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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



> 



9[!jortgtnal 
9lmertca 




NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



EDITED 

By JUSTIN WINSOR 

LIBRAR.IAN OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Vol. I 




BOSTON AND NEW YORK 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 

Wl^ Hit3er0iDe pre00, CambriDge 






Copyright. 1889, 
By HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY. 

All rights reserved. 



The Riverside Press, Cambridge , Mass., U. S. A. 
Electrotyped and Printed by H. O, Houghton & Company. 





'ImIMiMmO 




v-t 



V^ To 

bHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT, LL. D. 

President of Harvard University. 



JDbAI^ ElIOT: 

Forty years ago, you and I, having made preparation together, entered college 
071 the same day. We later found different spheres in the world; and you came 
back to Cambridge in due time to assume your high office. Twelve years ago, 
sought by you, I likewise came, to discharge a duty under you. 

You took me away from many cares, and transferred me to the more con- 
genial service of the University. The change has conduced to the progress of 
those studies in which I hardly remember to have had a lack of interest. 

So I owe much to you ; and it is not, I trust, surprising that I desire to con- 
nect, in this work^ your name with that of your 

Obliged friend, 



Cambridge, 1889. 



}uAtM/k(di/^ 




99693 



CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



[TAe cut on the title represents a mask, which forms the centre of the Mexican Calendar Stone, as engraved 
in D. Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. 333, from a cast now in the Collection of the Society of Antiquaries 
of Scotland^ 



INTRODUCTION. 

Part I. Americana in Libraries and Bibliographies. The Editor i 

Illustrations: Portrait of Professor Ebeling, iii; of James Carson Brevoort, x; of 
Charles Deane, xi. 

y Part II. Early Descriptions of America, and Collective Accounts of the Early 

Voyages thereto. The Editor . xix 

Illustrations : Title of the Newe Unbekanthe Landte, xxi ; of Peter Martyr's De Nuper 
sub D. Carolo refertis insitlis (1521), xxii ; Portrait of Grynaeus, xxiv ; of Sebastian 
Miinster, xxvi, xxvii ; of Monardes, xxix ; of De Bry, xxx ; of Feyerabend, xxxL 



CHAPTER I. 

The Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients considered in Relation to the 

Discovery of America. William H. Tillinghast i 

Illustrations: Maps by Macrobius, 10, ix, 12; Carli's Traces of Atlantis, 17; Sanson's 
Atlantis Insula, 18 ; Bory de St. Vincent's Carte Conjecturale de PAtlantide, 19 ; Con- 
tour Chart of the Bottom of the Atlantic Ocean, 20 ; The Rectangular Earth, 30. 

Critical Essay 33 

Notes 38 

A. The Form of the Earth, 38; B. Homer's Geography, 39 j C. Supposed References to 
America, 40 ; D. Atlantis, 41 ; E. Fabulous Jslands of the Atlantic in the Middle Ages, 
46; F. Toscanelli's Atlantic Ocean, 51. G. {By the Editor) Early Maps of the At- 
lantic Ocean, 53, 

Illustrations: Map of the Fifteenth Century, 53 ; Map of Fr. Pizigani (a. d. 1367), and 
of Andreas Bianco (1436), 54; Catalan Map (1375), 55; Map of Andreas Benincasa 
(1476), 56 ; Laon Globe, 56; Maps of Bordone (1547), 57, 58; Map made at the End of 
the Fifteenth Century, 57 ; Ortelius's Atlantic Ocean (1587), 58. 

CHAPTER II. 

Pre-Columbian Explorations. Justin Winsor . . , 59 

Illustrations : Norse Ship, 62 ; Plan of a Viking Ship, and her Rowlock, 63 ; Norse 
Boat used as a Habitation, 64 ; Norman Ship from the Bayeux Tapestry, 64 ; Scandinavian 



viii CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Flags, 64 ; Scandinavian Weapons, 65 ; Runes, 66, 67 ; Fac-simile of the Title of the 
Zeno Narrative, 70; Its Section on Frisland, 71J Ship of the Fifteenth Century, y^; 
The Sea of Darkness, 74. 

Critical Notes 76 

A. Early Connection of Asiatic Peoples with the Western Coast of America, 76; B. Ireland 
the Great, or White Man's Land, 82 ; C. The Norse in Iceland, 8^ ; D. Greenland and its 
Ruins, 85; E. The Vinland Voyages, 87', F. The Lost Greenland Colonies, 107; G. 
Madoc and the Welsh, 109 ; H. The Zeni and their Map, iii ; I. Alleged Jewish Migra- 
tion, 115 ; J. Possible Early African Migrations, 116. 

Illustrations : Behring's Sea and Adjacent Waters, 77 ; Buache's Map of the North 
Pacific and Fusang, 79 ; Ruins of the Church at Kakortok, 86 ; Fac-simile of a Saga 
Manuscript and Autograph of C. C. Rafn, 87 ; Ruin at Kakortok, 88 ; Map of Juliane- 
haab, 89 ; Portrait of Rafn, 90 ; Title-page of Historia Vinlandice AntiqucB per Thor- 
modum Tor/ceum, 91 ; Rafn's Map of Norse America, 95 ; Rafn's Map of Vinland (New 
England), 100 ; View of Dighton Rock, loi ; Copies of its Inscription, 103 ; Henrik Rink, 
106; Fac-simile of the Title-page of Hans Egede's Dei gamle Gronlands nye Perlus- 
tration, 108; A British Ship of the Time of Edward I, no; Richard H. Major, 112; 
Baron Nordenskjold, 113. 

The Cartography of Greenland. The Editor 117 

Illustrations: The Maps of Claudius Clavus (1427), 118,119; of Fra Mauro (1459), 120; 
Tabula Regionum Septentrionalium(i467), 121 ; Map of Donis (1482), 122; of Henricus 
Martellus (1489-90), 122; of Olaus Magnus (1539), 123 ; (1555), 124; (1567), 125; of 
Bordone (1547), 126 ; The Zeno Map, 127 ; as altered in the Ptolemy of 1561, 128; The 
Map of Phillipus Gallaeus (1585), 129; of Sigurd Stephanus (1570), 130; The Greenland 
of Paul Egede, 131 ; of Isaac de la Peyrere (1647), 132. 



CHAPTER III. 

Mexico and Central America. Justin Winsor 133 

Illustrations: Clavigero's Plan of Mexico, 143; his Map of Anahuac, 144; Environs du 
Lac de Mexique, 145 ; Brasseur de Bourbourg's Map of Central America, 151. 

Critical Essay 153 

Illustrations: Manuscript of Bernal Diaz, 154; Sahagun, 156; Clavigero, 159 ; Lorenzo 
Boturini, 160 ; Frontispiece of his Idea^ with his Portrait, 161 ; Icazbalceta, 163 ; Daniel 
G. Brinton, 165 ; Brasseur de Bourbourg, 170. 

Notes 173 

I. The Authorities on the so-called Civilization of Ancient Mexico and Adjacent Lands, and 
the Interpretation of such Authorities, 173; II. Bibliographical Notes upon the Ruins 
and Archaeological Remains of Mexico and Central America, 176; III. Bibliographical 
Notes on the Picture-Writing of the Nahuas and Mayas, 197. 

Illustrations: The Pyramid of Cholula, 177; The Great Mound of Cholula, 178; Mex- 
ican Calendar Stone, 179; Court of the Mexico Museum, i8t ; Old Mexican Bridge near 
Tezcuco, 182; The Indio Triste, 183 ; General Plan of Mitla, 184 ; Sacrificial Stone, 185 ; 
Waldeck, 186; Desir6 Charnay, 187; Charnay's Map of Yucatan, 188; Ruined Temple 
at Uxmal, 189; Ring and Head from Chichen-Itza, 190; Viollet-le-Duc's Restoration of 
a Palenqu^ Building, 192 ; Sculptures from the Temple of the Cross at Palenqu6, 193 ; 
Plan of Copan, 194 ; Yucatan Types of Heads, 195 ; Plan of Quirigua, 196 ; Fac-simile 
of Landa's Manuscript, 198 ; A Sculptured Column, 199 ; Palenque Hieroglyphics, 201 ; 
L^on de Rosny, 202 ; The Dresden Codex, 204 ; Codex Cortesianus, 206 ; Codex Perezi- 
anus, 207, 208. 



CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. ix 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Inca Civilization in Peru. Clements R. Markham 209 

Illustrations: Brasseur de Bourbourg's Map of Northwestern South America, 210; 

Early Spanish Map of Peru, 211 ; Llamas, 213 ; Architectural Details at Tiahuanaca, 214 ; .« 
Bas-Reliefs, 215 ; Doorway and other Parts, 216; Image, 217; Broken Doorway, 218 ;' 
Tiahuanaca Restored, 219; Ruins of Sacsahuaman, 220; Inca Manco Ccapac, 228; Inca 
Yupanqui, 228 ; Cuzco, 229 ; Warriors of the Inca Period, 230 ; Plan of the Temple of 
the Sun, 234 ; Zodiac of Gold, 235 ; Quipus, 243 ; Inca Skull, 244 ; Ruins at Chucuito, 
245 ; Lake Titicaca, 246, 247 ; Map of the Lake, 248 ; Primeval Tomb, Acora, 249 ; Ruins 
at Quellenata, 249 ; Ruins at Escoma, 250 ; Sillustani, 250; Ruins of an Incarial Village, 
251 ; Map of the Inca Road, 254 ; Peruvian Metal-Workers, 256 ; Peruvian Pottery, 256, 
257 ; Unfinished Peruvian Cloth, 258. 

Critical Essay 259 

Illustrations : House in Cuzco in which Garcilasso was bom, 265 ; Portraits of the Incas 
in the Title-page of Herrera, 267 ; William Robertson, 269 ; Clements R. Markham, 272 ; 
Mdrcos Jimenez de la Espada, 274. 

Notes 275 

I. Ancient People of the Peruvian Coast, 275 ; II. The Quichua Language and Literature, 

278. 
Illustrations : Mummy from Ancon, 276 ; Mummy from a Huaca at Pisco, 277; Tapestry 

from the Graves of Ancon, 278 ; Idol from Timan^, 281. 



CHAPTER V. 

The Red Indian of North America in Contact with the French and English. 

George E. Ellis , . 283 

Critical Essay. George E, Ellis and the Editor 316 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Prehistoric Archeology of North America. Henry W. Haynes 329 

Illustrations : Palaeolithic Implement from the Trenton Gravels, 331 ; The Trenton Gravel 
Bluff, 335 ; Section of Bluff near Trenton, 338 ; Obsidian Spear Point from the Lahontan 
Lake, 349. 

The Progress of Opinion respecting the Origin and Antiquity of Man in 

America, Justin Winsor 369 

Illustrations : Benjamin Smith Barton, 371 ; Louis Agassiz, 373 ; Samuel Foster Haven, 
374 ; Sir Daniel Wilson, 375 ; Professor Edward B. Tylor, 376 ; Hochelagan and Cro- 
magnon Skills, 377; Theodor Waitz, 378; Sir John Lubbock, 379; Sir John William 
Dawson, 380; Map of Aboriginal Migrations, 381 ; Calaveras Skull, 385; Ancient Foot- 
print from Nicaragua, 386; Cromagnon, Enghis, Neanderthal, and Hochelagan Skulls, 
389 ; Oscar Peschel, 391 ; Jeffries Wyman, 392 ; Map of Cape Cod, showing Shell Heaps, 
393 ; Maps of the Pueblo Region, 394, 397 ; Col. Charles Whittlesey, 399 ; Increase A. 
Lapham, 400 ; Plan of the Great Serpent Mound, 401 ; Cincinnati Tablet, 404 ; Old View 
of the Mounds on the Muskingum (Marietta), 405 ; Map of the Scioto Valley, showing 
Sites of Mounds, 406; Works at Newark, Ohio, 407; Major J. W. Powell, 411. . 



X CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

APPENDIX. 

Justin Winsor. 

I. Bibliography of Aboriginal America 413 

II. The Comprehensive Treatises on American Antiquities 415 

III. Bibliographical Notes on the Industries and Trade of the American Aborigines 416 

IV. Bibliographical Notes on American Linguistics . 421 

V. Bibliographical Notes on the Myths and Religions of America 429 

VI. Archaeological Museums and Periodicals , 437 

Illustrations: Mexican Clay Mask, 4 rg 5 Quetzalcoatl, 432 ; The Mexican Temple, 433 ; 
The Temple of Mexico, 434 ; Teoyaomiqui, 435 ; Ancient Teocalli, Oaxaca, Mexico, 436. 

Index e . .445 




INTRODUCTION. 



By the Editor. 



Part I. AMERICANA IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



H ARRIS SE, in the Introduction of his Bibli- 
otheca Americana Vetustissima, enumerates 
and characterizes many of the bibliographies of 
Americana, beginning with the chapter, "De 
Scriptoribus rerum Americanarum," in the Bib- 
liotheca Classica of Draudius, in 1622.1 De Laet, 
in his Nieuive Wereldt (1625), gives a list of 
about thirty-seven authorities, which he in- 
creased somewhat in later editions.^ The earli- 
est American catalogue of any moment, however, 
came from a native Peruvian, Leon y Pinelo, 
who is usually cited by the latter name only. 
He had prepared an extensive list ; but he 
published at Madrid, in 1629, a selection of 
titles only, under the designation of Epitome 
de la biblioteca oriental i occidental^ which in- 
cluded manuscripts as well as books. He had 
exceptional advantages as chronicler of the 
Indies. 

In 167 1, in Montanus's Nietiwe weereld, and 
in Ogilby's America, about 167 authorities are 
enumerated. 

Sabin'^ refers to Cornelius van Beughem's 
Bibliographia Historica, 1685, published at Am- 
sterdam, as having the titles of books on America. 



The earliest exclusively American catalogue 
is the Bibliothecce Americance Primordia of White 
Kennett,^ Bishop of Peterborough, published in 
London in 17 13. The arrangement of its sixteen 
hundred entries is chronological ; and it enters 
under their respective dates the sections of such 
collections as Hakluyt and Ramusio.^ It par- 
ticularly pertains to the English colonies, and 
more especially to New England, where, in the 
eighteenth century, three distinctively valuable 
American libraries are known to have existed, 
— that of the Mather family, which was in large 
part destroyed during the battle of Bunker Hill, 
in 1775; t^^t of Thomas Prince, still in large 
part existing in the Boston Public Library; and 
that of Governor Hutchinson, scattered by the 
mob which attacked his house in Boston in 
1765."^ 

In 17 16 Lenglet du Fresnoy inserted a brief 
list (sixty titles) in his Methode pour etudier la 
geographic. Garcia's Origen de los Indias de el 
nuevo mnndo, Madrid, 1729, shows a list of about 
seventeen hundred authors.^ 

In 1737-1738 Barcia enlarged Pinelo's work, 
translating all his titles into Spanish, and added 



1 Herrera failed to add a list of authors to the original edition of his Historia (1601-1615), but one of about 
thirty-three entries is found in later editions. • « 

2 See Vol. IV. p. 417. 

8 Sabin, vol. x. no. 40,053; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 347; Rich (1832), no. 188; Triibner, Bibliograph- 
ical Guide to American Literature, p. viii ; Murphy, no. 1,471. 

4 Dictionary, vol. ii. no. 5,102. 

6 For an account of a likeness, see J. C. Smith's British Mezzotint Portraits, iv. no. 1,694. 

6 The book, of which 250 copies only were printed, is rare, and Quaritch prices it at ^^3 (Sabin, vol. ix. no. 
37,447). It preserves some titles which are not otherwise known ; and represents a library which Kennett had 
gathered for presentation to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Rich {Bibl. 
Amer. nova, i. 21) says the index was made by Robert Watts. Although Stevens {Historical Collections, 
i. 142) says that the books were dispersed, the library is still in existence in London, though it lacks many 
titles given in the printed catalogue, and shows others not in that volume. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xx. 
274; AUibone, ii. 1020; James Jackson's Bibliographies geographiques (Paris, 1881), no. 606; Triibner's 
Bibliographical Guide, p. ix ; Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. Ixxxvii. 

' Memorial History of Boston, vol. i. pp. xviii, xix ; vol. ii. pp. 221, 426. 

8 The original edition was Valencia, 1607. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 52. 

VOL. I. — a ' 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



numerous other entries which Rich ^ says were 
" clumsily thrown together." 

Charlevoix prefixed to his Nouvelle France, 
in 1744, a list with useful comments, which the 
English reader can readily approach in Dr. 
Shea's translation. A price-list which has been 
preserved of the sale in Paris in 1764, Catalogue 
des livres des ci-devant soi-dlsans Jesnites die College 
de Clermont, indicates the lack of competition at 
that time for those choicer Americana, now so 
costly."-^ The Regio patronatu Indianim of Fras- 
sus (1775) gi^'es about 1505 authorities. There 
is a chronological catalogue of books issued in 
the American colonies previous to 1775, pre- 
pared by S. F. Haven, Jr., and appended to the 
edition of Thomas's History of Printing, pub- 
lished by the American Antiquarian Society. 
Though by no means perfect, it is a convenient 
key to most publications illustrative of American 
history during the colonial period of the Eng- 
lish possessions, and printed in America. Dr. 
Robertson's America (1777) shows only 250 
works, and it indicates how far short he was of 
the present advantages in the study of this sub- 
ject. Clavigero surpassed all his predecessors 
in the lists accompanying his Storia del Messico, 
published in 1780, — but the special bibliography 
of Mexico is examined elsewhere. Equally spe- 
cial, and confined to the English colonies, is the 
documentary register which Jefferson inserted 
in his Azotes on Virginia ; but it serves to show 
how scanty the records were a hundred years ago 
compared with the calendars of such material 
now. Meuzel, in 1782, had published enough of 
his Bibliotheca Historica to cover the American 
field, though he never completed the work as 
planned. 

In 1789 an anonymous Bibliotheca Americana 
of nearly sixteen hundred entries was published 
in London. It is not of much value. Harrisse 
and others attribute it to Reid ; but by some the 
author's name is differently given as Homer, 
Dalrymple, and Long.^ 

An enumeration of the documentary sources 
(about 152 entries) used by Mufioz in his Historia 
del nuevo mundo (1793) ^^ given in Fuster's Bibli- 



oteca Valenciana (ii. 202-234) published at Va- 
lencia in 1827-1830.* 

There is in the Library of Congress (Force 
Collection) a copy of an Indice de la Coleccion de 
manuscritos pertinecientes a la historia de las In- 
dias, by Fraggia, Abella, and others, dated at 
Madrid, 1799.^ 

In the Sparks collection at Cornell are two 
other manuscript bibliographies worthy of no- 
tice. One is a Biblioteca Americana, by Antonio 
de Alcedo, dated in 1807. Sparks says his copy 
was made in 1843 from an original which Oba« 
diah Rich had found in Madrid.^ 

Harrisse says that another copy is in the 
Carter-Brown Library; and he asserts that, ex- 
cepting some additions of modern American 
authors, it is not much improved over Barcia's 
edition of Pinelo. H. H. Bancroft' mentions 
having a third copy, which had formerly belonged 
to Prescott. 

The other manuscript at Cornell is a Bibli- 
otheca Americana, prepared in twelve volumes 
by Arthur Homer, who had intended, but never 
accomplished, the publication of it. Sparks 
found it in Sir Thomas Phillipps's library at 
Middlehill, and caused the copy of it to be 
made, which is now at Ithaca.^ 

In 1808 Boucher de la Richarderie pub- 
lished at Paris his Bibliothlqice ujtiverselle 
des voyages? which has in the fifth part a 
critical list of all voyages to American wa- 
ters. Harrisse disagrees with Peignot in his 
favorable estimate of Richarderie, and traces 
to him the errors of Faribault and later 
bibliographers. 

The Bibliotheca Hispano-Aniericana oi Dr. 
Jose Mariano Beristain de Souza was pub- 
lished in Mexico in 1816-1821, in three vol- 
umes. Quaritch, pricing it at ;^96 in 1880, 
calls it the rarest and most valuable of all 
American bibliographical works. It is a notice 
of writers who were born, educated, or flourished 
in Spanish America, and naturally covers much 
of interest to the historical student. The author 
did not live to complete it, and his nephew 
finished it. 



1 Catalogue (1832), no. 188. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 568; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, -p-i^'f 
Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,349. The portion on America is in vol. ii. 

2 For example, the.Champlain of 1613, 3 fr. ; that of 1632, 4 fr. ; 21 volumes of the Relations of the 
Jesuits, 18 fr. 

8 Sabin, Dictionary, vol. ii. no. 5,198 ; and Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. xviii ; Hist. Mag., i. 57 ; and 
Allibone, ii. 1764, who calls him Reid, an American resident in London, and says he issued the bibliography 
as preparatory to a history of America. Jackson's Bibliographies geographiques, no. 611, and Triibner, 
Bibliographical Guide, p x, call it by the name of the publisher, Debrett. 

< ]^c\imn''s Bibliographies geographigues, no 621. 

6 Jackson, Bibliographies geographigues, no. 612; Serapeum (1845), p. 223; Triibner, Bibliographicm 
Guide, p. XXV 

« Sparks, Catalogue, no. 1,635 5 Jackson's Bibliographies geographigues, no. 613 ; Triibner, p. xxv. 

7 History of Mexico, iii. 512, where is an account of Alcedo's historical labors. 

8 Sparks, Catalogue, no. 1,635 a, and p. 230. 

» Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. xxiv; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 700, 760. 



AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



Ill 



In 1818 Colonel Israel Thorndike, of Boston, 
bought for $6,500 the American library of Pro- 
fessor Ebeling, of Germany, estimated to contain 
over thirty-two hundred volumes, besides 
an extraordinary collection of ten thousand 
maps.i The library was given by the pur- 
chaser to Harvard College, and its posses- 
sion at once put the library of that insti- 
tution at the head of all libraries in the 
United States for the illustration of Amer- 
ican history. No catalogue of it was ever 
printed, except as a part of the General 
Catalogue of the College Library issued 
in 1830-1834, in five volumes. 

Another useful collection of Americana 
added to the same library was that formed 
by David B. Warden, for forty years 
United States Consul at Paris, who printed 
a catalogue of its twelve hundred volumes 
at Paris, in 1820, called Bibliotheca Americo- 
Septentrionalis. The collection in 1823 
found a purchaser at $5,000, in Mr. Samuel 
A. Eliot, who gave it to the College.'^ 

The Harvard library, however, as well 
as several of the best collections of Amer- 
icana in the United States, owes more, • 
perhaps, to Obadiah Rich than to any 
other. This gentleman, a native of Boston, 
was born in 1783. He went as consul of 
the United States to Valencia in 18 15, and 
there began his study of early Spanish- 
American history, and undertook the gath- 
ering of a remarkable collection of books,^ which 
he threw open generously, with his own kindly 
assistance, to every investigator who visited 
Spain for purposes of study. Here he won the 



respect of Alexander H. Everett, then American 
minister to the court of Spain. He captivated 
Irving by his helpful nature, who says of him : 




EBELING.'* 



** Rich was one of the most indefatigable, intelli- 
gent, and successful bibliographers in Europe. 
His house at Madrid was a literary wilderness, 
abounding wdth curious works and rare editions. 



1 Quincy's Harvard University^ ii. 413, 596. It is noteworthy, in view of so rich an accession coming 
from Germany, that Grahame, the historian of our colonial period, says that in 1825 he found the University 
Library at Gottingen richer in books for his purpose than all the libraries of Britain joined together. 

2 This collection is also embraced in the Catalogue of the College Library already referred to. Mr. Warden 
began the collection of another library, which he used while writing the American part (10 vols.) of the Art de 
verifier des Dates, Paris, i826-i844,and which (1,118 works) was afterward sold to the State Library at Albany 
for $4,000. Dr. Henry A. Homes, the librarian at Albany, informs me that when arranged it made twenty-one 
hundred and twenty-three volumes. Warden's Bibliotheca Americana, Paris, 1831, reprinted at Paris in 1840, 
is a catalogue of this collection. Mr. Warden died in 1S45, aged 67. Cf. Ludewig in the Serapetim, 1845, p, 
209; M.viS!itx , Books on America (1872), no. 1734; Allibone, iii. 2,579; S. G. Goodrich, RecollectionSy ii. 243; 
Jackson's Bibl. Geog., nos. 617, 618 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xiv. There was a final sale of Mr,. 
Warden's books by Horatio Hill, in New York, in 1846. 

8 This collection was offered to Congress for purchase through Edward Everett in December, 1827. The 
printed list, with nearly a hundred entries for manuscripts and three hundred and eighty-nine for printed books, 
covering the years 1506-1825, was printed as Document 2,7 of the ist session of the 20th Congress. The sale 
was not effected. Rich had been able to gather the books at moderate cost because of the troubled politica! 
state of the peninsula. Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xv. 

•* This portrait of one of the earliest contributors to the bibliography of American history follows an en- 
graving in the Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden, May, 1800, p. 395. Ebeling was born Nov. 20, 1741, 
and died June 30, 1817, and his own contributions to American History were — 

{a) Amerikattische Bibliothek (Zwei Stiicke), Leipzig. 1777. 

{b) Erdbescreibung und Geschichte von America, Hamburg, 1795-18 16, in seven vols. ; the author's inter- 
leaved copy, with manuscript notes, is in Harvard College Library. 

(^) With Professor Hegewisch, Americanisches Magazin, Hamburg, 1797. 

There are other likenesses, — one a large lithograph published at Hamburgh ; the other a small profile by 
C. H. Kniep. Both are in the collection of the American Antiquarian Society. 



IV 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



... He was withal a man of great truthfulness 
and simplicity of character, of an amiable and 
obliging disposition and strict integrity." Sim- 
ilar was the estimation in which he was held by 
Ticknor, Prescott, George Bancroft, and many 
others, as Allibone has recorded.^ In 1828 he re- 
moved to London, where he established himself 
as a bookseller. From this period, as Harrisse ^ 
fitly says, it was under his influence, acting upon 
the lovers of books among his compatriots, that 
the passion for forming collections of books ex- 
clusively American grew up.^ La those days the 
cost of books now esteemed rare was trifling 
compared with the prices demanded at present. 
Rich had a prescience in his calling, and the 
beginnings of the great libraries of Colonel 
Aspinwall, Peter Force, James Lenox, and John 
Carter Brown were made under his fostering 
eye ; which was just as kindly vigilant for Gren- 
villfe, who was then forming out of the income 
of his sinecure oflice the great collection which 
he gave to the British nation in recompense for 
his support.* In London, watching the book- 
markets and making his catalogue, Rich con- 
tinued to live for the rest of his life (he died in 
February, 1850), except for a period when he 
was the United States consul at Port Mahon in 
the Balearic Islands. His bibliographies are still 
valuable, his annotations in them are trustworthy, 
and their records are the starting-points of the 
growth of prices. His issues and reissues of 
them are somewhat complicated by supplements 
and combinations, but collectors and bibliog- 
raphers place them on their shelves in the 
following order : 

I. A Catalogue of books relating principally to Ajner- 
ica, arranged under the years iji ivhich they were printed 
(1500- 1 700), London, 1832. This included four hundred 
and eighty-six numbers, those designated by a star without 
price being understood to be in Colonel Aspinwall's col- 
lection. Two small supplements were added, to this. 



2. Bibliotheca A mericana Nova, printed since 1 700 
(to 1800), London, 1835. Two hundred and fifty copies 
were printed. A supplement appeared in 1841, and this 
became again a part of his 

3. Bibliotheca Americana Nova, vol. i. (i 701-1800); 
vol. li. (1801-1844), which was printed (250 copies) in Lon« 
don in 1846.5 

It was in 1833 that Colonel Thomas Aspin- 
wall, of Boston, who was for thirty-eight years 
the American consul at London, printed at Paris 
a catalogue of his collection of Americana, 
where seven hundred and seventy-one lots in- 
cluded, beside much that was ordinarily useful, 
a great number of the rarest of books on Ameri- 
can history. Harrisse has called Colonel Aspin- 
wall, not without justice, " a bibliophile of great 
tact and activity." All but the rarest part of 
his collection was subsequently burned in 1863, 
when if had passed into the hands of Mr. Sam- 
uel L. M. Barlow,6 of New York. 

M. Ternaux-Compans, who had collected — 
as Mr. Brevoort thinks'^ — the most extensive 
library of books on America ever brought to- 
gether, printed his Bibliotheqiie A7nericaine^ in 
1837 at Paris. It embraced 1,154 works, arranged 
chronologically, and all of them of a date before 
1700. The titles were abridged, and accom- 
panied by French translations. His annota- 
tions were scant ; and other students besides Rich 
have regretted that so learned a man had not 
more benefited his fellow-students by ampler 
notes.^ 

Also in 1837 appeared the Catalogue d'ou- 
vrages siir I'histoire de rAvierique, of G. B. Fari- 
bault, which was published at Quebec, and was 
more specially devoted to books on New 
France.i^ 

With the works of Rich and Ternaux the 
bibliography of Americana may be considered 
to have acquired a distinct recognition ; and 
the succeeding survey of this field may be 



1 Dictionary, ii, 1788. 

2 Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxix. 

3 Dibdin {Library Companio7i, edition 1825, p. 467) refers to this spirit, hoping it would lead to a new 
edition of White Kennett, perfected to date. 

4 Bibliotheca Grenvilliana (London, 1842), now a part of the British Museum. 

5 Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. cxxi ; Allibone, Dictionary, p. 1787 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide to 
American Literature, Introduction, p. xiv ; Jackson's Bibl. Gcog., no. 623, etc.; Mass. Hist. Sac. Proc., 
1.395; Historical Magazine, \\\. 75; Menzies Catalogue, no. 1,690; Ternaux-Compans, Bibliothlque Ameri^ 
came, Preface. Puttick and Simpson's Catalogues, London, June 25, 1850, and March, April, and May, 
1872, note some of his books, besides manuscript bibliographies. 

After Mr. Rich's death Mr. Edward G. Allen took the business, and issued various catalogues of books 
on America in 1857-1871. Cf. Jackson's Bibliog. Geog., nos. 677-682. 

^ntr ^^'^'}^^' P* ^59- The catalogue, being without date, is sometimes given later than 1833. Cf. JacK- 
son, Bzbhog. Geog., no. 636 ; and.no. 690. A new Rough List of the Barlow Collection was printed in 1885. 

7 Magazine of American History, iii. i;;. This library was sold in November, 1836, as Raetzel's ; the 
numbers 908-2,117 concerned America. Trubner {Bibliographical Guide, p. xviii) says the collection was 
termed by Ternaux probably with an ultimate view to sale. Ternaux did not die till December, 1864. 

8 Now worth 40 or 50 francs. 

» Trubner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xvi. 

See Vol. IV. p. 367. Cf. also Trubner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xviii; and Daniel's Nos Gloirei 
Natwnales, where will be found a portrait of Faribault. 



AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



more conveniently made if we group the con- 
tributors by some broad discriminations of the 
motives influencing them, though such distinc- 
tions sometimes become confluent. 

First, as regards what may be termed pro- 
fessional bibliography. One of the earliest 
workers in the new spirit was a Dresden jurist, 
Hermann E. Ludewig, who came to the United 
States in 1844, and prepared an account of the 
Literature of American local history^ which was 
published in 1846. This was followed by a 
supplement, pertaining wholly to New York 
State, which appeared in The Literary World, 
February 19, 1848. He had previously pub- 
lished in the Serapeum at Leipsic ( 1845, pp. 209) 
accounts of American libraries and bibliogra- 
phy, which were the first contributions to this 
subject.! Some years later, in 1858, there was 
published in London a monograph on The Lit- 
erature of the Atnerican Aborigiftal Linguistics,'^ 
which had been undertaken by Mr. Ludewig 
but had not been carried through the press, 
when he died, Dec. 12, 1856.^ 

We owe to a Franco-American citizen the 
most important bibliography which we have 
respecting the first half century of American 
history; for the Bibliotheca Americana Veius- 
tissima only comes down to 1551 in its chrono- 
logical arrangement. Mr. Brevoort ^ very 
properly characterizes it as "a work which 
lightens the labors of such as have to investi- 
gate early American history." ^ 

It was under the hospitable roof of Mr. Bar- 
low's library in New York that, "having gloated 
for years over second-hand compilations," Har- 
risse says that he found himself "for the first 
time within reach of the fountain-heads of his- 
tory." Here he gathered the materials for his 
Notes on Columbus, which were, as he says, like 
"pencil marks varnished over." These first 
appeared less perfectly than later, in the Netv 
York Commercial Advertiser, under the title of 
** Columbus in a Nut-shell." Mr. Harrisse had 
also prepared (four copies only printed) for Mr. 
Barlow in 1864 the Bibliotheca Barlowiana, 
which is a descriptive catalogue of the rarest 
books in the Barlow-Aspinwall Collection, touch- 
ing especially the books on Virginian and New 
England history between 1602 and 1680. 



Mr. Barlow now (1864) sumptuously printed 
the Notes on Columbus in a volume (ninety-nine 
copies) for private distribution. For some rea- 
son not apparent, there were expressions in this 
admirable treatise which offended some ; as 
when, for instance (p. vii), he spoke of being 
debarred the privileges of a much-vaunted pub- 
lic library, referring to the Astor Library. Simi- 
lar inadvertences again brought him hostile 
criticism, when two years later (1866) he printed 
with considerable typographical luxury his 
Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, which was 
published in New York. It embraces some- 
thing over three hundred entries.^ The work 
is not without errors ; and Mr. Henry Stevens, 
who claims that he was wrongly accused in the 
book, gave it a bad name in the London Athe- 
n(£um of Oct. 6, 1866, where an unfortunate 
slip, in making " Ander Schiffahrt " ' a person- 
age, is unmercifully ridiculed. A committee of 
the Societe de Geographic in Paris, of which 
M. Ernest Desjardins was spokesman, came to 
the rescue, and printed a Rapport sur les deux 
ouvrages de bibliographie Americaine de M. Henri 
Harrisse, Paris, 1867. In this document the 
claim is unguardedly made that Harrisse 's book 
was the earliest piece of solid erudition which 
America had produced, — a phrase qualified later 
as applying to works of American bibliography 
only. It was pointed out that while for the 
period of 1 492-1 551 Rich had given twenty 
titles, and Ternaux fifty-eight, Harrisse had 
enumerated three hundred and eight.^ 

Harrisse prepared, while shut up in Paris 
during the siege of 1870, his Notes sur la Nou- 
velle France, a valuable bibliographical essay 
referred to elsewhere.^ He later put in shape 
the material which he had gathered for a supple- 
mental volume to his Bibliotheca Americana 
Vetustissima, which he called Additions}'^ and 
published it in Paris in 1872. In his intro- 
duction to this latter volume he shows how 
thoroughly he has searched the libraries of 
Europe for new evidences of interest in America 
during the first half century after its discovery. 
He notes the depredations upon the older 
libraries which have been made in recent years, 
since the prices for rare Americana have ruled 
so high. He finds 11 that the Biblioteca Colom- 



1 Sabin, x. nos. 42,644-42,645. 

2 Sabin, x. 42,643 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xxi. 

8 Historical Magazine, xii. 145 ; AUibone, ii. p. 1142. The sale of Mr. Ludewig's library (1,380 entries) 
took place in New York in 1858. 
^ In his Verrazano, p. 5. 

* Cf. also D'Avezac in his Waltzemiiller, p. 4. 

« Sabin, viii. p. 107 ; Jackson, Bibliog. Geog., no. 696. The edition was four hundred copies. 
"f An error traced to the proof-reader, it is said in Sabin's Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. Ixxiv. 

8 Stevens noticed this defence by reiterating his charges in a note in his Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, 
Jio. 860. 

9 Vol. IV. p. 366. 10 Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. Ixxv. 
11 Grandeur et decadence de la Cotombine, Paris, 188;. 



VI 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



bina at Seville, as compared with a catalogue of 
it made by Ferdinand Columbus himself, has 
suffered immense losses. " It is curious to no- 
tice," he finally says, " how few of the original 
books relating to the early history of the New 
World can be found in the public libraries of 
Europe. There is not a literary institution, 
however rich and ancient, which in this respect 
could compare with three or four private 
libraries in America. The Marciana at Venice 
is probably the richest. The Trivulgiana at 
Milan can boast of several great rarities." 

For the third contributor to the recent bibli- 
ography of Americana, we must still turn to an 
adopted citizen, Joseph Sabin, an Englishman 
by birth. Various publishing enterprises of 
interest to the historical student are associated 
with Mr. Sabin's name. He published a quarto 
series of reprints of early American tracts, 
eleven in number, and an octavo series, seven 
in number.^ He published for several years, 
beginning in 1869, the American Bibliopolisty a 
record of new books, with literary miscellanies, 
largely upon Americana. In 1867 he began the 
publication (five hundred copies) of the most 
extensive American bibliography yet made, A 
Dictionary of books relating to America., frof?t its 
discovery to the present time. The author's death, 
in 1881,2 left the work somewhat more than half 
done, and it has been continued since his death 
by his sons.^ 

In the Notas para una bibliografia de obras 
anonimas i seudoninias of Diego Barros Arana, 
published at Santiago de Chile in 1882, five hun- 
dred and seven books on America (1493-1876), 
without authors, are traced to their writers. 

As a second class of contributors to the 
bibliographical records of America, we must 



reckon the students who have gathered libraries 
for use in pursuing their historical studies. 
Foremost among such, and entitled to be 
esteemed a pioneer in the modern spirit of 
research, is Alexander von Humboldt. He 
published his Examen critique de Vhistoire de la 
geographie du nouveau continent,^ in five volumes, 
between 1836 and 1839.^ " It is," says Brevoort,^ 
" a guide which all must consult. With a master 
hand the author combines and collates all 
attainable materials, and draws light from 
sources which he first brings to bear in his 
exhaustive investigations." Harrisse calls it 
" the greatest monument ever erected to the 
early history of this continent." 

Humboldt's library was bought by Henry 
Stevens, who printed in 1863, in London, a 
catalogue of it, showing 11,164 entries; but this 
was not published till 1870. It included a set 
of the Examen critique, with corrections, and the 
notes for a new sixth volume." Harrisse, who 
it is believed contemplated at one time a new 
edition of this book, alleges that through the 
remissness of the purchaser of the library the 
world has lost sight of these precious memorials 
of Humboldt's unperfected labors. Stevens, in 
the London Athenatimy October, 1866, rebuts the 
charge.^ 

Of the collection of books and manuscripts 
formed by Col. Peter Force we have no sepa- 
rate record, apart from their making a por- 
tion of the general catalogue of the Library 
of Congress, the Government having bought 
the collection in 1867.^ 

The library which Jared Sparks formed 
during the progress of his historical labors was 
sold about 1872 to Cornell University, and is 
now at Ithaca. Mr. Sparks left behind him 
" imperfect but not unfaithful lists of his books," 



' 7- 7- Cooke Catalogue, no. 2,214; Griswold Catalogue, nos. 730, 731. The editions were fifty copies 
on large paper, two hundred on small. It may be worth record that Gowan, a publisher in New i^ork, was 
the earliest (1S46) to instigate a taste for large paper copies among American collectors, by printing in that 
style Furman's edition of Denton's Description of New York, after the manner of the English purveyors to 
book-fancying. 

2 S&Q. Proceedings of the Numis7natic and Aiifiquarian Society, Philadelphia, 1881, p. 28. 

3 Mr. Wilberforce Eames is the new editor. A list of the catalogues prepared by Mr. Sabin is given in his 
Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. cxxiv, etc. 

4 The German translation, Kritische Unterstichtmgen^ was made by J. I. Ideler, Berlin, 1852, in 3 vols. 
It has an index, which the French edition lacks. 

6 Sabin, viii. 539. The edition of Paris, without date, called Histoire de la geographie du nouveau 
continent, is the same, with a new title and an introduction of four pages, La Cosa's map being omitted. 

6 Verrazano^ p. 4. 

*? In his Cosmos Humboldt gives results, which he says are reached in his unpublished sixth volume of the 
Examen critique. 

8 The Humboldt Library was burned in London in June, 1865. Nearly all of the catalogues were destroyed 
at the same time ; but a few large paper copies were saved, which, being perfected with a kcw title (London, 
1878), have since been offered by Stevens for sale. Portions of the introduction to it are also used in an article 
by Stevens on Humboldt, in the Journal of Sciences ajtd Arts January, 1870. Various of Humboldt's 
manuscripts on American matters are advertised in Stargardt's Amerika und Orient, no. 135, p. 3 (Berlin, 
1881). 

9 Cf. Historical Magazine, vol. ix. no. 335 ; Magazine of American History, vol. ii. pp. 193^ 221, 565} 
Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1868. Colonel Force died in January, 1868. 



AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. vii 

which, after some supervision by Dr. Cogswell In 1849 Mr. H. R. Schoolcraft 2 printed, at 

and others, were put in shape for the press by the expense of the United States Government, 

Mr. Charles A. Cutter of the Boston Athenaeum, a Bibliographical Catalogue of books, etc., ift the 

and were printed, in 187 1, as Catalogue of the Itidian tojigues of the United States, — a list later 

Library of Jared Sparks. In the appendix was reprinted with additions in his Indian Tribes (in 

a list of the historical manuscripts, originals and 1851), vol. iv.* 

copies, which are now on deposit in Harvard In 1861 Mr. Ephraim George Squier pub- 
College Library.! lished at New York a monograph on authors 

1 Mr. Sparks died March 14, 1866. Tributes were paid to his memory by distinguished associates in the 
Massachusetts Historical Society {Proceedings^ ix. 157), and Dr. George E. Ellis reported to them a full and 
appreciative memoir {Proceedings, x. 211). Cf. also Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, March, 1866; Historical 
Magazine, May, 1866 ; Brantz Mayer before the Maryland Historical Society, 1867, etc. 

2 Cf. Historical Magazifie, vol. ix. p. 137. 

8 The principal interpreter of the Indian languages of the temperate parts of North America has been 
Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, for whose labor in the bibliography of the subject see a chapter in 
vol i. of the Memorial History of Boston. There is also a collection edited by him, of books in and upon the 
Indian languages, in the Brinley Catalogue, iii. 123-145. He gave in the Proceedings of the American 
Antiquarian Society, and also separately in 1874, a Ust of books in the Indian languages, printed at Cambridge 
and Boston, 1653-1721 (Field, bidian Bibliography, no. 1,571). Cf. also Ludewig's Literattire of American 
Aboriginal Languages, mentioned on an earlier page. It was edited and corrected by William W. Turner. 
(Cf. Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 565 ; Field, Indiatt Bibliography, no. 959). 

