265.
Coursey, Henry, 320, 320 n.; witnesses
Penn-Baltimore conference, 434.
Cox, James, 275.
Cox, WiUiam, 153.
Crage, Hugh, 275.
Crane's Island, 398.
Cranfield, Edward, 101.
Crescent, ship, 307.
Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector, letter
to, 262-265; restores Lord Balti-
more's power in Maryland, 142 n.
Culpepper, Nicholas, 361.
Curtis, Capt. Edmund, 168, 184; com-
missioned to reduce colonies hostile
to Pariiament, 201, 208, 236-237,
256-257.
Cutts, John, 305.
Dankers and Sluyter, Journal, 393 n.
Damall, Henry, witnesses Penn-Balti-
more conference, 434.
Damall, John, Lord Baltimore's secre-
tary, 434.
Davenant, Sir William, commissioned
to supplant Lord Baltimore in Mary-
land, 164, 165, 179-180, 205, 205 n.
Delabarr, Mr., 19.
Delaware, disputes concerning, 428, 430,
442-445.
Delaware, Lord, 324.
Delaware Bay fishing, 8.
Delaware Indians, hunting rights of,
440-441.
Dennis, Capt. Robert, commissioned
by Pariiament to reduce hostile colo-
nies, 167-170, 184, 206-208, 256-
257.
^iSS^f William, witnesses Penn-Balti-
more conference, 434.
Dinyard, Thomas, 275.
Donck, Adriaen van der, 323 n.
Dorrell, Thomas, 101.
Doughty, Rev. Francis, 323, 323 n.
Dove, ship, 71, 71 n., 74.
Draggon, ship, 30.
Durand, Richard, 238.
Durand, William, secretary of Mary-
land, 185, 228, 239-240, 243-244,
274-275.
Durham, Bishop of, palatine, 103,
103 n., 195 n., 195-196, 444.
Dutch settlers, see Netherland.
Eccles, Solomon, 401.
Edis, WiUiam, 275.
Edmundson, John, 396, 397.
Edmimdson, WiUiam, associate of
George Fox, 393 n., 394, 401.
Edward I., statute of, 110, 110 n.
Edwin, WiUiam, 275.
Elk River, 315, 316, 440.
Eltonhead, WiUiam, 204, 240-241, 263,
261 n.; death of , 266, 305.
Evelin, Capt. Robert, appointed com-
mander of Kent Island, 150, 150 n. ;
expedition against Claiborne, 151-
155.
Evins, Elinor, letter to, 382-383.
Ewen, Richard, 228; opposes Gov.
. Stone, 239-240.
Faithome, W., 313.
FeUtham, Owen, 341, 341 n.
FendaU, Gov. Josias, 165, 186, 240-
241, 321, 321 n.; conference with
Dutch embassy to Maryland, 325^
332; treachery of, 380, 380 n.
Ferfax, Nicholas, 32, 101.
Finnish settlers in America, 315.
Fisher, Father PhiUp, 115-116, 124;
missionary labors at St. Mary's, 133-
135; see aUo Copley, Father Thomas.
Fiske, Beginninga of New England,
391 n.
Fitzherbert, Father Francis, voyage to
Maryland, 140-141.
Fleet, Capt. Henry, deaUngs with Ind-
ians, 55, 72.
Foley, RecortU of the English Province,
8, /., 116 n., 117.
Force, Peter, HieUfrical Tracts, 4, 28,
186,280.
Forrest, Patrick, 275.
Fort Casimir; see Fort New Amstel.
Fort Christina, 312.
Fort New Amstel, 331.
Fox, George, extracts from the Journal
of, 393-406.
Freeman, ship, 282.
Friends, 391; activities in Maryland,
393-406.
Frisby, James, 398-399, 415.
4SH
US, ^M, 228.
^}fi|^, Mm, 37S.
<U»n^.f PAtn^ 400, 401«
(ifsnwi, i^r Thmuam, 101, 225;
1^^ 244; e on feiR Dc e witJi Douk em-
htumx, Z24-'ZVf.
(i^Afffm, Mai^Jen. Edwwd, 10S,
0|//«Mftiiif»T iUftuAf, Va., pUnt-eattiag
rkyU, 417 n,
OMdtfn FcfUtne, Mp, 239, 282.
OdMm L^, ibjp, 242, 204, 206,
257.
r}niir«m«f, Fftiber Jofan, 110, 124; ilIneM
tA, 131-192; 9U aUo AHhaatk, Fsiber
John. ,
OnMfw, Henry, lOL
OrvMne, Depttty-Oor. ThomM, 163-'
104, 197; prodainw Cbftrief IL king, >
197 n,, 217.
Or^KOiy the Great, Pope, 7 n.
Orimdith, John, 276.
Ovinta, frlKAte, 184, 198, 198 n., 207,
207 n., 230, 230 n.
Guither, Cspt., capture of, 244.
HalK, WUHam, aMintant of Wm. Mark-
ham, 410, 418, 420.
Halpehead, John, 275.
Hammond, John, 279; Leah and Rachel^
281 308
Hardwioh/ William, 276.
Harman, Mr., 211.
Harmer, Godtfried, 317-318.
HarriNon, Mr., 440.
Harvey, Hir John, governor of Virginia,
14, 18 n., 64, 60, 164, 160; inveetigatee
(Haibonie oajie, IA\- 68; relation! with
Marylaml, 18, 68-69, 60 n., 60; vieite
Ht. Mary'N, 76.
IlArwoo<l, Ilolxtrt, 300.
Hiitoh, John, 228, 276.
lliiitdn, H4«o. Thomas, 184-186, 220; at-
titudn toward Parliament, 222-226;
doolaration and oortificate of, 274-
276; oath of, 200; removal of, 237-
2:i8.
Hatton's Island, 398.
llawloy, Capt. Honry, governor of
Barbados, 34 n.
417.
Cmpt,79
41.
511.
410^412.
of Cbailn
241.
311;
at the boiMe ol, 41O-»0; Jommd of
the Dtdek Embamg io Mcrflamd^ 314-
333; letter to, 415; map by, 313;
nattmliantioii of, 217 n.
Hin, CttpL. John, 101.
Hinton, Sir Tbomaa, 50, 50 n.
Honga Biver, 403, 403 n.
Hu|^, Father Tbomae, 3; Huterff of
the Sodeiif of Jews in North Amerieog
28, 115 n., 119 n.
Hungerfoid, Wflliam, 275.
Indians, examination of, coneeming
Claiborne's case, 50-58; faminfw
among, 132; honesty of, 187; hunt-
ing rights, 439-441; mannera and
dress, 83-90, 125, 129-132; massa-
ores by, 311; missionary activities
among, 119, 394, 390, 400, 404, 405;
moneys, 90; relations with settleiB,
65-50, 75-70, 83-84, 317; religion,
88; trade with, 190, 195, 210, 299;
tribal wars, 74, 88-90; validity of
contracts with, 445-440; see alao
names of particular tribes: Susque-
hannock Indians, Patuxent Indians,
etc.
Ingle's rebellion, 300.
Jamaica, Friends in, 401.
James River, fortifications on, 53.
Jefferson, Capt., lieutenant-governor of
St. Christopher, 39.
INDEX
455
Jesuits, 28; Annual Letten of, 118*144;
history of, 115, 116 n.; land grants to,
116, 140; missionaiy activities in
Maryland, 118, 124, 140-141, 142,
142 n., 143-144, 190 n., 200; various
experiences and difficulties, 120-124,
133-134, 13&-139, 142, 144; see abo
Catholics; Missionaiy activities; Re-
ligion; Tolezation.
JoAn, ship, 184, 207.
Johnson, Edward, Wonder-Working
Providence, 168 n.
Johnson, Henry, 415.
Johnson, Lieut. Peter, 240.
Jones, Edward, 415.
Jones, James, 403.
Kecoughton, 58, 58 n.
Kempe, 154.
Kent Island, 88, 317; Baltimore-Clai-
borne dispute concerning, 150-151,
172-173, 201, 201 n., 203, 210, 211,
330; Friends on, 398, 405; Jesuits on,
124; settlement of, 195 n., 210.