Icazbalceta published in 1866, at Mexico, a list of the writers on the languages of America; and Romero 
made a similar enumeration of those of Mexico, in 1S62, in the Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia, 
vol. viii. Dr. Daniel G. Brinton hati made a good introduction to the literary history of the native Americans 
in his Aboriginal American Authors, published by him at Philadelphia in 1883. For his own linguistic con- 
tributions, see Field, hidian Bibliography, no. 187, etc. One of the earliest enumerations of linguistic titles 
can be picked out of the list which Botuiini Benaduci, in 1 746, appended to his Idea de una nueva historia 
general de la America septentrional. 

The most extensive enumeration of the literature of all the North American tongues is doubtless to be the 
Bibliography of North American Linguistics, which is preparing by Mr. James C. Pilling of the Bureau of 
Ethnology in Washington, and which will be published in due time by that bureau. A preliminary issue (100 
copies) for corrections is called Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the Indian Languages of North America 
(pp. xl, 1 135). 

The Bibliotheca Americana of Leclerc (Paris, 1879) affords many titles to which a preUminary " Table 
des Divisions " affords an index, and most of them are grouped under the heading " Linguistique," p. 537, etc. 
The third volume of H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, particularly in its notes, is a necessary aid in this study ; 
and a convenient summary of the whole subject will be found in chapter x. of John T. Short's North Americans 
of Antiquity. J. C. E. Buschmann has been an ardent laborer in this field; the bibliographies give his printed 
works (Field's Indian Bibliography, p. 208, etc.), and Stargardt's Catalogue (no. 135, p. 6) shows some of 
his manuscripts. The Comte Hyacinthe de Charencey has for some years, from time to time, printed various 
minor monographs on these subjects ; and in 1883 he collected his views in a volume of Melanges de philologie 
et de paleographie Americaincs. 

The Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his Bibliotheque Mexico-Guaiemalienne (Leclerc, nos. 81, 1,084), 
has given for Central America a very excellent list of the works on the linguistics of the natives, which are 
al! contained also in the Catalogue of the Pinart-Brasseur sale, which took place in Paris in January and 
February, 1884. Cf. the paper on Brasseur by Dr. Brinton, in Lippincotf s Magazine, vol. i. ; and the 
enumeration of his numerous writings in Sabin's Dictionary, ii. 7,420 ; also Leclerc, Field, and Bancroft. 

Dr. Felix C. Y. Sobron's Los Idiomas de la America Latina, — Estudios Btografico-bibliograficos, pub- 
lished a few years since at Madrid, gives, according to Dr. Brinton, extended notices of several rare volumes ; 
but on the whole the book is neither exhaustive nor very accurate. 

Julius Platzmann's Verzeichniss eitter Auszvahl Amerikanischer Grammatiken, etc. (Leipsic, 1876), is 
a small but excellent list, with proper notes. These bibliographies will show the now numerous works upon 
the aboriginal tongues, their construction and their fruits. 

There are several important series interesting to the student, which are found in the catalogues. Such 
are the Bibliothlque litiguistique Am'ericaine, published in seven volumes by Maisonneuve in Paris (Le- 
clerc, no. 2,674) '^ the Coleccion de linguistica y etnografia Americanas, or Bibliotheque de lingtdstique et 
d' Ethnographic Americaincs, 1875, etc., edited by A. L. Pinart ; the Library of American Linguistics, in 
thirteen volumes, edited by Dr. John G. Shea (Cf. Brijiley Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 5,631 ; Field, no. 1,396); 
Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature, published by Dr. D. G. Brinton in Philadelphia ; and 
Brasseur de Bourbourg' s Collection de docume^its dans les langices indigenes, Paris, 1 861-1864, in four 
volumes (cf. Field, p. 175). 

The earliest work printed exclusively in a native language was the Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana 
en lengua Timuiquana, published at Mexico in 161 7 (cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 58,580; Finotti, p. 14). This is 
the statement often made ; but Mr. Pilling refers me to references in Icazbalceta's Zumdrraga (vol. i. p. 200} 



Vlll 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



who had written in the languages of Central 
America, enumerating one hundred and ten, with 
a list of the books and manuscripts on the 
history, the aborigines, and the antiquities of 
Central America, borrowed from other sources 
in part. At the sale of Mr. Squier's library in 
1876, the catalogue ^ of which was made by Mr. 
Sabin, the entire collection of his manuscripts 
fell, as mentioned elsewhere,- into the hands of 
Mr. Hubert Howe Bancroft of San Francisco. 

Probably the largest collection of books and 
manuscripts^ which any American has formed 
for use in writing is that which belongs to Mr. 
Bancroft. He is the organizer of an extensive 
series of books on the antiquities and history 
of the Pacific coast. To accomplish an examina- 
tion of the aboriginal and civilized history of 
so large a field* as thoroughly as he has un- 
questionably made it, within a lifetime, was 
a bold undertaking, to be carried out in a centre 
of material rather than of literary enterprise. 
The task involved the gathering of a library 
of printed books, at a distance from the purely 
intellectual activity of the country, and where 
no other collection of moment existed to supple- 
ment it. It required the seeking and making 
of manuscripts, from the labor of which one 
might well shrink. It was fortunate that during 
the gathering of this collection some notable col- 
lections — like those of Maximilian,^ Ramirez, 



and Squier, not to name others — were oppor 
tunely brought to the hammer, a chance by 
which Mr. Bancroft naturally profited. 

Mr. Bancroft had been trained in the busi- 
ness habits of the book trade, in which he had 
established himself in San Francisco as early as 
1856.6 He was at this time twenty-four years 
old, having been born of New England stock 
in Ohio in 1832, and having had already four 
years residence — since 1852 — in San Francisco 
as the agent of an eastern bookseller. It was 
not till 1869 that he set seriously to work on his 
history, and organized a staff of assistants.' 
They indexed his library, which was now large 
( 1 2,000 volumes) and was kept on an upper floor 
of his business quarters, and they classified the 
references in paper bags.^ His first idea was to 
make an encyclopaedia of the antiquities and his- 
tory of the Pacific Coast; and it is on the whole 
unfortunate that he abandoned the scheme, for 
his methods were admirably adapted to that end> 
but of questionable application to a sustained 
plan of historical treatment. It is the encyclo- 
pedic quality of his work, as the user eliminates 
what he wishes, which makes and will continue 
to make the books that pass under his name of 
the first importance to historical students. 

In 1875 the first five volumes of the series,, 
denominated by themselves The Native Races of 
the Pacific States, made their a^^pearance. It was 



to an earlier edition of about 1547; and in the same author's Bibliografia Mextcana (p. 32), to one of 1553. 
Molina's Vocabidario de la lengiia Castellana y Mexicatta, placing the Nahuatl and Castilian in connection, 
was printed at Mexico in 1555. The book is very rare, five or six copies only being known ; and Quaritch has 
priced an imperfect copy at £72 (Quaritch, Bibliog. Geog. linguistica, 1879, no. 12,616 ; Carter-Brown, 
vol. i. no. 206 ; Brinley Catalogue, vol. iii. no, 5,771V The edition of 1571 is also rare {Pinari-Brasseur Cata- 
logue, no. 630 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 285, 286 ; Quaritch, 1879, no. 12,617). The first edition of Molina's 
Aztec grammar, Arte de la lengtia Mextcana y Castellana, was published the same year (1571). Quaritch 
(1879, no- 12,615) prices this at £52 \os. Cf. also Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 284. One of the chief of the 
more recent studies of the linguistics of Mexico is Francisco Pimentel's Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de 
las lenguas indigenas de Mexico, Mexico, 1862-1865 ; and second edition in 1874-1875. 
This subject has other treatment later in the present volume. 

1 It included two thousand and thirty-tour items, ninety-four of which were Mr. Squier's own works. 

2 Vol. II. p. 578. 

3 He says that up to 1881 he had gathered 35,000 volumes, at a cost of $300,000, exclusive of time and 
travelling expenses. His manuscripts embraced 1,200 volumes. The annual growth of his library is still 
1,000 volumes. 

4 One twelfth of the earth's surface, as he says. 

5 Cf. account of Maximilian's library in the Bookworm (1869), p. 14. 

6 These biographical data are derived from a tract given out by himself which he calls A brief account of 
the literary undertakitigs of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco, A. L. Bancroft & Co. [his own business 
house], 1882, 8vo, pp. 12). Other accounts of his library will be found in the American Bibliopolist, vii. 44 ; 
and in Apponyi's Libraries of California, 1878. Descriptions of the library and of the brick building (built in 
1881) which holds it, and of his organized methods, have occasionally appeared in the Overland Monthly and 
in other serial issues of California, as well as in those of the Atlantic cities. He has been free to make public 
the most which is known regarding his work. He says that the grouping and separating of his material has 
been done mostly by others, who have also written fully one half of the text of what he does not hesitate to call 
The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft ; and he leaves the reader to derive a correct understanding of the case 
from his prefaces and illustrative tracts. Cf. J. C. Derby's Fifty Years among authors, books, and publishers 
(New York, 1884), P- 31. 

7 Averaging twelve from that time to this ; a hundred persons were tried for every one ultimately retained 
as a valuable assistant, — is his own statement 

8 At a cost, as he says, of g8o,ooo to 1882. 



AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



IX 



clear that a new force had been brought to bear 
upon historical research, — the force of organ- 
ized labor from many hands ; and this implied 
competent administrative direction and un- 
grudged expenditure of money. The work 
showed the faults of such a method, in a want 
of uniform discrimination, and in that promis- 
cuous avidity of search, which marks rather an 
eagerness to amass than a judgment to select, 
and give literary perspective. The book, how- 
ever, was accepted as extremely useful and 
promising to the future inquirer. Despite a 
certain callowness of manner, the Native Races 
was extremely creditable, with comparatively 
little of the patronizing and flippant air which 
its flattering reception has since begotten in its 
author or his staff. An unfamiliarity with the 
amenities of literary life seems unexpectedly to 
have been more apparent also in his later work. 

In April, 1876, Mr. Lewis H. Morgan printed 
in the North American Review, under the title 
of *' Montezuma's Dinner," a paper in which he 
controverted the views expressed in the Native 
Races regarding the kind of aboriginal civiliza- 
tion belonging to the Mexican and Central 
American table-lands. A writer of Mr. Mor- 
gan's reputation commanded respect in all but 
Mr. Bancroft, who has been unwise enough 
to charge him with seeking " to gain notoriety 
by attacking " his (Mr. B.'s) views or supposed 
views. He dares also to characterize so well- 
known an authority as " a person going about 
from one reviewer to another begging condem- 
nation for my Native Races?^ It was this ungra- 
cious tone which produced a divided reception 
for his new venture. This, after an interval 
of seven years, began to make its appearance in 
vol. vi. of the '* Works," or vol. i.of the History 
0/ Central America, a.ppea.ring in the autumn of 
1882. 

The changed tone of the new series, its 
rhetoric, ambitious in parts, but mixed with 
passages which are often forceful and exact, 



suggestive of an ill-assorted conjoint produc- 
tion ; the interlarding of classic allusions by 
some retained reviser who served this purpose 
for one volume at least ; a certain cheap reason- 
ing and ranting philosophy, which gives place at 
times to conceptions of grasp; flippancy and 
egotism, which induce a patronizing air under 
the guise of a constrained adulation of others; 
a want of knowledge on points where the system 
of indexing employed by his staff had been 
deficient, — these traits served to separate the 
criticism of students from the ordinary laudation 
of such as were dazed by the magnitude of the 
scheme. 

Two reviews challenging his merits on these 
grounds ^ induced Mr. Bancroft to reply in a 
tract ^ called T/ie Early American Chroniclers. 
The manner of this rejoinder is more offensive 
than that of the volumes which it defends ; and 
with bitter language he charges the reviewers 
with being " men of Morgan," working in con- 
cert to prejudice his success. 

But the controversy of which record is here 
made is unworthy of the principal party to it. 
His important work needs no such adventitious 
support; and the occasion for it might have 
been avoided by ordinary prudence. The extent 
of the library upon which the work 3 is based, 
and the full citation of the authorities followed 
in his notes, and the more general enumeration 
of them in his preliminary lists, make the work 
pre-eminent for its bibliographical extent, how- 
ever insufficient, and at times careless,, is the 
bibliographical record.* 

The library formed by the late Henry C. 
Murphy of Brooklyn to assist him in his pro- 
jected history of maritime discovery in America, 
of which only the chapter on Verrazano ^ has 
been printed, was the creation of diligent search 
for many years, part of which was spent in 
Holland as minister of the United States. The 
earliest record of it is a Catalogue of an Ameri- 
can library chronologically arranged, which was 



1 They appeared in The Nation and in the New York Independent early in 1883. The first aimed to 
show that there were substantial grounds for dissent from Mr. Bancroft's views regarding the Aztec civilization. 
The second ignored that point in controversy, and merely proposed, as was stated, to test the "bibliographic 
value '' which Mr. Bancroft had claimed for his book, and to point out the failures of the index plan and the 
vicarious system as employed by him. 

2 Seemingly intended to make part of one of the later volumes of his series, to be called Essays and 
Miscellanies. 

3 With a genera] title (as following his Native Races) of 77;,? History of the Pacific States, we are to have 
in twenty-eight volumes the history of Central America, Mexico, North Mexico, New Mexico, Arizona, Cali- 
fornia, Nevada, Utah, Northwest Coast, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, British Columbia, and Alaska, 
— to be followed by six volumes of allied subjects, not easily interwoven in the general narrative, making 
thirty-nine volumes for the entire work. The volumes are now appearing at the rate of three or four a year. 

4 The list which is prefixed to the first volume of the History of California, forming vol. xiii. of his 
Pacific" States series, is particularly- indicative of the rich stores of his library, and greatly eclipses the previous 
lists of Mr. A. S. Taylor, which appeared in the Sacramento Daily Union, June 25, 1S63. and March 13, 
1866. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxxix. A copy of Taylor's pioneer work, with his own corrections. 
is in Harvard College Library. Mr. Bancroft speaks very ungraciously of it. 

» See Vol. IV., chap. i. p. 19. 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




JAMES CARSON BREVOORT. 



privately printed in a few copies, about 1850, and 
showed five hundred and eighty-nine entries 
between the years 1480 and 1800.1 

There has been no catalogue printed of the 
iibrary of Mr. James Carson Brevoort, so well 
known as a historical student and bibliographer, 
to whom Mr. Sabin dedicated the first volume of 
his Dictionary. Some of the choicer portions 
of his collection are understood to have become 
a part of the Astor Library, of which Mr. Bre- 
voort was for a few years the superintendent, as 
well as a trustee.^ 



The useful and choice collection of Mr. 
Charles Deane, of Cambridge, Mass., to which, 
as the reader will discover, the Editor has often 
had recourse, has never been catalogued. Mr. 
Deane has made excellent use of it, as his tracts 
and papers abundantly show.^ 

A distinct class of helpers in the field of 
American bibliography has been those gatherers 
of libraries who are included under the some- 
what indefinite term of collectors, — ov/ners of 
books, but who make no considerable dependence 



1 Jackson, Bill. Geog., no. 639; Menzies Catalogue, nos. 1,459, 1460; Wynne's Private Libraries 
of New York, p. 335. Mr. Murphy died Dec. i, 1882, aged seventy-two; and his collection, then very much 
enlarged, was sold in March, 1884. Its Catalogue, edited by Mr. John Russell Bartlett, shows one of the 
richest libraries of Americana which has been given to public sale in America. It is accompanied by a biograph- 
ical sketch of its collector. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 22. 

2 Cf. Wynne's Private Libraries of New York, p. 106. Mr. Brevoort died December 7, 1887. 

8 Cf. Sabin, v. 283 ; Farnham's Private Libraries of Boston. 



AMERICANA IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



XI 




CHARLES DEANE. 



upon them for studies which lead to publica- 
tion. From such, however, in some instances, 
bibliography has notably gained, — as in the 
careful knowledge which Mr. James Lenox some- 
times dispensed to scholars either in privately 
printed issues or in the pages of periodicals. 

Harrisse in 1866 pointed to five Americana 
libraries in the United States as surpassing all 
of their kind in Europe, — the Carter-Brown, 
Barlow, Force, Murphy, and Lenox collections. 
Of the Barlow, Force (now in the Library of 
Congress), and Murphy collections mention has 
already been made. 

The Lenox Library is no longer private, 
having been given to a board of trustees by Mr. 



Lenox previous to his death,i and handsomely 
housed, by whom it is held for a restricted pub- 
lic use, when fully catalogued and arranged. Its 
character, as containing only rare or unusual 
books, will necessarily withdraw it from the 
use of all but scholars engaged in recondite 
studies. It is very rich in other directions than 
American history; but in this department the 
partial access which Harrisse had to it while 
in Mr. Lenox's house led him to infer that it 
would hold the first rank. The wealth of its 
alcoves, with their twenty-eight thousand vol- 
umes, is becoming known gradually in a series 
of bibliographical monographs, printed as con- 
tributions to its catalogue, of which six have 



1 February, 1880, aged eighty years. His father was Robert Lenox, a Scotchman, who began business in 
New York in 1783, and retired in 1812 with a large fortune, including a farm of thirty acres, worth then about 
^6,000, and to-day ^10,000,000, — if such figures can be made accurate. Cf . also Charles Deane in Amer. Antiq. 
Soc. Proc, April, 1880. Henry Stevens's Recoil, of Lenox is conspicuous for what it does not reveal. 



■-^^ 



xii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

thus far appeared, some of them dearly and its value. A second and similarly extended edi. 

mainly the work of Mr. Lenox himself. tion of vol. ii. (i 600-1 700) was printed in 1882, 

Of these only three have illustrated Amer- showing 1,642 entries. The Carter-Brown Cata- 

ican history in any degree, — those devoted to logue, as it is ordinarily cited, is the most exten- 

the voyages of Hulsius and Thevenot, and to the sive printed list of all Americana previous to 

Jesuit Relations (Canada). 1 1800, more especially anterior to 1700, which now 

The only rival of the Lenox is the library of exists.' 
the late John Carter Brown, of Providence, gath- Of the other important American catalogues, 
ered largely under the supervision of John Rus- the first place is to be assigned to that of the 
sell Bartlett; and since Mr. Brown's death it collection formed at Hartford by Mr. George 
has been more particularly under the same over- Brinley, the sale of which since his death ^ has 
sight.2 It differs from the Lenox Library in that been undertaken under the direction of Dr. J. 
it is exclusively American, or nearly so,^ and Hammond Trumbull,!^ who has prepared the cat- 
still more in that we have access to a thorough alogue, and who claims — not without warrant — 
catalogue of its resources, made by Mr. Bartlett that it embraces '' a greater number of volumes 
himself, and sumptuously printed.* It was origi- remarkable for their rarity, value, and interest 
nally issued as Bibliotheca Americana : A Cata- to special collectors and to book-lovers in gen« 
logtie of books relating to North and South Amer- eral, than were ever before brought together in 
ica in the Library of John Carter Brown of Prov- an American sale-room." ^^ 

idencey with notes by John Rtissell Bartlett, in three The library of William Menzies, of New York, 

volumes, — vol. i., 1493-1600, in 1865 (302 en- was sold in 1875, from a catalogue made by 

tries); vol. ii., 1601-1700, in 1866 (1,160 entries) ; Joseph Sabin,^! The library of Edward A. 

vol. iii., 1701-1800, in two parts, in 1870-1871 Crowninshield, of Boston, was catalogued in Bos- 

(4,173 entries). ton in 1859, but .withdrawn from public sale, 

In 1875 vo^* i- '^^s reprinted with fuller titles, and sold to Henr}' Stevens, who took a portion 

covering the years 1482^-1601, with 600 entries, of it to London. It was not large, — the cata- 

doubling the extent of that portion.^ Numer- logue shows less than 1,200 titles, — and was 

ous fac-similes of titles and maps add much to not exclusively American ; but it was rich in 

1 The Lenox Library is now under the direction of the distinguished American historical student, Dr. George 
H. Moore, so long in charge of the New York Historical Society's library. Cf. an account of Dr. Moore by 
Howard Crosby in the Historical Magazine, vol. xvii. (January, 1870). The officer in immediate charge of the 
library is Dr. S. Austin Allibone, well known for his Dictionary of Authors. 

2 Mr. Bartlett was early m life a dealer in books in New York; and the Americana catalogues of 
Bartlett and Welford, forty years ago, were among the best of dealers' lists. Jackson's Bibl. Geog., 
no. 641. 

8 The field of Americana before 1800 has been so nearly exhausted in its composition, that recent purchases 
have been made in other departments, particularly of costly books on the fine arts. 

4 Cf. Vol. HI. p. 380. 

5 Because Greenland in the map of the Ptolemy of this year is laid down. The slightest reference to 
America in books of the sixteenth century have entitled them to admission. 

6 The book purports to have been printed in one hundred copies ; but not more than half that number, it 
is said, have been distributed. Some copies have a title reading, Bibliographical notices of rare and curious 
hooks relating to America, printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in the library of the late John Carter 
Brow7i, by John Russell Bartlett. 

7 Sir Arthur Helps, in referring to the assistance he had got from books sent to him from America, and 
from this library in particular, says: "As far as I have been able to judge, the American collectors of books 
are exceedingly liberal and courteous in the use of them, and seem really to understand what the object should 
be in forming a great library." Spanish Conquest, American edition, p. 122. 

8 Cf. Amer. Antiq. Sac. Proc, October, 1875. 

9 Dr. Trumbull himself has been a keen collector of books on American history, particularly in illustration 
of his special study of aborigmal linguistics ; while his influence has not been unfelt in the forming of the 
Watkinson Library, and of that of the Connecticut Historical Society, both at Hartford. 

!<> The first sale — there are to be four — took place in March, 1878, and illustrated a new device in testa- 
mentary bequests. Mr. Brinley devised to certain libraries the sum of several thousand dollars each, to be used 
to their credit for purchases made at the public sale of his books. The result was a competition that carried 
the aggregate of the sales, it is computed, as much beyond the sum which might otherwise have been obtained, 
as was the amount devised, — thus impairing in no degree the estate for the heirs, and securing credit for" 
public bequests. The scheme has been followed in the sale of the library (the third part of which was Americana, 
largely from the Menzies library) of the late J.J. Cooke, of Providence, with an equivalent appreciation of the 
prices of the books. It is a question if the interests of the libraries benefited are advanced by such artificial 
stimulation of prices, which a factitious competition helps to make permanent. 

11 American Bibliopolist, viii. 128; Wynne's Private Libraries of New York, p. 318. The collection was 
not exclusively American. 



AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



Xlll 



some of the rarest of such books, particularly in 
regard to the English Colonies. ^ 

The sale of John Allan's collection in New 
York, in 1864, was a noteworthy one. Americana, 
however, were but a portion of the collection.^ 
An English-American flavor of far less fineness, 
but represented in a catalogue showing a very 
large collection of books and pamphlets,^ was 
sold in New York in May, 1870, as the property 
of Mr. E. P. Boon. 

Mr. Thomas W. Field issued in 1873 -^'^ 
Essay towards an Ittdian Bibliography^ being a 
Catalogue of books relating to the American In- 
dians^ in his own library, with a few others 
which he did not possess, distinguished by an 
asterisk. Mr. Field added many bibliographical 
and historical notes, and gave synopses, so that 
the catalogue is generally useful to the student 
of Americana, as he did not confine his survey 
to works dealing exclusively with the aborigines. 
The library upon which this bibliography was 
based was sold at public auction in New York, 
in two parts, in May, 1875 (3,324 titles), accord- 
ing to a catalogue which is a distinct publication 
from the Essay. "^ 

The collection of Mr. Almon W. Griswold 
was dispersed by printed catalogues in 1876 and 
1880, the former containing the American por- 
tiqn, rich in many of the rarer books. 

Of the various private collections elsewhere 
than in the United States, more or less rich in 
Americana, mention may be made of the Biblio- 
theca Mejicana^ of Augustin Fischer, London, 
1869 ; of the Spanish- American libraries of Gre- 
gorio Beeche, whose catalogue was printed at 
Valparaiso in 1879; and that of Benjamin Vi- 
cuna Mackenna, printed at the same place in 
1861.6 

In Leipsic, the catalogue of Serge Sobo- 
lewski (1873)7 was particularly helpful in the 
bibliography of Ptolemy, and in the voyages of 



De Bry and others. Some of the rarest of 
Americana were sold in the Sunderland sale^ 
in London in 1881-1883 ; and remarkably rich 
collections were those of Pinart and Bourbourg,^ 
sold in Paris in 1883, and that of Dr. J. Court,io 
the first part of which was sold in Paris in May, 
1884. The second part had little of interest. 

Still another distinctive kind of bibliogra. 
phies is found in the catalogues of the better 
class of dealers ; and among the best of such is to 
be placed the various lists printed by Henry Ste- 
vens, a native of Vermont, who has spent most 
of his manhood in London. In the dedication 
to John Carter Brown of his Schedule of Nuggets 
(1870), he gives some account of his early bibli- 
ographical quests.ii Two years after graduating 
at Yale, he says, he had passed " at Cambridge, 
reading passively with legal Story, and actively 
with historical Sparks, all the while sifting and 
digesting the treasures of the Harvard Library. 
For five years previously he had scouted through 
several States during his vacations, prospecting 
in out-of-the-way places for historical nuggets, 
mousing through town libraries and country gar- 
rets in search of anything old that was histor- 
ically new for Peter Force and his American 
Archives. . . . From Vermont to Delaware many 
an antiquated churn, sequestered hen-coop, and 
dilapidated flour-barrel had yielded to him rich 
harvests of old papers, musty books, and golden 
pamphlets. Finally, in 1845, ^^"^ irrefragable 
desire impelled him to visit the Old World, its 
libraries and book-stalls. Mr. Brown's enlight- 
ened liberality in those primitive years of his 
bibliographical pupilage contributed largely to- 
wards the boiling of his kettle. ... In acquiring 
con afnore these American Historiadores Prim- 
itivos, he . . . travelled far and near. In this 
labor of love, this journey of life, his tracks often 
become your tracks, his labors your works, his 



1 Memoir of Mr. Crowninshield, by Charles Deane, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xvii, 356. Mr. Stevens is 
said to have given about $g,^6o for the library. It was sold in various parts, the more extensive portion 
in July, i860. Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2,248. 

2 This collection — which Mr. Allan is said to have held at ^15,000 — brought ^39,000 at auction after 
his death. 

8 Another catalogue rich in pamphlets relating to America is that of Albert G. Greene, New York, 1869. 
* The Catalogue is more correctly printed than the Essay. » Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. cxxv. 

5 Bibliotheca Mejicana, a collection of books relating to Mexico^ and North and South America ; sold by 
Puttick & Simpson in London, June, 1869. (About 3,000 titles.) 

6 Jackson, Bibl. Geog., nos. 844, 845. 

7 Catalogue de la collection precieuse de livres anciens et tnodernes formant la Bibliothlque de feu M» 
Serge Sobolewski {de Moscou) Leipsic, 1873. 

8 Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana. Sale Catalogue of the Sunderland or Blenheim Library. Five Parts. 
London, 1881-1883. (13,858 nos.) 

9 Catalogue de livres rares et precieux, manuscrits et imprimes, frincipalement sur V Amerique et sur les 
langues du monde entier, composant la bibliothtque de Alphonse L, Pinart^ et comprenant eti totalite la biblio' 
ihique Mexico-Guatemalienne de M. Vabbe Brasseur de Bourbourg. Paris, 1883. viii. 248 pp. 8*^. 

10 Catalogue de la precieuse bibliothtque de feu M, le Docteur f. Court, comprenant tine collection unique 
devoyageurs et d'historiens relatifsh. VAmerique. Premiire partie. Paris, 1884. (458 nos.) 

11 There is an account of his family antecedents, well spiced as his wont is, in the introduction to his 
BibliotJieca Historica, 1870. 



XIV 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



libri your liberi^^ he adds, in addressing Mr. 
lirown. 

In 1848 Mr. Stevens proposed the publica- 
tion, through the Smithsonian Institution, of a 
general Bibliographia Americana, illustrating the 
sources of early American history ; ^ but the pro- 
ject failed, and one or more attempts later made 
to begin the work also stopped short of a be- 
ginning. While working as a literary agent of 
the Smithsonian Institution and other libraries, 
in these years, and beginning that systematic 
selection of American books, for the British 
Museum and Bodleian, which has made these 
libraries so nearly, if not quite, the equal of any 
collection of Americana in the United States, he 
also made the transcriptions and indexes of the 
documents in the State Paper Office which re- 
spectively concern the States of New Jersey, 
Rhode Island, Maryland, and Virginia. These 
labors are now preserved in the archives of those 
States.- Perhaps the earliest of his sale cat- 
alogues was that of a pseudo " Count Mondi- 
dier," embracing Americana, which were sold in 
London in December, 1S51.'* His English Li- 
brary in 1853 was without any distinctive Amer- 
ican flavor ; but in 1854 he began, but suspended 
after two numbers, the American Bibliographer 
(100 copies).'* In 1856 he prepared a Gi;/^z/<?^//(? 
of American Books and Maps in the British Mu- 
seum (20,000 titles), which, however, was never 
regularly published, but copies bear date 1859, 
1862, and 1866.^ In 1858 — though most copies 
are dated 1862^ — appeared his Historical Ntig- 
gets ; Bibliotheca Americana, or a descriptive Ac- 
count of my Collection ofj'are books relating to Amer- 
ica. The two little volumes show about three thou- 
sand titles, and Harrisse says they are printed 
"with remarkable accuracy." There was begun 
in 1885, in connection with his son Mr. Henry 
Newton Stevens, a continuation of these Nug- 
gets. In 1861 a sale catalogue of his Bibliotheca 
Americana (2,415 lots), issued by Puttick and 
Simpson, and in part an abridgment of the Ahig- 
^^/j with similarly careful collations, was accepted 



by Maisonneuve as the model of his Bibliothlqut 
Americaine later to be mentioned.^ 

In 1869-1870 Mr. Stevens visited America, and 
printed at New Haven his Historical and Geo- 
graphical Notes on the earliest discoveries in Amer- 
ica, 1453-1530, with photo-lithographic fac-similes 
of some of the earliest maps. It is a valuable 
essay, much referred to, in which the author 
endeavored to indicate the entangLement of the 
Asiatic and American coast lines in the early 
cartography.*^ 

In 1870 he sold at Boston a collection of five 
thousand volumes, catalogued as Bibliotheca His- 
torica"^ (2,545 entries), being mostly Americana, 
from the library of the elder Henry Stevens of 
Vermont. It has a characteristic introduction, 
with an array of readable notes.^^ His catalogues 
have o£ten such annotations, inserted on a prin- 
ciple which he explains in the introduction to 
this one : " In the course of many years of bibli- 
ographical study and research, having picked up 
various isolated grains of knowledge respecting 
the early history, geography, and bibliography 
of this western hemisphere, the writer has 
thought it well to pigeon-hole the facts in notes 
long and short." 

In October, 1870, he printed at London a 
Schedule of Two Thousand A^nericatt Historical 
Nuggets taken from the Stevens Diggings in 
September, 1870, and set down in Chronological 
Order of F}'i)iting from 1490 to 1800 [1776], de- 
scribed and recommended as a Stcpplement to my 
printed Bibliotheca Americana. It included 1,350 
titles. 

In 1872 he sold another collection, largely 
Americana, according to a catalogue entitled 
Bibliotheca Geographica 6^ Historica ; or, a Cat- 
alogue ^[3,109 lots\, illustrative of historical geog- 
raphy and geographical history. Collected, used, 
and described, with an Introductory Essay on 
Catalogues, and how to make them upon the Ste- 
vens system of photo-bibliography . The title calls 
it a first part ; but no second part ever appeared. 
Ten copies were issued, with about four hundred 



1 Triibner, Bibliographical Guide to American Literature (1859), p. iv. ; North American Review, July, 
1850, p. 205, by George Livermore. 

2 Allibone, ii. 2247-2248. 

8 Sabin, vol. xii. no. 49,961. 

4 Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 874. It was ostensibly made in preparation for his projected Bibli- 
ographia Americatia. 

5 Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 90; Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2248. 

6 Allibone, ii. 2248 ; Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 875 ; Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,974. 

7 Allibone, ii. 2248 ; Historical Collections, vol. i. no. %-]%. 

8 It was first published, less perfectly, in the American Journal of Science, vol. xcviii. p. 299; and of the 
separate issue seventy-five copies only were printed. Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,976. It was also issued 
as a part of a volume on the proposed TeJmantepec Railway, prepared by his brother, Simon Stevens, and pub- 
lished by the Appletons of New York the same year. Ibid. no. 1,977; Historical Collections, vol. i. nos. 894 
895 ; Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2348, nos. 17, 18, 19. 

s Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 897. 

10 It is a droll fancy of his to call his book-shop the " Nuggetory ;» to append to his name « G. M. B.," foi 
Green Mountain Boy ; and even to parade in a similar titular fashion his rejection at a London Club, — "Bk- 
bld— Ath.-Cl." 



AMERICANA, IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. xv 

photographic copies of titles inserted. Some William Gowans, of New York, was another 

copies are found without the essay.i of the early dealers in Americana^ The cat- 

The next year {1873) he issued a privately alogues of Bartlett and Welford have already been 

printed list of two thousand titles of American mentioned. In 1854, while Garrigue and Chris- 

•* Continuations," as they are called by librari- tern were acting as agents of Mr. Lenox, they 

ans, or serial publications in progress as taken at printed Livres Ctirieux, a list of desiderata 

the British Museum, quaintly terming the list sought for by Mr. Lenox, pertaining to such rari- 

Americaii books with tails to 'etn.^ ties as the letters of Columbus, Cartier, parts of 

Finally, in 1881, he printed Part I. of Ste- De Bry and Hulsius, and the Jesuit Relations. 

vens^s Historical Collections^ a sale catalogue This list was circulated widely through Europe, 

showing 1,625 titles of books, chiefly Americana, but not twenty out of the 216 titles were ever 

and including his Franklin Collection of man- offered.^ 

^scripts, which he later privately sold to the About 1856, Charles B. Norton, of New 

United States Government, an agent of the Bos- York, began to issue American catalogues ; and 

ton Public Library yielding to the nation.^ in 1857 he established Norton's Literary Letter, 

One of the earliest to establish an antiquarian intended to foster interest in the collection of 

bookshop in the United States was the late Americana.^ A little later, Joel Munsell, of 

Samuel G. Drake, who opened one in Boston in Albany, began to issue catalogues ; 1^ and J. W. 

1830.* His special field was that of the North Randolph, of Richmond, Virginia, more partic* 

American Indians ; and the history and antiqui- ularly illustrated the history of the southern 

ties of the aborigines, together with the history parts of the United States.^i The most impor- 

of the English Colonies, give a character to his tant Americana lists at present issued by Amer- 

numerous catalogues.^ Mr. Drake died in 1875, ^^'^^ dealers are those of Robert Clarke & Co., 

from a cold taken at a sale of the library of of Cincinnati, which are admirable specimens of 

Daniel Webster ; and his final collections of such lists.12 

books were scattered in two sales in the follow- In England, the catalogues of Henry Stevens 

ing year.^ and E. G. Allen have been already mentioned. 

1 Historical Collections^ vol. i. no. 898. 

2 Historical Collections^ vol. i, no. 899. 

3 The public is largely indebted to the efforts of Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, the librarian and keeper of the 
Archives of the Department of State at Washington, for the ultimate success of the endeavor to secure these 
manuscripts to the nation. Mr. Stevens had lately (1885) formed a copartnership with his son, Mr. Henry N. 
Stevens, and had begun a new series of Catalogues, of which No. i gives his own publications, and No. 2 is a 
bibliography of New Hampshire History. He died in London, February 28, 1S86. 

* N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg., 1863, p. 203. Dr. Homes, of Albany, is confident Joseph Bumstead was 
earlier in Boston than Mr. Drake. The Boston Directory represents him as a printer in 1800, and as a book- 
seller after 18 16. 

5 His earliest catalogue appeared in 1842, as of his private library. Sabin's Bibl. of Bibl., p. xlix. A 
collection announced for sale in Boston in 1845 was withdrawn after the catalogue was printed, having been 
sold to the Connecticut Historical Society for $4,000. At one time he amassed a large collection of American 
school-books to illustrate our educational history. They were bought (about four hundred in all) by the British 
Museum. 

6 Cf. Jackson's Bibl. Geog., no, 684, and pp. 185, 199. Also see Vol. HI. 361. 

' His catalogues are spiced with annotations signed " Western Memorabilia." Sabin {Dictionary, vii. 369) 
quotes the saying of a rival regarding Gowans's catalogues, that their notes "were distinguished by much origi- 
nality, some personality, and not a little bad grammar." His shop and its master are drawn in F. B. Perkins's 
Scrope^ or the Lost Library. A Novel. Mr. Gowans died in November, 1870, at sixty-seven, leaving a stock, 
it is said, of 250,000 bound volumes, besides a pamphlet collection of enormous extent. Mr. W. C. Prime told 
the story of his life, genially, in Harper'' s Magazine (1872), in an article on " Old Books in New York." Speak- 
ing of his stock, Mr. Prime says : " There were many more valuable collections in the hands of booksellers, but 
none so large, and probably none so wholly without arrangement." Mr. Gowans was a Scotchman by birth, and 
came to America in 1821. After a varied experience on a Mississippi flat-boat, he came to New York, and in 
1827 began life afresh as a bookseller's clerk. Cf. American Bibliopolist, January, 1871, p. 5, 

8 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxx. 

9 Jackson, Bibl. Geog., nos. 670-676. 

W Jackson, no. 687. See Vol. IV. p. 435. Munsell issued privately, in 1872, a catalogue of the works 
printed by him. Sdibvn, Bibl. of Bibl., p. cv. Cf. a Biographical Sketch of Joel Munsell, by George R. 
Howell, with a Genealogy of the Munsell Family, by Frank Munsell. Boston, 1880. This was printed 
(16 pp.) for the New England Historic Genealogical Society. 

11 Jackson, no. 669. 

12 They have been issued in 1869, 1871, 1873, 1876, 1877, 1878, 1879, 1883. Jackson, nos. 705-711. Lesser 
fists have been issued in Cincinnati by William Dodge. The chief dealer in Americana in Boston, who issues 
catalogues, is, at the present time, Mr. George E. Littlefield. 



XVI 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The leading English dealer at present in the 
choicer books of Americana, as of all other sub- 
jects — and it is not too much to say, the leading 
one of the world — is Mr. Bernard Quaritch, 
a Prussian by birth, who was born in 1819, 
and after some service in the book-trade in 
his native country came to London in 1842, 
and entered the service of Henry G. Bohn, 
under whose instruction, and as a fellow-em- 
ploye of Lowndes the bibliographer, he laid the 
foundations of a remarkable bibliographical ac- 
quaintance. A short service in Paris brought 
him the friendship of Brunet. Again (1845) 
he returned to Mr. Bohn's shop ; but in April, 
1847, he began business in London for him- 
self. He issued his catalogues at once on a 
small scale; but they took their well-known 
distinctive form in 1S48, which they have re- 
tained, except during the interval December, 
1854,-May, 1864, when, to secure favorable con- 
sideration in the post-office rates, the serial 
was called The Mttseiun. It has been his habit, 
at intervals, to collect his occasional catalogues 
into volumes, and provide them with an index. 
The first of these (7,000 entries) was issued 
in i860. Others have been issued in 1864, 1868, 
1870, 1874, 1877 (this with the preceding con- 
stituting one work, showing nearly 45,000 entries 
or 200,000 volumes), and 1880 (describing 28,- 
009 books).! In the preface to this last cata- 
logue he says: "The prices of useful and 
learned books are in all cases moderate ; the 
prices of palaeographical and bibliographical 
curiosities are no doubt in most cases high, 
that indeed being a natural result of the great 
rivalry between English, French, and American 
collectors. ... A fine copy of any edition of 
a book is, and ought to be, more than twice as 
costly as any other." ^ While the Quaritch 
catalogues have been general, they have in- 
cluded a large share of the rarest Americana, 



whose titles have been illustrated with biblioi 
graphical notes characterized by intimate ac- 
quaintance with the secrets of the more curious 
lore. 

The catalogues of John Russell Smith (1849, 
1853, 1865, 1867), and of his successor Alfred 
Russell. Smith (1871, 1874), are useful aids in 
this department.3 The Bibliotheca Hispano- 
Americana of Triibner, printed in 1870, offered 
about thirteen hundred items.^ Occasional 
reference can be usefully made to the lists of 
George Bumstead, Ellis and White, John Cam- 
den Rotten, all of London, and to those of 
William George of Bristol. The latest exten- 
sive Americana catalogue \z A catalogue of rare 
and curious books, all of which relate Jtiore or less 
to America, on sale by F. S. Ellis, London, 1884. 
It shows three hundred and forty-two titles, in- 
cluding many of the rarer books, which are held 
at prices startling even to one accustomed to the 
rapid rise in the cost of books of this description. 
Many of them were sold by auction in 1885. 

In P'rance, since Ternaux, the most impor- 
tant contribution has come from the house of 
Maisonneuve et Cie., by whom the Bibliotheca 
Americana of Charles I^eclerc has been succes- 
sively issued to represent their extraordinary 
stock. The first edition was printed in 1867 
(1,647 entries), the second in 1878^ (2,638 en- 
tries, with an admirable index), besides a first 
supplement in 1881 (nos. 2,639-3,029). Mr. 
Quaritch characterizes it as edited "with ad- 
mirable skill and knowledge." 

Less important but useful lists, issued in 
France, have been those of Hector Bossange, 
Edwin Tross,^ and the current Americana series 
of Dufosse, which was begun in 1876.' 

In Holland, most admirable work has been 
done by Frederik Muller, of Amsterdam, and by 
Mr. Asher, Mr. Tiele, and Mr. Otto Harrasso- 
witz under his patronage, of which ample ac- 



^ Another is now in progress. 