Kittamaquund, 131 n.; Jesuits in, 124.
Knott, Father Edward, 119 n.; letter
of, 119-124.
Laer, A. J. F. van, 313.
Lancaster, James, 394.
Langford, John, 249; Refutation of
Babylon's FaU, 254-275; see aleo
Strong, Leonard.
Lawson, Mr., 228.
Leah and Rachd; see Hammond, John.
Lechford, Sir Richard, 27.
Leeward Islands, Friends in, 401.
Legate, John, death of, 305.
Lewger, Sec. John, 153, 156-160.
Lewis, Capt. William, capture of, 244;
death of, 266, 305.
Leyden, John of, 353, 353 n.
Uoyd, Edward, 228, 238; conference
with Dutch embassy, 325-332; peti-
tion of, 219.
Lloyd, Philemon, 422.
LongtaU, ship, 211.
Machepongo Inlet, 78, 78 n.
McMahon, John V. L., Hietory of the
Government of Maryland, 66-67.
McSherry, Father William, 3, 117.
Mahaloha, Indian captain, 439-440.
Manaco River, 402.
Manaponsen; see Kent Island.
Manoxln, 403, 403 n.
Maquacomen, Tayac of Patuxent, 124-
125.
Maria; see Henrietta Maria.
Markham, Capt. William, deputy-gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania, mission to
Lord Baltimore, 414, 414 n., 415-420;
letter of, 446.
Marriott, John, 351, 351 n.
MarshaU, William, 275.
Martin, Francis, 275.
Martinique, description of Indians, 38.
Maryland, description, 7, 77-79, 80-81;
boundaries, 8, 22-23, 50, 77, 102, 155,
167, 168, 170-172, 209-210, 301, 322,
343, 409-113, 414-437, 441-448;
maps, 323-324; climate, 7-8, 77-78;
forests, 8; rivers, 78; animals, 9-10,
45, 80, 158-160, 345-347; birds, 80,
347-348; fishing, 8, 9, 80, 109, 348;
minerals, 80-81; plants, 45, 79-80, 82;
fertUity of soU, 10, 45, 60, 81, 82, 343-
345, 378; trade conditions, 60, 81-83,
363-365, 379; farming, 76, 82, 96, 97,
347, 348; com trade, 75, 75 n., 76, 82;
fiu* trade, 41, 363; linen trade, 83;
salt, 23; silk, 82-83; tobacco, 157, 194,
229,363,364,417; wine, 82; mining,
10, 23, 80, 82; shipping, 78, 82-83,
107, 109, 157-158, 363; piracy, 106,
107, 154; journeys and voyages to,
29-45, 313-321, 356-357, 376-378;
trade with Barbados, 364-365; with
New England, 75, 75 n.; with Seville,
9; colonization and character of set-
tlers, 5, 14, 21-22, 23, 73-76, 91-98,
100-101, 198, 300, 316, 351-^54; ser-
vants, 98-100, 354-361, 378; women
settlers, 358; history, 49, 65-68, 183-
186; fortifications, 14, 17, 17 n., 21,
76, 106; Indians, 83-90, 317; named
after Queen Maria, 5 n., 70, 104;
charter, 66-«7, 101-112, 321, 321
n., 329-^330; customs, 108-109, 110,
229-230; government, 54, 66-67, 104-
108, 142 n., 163, 169-170, 173-177,
196, 198, 199. 215-216, 218-230,
235-244, 255-256, 267-268, 304, 348,
351, 378; laws, 69, 105, 156-158,
174, 190, 190 n., 195, 199, 211, 217,
217 n., 269-274, 351, 440; toxes, 106-
456
INDEX
107, 111, 350, 415; relations with
Baibados, 34; with Parliament, 167-
180, 201-204, 256-257; with Penn-
sylvania, 414-448; with Virginia,
20, 21, 23, 33, 39, 56, 68, 76-77,
111, 141-142, 154-156, 170-172,
177-180, 187-230, 301-302; Catho-
lies in, 118-144, 190 n., 198 n., 200;
Friends in, 393, 393 n., 394-406;
missionary activities, 7, 20, 118, 142,
144, 190 n.; toleration, 16, 163, 175,
190-191, 200, 200 n., 204, 205, 213,
216, 216 n., 219, 220, 228, 234, 235,
238 n., 250-252, 254-255, 260, 269-
274, 274-275, 301-302, 348, 353; A
Charader of the Province of, 340-387;
Archives of, 51 n., 66 n., 69, 88 n., 141
n., 149 n., 153 n., 154 n., 156 n., 161
n., 166 n., 169 n., 185 n., 186 n., 199
n., 202 n., 216 n., 250 n., 252 n., 253,
260 n., 267 n., 306 n., 311 n., 317 n.,
326 n., 391 n., 402 n., 414 n., 415 n.,
422 n., 425 n., 441 n.; A ReUUian of,
70-112; Father AndretoWhiU'e Brief e
RelaHon of the Voyage into, 29-45;
Virginia and, 187-230.
Maryland Historical Magagine, 183 n.,
234.
Maryland Historical Society, 3, 3 n., 4,
13, 15, 27, 69, 117, 148 n., 166 n., 253,
339, 439 n.
Mason and Dixon's line, 413.
Biassaohusetts Historical Society, Col-
lectione, 49.
Matthew, Sir Toby, 49; Letter from
Captain Thonuu Yong to, 53-61.
Matthews, Samuel, 56, 56 n., 170, 259,
259 n., 274; disarms Virginia Inde-
pendents, 301; opposes Lord Balti-
more, 59, 61.
Maydwell, Thomas, 275.
Mayor, John, 401.
Medcalfe, John, 101.
Mereness, N. D., 339.
Metapannayen, Jesuit settlement in,
124.
Middlesex County, Va., plant-cutting
riots, 417.
Miles River, 395, 395 n., 396.
MiU Creek, 76.
Missionary activities among Indians,
44; Friends, 394-406; Jesuits, 119-
120, 120-124, 142, 144; in Maryland,
7, 20, 118, 119-120, 394-406; in Vir-
ginia, 286-287; see aleo Catholics;
Jesuits; Religion; Toleration.
Monoponson; see Kent Island.
Montserrat, Catholics, 38.
More, Father Henry, 116-117.
More, Sir Thomas, 116, 287.
Morgan, John, 70, 92; see aUo Brock,
Father John.
Morphen, James, 275.
Morris, Col. Lewis, 419, 427.
MQnster, treaty of, 324.
Nansemond, 400, 400 n.
Nassau River; see South River.
Netherland, plantations in America, 33,
167, 190, 311-313, 314-333, 442.
Nevis, climate. 39.
New Albion; see Flowden, Sir Edmund.
New Amstel, 312; disputes concerning,
315-316, 319, 326.
Newcastle, Delaware, 395, 395 n.; Lord
Baltimore at, 417, 418, 419-420, 424;
Peim-Baltimore conference at, 434-
437.
New England, Friends in, 395, 401; his-
tory, 391; toleration, 401; trade, 53,
75, 75 n.
New England'e Proepect, 81 n.
Newfoundland, Dutch fisheries, 33;
Lord Baltimore's plantation in, 4, 67,
104 n.
"New Ireland County," Maryland,
439, 439 n.
New Jersey, Friends in, 401.
New Kent County, Va., plant-cutting
riots, 417 n.
New Netherland, boundaries, 322; /otir-
nal of embassy from, 309-333; patent
of, 330; settlement of, 322, 326.
New York, boundaries, 420; history,
313.
Nicholls, Col. Richard, 410.
Nichols, John, 275.
Nicholson, Sir Francis, 163.
Noble, Richard, 419.
North Carolina, history, 49.
Northcott, Thomas, 392.
Notley, Thomas, 399.
Otilfield, George, 415.
Overzee, Symon, 321; assists Dutch
embassy to Mairyland, 323, 325.
INDEX
467
Packer, Mr., 265.