2 With these canons Mr. Quaritch's prices can be understood. The extent and character of his stock can 
be inferred from the fact that his purchases at the Perkins sale (1873) amounted to ,£11,000; at the Tite sale 
(1874), £9,500 ; at the Didot sales (1878-1879), £11,600 ; and at the Sunderland sales (1883), £32,650, out of a 
total of £56,851. At the recent sales of the Beckford and Hamilton collections, which produced £86,444, over 
one half, or £44,105, went to Mr. Quaritch. These figures enable one to understand how, in a sense, Mr. Quar- 
itch commands the world's market of choice books. A sketch, B. Q., a biographical and bibliographical Frag-- 
ment (1880, 25 copies), in the privately printed series of monographs issued to a club in London, of which Mr. 
Quaritch is president, called '* The Sette of Odd Volumes," has supplied the above data. The sketch is by C. 
W. H. Wyman, and is also reprinted in his Bibliography of Printing, and in the Antiqtiariatt Magazine and 
Bibliographer, November, 1882. One of the club's "opuscula " (no. iii.) has an excellent likeness of Mr. Quar- 
itch prefixed. Cf. also the memoir and portrait in Bigmore and Wyman's Bibliography of Printing^ ii. 230. 

8 Jackson, nos. 643-649 ; Triibner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xix. 

4 Mr. Triibner died in London March 30, 1884. Cf. memorial in The Library Chronicle, April, 1884, 
p. 43, by W. E. A. Axon; also a «' Nekrolog" by Karl J. TrUbner in the Centralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen, 
June, 1884, p. 240. 

6 Cf. notice by Mr. Brevoort in Magazine of American History, iv. 230. 

« There is a paper on " Edwin Tross et ses publications relatives \ P Am^rique " in Miscellanees bibluk 
graphiques, Paris, 1878, p. 53, giving a list of his imprints which concern America. 

7 Jackson, nos. 689, 703, 717. 



AMERICANA. IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



xvu 



counts are given in another place.^, Muller's 
catalogues were begun in 1850, but did not reach 
distinctive merit till 1872.'-^ Martin Nijhoff, at 
the Hague, has also issued some American cata- 
logues. 

In 1858 Muller sold one of his collections of 
Americana to Brockhaus, of Leipsic, and the 
Biblioth^ue Americaine issued by that publisher 
in 1 861, as representing this collection, was com- 
piled by one of the editors of the Serapeiim, 
Paul Tromel, whom Harrisse characterizes 
as an "expert bibliographer and trustworthy 
scholar." The list shows 435 entries by a chro- 
nological arrangement { 1 507- 1 700 ) ? Brockhaus 
again, in 1866, issued another American list, 
showing books since 1508, arranged topically 
(nos. 7,261-8,611). Mr. Otto Harrassowitz, of 
Leipsic, a pupil of Muller, of Amsterdam, has 
also entered the field as a purveyor of choice 
Americana. T. O. Weigel, of Leipsic, issued a 
catalogue, largely American, in 1877. 

So well known are the general bibliographies- 
of Watt, Lowndes, Brunet, Graesse, and others, 
that it is not necessary to point out their distinc- 
tive merits.* Students in this field are familiar 
with the catalogues of the chief American libra- 
ries. The library of Harvard College has not 
issued a catalogue since 1834, though it now prints 
bulletins of its current accessions. An admirable 
catalogue of the Boston Athenaeum brings the 
record of that collection down to 187 1. The 
numerous catalogues of the Boston Public Li- 
brary are of much use, especially the distinct 
volume given to the Prince Collection. The 
Massachusetts Historical Society's library has 
a catalogue printed in 1859-60. There has been 
no catalogue of "the American Antiquarian Society 



since 1837, and the New England Historic Gene- 
alogical Society has never printed any ; nor has 
the Congregational Library. The State Library 
at Boston issued a catalogue in 1880. These li- 
braries, with the Carter-Brown Library at Provi- 
dence, which is courteously opened to students 
properly introduced, probably make Boston 
within easy distance of a larger proportion of 
the books illustrating American history, than 
can be reached with equal convenience from any 
other literary centre. A book on the private li- 
braries of Boston was compiled by Luther Farn- 
ham in 1855; ^^' many of the private collections 
then existing have since been scattered.^ Gen- 
eral Horatio Rogers has made a similar record 
of those in Providence. After the Carter-Brown 
Collection, the most valuable of these private' 
libraries in New England is probably that of Mr. 
Charles Deane in Cambridge, of which mention 
has already been made. The collection of the 
Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D., of New Bedford, 
is probably unexampled in this country for the 
history of the Congregational movement, which 
so largely affected the early history of the Eng- 
lish Colonies.^ 

Two other centres in the United States are 
of the first importance in this respect. In Wash- 
ington, with the Library of Congress (of which 
a general consolidated catalogue is now print- 
ing), embracing as it does the collection formed 
by Col. Peter Force, and supplementing the 
archives of the Government, an investigator of 
American history is situated extremely favora- 
bly." In New York the Astor and Lenox libra- 
ries, with those of the New York Historical 
Society and American Geographical Society, give 
the student great opportunities. The catalogue 
of the Astor Library \Vas printed in 1857-66, 



1 Vol. IV. chap. viii. editorial note. There is an account of Muller and his bibliographical work in the 
Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, November, 1884. 

2 Jackson, nos. 650-654; Triibner, Bibliographical Gidde^ p. xix; Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibltog.^ p. cv; 
Petzholdt, Bibliotheca Bibliographica. 

8 This collection was subsequently, with the exception of three lots, bought of Mr. Brockhaus by Henry 
Stevens. Bibliotheca Geographica, no. 343. 

4 More or less help will be derived from the American portion of the Liste provisoire de bibliographies 
geographiques speciales, par Jatnes Jackson, published in 18S1 by the Societe de Geographic de Paris, — a 
book of which use has been made in the preceding pages. 

5 See the chapter on the libraries of Boston in the Memorial History of Boston, vol. iv. 

6 The extent of Dr. Dexter's library is evident from the signs of possession which are so numerously scat- 
tered through the 7,250 titles that constitute the exhaustive and very careful bibliography of Congregationalism 
and the allied phases of religious history, which forms an appendix to his Congregationalism as seen in its 
Literature^ New York, 1880. He explains in the Introduction to his volume the wide scope which he intended 
to give to this list ; and to show how poorly off our largest public libraries in America are in the earliest books 
illustrating this movement, he says that of the 1,000 earliest titles which he gives, and which bear date 
between 1546 and 1644, he found only 208 in American libraries. His arrangement of titles is chronological, 
but he has a full name-index. 

The students of the early English colonies cannot fail to find for certain phases of their history much help 
from Joseph Smith's Descriptive Catalogue of Friends'' Books, London, 1867 ; his Bibliotheca Anti-Qtlakeriana, 
1873 ; and his Bibliotheca Quakeristica, a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the Friends, of 
which Part I. was issued in London in 1883. 

7 The private library of George Bancroft is in Washington. It is described as it existed some years ago 
in Wynne's Private Libraries of New York. 

VOL. \. — b 



xviu 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OP^ AMERICA. 



and that of the Historical Society in 1859. No 
general catalogue of the Lenox Library has yet 
been printed. An account of the private libra- 
ries of New York was published by Dr. Wynne 
in i860. The libraries of the chief importance 
at the present time, in respect to American his- 
tory, are those of Mr. S. L. M. Barlow in New 
York, and of Mr. James Carson Brevoort in 
Brooklyn. Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch of New 
York has a small collection, but it embraces 
some of the rarest books. The New York State 
Library at Albany is the chief of the libraries of 
its class, and its principal characteristic pertains 
to American history. 

The other chief American cities are of much 
less importance as centres for historical research. 
The Philadelphia Library and the collection of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania are hardly 



of distinctive value, except in regard to the his- 
tory of that State. In Baltimore the library of 
the Peabody Institute, of which the first volume 
of an excellent catalogue has been printed, and 
that of the Maryland Historical Society are 
scarcely sufficient for exhaustive research. The 
private library of Mr. H. H. Bancroft consti- 
tutes the only important resource of the Pacific 
States ; 1 and the most important collection in 
Canada is that represented by the catalogue of 
the Library of Parliament, which was printed in 
1858. 

This enumeration is intended only to in- 
dicate the chief places for ease of general 
investigation in American history. Other lo- 
calities are rich in local helps, and accounts 
of such will be found elsewhere in the present 
History«2 



1 A book on the private libraries of San Francisco by Apponyi was issued in 1878. 

2 An account of the libraries of the various historical societies in the United States is given in the Public 
Libraries of the United States, issued by the Bureau of Education at Washington in 1876. 



INTRODUCTION. 

By the Editor. 



Part II. THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA AND COLLECTIVE 
ACCOUNTS OF THE EARLY VOYAGES THERETO. 

OF the earliest collection of voyages of Cabral's voyage printed at Rome and Milan, 

which we have any mention we possess and an original — at present unknown — of 

only a defective copy, which is in the Biblio- Vespucius' third voyage, were embodied, with 

teca Marciana, and is called Libretto de tiitta other matter, in the Paesi novamente retrovati 

la navigazione del R^ di Spagna dclle isole e ter- et novo mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino 

reni nicovatnente scoperti stampato per Vercellese. intittilato, published at Vicentia in 1507 ,2 and 

It was published at Venice in 1504,1 and is said again possibly at Vicentia in 1508, — though 

to contain the first three voyages of Columbus, the evidence is wanting to support the state- 

This account, together with the narrative of ment, — but certainly at Milan in that year 

1 The title is quoted differently by different authorities. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 32, and Additions^ 
no. 16 ; his Christophe Colotnb, i. 89 ; Humboldt, Exameii critique, iv. 67 ; Sabin, Dictionary of Books 
relating to America, x. 327; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller , p. 79; Varnhagen, Nouvelles Recherches, p. 17; 
Irving's Columbus, app. ix. 

2 See Vol. IV. p. 12. The editorship is in dispute, — whether Zorzi or Montalboddo. The better opinion 
seems to be that Humboldt erred in assigning it to Zorzi rather than to Montalboddo. Cf. Humboldt, Exaraen 
critique; Brunei, v. 115 5, 1158 : Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xii. no. 50,050; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller , p. 80; 
Graesse, Tresor ; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 48, 109, app. p. 469, and Additions, no. 26; Bulletin de 
la Societe de Geographic, October, 1857, p. 312 ; Santarem's Vespucius, Eng. tr,, p. ']i ; Irving's Columbus^ 
app. xxx. ; Navarrete, Opt'isctdos, i. loi ; Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 89. There are copies of this 1507 
edition in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Grenville Library ; and one in the Beckford sale, 
1882 (no. 186), brought £270. Cf. also Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,612*, and Catalogue de la prccicuse biblio- 
thlque de fell M. le Docteur J. Court (Paris, 1SS4), no. 262. The Paesi nova77iente retrovati is shown in the 
chapter on the Cortereals in Vol. IV. to be of importance in elucidating the somewhat obscure story of that 
portion of the early Portuguese discoveries in North America. Since Vol. IV. was printed, two important con- 
tributions to this study have been made. One is the monograph of Henry Harrisse, Les Cortereal et leicr 
voyages au Nouveau-tnojide. D''apres des documents nouveaux ou peti connus tires des archives de Lisbonjteet 
de Modlne. Suivi du texte incdit d'un rectt de la troisihne expedition de Gasper Cortereal et d^7ine carte 
nautique portugaise de 1502 reproduite ici pour la pr emit re fois. Mhnoire hi h P Acadhnie des inscriptions 
et belles-lettres dans sa seance du \er juin, 1883, and published in Paris in 1883, as Vol. III. of t\\Q Rec7ieil de 
voyages et de doctanents pour servir h Vhistoire de la geographic depuis le Xllle J7isqu''h laji7i du XVIe sitcle. 
The other is the excerpt from the Archivo des Azores, which was drawn from that work by the editor, Ernesto 
do Canto, and printed separately at Ponta Delgarda (S. Miguel) in an edition of one hundred copies, under the 
title of Os Co7-te-Reaes, 77iemoria historica acco77ipa7thada de muitos docu77te77tos i7ieditos. Do Canto refers 
(P* 34) to other monographs on the Portuguese discoveries in America as follows : Sebastiao Francisco Mendo 
Trigoso, — Ensaio sobre os Descobrimentos e Co7n7nercio dos Portug7iezes e7n as Terras Septc7itrionaes da 
America, presented to the Lisbon Academy (1813), and published in their Memorias da Litter at7i7-a, viii. 305. 
Joaquim Jose Gongalves de Mattos Correa, — Acerca da prioridade das Descobertas feitas pelos port7ig7iezes 
7ias costas orientaes da A7nerica do 7torte, which was printed in A7inaes 7naritimos e Colo7iiaes, Lisbon, 1841, 
pp. 269-423. Luciano Cordeiro, — De la part prise par les Portugais dans le decotiverte de r Ameriqiie^ 
Lisbon, 1876. This was a communication made to the Congres des Americanistes in 1875. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 15. 



XX NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

(1508).! There were later editions in 1512,2 First Decade having been printed at Seville as 

1517,3 15194 (published at Milan), and 1521.5 early as 1500, as is sometimes stated ; but it has 

There are also German,^ Low German,'^ Latin,^ been held that a translation of it, — though no 

and French 'J translations. copy is now known, — made by Angelo Trigvi- 

While this Zorzi-Montalboddo compilation ano into Italian was the Libretto de tutta la 
was flourishing, an Italian scholar, domiciled in navigazione del Re di Spagna, already men- 
Spain, was recording, largely at first hand, the tioned.i^ The earliest unquestioned edition was 
varied reports of the voyages which were then that of 1511, which was printed at Seville with 
opening a new existence to the world. This the title Legatio Babylonica ; it contained nine 
was Peter Martyr, of whom Harrisse ^^ cites an books and a part of the tenth book of the First 
early and quaint sketch from Hernando Alonso Decade.!"* In 1516 a new edition, without map, 
de Herrera's Dispiitatio adversiis Ai^istotelez was printed at Alcala in Roman letter. The 
(1517)." The general historians have always part of the tenth book of the First Decade in 
made due acknowledgment of his service to the 1511 edition is here annexed to the ninth, 
them.i2 and a new tenth book is added, besides two other 

Harrisse could find no evidence of Martyr's decades, making three in all.^^ 

1 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 55; D'Avezac, Waltzepiiiller, p. 80; Wieser, Magalhdes-Strasse^ 
pp. 15, 17. There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Cincinnati Public libraries. 
The Beckford copy brought, in 1882, £78. Ouaritch offered a copy in 1883 for £45. At the Potier sale, in 
1870 (no. 1,791), a copy brought 2,015 francs; the same had brought 389 francs in 1844 a* the Nodier sale. 
Livres payes en vettte publiqiie \ poo francs et an dessus, 1877, p. yy. Cf. also Court, no. 263. 

2 Only one copy in the United States, says Sabin. 

3 In Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries ; also in the Marciana and Brera libraries. Leclerc in 1878 priced 
a copy at 1,000 francs. Cf. Harrisse, no. 90, also p. 463, and Additions, no. 52; Sobolewski, no. 4,130; 
Brunet, v. 1158 ; Court, no. 264. 

4 Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,054 ; Leclerc, no. 2,583 (500 francs). A copy was sold in London in March, 1883. 
There is a copy in the Cincinnati Public Library. 

5 Harrisse, no. 109 ; Sobolewski, no. 4,131 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i, no. 68 ; Murphy, no. 2,617. 

6 Newe unbekanthe landte (Nuremberg, 1508), by Ruchamer ; copies are in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Con- 
gress, and Cincinnati Public libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,056 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 36 ; Harrisse^ 
no. 57; Murphy, no. 2,613; Sobolewski, no. 4,069; D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller^ p. 83; Rosenthal, Catalogue 
(1884), no. 67, at 1,000 marks. 

7 JSlye nnbekattde Lande (1508), in Platt-Deutsch, by Henning Ghetel, of Lubeck, following the German. 
Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,057; Harrisse, Additions, no. 29. The Carter-Brown copy {Catalogue, vol. i. no. 37) 
cost about 1,000 marks at the Sobolewski (no. 4,070) sale, when it was described as an ** edition absolument 
inconnu jusqu'au present." Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch has since secured a copy at 3,000 marks, — probably the 
copy advertised "as the second copy known," by Albert Cohn, of Berlin, in 1881, in his Katalog, vol. cxxxix. 
no. 27. Cf. Stiidi biografici e bibliografici delta Societa Italiana, i. 219. 

8 Itinerariu Portugallesiii e Lusitania in India {}l\S\2^w, 1508), a Latin version by Archangelus Madri- 
nanus, of Milan. Cf. D'Avezac, Waltzemiiller, p. 82 ; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,058 ; Harrisse, no. 58 ; Sobo- 
lewski, no. 4,128; Muller (1870), no. 1,844. There are copies in the Lenox, Barlow, Harvard College^ 
Carter-Brown {Catalogue, vol. i. no. 35), and Congressional libraries. The Beckford copy (no. 1,081) brought 
^78. Sabin quotes Bolton Corney's copy at ^137. Copies have been recently priced at ^30, ^36, and ^45. 
A copy noted in the Court Catalogue (no. 177) differs from Harrisse's collation. 

9 Sensuyt le nouveau mode, supposed to be 1515 ; some copies vary in text. The Lenox Library has twa 
varieties. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 50,059, 50,061 ; Harrisse, no. Z^, and Additions, no. 46 ; D'Avezac, 
Waltzemiiller, p. 84. An edition of 15 16 {Le noicveau monde) is in the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries 
(Sabin, vol, xii. no. 50,062; Court, no. 248; Harrisse, no. 86; Sobolewski, no. 4,129). One placed in 1521 
{Sensuyt le nouveaji mode) is in Harvard College Library (Harrisse, no. iii ; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,063). An- 
other {Sensuyt le nouveau monde) is placed under 1528 (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,064; Harrisse, no. 146, and 
Additions, no. 87). 

10 Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 50. Harrisse also gives a chapter to Peter Martyr in his Christophe Colomb, i. 85. 

11 See also the reference in Joannes Tritemius' De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Cologne, 1546), pp. 481-482. 
There have been within a few years two monographs upon Martyr: (i) Hermann A. Schumacher's Petrus 
Martyr, der Ge.schichtsschreiber des Weltmeeres (New York, 1879) 5 (2) Dr- Heinrich Heidenheimer's Petrus 
Martyr Anglerius und sein Opus epistolarmn (Berlin, 1881). This last writer gives a section to his geo- 
graphical studies. 

12 Humboldt, Examen critique, ii. 279 ; Irving, Columbus, app. ; Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella 
(1873), "• 74) and Mexico, ii. 96; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 312; Helps, Spanish Conquest. 
Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 66 and 160. 

13 Morelli's edition of Letter of Columbus, 1810. 

14 There is an examination of this edition on page 109 of Vol. II. 

15 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 88 ; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 50 ; Huth, p. 920 ; Brunei, 
i. 293; Murphy, no. 1,606; Leclerc, no. 2,647 (600 francs) ; Stevens, Nuggets, £10 loi-. ; Bibliotheca Gren- 
villiana. There is a copy in Charles Deane's collection. Tross priced a copy in 1873 "^"^ 9°° francs. 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. 



XXI 



There exists what has been called a German 
version [Die Schiffiing mitt dcm lanndt der Gul- 
den Jnsel) of the First Decade, in which the 
supposed author is called Johan von Angliara; 
and its date is 1520, or thereabout; but Mr. 
Deane, who has the book, 
says that it is not Martyr's.^ 
Some Poemata, which had 
originally been included in 
the publication of the First 
Decade, were separately 
printed in 1520.^ 

At Basle in 1521 appeared 
his De ftiiper sub D. Carolo 
repertis insults, the title of 
which is annexed in fac- 
simile. Harrisse ^ has called 
it an extract from the Fourth 
Decade ; and a similar state- 
ment is made in the Carter- 
Brown Catalogue (vol. i. no. 
67). But Stevens and other 
authorities define it as a sub- 
stitute for the lost First Let- 
ter of Cortes,' touching the 
expedition of Grijalva and 
the invasion of Mexico ; and 
it supplements, rather than 
overlaps, Martyr's other nar- 
ratives.* Mr. Deane contends 
that if the Fourth Decade had 
then been written, this might 
well be considered an abridg- 
ment of it. 

The first complete edition 
(De orbe novo) of all the eight 
decades was published in 1 530 
at Complutum ; and with it is 
usually found the map (" Ti- 
pus orbis universalis ") of 
Apianus, which originally ap- 
peared in Camer's Solinus in 
1520. In this new issue the 
map has its date changed to 

In 1532, at Paris, appeared 
an abridgment in French of 
the first three decades, to- 



gether with an abstract of Martyr's De insulis 
(Basle, 1521), followed by abridgments of the 
printed second and third letters of Cortes, — the 
whole bearing the title, Extraict ov Recveil des 
Isles nouuellemet trouuees en la grand mer Oceane 




TITLE OF THE NEWE UNBEKANTHE LANDTE (rEDUCED), 



Carter-Brown Catalogue^ vol. 



no. 61 ; Graesse, Trcsor, i. 130; Sabin, i. 201, who says Rich put it 

78. 



2 Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 62 ; Additions, p, 

3 Bibl. Amer. Vet , no. no. 

4 There are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Sabin 
(150 francs) ; Court, no. 13; Murphy, no. 1,606*; Stevens, Historical Collection, i. 



i. 199 ; Leclerc, no. 24 
.8 ; his Nuggets, £2 2s. 



But recent prices have been ^20 and ^£25; Brunet, i. 294; Ternaux, no. 24; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,173. 
This tract was reprinted in the Nmus orbis (Basle, 1532), and was appended to the Antwerp edition (1536) of 
Brocard's Descriptio terrcB sajictce (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 218 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 117). It is 
also in the Novus orbis of Rotterdam, 1596 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 505). 

5 There are copies in the Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown libraries. It is very rare ; a fair copy 
was priced in London, in 1881, at £62. Cf. Brunet, i. 293 ; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 94; Sabin, 
i. 198 ; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 154 ; Murphy, no. 1^607 ; Court, no. 14. 



xxii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 







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DE NVPER 

SVB D* CAROLb REPER/ 

tis Infulis, fimulc^ mcolarum 

moribus, K. Petri Marty/ 

ris, Enchiridion, Domi/ 

nac Margaritx, Diui 

Max.Cacffiliac 

dfcatum^ 



B A SILEAE^ A NN O 




THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. xxiii 

en temps du roy Despaigne Ferndd dr" Elizabeth Oviedo and others, — all under the new name, 

sa fenime, faid premierement en latin par Pierre The History of Trauayle.^ 

Martyr de Millan, ^^ depuis translate en Ian- There was an edition again at Cologne in 

guaige francoys?- 1574, — the one which Robertson used.^ Three 

In 1533, at Basle, in folio, we find the first decades and the De insulis are also included in 

three decades and the tract of 1521 {De insulis) ■ a composite folio published at Basle in 1582, 

Ximied. in De rebus oceanicis et orbe 7iavo:~- containing also Benzoni and Levinus, all in 

At Venice, in 1534, the Sumniario de la gen- German.iO The entire eight decades, in Latin, 

erale historia de /' Indie occidentali was a joint which had not been printed together since the 

issue of Martyr and Oviedo, under the editing Basle edition of 1530, were published in Paris 

of Ramusio.3 An edition of Martyr, published in 1587 under the editing of Richard Hakluyt, 

at Paris in 1536, sometimes mentioned,'* does with the title: De orbe novo Petri Martyris 

not apparently exist ; ^ but an edition of 1537 Anglerii Mediolanejisis, protonotarij, et Caroli 

is noted by Sabin.^ In 1555 Richard Eden's qninti senatoris Decades octo, diligenti teinporum 

Decades of the Newe Woi'lde, or West India, ap- obseriiatione, et vtilissimis annotationibiis illus' 

peared in black-letter at London. It is made up tratcE, siidqiie nitori restitutce, labore et indicstria 

in large part from Martyr," and was the basis Richardi Haklvyti Oxoniensis Angli. Additus 

of Richard Willes' edition of Eden in 1577, est in vsnin lectoris accnratns totiiis operis ijidex. 

which included the first four decades, and an Parisiis, apud Gvillelmvm Avvray, 1587. With 

abridgment of the last four, with additions from its " F. G." map, it is exceedingly rare.^^ 

1 The book is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. A copy was priced in London at 
^36 ; but Quaritch holds the Beckford copy (no. 2,275), i^ ^^^ binding, at ^£148. Harrisse {Bibl, Amer. Vet.^ 
no. 167) errs in his description. Cf. Brunei, i. 294 ; Sobolewski, no. 3,667 ; Sabin, i. T99 ; Huth, p. 920 ; 
Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 48 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i, no. 99 ; Murphy, no. 3,002 ; Court, no. 124. 

2 Richard Eden's copy of this book, with his annotations, apparently used in making his translation of 
1555, was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 40, having been earlier in the Judge Davis sale in 1847 (no. 1,352). 
The first of the Stevens copies, in his sale of 1870 (nos. 75, 1,234), is now in Mr. Deane's librar}^ There are 
also copies in the Force (Library' of Congress), Carter-Brown {Catalogue, vol. i. no. 104), and Ticknor (Cata- 
logue, p. 14) collections, and in Harvard College Library. Cf. Sabin, i. ; Stevens's Nuggets, £1 lis. 6d.; 
Temaux, no. 47; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 176; Muller (1877), no. 2,031; Court, no. 15; Murphy, 
no. 1,608; Leclerc (187S), no. 25 (80 francs); Quaritch, no. 11,628 (£3 loj-. ; again, £^ 55.); Sunderland, 
vol. iv. no. 8,176 (.£50). Priced in Germany at 60 and 100 marks. 

3 Ramusio's name does not appear, but D' Avezac thinks his editorship is probable ; cf. Bulletin- de la 
Societe de Geographic (1872), p. 11. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, J. C. Brevoort, H. C. 
Murphy, and Lenox libraries. For an account of a map said to belong to it, see VVinsor's Bibliography of 
Ptolemy, sub anno 1540. Cf. Bibl. Ajfter. Vet., no. 190 ; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 344, and 
Nuggets, vol. ii. no. 1,808 ; Murphy, no. 1,609; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,177 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 107 ; 
Temaux, no, 43; Court, no. 213. Ramusio also included Martyr in the third volume of his Navigationi. Cf. 
the opinions of Mr. Deane and Mr. Brevoort on the Summario as given in Vol. HI. p. 20. 

■* Brunet, Graesse, Ternaux. 

5 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 214. 6 Vol. i. p. 199. 

" See Vol. HI. p. 200 ; Murphy, no. 1,610. 

8 The book is rare; the copy in the Menzies sale (no. 1,332) brought ^42.50. Cf. further in Vol. HI. 
p. 204 ; also Cooke, no. 1,642. 

9 It has three decades and three books of the " De Babylonica legatione." There are copies in Harvard 
College and the Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 52; Nuggets, £1 los. 6d. ; Sabin, i. 201 ; Muller, 
(1877), no. 2,031; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 295; Leclerc, no. 26 (80 francs); Harrassowitz, 35 marks; 
Quaritch, £1 55. and £1 i6s. ; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,178 ; O'Callaghan, no. 1,479 ; Cooke, no. 1,641 ; Court, 
no. 16; Murphy, no. 1,611. 

10 Graesse, i. 130; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344; Stevens (1870), no. 1,235. 

11 The Sunderland copy (vol. iv. no. 8,179), with the map, brought £24 ; a French catalogue advertised one 
with the map for 250 francs. Without the map it is worth about $25. See further in Vol. IH. p. 42 ; also Mur- 
phy, no. 1,612 ; Cooke, no. 1,643 5 Court, no. 17. Hakluyt's text was used by Lok in making an English ver- 
sion (he adopted, however, Eden's text of the first three decades), which was-^rinted as De Novo Orbe ; or, the 
Historic of the West Indies. Bibliographers differ about the editions. One without date is held by some to 
have been printed in 1597 (White-Kennett ; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,013; Menzies, no. 1,333, ^35 > 
Huth, p. 923); but others consider it the sheets of the 1612 edition with a new title (see Vol. III. p. 47, 
Field, no. 1,014; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,236; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 10; O'Callaghan, no. 1,481; 
Murphy, no. 1,612*; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 129, 130). There are copies of this 1612 edition in the Boston 
Athenaeum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Massachusetts Historical Society libraries ; it is worth from 
$30 to ^40. Mr. Deane's edition of 1612 has a dedication to Julius Caesar, the English jurist of that day, 
which is not in the edition without date. See Vol. III. p. 47. The same was reissued as a "second edition," 
with a title dated 1628, of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library (Field, no. 1,015; Stevens, 
Nuggets, £\ \i^s. 6d.; Menzies, no. i,334.' Griswold, no. 475 ; Quaritch, £9 and £12). 



XXIV 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




GRYN^US.^ 



As illustrating in some sort his more labored 
work, the Opus epistolarum Petri Martyris was 
first printed at Complutum in 1530.2 The letters 
were again published at Amsterdam, in 1670,2 in 
an edition which had the care of Ch. Patin, to 
which was appended other letters by Fernando 
del Pulgar.* 

The most extensive of the early collec- 
tions was the Novus orbis, which was issued in 
separate editions at Basle and Paris in 1532. 
Simon Grynaeus, a learned professor at Basle, 



signed the preface; and it usually passes under 
his name. Grynaeus was born in Swabia, was a 
friend of Luther, visited England in 1531, and 
died in Basle, in 1541. The compilation, how- 
ever, is the work of a canon of Strasburg, 
John Huttich (born about 1480; died, 1544), 
but the labor of revision fell on Grynaeus.^ It 
has the first three voyages of Columbus, and 
those of Pinzon and Vespucius ; the rest of the 
book is taken up with the travels of Marco 
Polo and his successors to the East.^ It 



1 Fac-simile of cut in Reusner's Icones (Strasburg, 1590), p. 107. 

2 Brunet, i. 294 ; Harrisse, iVbi"^^ on Columbus^ P- 10 ; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 160; Carter-Brown, vol. i. 
no, 93 ; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,174, (£61). There is also a copy in Harvard College Library. 

8 Sabin, i. 200. Copy in Harvard College Library ; it was printed at the Elzevir Press (Harrisee, Notes 
on Columbus, p. 11 ; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,036; Sunderland, vol. iv, no. 8,175). 

4 Prescott's copy is in Harvard College Library {Ferdinand and Isabella, 1873, "• 7^)' 

6 Cf. Arana, Bibliog. de obras anon. (1882), no. 373. 

6 There are copies of this Basle edition in the Boston Public, Harvard College, Carter- Brown, Lenox, 
Astor, and Barlow libraries. Miinster's map, of which an account is given elsewhere, is often wanting ; the 
price for a copy with the map has risen from a guinea in Rich's day (1832), to ,£5. Cf. Harrisse, no. 171 ; 
Leclerc, no. 411 ; Muller (1877), no. 1,301 ; Ternaux, no. 38 ; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,100 ; Court, no. 249. The 
Paris edition has the Orontius Finaeus map properly, though others are sometimes found in it. Cf. Harrisse^ 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. xxv 

next appeared in a German translation at Stras- the first time that Miinster significantly comes 

burg in 1534, which was made by Michal Herr, before us as a describer of the geography of the 

Die New Welt. It has no map, gives more from New World. Again in 1540 and 1542 he was as- 

Martyr than the other edition, and substitutes sociated with the editions of Ptolemy issued at 

a preface by Herr for that of Grynaeus.i The Basle in those years.*^ It is, however, upon his 

original Latin was reproduced at Basle again in Cosmographia, among his forty books, that Miin- 

1537, with 1536 in the colophon.^ In 1555 ster's fame chiefly rests. The earliest editions 

another edition was printed at Basle, enlarged are extremely rare, and seem not to be clearly 

upon the 1537 edition by the insertion of the defined by the bibliographers. It appears to 

second and third of the Cortes letters and some have been originally issued in German, probably 

accounts of efforts in converting the Indians.^ in 1544 at Basle,^ under the mixed title : Cosmo- 

Those portions relating to America exclusively graphia. Beschreibug alter lender Dtirch Sebas- 

were reprinted in the Latin at Rotterdam in tianum Munste7-tini. Getruckt zu Basel dicrch 

1616.* Henrichunt Petri, Aujio MDxliiij^ He says 

Sebastian Miinster, who was born in 1489, that he had been engaged upon it for eighteen 

was forty-three years old when his map of the years, keeping Strabo before him as a model, 

world — which is preserved in the Paris (1532) To the section devoted to Asia he adds a 

edition of \\i^ Ncrvus orbis — appeared. This is few pages "Von den neiiwen inseln " (folios 

nos. 172, 173; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 102; Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,101, 34,102; Leclerc, nos. 412 (150 francs), 
2,769; Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, p. 124; Cooke, no. 2,879; Court, no. 250; Sunderland, no. 263; 
MuUer (1872), no. 1,847; Quaritch (1883) £12 16^. The Lenox Library has copies of different imprints, — 
"apud Galeotum " and "apud Parvum." There are other copies in the Barlow and Carter-Brown libraries. 
Good copies are worth about ^10. 

1 Sabin (vol. ix. p. 30) says it is rarer than the original Latin. There are copies in Harvard College, 
Congressional, and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), .£1 \s.\ Ternaux, no. 45; Sabin, vol. ix. 
no. 34,106; Grenville, p. 498; Harrisse, no. 1S8, with references; Stevens (1870), no. 1,419; MuUer (1872), 
no. 1,853, and (1877) no. 1,309 (40 florins), with corrections of Harrisse; Sobolewski, no. 3.857; Carter- 
Brown, vol. i. no. no; Huth, vol. iii. nos- 1,050-1,051. Quaritch and others of late price it at ^3. It 
was from this German edition of the Novtis orbis that the collection, often quoted as that of Cornells 
AH^yn, and called Nieuuve Weerelt, was made up in 1563, with some additional matter. It is in the dialect of 
Brabant, and MnWer {Books on America, 1872, no. 1,854) says it is "exceedingly rare, even in Holland;" he 
prices it at 50 florins. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,579 (250 francs); Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,107; Carter-Brown, vol. i. 
no. 240; Huth, vol. iii. no. 1,051 ; A. R. Smith's Catalogue (1874), no. 8 {£2 2s-) ; Pinart, no. 668. 

2 It has pp. 585-600 in addition to the edition of 1532. There are copies in the Cornell University {Sparks 
Catalogue, no. 1,107), Lenox, Carter-Brown, Barlow, J. C. Brevoort, and American Antiquarian Society libra- 
ries. One of the two copies in Harvard College Library belonged at diff^erent times to Charles Sumner, E. A. 
Crowninshield (no. 796), and the poet Thomas Gray, and has Gray's annotations, and a record that it cost him 
one shilling and ninepence. The map of the 1532 Basle edition belongs to this 1537 edition; but it is often 
wanting. The Huth Catalogue (vol. iii. p. 1050) calls the map of '• extreme rarity ; " and Quaritch has pointed 
out that the larger names in the map being set in type in the block, there is some variation in the style of these 
inscriptions belonging to the different issues. Cf. Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,103 ; Harrisse, no. 223 ; Carter-Brown, 
vol. i*. no. 123; Leclerc, no. 413, with map (too francs); Stevens {Nuggets) does not mention the map, but 
his Bibliotheca historica (1870), no. 1,455, ^"<^ Historical Collections, p. 66, give it; Muller (1872), no. 1,850 and 
(1877) no. 1,306. Recent prices of good copies with the map are quoted at £4 \s., 57 marks, and 70 francs ; 
without the map it brings about $4.00. Grolier's copy was in the Beckford sale (1882), no. 187, 

3 There are copies in the Boston Public (two copies), Boston Athenaeum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown 
(no. 202), and American Antiquarian Society libraries. The map is repeated from the earlier Basle editions. 
Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 50; Huth Catalogue {y^lHixont map), iii. 1,050; Harrisse, no. 171; Stevens, 
Historical Collection, vo\. i. no. 501; Cooke, no. 1,064; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,104. Rich, in 1832, priced it 
with map at £z 2s. ; recent prices are £4 4J-. and £5 55-. 

4 Edited by Balthazar Lydius. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 182; Graesse, iv. 699; Brunet, iv. 132; 
Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,105; Huth, iii. 1051 ; Leclerc, no. 414 (40 francs); Stevens, Nuggets, £2 2s.; Court, 
no. 251 ; Muller (1872), no. 1,870. There are copies in Harvard College Library and Boston Athenaeum. 

5 The editions of Ptolemy recording or affecting the progress of geography in respect to the New World 
are noted severally elsewhere in the present work ; but the whole series is viewed together in the Bibliography 
of Ptolemfs Geography, by Justin Winsor, which, after appearing serially in the Harvard University Bidletin, 
was issued separately by the University Library in 1884 as no. 18 of its Bibliographical Contributions. 

6 H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 258. Harrisse {Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 237) gives the date 1541 as apparently 
the first edition. His authority is the Labanoff Catalogue ; but the date therein is probably an error (Sabin, 
vol. xii. no. 51,384). The Athence Rauricce cites a Latin edition of 1543, — it is supposed without warrant, 
though it is also mentioned in Poggendorff's Biog. -liter. Handivorterbuch, ii. 234. 

7 Harrisse {Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 258), describing a copy in the Lenox Library. The map of America in 
this edition is given by Santarem, and much reduced in Lelewel. There are twenty-four maps in it in all (Sabin, 
vol. xii. no. 51,385). 



XXVI 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




llMM!"lM)iniiil!H|i||i|iiM|!i|III|i|l|m|||IJ|J(f||)|j|l!f|(|I!i;!ll|II(|||l|||I(|Ml||i(<M|li)n 

^imenfus terras ct Jmnmj Jyis^d cq^Ij , 

detain Jiehrt^os Mi/ioncofqr lihros , !SZx j 



;-r^^-^^^mTrTr.l-.T'll-l!!;JilL.'!LilUTgiafflU!<l\''Jli:'^lll'!:^^ 



MUNSTER. 



dcxxxv-dcxlij). This account was scant; and 
though it was a little enlarged in the second 
edition in 1545,^ it remained of small extent 



through subsequent editions, and was confined 
to ten pages in that of 1614. The last of the 
German editions appeared in 1628.^ The earliest 



1 Fac-simile of the cut in the Ptolemy of 1552. 

2 Also published at Basle (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 152 ; Weigel, 1877, Catalogue; Sabin, 
vol. xii. no. 51,386). It has twenty-eight maps. There is a copy in the Royal Library at Munich. 

8 The third and later German editions were as follows: 1546. According to the AthencB Rauricce. — 1550. 
Basle, 1,233 pages, woodcuts, with views of towns added for the first time, and fourteen folios of maps. Har- 
risse (no. 294) quotes the description in Ebert's Dictionary, no. 14,500. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,387; 
Leclerc, no. 396; Rosenthal (Munich, 1884), no. 52, at 80 marks. Harrisse {Additions, no. 179) says the 
Royal Library at Munich has three different German editions of 1550. — 1553. Basle. Muller {Books on 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. 



XXVll 



SEBASTIANVS MVNSTERVS 

Cofmogcaplms. 




ZatUngUAfueYatfontesmhltYdderefancl^ 
Ssrikrefedmundi meiuuat hifiorkm. 

U. D. LII. 



MUNSTER. 



undoubted Latin text^ appeared at Basle in by Manuel Deutsch, which were given in the 
1550, with the same series of new views, etc., German edition of that date.^ With nothing 



America, 1S72, no. 1,020 ; 1877, "O- 2,203) cites a copy, with twenty-six maps ; also Sabin (vol. xii. no. 51,388). — 
1556. Cited by Sabin, vol. xii. no. 53,389. — 1561. Basle. Cf. Rosenthal, Catalogue (1884), no. 53. — 1564. 
Basle. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,390; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 598. It has fourteen maps, the last being 
of the New World. — 1569, 1574, 1578. Basle. All are cited by Ebert and Harrisse, who give them twent}'- 



six maps, and say that the cuts are poor impressions. — 1574, 1578, 



Undated; but cited by Sabin, 



vol. xii. no. 51, 391-51, 393- — 1592, 1598. In these editions the twenty-six maps and the woodcuts are 



1 Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner's /c:(7«^i-(Strasburg, 1590), p. 171. 

2 The AthencB Rauricce gives a Latin edition of 1545. 

8 This 1550 Latin edition has fourteen maps, and copies are worth from $12 to ^15. Cf. Bibl. Amer. 
Vet., no. 300; Htcth Catalogue, iii. 1,009; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,379; Strutt, Dictionary of Engravers. 



XXVlll NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

but a change of title apparently, there were was printed at Basle in 1558, using the engraved 

reissues of this edition in 1551, 1552, and 1554,^ plates of the other Basle issues; and finally, in 

and again in 1559.^ The edition of 1572 has 1575, an Italian edition, according to Brunet,^ 

the same map, "Novae insulae," used in the 1554 appeared at Colonia. 

editions ; but new names are added, and new The best-known collection of voyages of the 
plates of Cusco and Cuba are also furnished.^ sixteenth century is that of Ramusio, whose 
The earliest French edition, according to Bru- third volume — compiled probably in 1 553, and 
net,4 appeared in 1552; and other editions fol- printed in 1556 — is given exclusively to Amer- 
lowed in that language.^ Eden gave the fifth loan voyages.^ It contains, however, little re- 
book an English dress m 1553, which was again garding Columbus not given by Peter Martyr 
issued in 1572 and 1574.^ A Bohemian edition, and Oviedo, except the letter to Fracastoro.i*^ 
made by Jan z Puchowa, Kozniograffia Czieskd, In Ramusio the narratives of these early voy- 
was issued in 1554-'^ The first Italian edition ages first got a careful and considerate editor, 

engraved after new drawings. That of 1592 is in the Boston Athenaeum ; that of 1598 is in Harvard College 
Library. The likeness of Miinster on the title is inscribed: " Seins alters Ix jar." America is shown in the 
general mappemonde, and in map no. xxvi., "Die N ewe Welt." Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,394-51,395. — 1614, 
1628. These Basle editions reproduced the engravings of the 1592 and 1598 editions, and are considered 
the completest issues of the German text. They are worth from 30 to 40 marks each. Sabin, vol. xii. 
no. 51,396. 