Palmer's Island, 322, 322 n.; oontro-
veraies oonceming, 151-156, 436.
Pamac; 9ee Port Tobacco Creek.
Parliament, measures taken against hos-
tile colonies, 167-180, 256-257.
Pascataway Indians, 40, 72, 72 n.; mis-
sionaiy activities among, 41-42, 124,
125-129, 131-132; king of, 158; we-
rowance of, 88.
Patapsco River, 440.
P^ttison, George, associate of George
Fox, 394, 395.
Patuxent Indians, missionary activities
among, 124-125; religious ceremo-
nies, 45; Tayac of, 57; werowance
of, 74-75, 88.
Patuxent River, 78; Friends settlers
on, 400, 405; laws, 325; settlers on,
203,219-222,239; Stone's attack on,
240-Al,
Peaseley, William, 65, 70, 92.
Pedro, John, death of, 305.
Peers, Richard, deputy-governor of Bar-
bados, 134 n.
Pell, WiUiam, 275.
Pellan, Capt., 39.
Penn, William, conference with George
Talbot, 437-448; conferences with
Lord Baltimore, ReporU, 414-437.
Pennsylvania, bouncUuies, 409, 413,
414-437, 441-448; Finnish settlers
in, 438; relations with Maryland,
414-448; Swedish settlers, 438.
Perin, John, 275.
Philpot, Robert, commander of Palm-
er's Island, 153; letter from, 160.
Piracy, 154.
Plowden, Sir Edmund, patent of, 322,
322 n., 323.
Pocomoke River, 102.
Poesy, Francis, 275.
Poeyer, Sander, Augustine Herrman's
guide, 315, 316.
Poole's Island, 317.
Poplar Island, 158, 158 n., 159.
Portland, Earl of, 39 n.
Port Tobacco, Jesuit missionary activi-
ties at, 136, 136 n.
Potomac River, 72, 78, 102; called St.
Gregory's, 40; Indians on, 41; Fox's
crossing of, 400.
Potomac town, 78.
Preston, James, 400, 401.
Preston, Richard, 185, 221, 228, 238,
239-240.
Price, Capt. John, declaration and cer-
tificate of, 274-275.
Price, Col., capture of, 244.
Prints, Gov. Johan, 316, 316 n.
Providence, settlement of, 255; settlers'
opposition to Gov. Stone, 238, 241,
263-265.
Puddington, George, 275.
Purchas, PUgrimes, 367, 367 n.
Purfree, Capt., 59.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 321, 324.
Rawlins, Anthony, 275.
Reconow Creek, 405.
Reedy Island, 316.
Religion, in Maryland, 112, 198 n., 234,
353; in Virginia, 286-287; fanatical
sects, 349-350; witchcraft, 141; An
Act Concerning, 269-274; see aUo
Catholics; Jesuits; Toleration.
Rhode Island, Friends in, 401.
Rigby, Father Roger, missionary labors
at Patuxent, 134-135, 136-137.
Roanoke, 90.
Robines, Robert, 275.
Ruyven, Cornelius van, papers ad-
dressed to, 314-333.
Sabin, Joseph, 69.
St. Christopher, 39.
St. Clements; see Blackistone's Island.
St. George's Bay, 42, 42 n.
St. George's Creek, 445, 445 n.
St. George's River, 42.
St. Gregory's; see Potomac River.
St, Helen, pinnace, 148.
St. Inigo's Creek; see St. George's Bay.
St. Jones's Creek, 445, 445 n.
8t Margaret, piimace, 148.
St. Martin, 33, 33 n.
St. Mary's, 73-76; Jesuits in, 124, 133-
135.
St. Mary's Bay, 42.
St. Mary's River, 73, 73 n.
St. Michael's River; see Miles River;
Potomac River.
St. Omer, 143.
Saire, WUliam, 101.
Sassafras River, 315, 395, 395 n., 423,
440.
45S
INDEX
Saunden, John, 101.
Sawyer, George, 275.
Sawyer, Peter, 418.
Scarburgh, Col. Edmund, 226, 237.
Sharp, Peter, 399.