1 The title of the 1554 edition as shown in the copy in the Boston Public Library reads as follows : Cosmo 
\ graphiae \ uniuer salts Lib. VI. in \ qiiibus iuxta certtoris fidei scriptorum \ traditionein describuntur, \ 

Omnitim habitabilis orbis partium sittis, pro- \ priceq' dotes. \ Regionum Topographicce effigies. \ TerrcB 
ingenia, guibus sit ut tarn differentes &> ua \ rias specie res, &=aiiimatas, &= inanitnatas, ferat. \ Anitnalium 
peregrinorum naturce ^ pidtircB. \ Nobiliorum citiitatum icones 6^ descriptiones. \ Regnorum initia, incre- 
menta &= translationes. \ Regum &> priticipum genealogies. \ Item omnium gentium mores, leges, religio, mu- \ 
tationes: atq' memorabilium in himc tisgue an- \ num 1554. gestarum rerum Historia. \ A^itore Sebast. Mun- 
stero. The same edition is in the Harvard College Library ; but the title varies, and reads thus : Cosmo \ 
graphice \ uniuersalis Lib. VI. in \ quibus, iuxta certioris fidei scriptorxwt \ tra^itioneyn describtmtur, \ 
Omniu habitabilis orbis partiu situs, propriceq' dotes. \ Regionum Topographic<z effigies. \ TerrcB ingenia^ 
quibus sit ut tam differentes dr' uarias \ specie res, &> aniniatas ^ inanimatas, ferat. \ Anitnalium pcregri' 
norum naturce 6y= pictures. \ Nobiliorum ciuitatum icones &^ descriptiones. \ Regnortim, initia, incrementa &> 
translationes. \ Omnium getitium mores, leges, religio, res gestee, mu- \ tationes: Item regum &• principum 
genealogiee. \ Autore Sebast. Munstero. \ The colophon in both reads : | Basilcee Apvd Henrichvm Petri, \ 
Mense Septemb. Anno Sa \ Ivtis M.D.LIIII. \ This copy belonged to Dr. Mather Byles, and has his auto- 
graph ; the title is mounted, and may have belonged to some other one of the several " title-editions " which 
appeared about this time. Cf. Harvard University Bidletiti, ii. 285; Carter-Brown, no\. i. no. 194; Sabin, 
vol. xii. no. 51,380-51,381. The account of America is on pages 1,099-1,113. These editions have been bought 
of late years for about ^4; but Rosenthal (Munich, 1884) prices a copy of 1552 at 130 marks, and one of 1554 
at 150 marks. 

2 Sabin, vol. xii, no. 51,382; Muller, Books oit America (1872), p. 11. 

3 Some copies have nineteen maps, others twenty-two in all. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 291; Sabin, 
vol. xii. no. 51,383. Some passages displeasing to the Catholics are said to have been omitted in this edition. 
It is worth about ^12 or ^15. 

4 Supplement, col. 1,129; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,397. 

5 That of Basle, 1556, has on pp. 1,353-1,374, " Des nouvelles ilsles: comment, quand et par qui elles ont 
este trouvees," with a map and fourteen woodcuts. It is usually priced at about ^20 ; the copies are commonly 
worn (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,398). The same publisher, Henry Pierre, reissued it (without date) in 1568, with 
twelve folding woodcut maps, the first of which pertains to America (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 271 ; Sabin, 
vol. xii. no. 51,399). In 1575 a new French edition, with the cuts reduced, was issued in three volumes, folio, 
edited by Belleforest and others; it gives loi pages to America. Cf. Brunei, col. 1,945; Supplement, 
col. 1,129 ; Stevens (1870), p. 121 ; Sunderland, no. 8,722 (£18 \os.)', Porquet (1884), no. 1,673, (^5° francs); 
Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,400. 

6 Cf. .Vol. III. of the present History, pp. 200, 201. 

7 Weigel (1877), p. 96; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,401. 

8 Supplement, col. 1,129. Cf. also Weigel (1877), p. 96; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,132 ; Sabin, vol. xii. 
nos. 51,402-51,403. 

9 Terzo volume delle navigationi et viaggi, etc., Venice, 1556. His name is, Latinized, Ramusius. 

10 Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 46. A list of the Contents is given in the Carter-Brown Catalogue 
(vol. i. p. 181), and in Leclerc (no. 484), where a set (1554, 1583, 1565) is priced at 250 francs. Of interest in 
connection with the present History, there are in the first volume of Ramusio the voyages of Da Gama, Ves- 
pucius, and Magellan, as well as matter of interest in connection with Cabot (see Vol. III. p. 24) ; in the second 
volume (1559), the travels of Marco Polo, the voyage of the Zeni and of Cabot. The first edition of the first 
volume was published in 1550; Ramusio's name does not appear. A second edition came out in 1554. Cf. 
Murphy Catalogue, nos. 2,096-2,098 ; Cooke, no. 2,117. 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. 



XXIX 



who at this time was ripe in knowledge and 
experience, for he was well beyond sjxty,i and 
he had given his maturer years to historical 
and geographical study. He had at one time 
maintained a school for topograph- 
ical studies in his own house. 
Oviedo tells us of the assistance 
Ramusio was to him in his work. 
Locke has praised his labors with- 
out stint.2 

Monardes, one of the distin- 
guished Spanish physicians of this 
time, was busy seeking for the sim- 
ples and curatives of the New 
World plants, as the adventurers to 
New Spain brought them back. The 
original issue of his work was the 
Dos Libros, published at Seville in 
1565, treating " of all things brought 
from our West Indies which are 
used in medicine, and of the Be- 
zaar Stone, and the herb Escuer- 
9onera." This book is become rare, 
and is priced as high as 200 francs 
and £(^.^ The " segunda parte " is 
sometimes found separately with the 
date 1571 ; but in 1574 a third part 
was printed with the other two, — 
making the complete w^rk, Historia 
medicinal de miestras Indias, — and 
these were again issued in 1580.* 
An Italian version, by Annibale Bri- 
ganti, appeared at Venice in 1575 
and 1589,5 and a French, with Du 
Jardin, in 1602.^ There were three 
English editions printed under the 
title of Joyfidl Newes out of the newe 
foil fide world, whereifi is declared 
the rare and singular virtues of di- 
verse and sundry Herbes, Trees, Oyles, Plantes, 
and Stoties, by Doctor Monardus of Sevill, Eng- 
lished by yohn Frampton, which first appeared 
in 1 577, and was reprinted in 1 580, with addi- 



tions from Monardes' other tracts, and again in 
1596." 

The Spanish historians of affairs in Mexico, 
Peru, and Florida are grouped in the Hispani- 




MONARDES. 



carum reriim scriptores, published at Frankfort 
in 1 579-1 581, in three volumes.^ Of Richard 
Hakluyt and his several collections, — the Diver's 
Voyages of 1582, the Principall Navigations of 



1 Born in 1485-1486; died in 1557. There is an alleged portrait of Ramusio in the new edition of // 
viaggio di Giovan Leone, etc. (Venice, 1857), the only volume of it published. The portrait of him by Paul 
Veronese in the hall of the Great Council was burned in 1557 ; and Cicogna {Biblioteca Vcncziajta, ii. 310) 
says that the likeness now in the Sala dello Scudo is imaginary. 

2 Cf . also Camus, Memoire stir De Bry, p. 8 ; Humboldt, Exanien critique ; Hallam, Literature of 
Europe; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 304; Brunet, vol. iv. col. iioo; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195; 
Clarke's Maritime Discovery, p. x, where Tiraboschi's account of Ramusio is translated ; and H. H. Bancroft, 
Mexico, i. 282. Ternaux mentions a second edition in 1564; but Harrisse could find no Evidence of it {Bibl. 
Amer. Vet., p. xxxiii). There was a well-known second edition of the third volume in 1565 (differing in title 
only from the 1556 edition), which, with a first volume of 1588 and a second volume of 1583, is thought to make 
up the most desirable copy ; though there are some qualifications in the case, since the 1606 edition of the third 
volume is really more complete. 

8 Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 275. 

* Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 287, 288, 299, 337; Sunderland, nos. 8,569, 8,570; Brinley, no. 44 ; Mur- 
phy, no. 1,709 ; Court, no. 241. 

5 Court, no. 242. 

6 Carter-Brown, i. 386 ; ii. 12 ; Brinley, no. 45. 

" The different editions in the various languages are given in Sabin, xii. 282. 
8 Sabin, vol. viii. no. 32,004. 



XXX 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




PORTRAIT OF DE BRY/ 



1 589, and his enlarged edition, of which the De Bry was an engraver at Frankfort, and his 

third volume (1600) relates to America, — there professional labors had made him acquainted 

is an account in Vol. III. of the present work.'-^ with works of travel. The influence of Hakluyt 

The great undertaking of De Bry was also and a visit to the English editor stimulated 

begun towards the close of the same century, him to undertake a task similar to that of 



1 This follows a print given in fac-simile in the Carter-Brown Catalogue^ i. 316. 

2 A complete reprint of all of Hakluyt' s publications, in fourteen or fifteen volumes, is announced (1884) by 
E. and G. Goldsmid, of Edinbursjh. 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. 



XXXI 




FEYERABEND. 



the English compiler. He resolved to in- 
clude both the Old and New World ; and 
he finally produced his volumes simultaneously 
in Latin and German. As he gave a larger 
size to the American parts than to the others, 
the commonly used title, referring to this differ- 
ence, was soon established as Grands et petits 
voyages?' Theodore De Bry himself died in 
March, 1598 ; but the work was carried forward 
by his widow, by his sons John Theodore and 
John Israel, and by his sons-in-law Matthew 



Merian and William Fitzer. The task was not 
finished till 1634, when twenty-five parts had 
been printed in the Latin, of which thirteen per- 
tain to America ; but the German has one more 
part in the American series. His first part — 
which was Harlot's Virginia — was printed not 
only in Latin and German, but also in the 
original English ^ and in French ; but there 
seeming to be no adequate demand in these 
languages, the subsequent issues were confined 
to Latin and German. There was a gap in the 



1 Sigmund Feyerabend was a prominent bookseller of his day in Frankfort, and was born about 1527 or 
1528. He was an engraver himself, and was associated with De Bry in the publications of his Voyages. 

2 The title, however, as given in catalogues generally, runs : Collectiones peregrifiatiomwt in Indiam 
orientaleni et Indiain occidentalem, XXV partibiis comprehensce a Theodora^ Joan-Theodoro De Bry, 
et a Matheo Merian publicatcB. Francofurti ad Mcenum, 1590-1634. 

3 This part is of extreme rarity, and Dibdin says that Lord Oxford bought the copy in the Grenville Library 
in 1740 for ^140. Cf. Vol. IIL p. 123. 



xxxii NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

dates of publication between 1600 (when the VII. SchmidePs Brazil. In Latin, 1599. 1625 ; in 

ninth part is called " postrenia pars ") and 1619 German, 1597, 1600, 1617. 

-1620, when the tenth and eleventh parts ap- ,^ ^in. Drake Candish, and Ralegh. In Latin, 1599 

' ^ „ , . J ^ ... \ „ f (twice), 1625 ; in German, 1599, 1624. 

peared at Oppenheim, and a twelfth at Frank- ix. ^cos^^, etc. In Latin, x6o2, 1633; in German, 

fort in 1624. A thirteenth and fourteenth part probably 1601; " additamentum," 1602; and again entire 

appeared in German iii 1628 and 1630; and after 1620. 

these, translated together into Latin, completed ^' ^^-f/^^^^. Hamor, and John Smith. In Latin, 

the Latin series in 1634. '''xr'T^i ". ^"T.'.v?'' r t • . 

,^^. , .^^ 1.,,- 1 • -1 1 •^'■' Schouten and Spilbergen. In Latin, 1619, — ap- 

Without attempting any bibliographical de- pendix, 1620; in German, 1619, -appendix, 1620. 

SCription,! the succession and editions of the XII. Herrera. In Latin, 1624 ; in German, 1623. 

American parts will be briefly enumerated : — ^ X^- Miscellaneous, — Cabot, etc. In Latin, 1634 ; 

in German, the first seven sections in 1627 (sometimes 

I. Hariofs Virginia. In Latin, English, German, 1628); and sections 8-15 in 1630. 
and French, in 1590; four or more impressions of the 

Latin the same year. Other editions of the German in Elenchus: Historia Americcp sive Novus orbis, 1634 

1600 and 1620. (three issues). This is a table of the Contents to the edition 

II. Le Moyne's Florida. In Latin, 1591 and 1609 ; in ^'^^<^'^ Merian was selling in 1634 under a collective title. 
German, 1591, 1603. t-u r • .- , 

III. Von Staden's Brazil In Latin, 1592, 1605, 1630; The foregomg enumeration makes no recog- 
in German, 1593 (twice). nition of the almost innumerable varieties caused 

IV. BerizojtVs New World. In Latin, 1594 (twice), by combination, which sometimes pass for new 
1644 ; in German,_ 1594, 1613. _ _ _ editions. Some of the editions of the same date 



V. Contin7iatio7iof Benzo7ii. In Latin, 1595 (twice) 
German, two editions without date, probably 1595 and 1613 



are usually called " counterfeits ; " and there are 



VI. Continuation of Benzo7ii {Pern). In Latin, 1596, doubts, even, if some of those here named really 
1597, 1617; in German, 1597, 1619. deserve recognition as distinct editions.^ 

1 The earliest description of a set of De Bry of any bibliographical moment is that of the Abbe de 
Rothelin, Observations et details sur la collection des voyages, etc. (Paris, 1742), pp. 44 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. 
no. 473), which is reprinted in Lenglet du Fresnoy's Methode pour etudier la geographic (1768), i. 324. 
Gabriel Martin, in his catalogue of the library of M. Cisternay du Fay, had somewhat earlier announced that 
collector's triumph in calling a set in his catalogue (no. 2,825) " exemplum omni genereperfectum," when his 
copy brought 450 francs. The Abbe de Rothelin aimed to exceed Cisternay du Fay, and did in the varieties 
which he brought together. The next description was that of De Bare in his Bibliographic instructive (vol. i. 
p. 67), printed 1 763-1 768 ; but the German editions were overlooked by De Bure, as they had been by his prede- 
cessors. The Carter-Brown Catalogtie (vol. i. no. 473) shows Sobolewski's copy of De Bure with manuscript 
notes. A lifetime later, in 1802, A. G. Camus printed at Paris his Mhhoire sur les grattds et petits voyages 
[de De Bry] et les voyages de Thevenot. As a careful and critical piece of work, this collation of Camus was 
superior to De Bure's. A description of a copy belonging to the Duke of Bedford was printed in Paris in 1836 
(6 pp.). Weigel, in the Serapeum (1845), pp. 65-89, printed his ",Bibliographische Mittheilungen iiber die 
deutschen Ausgaben von De Bry," which was also printed separately. It described a copy now owned in New 
York. MuUer, in his Catalogue (1872), p. 217, indicates some differences from Weigel's collations. The copy 
formed by De Bure fell into Mr. Grenville's hands, and was largely improved by him before he left it, with 
his library, to the British Museum. The. Bibliotheca Grenvilliajia describes it, and BzxileXt {Carter-Brown 
Catalogue, i. 321) thinks it the finest in Europe. Cf. Dibdin's description, which is copied in the American 
Bibliopolist (1872), p. 13. The standard collation at present is probably that of Brunet, in his Manuel 
du libraire, vol. i. (i860), which was also printed separately ; in this he follows Weigel for the German texts. 
This account is followed by Sabin in his Dictiojiary (vol. iii. p. 20), whose article, prepared by Charles A. 
Cutter, of the Boston Athenaeum, has also been printed separately. The Brunet account is accompanied by a 
valuable note (also in Sabin, iii. 59), by Sobolewski, whose best set (reaching one hundred and seventy parts) 
was a wonderful one, though he lacked the English Hariot. This set came to this country through Muller 
(cf. his Catalogue, 1875, P* Z'^l)'> ^"^ i^ "^^ i^ ^^ Lenox Library. Sobolewski's second set went into the 
Field Collection, and was sold in 1875 '•> ^^^ again in the J. J. Cooke sale {Catalogue, iii. 297) in 1883. Cf. 
Catalogue de la collection de feu M. Serge Sobolewski de Moscoti, prepared by Albert Cohn. The sale took 
place in Leipsic in July, 1873. Brunet and Sobolewski both point out the great difficulties of a satisfactory 
collation, arising from the publisher's habit of mixing the sheets of the various editions, forming varieties 
almost beyond the acquisition of the most enthusiastic collector, " so that," says Brunet, *' perhaps no two 
copies of this work are exactly alike." " No man ever yet," says Henry Stevens {Historical Collections, vol. i. 
no. 179), " made up his De Bry perfect, if one may count on the three great De Bry witnesses, — the Right 
Honorable Thomas Grenville, the Russian prince Sobolewski, and the American Mr. Lenox, — who all went 
far beyond De Bure, yet fell far short of attaining all the variations they had heard of." The collector will 
value various other collations now accessible, like that in the Carter-Browft Catalogue, vol. i. no. 396 (also 
printed separately, twenty-five copies, in 1875); ^^^^ printed by Quaritch, confined to the German texts; that 
in the Huth Catalogue, ii. 404 ; and that in the Suttderland Catalogue, nos. 2,052, 2,053. 

2 There are lists of the sets which have been sold since 1709 given in Sabin (vol. iii. p. 47), from Brunet, and 
in the Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. p. 408). The Rothelin copy, then esteemed the best known, brought, in 
1746, 750 francs. At a later day, with additions secured under better knowledge, it again changed hands at 2,55 1 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. xxxiii 

While there is distinctive merit in De Bry's Another of De Bry's editors, Gasper Ens, 

collection, which caused it to have a due effect published in 1680 his West-unnd-Ost hidischer 

in its day on the progress of geographical Lustgarty which is a summary of the sources 

knowledge,^ it must be confessed that a certain of American history.^ 

meretricious reputation has become attached There are various abridgments of De Bry. 

to the work as the test of a collector's assi- The earliest is Ziegler's America, Frankfort, 

duity, and of his supply of money, quite dis- 1614,''^ which is made up from the first nine 

proportioned to the relative use of the collection parts of the German Grands Voyages, The 

in these days to a student. This artificial ap- Historia antipoduvi, oder Newe Welt (1631), is 

preciation has no doubt been largely due to the first twelve parts condensed by Johann 

the engravings, which form so attractive a fea- Ludwig Gottfried, otherwise known as Johann 

ture in the series, and which, while they in Phillippe Abelin, who was, in Merian's day, 

many cases are the honest rendering of genuine a co-laborer on the Voyages. He uses a large 

sketches, are certainly in not a few the merest number of the plates from the larger work.*^ 

fancy of some designer.^ The chief rival collection of De Bry is that of 

There are several publications of the De Hulsius, which is described elsewhere.^ 
Brys sometimes found grouped with the Voyages Collections now became numerous. Conrad 

as a part, though not properly so, of the series. Low's Meer oder Seehanen Biuh was published 

Such are Las Casas' Narratio regiomtrn Indi- at Cologne in 1598.^ The Dutch Collection of 

carum; the voyages of the " Silberne Welt," by Voyages, issued by Cornelius Claesz, appeared 

Arthus von Dantzig, and of Olivier van Noort ; 3 in uniform style between 1598 and 1603, but 

the Rericm et urbis Amstelodamensiu7n historia it never had a collective title. It gives the 

of Pontanus, with its Dutch voyages to the voyages of Cavendish and Drake. i<^ 
north ; and the Navigations aux Indes par les It was well into the next century (1613) when 

HoUandois^ Purchas began his publications, of which there 

francs, and once more, in 1855 (described in the Btdletin du bibliophile, 1855, pp. 38-41), Mr. Lenox bought 
it for 12,000 francs ; and in 1873 Mr. Lenox also bought the best Sobolewski copy (fifty-five volumes) for 5,050 
thalers. With these and other parts, procured elsewhere, this library is supposed to lead all others in the facili- 
ties for a De Bry bibliography. Fair copies of the Grands voyages in Latin, in first or second editions, are 
usually sold for about £100, and for both voyages for £150, and sometimes £200. Muller, in 1872, held the 
fourteen parts, in German, of the Grands voyages, at 1,000 florins. Fragmentary sets are frequently in the 
Catalogues, but bring proportionately much less prices. In unusually full sets the appreciation of value is 
rapid with every additional part. Most large American libraries have sets of more or less completeness. 
Besides those in the Carter-Brown (which took thirty years to make, besides a duplicate set from the Sobo- 
lewski sale) and Lenox libraries, there are others in the Boston Public, Harvard College, Astor, and Long 
Island Historical Society libraries, — all of fair proportions, and not unfrequently in duplicate and complemental 
sets. The copy of the Great Voyages, in Latin (all first editions), in the Murphy Library {Catalogue, no. 379), 
was gathered for Mr. Murphy by Obadiah Rich. The Murphy Library also contained the German text in first 
editions. In 1884 Quaritch offered the fine set from the Hamilton Library (twenty-five parts), "presumed 
to be quite perfect," for .£670. The Earl of Crawford and Balcarres is about publishing his bibliography of 
De Bry. 

1 There are somewhat diverse views on this point expressed by Brunet and in the Grenville Catalogue. 

2 Reference has been made elsewhere (Vol. III. pp. 123, 164) to sketches, now preserved as a part of the 
Grenville copy of De Bry in the British Museum, which seem to have been the originals from which De Bry 
engraved the pictures in Harlot's Virginia, etc. These were drawn by Wyth, or White. A collection of 
twenty-four plates of such, from De Bry, were published in New York in 1841 {Field's Indian Bibliography^ 
no. 1,701). Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc, Proc., Oct. 20, 1866, for other of De Bry's drawings in the British Museum. 
De Bry's engravings have been since copied by Picard in his Ceremonies et coutumes religieuses des peiiples 
idolaires (Amsterdam, 1723), and by others. Exception is taken to the fidelity of De Bry's engravings in the 
parts on Columbus ; cf. Navarrete, French translation, i. 320. 

8 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 453, 454, 455. 

•* Rich (1832), £5 5J-. Cf. P. A. Tiele's Menioire bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateiirs 
Neerlandais reimprimes dans les collections de De Bry et de Htdsius, Amsterdam, 1867. 

5 Stevens (1870), no. 668 ; Sabin, vi. 211. 

6 Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 456 ; vol. ii. no. 198 ; Muller (1875), P- 3^9- 

7 Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 457, 458; vol. ii. nos. 373, 791. There was a second edition m 1655. Cf. 
Muller (1872), no. 636 ; Sabin, vol. i. no. 50 ; iii. 59 ; Huth, ii. 612. Abelin also edited the first four 
volumes (covering 1617-1643) of the Theatrum Enropeum (Frankfort, 1635), etc., which pertains incidentally 
to American affairs (Muller, 1872, no. 1,514). Fitzer's Orientalische Indien (1628) and Arthus's Historia 
IndicB orientalis (1608) are abridgments of the Small Voyages. 

8 Vol. IV. p. 442. 

9 Sabin, vol. x. no. 42,392 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 530. 
10 Muller (1872), no. 1,867. 

VOL. I. — c 



xxxiv NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



is an account elsewhere.^ Hieronymus Megi- 
ser's SepteiUrio novaniiqicus was published at 
Leipsic in 1613. In a single volume it gave 
the Zeni and later accounts of the North, be- 
sides narratives pertaining to New France and 
Virginia.- The Joiiriialen van de Reysen op 
Oostindie of Michael Colijn, published at Am- 
sterdam in 1619, is called by Muller 3 the first 
series of voyages published in Dutch with a 
collective title. It includes, notwithstanding the 
title. Cavendish, Drake, and Raleigh. Another 
Dutch folio, Herckmans' De'r Zeevaert lof, etc. 
(Amsterdam, 1634), does not include any Amer- 
ican voyages.'^ The celebrated Dutch collection, 
edited by Isaac Commelin, at Amsterdam, and 
known as the Beght en Voortgangh van de Oost- 
Jndische Compagnie, would seem originally to 
have included, among its voyages to the East 
and North,^ those of Raleigh and Cavendish ; 
but they were later omitted.^ 

The collection of Thevenot was issued in 
1663; but this has been described elsewhere.'' 
The collection usually cited as Dapper's was 
printed at Amsterdam, 1669-1729, in folio 
(thirteen volumes). It has no collective title, 
but among the volumes are two touching 
America, — the Beschrijvinge of Montanus,^ and 
Nienhof's Brasiliaansche Zee-en Lantreize? A 
small collection, Reaieil de divers voyages faits 
en Africa et en rAmeriqtie}^ was published 
in Paris by Billaine in 1674. It includes 
Blome's Jamaica, Laborde on the Caribs, etc. 



Some of the later American voyages were also 
printed in the second edition of a Swedish 
Reesa-book, printed at Wysingzborg in 1674, 
1675.11 The Italian collection, // genio va- 
gante, was printed at Parma in 1691-1693, in 
four volumes. 

An Account of Several Voyages (London, 1694) 
gives Narborough's to Magellan's Straits, and 
Marten's to Greenland. 

The important English Collection of Voyages 
and Travels which passes under the name of 
its publisher, Churchill, took its earliest form 
in 1704, appearing in four volumes; but was 
afterwards increased by two additional volumes 
in 1733, and by two more in 1744, — these last, 
sometimes called the Oxford Voyages, being 
made up from material in the library of the 
Earl of Oxford. It was reissued complete in 
1752. It has an introductory discourse by 
Caleb Locke ; and this, and some other of its 
contents, constitutes the Histoire de la naviga- 
tion, Paris, 1722.12 

John Harris, an English divine, had com- 
piled a Collection of Voyages in 1702 which was 
a rival of Churchill's, differing from it in being 
an historical summary of all voyages, instead 
of a collection of some. Harris wrote the In- 
troduction ; but it is questionable how much 
else he had to do with it.i^ It was revised and 
reissued in 1 744-1 748 by Dr. John Campbell, 
and in this form it is often regarded as a sup- 
plement to Churchill.i* It was reprinted in two 



1 Vol. III. p. 47. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 159, 169, 189, 223, 308, 330, 397. Sobolewski's copy 
was in the Menzies sale (no. 1,649). Quaritch's price is from £75 to <£ioo, according to condition, which is 
the price of good copies in recent sales. 

2 Muller (1872), no. 2,067. 

3 Catalogtte (1875), "o- 3)284; (1877), no. 1,627 ; Tiele, no. i. 

4 Muller (1872), no. 1,837. 

5 This collection also includes the voyages of Barentz, and of Hudson, as well as several through Magellan's 
Straits, with Madriga's voyage to Peru and Chili. 

6 The collection, as it is known, is sometimes dated 1644 and 1645, ^^^ usually 1646 (Muller, 1872, 
no. 1,871; Tiele, Memoire bibliogrnphique^ p. 9; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 567, 586; Sabin, iv. 315, 316). 
A partial English translation appeared in London in 1703 (Muller, 1872, no. 1,886). The Oost-hidische 
Voyagien, issued at Amsterdam in 1648 by Joost Hartgers, is a reprint of part of Commelin, with some addi- 
tions. Only one volume was printed; but Muller thinks (1872 Catalogue, no. 1877) that some separate issues 
(1649-165 1 ), including Vries's voyage to Virginia and New Netherland, were intended to make part of a second 
volume. Cf. Sabin, viii. 118 ; Stevens, Nuggets, no. 1,339. 

I Vol. IV. p. 219. 

8 The original of Ogilby's America : cf. Vol. III. p. 416. 

9 Muller (1872), no. 1^884. Another Dutch publication, deserving of a passing notice, which, though not a 
collection of voyages, enlarges upon the heroes of such voyages, is the Leeven en Daden der doorhcchtigste 
Zee-helden (Amsterdam, 1676), by Lambert van den Bos, which gives accounts of Columbus, Vespucius, 
Magellan, Drake, Cavendish, the Zeni, Cabot, Cortereal, Frobisher, and Davis. There was a German trans- 
iation at Nuremberg in 1681 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,149 ; Stevens, 1870, no. 231). 

10 Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,1 11. A second edition was printed by the widow Cellier in Paris in 1683 
(Muller, 1875, P* 395)1 containing the same matter differently arranged. 

II An earlier edition (1667) did not have them (Muller, 1875, p. 394). Capel's Vorstellungen des Norden 
(Hamburg, 1676) summarizes the voyages of the Zeni, Hudson, and others to the Arctic regions. 

12 Sabin, iv. 68 ; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 50. It includes in the later editions Castell's description ol 
America, with other of the Harleian manuscripts, and gives Ferdinand Columbus' life of his father. 

13 Historical Magazine, i. 125. 

14 Allibone ; Bohn's Lowndes^ etc. 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. 



XXXV 



volumes, folio, with continuations to date, in 

1764-1 

The well-known Dutch collection ( Voyagieji) 
of Vander Aa was printed at Leyden in 1706, 
1707. It gives voyages to all parts of the world 
made between 1246 and 1693. He borrows from 
Herrera, Acosta, Purchas, De Bry, and all avail- 
able sources, and illuminates the whole with 
about five hundred maps and plates. In its 
original form it made twenty-eight, sometimes 
thirty, volumes of small size, in black-letter, 
and eight volumes in folio, both editions being 
issued at the same time and from the same type. 
In this larger form the voyages are arranged by 
nations ; and it was the unsold copies of this 
edition which, with a new general title, consti- 
tutes the edition of 1727. In the smaller form 
the arrangement is chronological. In the folio 
edition the voyages to Spanish America pre- 
vious to 1540 constitute volumes three and four ; 
while the English voyages, to 1696, are in vol- 
umes five and six.^ 

In 1707 Du Perier's Histoire U7tiverseUe des 
voyages had not so wide a scope as its title in- 
dicated, being confined to the early Spanish 
voyages to America ; ^ the proposed subsequent 
volumes not having been printed. An English 
translation, under Du Perier's name, was issued 
in London in 1708;* but when reissued in 171 1, 
with a different title, it credited the authorship 
to the Abbe Bellegarde.^ In 17 11, also. Captain 
John Stevens published in London his New 
Collection of Voyages; but Lawson's Carolina 
and Cieza's Peru were the only American sec- 
tions.** In 17 15 the French collection known 
as Bernard's Reciieil de voiages au N'ord, was 
begun at Amsterdam. A pretty wide interpre- 
tation is given to the restricted designation of 



the title, and voyages to California, Louisiana, 
the Upper Mississippi (Hennepin), Virginia, 
and Georgia are included.' Daniel Coxe, in 
1741, united in one volume A Collection of Voy- 
ages, three of which he had already printed 
separately, including Captain James's to the 
Northwest. A single volume of a collection 
called The American Traveller appeared in 
London in 1743.^ 

The collection known as Astley's Voyages 
was published in London in four volumes in 
1 745-1747 ; the editor was John Green, whose 
name is sometimes attached to the work. It 
gives the travels of Marco Polo, but has noth- 
ing of the early voyages to America,^ — these 
being intended for later volumes, were never 
printed. These four volumes were translated, 
with some errors and omissions, into French, 
and constitute the first nine volumes of the 
Abbe Prevost's Histoire generale des voyages^ 
begun in Paris in 1746, and completed, in twenty 
quarto volumes, in 1789.1'^ An octavo edition 
was printed (1749-1770) in seventy-five vol- 
umes.ii It was again reprinted at the Hague in 
twenty-five volumes quarto (1747-1780), with 
considerable revision, following the original Eng- 
lish, and with Green's assistance ; besides show- 
ing some additions. The Dutch editor was 
P. de Hondt, who also issued an edition in Dutch 
in twenty-one volumes quarto, — including, how- 
ever, only the first seventeen volumes of his 
French edition, thus omitting those chiefly con- 
cerning America.i2 A small collection of little 
moment, A Nexv Universal Collection of Voyages^ 
appeared in London in 1755.^^ De Brosses' His- 
toi7'e des navigations anx terres australes depnis 
1 501 (Paris, 1756), two volumes quarto, covers 
Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish.^* 



1 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,400 ; Sabin, viii. 92 ; Muller (1872), no. 1,901. 

2 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 745, who errs somewhat in his statements; Murphy Catalogue^ 
no. 1,074 ; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 88, with full table of contents. The best description is in Muller (1872), 
no. 1,887. Although Vander Aa says, in the title of the folio edition, that it is based on the Gottfriedt-Abelin 
Nenve Welt, this new collection is at least four times as extensive. 

8 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 96. 
4 Carter-Brown, iii. no. 
6 Carter-Brown, iii. 150. 

6 The publication began in numbers in 1708, and some copies are dated 1710 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. 
no. 158). 

7 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 208, in ten vols., 171 5-1 718. H. H. Bancroft {Central America, ii. 749), 
cites an edition (1715-1727) in nine vols. Muller (1870, no. 2,021) cites an edition, ten vols., 1731-1738. 

8 Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,250. 

9 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 792 ; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 747. 

10 Volumes xii. to xv. are given to America ; the later volumes were compiled by Querlon and De 
Leyre. 

11 Different sets vary in the number of volumes. 

12 Muller (1872), nos. 1,895-1,900; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no, 831; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, 
ii. 746. A German translation appeared at Leipsic in 1747 in twenty-one volumes. 

13 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750. 

14 Muller (1872), nos. 1.980, 1,981. There was a German translation, with enlargements, by J. C. Adelung, 
Halle, 1767 ; an English translation is also cited. A similar range was taken in Alexander Dalrymple's 
Historical Collection of Voyages in the South Pacific Ocean (London, 1770), of which there was a French 
translation in 1774 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,730). The most important contribution in English on this 



XXXVl 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Several English collections appeared in the* 
next few years ; among which are The World 
Displayed (London, 1759-1761), twenty vols. 
i6mo, — of which seven volumes are on Amer- 
ican voyages, compiled from the larger collec- 
tions,! — and A Curious Collection of Travels 
(London, 1761) is in eight volumes, three of 
which are devoted to America.^ 

The Abbe de la Porte's Voyageur Fraufois, 
in forty-two volumes, 1765-1795 (there are other 
dates), may be mentioned to warn the student of 
its historical warp with a fictitious woof .^ John 
Barrows' Collection of Voyages (London, 1765), in 
three small volumes, was translated into French 
by Targe under the title of Abrege chronologique. 
John Callender's Voyages to the Terra australis 
(London, 1766-1788), three volumes, translated 
for the first time a number of the narratives in De 
Bry, Hulsius, and Thevenot. It gives the voy- 
ages of Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, Galle, 
Cavendish, Hawkins, and others * Dodsley's 
Compenditim of Voyages was published in the 
same year (1766) in seven volumes.^ The New 
Collection of Voyages, generally referred to as 
Knox's, from the publisher's name, appeared in 
seven volumes in 1767, the first three volumes 
covering American explorations.^ In 1770 Ed- 
ward Cavendish Drake's New Universal Collec- 
tion of Voyages was published at London. The 
narratives are concise, and of a very popular 
character.''' David Henry, a magazinist of the 
day, published in 1 773-1 774 An Historical Ac- 
count of all the Voyages Round the World by Eng- 
lish Navigators, beginning with Drake and Cav- 
endish.8 

La Harpe issued in Paris, 1780-1801, in 
thirty-two volumes, — Comeyras editing the last 
eleven, — his Abrege de Vhistoire generale des voy- 
ages, which proved a more readable and pop- 
ular book than Prevost's collection. There have 
been later editions and continuations.^ 

Johann Reinhold Forster made a positive 
contribution to this field of compilation when 
he printed his Geschichte der Entdeckungen tend 
Schifffahrten im Norden at Frankfort in \-]'^^>^ 
He goes back to the earliest explorations, and 
considers the credibility of the Zeno narrative. 



He starts with Gomez for the Spanish section. 
A French collection by Berenger, Voyages fails 
antoitr du inonde (Paris, 1788-1789), is very scant 
on Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish. A collec- 
tion was published in London (1789) by Rich- 
ardson on the voyages of the Portuguese and 
Spaniards during the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries. Mavor's Voyages, Travels, arid Dis- 
coveries (London, 1796-1802), twenty-five vol- 
umes, is a condensed treatment, which passed to 
other editions in 1810 and 1813-1815. 

A standard compilation appeared in John 
Pinkerton's General Collection of Voyages (London, 
1808-1814), in seventeen volumes,^i with over two 
hundred maps and plates, repeating the essential 
English narratives of earlier collections, and 
translating those from foreign languages afresh, 
preserving largely the language of the explorers. 
Pinkerton, as an editor, was learned, but some- 
what pedantic and over-confident ; and a certain 
agglutinizing habit indicates a process of amass- 
ment rather than of selection and assimilation. 
Volumes xii., xiii., and xiv. are given to Amer- 
ica ; but the operations of the Spaniards on the 
main, and particularly on the Pacific coast of 
North America, are rather scantily chronicled. i- 

In 1808 was begun, under the supervision of 
Malte-Brun and others, the well-known Aiviales 
des voyages, which was continued to 181 5, mak- 
ing twenty-five volumes. A new series, N'oitvelles 
annates des voyages, was begun in 1819.. The 
whole work is an important gathering of original 
sources and learned comment, and is in consider- 
able part devoted to America. A French Collec- 
tion abregee des voyages, by Bancarel, appeared 
in Paris in 1808-1809, in twelve volumes. 

The Collectioji of the best Voyages and Travels, 
compiled by Robert Kerr, and published in 
Edinburgh in 1811-1824, in eighteen octavo vol- 
umes, is a useful one, though the scheme was 
not wholly carried out. It includes an historical 
essay on the progress of navigation and discov- 
ery by W. Stevenson. It also includes among 
others the Northmen and Zeni voyages, the trav- 
els of Marco Polo and Galvano, the African dis- 
coveries of the Portuguese. The voyages of 
Columbus and his successors begin in vol. iii.; 



subject, however, is in Dr. James Burney's Chronological History of Discovery in the South Sea (1803-18 17), 
five volumes quarto. 

1 Dr. Johnson wrote the Introduction ; there was a third edition in 1767 (Bohn's Lowndes, p. 2994). 

2 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750. 

3 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 754. 

4 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,494. 

5 Sabin, v. 473 ; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750. 

6 Sabin, ix. 529 ; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,602; H. H. Bancroft, Central America^ ii. 750. 

7 Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,733 ; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 751. 

8 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 751 ; Allibone. 

9 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 749. 
i** H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 752. 

11 There was a quarto reprint in Philadelphia of a part of it in 1810-1812. 

12 There is a catalogue of voyages and an index in vol. xvii. Cf AUibone's Dictionary. 



THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA. 



xxxvii 



and the narratives of these voyages are contin- 
ued through vol. vi., though those of Drake, 
Cavendish, Hawkins, Davis, Magellan, and 
others come later in the series. 

The Histoire generale des voyages, undertaken 
by C. A. Walkenaer in 1826, was stopped in 1831, 
after twenty-one octavos had been printed, with- 
out exhausting the African portion. 

The early Dutch voyages are commemorated 
in Bennet and Wijk's Nederlandsche Ontdekkin- 
gen in America^ etc., which was issued at Utrecht 
in 1827,1 and in their JVederlandsche Zeereizen, 
printed at Dordrecht in 1828-1830, in five volumes 
octavo. It contains Linschoten, Hudson, etc. 

Albert Montemont's Bibliotheqite tiniverseUe 
des voyages vidiS published in Paris, 1833-1836, in 
forty-six volumes. 

G. A. Wimmer's Die Ejithillliing des Erd- 
kreises (Vienna, 1834), five volumes octavo, is a 
general summary, which gives in the last two 
volumes the voyages to America and to the 
South Seas.2 

In 1837 Henri Ternaux-Compans began the 
publication of his Voyages, relations, et memoires 
originaiix pour servir h P histoire de la decoiiverte 
de PAmeriqtie, of which an account is given on 
another page (see p. vi). 

The collection of F. C. Marmocchi, Raccolta 
di viaggi dalla scoperta del Niievo Continente, was 
published at Prato in 1 840-1843, in five volumes ; 
it includes the Navarrete collection on Colum- 



bus, Xeres on Pizarro, and other of the Spanish 
narratives." The last volume of a collection in 
twelve volumes published in Paris, Noicvelle bib- 
lioth^que des voyages, is also given to America. 

The Hakluyt Society in London began its 
valuable series of publications in 1847, and has 
admirably kept up its work to the present time, 
having issued its volumes generally under satis- 
factory editing. Its publications are not sold 
outside of its membership, except at second 
hand.4 

Under the editing of Jose Ferrer de Couto 
and Jose March y Labores, and with the royal 
patronage, a Historia de la marina real Espahola 
was published in Madrid, in two volumes, 1849 
and 1854. It relates the early voyages.^ £d- 
ouard Charton's Voyageurs ancients et modernes 
was published in four volumes in Paris, 1855- 
1S57; and it passed subsequently to a new 
edition.^ 

A summarized account of the Portuguese and 
Spanish discoveries, from Prince Henry to 
Pizarro, was published in German by Theodor 
Vogel, and also in English in 1877. 

A Notivelle histoire des voyages, by Richard 
Cortambert, is the latest and most popular pre- 
sentation of the subject, opening with the explo- 
rations of Columbus and his successors; and 
Edouard Cat's Les grandes decoiivertes maritinies 
dii treizih7ie an seizihne sikle (Paris, 1882) is 
another popular book. 



1 Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, no. 317. 

2 Muller (1872), no. 1,842. 

3 Muller (1875), no. 3,303. 

•* Complete sets are sometimes offered by dealers at ^£30 to ^£35. 

5 H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 757. 

6 A Spanish translation of the modem voyages by Urrabieta was published in Paris in 1860-1861. The 
Spanish Enciclopedia de viajcs modernos (Madrid, 1859), five volumes, edited by Fernandez Cuesta, refers 
to the later periods (H. H. Bancroft, Central Aiiterica^ \\„ 758). 



OF THE 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 

HISTORY OF AMERICA 



CHAPTER I. 

THE GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS 
CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO THE DISCOVERY OF 
AMERICA. 

BY WILLIAM H. TILLINGHAST, 

Assistant Librarian of Harvard University. 

AS Columbus, in August, 1498, ran into the mouth of the Orinoco, he 
little thought that before him lay, silent but irrefutable, the proof of 
the futility of his long-cherished hopes. His gratification at the complete- 
ness of his success, in that God had permitted the accomplishment of all 
his predictions, to the confusion of those who had opposed and derided 
him, never left him ; even in the fever which overtook him on the last voy- 
age his strong faith cried to him, " Why dost thou falter in thy trust in 
God t He gave thee India ! " In this belief he died. The conviction that 
Hayti was Cipangu, that Cuba was Cathay, did not long outlive its author ; 
the discovery of the Pacific soon made it clear that a new world and another 
sea lay. between the landfall of Columbus and the goal of his endeavors. 

The truth, when revealed and accepted, was a surprise more profound to 
the learned than even the error it displaced. The possibility of a short pas- 
sage westward to Cathay was important to merchants and adventurers, 
startling to courtiers and ecclesiastics, but to men of classical learning it 
was only a corroboration of the teaching of the ancients. That a barrier to 
such passage should be detected in the very spot where the outskirts of 
Asia had been imagined, was unexpected and unwelcome. The treasures 
of Mexico and Peru could not satisfy the demand for the products of the 
East ; Cortes gave himself, in his later years, to the search for a strait which 
might yet make good the anticipations of the earlier discoverers. The new 
interpretation, if economically disappointing, had yet an interest of its own. 
Whence came the human population of the unveiled continent .? How had 
its existence escaped the wisdom of Greece and Rome } Had it done so } 
Clearly, since the whole human race had been renewed through Noah, the 

VOL. I. — I 



2 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

red men of America must have descended from the patriarch ; in some way, 
at some time, the New World had been discovered and populated from the 
Old. Had knowledge of this event lapsed from the minds of men before 
their memories were committed to writing, or did reminiscences exist in 
ancient literatures, overlooked, or misunderstood by modern ignorance ? 
Scholars were not wanting, nor has their line since wholly failed, who freely 
devoted their ingenuity to the solution of these questions, but with a suc- 
cess so diverse in its results, that the inquiry is still pertinent, especially 
since the pursuit, even though on the main point it end in reservation of 
judgment, enables us to understand from what source and by what channels 
the inspiration came which held Columbus so steadily to his westward 
course. 

Although the elder civilizations of Assyria and Egypt boasted a cultiva- 
tion of astronomy long anterior to the heroic age of Greece, their cosmo- 
graphical ideas appear to have been rude and undeveloped, so that whatever 
the Greeks borrowed thence was of small importance compared with what 
they themselves ascertained. While it may be doubted if decisive testi- 
mony can be extorted from the earliest Grecian literature, represented 
chiefly by the Homeric and Hesiodic poems, it is probable that the people 
among whom that literature grew up had not gone, in their conception of 
the universe, beyond simple acceptance of the direct evidence of their 
senses. The earth they looked upon as a plane, stretching away from the 
^gean Sea, the focus of their knowledge, and ever less distinctly known, 
until it ended in an horizon of pure ignorance, girdled by the deep-flowing 
current of the river Oceanus. Beyond Oceanus even fancy began to fail : 
there was the realm of dust and darkness, the home of the powerless spirits 
of the dead ; there, too, the hemisphere of heaven joined its brother hemi- 
sphere of Tartarus.^ This conception of the earth was not confined to Ho- 
meric times, but remained the common belief throughout the course of 
Grecian history, underlying and outlasting many of the speculations of the 
philosophers. 

That growing intellectual activity which was signalized by a notable de- 
velopment of trade and colonization in the eighth century, in the seventh 
awoke to consciousness in a series of attempts to formulate the conditions 
of existence. The philosophy of nature thus originated, wherein the testi- 
mony of nature in her own behalf was little sought or understood, began 
with the assumption of a flat earth, variously shaped, and as variously sup- 
ported. To whom belongs the honor of first propounding the theory of the 
spherical form of the earth cannot be known. It was taught by the Italian 
Pythagoreans of the sixth century, and was probably one of the doctrines 

1 The plane earth cut the cosmic sphere like " and above 

a diaphragm, shutting the light from Tartarus. Impend the roots of earth and barren sea." 

{The remains of Hesiod the Ascrcean, etc., translated by 
C. A. Elton, 2d ed. London, 1815.) 



avrao vnefi 



yn5 pCCat 7re4>va<Ti Kal irpvyeTOLo ea\da<rr,.:. Critics differ as to the age of the vivid descrip. 

(Hesiod, TAeog: 727.) tion of Tartarus in the Theogony. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 3 

of Pythagoras himself, as it was, a little later, of Parmenides, the founder 
of the Eleatics.^ 

In neither case can there be a claim for scientific discovery. The earth 
was a sphere because the sphere was the most perfect form ; it was at the 
centre of the universe because that was the place of honor ; it was motion- 
less because motion was less dignified than rest. 

Plato, who was familiar with the doctrines of the Pythagoreans, adopted 
their view of the form of the earth, and did much to popularize it among 
his countrymen.2 To the generation that succeeded him, the sphericity of 
the earth was a fact as capable of logical demonstration as a geometrical 
theorem. Aristotle, in his treatise " On the Heaven," after detailing the 
views of those philosophers who regarded the earth as flat, drum-shaped, or 
cylindrical, gives a formal summary of the grounds which necessitate the 
assumption of its sphericity, specifying the tendency of all things to seek 
the centre, the unvarying circularity of the earth's shadow at eclipses of the 
moon, and the proportionate change in the altitude of stars resulting from 
changes in the observer's latitude. Aristotle made the doctrine orthodox ; 
his successors, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy, constituted it an 
inalienable possession of the race. Greece transmitted it to Rome, Rome 
impressed it upon barbaric Europe ; taught by Pliny, Hyginus, Manilius, 
expressed in the works of Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, it passed into the school- 
books of the Middle Ages, whence, reinforced by Arabian lore, it has come 
down to us.^ 

That the belief ever became in antiquity or in the Middle Ages widely 
spread among the people is improbable ; it did not indeed escape oppo- 
sition among the educated ; writers even of the Augustan age sometimes 
appear in doubt.* 

1 Pythagoras has left no writings; Aristotle Alien ueber Gestalt jcjtd Grosse der Erde, 16) t\i3± 

speaks only of his school ; Diogenes Laertius in Plato in the Timaeiis (55, 56) assigns a cubical 

one passage {Vitae , y\{\. i (Pythag.), 25) quotes form to the earth. The question there is not 

an authority to the effect that Pythagoras as- of the shape of the earth, the planet, but of the 

serted the earth to be spherical and inhabited form of the constituent atoms of the element 

all over, so that there were antipodes, to whom earth. 

that is over which to us is under. As all his dis- ^ Terra pilae similis, nullo f ulcimine nixa, 
ciples agreed on the spherical form of the earth Acre subjecto tarn grave pendet onus, 

while differing as to its position and motion, it [Ipsa volubilitas libratum sustinet orbem ; 
is probable that they took the idea of its form Quique premit partes, angulus omnis abest. 

from him. Diogenes Laertius states that Par- Cumque sit in media rerum regione locata, 
menides called the earth round {<rrpoyyv\r], viii. Et tangat nullum plusve minus ve latus; 

48), and also that he spoke of it as spherical Ni convexa foret, parti vicinior esset, 
(o-<^atpo€ iStj, ix. 3) ; the passages are not, as has Nee medium terram mundus haberet onus.] 

been sometimes assumed, contradictory. The Arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 
enunciation of the doctrine is often attributed to Stat globus, immensi parva figura poll ; 

Thales and to Anaximander, on the authority Et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 
of Plutarch, De placitis philosophorum, iii. 10, and Terra. Quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit. 
Diogenes Laertius, ii. i, respectively; but the (Ovid, /Jzj-//, vi. 269-280.) 

evidence is conflicting (Simplicius, Ad Aristot., The bracketed lines are found in but a few 

p. 506 ^- ed. Brandis; Aristot., De caeio, ii. 13; MSS. The last lines refer to a globe said to 

Plutarch, De plac. phil. iii., xv. 9). have been constructed by Archimedes. 

^ Plato, PhaedOy 109. Schaefer is in error * Plato makes Socrates say that he took up 

vih&ci'hQ Ziss^ns (.Enfwicklung der Ansichten der the works of Anaxagoras, hoping to learn 



4 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

The sphericity of the earth once comprehended, there follow certain 
corollaries which the Greeks were not slow to perceive. Plato, indeed, 
who likened the earth to a ball covered with party-colored strips of leather, 
gives no estimate of its size, although the description of the world in the 
Phaedo seems to imply immense magnitude ; ^ but Aristotle states that 
mathematicians of his day estimated the circumference at 400,ooo.stadia,2 
and Archimedes puts the common reckoning at somewhat less than 300,000 
stadia.^ How these figures were obtained we are not informed. The first 
measurement of the earth which rests on a known method was that made 
about the middle of the third century b. c, by Eratosthenes, the librarian 
at Alexandria, who, by comparing the estimated linear distance between 
Syene, under the tropic, and Alexandria with their angular distance, as 
deduced from observations on the shadow of the gnomon at Alexandria, 
concluded that the circumference of the earth was 250,000 or 252,000 
stadia.* This result, owing to an uncertainty as to the exact length of the 
stade used in the computation, cannot be interpreted with confidence, 
but if we assume that it was in truth about twelve per cent, too large, we 
shall probably not be far out of the way.^ Hipparchus, in many matters 

whether the earth was round or flat {Phaedo, 46, in different stadia. It is now generally agreed 

Stallb. i. 176). In Plutarch's dialogue ^^ On the that these estimates really denote different con- 

face appearing in the orb of the moon,^'' one of the ceptions of the size of the earth, but opinions 

characters is lavish in his ridicule of the sphe- still differ widely as to the length of the stadium 

ricity of the earth and of the theory of antipo- used by the geographers. The value selected 

des. See also Lucretius, De rerum nat., i. 1052, by Peschel {Geschichte der Erdkunde, 2d ed., p. 

etc., V. 650; Virgil, Georgics, i. 247; Tacitus, 46) is that likewise adopted by Hultsch {Griech- 

Germania, 45. ische tend Romische Metrologie, 2d ed., 1882) and 

1 That extraordinary picture could, however, Muellenhof {Deutsche Alterthumskunde, 2d ed., 
hardly have been intended for an exposition of vol. i.). According to these writers, Eratosthe- 
the actual physical geography of the globe. nes is supposed to have devised as a standard 

2 Aristotle, Decaelo,i\. 15. geographical measure a stadium composed of 
^ Archimedes, Arenaritts, i. i, ed. Helbig. feet equal to one half the royal Egyptian ell. 

Leipsic, 1881, vol. ii. p. 243. According to Pliny {Hist. N'at., xii. 14, § 5), Era- 

4 The logical basis of Eratosthenes's work tosthenes allowed forty stadia to the Egyptian 

was sound, but the result was vitiated by errors schonus ; if we reckon the schonus at 12,000 

of fact in his assumptions, which, however, to , ,, , ,. 12,000 ^^ _ 

, ^ X u 1 J .1- T-u royal ells, we have stadium = X -525™ 

some aKtent counterbalanced one another. The ^ ' 40 

majority of ancient writers who treat of the =157.5™. This would give a degree equal to 

matter give 252,000 stadia as the result, but Cle- 110,250™, the true value being, according to Pe- 

omedes [Circ. doctr. de subl., i. 10) gives 250,000. schel, 1 10,808™. To this conclusion Lepsius {Das 

It is surmised that the former number originated Stadium und die Gradniessung des Eratosthenes 

in a desire to assign in round numbers 700 auf Grnndlage der Aegyptischen Masse, in Zeit- 

stadia to a degree. Forbiger, Handbuch der alien schrift fiir Aegypt. Sprache u. Alterthumskunde, 

Geographie, i. 180, n. 27. xv. [1877]. See also Die Ldngen?nasse der Alten. 

5 The stadium comprised six hundred feet, but Berlin, 1884) objects that the royal ell was never 
the length of the Greek foot is uncertain ; indeed, used in composition, and that the schonus was 
there were at least two varieties, the Olympic and valued in different parts of Egypt at 12,000, 
the Attic, as in Egypt there was a royal and a com- 16,000, 24,000, small ells. He believes that the 
mon ell, and a much larger number of suppositi- schonus referred to by Pliny contained 16,000 
tious feet (and, consequently, stadia) have been small ells, so that Eratosthenes's stadium = 
discovered or invented by metrologists. Early 16,000 ^ 

French scholars, like Rame de I'lsle, D'Anville, 40 

Gosselin, supposed the true length of the earth's It is possible, however, that Eratosthenes did 

circumference to be known to the Greeks, and not devise anew stadium, but adopted that in 

held that all the estimates which have come current use among the Greeks, the Athenian sta- 

down to us were expressions of the same value dium. (I have seen no evidence that the long 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



5 



the opponent of Eratosthenes, adopted his conclusion on this point, and 
was followed by Strabo,^ by Pliny, who regarded the attempt as somewhat 
over-bold, but so cleverly argued that it could not be disregarded,^ and by 
many others. 

Fortunately, as it resulted, this over-estimate was not allowed to stand 
uncontested. Posidonius of Rhodes (b. c. 135-51), by an independent 
calculation based upon the difference in altitude of Canopus at Rhodes 
and at Alexandria, reached a result which is reported by Cleomedes as 
240,000, and by Strabo as 180,000 stadia.^ The final judgment of Posi- 
donius apparently approved the smaller number ; it hit, at all events, the 
fancy of the time, and was adopted by Marinus of Tyre and by Ptolemy,* 
whose authority imposed it upon the Middle Ages. Accepting it as an 
independent estimate, it follows that Posidonius allowed but 500 stadia to 
a degree, instead of 700, thus representing the earth as about 28 per cent, 
smaller than did Eratosthenes.^ 

To the earliest writers the known lands constituted the earth ; they were 
girdled, indeed, by the river Oceanus, but that was a narrow stream whose 



Olympic stadium was in common use.} This 
stadium is based on the Athenian foot, which, 
according to the investigations of Stuart, has 
been reckoned at .3081™, being to the Roman 
foot as 25 to 24. This would give a stadium of 
184.8"^, and a degree of 129, 500"!. Now Stra- 
bo, in the passage where he says that people 
commonly estimated eight stadia to the mile, 
adds that Polybius allowed 85 stadia to the 
mile {Geogr.y vii. 7, § 4), and in the fragment 
known as the Table of Julian of Ascalon 
(Hultsch, Metrolog. script, reliq.. Lips., 1864, i. 
201 ) it is distinctly stated that Eratosthenes and 
Strabo reckoned 8|- stadia to the mile. In the 
opinion of Hultsch, this table probably belonged 
to an official compilation mads under the em- 
peror Julian. Very recently W. Dorpfeld has 
revised the work of Stuart, and by a series of 
measurements of the smaller architectural fea- 
tures in Athenian remains has made it appear 
that the Athenian foot equalled .2957m (instead 
of .3081111), which is almost precisely the Roman 
foot, and gives a stadium of 177,4m, which runs 
8^ to the Roman mile. If this revision is 
trustworthy, — and it has been accepted by Lep- 
sius and by Nissel (who contributes the article 
on metrology to Mueller's Handbuch der klas- 
sischen Alterthumswissenschaft, Nordlingen, 1886, 
etc.), — it seems to me probable that we have 
here the stadium used by Eratosthenes, and that 
his degree has a value of 124,180™ (Dorpfeld, 
Beitrdge ztir antiken Metrologie, in Mittheilungen 
des deutschen Archaeolog. Instituts zu Athen^ vii. 
(1882), 277). 

^ Strabo, Geogr., ii. 5, § 7 ; the estimate of Posi- 
donius is only quoted hypothetically by Strabo 
(ii. 2, § 2). 



2 Pliny, Hist. Nat. ii. 112, 113. There is appar- 
ently some misunderstanding, either on the part 
of Pliny or his copyists, in the subsequent pro- 
position to increase this estimate by 12,000 
stadia. Schaefer's {Philologus, xxviii. 187) read- 
justment of the text is rather audacious. Pliny's 
statement that Hipparchus estimated the "cir- 
cumference at 275,000 stadia does not agree with 
Strabo (i. 4, § i). 

^ The discrepancy is variously explained. Ric- 
cioli, in his Geographia et hydrographia reformata, 
1 661, first suggested the more commonly re- 
ceived solution. Posidonius, he thought, having 
calculated the arc between Rhodes and Alexan- 
dria at 1-48 of the circumference, at first assumed 
5,000 stadia as the distance between these places : 
5,000 X 48 = 240,000, Later he adopted a re- 
vised estimate of the distance (Strabo, ii^ ch. v. 
§ 24), 3,750 stadia: 3,750 X 48 = 180,000. Le- 
tronne {Mem. de VAcad. des Ihscr. et Belles-Let- 
tres, vi., 1822) prefers to regard both numbers 
as merely hypothetical illustrations of the pro- 
cesses, Hultsch ( Griechische u. Romische Metro- 
logie, 1882, p. 63) follows Freret and Gosselin in 
regarding both numbers as expressing the same 
value in stadia of different length (Forbiger, 
Handbicch der alten Geographie, i. 360, n. 29). 
The last explanation is barred by the positive 
statement of Strabo, who can hardly be thought 
not to have known what he was talking about : 
K&v t5)v v^aripuiv Se ava/xeTfrfiffecov eladyrtTai t) 
i\axi<J^Tr]v Tfoiova-a rr)v yrju, o'iav 6 UocreiSdvios 
iyKpivei irepl OKTCOKaiScKa fivpidSas oZaav, ( Geogr., 
ii. 2, § 2,) 

* Geographia, vii. 5. 

5 iO=^oo stadia = 88,700™, which is about 
one fifth smaller than the truth. 



6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

further bank lay in fable-land. ^ The promulgation of the theory of the 
sphericity of the earth and the approximate determination of its size drew 
attention afresh to the problem of the distribution of land and water upon 
its surface, and materially modified the earlier conception. The increase 
of geographical knowledge along lines of trade, conquest, and colonization 
had greatly extended the bounds of the known world since Homer's day, 
but it was still evident that by far the larger portion of the earth, taking 
the smallest estimate of its size, was still undiscovered, — a fair field for 
speculation and fantasy.^ 

We can trace two schools of thought in respect to the configuration 
of this unknown region, both represented in the primitive conception of 
the earth, and both conditioned by a more fundamental postulate. It was 
a near thought, if the earth was a sphere, to transfer to it the systems of 
circles which had already been applied to the heavens. The suggestion 
is attributed to Thales, to Pythagoras, and to Parmenides ; and it is certain 
that the earth was very early conceived as divided by the polar and 
solstitial circles into five zones, whereof two only, the temperate in either 
sphere, so the Greeks believed, were capable of supporting life ; of the 
others, the polar were uninhabitable from intense cold, as was the torrid 
from its parching heat. This theory, which excluded from knowledge 
the whole southern hemisphere and a large portion of the northern, was 
approved by Aristotle and the Homeric school of geographers, and by 
the minor physicists. As knowledge grew, its truth was doubted. Polybius 
wrote a monograph, maintaining that the middle portion of the torrid zone 
had a temperate climate, and his view was adopted by Posidonius and 
Geminus, if not by Eratosthenes. Marinus and Ptolemy, who knew that 
commerce was carried on along the east coast of Africa far below the 
equator, cannot have fallen into the ancient error, but the error long 
persisted ; it was always in favor with the compilers, and thus perhaps 
obtained that currency in Rome which enabled it to exert a restrictive and 
pernicious check upon maritime endeavor deep into the Middle Ages.^ 

^ Xenophanes is to be excepted, if, as M. Mar- eaters, and one could there forget the things of 

tin supposes, his doctrine of the infinite extent of this life. There is little doubt that the iauthor of 

the earth applied to its extent horizontally as the Odyssey considered Greece an island, and 

well as downward. Asia and Africa another, and thought the great 

2 The domain of early Greek geography has ocean eddied around the north of Hellas to a 

not escaped the incursions of unbalanced inves- union with the Euxine. 

tigators. The Greeks themselves allowed the ^ Quinque tenent caelum zonae: quarum una 

Argonauts an ocean voyage : Crates and Strabo corusco 

did valiant battle for the universal wisdom of Semper sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni; 

Homer ; nor are scholars lacking to-day who will Quam circum extremae dextra laevaque tra- 

demonstrate that Odysseus had circumnavigat- huntur 

ed Africa, floated in the shadow of Teneriffe — Caeruleae glacie concretae atque imbribus atris; 

Horace to the contrary notwithstanding, — or Has inter mediam duae mortalibus aegris 

sought and found the north pole. The evidence Munere concessae divom. 

is against such vain imaginings. The world of (Virgil, Georg. i. 233.) 

Homer is a narrow world ; to him the earth and The passage appears to be paraphrased from 

the ^gean Sea are alike boundless, and in his similar lines which are preserved in Achilles Ta- 

thought fairy-land could begin west of the Lotos- tins {Isag. in Phcenom. Arat. ; Petavius, Uranolog. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. J 

Upon the question of the distribution of land and water, unanimity no 
longer prevailed. By some it was maintained that there was one ocean, 
confluent over the whole globe, so that the body of known lands, that 
so-called continent, was in truth an island, and whatever other inhabitable 
regions might exist were in like manner surrounded and so separated by 
vast expanses of untraversed waves. Such was the view, scarcely more 
than a survival of thS ocean-river of the poets deprived of its further 
bank by the assumption of the sphericity of the earth, held by Aristotle,^ 
Crates of Mallus, Strabo, Pliny, and many others. If this be called the 
oceanic theory, we may speak of its opposite as the continental : according 
to this view, the existing land so far exceeded the watet in extent that it 
formed in truth the continent, holding the seas quite separate within its 
hollows. The origin of the theory is obscure, even though we recall 
that Homer's ocean was itself contained. It was strikingly presented by 
Plato in the Phaedo, and is implied in the Atlantis myth ; it may be re- 
called, too, that Herodotus, often depicted as a monster of credulity, had 
broken the bondage of the ocean-river, because he could not satisfy himself 
of the existence of the ocean in the east or north ; and while reluctantly 
admitting that Africa was surrounded by water, considered Gaul to ex- 
tend indefinitely westward.^ Hipparchus revived the doctrine, teaching 
that Africa divided the Indian Ocean from the Atlantic in the south, so 
that these seas lay in separate basins. The existence of an equatorial 
branch of the ocean, a favorite dogma of the other school, was also denied 
by Polybius, Posidonius, and Geminus.^ 

The reports of traders and explorers led Marinus to a like conclusion ; 
both he and Ptolemy, misinterpreting their information, believed that the 
eastern coast of Asia ran south instead of north, and they united it with 
the eastern trend of Africa, supposing at the same time that the twp 
continents met also in the west.* The continental theory, despite its 
famous disciples, made no headway at Rome, and was consequently hardly 
known to the Middle Ages before its falsity was proved by the circum- 
navigation of Africa.^ 

p. 153), and by him attributed to the Hermes oi [Examen critique, ii. 373). Such an emendation 

Eratosthenes. See also Tibullus, Eleg. iv., Ovid, is only justifiable by the sternest necessity, and 

and among the men of science, Aristotle, Mete- it has been shown by Ruge {Der Chaldder Seleu- 

oroL, ii. 5, §§ 11, 13, 15; Strabo, Geogr., i. 2, kos, 'Dr&s,den, i?>6$), dindVxdiXitX [Werke des Aris-- 

§ 24; ii. 5, § 3 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii. ch. 68 ; Mela, toteles uebersetzt und erlautert, Bd. ii. ; Die Him- 

Be chorographia, i. i; Cicero, Republ., vi. 16; melsgebdiide, note 61), that neither sense nor 

Ttisc. Disp., i. 28. consistency requires the change. 

1 Aristotle, MeteoroL,\\. i, § 10 ; ii. 5, § 15; Z>^ 2 Herodotus, ii. 23; iii. 115; iv. 36, 40, 45. 

caelo, ii. 14 ad fin. Letronne, finding the latter ^ Geminus, Isagoge. Polybius's work on this 

passage inconvenient, reversed the meaning by question is lost, and his own expressions as we 

the arbitrary insertion of a negative {Discussion have them in his history are more conservative. 

de V opinion d^Hippargue sur le prolongement de It is, he says, unknown, whether Africa is a con- 

VAfrique au sud de V Equator in Journal des tinent extending toward the south, or is sur- 

Savans^ 1831, pp. 476, 545). The theory which rounded by the sea. Po.^ ^ist iii. 38; Hamp- 

he built upon this reconstructed foundation so ton's translation (London, 17, /, i. 334. 

impressed Humboldt that he changed his opin- * Ptolemy, Geogr., vii, 3, 5. 

ion as to the views of Aristotle on this point ^ The circumnavigation of Africa by Phceni- 



8 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

That portion of Europe, Asia, and Africa known to the ancients, 
whether regarded as an island, or as separated from the rest of the world 
by climatic conditions merely, or by ignorance, formed a distinct concept 
and was known by a particular name, rj oUovixivr]. Originally supposed to 
be circular, it was later thought to be oblong and as having a length 
more than double its width. Those who believed in its insularity likened 
its shape to a sling, or to an outspread chlamys or military cloak, and 
assumed that it lay wholly within the northern hemisphere. In absolute 
figures, the length of the known world was placed by Eratosthenes at 
77,800 stadia, and by Strabo at 70,000. The latter figure remained the 
common estimate until Marinus of Tyre, in the second century a. d., 
receiving direct information from the silk-traders of a caravan route to 
China, substituted the portentous exaggeration of 90,000 stadia on the 
parallel of Rhodes, or 225°. Ptolemy, who followed Marinus in many 
things, shrank from the naivete whereby the Tyrian had interpreted a seven 
months' caravan journey to represent seven months' travelling in a direct 
line at the rate of twenty miles a day, and cut down his figures to 180°, or 
72,000 stadia.^ It appears, therefore, that Strabo considered the known 
world as occupying not much over one third of the circuit of the temperate 
zone, while Marinus, who adopted 180,000 stadia as the measure of the 
earth, claimed a knowledge of two thirds of that zone, and supposed that 
land extended indefinitely eastward beyond the limit of knowledge. 

What did the ancients picture to themselves of this unknown portion 
of the globe .'' The more imaginative found there a home for ancient myth 
and modern fable ; the geographers, severely practical, excluded it from 
the scope of their survey ; philosophers and physicists could easily supply 
from theory what they did not know as fact. Pythagoras, it is said, had 
taught that the whole surface of the earth was inhabited. Aristotle de- 
monstrated that the southern hemisphere must have its temperate zone, 
where winds similar to our own prevailed ; his successors elaborated the 
hint into a systematized nomenclature, whereby the inhabitants of the 
earth were divided into four classes, according to their location upon the 
surface of the earth with relation to one another.^ 

cians at the command of Necho, though described Uranologion of Petavius, Lond., Paris, 1630, pp. 

and accepted by Herodotus, can hardly be called 56, 155. 

an established fact, in spite of all that has been The classes were always divided on the same 
written in its favor. The story, whether true or principle, and each contained two groups so re- 
false, had, like others of its kind, little influence lated that they could apply to one another recip- 
upon the belief in the impassable tropic zone, be- rocally the name by which the whole class was 
cause most of those who accepted it supposed that designed. These names, however, are not always 
the continent terminated north of the equator. applied to the same classes by different writers. 

1 Ptolemy, Geogr., i. 11-14. Eratosthenes and i. The first class embraced the people who lived 
Strabo located their first meridian at Cape St. in the same half of the same temperate zone ; 
Vincent ; Marinus and Ptolemy placed it in the to them all it was day or night, summer or win- 
Canary group. See Vol. II. p. 95, ter, at the same time. They were called aivoi- 

2 Geminus, Isagoge, ch. 13; Achilles Tatius, koi by Cleomedes, but veploiKoi by Achilles Ta- 
Jsagoge in Phcenom. Arati; Cleomedes, De circuits tius. 2. The second class included such peoples 
sublimis, i. 2. The first two are given in the as lived in the same temperate zone, but were 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 9 

This system was furthest developed by the oceanic school. The rival of 
Eratosthenes, Crates of Mallus (who achieved fame by the construction of a 
large globe), assumed the existence of a southern continent, separated from 
the known world by the equatorial ocean ; it is possible that he introduced 
the idea of providing a distinct residence for each class of earth-dwellers, by 
postulating four island continents, one in each quarter of the globe. Eratos- 
thenes probably thought that there were inhabitable regions in the southern 
hemisphere, and Strabo added that there might be two, or even more, hab- 
itable earths in the northern temperate zone, especially near the parallel of 
Rhodes.^ Crates introduced his views at Rome, and the oceanic theory 
remained a favorite with the Roman physicists. It was avowed by Pliny, 
who championed the existence of antipodes against the vulgar disbelief. In 
the fine episode in the last book of Cicero's Republic, the younger Scipio 
relates a dream, wherein the elder hero of his name, Scipio Africanus, con- 
veying him to the lofty heights of the Milky Way, emphasized the futility 
of fame by showing him upon the earth the regions to which his name could 
never penetrate : " Thou seest in what few places the earth is inhabited, and 
those how scant ; great deserts lie between them, and they who dwell upon 
the earth are not only so scattered that naught can spread from one com- 
munity to another, but" so that some live off in an oblique direction from 
you, some off toward the side, and some even dwell directly opposite to 
you." 2 Mela confines himself to a mention of the Antichthoites, who live 
in the temperate zone in the south, and are cut off from us by the inter- 
vening torrid zone.'^ 

divided by half the circumference of that zone ; up to ten ; it was located between the earth and 
so that while they all had summer or winter at the central fire, and had the same period of revo- 
the same time, the one group had day when the lution as the earth, from the outer, Grecian, side 
other had night, and vice versa. These groups of which it was never visible. This " opposite 
could call one another ircploiKoi according to Cle- earth," Gegenerde, was later confused with the 
omedes, but avrix^oves according to Tatius. 3. other, western, or lower hemisphere of the earth 
The third class included those who were divided itself. It was also sometimes applied to the 
by the torrid zone, so that part lived in the north- inhabitants of the southern hemisphere, as by 
ern temperate zone and part in the southern, Cicero in the Tziscu/an B/spufah'ons (I 2S)," du2i- 
but yet so that all were in the same half of their bus oris distantibus habitabilem et cultum ; qua- 
respective zones ; i. e., all were in either the east- rum altera quam nos incolimus, 
em or western, upper or lower, hemisphere. Day Sub axe posita ad stellas septem unde horrifer 
and night were shared by the whole class at Aqulloni stridor gelidas molitur nives, 
once, but not the seasons, the northern group altera austral is, ignota nobis, ^tmm vacant GrcEci 
having summer when the southern had winter, avrixOova'' Mela has the same usage (i. 4, 5), as 
and vue versa. These groups could call one quoted below. 'b,l2iCXoh\ViS,Comm.in Somn.Scip. 
another &vroiKoi. 4. The fourth class comprised lib. ii. 5, uses the nomenclature of Cleomedes. 
the groups which we know as antipodes, dwell- Reinhardt, quoted in Engelmann's Bibliotheca 
ing with regard to one another in different halves classica GrcBca, under Geminus, I have not been 
of the two temperate zones, so that they had nei- able to see. 

ther seasons nor day or night in common, but 1 Strabo, i. 4, § 6, 7 ; i. 2, § 24. Geminus, Isa- 

stood upon the globe diametrically opposed to goge.iy MweWenhoi, Deutsche Aiterthumskunde^ 

one another. AH writers agree in calling these i. 247-254. Berger, Geogr. Fragmente d. Eratos- 

groups ai/TtVoSes. The introduction of the word thenes, 8, 84. 

antichthones in place oi perioeci was due, appar- 2 Cicero, RespubL, vi. 15 . . . sed partim obli- 

ently, to a misunderstanding of the Pythagorean quos, partim transversos, partim etiam adversos 

anttchthon. This name was properly applied to stare vobis. Some MSS. read aversos. See also 

the imaginary planet invented by the early Py- Tusc. Disp., i. 28 ; Acad., ii. 39. 

thagoreans to bring the number of the spheres ^ Antichthones alteram [zonam], nos alteram 



10 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Indeed, the southern continent, the other world, as it was called,^ made a 
more distinct impression than the possible other continents in the northern 
hemisphere. Hipparchus thought that Trapobene might be a part of this 
southern world, and the idea that the Nile had its source there was wide- 
spread : some supposing that it flowed beneath the equatorial ocean ; others 
believing, with Ptolemy, that Africa was connected with the southern con- 




MACROBIUS.* 



tinent. The latter doctrine was shattered by the discovery of the Cape of 
Good Hope ; but the continent was revived when Tierra del Fuego, Aus- 
tralia, and New Zealand were discovered, and attained gigantic size on the 



incolimus. Illius situs ob ardorem interceden- 
tis plagae incognitus, huius dicendus est. Haec 
ergo ab ortu porrecta ad occasum, et quia sic 
iacet aliquanto quam ubi latissima est longior, 
ambitur omnis oceano. Mela, Chor., i. 4, 5. Be- 
cause Mela says that the known world is but lit- 
tle longer than its width, it has been supposed 
that he was better informed than his contempo- 
raries, and attributed something like its real 
extent to Africa. Thomassy {Les papes gio- 
^aphiqiies, Paris, 1852, p. 17) finds in his work 
a rival system to that of Ptolemy. The discov- 
ery of America, he thinks, was due to Ptolemy ; 
that of the Cape of Good Hope to Mela. It 
was the good fortune of Mela that his work was 
widely read in the Middle Ages, and had great 
influence ; but we owe him no new system of 
geography, since he simply adopted the oceanic 



theory as represented by Strabo and Crates. 
That he slightly changed the traditional propor- 
tion between the length and breadth of the 
known world is of small importance. The 
known world, he states, was surrounded by the 
ocean, and there is nothing to show that he sup- 
posed Africa to extend below the equator. In 
his description of Africa he applies the terms 
length and breadth not as we should, but with 
contrary usage : " Africa ab orientis parte Nile 
terminata, pelago a ceteris, brevior est quidem 
quam Europa, quia nee usquam Asiae et non 
totis huius litoribus obtenditur, longior tamen 
ipsa quam latior, et qua ad fluvium adtingit latis- 
sima," etc., i. 20. (Ed. Parthey, 1867.) 

1 Mela, i. 54, "Alter orbis." Cicero, Tusc, 
Disp., i. 28, " Ora Australis." 



* From Macrobii Ambrosii Aurelii Theodosii in Somnium Scipionis, Lib. IT. (Lugduni, 1560). 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



II 




maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; only within the last two 
centuries has it shrunk to the present limits of the antarctic ice. 

The oceanic theory, and the 
doctrine of the Four Worlds, 
as it has been termed,^ terra 
qicadrifiga, was set forth in the 
greatest detail in a commen- 
tary on the Dream of Scipio, 
written by Macrobius, prob- 
ably in the fifth century a. d. 
In the concussion and repul- 
sion of the ocean streams he 
found a sufficient cause for 
the phenomena of the tides.^ 

Such were the theories of 
the men of science, purely 
speculative, originating in 
\ logic, not discovery, and they 
give no hint of actual knowl- 
edge regarding those distant 

1 Hyde Clarke, Atlantis, in the Transactions 
of the Royal Historical Society, London, New 
Series, vol. iii. ; Reinaud, Relations politiques, 
etc., de Vempire Romaine avec VAsie orientale, 
etc., in the Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 140. 

2 The exposition of Macrobius is so interest- 
ing as illustrating the mathematical and physical 
geography of the ancients, and as showing how 
thoroughly the practical consequences of the 
sphericity of the earth were appreciated ; it is so 
important in the present connection as demon- 

■ strating that the whole idea of inhabited lands 
in other parts of the earth was based on logic 
only, not on knowledge, that I have ventured to 
quote from it somewhat freely. 

Macrobius, Comm. in Somn. Scipionis, ii. 5. — 
* Cernis autem eamdem terram quasi quibusdam 
redimitam et circumdatam cingulis, e quibus 
duos maxime inter se diversos, et caeli verticibus 
.psis ex utraque parte subnixos, obriguisse pruina 
vides ; medium autem ilium, et maximum, solis 
ardore torreri. Duo sunt habitabiles : quorum 
australis ille, in quo qui insistunt, adversa vobis 
urgent vestigia, nihil ad vestrum genus; hie 
autem alter subjectus aquiloni, quern incolitis, 
cerne quam tenui vos parte contingat. Omnis 
enim terra, quae colitur a vobis, angusta ver- 
ticibus, lateribus latior, parva quaedam insula 
est. . . ." (Cicero.) . . . Nam et septentriona- 
lis et australis extremitas perpetua obriguerunt 
pruina. . . . Horum uterque habitationis impa- 
tiens est. . . . Medius cingulus et ideo maximus, 



MACROBIUS.* 

aeterno afflatu continui caloris ustus, spatium 
quod et lato ambitu et prolixius occupavit, nimi- 
etate fervoris facit inhabitabile victuris. Inter 
extremos vero et medium duo majores ultimis, 
medio minores ex utriusque vicinitatis intempe- 
rie temperantur. . . . Licet igitur sint hae duae 
. . . quas diximus temperatas, non tamen ambae 
zonae hominibus nostri generis indultae sunt: 
sed sola superior, .... incolitur ab omni, quale 
scire possumus, hominum genere, Romani Grae- 
cive sint, vel barbari cuj usque nationis. Ilia vero 
. . . sola ratione intelligitur, quod propter simi- 
lem temperiem similiter incolatur, sed a quibus, 
neque licuit unquam nobis nee licebit cognoscere : 
interjecta enim torrida utrique hominum generi 
commercium ad se denegat commeandi . . . Nee 
dubium est, nostrum quoque septentrionem [ven- 
tum] ad illos qui australi adjacent, propter eam- 
dem rationem calidum pervenire, et austrum cor- 
poribus eorum gemino aurae suae rigore blandiri. 
Eadem ratio nos non permittit ambigere quin 
per illam quoque superficiem terrae quae ad nos 
habetur inferior, integer zonarum ambitus quae 
hie temperatae sunt, eodem ductu temperatus 
habeatur ; atque ideo illic quoque eaedem duae 
zonae a se distantes similiter incolantur. . . . 
Nam si nobis vivendi f acultas est in hac terrarum 
parte quam colimus, quia, calcantes humum, 
caelum suspicimus super verticem, quia sol no- 
bis et oritur et occidit, quia circumfuso fruimur 
aere cujus spiramus haustu, cur non et illic 
aliquos vivere credamus ubi eadem semper in 



* From Avr. Theodosii Macrobii Opera (Lipsiae, 1774). 



12 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



regions with which they deal. From them we turn to examine the literature 

of the imagination, for geogra- 
phy, by right the handmaid of 
history, is easily perverted to 
the service of myth. 

The expanding horizon of the 
Greeks was always hedged with 
fable : in the north was the 
realm of the happy Hyperbo- 
reans, beyond the blasts of Bo-' 
reas ; in the east, the wonder- 
land of India ; in the south, Pan- 
chaea and the blameless Ethio-' 
plans ; nor did the west lack 
lingering places for romance. 
Here was the floating isle of 
./Eolus, brazen-walled ; here the 
mysterious Ogygia, navel of the 
sea ; ^ and on the earth's ex- 

tremest verge were the Elysian Fields, the home of heroes exempt from 




MACROBIUS.* 



promptu sunt ? Nam, qui ibi dicuntur morari, 
eamdem credendi sunt spirare auram, quia eadem 
est in ejusdem zonalis ambitus continuatione 
temperies. Idem sol illis et obire dicitur nostro 
ortu, et orietur quum nobis occidet: calcabunt 
aeque ut nos humum, et supra verticem semper 
caelum videbunt. Nee metus erit ne de terra in 
caelum decidant, quum nihil unquam possit ruere 
sursum. Si enim nobis, quod asserere genus joci 
est, deorsum habitur ubi est terra, et sursum ubi 
est caelum, illis quoque sursum erit quod de in- 
feriore suspicient, nee aliquando in superna ca- 
suri sunt. 

Hi quos separat a nobis perusta, quos Graeci 
avToiKovs vocant, similiter ab illis qui inferiorem 
zonae suae incolunt partem interjecta australi 
gelida separantur. Rursus illos ab avToiKo7s suis, 
id est per nostri cinguli inferiora viventibus, in- 
terjectio ardentis sequestrat : et illi a nobis sep- 
tentrionalis extremitatis rigore removentur. Et 
quia non est una omnium affinis continuatio, 
sed interjectae sunt solitudines ex calore vel 
frigore mutuum negantibus commeatum, has 
terrae partes quae a quattuor hominum generibus 
incoluntur, maculas habitationum vocavit. . . . 

9. Is enim quem solum oceanum plures opi- 
nantur, de finibus ab illo originali refusis, secun- 
dum ex necessitate ambitum fecit. Ceterum prior 
ejus corona per zonam terrae calidam meat, 
superiora terrarum et inferiora cingens, flexum 
circi equinoctialis imitata. Ab oriente vero duos 



sinus refundit, unum ad extremitatem septentri- 
onis, ad australis alterum : rursusque ab occi- 
dente duo pariter enascuntur sinus, qui usque ad 
ambas, quas supra diximus, extremitates refusi 
occurrunt ab oriente demissis ; et, dum vi summa 
et impetu immaniore miscentur, invicemque se 
feriunt, ex ipsa aquarum colHsione nascitur ilia 
famosa oceani accessio pariter et recessio. . . . 
Ceterum verior, ut ita dicam, ejus alveus tenet 
zonam perustam ; et tam ipse qui equinoctialem, 
quam sinus ex eo nati qui horizontem circulum 
ambitu suae flexionis imitantur, omnem terram 
quadrifidam dividunt, et singulas, ut supra dixi- 
mus, habitationes insulas faciunt . . . binas in 
superiore atque inferiore terrae superficie in- 
sulas. . . . 

1 Mr. Gladstone {Homer and the Homeric age^ 
vol. iii.) transposes these Homeric localities to 
the east, and a few German writers agree with 
him. President Warren ( True key to ancient 
cosmologies, etc., Boston, 1882) will have it that 
Ogygia is neither more nor less than the north 
pole. Neither of these views is likely to dis- 
place the one now orthodox. Mr. Gladstone is 
so much troubled by Odysseus's course on leav- 
ing Ogygia that he cannot hide a suspicion of 
corruption in the text. President Warren should 
remember that Ogygia apparently enjoyed the 
common succession of day and night. In Ho- 
meric thought the western sea extended north- 
ward and eastward until it joined the Euxine. 