Severn, Friends' meeting at, 399; set-
tlers' discontents, 203, 218-219, 221-
222,239; Stone's attack on, 204, 23^-
234, 242-244, 261.
Seville, trade with Maryland, 9.
Shea, Early Southern TracU, 28.
Simpson, Robert, surveyor, 22.
Slingsby, John, 275.
Sluyter, Dankers and. Journal, 393 n.
Smith, Capt. John, 4, 6, 65, 80 n., 81,
228; GeneraU Hittorie of Virffinia, 66,
83, 93 n.
Smith, Richard, 275.
Smith, Thomas, agent of William Clai-
borne, 147, 148, 150-156.
Smoot, William, 275.
Snow, heretic, 126.
Society of Jesus; see Jesuits.
South River, Capt. Utie's claims con-
cerning, 320-321, 326-328.
Spain, naval operations in West Indies,
37.
Spesutia, 316 n.
Stagge, Capt. Thomas, sent by Parlia-
ment to reduce hostile colonies, 167-
170, 184, 206-208, 256-257.
Steevens, William, witnesses Penn-Bal-
timore conference, 434.
Stephen, William, 404, 405.
Stockett, Thomas, 338, 380.
Stone, Capt. William, governor of Mary-
land, 163, 197 n., 254; attitude tow-
ard Parliament, 222-228; conference
with Dutch embassy to Maryland,
325-332; expedition against hostile
settlers, 240-244, 304-305; removal
of, 141-142, 225-226, 237-238; re-
assumes government, 239-241, 304;
papers concerning, 274-275, 281-282;
relations with Lord Baltimore, 168,
203-204, 212, 215, 269.
Stone, Virlinda, letter to Lord Balti-
more by, 265-267.
Streeter, Early Hietory of Maryland,
49.
Strong, Leonard, 228, 233; opposes
Gov. Stone, 239-240; Babylon'e FaU,
235-246; see also Langford, John.
Stuart, Charles; see Charles II.
Stubbs, John, 401.
Stumpson, William, 275.
Sturman, John, 275.
Stuyvesant, Gov. Peter, sends embassy
to Maryland, 314-333.
Susquehanna River, 78 n.; boundary
disputes concerning, 436.
Susquehannock Indians, 42, 78, 365-
371; customs, 366-371, 376-377;
government, 367; hunting rights of,
440-441; oppose Christian influ-
ences, 136; religious rites, 369-370,
377; trade with, 155, 371; wars,
74, 88-90, 138, 151, 367-369, 377,
440.
Sutton, John, 240.
Swan Island, 398.
Sweden, plantations in America, 167,
190.
Tailler, Thomas, 405; entertains and
witnesses the Penn-Baltimore confer-
ence, 421, 423-434.
Talbot, George, surveyor-general of
Maryland, 437 n.; conference with
William Penn, 437-448.
Tayac, or Indian emperor, 136.
Thomson, Col. George, 256.
Thomson, Maurice, 172.
Thoroughgood, Capt. Thomas, 307-
308.
Thorowgood, Mr., 44.
Thurioe, Sec. John, 208.
Thurioe, State Papers, 183.
Thurston, Thomas, 405.
Tilghman, Capt. Samuel, dedication to,
282-283.
Tilman, Capt., 239, 266.
Toleration, in Maryland, 16, 164, 175,
190-191, 200, 204, 205, 213, 216,
216 n., 219, 220, 228, 235, 238 n.,
250-252, 254-255, 260, 269, 269-274,
275, 301-302, 348; in New England,
401; in Virginia, 38, 235, 254, 301-
302; of Catholics, 118; see also Catho-
lics; Jesuits; Missionary activities;
Religion.
Tompkins, John, 154.
Tompson, Mr., 19.
Tred Avon Creek, 395, 395 n., 397,
405.
Truman, Major Thomas, 441.
INDEX
450
Turner, Arthur, 275.
Turner, Jan, 315.
Upland, Pa., 41^-420.
Utie, Capt. John, 56, 56 n.
Utie, Capt. Nathaniel, 312; conference
with Dutch embassy, 325-332.