♦ After Santarem's Atlas, as a " mappemonde tiree d'un manuscrit de Macrobe du Xfeme siecle." 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. I3 

death, " where Ufe is easiest to man. No snow is there, nor yet great storm 
nor any rain, but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the shrill west to 
blow cool on men." ^ Across the ocean river, where was the setting of the 
sun, all was changed. There was the home of the Cimmerians, who dwelt 
in darkness ; there the grove of Persephone and the dreary house of the 
dead. 2 

In the Hesiodic poems the Elysian Fields are transformed into islands, 
the home of the fourth race, the heroes, after death : — 

" Them on earth's utmost verge the god assigned 
A life, a seat, distinct from human kind : 
Beside the deepening whirlpools of the main, 
In those blest isles where Saturn holds his reign. 
Apart from heaven's immortals calm they share 
A rest unsullied by the clouds of care : 
And yearly thrice with sweet luxuriance crown'd 
Springs the ripe harvest from the teeming ground."* 

" Those who have had the courage to remain stedfast thrice in each life, 
and to keep their souls altogether from wrong," sang Pindar, "pursue the 
road of Zeus to the castle of Cronos, where o'er the isles of the blest 
ocean breezes blow, and flowers gleam with gold, some from the land on 
glistering trees, while others the water feeds ; and with bracelets of these 
they entwine their hands and make crowns for their heads."* 

The Islands of the Blest, /xaKdpo>v vrjaoh do not vanish henceforward from 
the world's literature, but continue to haunt the Atlantic through the Ro- 
man period and deep into the Middle Ages. In the west, too, were localized 
other and wilder myths ; here were the scenes of the Perseus fable, the 
island of the weird and communistic sisters, the Graeae, and the Gorgon- 
ides, the homes of Medusa and her sister Gorgons, the birthplace of the 
dread Chimaera.^ The importance of the far west in the myths connected 

Ogygia, located northwest of Greece, would be (Leipzig, 1887). The Israelites, on the j^ther 
the centre, omphaloSy of the sea, as Delphi was hand, imagined the home of the dead as under- 
later called the centre of the land-masses of the ground. Numbers, xvi. 30, 32, 33. 
world. Buchholtz, Die Homerische Realien, i. 55, 

1 Odyssey, iv. 561, etc. places Hades on the European shores of Ocean, 

2 It is well known that whereas Odysseus but the text of the Odyssey seems plainly in 
meets the spirits of the dead across Oceanus, favor of the site across the stream, as Volcker 
upon the surface of the earth, there is in the and others have understood. 

Iliad mention of a subterranean Hades. The ^ Hesiod, Works and Days, 166-173 ; Elton's 

Assyrio-Babylonians had also the idea of an translation, London, 181 5, p. 22. Paley marks 

earth-encircling ocean stream, — the word 'n/c€o- the line Tr?\ou ott' h.Qavir<av rdiffiv Kp6vos i/ipa- 

vhs the Greeks said was of foreign origin, — and aiKevet as probably spurious. Cronos appears 

on the south of it they placed the sea of the to have been originally a Phoenician deity, and 

dead, which held the island homes of the de- his westward wandering played an important 

parted. As in the Odyssey, it was a place given part in their mythology. We shall find further 

over to dust and darkness, and the doors of it traces of this divinity in the west, 

were strongly barred ; no living being save a * Pindar, Olymp., ii. 66-85, Paley's translation, 

god or a chosen hero might come there. Schra- London, 1868, p. 12. See also Euripides, ^^- 

der, Namen d. Meere in d. Assy rise hen Inschrif- iena, 1677. 

ien [Abhandl. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 6 ^schylus, in the Prometheus boufzd, intro- 

1877, p. 169). ]Qx^m\2&,Die Babylonisch-Assyri- duced the Gorgon islands in his epitome of the 

schen Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode wanderings of lo, and certainly seems to speak 



14 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

with Hercules is well known. In the traditionary twelve labors the Greek 
hero is confused with his prototype the Tyrian Melkarth, and those labors 
which deal with the west were doubtless borrowed from the cult which 
the Greeks had found established at Gades when trade first led them 
thither. In the tenth labor it is the western isle Erytheia, which Hercules 
visits in the golden cup wherein Helios was wont to make his nocturnal 
ocean voyage, and from which he returns with the oxen of the giant 
Geryon. Even more famous was the search for the apples of the Hes- 
perides, which constituted the eleventh labor. This golden fruit, the wed- 
ding gift produced by Gaa for Hera, the prudent goddess, doubtful of the 
security of Olympus, gave in charge to the Hesperian maids, whose island 
garden lay at earth's furthest bounds, near where the mysterious Atlas, 
their father or their uncle, wise in the secrets of the sea, watched over the 
pillars which propped the sky, or himself bore the burden of the heavenly 
vault. The poets delighted to depict these isles with their shrill-singing 
nymphs, in the same glowing words which they applied to the Isles of the 
Blessed. '* Oh that I, like a bird, might fly from care over the Adriatic 
waves ! " cries the chorus in the Crowned Hippolytus, 

" Or to the famed Hesperian plains, 

Whose rich trees bloom with gold, 
To join the grief-attuned strains 

My winged progress hold : 
Beyond whose shores no passage gave 
The ruler of the purple wave ; 

" But Atlas stands, his stately height 

The awfull boundary of the skies : 

There fountains of Ambrosia rise, 
Wat'ring the seat of Jove : her stores 
Luxuriant there the rich soil pours 

All, which the sense of gods delights." ^ 

When these names first became attached to some of the Atlantic islands 
is uncertain. Diodorus Siculus does not apply either term to the island 
discovered by the Carthaginians, and described by him in phrases appli- 
cable to both. The two islands described by sailors to Sertorius about 80 
B. c. were depicted in colors which reminded Plutarch of the Isles of the 
Blessed, and it is certain that toward the close of the republic the name 
Insulae Fortunatae was given to certain of the Atlantic islands, including the 
Canaries. In the time of Juba, king of Numidia, we seem to distinguish 
at least three groups, the Insulae Fortunataey the Purpurariae^ and the 
Hesperides, but beyond the fact that the first name still designated some of 
the Canaries identification is uncertain ; some have thought that different 
groups among the Canaries were known by separate names, while others. 

of them as in the east ; the passage is, however, i Euripides, Hippolytus, 742-751; Potter's 
imperfect, and its interpretation has overtasked translation, i. p. 356. See also Hesiod, Theog., 
the ablest commentators. 215, 517-519- 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 1 5 

hold that one or both of the Madeira and Cape de Verde groups were 
known. 1 The Canaries were soon lost out of knowledge again, but the 
Happy or Fortunate Islands continued to be an enticing mirage through- 
out the Middle Ages, and play a part in many legends, as in that of St. 
Brandan, and in many poems.^ 

Beside these ancient, widespread, popular myths, embodying the uni- 
versal longing for a happier life, we find a group of stories of more recent 
date, of known authorship and well-marked literary origin, which treat of 
western islands and a western continent. The group comprises, it is hardly 
necessary to say, the tale of Atlantis, related by Plato ; the fable of the 
land of the Meropes, by Theopompus ; and the description of the Satur- 
nian continent attributed to Plutarch. 

The story of Atlantis, by its own interest and the skill of its author, has 
made by far the deepest impression. Plato, having given in the Republic 
a picture of the ideal political organization, the state, sketched in the Ti- 
maeiis the history of creation, and the origin and development of mankind ; 
in the Critias he apparently intended to exhibit the action of two types 
of political bodies involved in a life-and-death contest. The latter dialogue 
was unfinished, but its purport had been sketched in the opening of the 
Timaeus. Critias there relates " a strange tale, but certainly true, as Solon 
declared," which had come down in his family from his ancestor Dropidas, 
a near relative of Solon. When Solon was in Egypt he fell into talk with 
an aged priest of Sais, who said to him : '* Solon, Solon, you Greeks are 
all children, — there is not an old man in Greece. You have no old tradi- 
tions, and know of but one deluge, whereas there have been many destruc- 
tions of mankind, both by flood and fire ; Egypt alone has escaped them, 
and in Egypt alone is ancient history recorded ; you are ignorant of your 
own past." For long before Deucalion, nine thousand years ago, there was 
an Athens founded, like Sai's, by Athena ; a city rich in power and wisdom, 
famed for mighty deeds, the greatest of which was this. At that time there 
lay opposite the columns of Hercules, in the Atlantic, which was then navi- 
gable, an island larger than Libya and Asia together, from which sailors 
could pass to other islands, and so to the continent. The sea in front of the 
straits is indeed but a small harbor ; that which lay beyond the island, how- 
ever, is worthy of the name, and the land which surrounds that greater sea 
may be truly called the continent. In this island of Atlantis had grown 
up a mighty power, whose kings were descended from Poseidon, and had 

1 Mela, iii. 100, 102, etc. The chief passage ^ Tzetzes {Scholia in Lycophron, 1204, ed. 

is Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi. 36, 37, who took his in- Mueller, ii. 954), a grammarian of the twelfth 

formation from King Juba and a writer named century, says that the Isles of the Blessed were 

Statius Sebosus. Pliny, who, beside the groups located in the ocean by Homer, Hesiod, Euri- 

named in the text, mentions the Gorgades, which pides, Plutarch, Dion, Procopius, Philostratus 

he identifies with the place where Hanno met and others, but that to many it seems that 

the gorillas, has probably misunderstood and Britain must be the true Isle of the Blessed ; and 

garbled his authorities ; his account is contradic« in support of this view he relates a most curious 

tory and illusive. tale of the ferriage of the dead to Britain by 

Breton fishermen. 



l6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

extended their sway over many islands and over a portian of the great con- 
tinent ; even Libya up to the gates of Egypt, and Europe as far as Tyrrhe- 
nia, submitted to their sway. Ever harder they pressed upon the other 
nations of the known world, seeking the subjugation of the whole. "Then, 
O Solon, did the strength of your republic become clear to all men, by 
reason of her courage and force. Foremost in the arts of war, she met the 
invader at the head of Greece ; abandoned by her allies, she triumphed 
alone over the western foe, delivering from the yoke all the nations within 
the columns. But afterwards came a day and night of great floods and 
earthquakes ; the earth engulfed all the Athenians who were capable of 
bearing arms, and Atlantis disappeared, swallowed by the waves : hence it is 
that this sea is no longer navigable, from the vast mud-shoals formed by the 
vanished island." This tale so impressed Solon that he meditated an epic 
on the subject, but on his return, stress of public business prevented his 
design. In the Critias the empire and chief city of Atlantis is described 
with wealth of detail, and the descent of the royal family from Atlas, son 
of Poseidon, and a nymph of the island, is set forth. In the midst of a 
council upon Olympus, where Zeus, in true epic style, was revealing to the 
gods his designs concerning the approaching war, the dialogue breaks off. 
Such is the tale of Atlantis. Read in Plato, the nature and meaning of 
the narrative seem clear, but the commentators, ancient and modern, have 
made wild work. The voyage of Odysseus has grown marvellously in 
extent since he abandoned the sea ; lo has found the pens of the learned 
more potent goads than Hera's gadfly ; but the travels of Atlantis have 
been even more extraordinary. No region has been so remote, no land so 
opposed by location, extent, or history to the words of Plato, but that some 
acute investigator has found in it the origin of the lost island. It has 
been identified with Africa, with Spitzbergen, with Palestine. The learned 
Latreille convinced himself that Persia best fulfilled the conditions of the 
problem ; the more than learned Rudbeck ardently supported the claims of 
Sweden through three folios. In such a search America could not be 
overlooked. Gomara, Guillaume de Postel, Wytfliet, are among those who 
have believed that this continent was Atlantis ; Sanson in 1669, and Vau- 
gondy in 1762, ventured to issue a map, upon which the division of that 
island among the sons of Neptune was applied to America, and the outskirts 
of the lost continent were extended even to New Zealand. Such work, of 
course, needs no serious consideration. Plato is our authority, and Plato de- 
clares that Atlantis lay not far west from Spain, and that it disappeared some 
8,000 years before his day. An inquiry into the truth or meaning of the 
record as it stands is quite justifiable, and has been several times under- 
taken, with divergent results. Some, notably Paul Gaffarel ^ and Ignatius 
Donnelly,^ are convinced that Plato merely adapted to his purposes a story 

1 L'Atlantide, by Paul Gaffarel, in the Revue les rapports de VAmerique et de Pancien continent 
de Geographie, April, May, June, July, 1880 (vi. avatit Christophe Colomb (Paris, 1869). 
241, 331, 421 ; vii. 21). See also, in his Etude sur 2 Atlantis : the antediluvian world, New York, 

1882. 



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TRACES OF ATLANTIS. 



Section of a map given in Briefe iiber Amerika aus dent Italienischen des Hn. Grafen Carlo Carli 
itbersetzf, Drifter Theil {Gtr2i, 17S5), where it is called an " Auszug aus denen Karten welche der Pariser 
Akademie der Wissenschaften (1737, 1752) von dem Herrn von Buache iibergeben worden sind." 

VOL. L — 2 



ATLANTIS 



INSULA 




The annexed cut is an extract from Sanson's map of America, showing views respecting the new world as 
constituting the Island of Atlantis. It is called : Atlantis insula h Nicolao Sanson^ antiquitati restittita ; 
nunc demum majori forma delitteata, et in decern regnajuxta decern Neptuni filios distributa. Prceterea 
insulce, nostrceq. continentis regiones quibus imperavere Atlantici reges ; aut quas arntis ientavere, ex 
conatibus geographicis Gulielmi Sanson, Nicolai filii (Amstelodami apud Petrum Mortier). Uricoechea in 
the Mapoteca Colombiana puts this map under 1600, and speaks of a second edition in 1688, which must be 
an error. Nicholas Sanson was born in 1600, his son William died in 1703. Beside the undated Amsterdam 
print quoted above, Harvard College Library possesses a copy in which the words Novus orbis potius Altera 
continent sive are prefixed to the title, while the date mdclxviiii is inserted after filii. This copy was 
published by Le S. Robert at Paris in 1741. 




CARTE CONJECTURALE DE L'ATLANTIDE. 

From a map in Bory de St. Vincent's Essais sur les isles Fortunees, Paris [1803]. A map in Anas- 
tasius Kircher's Mundus Subterraneus (Amsterdam, 1678), i. 82, shows Atlantis as a large island midway 
between the pillars of Hercules and America. 




"''' ^m;'ji ^^ ' 



('imM 






CONTOUR CHART OF THE BOTTOM OF THE ATLANTIC. 

Sketched from the colored map of the United States Hydrographic office, as given in Alexander Agassiz's 
Three Cruises of the Blake (Cambridge, 1888), vol. i. The outline of the continents is shown by an un- 
broken line. The 500 fathom shore line is a broken one ( ). The 2,000 fathom shore 

line is made by a dash and dot ( . . . ). The large areas in mid-ocean enclosed by this line, 

have this or lesser depths. Of the small areas marked by this line, the depth of 2,000 fathoms or less is within 
these areas in all cases except as respects the small areas on the latitude of Newfoundland, where the larger 
areas of 2,000 fathoms' depth border on the small areas of greater depth. Depths varying from 1,500 to 
1,000 fathoms are shown by horizontal lines ; from 1,000 to 500 by perpendicular lines; and the crossed lines 
show the shallowest spots in mid-ocean of 500 fathoms or less. The areas of greatest depth (over 3,500 
fathoms) are marked with crosses. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 21 

which Solon had actually brought from Egypt, and which was in all essen- 
tials true. Corroboration of the existence of such an island in the Atlantic 
is found, according to these writers, in the physical conformation of the 
Atlantic basin, and in marked resemblances between the flora, fauna, 
civilization, and language of the old and new worlds, which demand for their 
explanation the prehistoric existence of just such a bridge as Atlantis would 
have supplied. The Atlantic islands are the loftiest peaks and plateaus of 
the submerged island. In the widely spread deluge myths Mr. Donnelly 
finds strong confirmation of the final cataclysm ; he places in Atlantis that 
primitive culture which M. Bailly sought in the highlands* of Asia, and 
President Warren refers to the north pole. Space fails for a proper exam- 
ination of the matter, but these ingenious arguments remain somewhat top- 
heavy when all is said. The argument from ethnological resemblances is 
of all arguments the weakest in the hands of advocates. It is of value only 
when wielded by men of judicial temperament, who can weigh difference 
against likeness, and allow for the narrow range of nature's moulds. The 
existence of the ocean plateaus revealed by the soundings of the '' Dolphin *' 
and the "Challenger" proves nothing as to their having been once raised 
above the waves ; the most of the Atlantic islands are sharply cut off from 
them. Even granting the prehistoric migration of plants and animals be- 
tween America and Europe, as we grant it between America and Asia, it 
does not follow that it took place across the mid-ocean, and it would still 
be a long step from the botanic "bridge" and elevated "ridge" to the 
island empire of Plato. In short, the conservative view advocated by Lon- 
ginus, that the story was designed by Plato as a literary ornament and a 
philosophic illustration, is no less probable to-day than when it was sug- 
gested in the schools of Alexandria. Atlantis is a literary myth, belonging 
with Utopia, the New Atlantis, and the Orbis alter et idem of Bishop Hall. 

Of the same type is a narrative which has come down indirectly, among 
the flotsam and jetsam of classic literature : it is a fragment from a lost 
work by Theopompus of Chios, a historian of the fourth century b. c, found 
in the Varia Historia of Aelian, a compiler of the third century a. d.^ The 
story is told by the satyr Silenus to Midas, king of Phrygia, and is, as few 
commentators have refrained from remarking, worthy the ears of its audi- 
tor.2 *' Selenus tolde Midas of certaine Islands, named Europa, Asia, and 
Libia, which the Ocean Sea circumscribeth and compasseth round about. 
And that without this worlde there is a continent or percell of dry lande, 
which in greatnesse (as hee reported) was infinite and unmeasurable, that it 
nourished and maintained, by the benifite of the greene medowes and pas- 

1 'Y:\iQO^oxri^., Fragmenta, ed. Wieters, 1829, Roman, and delivered in English by K.^xz!(\2im'\ 
no. 76, p. 72. Geographi Graec. minores, ed. F.[leming]." London, 1576, fol. 36. 
Mueller, i. 289. Aeliani, Var. Hist, iii. 18. The 2 Wg q^q tj^jg q^jp ^^ Tertullian (he at least 
extracts in the text are taken from " A Registre is the earliest writer to whom I can trace it) : 
of Hy stories, etc., written in Greeke by Aelianus, a "Ut Silenus penes aures Midae blattit, aptat 

sane grandioribus fabulis {De pailio, cap. 2). 



22 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



ture plots, sundrye bigge and mighty beastes ; that the men which inhabite 
the same climats, exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length of 
there life is not equale to ours." Many other wonders he related of the 
two cities, Machimus, the warlike, and Euseues, the city of peace, and how 
the inhabitants of the former once made an attack upon Europe, and came 
first upon the Hyperboreans ; but learning that they were esteemed the 
most holy of the dwellers in that island, they " had them in contempte, de- 
testing and abhorring them as naughty people, of preposterous properties, 
and damnable behauiour, and for that cause interrupted their progresse, 
supposing it ah enterprise of little worthinesse or rather none at al, to tra- 
uaile into such a countrey." The concluding passage relating to the strange 
country inhabited by the Meropes, from whose name later writers have 
called the continent Meropian, bears only indirectly upon the subject, as 
characterizing the whole narrative. ^ 

Without admitting the harsh judgment of Aelian, who brands Theopom- 
pus as a *' coyner of lyes and a forger of fond fables," it is clear that we are 
dealing here with literature, not with history, and that the identification of 
the land of the Meropes, or, as Strabo calls it, Meropis, with Atlantis or 
with America is arbitrary and valueless.^ 



1 " Furthermore he tolde one thing among all 
others, meriting admiration, that certain men 
called Meropes dwelt in man}^ cittyes there about, 
and that in the borders adiacent to their coun- 
trey, was a perilous place named Anostus, that is 
to say, wythout retourne, being a gaping gulfe 
or b6ttomles pit, for the ground is as it were 
cleft and rent in sonder, in so much that it open- 
eth like to the mouth of insatiable hell, y* it is 
neither perfectly lightsome, nor absolutely dark- 
some, but that the ayer hangeth ouer it, being 
tempered with a certaine kinde of clowdy rednes, 
that a couple of floodes set their recourse that 
way, the one of pleasure the other of sorow, and 
that about each of them growe plantes answear- 
able in quantity and bignes to a great plaine tree. 
The trees which spring by y® flood of sorow 
yeldeth fruite of one nature, qualitie, and opera- 
tion. For if any man taste thereof, a streame 
of teares flow^eth from his eyes, as out of a con- 
duite pipe, or sluse in a running riuer, yea, such 
effect followeth immediately after the eating of 
the same, that the whole race of their life is 
turned into a tragical lamentation, in so much 
that weeping and wayling knitteth their carkeses 
depriued of vitall mouing, in a winding sheete, 
and maketh them gobbettes for the greedy graue 
to swallow and deuoure. The other trees which 
prosper vpon the bankes of the floode of pleas- 
ure, beare fruite cleane contrary to the former, 
for whosoeuer tasteth thereof, he is presently 
weined from the pappes of his auncient appetites 
and inueterate desires, & if he were linked in 
loue to any in time past, he is fettered in the 
forgetfulnes of them, so that al remembrance is 



quite abolished, by litle and litle he recouereth 
the yeres of his youth, reasuming vnto him by 
degrees, the times & seasons, long since, spent 
and gone. For, the frowardnes and crookednes 
', of old age being first shaken of, the amiablenes 
and louelynesse of youth beginneth to budde, in 
so much as they put on ye estate of stripplings, 
then become boyes, then change to children, 
then reenter into infancie, & at length death 
maketh a finall end of all." 

Compare the story told by Mela (iii. lo) about 
the Fortunate Isles : " Una singulari duorum 
fontium ingenio maxime insignis : alterum qui 
gustavere risu solvuntur, ita adfectis remedium 
est ex altero bibere." 

It should be noted that the country described 
by Theopompus is called by him simply " The 
Great Continent." 

2 Strabo, vii. 3, § 6. Perizonius makes this pas- 
sage in Aelian the peg for a long note on ancient 
knowledge of America, in which he brings to- 
gether the most important passages bearing on 
the subject. He remarks: "Nullus tamen du- 
bito, quin Veteres aliquid crediderint vel scive- 
rent, sed quasi per nebulam et caliginem, de 
America, partim ex antiqua traditione ab Aegyp- 
tiis vel Carthaginiensibus accepta, partim ex 
ratiocinatione de forma et situ orbis terrarum, 
unde colligebant, superesse in hoc orbe etiam 
alias terras praeter Asiam, Africam, & Euro- 
pam." In my opinion their assumed knowl- 
edge was based entirely on ratiocination, and 
was not real knowledge at all ; but Perizonius 
well expresses the other view. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 23 

The same remark applies to the account of the great Saturnian continent 
that closes the curious and interesting dialogue " On the Face appearing in 
the Orb of the Moon," attributed to Plutarch, and printed with his Morals : 

"*An isle, Ogygia, lies in Ocean's arms,'" says the narrator, *' about 
five days' sail west from Britain ; and before it are three others, of equal 
distance from one another, and also from that, bearing northwest, where 
the sun sets in summer. In one of these the barbarians feign that Saturn 
is detained in prison by Zeus." The adjacent sea is termed the Saturnian, 
and the continent by which the great sea is circularly environed is distant 
from Ogygia about five thousand stadia, but from the other islands not so 
far. A bay of this continent, in the latitude of the Caspian Sea, is inhab- 
ited by Greeks. These, who had been visited by Heracles, and revived 
by his followers, esteemed themselves inhabitants of the firm land, calling 
all others islanders, as dwelling in land encompassed by the sea. Every 
thirty years these people send forth certain of their number, who minister to 
the imprisoned Saturn for thirty years. One of the men thus sent forth, at 
the end of his service, paid a visit to the great island, as they called Europe. 
From him the narrator learned many things about the state of men after 
death, which he unfolds at length, the conclusion being that the souls of 
men ultimately arrive at the moon, wherein lie the Elysian Fields of Ho- 
mer. "And you, O Lamprias," he adds, ''may take my relation in such 
part as you please." After which hint there is, I think, but little doubt as 
to the way in which it should be taken by us.^ 

That Plato, Theopompus, and Plutarch, covering a range of nearly five 
centuries, should each have made use of the conception of a continent be- 
yond the Atlantic, is noteworthy ; but it is more naturally accounted for by 
supposing that all three had in mind the continental hypothesis of land dis- 
tribution, than by assuming for them an acquaintance with the great west- 
ern island, America. From this point of view, the result of our search into 
the geographical knowledge and mythical tales of the ancients is purely 
negative. We find, indeed, well-developed theories of physical geography, 
one of which accords remarkably well with the truth ; but we also find that 
these theories rest solely on logical deductions from the mathematical doc- 
trine of the sphere, and on an aesthetic satisfaction with symmetry and 
analogy. This conclusion could be invalidated were it shown that explora- 
tion had already revealed the secrets of the west, and we must now consider 
this branch of the subject. 

The history of maritime discovery begins among the Phoenicians. The 
civilization of Egypt, as self-centred as that of China, accepted only 
the commerce that was brought to its gates ; but the men of Sidon and 
Tyre, with their keen devotion to material interests, their almost modern 
ingenuity, had early appropriated the carrying trade of the east and the 
west. As they looked adventurously seaward from their narrow domain, 

1 Mare Cronium was the name given to a portion of the northern ocean. Forbiger, Handbuch^ 
ii. 3, note 9. 



24 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

the dim outline of Cyprus beckoned them down a long lane of island sta- 
tions to the rich shores of Spain. Even their religion betrayed their bent : 
El and Cronos, their oldest deities, were wanderers, and vanished in the 
west ; on their traces Melkarth led a motley swarm of colonists to the At- 
lantic. These legends, filtering through Cyprus, Crete, or Rhodes, or borne 
by rash adventurers from distant Gades, appeared anew in Grecian mythol- 
ogy, the deeds of Melkarth mingling with the labors of Hercules. We do 
not know when the Phoenicians first reached the Atlantic, nor what were 
the limits of their ocean voyages. Gades, the present Cadiz, just outside 
the Straits of Gibraltar, was founded a few years before iioo b. c, but not, 
it is probable, without previous knowledge of the commercial importance 
of the location. There were numerous other settlements along the adjacent 
coast, and the gold, silver, and tin of these 'distant regions grew familiar in 
the markets of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India. The trade with Tartessus, 
the El Dorado of antiquity, gave the Phoenician merchant vessels a name 
among the Jews, as well in the tenth century, when Solomon shared the 
adventures of Hiram, as in the sixth, when Ezekiel depicted the glories of 
Tyrian commerce. The Phoenician seamanship was wide-famed ; their ves- 
sels were unmatched in speed,i and their furniture and discipline excited 
the outspoken admiration of Xenophon. Beside the large Tarshish ships, 
they possessed light merchant vessels and ships of war, provided with both 
sails and oars, and these, somewhat akin to steamships in their indepen- 
dence of wind, were well adapted for exploration. Thus urged and thus 
provided, it is improbable that the Phoenicians shunned the great ocean. 
The evidence is still strong in favor of their direct trade with Britain for 
tin, despite what has been urged as to tin mines in Spain and the prehis- 
toric existence of the trade by land across Gaul.^ 

Whether the Tyrians discovered any of the Atlantic islands is unknown ; 
the adventures and discoveries attributed to Hercules, who in this aspect 
is but Melkarth in Grecian raiment, points toward an early knowledge of 
western islands, but these myths alone are not conclusive proof. Diodorus 
Sjculus attributes to the Phoenicians the discovery, by accident, of a large 
island, with navigable rivers and a delightful climate, many days' sail west- 
ward from Africa. In the compilation De Mirabilibus AtiscultationibuSy 
printed with the works of Aristotle, the discovery is attributed to Cartha- 

1 The average of all known rates of speed nothing answering to our log, and their contriv- 
with ancient ships is about five knots an hour; ances for time-keeping were neither trustworthy 
some of the fastest runs were at the rate of seven nor adapted for, use on shipboard, these esti- 
knots, or a little more. Breusing, Nautik der mates are necessarily based on a few reports of 
Alttft, Bremen, 1886, pp. 11, 12. Movers, Die the number of days spent on voyages of known 
Phceniziery ii. 3, 190. Movers estimates the rate length, — a rather uncertain method, 
of a Phoenician vessel with 180 oarsmen at 2 Tjn exists in some of the islands of the In- 
double that of a Greek merchantman. He com- dian Ocean, and they were worked at a later pe- 
pares the sailing qualities of Phoenician vessels riod, but there is no direct evidence, as far as I 
with those of Venice in the Middle Ages to the am aware, that they were known at the date 
disadvantage of the latter. As the ancients had when Tyre was most flourishing. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 25 

ginians. Both versions descend from one original, now lost, and it is im- 
possible to give a date to the event, or to identify the locality.^ Those who 
find America in the island of Diodorus make improbabilities supply the 
lack of evidence. Stories seldom lose in the telling, and while it is not 
impossible that a Phoenician ship might have reached America, and even 
made her way back, it is not likely that the voyage would have been tamely 
described as of many days duration. 

When Carthage succeeded Tyre as mistress of the Mediterranean com- 
merce, interest in the West revived. In the middle of the fifth century b. c, 
two expeditions of importance were dispatched into these waters. A large 
fleet under Hanno sailed to colonize, or re-colonize, the western coast of 
Africa, and succeeded in reaching the latitude of Sierra Leone. Himilko, 
voyaging in the opposite direction, spent several months in exploring the 
ocean and tracing the western shores of Europe. He appears to have 
run into the Sargasso Sea, but beyond this little is known of his adven- 
tures.2 

Ultimately the Carthaginians discovered and colonized the Canary 
Islands, and perhaps the Madeira and Cape Verde groups ; the evidence of 
ethnology, the presence of Semitic inscriptions, and the occurrence in the 
descriptions of Pliny, Mela, and Ptolemy of some of the modern names of 
the separate islands, establishes this beyond a doubt for the Canaries.^ 
There is no evidence that the Phoenicians or Carthaginians penetrated 
much beyond the coast islands, or that they reached any part of America, 
or even the Azores. 

The achievements of the Greeks and Romans were still more limited. ■ 
A certain Colaeus visited Gades towards the middle of the seventh century 
B. c, and was, accoirding to Herodotus, the first Greek who passed outside 
of the columns of Hercules. His example could not have been widely 

1 Diodorus Siculus, v. 18, 19 ; De Mirab. best known. In his Deutsche Alterthumskunde 
AusculL, 84. Miillenhof, Deutsche Alterthmns- (Berlin, 1870), i. pp. 73-210, Muellenhof has de- 
kunde, i., Berlin, 1870, p. 467, traces the report voted especial attention to an analysis of this 
through the historian Timaeus to Punic sources, record. 

2 The narration of Hanno's voyage has been ^ pijny, Hist. Nat.,\i. 36, 37; Mela, iii. 100, 
preserved, apparently in the words of the com- etc. ; Solinus, 23, 56 [ed. Mommsen, p. 117, 230] ; 
mander's report. Geographi Graeci minores, Ptolemy, Geogr^^ iv. 6 ; Rapport sur une mission 
ed. Mueller (Paris, 1855), i. pp. 1-14. Cf. also scientifique dans Parchipel Canarienne, par M. le 
Prolegom.^^^. xviii, xxiii. Our only notion of docteur Verneau ; 1877. \xv Archives des Mis- 
the date of the expedition is derived from Pliny, sions Scientifique et Litteraires, 3® serie, torn. xiii. 
Hist. Nat., v. i. § 7, who says : " Fuere et pp. 569, etc. The presence of Semites is indi- 
Hannonis Carthaginiensium ducis commentarii, cated in Gran Canada, Ferro, Palma, and the 
Punicis rebus florentissimis explorare ambitum inscriptions agree in character with those found 
Africae jussi." All that is known of Himilko in Numidia by Gen. Faidherbe. In Gomeraand 
is derived from the statement of Pliny, Hist. Teneriffe, where the Guanche stock is purest, 
Nat.y ii. 67, that he was sent at about the same there have been no inscriptions found. Dr. 
time as Hanno to explore the distant regions of Verneau believes that the Guanches are not de- 
Europe ; and from the poems of Avienus, who scended from Atlantes or Americans, but from 
wrote in the fourth century, and professed to the Quaternary men of Cro-magnon on the 
give, in the Ora Maritima, many extracts from Vezere ; he found, however, traces of an un- 
the writings of Himilko. The description of known brachycephalic race in Gomera. 

the difficulties of navigation in the Atlantic is 



26 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



followed, for we find Pindar and his successors referring to the Pillars as 
the limit of navigation. In 600 b. c, Massilia was founded, and soon 
became a rival of Carthage in the western Mediterranean. In the fourth 
century we have evidence of an attempt to search out the secrets of the 
ocean after the manner of Hanno and Himilko. In that century, Pytheas 
made his famous voyage to the lands of tin and amber, discovering the 
still mysterious Thule ; while at the same time his countryman Euthy- 
menes sailed southward to the Senegal. With these exceptions we hear 
of no Grecian or Roman explorations in the Atlantic, and meet with no 
indication that they were aware of any other lands beyond the sea than 
the Fortunate Isles or the Hesperides of the early poets.^ 

About 80 B. c, Sertorius, being for a time driven from Spain by the 
forces of Sulla, fell in, when on an expedition to Baetica, with certain 
sailors who had just returned from the ''Atlantic islands," which they 



1 In the second century, a. d., Pausanias 
{Desc. Graec, i. 23) was told by Euphemus, a 
Carian, that once, on a voyage to Italy, he had 
been driven to the sea outside [es r^v €|« QaKaoT' 
vav], vi^here people no longer sailed, and where 
he fell in with many desert islands, some inhab- 
ited by wild men, red-haired, and with tails, 
whom the sailors called Satyrs. Nothing more is 
known of these islands. "E^w has here been ren- 
dered simply " distant " ; but even in this sense 
it could hardly apply in the time of Pausanias to 
any region but the Atlantic. It is more proba- 
ble that the phrase means " outside the columns." 

In the first century B. c, some men of an un- 
known race were cast by the sea on the German 
coast. There is nothing to show that these men 
were American Indians ; but since that has been 
sometimes assumed, the matter should not be 
passed over here. The event is mentioned by 
Mela {De Chorogr., iii. 5, § 8), and by Pliny {Hist. 
Nat., ii. 67) ; the castaways were forwarded to 
the proconsul, Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (b. c. 
62), by the king of the tribe within whose terri- 
tory they were found. Pliny calls the tribe the 
Suevi ; the reading in Mela is very uncertain. 
Parthey has Botorum, the older editors Baeto- 
rum, or Boioriim. The Romans took them for 
inhabitants of India, who had been carried 
around the north of Europe ; modern writers 
have seen in them Africans, Celts, Lapps, or 
Caribs. A careful study of the whole subject, 
with references to the literature, will be found 
in an article by F. Schiern: Un enigme ethno- 
graphique de I'antiquite, contributed to the Me- 
moirs of the Royal Society of Northern Antiqua- 
ries,' New Series, 1878-83, pp. 245-288. 

In the Louvre is an antique bronze which has 
been thought to represent one of the Indians of 
Mela, and also to be a good reproduction of the 
features of the North American Indian (Long- 
perier, Notice des bronzes antiques, etc., du Musee 



du Louvre, Paris, 1868, p. 143), but the supposi- 
tion is purely arbitrary. 

Such an event as an involuntary voyage from 
the West Indies to the shores of Europe is not 
an impossibility, nor is the case cited by Mela 
and Pliny the only one of the kind which we find 
recorded. Gomara {Hist. gen. de las Indias, 7) 
says some savages were thrown upon the Ger- 
man coast in the reign of Frederic Barbarossa 
(11 52-1 190), and Aeneas Silvius (Pius II.) prob- 
ably refers to the same event when he quotes a 
certain Otho as relating the capture on the coast 
of Germany, in the time of the German empe- 
rors, of an Indian ship and Indian traders (mer- 
catores). The identity of Otho is uncertain. 
Otto of Freisingen (t 11 58) is probably meant, 
but the passage does not appear in his works 
that have been preserved (Aeneas Silvius, His- 
toria rerum, li. 8, first edition, Venice, 1477). 
The most curious story, however, is that related 
by Cardinal Bembo in his history of Venice (first 
published 1551), and quoted by Horn {De orig, 
Amer., 14), Garcia (iv. 29), and others. It de- 
serves, however, record here. " A French ship 
while cruising in the ocean not far from Britain 
picked up a little boat made of split oziers and 
covered with bark taken whole from the tree; 
in it were seven men of moderate height, rather 
dark complexion, broad and open faces, marked 
with a violet scar. They had a garment of fish- 
skin with spots of divers shades, and wore a 
headgear of painted straw, interwoven with seven 
things like ears, as it were (coronam e culmo 
pictam septem quasi auriculis intextam). They 
ate raw flesh, and drank blood as we wine. Their 
speech could not be understood. Six of them 
died ; one, a youth, was brought alive to Roano 
(so the Italian ; the Latin has Aulercos), where 
the king was" (Louis XII.). Bembo, Rerum 
Venetarum Hist. vii. year, 1508. \Opere, Venice, 
1729, i. 188.] 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 2/ 

described as two in number, distant 10,000 stadia from Africa, and enjoy- 
ing a wonderful climate. The account in Plutarch is quite consistent with 
a previous knowledge of the islands, even on the part of Sertorius. Be 
this as it may, the glowing praises of the eye-witnesses so impressed him 
that only the unwillingness of his followers prevented his taking refuge 
there. Within the next few years, the Canaries, at least, became well 
known as the Fortwtatae Insulae ; but when Horace, in the dark days of 
civil war, urged his countrymen to seek a new home across the waves, it 
was apparently the islands of Sertorius that he had in mind, regarding 
them as unknown to other peoples.^ 

As we trace the increasing volume and extent of commerce from the 
days of Tyre and Carthage and Alexandria to its fullest development under 
the empire, and remember that as the drafts of luxury-loving Rome upon 
the products of the east, even of China and farther India, increased, the 
true knowledge of the form of the earth, and the underestimate of the 
breadth of the western ocean, became more widely known, the question 
inevitably suggests itself. Why did not the enterprise which had long since 
utilized the monsoons of the Indian Ocean for direct passage to and from 
India essay the passage of the Atlantic } The inquiry gains force as we re- 
call that the possibility of such a route to India had been long ago asserted. 
Aristotle suggested, if he did not express it ; Eratosthenes stated plainly 
that were it not for the extent of the Atlantic it would be possible to sail 
from Spain to India along the same parallel ;2 and Strabo could object 
nothing but the chance of there being another island-continent or two in 
the way, — an objection unknown to Columbus. Seneca, the philosopher, 
iterating insistence upon the smallness of the earth and the pettiness of its 
affairs compared with the higher interests of the soul, exclaims : "• The 
earth, which you so anxiously divide by fire and sword into kingdoms, is a 
point, a mere point, in the universe. . . . How far is it from the utmost 
shores of Spain to those of India } But very few days' sail with a favoring 
wind." 3 

1 Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus ; arva, beata had Africa rather than the west in mind, accord- 

Petamus arya, divites et insulas, j ^^ the commentators. 

Reddit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotannis ti. • -t-i ^i. .. ^i. • i j j •!_ j . 

Etinputata floret usque vinea. ^^ ^^ possible that the islands described to 

Sertorius were Madeira and Porto Santo, but 

Non hue Argoo contendit remige pinus, the distance was much overestimated in this 

Neque inpudica Colchis intulit pedem ; case 

Nonhuc Sidoniitorserunt cornuanautae, o ^'i tx n^ i t , •,- , 

Laboriosa nee cohors Ulixei. ^^ [Eratosthenes] says that if the extent 

Juppiter ilia piae secrevit litora genti, of the Atlantic Ocean were not an obstacle, we 

Ut inquinavit aere tempus aureum ; might easily pass by sea from Iberia to India, 

Aere, dehine ferro duravit saeeula, quorum gtiu keeping in the same parallel, the remaining 

Piis secunda, vate me, datur fuea. _ i.- c \.' \. hi • 

(Horace, Epode, xvi.) P°^''°" °^ ^^'^^ P^^^"^^ • ' ' occupies more 

,^. ., . , „ , ,. . , , than a third of the whole circle. . . . But it is 

Virgil, m the well-known lines m the prophecy ^^,^^ possible that in the temperate zone there 

of Anchises ^^^ be two or even more habitable earths \o\' 

Super et Garamantes et Indos Kovfiivas^ especially near the circle of latitude 

Proieret inpenum ; laeet extra sidera tellus, v-i-j ,ii», ,, ., 

Extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas ^^^^^ f d''^^" ^^^-O^gl^ Athens and the Atlantic 

Axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum — ocean." (Strabo, Geogr., i. 4, § 6.) 

{/Etteidy vi, 795.) ^ Seneca, Naturalium Quaest. Praefatio. The 



2S NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Holding these views of the possibiUty of the voyage, it is improbable 
that the size of their ships and the lack of the compass could have long 
prevented the ancients from putting them in practice had their interest so 
demanded.^ Their interest in the matter was, however, purely speculative, 
since, under the unity and power of the Roman empire, which succeeded 
to and absorbed the commercial supremacy of the Phoenicians, international 
competition in trade did not exist, nor were the routes of trade subject to 
effective hostile interruption. The two causes, therefore, which worked 
powerfully to induce the voyages of Da Gama and Columbus, after the rise 
of individual states had given scope to national jealousy and pride, and 
after the fall of Constantinople had placed the last natural gateway of the 
eastern trade in the hands of Arab infidels, were non-existent under the 
older civilization. It is certain, too, that the ancients had a vivid horror of 
the western ocean. In the Odyssey, the western Mediterranean even is 
full of peril. With knowledge of the ocean, the Greeks received tales of 
" Gorgons and Chimeras dire," and the very poets who sing the beauties 
of the Elysian or Hesperian isles dwell on the danger of the surround- 
ing sea. Beyond Gades, declared Pindar, no man, however brave, could 
pass ; only a god might voyage those waters. The same idea recurs in 
the reports of travellers and the writings of men of science, but here it 
is the storms, or more often the lack of wind, the viscid water or vast 
shoals, that check and appall the mariner. Aristotle thought that beyond 
the columns the sea was shallow and becalmed. Plato utilized the common 
idea of the mud-banks and shoal water of the Atlantic in accounting for 
the disappearance of Atlantis. Scylax reported the ocean not navigable 
beyond Cerne in the south, and Pytheas heard that beyond Thule sea and 
air became confounded. Even Tacitus believed that there was a peculiar 
resistance in the waters of the northern ocean. - 

Whether the Greeks owed this dread to the Phoenicians, and whether the 
latter shared the feeling, or simulated and encouraged it for the purpose of 
concealing their profitable adventures beyond the Straits, is doubtful. In 
two cases, at least, it is possible to trace statements of this nature to Punic 

passage is certainly striking, but those who, like "^ Aristotle, Meteor olog., ii. i, § 14; Plato, Ti- 

Baron Zach, base upon it the conclusion that maeus; Scylax Caryandensis, /Vrz)^/«x, 112. Tr\5 

American voyagers were common in the days of Kcpvrjs 5? vfjaov to. iircKeiva ouKeri eVrl TrXoora 5ii 

Seneca overestimate its force. It is certainly fipax^TT^ra OaXdrrris koI iniXhv koI ^vkos {Geogr. 

evident that Seneca, relying on his knowledge of Graec. min., ed. Mueller, i. 93 ; other references 

theoretical geography, underestimated the dis- in the notes). Pytheas in Strabo, ii. 4, § i ; Taci- 

tance to India. Had the length of the voyage to tus, Germania, 45, i ; Agricola, x. A gloss to 

America been known, he would not have used Suidas applies the name Atlantic to all innavi- 

the illustration. gable seas. Pausanias, i. ch. 3, § 6, says it con- 

1 Smaller vessels even than were then afloat tained strange sea-beasts, and was not navigable 

have crossed the Atlantic, and the passage from in its more distant parts. A long list of refer- 

the Canaries is hardly more difficult than the ences to similar passages is given by Ukert, 

Indian navigation. The Pacific islanders make Geogr. der Griechen u. Romer, ii. i, p. 59. See 

voyages of days' duration by the stars alone to also Berger, Wissenschaftliche Geographie, i. p. 

goals infinitely smaller than the broadside of 27, note 3, and Grote, Hist, of Greece, iii. ch. 18, 

Asia, to which the ancients would have supposed notes, 
themselves addressed. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 29 

sources, and antiquity agreed in giving the Phoenicians credit for discour- 
aging rivalry by every art.^ 

To an age averse to investigation for its own sake, ignorant of scientific 
curiosity, and unimpelled by economic pressure, tales like these might seem 
decisive against an attempt to sail westward to India. Rome could thor- 
oughly appreciate the imaginative mingling of science and legend which 
vivified the famous prophecy of the poet Seneca : 

Venient annis saecula seris 
Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum 
Laxet, et ingens patebit tellus 
Tethysque novos deteget orbes 
Nee sit terris ultima Thule.^ 

But even were it overlooked that the prophecy suited better the reve- 
lation of an unknown continent, such as the theory of Crates and Cicero 
placed between Europe and Asia, than the discovery of the eastern coast of 
India, mariners and merchants might be pardoned if they set the deterrent 
opinions collected by the elder Seneca above the livelier fancies of his son.^ 

The scanty records of navigation and discovery in the western waters 
confirm the conclusions drawn from the visions of the poets and the theo- 
ries of the philosophers. No evidence from the classic writers justifies the | 
assumption that the ancients communicated with America. If they 'guessed 
at the possibility of such a continent, it was only as we to-day imagine an 
antarctic continent or an open polar sea. Evidence from ethnological com- 

1 De Mirab. AusatlL, 136. The Phoenicians ^ Seneca, Medea, 376-380. 
are said to have discovered beyond Gades ex- ^ In the first book of his Suasorice, M. An- 

tensive shoals abounding in fish. naeus Seneca collected a number of examples 

Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quatuor, illustrative of the manner in which several of 

Ut ipse semet re probasse retulit the famous orators and rhetoricians of his time 

Enavigantem, posse transmitti adserit : had handled the subject, Deliberat Alexander, 

Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem. ^„ Oceanum naviget, which appears to have been 
Sic segnis humor aequoris pign stupet. . ^ r i i • 

Adjecitetillud.plurimum inter gurgites ^"^ o^ ^ number of Stock subjects for use m 

Extare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice rhetorical training. This collection thus gives 

Retinere puppim : dicit hie nihilomrnus, a good view of the prevalent views about the 

Non in profundum terga dimitti maris, Q^ean, and certainly tells strongly against the idea 

Parvoque aquarum vix supertexi solum : *t, 4. ,.u 4. ^.v. i 

rkk,v^l^ . ^v ,. , that the western passage was then known or prac- 

Obire semper hue et hue ponti feras, i- & v 

Navigia lenta et languide repentia tised. " Fertiles in Oceano jacere terras, ultra- 

Internatare belluas. que Oceanum rursus alia littora, alium nasci 

{Pi.\\&x^\is„ Ora Maritima, 1 15-130.) orbem, . . .facile ista fingtmtur ; quia Oceanus 

Hunc usus dim dixit Oceanum vetus, navigari non potest . . . confusa lux alta caligine, 

Alterque dixit mos Atlanticum mare. et interceptus tenebris dies, ipsum veros grave et 

Longo explicatur gurges hujus ambitu, ^evium mare, et aut nulla, aut ignota sidera. Ita 
Produciturque latere prolixe vago. * , i ' » 

Plerumque porro tenue tenditur salum, ^^^' Alexander, rerum natura ; post omnia Ocea- 

Ut vix arenas subjacentes occulat. '^^>'"» P^^^ Oceanum nihil. . . . Immensum, et hu- 

Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens, manae intentatum experientiae pelagus, totius 

Atque impeditur aestus hie uligine : orbis vinculum, terrarumque custodia, inagitata 
Vis belluarum pelagus omne mtematat, • . ,.^ t- i,- ,. . . . 

Multusque terror ex feris habitat freta. f^^^^^^^ ^^^itas. . . . Fabianus . . . divisit enim 

Haec olim Himilcos Poenus Oceano super ^^^^m [quaestionem] SIC, ut primum negaret ullas 

Spectasse semet et probasse retulit : in Oceano, aut trans Oceanum, esse terras habi- 

Haec nos, ab imis Punicorum annafibus tabiles : deinde si essent, perveniri tamen ad il- 

Prolata longo tempore, edidimustibi. (7^^.402-4x5.) las non posse. Hie difficultatem ignoti maris. 

Whether Avienus had immediate knowledge naturam non patientem navigationis." 
of these Punic sources is quite unknown. 



30 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



parisons is of course admissible, but those who are best fitted to handle 
such evidence best know its dangers ; hitherto its use has brought little but 
discredit to the cause in which it was invoked. 

The geographical doctrines which antiquity bequeathed to the Middle 
Ages were briefly these : that the earth was a sphere with a circumference 
of 252,000 or 180,000 stadia; that only the temperate zones were inhabita- 
ble, and the. northern alone known to be inhabited; that of the southern, 
owing to the impassable heats of the torrid zone, it could not be discovered 
whether it were inhabited, or whether, indeed, land existed there ; and that 







ft) n{p^ n Tov cpk 



THE RECTANGULAR EARTH* 

of the northern, it was unknown whether the intervention of another con- 
tinent, or only the shoals and unknown horrors of the ocean, prevented a 
westward passage from Europe to Asia. The legatee preserved, but did 
not improve his inheritance. It has been supposed that the early Middle 
Ages, under the influence of barbarism and Christianity, ignored the sphe- 
ricity of the earth, deliberately returning to the assumption of a plane sur- 
face, either wheel-shaped or rectangular. That knowledge dwindled after 
the fall of the empire, that the early church included the learning as well 
as the religion of the pagans in its ban, is undeniable ; but on this point 
truth prevailed. It was preserved by many school-books, in many popular 

* Sketched in the Bollettino della Societh geografica italiana (Roma, 1882), p. 540, from the original in 
the Bibhoteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. The representation of this sketch of the earth by Cosmas 
Indicopleustes more commonly met with is from the engraving in the edition of Cosmas in Montfaucon's 
Collectio nova patrum^ Paris, 1706. The article by Marinelli which contains the sketch given here has also 
appeared separately in a German translation {Die Erdkunde bet den Kirchenvdtern, Leipzig, 1884). The 
continental land beyond the ocean should be noticed. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 31 

compilations from classic authors, and was accepted by many ecclesiastics. 
St. Augustine did not deny the sphericity of the earth. It was assumed 
by Isidor of Seville, and taught by Bede.^ The schoolmen buttressed the 
doctrine by the authority of Aristotle and the living science which the Arabs 
built upon the Almagest. Gerbert, Albert the Great, Roger Bacon, Dante, 
were as familiar with the idea of the earth-globe as were Hipparchus and 
Ptolemy. The knowledge of it came to Columbus not as an inspiration or 
an invention, but by long, unbroken descent from its unknown Grecian, or 
pre-Grecian, discoverer. 

As to the distribution of land and water, the oceanic theory of Crates, as 
expounded by Macrobius, prevailed in the west, although the existence of 
antipodes fell a victim to the union, in the ecclesiastic mind, of the heathen 
theory of an impassable torrid zone with the Christian teaching of the de- 
scent of all men from Adam.^ The discoveries made by the ancients in the 
ocean, of the Canaries and other islands known to them, were speedily for- 
gotten, while their geographic myths were superseded by a ranker growth. 
The Saturnian continent, Meropis, Atlantis, the Fortunate Isles, the Hes- 
perides, were relegated to the dusty realm of classical learning ; but the 
Atlantic was not barren of their like. Mediaeval maps swarmed with fabu- 
lous islands, and wild stories of adventurous voyages divided the attention 
with tales of love and war. Antillia was the largest, and perhaps the most 
famous, of these islands ; it was situated in longitude 330° east, and near 
the latitude of Lisbon, so that Toscanelli regarded it as much facilitating 
the plan of Columbus. Well known, too, was Bragir, or Brazil, having its 
proper position west and north of Ireland, but often met with elsewhere ; 
both this island and Antillia afterward gave names to portions of the new 
continent.^ 

Antillia, otherwise called the Island of Seven Cities, was discovered and 
settled by an archbishop and six bishops of Spain, who fled into the ocean 
after the victory of the Moors, in 714, over Roderick; it is even reported 
to have been rediscovered in 1447.* May da, Danmar, Man Satanaxio, Isla 
Verde, and others of these islands, of which but little is known beside the 
names, appear for the first time upon the maps of the fourteenth and fif- 
teenth centuries, but their origin is quite unknown. It might be thought 
that they were derived from confused traditions of their classical prede- 

^ Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, was accused be- the continent in the east. Paradise was more 

fore Pope Zacharias by St. Boniface of teaching commonly placed in an island east of Asia, 

the doctrine of antipodes ; for this, and not for ^ jt h^s been suggested by M. Beauvois that 

his belief in the sphericity of the earth (as I read), Labrador may in the same way derive its name 

he was threatened by the Pope with expulsion from Inis Labrada, or the Island of Labraid, 

from the church. The authority for this story is which figures in an ancient Celtic romance. The 

a letter from the Pope to Boniface. See Mari- conjecture has only the phonetic resemblance to 

nelli, Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvdtern^ recommend it. Beauvois, UElysee transatlan- 

P- 42. iique {Revue de V Histoire des Religions, vii. (1883), 

^ Cosmas, as will be seen in the cut, adhered p. 291, n. 3). 

to the continental theory, placing Paradise on * Gaffarel, P., Les isles fantastiques de V Allan- 

iique au moyen dge, 3. 



32 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.- 

cessors, with which they have been identified, but modern folk-lore has 
shown that such fancies spring up spontaneously in every community. 
To dream of a distant spot where joy is untroubled and rest unbroken by 
grief or toil is a natural and inaUenable bent of the human mind. Those 
happy islands which abound in the romances of the heathen Celts, Mag 
Mell, Field of Delight, Flath Inis, Isle of the Heroes, the Avallon of the 
Arthur cycle, were but a more exuberant forth-putting of the same soil 
that produced the Elysian Fields of Homer or the terrestrial paradise of the 
Hebrews. The later growth is not born of the seed of the earlier, though 
somewhat affected by alien grafts, as in the case of the famous island of 
St. Brandan, where there is a curious commingling of Celtic, Greek, and 
Christian traditions. It is dangerous, indeed, to speak of earlier or later 
in reference to such myths ; one group was written before the others, but 
it is quite possible that the earthly paradise of the Celt is as old as those 
of the Mediterranean peoples. The idea of a phantom or vanishing is- 
land, too, is very old, — as old, doubtless, as the fact of fog-banks and 
mirage, — and it is well exemplified in thosejnysterious visions which en- 
ticed the sailors of Bristol to many a fruitless quest before the discovery of 
America, and for centuries tantalized the inhabitants of the Canaries with 
hope of discovery. The Atlantic islands were not all isles of the blessed ; 
there were many Isles of Demons, such as Ramusio places north of New- 
foundland, a name of evil report which afterward attached itself with more 
reason to Sable Island and even to the Bermudas : 

" K'ept, as suppos'd by Hel's infernal dogs ; 
Our fleet found there most honest courteous hogs." ^ 

Not until the revival of classical learning did the continental system of 
Ptolemy reach the west ; the way, however, had been prepared for it. The 
measurement of a degree, executed under the Calif Mamun, seemed to the 
Europeans to confirm the smallest estimate of the size of the earth, which 
Ptolemy also had adopted,^ while the travels of Marco Polo, revealing the 
great island of Japan, exaggerated the popular idea of the extent of the 
known world, until the 225° of Marinus seemed more probable than the 
180° of Ptolemy. If, however, time brought this shrinkage in the breadth 
of the Atlantic, the temptation to navigators was opposed by the belief in 
the dangers of the ocean, which shared the persistent life of the dogma 
of the impassable torrid zone, and was strongly reinforced by Arab lore. 
Their geographers never tire of dilating on the calms and storms, mud- 
banks and fogs, and unknown dangers of the " Sea of Darkness." Never-. 
theless, as the turmoil of mediaeval life made gentler spirits sigh for peace 
in distant homes, while the wild energy of others found the very dangers 

1 Coryat's Crudities, l^ondoxv, 1611. Sig. hC4), schel [Geschichte der Geographic, p. 134), 4,cx)0 
verso. ells of 540.7™™., the degree equalled 122,558.6™. 

2 The result of the Arabian measurements The Europeans, however, thought that Roman 
gave 56§ miles to a degree. Arabian miles were miles were meant, and so got but 83,866.6™. to a 
meant, and as these contain, according to Pe- degree. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 33 

of the sea delightful, there was opened a double source of adventures, both 
real and imaginary. Those pillars cut with inscriptions forbidding further 
advance westward, which we owe to Moorish fancy, confounding Hercules 
and Atlas and Alexander, were transformed into a knightly hero pointing 
oceanwards, or became guide-posts to the earthly paradise. 

If there be a legendary flavor in the flight of the seven bishops, we 
must set down the wanderings of the Magrurin^ among the African 
islands, the futile but bold attempts of the Visconti to circumnavigate Af- 
rica, as real, though without the least footing in a list of claimants for the 
discovery of America. The voyages of St. Brandan and St. Malo, again, 
are distinctly fabulous, and but other forms of the ancient myth of the 
soul-voyages ; and the same may be said of the strange tale of Maelduin.^ 
But what of those other Irish voyages to Irland-it-mikla and Huitramanna- 
land, of the voyage of Madoc, of the explorations of the Zeni } While 
these tales merit close investigation, it is certain that whatever liftings of 
the veil there may have been — that there were any is extremely doubtful 
— were unheralded at the time and soon forgotten.^ 

It was reserved for the demands of commerce to reveal the secrets of 
the west. But when the veil was finally removed it was easy for men to 
see that it had never been quite opaque. The learned turned naturally to 
their new-found classics, and were not slow to find the passages which 
seemed prophetic of America. Seneca, Virgil, Horace, Aristotle, and Theo- 
pompus, were soon pressed into the service, and the story of Atlantis 
obtained at once a new importance. I have tried to show in this chapter 
that these patrons of a revived learning put upon these statements an 
interpretation which they will not bear. 

The summing up of the whole matter cannot be better given than in the 
words applied by a careful Grecian historian to another question in ancient 
geography : *' In some future time perhaps our pains may lead us to a 
knowledge of those countries. But all that has hitherto been written or 
reported of them must be considered as mere fable and invention, and not 
the fruit of any real search, or genuine information."* 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

THE views of the ancient Mediterranean peoples upon geography are preserved 
almost solely in the ancient classics. The poems attributed to Homer and Hesiod, 
the so-called Orphic hymns, the odes of Pindar, even the dramatic works of yEschylus and 
his successors, are sources for the earlier time. The writings of the earlier philosophers 

1 Edrisi, Geography, Climate, iv., § i, Jau- ^^//^.), viii. (1884), 706, etc.; Joyce, Old Celtic 
bert's translation, Paris, 1836, ii. 26. Rotnancesy 1 12-176. 

2 Found in various Celtic MSS. See Beau- ^ These alleged voyages are considered in the 
vols, VEden occidentale {Rev. de VHist. des next chapter. 

* Polybius, Hist., iii. 38. 
VOL. I. — 3 



34 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



are lost, and their ideas are to be found in later writers, and in compilations like the Biog- 
raphies of Diogenes Laertius (3d cent. A. d.), the De placitis philosophorum attributed to 
Plutarch, and the like. Among the works of Plato the Phaedo and Timaeus and the last 
book of the Republic bear on the form and arrangeqgent of the earth 5 the Timaeus and 
Critias contain the fable of Atlantis. The first scientific treatises preserved are the De 
Caelo and Meteorologica of Aristotle.^ It is needless to speak in detail of the geographical 
writers, accounts of whom will be found in any history of Greek and Roman literature. 
The minor pieces, such as the Periplus of Hanno, of Scylax of Caryanda, of Dionysius 
Periegetes, the Geography of Agatharcides, and others, have been several times collected ; 2 
and so have the minor historians, which may be consulted for Theopompus, Hecataeus, 
and the mythologists.^ The geographical works of Pytheas (b. c. 350 ?), of Eratosthenes 
(b. c. 276-126), of Polybius (b. c. 204-122), of Hipparchus (flor. circ. b. c. 125), of Posido- 
nius (ist cent. b. c), are preserved only in quotations made by later writers ; they have, 
however, been collected and edited in convenient form.^ The most important source of 
our knowledge of Greek geography and Greek geographers is of course the great Geo- 
graphy of Strabo, which a happy fortune preserved to us. The long introduction upon 
the nature of geography and the size of the earth and the dimensions of the known world 
is of especial interest, both for his own views and for those he criticises.^ Strabo lived 
about B. c. 60 to A. D. 24. 

The works of Marinus of Tyre having perished, the next important geographical work 
in Greek is the world-renowned Geography of Ptolemaeus, who wrote in the second half 
of the second century A. d. Despite the pecuhar merits and history of this work, it is not 
so important for our purpose as the work of Strabo, though it exercised infinitely more 
influence on the Middle Ages and on early modern geography.^ 



1 The tract On the World (irepi Koaiuov, de 
mundd), and the Strange Stories (Trepi Oavfxaaicov 
aKovafidrajVy de mirabilibus atiscultatiotiibics), 
printed with the works of Aristotle, are held to 
be spurious by critics : the former, which gives a 
good summary of the oceanic theory of the dis- 
tribution of land and water (ch. 3), is consider- 
ably later in date ; the latter is a compilation 
made from Aristotle and other writers. Muel- 
lenhof has sought partially to analyze it in his 
Deutsche Alterthumskuitde, i. 426, etc. 

2 First in Geographica Marciani, Scylacis, Ar- 
temidoris, Diccearchi, Isidori. Ed. a Hoeschelio 
(Aug. Vind., 1600). The great collection made 
by Hudson, Geographiae veteris scriptores Graeci 
minores (4 vols., Oxon., 1698-1712; re-edited by 
Gail, Paris, 1826, 6 vols.), is still useful, notwith- 
standing the handy edition by C. Mueller in 
the Didot classics, Geographiae Graeci minores 
(Paris, 1855-61. 2 vols, and atlas). 

^ Fragfnenta historicorum Graecorum. Ed. C. 
et T. Mueller (Paris, Didot, 1841-68. 5 vols.). 

* Die geographischejt Fragmente des Hippar- 
chus : H. Berger (l^ei^zxg, 1869) ; Posidonii Rhodii 
reliquiae doctrinae : coll. J. Bake (Lugd. Bat., 
1810) ; Eratosthenica- composuit G. Bernhardy 
(Berlin, 1822) ; Die geographische7t Fragmente des 
Eratosthenes : H. Berger (Leipzig, 1880). 

^ Strabonis Geographia (Romae, Suweynheym 
et Pannartz, s. a.), in 1469 or 1470, folio. 
First edition of the Latin translation which was 
made by Guarini of Verona, and Lilius Grego- 
rius of Tiferno ; only 275 copies were printed. 



It was reprinted in 1472 (Venice), 1473 (Rome), 
1480 (Tarvisii), 1494 (Venice), 1502 (Venice), 
1510 (Venice), and 1512 (Paris). Strabo de situ 
orbis (Venice. Aldus et Andr. Soc, 1516), foL, 
was the first Greek edition ; a better edition ap- 
peared in 1549 (Basil., fol.), with Guarini's and 
Gregorius's translation revised by Glareanus 
and others. Critical ed. by J. Kramer (Berlin, 
1844), 3 vols. Ed. with Latin trans, by C. 
Miiller and F.DUbner (Paris, Didot, 1853, 1857). 
It has since been edited by August Meineke 
(Leipsic, Teubner, 1866. 3 vols. 8vo). 

There was an Italian translation by Buonac- 
ciuoli, in Venice and Ferrara, 1562, 1585. 2 vols. 
The rea)7po(/)i/cet has been several times trans- 
lated into German, by Penzel (Lemgo, 1775- 
1777, 4 Bde. 8vo), Groskund (Berlin, Stettin, 
1831-1834. 4 Thle.), and Forbiger (Stuttgart, 
1856-1862. 2 Bde.), and very recently into Eng- 
lish by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer (Lon- 
don, Bell [Bohn], 1887). 3 vols. This has a 
useful index. 

The great French translation of Strabo, made 
by order of Napoleon, with very full notes by 
Gosselin and others, is still the most useful trans- 
lation : Geographic du Strabon trad, du grec en 
fran^aise (Paris, 1805-1819). 5 vols. 4to. 

6 The Geography was first printed, in a Latin 
translation, at Vincentia, in 1475; the date 1462 
in the Bononia edition being recognized as a 
misprint, probably for 1482. The history of the 
book has been described by Lelewel in the appen- 
dix to his Histoire de la Geographic, and more 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENT^. 35 

The astronomical writers are also of importance. Eudoxus of Cnidus, said to have first 
adduced the change in the altitude of stars accompanying a change of latitude as proof 
of the sphericity of the earth, wrote works now known only in the poems of Aratus, 
who flourished in the latter half of <the third century b. c.^ Geminus (circ. b. c. 50),^ and 
Cleomedes,^ whose work is famous for having preserved the method by which Eratos- 
thenes measured the circumference of the earth, were authors of brief popular compila- 
tions of astronomical science. Of vast importance in the history of learning was the 
astronomical work of Ptolemy, ^ fieydAr} avvra^is t^s aarpovofxlasy which was so honored by 
the Arabs that it is best known to us as the Almagest^ from Tabric al Magisthrl, the 
title of the Arabic translation which was made in 827. It has been edited and trans- 
lated by Raima (Paris, 18 13, 181 6). 

Much is to be learned from the Scholia attached in early times to the works of 
Hesiod, Homer, Pindar, the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius (b. c. 276-193 .''), and 
to the works of Aristotle, Plato, etc. In some cases these are printed with the works 
commented upon ; in other cases, the Scholia have been printed separately. The com- 
mentary of Proclus (a. d. 412-485) upon the Timaeus of Plato is of great importance in 
the Atlantis myth.* 

Much interest attaches to the dialogue entitled On the face appearing in the orb of the 
moo7i^ which appears among the Moralia of Plutarch. Really a contribution to the 
question of life after death, this work also throws light upon geographical and astro- 
nomical knowledge of its time. 

Among the Romans we find much the same succession of sources. The poets, Virgil, 
Horace, Ovid, Tibullus, Lucretius, Lucan, Seneca, touch on geographical or astronomical 
points and reflect the opinion of their day.^ 

The first six books of the great encyclopaedia compiled by Pliny the elder (a. d. 23-79)^ 
contain an account of the universe and the earth, which is of the greatest value, and was 
long exploited by compilers of later times, among the earhest and best of whom was Soli- 
nus."^ Equally famous with Solinus was the author of a work of more independent char- 
acter, Pomponius Mela, who lived in the first century a. d. His geography, commonly 

fully in Winsor's Bibliography of Ptolemy s Geog- which helped to keep Grecian learning alive in 

raphy (Cambridge, Mass., 1884), and in the sec- the early Middle Ages. 

tion on Ptolemy by Wilberforce Eames in Sabin's ^ The works of L. Annaeus Seneca were first 

Dictionary, also printed separately. printed in Naples, 1475, ^^^•■> ^"^ ^^ Qiiestionum 

1 The Phaenome?ia of Aratus was a poem naturalium lib. vii. were not included until the 
which had great vogue both in Greece and Rome. Venice ed. of 1490, which also contained the 
It was commented upon by Hipparchus and first edition of the Suasoriae and Controversariae 
Achilles Tatius (both of which commentaries of M. Ann. Seneca. The Tragoediae of L. Ann. 
are preserved, and are found in the Uranologion Seneca were first printed about 1484 by A. Gal- 
of Petavius), and translated by Cicero. licus, probably at Ferrara. 

2 Gemini elementa astronomiae, also quoted by ^ JJistoriae naturalis libri xxxvii. The first 
the first word of the Greek title, Isagoge. First edition was the famous and rare folio of Joannes 
edition, Altorph, 1590. The best edition is still de Spira, Venice, 1469. I find record of ten 
that in the Uranologion of Dionysius Petavius other editions and three issues of Landino's 
(Paris, i6;^o). It is also found in the rare trans- Italian translation before 1492. 

lation of Ptolemy by Halma (Paris, 1828). "^ C. Julii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabi- 

^ KvK\iKT) decipia quoted as Cleom. de sublimibus Hum sive polyhistor. Solinus lived probably in 

circuits. The first edition was at Paris, 1539. the third century a. d. His book was a great 

4to. It has been edited by Bake (Lugd. Bat., favorite in the Middle Ages, both in manuscript 

1826), and Schmidt (Leips. 1832). Nothing is and in print, and was known by various titles, as 

known of the life of Cleomedes. He wrote after Polyhistor, De situ orbis, etc. The first edition 

the 1st cent. a. d., probably. appeared without place or date, at Rome, about 

* It was first printed in the Plato of Basle, 1473, ^.nd in the same year at Venice, and it was 

1534. There is an English translation by Thomas often reprinted with the annotations of the most 

Taylor, The Comtnentaries of Proclus on the Ti- famous geographers. The best edition is that 

maeus of Plato, \n 2 Yo\?,. (London, 1820). Pro- by Mommsen (Berlin, 1864). See Vol. II. p. 

clas was also the author of astronomical works 180. 



36 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

known as De situ orbisixova the mediaeval title, though the proper name is De chorographia, 
is a work of importance and merit. In the Middle Ages it had wonderful popularity.' 
Cicero, who contemplated writing a history of geography, touches upon the arrangement 
of the earth's surface several times in his works, as in the Tusculan Disputations, and 
notably in the sixth book of the Republic^ in the episode known as the " Dream of Scipio." 
The importance of this piece is enhanced by the commentary upon it written by Macro- 
bius in the fifth century A. d.^ A peculiar interest attaches to the poems of Avienus, of 
the fourth century a. d., in that they give much information about the character attributed 
to the Atlantic Ocean.^ The astronomical poems of Manilius * and Hyginus were favorites 
in early Middle Ages. The astrological character of the work of Manilius made it popular, 
but it conveyed also the true doctrine of the form of the earth. The curious work of 
Marcianus Capella gave a resumd of science in the first half of the fifth century A. D., and 
had a like popularity as a school-book and house-book which also helped maintain the 
truth.5 ^ 

Such in the main are the ancient writers upon which we must chiefly rely in considering 
the present question. In the interpretation of these sources much has been done by the 
leading modern writers on the condition of science in ancient times; like Bunbury, Ukert, 
Forbiger, St. Martin, and Peschel on geography ; ^ like Zeller on philosophy, not to name 
many others ; '^ and like Lewis and Martin on astronomy; ^ but there is no occasion to go 
to much length in the enumeration of this class of books. The reader is referred to 
the examination of the literature of special points of the geographical studies of the 
ancients to the notes following this Essay. 

Mediaeval cosmology and geography await a thorough student ; they are imbedded in 
the wastes of theological discussions of the Fathers, or hidden in manuscript cosmogra- 
phies in libraries of Europe. It should be noted that confusion has arisen from the use 
of the word 7'otundus to express both the sphericity of the earth and the circularity of the 

1 First edition, Milan, 1471. 4to, The best Forbiger, Handbuch der alien Geographic 
is that by Parthey, Berlin, 1867. A history and (Hamburg, 1877), compiled on a peculiar meth- 
bibliography of this work is given in Vol. II. p. od, which is often very sensible. He first ana- 
180. lyzes and condenses the works of each writer, 

2 Commentariorum in somnium Scipionis libri and then sums up the opinions on each country 
iuo. The first edition was at Venice, 1472. and phase of the subject. 

There has been an edition by Jahn (2 vols. Vivien de St. Martin, Histoire de la Geogra- 

Quedlinburg, 1848, 1852), and by Eyssenhardt phie (Paris, 1873). 

(Leipzig, 1868), and a French translation by va- Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde (2d ed., by 

rious hands, printed in 3 vols, at Paris, 1845-47. S. Ruge, Munchen, 1877). Perhaps reference is 

3 Descriptio orbis terrae ; ora maritima. The not out of place also to P. F. J. Gosselin's Gh- 
first edition appeared at Venice in 1488, with graphie des Grecs analysee,ou les Systhnes d'Era- 
the Phaenomena of Aratus. It is included in tosthenes, de Strabon et de Ftolemee, compares entre 
the Geogr. Graec. min. of Mueller. Muellenhof eux et avec nos connaissances modernes (Paris, 
has treated of the latter poem at length in his 1790) ; and his later Recherches sur la Geographic 
Deutsche Alter thumskunde, i. 73-210. systematiqtie et positive des anciens (1797-1813). 

* Astronomicon libri v. Manilius is an un- Cf. Hugo Berger, Geschichte der wiss. Erd- 

known personality, but wrote in the first half of kunde der Griechen (Leipzig, 1887). 

the first century A. D. (First ed., Nuremberg, ' Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie (Tu- 

1472 or 1473) ; Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomic on y bingen, 1856-62). 

1st or 2d cent. A. D. (Ferrara, 1475). ® Sir George Cornwall Lewis, Historical Sur- 

s De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii, first ed. vey of the Astronomy of the Ancients (London, 

Vicent., 1499. 1862). 

6 E. H. Bunbury, Hist, of Anc. Geog. among Theodore Henri Martin, whose numerous pa- 

the Greeks and Romans (London, 1879), in two pers are condensed in the article on " Astrono- 

volumes, — a valuable, well-digested work, but mie " in Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionnairt 

scant in citations. Ukert, Geog. der Griechen de VAntiquiti. Some of the more important dis- 

und Romer (Weimar, 1816), very rich in cita- tinct papers of Martin appeared in the Mem. 

tions, giving authorities for every statement, and Acad. Inscrip. et Belles Lettres. 
useful as a summary. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 3/ 

known lands, and from the use of terra^ or orbis terrae^ to denote the inhabited lands, as 
well as the globe. It has been pointed out by Ruge {Gesch. d. Zeitalters der Enideckun- 
gerty p. 97) that the later Middle Age adopted the circular form of the oekoumene in 
consequence of a peculiar theory as to the relation of the land and water masses of the 
earth, which were conceived as two intercepting spheres. The oekoumene might easily 
be spoken of as a round disk without implying that the whole earth was plane.^ That 
the struggle of the Christian faith, at first for existence and then for the proper harvest- 
ing of the fruits of victory, induced its earlier defenders to wage war against the learning 
as well as the religion of the pagans ; that Christians were inclined to think time taken 
from the contemplation of the true faith worse than wasted when given to investigations 
into natural phenomena, which might better be accepted for what they professed to be ; 
and that they often found in Scripture a welcome support for the evidence of the senses, 
— cannot be denied. It was inevitable that St. Chrysostom, Lactantius, Orosius and 
Origines rejected or decHned to teach the sphericity of the earth. The curious systems 
of Cosmas and Aethicus, marked by a return to the crudest conceptions of the universe, 
found some favor in Europe. But the truth was not forgotten. The astronomical poems 
of Aratus, Hyginus, and Manilius were still read. Solinus and other plunderers of Phny 
were popular, and kept alive the ancient knowledge. The sphericity of the earth was not 
denied by St. Augustine ; it was maintained by Martianus Capella, and assumed by ' 
Isidor of Seville. Bede ^ taught the whole system of ancient geography ; and but little 
later, Virgilius, bishop of Saltzburg, was threatened with papal displeasure, not for teach- 
ing the sphericity of the earth, but for upholding the existence of antipodes.^ The 
canons of Ptolemy were cited in the eleventh century by Hermann Contractus in his De 
utilitatibiis astrolabii, and in the twelfth by Hugues de Saint Victor in his Eruditio 
didascalica. Strabo was not known before Pope Nicholas V., who ordered the first 
translation. Not many to-day can illustrate the truth more clearly than the author of 
V Image du Moftde, an anonymous poem of the thirteenth century. If two men, he says, 
were to start at the same time from a given point and go, the one east, the other west, — 

Si que andui egaumont alassent 
II convendroit qu'il s'encontrassent 
Dessus le leu dont il se murent.4 

In general, the mathematical and astronomical treatises were earlier known to the West 
than the purely metaphysical works : this was the case in the eleventh and twelfth cen- 
turies; in the thirteenth the schoolmen were familiar with the whole body of Aristotle's 
works. Thus the influence of Aristotle on natural science was early important, either 
through Arabian commentators or paraphrasers, or through translations made from the 
Arabic, or directly from the Greek. ^ 

Jourdain afiirms that it was the influence of Aristotle and his interpreters that kept alive 
in the Middle Ages the doctrine that India and Spain were not far apart. He also main- 

1 See Cellarius, N'otit. orb, aittiq. i. ch. 2, de insect can walk all round the circumference of a 
rotunditate terrae. See also Gunther, Aeltere pear. This notable poem has been lately stud- 
tind neuere Hypothese ueber die chronische Ver- ied by Fant, but is still unprinted. It was known 
setztmg des Erdschwerptinktes durch Wassermas- to Abulfeda, that if two persons made the jour* 
sen (Halle, 1878). ney described, they would on meeting differ by 

2 De Natura Rerum. two days in their calendar (Peschel, Gesch. d. 

3 See a7ite, p. 31. In the second century St. Erdkunde, p. 132). 

Clement spoke of the " Ocean impassible to ^ A. Jourdain, Recherches critique sur Vdge et 

man, and the worlds beyond it." \st Epist. to Porigin des traductions latines d'Aristote, et sur 

Corinth, ch. 20. {Apostolic Father s^ Edinb. 1870, des commentaires Grecs et Arabes employh par les 

p. 22.) docteurs scolastiques (Paris, 1843). ^^^ ^Iso De 

* Legrand d'Aussy, Image du Monde. Notices V influence d^Aristote et de ses interprltes sur la 

et extraits de la Bibliothlque djc Roi, etc., v. decouverte du nouveau-monde, par Ch. jfourdain 

(1798), p. 260. It is also said that the earth is (Paris, 1861). 
round, so that a man could go all round it as an 



38 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



tains that the doctrine of the sphericity of the earth was familiar throughout the Middle 
Age, and, if anything, more of a favorite than the other view. 

The field of the later ecclesiastical and scholastic writers, who kept up the contentions 
over the form of -the earth and kindred subjects, is too large to be here minutely surveyed. 
Such of them as were well known to the geographical students of the centuries next pre- 
t ceding Columbus have been briefly indicated in another place ; ^ and if not completely, yet 
with helpful outlining, the whole subject of the mediaeval cosmology has been studied by 
not a few of the geographical and cartographical students of later days.^ So far as these 
studies pertain to the theory of a Lost Atlantis and the fabulous islands of the Atlantic 
Ocean, they will be particularly illustrated in the notes which follow this Essay. 



^^■^^<Z^k^ 




NOTES. 

A. The Form of the Earth-. — It is not easy to demonstrate that the earliest Greeks believed the earth 
to be a flat disk, although that is the accepted and probably correct view of their belief. It is possible to 
examine but a small part of the earliest literature, and what we have is of uncertain date and dubious origin ; 
its intent is rehgious or romantic, not scientific; its form is poetic. It is difficult to interpret it accurately, 
since the prevalent ideas of nature must be deduced from imagery, qualifying words and phrases, and seldom 
from direct description. The interpreter, doubtful as to the proportion in which he finds mingled fancy and 
honest faith, is in constant danger of overreaching himself by excess of ingenuity. In dealing with such a 
literature one is peculiarly hable to abuse the always dangerous .argument by which want of knowledge is 
inferred from lack of mention. Other difficulties beset the use of later philosophic material, much of which is 
preserved only in extracts made by antagonists or by compilers, so that we are forced to confront a lack of 



1 See Vol. II., ch. i., Critical Essay. 

2 Cf. a bibliographical note in St. Martin's 
Histoire de la Geographie (1873), P- 296. The 
well-known Examen Critique of Humboldt, the 
Recherches sur la geographie of Walckenaer, the 
Geographie du moyen-dge of Lelewel, with a few 
lesser monographic papers like Freville's " Me- 
moire sur la Cosmographie du moyen-^ge," in 
the Revue des Soc. Savantes, 1859, vol. ii., and 
Gaffarel's " Les relations entre I'ancient monde 
et I'Amerique, etaient-elles possible au moyen- 
^ge," in the Bull, de la Soc. Normande de Geog., 
1881, vol. iii. 209, will answer most purposes of 
the general reader ; but certain special phases 
will best be followed in Letronne's Des opinions 
cosmographiques des P^res de VEglise, rapprocher 
des doctrines philosophiques de la Grece, in the 
Revue des Deux Mondes, Mars, 1834, p. 601, etc. 
The Vicomte Santarem's Essai sur Vhistoire de 
la cosmographie et de la cartographic pendant le 
moyen-dge, et sur les progrh de la geographie 
aprh les grandes decouvertes du xv^ siMe (Paris, 
1849-52), in 3 vols., was an introduction to the 
great Atlas of mediaeval maps issued b" Santa- 
rem, and had for its object the vindication of the 
Portuguese to be considered the first explorers 
of the African coast. He is more interested in 



the burning zone doctrine than in the shape of 
the earth. H. Wuttke's Ueber Erdkunde und 
Kultur des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1853) is an ex- 
tract from the Serapetim. G. Marinelli's Die 
Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvdtern (Leipzig, 1884, 
pp. 87) is very full on Cosmas, with drawings 
from the MS. not elsewhere found ; Siegmund 
Giinther's Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u. 
Erdbewegung im Mittelalter bei den Occidentalen 
(Halle, 1877), pp. 53, and his Die Lehre von der 
Erdrundung u. Erdbewegung bei den Arabern 
und Hebrdern (Halle, 1877), pp. 127, give numer- 
ous bibliographical references with exactness. 
Specially interesting is Charles Jourdain's De 
r influence d^Aristote et de ses interpret es aux la 
decouverte du nouveau monde (Paris, 1861), where 
we read (p. 30) : " La pensee dominante de Co- 
lomb etait I'hypothese de la proximite de I'Es- 
pagne et de I'Asie, et . . . cette hypothese lui ve- 
nait d'Aristote et des scolastiques ; " and again 
(p. 24) : *' Ce n'est pas a Ptolemee . . . que le 
moyen age a emprunte I'hypothese d'une commu- 
nication entre I'Europe et I'Asie par I'ocean At- 
lantique. . . . Cette consequence, qui n'avait par 
eschappe a Eratosthene, n'est pas enoncee par 
Ptolemee tandis qu'elle retrouve de la maniere 
la plus expresse chez Aristote." 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 39 

context and possible misunderstanding or misquotation. The frequent use of the word o-rpoY-yvAo?, which has 
the same ambiguity as our word " round "' in common parlance, often leads to uncertainty. A more fruitful 
cause of trouble is inherent in the Greek manner of thinking of the world. It is often difficult to know 
whether a writer means the planet, or whether he means the agglomeration of known lands which later 
writers called j? oifcou/aeVrj. It is not impossible that when writers refer to the earth as encircled by the river 
Oceanus, they mean, not the globe, but the known lands, the eastern continent, as we say, what the Romans 
sometimes called orbis terrae or orbis terrarum, a term which may mean the "circle of the lands," not tlie 
" orb of the earth." At a later time it was a well-known belief that the earth-globe and water-globe were 
excentrics, so that a segment of the former projected beyond the surface of the latter in one part, and con- 
stituted the known world.i 

I cannot attach much importance to the line of argument with which modem writers since Voss have tried 
to prove that the Homeric poems represent the earth flat. That Poseidon, from the mountains of the Solymi, 
sees Odesseus on the sea to the west of Greece {Od. v. 282) ; that Helios could see his cattle in Thrinakia 
both as he went toward the heavens and as he turned toward the earth again {Od. xii. 380) ; that at sunset 
*' all the ways are darkened ; " that the sun and the stars set in and rose from the ocean, — these and similar 
proofs seem to me to have as little weight as attaches to the expressions " ends of the earth," or to the flowing 
of Oceanus around the earth. There are, however, other and better reasons for assuming that the earth in 
earliest thought was flat. Such is the most natural assumption from the evidence of sight, and there is 
certainly nothing in the older writings inconsistent with such an idea. We know, moreover, that in the time 
of Socrates it was yet a matter of debate as to whether the earth was flat or spherical, as it was in the time of 
Plutarch.2 We are distinctly told by Aristotle that various forms were attributed to earth by early philoso- 
phers, and the implication is that the spherical theory, whose truth he proceeds to demonstrate, was a new 
thought.3 It is very unlikely, except to those who sincerely accept the theory of a primitive race of unequalled 
wisdom, that the sphericity of the earth, having been known to Homer, should have been cast aside by the 
Ionic philosophers and the Epicureans, and forgotten by educated people five or six centuries later, as it 
must have been before the midnight voyage of Helios in his golden cup, and before similar attempts to 
account for the return of the sun could have become current. Ignorance of the true shape of the earth is also 
indicated by the common view that the sun appeared much larger at rising to the people of India than to the 
Grecians, and at setting presented the same phenomenon in Spain.* As we have seen, the description of 
Tartarus in the Theogony of Hesiod, which Pick thinks an interpolation of much later date, likens the earth 
to a lid. 