XJwanno, 126.
Van Laer; see Laer, A. J. F. van.
Vaughan, Capt. Robert, 152, 154; dec-
laration and certificate of, 274-75.
Virginia, boundaries, 50, 155, 168, 170-
172,209; climate, 290; animals, 291
birds, 291; fishing, 291; plants, 291
farming, 299; fertility of soil, 291
shipping, 289; trade conditions, 97-
98, 206; com trade, 53; flax, 299
sUk, 296, 299; tobacco, 286, 296
298-299; trade with Barbados, 299
with Indians, 299; acts and patents
192-193; expeditions and voyages to
119 n., 288-289, 314; Friends in, 404
history of, 66, 93 n.; Indian wars, 83
laws, 294-295, 417 n.; massacres, 188,
285; Parliament commission to, 168-
169, 201-204, 256-257; plant-cutting
riots, 417; colonisation and character
of settlers, 290-298; taxes, 298; re-
lations with Maryland, 20, 21, 23, 33,
39, 55, 58, 76-77, 111, 141-142, 154-
155, 170-172, 177-180, 187-230; tol-
eration in, 38, 200 n., 235, 254, 301-
302; missionary activities, 286-287;
and Maryland, 187-230.
Virginia Company, charter of, 171 n.,
172, 188-189, 209.
Vitelleschi, Father Mucio, 3.
Waldron, Resolved, 312; assists Augus-
tine Herrman, 325, 332-333.
Walker, John, 275.
Ward, Henry, 415.
Ward, Robert, 275.
Warner, Sir Thomas, governor of St.
Christopher, 39, 39 n.
Warr, Thomas, 275.
Warren, William, 275.
Waterling, Walter, 275.
Watkins Point, 102; boundary dis-
putes concerning, 424, 426, 428, 433,
435
Watson's Island; see Pkbner's Idand.
Wells, Richard, 228.
Welsh, surveyor-general of Delaware,
447.
Werowances, 71, 71 n., 72, 73, 84.
West Indies, Spanish prizes, 37.
Weston, DocumenU on SinUh Carolina,
49.
Westons, rebels in Barbados, 34.
Wheai'Sheaf, ship, 387.
Whitacre, George, 275.
White, Father Andrew, 3, 27, 124; mis-
sionary labors of, 124-139; A Brief e
Relation of the Voyage unto Mary-
land, 29-45.
Whitlocke, Bulstrode, 306, 306 n.
Whittle, Capt. John, dedication to, 282-
283.
Wicks, Capt. Joseph, 317, 317 n., 318;
assists in Herrman's expedition, 318,
320.
Wicomico River, 403, 403 n.
Wicomesse Indians, 88-90.
Widders, Robert, associate of Geoige
Fox, 394, 395, 404.
Widdrington, Sir Thomas, 306, 306 n.
Wighco; see Pocomoke River.
William the Conqueror, 103 n.
Williams, Edwaid, 275.
Williamson, James, dediction to, 281-
282.
Wilson, George, 398.
Winsmore, Dr., 404.
Winsor, Narrative and Critical Hietory
of America, 322 n.
Winter, Capt., 160.
Winters, Sir John, 57.
Winthrop, Journal, 75 n.
Wintour, Lady Anne, 101.
Wintour, Edward, 101.
Wintour, Frederick, 101.
Wiseman, Henry, 101.
Wiseman, Sir Thomas, 101.
Wisoes, 73, 84.
Witchcraft, 141.
Wompompeag, 90.
Wood, WiUiam, 65, 81; book on New
England, 83.
Woodetock Letters, 4, 28.
Wright, Mr., 317.
Wyat, Sir Francis, commission sent to,
192.
Wye River, 395, 395 n, 405^
460
INDEX
1?.
Yoacomaco Indians, description of, 42-
44; missionaiy activities among, 44;
treaties with settlers, 73-74; wars,
74.
Tong, Capt. Thomas, 49, 76 n., 170 n.;
Letter to Sir Toby Matthew, 53-61.
York, Diike of, grant of New York to^
410.
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