The question has always been an open one. Crates of Mallos, Strabo, and other Homer-worshippers- of 
antiquity, could not deny to the poet any knowledge current in their day, but their reasons for assuming that 
he knew the earth to be a globe are not strong. In recent years President Warren has maintained that 
Homer's earth was a sphere with Oceanus flowing around the equator, that the pillars of Atlas meant the axis 
of the earth, and that Ogygia was at the north pole.5 Homer, however, thought that Oceanus flowed around 
the known lands, not that it merely grazed their southern border : it is met with in the east where the sun 
rises, in the west {Od. iv. 567), and in the north {Od. v. 275). 

That " Homer and all the ancient poets conceived the earth to be a plane " was distinctly asserted by 
Geminus in the first century b. c.,6 and has been in general steadfastly maintained by moderns like Voss,' 
Volcker,8 Buchholtz,9 Gladstone,^ Martin,ii Schaefer,i2 and Gruppe.is It is therefore intrinsically probable, 
commonly accepted, and not contradicted by what is known of the literature of the time itself.14 

B. Homer's Geography. — There is an extensive literature on the geographic attainments of Homer, but 
it is for the most part rather sad reading. The later Greeks had a local identification for every place men- . 

1 See also ante, p. 37. 8 c/^3^^ Homerische Geographie und IVeltkunde (Han- 

2 Plato, Phaedo, 108 ; Plutarch, De facie. over, 1830). 

3 Aristotle, De caelo, ii. 13. 9 Homerische Realien, I. i. Homerische Cosmographie 
« Ctesias, On India, oh. v. (ed. Didot, p. 80), says the und Geographic {'Lai^pzxg, 1871). 

rising sun appears ten times larger in India than in Greece. 10 Homer and the Homeric Age (London, 1858), ii. 334. 

Strabo, Geogr. iii. i, § 5, quotes Posidonlus as denying a The question of Aeaea, " where are the dancing places of the 

similar story of the setting sun as seen from Gades. dawn" {Od. xii. 5), almost induces Gladstone to believe 

Whether Herodotus had a similar idea when he wrote that Homer thought the earth cylindrical, but it may be 

that in India the mornings were torrid, the noons temperate doubted if the expression means more than an outburst of 

and the evenings cold (Herod, iii. 104), is uncertain. Also joy at returning from the darkness beyond ocean to the 

see Dionysius Periegetes, Periplus, 1 109-1 1 1 1, in Geographi realm of light. 

Graeci minores. Ed. C. Mtieller (Paris, Didot, 1861), ii. n " Memoire sur la cosmographie Grecque a I'epoque 

172). Rawlinson sees in it only a statement of climatic d'Homere et d'Hesiode," in Mem. de PAcad. des Inscr. 

»*^*' et des Belles Lettres, xxviii. (1874) i, 211-235. 

6 The True Key to Ancient Cosmogonies, \n the Year 12 Entwicklung der Ansichten des Alterthums ueber 

Book of Boston C/«7t'.?rj/;'>', 1882, and separately, Boston. Gestalt und Grosse der Erde. Leipzig, 1S68. (Gymn. z. 

1882 ; and in his Paradise Found, 4th ed. (Boston, 1885). Insterburg.) 

« Geminus, Isagoge, c. 13. « Die Kosmischen Systeme der Griechen (Beriin, 1851). 

' " Ueber die Gestalt der Erde nach den Begriffen der " See also Keppel, Die Ansichten der alien Griechen 

Alten," in Kritische Blatter, ii. (1790) 130. und Romer von der Gestalt, Grosse, und Weltstelhmg der 

Erde. (Schweinfurt, 1884.) 



40 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

tioned in the Odyssey ; but conservative scliolars at present are chary of such, while agreed in confining the 
scene of the wanderings to the western Mediterranean. Gladstone, in Homer and the Hotfteric Age, has 
argued with ingenuity for the transfer of the scene from the West to the East, and has constructed on this 
basis one of the most extraordinary maps of " the ancient world " known. K. E. von Baer ( Wo ist der Schatt- 
flatz d. Fahrten d. Odysseus zu finden ? 1875), agreeing with Gladstone, " identifies " the Lastrygonian 
harbor with Balaklava, and discovers the very poplar grove of Persephone. It is a favorite scheme with 
others to place the wanderings outside the columns of Hercules, among the Atlantic isles,i and to include a 
circumnavigation of Africa. The better opinion seems to me that which leaves the wanderings in the western 
Mediterranean, which was considered to extend much farther north than it actually does. The maps which 
represent the voyage within the actual coast lines of the sea, and indicate the vessel passing through the 
Straits to the ocean, are misleading. There is not enough given in the poem to resolve the problem. The 
courses are vague, the distances uncertain or conventional, — often neither are given ; and the matter is com- 
plicated by the introduction of a floating island, and the mysterious voyages from the land of the Phaeacians. 
It is a pleasant device adopted by Buchholtz and others to assume that where the course is not given, the 
wind last mentioned must be considered to still hold, and surely no one will grudge the commentators this 
amelioration of their lot. 

C. Supposed References to America. — It is well known that Columbus's hopes were in part based 
on passages in classical authors.2 Glareanus, quoting Virgil in 1527, after Columbus's discovery had 
made the question of the ancient knowledge prominent, has been considered the earliest to open the discus- 
sion ; 3 and after this we find it a common topic in the early general writers on America, like Las Casas {His- 
ioria General), Ramusio (introd. vol. iii.), and Acosta (book i. ch. 11, etc.) 

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it was not an uncommon subject of academic and learned dis- 
cussion.4 It was a part of the survey made by many of the writers who discussed the origin of the American 
I tribes, like Garcia,5 Lafitau,6 Samuel Mather,'' Robertson,8 not to name others. 

It was not till Humboldt compassed the subject in his Examen Critique de Vhistoire de la geographie du 
nouveau continent (Paris, 1836), that the field was fully scanned with a critical spirit, acceptable to the 
modern mind. He gives two of the five volumes which comprise the work to this part of his subject, and 
very little has been added by later research, while his conclusions still remain, on the whole, those of the most 
careful of succeeding writers. The French original is not equipped with guides to its contents, such as a 
student needs ; but this is partly supplied by the index in the German translation. 9 The impediments which 
the student encounters in the Examen Critique are a good deal removed in a book which is on the whole the 
easiest guide to the sources of the subject, — Paul G-s&-sa&V?, Etude sur les rapports de P Amerique et de 
Vancien continent avant Christophe Colomb (Paris, i869).lo 

The literature of the supposed old-world communication with America shows other phases of this question 
of ancient knowledge, and may be divided, apart from the Greek embraced in the previous survey, into 
those of the Egyptians, Phoenicians, Tyrians, Carthaginians, and Romans. 

^ For example, K. Jarz, " Wo sind die Homerischen In- In Brunn's Bibliotheca Danica are a number of titles 

seln Trinakie, Scherie, etc. zu suchen?" in Zeitschr. fur of dissertations bearing on the subject; they are mostly 

wissensch. Geogr. ii. 10-18, 21. old. 

2 See Vol. II. p. 26. His son Ferdinand enlarges upon ^ Even the voyage of Kolaos, mentioned in Herodotus 
this. The passage in Seneca's Medea was a favorite. This (iv. 152), is supposed by Garcia a voyage to America. 

is often considered rather as a lucky prophecy. Leibnitz, " Maeurs des Sauvages (Paris, 1724). 

I Opera Philologica (Geneva, 1708), vi. 317. Charles Sum- "^ Attempt to show that America must have been known 

" ner's " Prophetic Voices concerning America," in Atlantic to the Ancients (Boston, 1773). 

Monthly, Sept. 1867 (also separately, Boston, 1874). Hist. ^ History of America, 1775. 

Mag. xiii. 176; xv. 140. 9 See Vol. II. p. 68. Humboldt (i. 191) adopts the view 

3 Vol. II. 25. Harrisse, Bib. Amer. Vet. i. 262. of Ortelius that the grand continent mentioned by Plu- 
* Perizonius, in his note to the story of Silenus and tarch is America and not Atlantis. Cf. Brasseur's Lettres 

Midas, quoted from Theopompus by .^lian in his Varia a M. le Due de Valmy, p. 57. 

H istor ice {^omQ, 1545; in Ladn, Basle, 1548; in English, ^^ Gaffarel has since elaborated this part of the book in 

1 576)* quotes the chief references in ancient writers. Cf. some papers, " Les Grecs et les Romains ont-ils connu 

yElian, ed. by Perizonius, Lugd. Bat. i7oi,p. 217. Among I'Amerique ?" in the Revue de Geographie (Oct. 1881, et 

the writers of the previous century quoted by this editor are seq.), ix. 241, 420; x. 21, under the heads of traditions, 

Rupertus, Dissertationes mixtce ad Val. Max. (Nurem- theories, and voyages. 

berg, 1663). Math. Berniggerus, Ex Taciti GermaniS. There are references in Bancroft's Native Races, v. 

et Agricola questiones (Argent. 1640). Eras. Schmidt, ch. 1; and in his Cent. America, vi. 70, etc.; in Short, 

Dissert, de America, which is annexed to Schmidt's ed. No. Amer. of Antiq., 146, 466, 474; in DeCosta's Pre- 

of Pindar (Witelsbergas, 1616), where it is spoken of as Columbian Disco7>ery. Brasseur touches the subject in his 

"Discursus de insula Atlantica ultra columnas Herculis introduction to his Z««^<^'j /f^/rtz^/t'w; Charles Jourdain, in 

quas America hodie dicitur." Cluverius, Introduction in his Z>^ V influence d'' Aristote et de ses interprites sur la 

univers. geogr., vi. 21, § 2, supports this view, ist ed., decouverte du nouveau inonde (Paris, 1861), taken from 

1624. In the ed. 1729 is a note by Reiskius on the same the Journal de rinstnictioft Publique. A recent book, 

side, with references (p. 667). W. S. Blackett's Researches, etc. (Lond. 1883), may be 

Of the same century is J. D. Victor's Disputatio de avoided. 
America {'^^nTt, 1670). 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 41 

The Egyptian theory has been mainly worked out in the present century. Paul Felix Cabrera's Teatro critico 
Americano, printed with Rio's Palenque (Lond., 1822), formulates the proofs. An essay by A. Lenoir, com- 
paring the Central American monuments with those of Egypt, is appended to Dupaix's Antiqiiites Mexi- 
caines (1805). Delafield's Inquiry into the Origin of the Antiquities of America (Cincinnati, 1839), traces it 
to the Cushites of Egypt, and cites Garcia y Cubas, Ensayo de an Estudio Comparativo entre las Pirdmides 
Egipcias y Mexicanas, Brasseur de Bourbourg discussed the question, SHI existe des sources de Vhistoire 
primitive du Mexique dans les monuments egyptiens de Vhistoire primitive de Pancien monde dans les 
monuments americains? in his ed. of Landa's Relations des Chases de Yucatan (Paris, i£64). Buckle {Hist. 
of Civilization, i. ch. 2) believes the Mexican civilization to have been strictly analogous to that of India and 
Egypt. Tylor {Early Hist, of Mankind, 98) compares the Egyptian hieroglyphics with those of the Aztecs. 
John T. C. Heaviside, Arner. Antiquities, or the New World the Old, and the Old World the New (Lon- 
don, 1868), maintains the reverse theory of the Egyptians being migrated Americans. F. de Varnhagen 
works out his belief in Vorigine touranienne des americains tupis-caribes et des anciens egyptiens montree 
principalement par la philologie comparee ; et notice d'une emigration en Amerique effeciuee a travers 
PAtlantique plusieurs sitcles avant notre ere (Vienne 1876).! 

Aristotle's mention of an island discovered by the PhcEnicians was thought by Gomara and Oviedo to refer to 
America. The elder leading writers on the origin of the Indians, like Garcia, Horn, De Laet, and at a later day 
Lafitau, discuss the Phoenician theory ; as does Voss in his annotations on Pomponius Mela (1658), and Count 
de Gebelin in h.\s Monde primitif {Vdiri?,, 1781). In the present century the question has been touched by 
Cabrera in Rio's Palenque (1822). R. A. Wilson, in his New Conquest of Mexico, assigns (ch. v.) the ruins 
of Middle America to the Phcenicians. Morlot, in the Actes de la Societe Jurassienne d'' Emulation (1863), 
printed his " La decouverte de I'Amerique par les Pheniciens." Gaffarel sums up the evidences in a paper in 
the Compte Rendu, Cong, des Amer. (Nancy), i. 93.2 

The Tyrian theory has been mainly sustained by a foolish book, by a foolish man, An Original History of 
Anc. Ameri-a (London, 1843), by Geo. Jones, later known as the Count Johannes (cf. Bancroft's Native 
Races, v. 73), 

The Carthaginian discovery rests mainly on the statements of Diodorus Siculus.3 ^ 

Baron Zach in his Correspondenz undertakes to say that Roman voyages to America were common in the 
days of Seneca, and a good deal of wild speculation has been indulged in.4 

D. Atlantis. — The story of Atlantis rests solely upon the authority of Plato, who sketched it in the 
Timaeus, and began an elaborated version in the Critias (if that fragment be by him), which old writers often 
cite as the Atlanticus. This is frequently forgotten by those who try to establish the truth of the story, who 
often write as if all statements in print were equally available as " authorities," and quote as corroborations 
of the tale all mentions of it made by classical writers, regardless of the fact that all are later than Plato, and 
can no more than Ignatius Donnelly corroborate him. In fact, the ancients knew no better than we what to 
make of the story, and diverse opinions prevailed then as now. Many of these opinions are collected by Pro- 
clus in the first book of his commentary on the Tiinaeus,^ and all shades of opinion are represented from 
those who, like Crantor, accepted the story as simply historical, to those who regarded it as a mere fable. 
Still others, with Proclus himself, accepted it as a record of actual events, while accounting for its introduction 
in Plato by a variety of subtile metaphysical interpretations. Proclus reports that Crantor, the first commen- 
tator upon Plato {circa b. c. 300), asserted that the Egyptian priests said that the story was written on pillars 
•which were still preserved,6 and he likewise quotes from the Ethiopic History of Marcellus, a writer of whom 

* Of lesser importance are these : Bancroft's Native 3 cf_ Johr. Langius, Medicinalium Epistolarum Miscel- 

Races, iv. 364, v. 55 ; Short, 418; Stephens's Cent. Amer., lanea (Basle, 1554-60), with a chapter, " De novis Americi 

ii. 438-442; M'CuUoh's Researches, 171; Weise, Z>w<:^z/- orbis insuHs, antea ab Hannone Carthaginein repertis ; '* 

eries of America, p. 2; Campbell in Compte Rendu, Gebelin's Monde Primitif; Bancroft's iWz/zw i?(2<r^j, iii. 

Congr^s des Amir. 1875, i. W. L. Stone asks if the 313, v. 77; Short, 145,209. 

mound-builders were Egyptians {Mag. Amer. History, ii. * A specimen is in M. V. Moore's paper in the Mag. of 

533)- Amer. Hist. (1884), xii. 113, 354. There are various fugi- 

2 Of less importance are: Bancroft, Nat. Races, \. 63- tive .references to Roman coins found often many feet under 

77, with references ; Short, 145 ; Bd.XdWiri'?, Anc. America, ground, in different parts of America. See for such, Or- 

162, 171 ; Warden's Recherches, etc. The more general telius, Theatrum orbis terrarum. ; Haywood's Tennes- 

discussion of Humboldt, Brasseur {Nat. Civ.), Gaffarel see (1820); Hist. Mag., v. 314; Mag. Amer. Hist., xiii. 

(Rapport), De Costa, etc., of course helps the investigator 457 ; Marcel de Serre, Cosmogonie de Moise, p. 32 ; and 

to clues. for pretended Roman inscriptions, Brasseur de Bourbourg, 

The subject is mixed up with some absurdity and deceit. Nat. Civ. Mix. , preface ; Journal de V Instruction Pub- 

The Dighton Rock has passed for Phoenician (Stiles' lique, Juin, 1853; Humboldt, Exam. Crit.,\. 166; Gaf- 

Sermon, 1783 ; Yates and Moulton's New York). At one farel in Rev. de Geog., ix. 427. 

time a Phoenician inscription in Brazil was invented {^w. ^ Prodi commentarius in Plaionis Timaeum. Rec. 

Geog. Soc. Bull. 1886, p. 364; St. John V. Day's Pre- C. E. C. Schtteider. {Vraiislaviae, iHj-) The Commen- 

historic Use of Iron, Lond. 1877, p. 62). The notorious taries of Proclus on the Timaeus of Plato. Translated 

Cardiff giant, conveniently found in New York state, was by Thomas Taylor, 2 vols. 4°. (London, 1820.) Proclus 

presented to a credulous public as Phoenician {Am. lived a. d. 412-485. The passages of importance are found 

Antiq. Soc. Proc, Ap. 1875). The history of this hoax is in the translation, vol. i. pp. 64, 70, 144, 148. 

given by W. A. McKinney in the New Englander, 1875, « Taylor, i. 64. 
P- 759- 



42 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

nothing else is known, a statement that according to certain historians there were seven islands in the external 
sea sacred to Proserpine ; and also three others of great size, one sacred to Pluto, one to Ammon, and another, 
the middle one, a thousand stadia in size, sacred to Neptune. The inhabitants of it preserved the remem- 
brance, from their ancestors, of the Atlantic island which existed there, and was truly prodigiously great, 
which for many periods had dominion over all the islands in the Atlantic sea, and was itself sacred to Nep- 
tune.l Testimony like this is of little value in such a case. What comes to us at third hand is more apt to 
need support than give it ; yet these two passages are the strongest evidence of knowledge of Atlantis 
outside of Plato that is preserved. We do indeed find mention of it elsewhere and earlier. Thus Strabo 2 
says that Posidonius (b. c. 135-51) suggested that, as the land was known to have changed in elevation, 
Atlantis might not be a fiction, but that such an island-continent might actually have existed and disappeared. 
Pliny 8 also mentions Atlantis in treating of changes in the earth's surface, though he qualifies his quota- 
tion with " si Platoni credimus." 4 A mention of the story in a similar connection is made by Ammianus 
Marcellinus.5 

In the Scholia to Plato's Republic it is said that at the great Panathenaea there was carried in pr-^cession a 
feplum ornamented with representations of the contest between the giants and the gods, while on the peplum 
carried in the little Panathenaea could be seen the war of the Athenians against the Atlantides. Even 
Humboldt accepted this as an independent testimony in favor of the antiquity of the story ; but Martin has 
shown that,*apart from the total inconsistency of the report with the expressions of Plato, who places the narra- 
tion of this forgotten deed of his countrymen at the celebration of the festival of the little Panathenaea, the 
scholiast has only misread Proclus, who states that the peplum depicted the repulse of the barbarians, i. e. 
Persians, by the Greeks.^ To these passages it is customary to add references to the Meropian continent of 
Theopompus,'' the Saturnian of Plutarch, the islands of Aristotle, Diodorus and Pausanias, — which is very 
much as if one should refer to the New Atlantis of Bacon as evidence for the existence of More's Utopia.^ 
Plutarch in his life of Solon attributes Solon's having given up the idea of an epic upon Atlantis to his advanced 
age rather than to want of leisure ; but there is nothing to show that he had any evidence beyond Plato that 
Solon ever thought of such a poem, and Plato does not say that Solon began the poem, though Plutarch 
appears to have so understood him.9 Thus it seems more probable that all the references to Atlantis by 
ancient writers are derived from the story in Plato than that they are independent and corroborative state- 
ments. 

With the decline of the Platonic school at Alexandria even the name of Atlantis readily vanished from 
literature. It is mentioned by Tertullian,iO and found a place in the strange system of Cosmas Indico-pleustes,il 
but throughout the Middle Ages little or nothing was known of it. That it was not quite forgotten appears 
from its mention in the Image du Monde, a poem of the thirteenth century, still in MS., where it is assigned 
a location in the Mer Betee (= coagulee).i2 Plato was printed in Latin in 1483, 1484, 1491, and in Greek 
in 1513, and in 1534 with the commentary of Proclus on the Timaeus.13 The Timaeus -wns printed sepa- 
rately five times in the sixteenth century, and also in a French and an Italian translation. i* 

The discovery of America doubtless added to the interest with which the story was perused, and the old 
controversy flamed up with new ardor. It was generally assumed that the account given by Plato was not his 
invention. Opinions were, however, divided as to whether he had given a correct account. Of those who 
believed that he had erred as to the locality or as to the destruction of the island, some thought that America 
was the true Atlantis, while others, with whose ideas we have no concern here, placed Atlantis in Africa, Asia, 
or Europe, as prejudice led them. Another class of scholars, sensible of the necessity of adhering to the text 
of the only extant account, accepted the whole narrative, and endeavored to find in the geography of the 

^ Prod, in Tim. (Schneider), p. 126; Taylor, i. 148. Rhine («^ 2«j«/zj ^^^z'ww confluxisse et tractibus transrhe- 

Also in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. Mueller, nanis) whence they were driven by wars and the incursions 

(Paris, 1852), vol. iv. p. 443. of the sea (Timag. in Mueller, Frag. hist, of Grace, iii. 

2 Geogr. ii. § 3, § 6 (p. 103). 323). It would seem incredible that this should be dragged 

3 Hist. Nat., ii. 92. into the Atlantis controversy, but such has been the case. 

* The Atlantis mentioned by Pliny in Hist. Nat., vi. 36, ^ Plutarch, Solon, at end. R. Prinz, De Solonis Plu- 

is apparently entirely distinct from the Atlantis of Plato. tarchifontibus (Bonnae, 1857). 

5 Amm. Marc. xvii. 7, § 13. Fiunt autem terrarum mo- ^'^ De Pallio, 2,Apol.,^. z^- Also hy Armhms, A dver' 
tus modis quattuor, aut enim brasmatiae sunt, . . . aut cli- sus gentes, i. 5. 

matiae . . . aut chasmatiae, qui grandiori motu patefactis ^^ Ed. Montfaucon, i. 1 14-125, ii. 131, 136-138, iv. 186- 

subito voratrinis terrarum partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico 192, xii. 340. 

mare Europaeo orbe spatiosor insula, etc. (Ed. Eyssen- ^^ Gaffarel in Revue de Geographie, vi. 

hardt, Berlin, 1871, p. 106). ^^ Platonis omnia opere cum comm. Procliiin Timaeum, 

6 Martin, Etudes sur le Timee (1841), i. 305, 306. The etc (Basil. Valderus, 1534)- 

passage in question is in Schol. ad Rempubl., p. 327, Plato, 1* Ex Platoni Timaeo particula, Ciceronis libro de uni- 

ed. Bekker, vol. ix. p. 67. versitate respondens. . . . op. Jo. Perizonii (Paris, Tileta- 

7 Cited in Aelian's Varia. Historia,'-m.. 0)0.. 18. For the nus, 1540; Basil, s. a.; Paris, Morell, 1551). Interpret. 
other references see above, pp. 23, 25, 26. Cicerone et Chalcidio, etc. (Paris, 1579). Le Tim^ke de 

8 Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 9) quotes from Timagenes Platan, translate dugrec en fran^ais,par L. le Roy, eta 
(who wrote in the first century a history of Gaul, now lost) (Paris, 1551, 1581). II dialogo di Platone, intitolato il Ti- 
a statement that some of the Gauls had originally immi- maeo trad, da S3. Erizzo, nuov. mandato en iTice d. Gir. 
grated from very distant islands and from lands beyond the Ruscellii (Venet. 1558). 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 43 

Atlantic, or as indicated by the resemblances between the flora, fauna, and civilization of America and of the 
old world, additional reasons for believing that such an island had once existed, and had disappeared after 
serving as a bridge by which communication between the continents was for a time carried on. The discussion 
was prolonged over centuries, and is not yet concluded. The wilder theories have been eliminated by time, 
and the contest may now be said to be between those who accept Plato's tale as true and those who regard it 
as an invention. The latter view is at present in favor with the most conservative and careful scholars, but 
the other will always find advocates. That Atlantis was America was maintained by Gomara, Guillaume 
de Postel, Horn, and others incidentally, and by Birchrod in a special treatise,! which had some influence even 
upon the geographer Cellarius. In 1669 ^^^ Sansons published a map showiHg America divided among the 
descendants of Neptune as Atlantis was divided, and even as late as 1762 Vaugondy reproduced it.2 In 
his edition of Plato, Stallbaum expressed his belief that the Egyptians might have had some knowledge of 
America.3 Cluverius thought the stoiy was due to a knowledge of America.^ 

Very lately Hyde Clark has found in the Atlantis fable evidence of a knowledge of America : he does not 
believe in the connecting island Atlantis, but he holds that Plato misinterpreted some account of America 
which had reached him.5 Except for completeness it is scarcely worth mentioning that Blackett, whose work 
can really be characterized by no other word than absurd, sees America in Atlantis.6 

Here should be mentioned a work by Berlioux, which puts Euhemerus to the blush in the manner in which 
history with much detail is extorted from mythology.'' He holds that Atlantis was the northwestern coast of 
Africa ; that under Ouranos and Atlas, astronomers and kings, it was the seat of a great empire which had 
conquered portions of America and kept a lively commercial intercourse with that country. 

Ortelius in several places speaks of the belief that America was the old Atlantis, and also attributes that 
belief to Mercator.s 

That Atlantis might really have existed 9 and disappeared, leaving the Atlantic islands as remnants, was too 
evident to escape notice. Ortelius suggested that the island of Gades might be a fragment of Atlantis,^ and 
the doctrine was early a favorite. Kircher, in his very curious work on the subterranean world, devotes 
considerable space to Atlantis, rejecting its connection with America, while he maintains its former existence, 
and holds that the Azores, Canaries, and other Atlantic islands were formerly parts thereof, and that they 
showed traces of volcanic fires in his day.n 

Las Casas in his history of the Indies devoted an entire chapter to Atlantis, quoting the arguments of 
Proclus, in his commentary on Plato, in favor of the story, though he is himself more doubtful. He also 
cites confirmative passages from Philo and St. Anselm, etc. He considers the question of the Atlantic isles, 
and cites authorities for great and sudden changes in the earth's surface.12 

The same view was taken by Becman,i3 and Portia D'Urban. Turnefort included America in the list of 
remnants ; and De la Borde followed Sanson in extending Atlantis to the farthest Pacific islands.l4 Bory 
de St. Vincent,i5 again, limited Atlantis to the Atlantic, and gave on a map his ideas of its contour. 

D'Avezac maintains this theory in his lies africaines de P Ocean Atlantique}^ p. 5-8. Carli devoted a 
large part of the second volume of his Lettere Americane to Atlantis, controverting Baily, who placed Atlantis 

1 Birchrodii Schediasma de orbe novo non novo (Alt- » Bartolome de las CasdiS, Hist or ia de las Indias. Ed. 
dorf, 1683). De la Fuensanto de Valle and J. S. Rayon (Madrid, 

2 The representation of Sanson is reproduced on p. 18. 1875), i. cap. viii. pp. 73-79. 

The full title of these curious maps is given by Martin, ^o Taylor, in the introduction to the Timaeus, in his 

Etudes sur le Timee, i. 270, notes. translation of Plato, regards as almost impious the doubts 

3 Plato, ed. Stallbaum (Gothae, 1838), vii. p. 99, note E. as to the truth of the narrative. The Works of Plato, voL 
See also his Prolegomena de Critia, in the same volume, i. London, 1804. 

for further discussion and references. 11 Thes. Geogr., s. v. Gadirus. 

* Cluverius, /«z'rtf</«<r/., ed. 1729, p. 667, 12 Athanasii Kircherii Mundtis subterraneus in xii, 

6 Examination of the legend of Atlantis in reference libros digestus (Amsterd., 1678), pp. 80-83. He gives a 

to proto-historic communications with Ajnerica, '\n the cut illustrative of his views on p. 82. 

Trans. Royal Hist. Soc. (Lond., 1885), iii. p. 1-46. i3 Historia orbis terrarum geographica et civilis,cz.^. 5, 

c W. S. Blackett, Researches into the lost histories of § 2, hist, insul. I. C. Becmann, 2d ed. (Francfort on Oder, 

America; or, the Zodiac shown to be an old terrestrial 1680). Title from British Museum, as I have been unable 

map in which' the Atlantic isle is delineated, etc. (London, to see the work. The Allg. Deutsche Biographic says the 

1883), p. 31, 32. The work is not too severely judged by first edition appeared in 1680. It was a book of considerable 

W. F. Poole, in the Dial (Chicago), Sept. 84, note. The note in hs day. 

author's reasons for believing that Atlantis could not have " De la Borde, Histoire abregee de la mer du Sud 

sunk are interesting in a way. The Fourth Rept. Bur. of (Paris, 1791). 

Ethnology (p. 251) calls it " a curiosity of literature." « j. b. G. M. Bory de St. Vincent, Essais sur les isles 

^ E. F. Berlioux, Les Atlantes : histoire de r Atlantis, Fortunees et Pantique Atlantide (Paris, an xi. or 1803), ch. 

et de P Atlas primitif {Vans, 1883). It originally made 7. Si les Canaries et les autres isles de I'ocean Atlantique 

part of the first Annuaire of the Faculte des lettres de offrent les debris d'un continent, pp. 427, etc. His map 

Lyon (Paris, 1883). is given ante, p. 19. 

8 Thesaurus Geogr., i5S7, under Atlantis. See also ^^ This is the second part of his //^j ^ /'^/rzVM^( Paris, 

under Gades and Gadirus. On folio 2 of his Theatrum 1848), belonging to the series VUnivers. Histoire et de- 

orbis terrarum he rejects the notion that the ancients scription de tons les peuples, tic. Ci. also his Les ties fatt- 

knew America, but in the index, under Atlantis, he says tastiques (Paris, 1845). 
forte A merica. « 



44 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

in Spitzbergen. Carli goes at considerable length into the topographical and geological arguments in favor of 
its existence.! The early naturalists, when the doctrine of great and sudden changes in the earth's surface 
was in favor, were inclined to look with acquiescence on this belief. Even Lyell confessed a temptation to 
accept the theory of an Atlantis island in the northern Atlantic, though he could not see in the Atlantic 
islands trace of a mid- Atlantic bridge.- About the middle of this century scholars in several departments of 
learning, accepting the evidences of resemblances between the product of the old and new world, were induced 
to turn gladly to such a connection as would have been offered by Atlantis ; and the results obtained at about 
the same time by studies in the pre-Columbian traditions and civilization of Mexico were brought forward as 
supporting the same theory. That the Antilles were remnants of Atlantis ; that the Toltecs were descendants 
from the panic-stricken fugitives of the great catastrophe, whose terrors were recorded in their traditions, as 
well as in those of the Egyptians, was ardently urged by Brasseur de Bourbourg.3 

In 1859 Retzius announced that he found a close resemblance between the skulls of the Guanches of the 
Canaries and the Guaranas of Brazil, and recalled the Atlantis story to explain it.* In 1846 Forbes declared 
his belief in the former existence of a bridge of islands in the North Atlantic, and in 1856 Heer attempted to 
show the necessity of a similar connection from the testimony of palseontological botany. 

In i860, Unger deliberately advocated the Atlantis hypothesis to explain the likeness between the fossil 
flora of Europe and the living flora of America, enumerating over fifty similar species ; and Kuntze found in 
the case of the tropical seedless banana, occurring at once in America before 1492 and in Africa, a strong 
evidence of the truth of the theory.5 

A condensed review of the scientific side of the question is given by A. Boue in his article Ueber die Rolle 
der Ver'dnderungen des unorganischen Festen im grossen Massstabe in der Natur.^ 

The deep-sea soundings taken in the Atlantic under the auspices of the governments of the United States, 
England, and Germany resulted in discoveries which gave a new impetus to the Atlantis theory. It was 
shown that, starting from the Arctic plateau, a ridge runs down the middle of the Atlantic, broadening toward 
the Azores, and contracting again as it trends toward the northeast coast of South America. The depth over 
the ridge is less than 1,000 fathoms, while the valleys on either side average 3,000; it is known after the U. S. 
.vessel which took the soundings as the Dolphin ridge. A similar though more uniformly narrow ridge 
was found by the "Challenger" expedition (1873-76), extending from somewhat north of Ascension Island 
directly south between South America and Africa. It is known as the Challenger ridge. There is, beside, 
evidence for the existence of a ridge across the tropical Atlantic, connecting the Dolphin and Challenger 
ridges. Madeira, the Canaries, and the Cape Verde Islands are cut off from these ridges by a deep valley, 
but are connected by shoals with the continent. Upon the publication of the Challenger chart {Special Re- 
fort^ vii. 1876), those who favored the theory of communication between the continents were not slow to 
appropriate its disclosures m their interests {Nature^ Dec. 21, 1876, xv. 158). In March, 1877, W. Stephen 
Mitchell delivered a lecture at South Kensington, wherein he placed in juxtaposition the theory of Unger 
and the revelations of the deep-sea soundings, when he announced, however, that he did not mean to assert 
that these ridges had ever formed a connecting link above water between the continents.^ Others were less 
cautious,8 but in general this interpretation did not commend itself as strongly to conservative men of science 
as it might have done a few years before, because such men were gradually coming to doubt the fact of 
changes of great moment in the earth's surface, even those of great duration. 

In 1869, M. Paul Gaffarel published his first treatise on Atlantis,^ advocating the truth of the story, and in 
1880 he made it the subject of deeper research, utilizing the facts which ocean exploration had placed at 
command. 10 This is the best work which has appeared upon this side of the question, and can only be set against 

^ G. R. Carli, Delle Lettere Americane, ii. (1780). January, 1865. Asa Gray had already called attention to 

Lettere, vii. and following ; especially xiii. and following. the remarkable resemblance between the flora of Japan and 

2 Lyell, Eletnenis 0/ Geology {Loxid., 1841), p. 141; and that of eastern North America, but had not found the 

his Principles of Geology, 10th ed. Buffon dated the invention of a Pacific continent preferable to the hjrpothe- 

separation of the new and old world from the catastrophe of sis of a progress of plants of the temperate zone round by 

Atlantis. Epoques de la Nat., ed. Flourens, ix. 570. Behring's Strait {Memoirs of the American Academy of 

* Quatres lettres sur la Mexique ; Popul Vuh, p. xcix, Arts and Sciences, vi. 377). Unger's theory has been also 
and his Sources de Phistoire primitive du Mexique, sec- more or less urged in Heer's Flora Tertiaria Helveticae 
tion viii. pp. xxiv, xxxiii, xxxviii and ix, in his edition of (1854-58) and his Urwelt der Schweitz (1865), and by Otto 
Diego da Landa, Relation des choses de Yucatan (Paris, Ule in his Die Erde (1874), i. 27. 

1864). H. H. Bancroft, iVa^. /?rtc^j, iii. 112,264,480; v. ^ Sitzungsberichte der Math. Phys. Classed, k. Akad.d. 

127, develops Brasseur's theory. In his Hist. Nat. Civili- Wissensch. at Vienna, Ivii. (1868) p, 12. 

f^fi'j he compares the condition of the Colhua kingdom of ^ The "Lost Atlands " and the "Challenger" sound- 

Xibalba with Atlantis, and finds striking similarities. Le ings, Nature, 26 April, 1877, xv. 553, with sketch map. 

Plongeon in his Sacred Mysteries (p. 92) accepts Bras- * J. Starkie Gardner, How were the eocenes of England 

seur's theory. deposited? in Popular Science Review (London), July, 

* A. Retzius, Present state of Ethnology in relation to 1878, xvii. 282. Edw. H. Thompson, Atlantis not a Myth, 
the form of the h^iman skull (Smithsonian Report, 1859), in Popular Science Monthly., Oct., 1879, xv. 759; reprinted 
p. 266. The resemblance is not indorsed by M. Verneau, in Journal of Science, Lond., Nov. 1879. 

who has lately made a detailed study of the aborigines of ^ Etude sur les rapports de P Atlantis et de Pancien 

the Canaries. continent avant Colomb (Paris, 1869). 

5 F. Unger, Die versunkene Insel Atlantis (Wien, 10 Revue de Geographie, Mars, Avril, 1880, tom. vi. et 

i86o)- Translated in the Journal of Botany (London), vii. ' 




GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



45 



the earlier work by Martin.i The same theory has been supported by D. P. de Novo y Colson, who went so 
far as to predict the ultimate recovery of some Atlantean manuscripts from submarine grottoes of some of the 
Atlantic islands, — a hope which surpasses Mr. Donnelly.2 

Winchell found the theory too useful in his scheme of ethnology to be rejected,3 but it was reserved for 
Ignatius Donnelly to undertake the arrangement of the deductions of modern science and the data of old 
traditions into a set argument for the truth of Plato's story. His book,^ in many ways a rather clever state- 
ment of the argument, so evidently presented only the evidence in favor of his view, and that with so little 
critical estimate of authorities and weight of evidence, that it attracted only uncomplimentary notice from the 
scientific press.5 It was, however, the first long presentation of the case in English, and as such made an im- 
pression on many laymen. In 1882 was also published the second volume of the Challenger Narrative^ 
containing a report by M. Renard on the geologic character of the mid-Atlantic island known as St. Paul's 
rocks. The other Atlantic islands are confessedly of volcanic origin, and this, which laymen interpreted in 
favor of the Atlantis theory, militated with men of science against the view that they were remnants of a 
sunken continent. St. Paul's, however, was, as noted by Darwin, of doubtful character, and Renard came 
to the conclusion that it was composed of crystalline schists, and had therefore probably been once overlaid 
by masses since removed.6 This conclusion, which tended in favor of Atlantis, was controverted by A. Geikie 7 
and by M. E. Wadsworth,8 (the latter having personally inspected specimens,) on the ground that the rocks 
were volcanic in origin, and that, had they been schists, the inference of denudation would not follow. Dr. 
Guest declared that ethnologists have fully as good cause as the botanists to regard Atlantis as a fact.9 A. J. 
Weise in treating of the Discoveries of America adopted the Atlantis fable unhesitatingly, and supposes that 
Am.erica was known to the Egyptians through that channel.io 

That the whole story was invented by Plato as a literary ornament or allegorical argument, or that he thus 
utilized a story which he had really received from Egypt, but which was none the less a myth, was maintained 
even among the early Platonists, and was the view of Longinus. Even after the discovery of America many 
writers recognized the fabulous touch in it, as Acosta,ii who thought, " being well considered, they are redicu- 
lous things, resembling rather to Ovid^s tales then a Historie of Philosophie worthy of accompt," and " cannot 
be held for true but among children and old folkes " — an opinion adopted by the judicious Cellarius.l2 



1 See p. 46. 

* Ultima tear ia sobre la Atlantida. A paper read be- 
fore the Geographical Society at Lisbon. I have seen only 
the epitome in Bolletino della Societht Geografica Itali- 
ana, xvi. (1879), p. 693. Apparently the paper was pub- 
lished in 1881, in the proceedings of the fourth congress of 
Americanists at Madrid. 

2 Winchell, Preadatnites, or a demonstration of the 
existence of man before Adam, etc. (Chicago, 1880), pp. 
378 and fol. 

* Ignatius Donnelly, A tlantis : the A ntediluvian World 
(N. Y., 1882). 

* His work is much more than a defence of Plato. He 
attempts to show that Atlantis was the terrestrial paradise, 
the cradle of the world's civilization. I suppose it was 
his book which inspired Mrs. J. Gregory Smith to write 
Atla : a Story of the Lost Island {'iHevi York, 1886). 

Donnelly's book was favorably reviewed by Prof. Win- 
chell ("Ancient Myth and Modern Fact," Dial, Chicago, 
April, 1882, ii. 284), who declared that there was no longer 
serious doubt that the story was founded on fact. His 
theory was enthusiastically adopted by Mrs. A. A. Knight 
in Education (v. 317), and somewhat more soberly by Rev. 
J. P. McLean in the Universalist Quarterly (Oct., 1882, 
xxxix. 436, "The Continent of Atlantis"). I have not 
seen an article in Kansas Review by Mrs. H. M. Holden, 
quoted in Poole''s Index {Kan. Rev., viii. 435; also, viii. 
236, 640). It was more carefully examined and its claims 
rejected by a writer in the Journal of Science (London), 
('* Atlantis once more," June, 1883; xx. 319-327). W. F. 
Poole doubts whether Mr. Donnelly himself was quite seri- 
ous in his theorizing ("Discoveries of America: the lost 
Atlantis theory," Dial, Sept., 1884, v. 97). Lord Arundel 
of Wardour controverted Donnelly in The Secret of Plato'' s 
Atlantis (London, 1885), and believes that the Atlantis 
fable originated in vague reports of Hanno's voyage — a 
theory hardly less remarkable than the one it aims to dis- 
place. Lord Arundel's book was reviewed in the Dublin 



Review {V]a.i6's " Atlantis " and the "Periplus"of Han- 
no), July, 1886, xcix. 91. 

•^ Renard, M., Report on the Petrology of St. PauPs 
Rocks, Challenger Report, Narrative (London, 1882), ii. 
Appendix B. 

^ A search for ' ' A tlantis " with the microscope, in Na^ 
ture, 9 Nov., 1882, xxvii. 25. 

8 The microscopic evidence of a lost continent, in 
Science, 29 June, 18S3, i. 591. 

® Origittes Celticae (London, 1883), i. 119, etc. 

^0 The discoveries of A merica to the year /J25 (New 
York, 1884), ch. i. Cf. Poole's review of this jejune work, 
quoted above, for some healthy criticism of this kind ol 
writing {Dial, v. 97). Also a notice in the Nation, July 31, 
1884. 

The scientific theory of Atlantis is, I believe, supported 
by M. Jean d'Estienne in the Revue des Questiones Scien- 
tifiques, Oct., 18S5, and by M. de Margay, Histoire des 
descouvertes et conguetes de VAmerique (Limoges, 1881), 
but I have seen neither. H. H. Howorth, The Mammoth 
and the Flood (London, 1887), is struggling to revive the 
credit of water as the chief agent in the transformations of 
the earth's surface, and relies much upon the deluge myths, 
but refuses to accept Atlantis. He thinks the zoologic evi- 
dence proves the existence in pleistocene times of an easy 
and natural bridge between Europe and America, but sees 
no need of placing it across the mid-Atlantic (p. 262). 

11 The naturall and morall historie of the East and 
West Indies, etc., written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta, 
atid translated into English by E. G\rimeston'\ (London, 
1604), p. 72, 73 (lib. i. ch. 22). 

12 Notitiae orbis antiquae (Amsterdam, 1703-6), 2 vols. 
The first ed. was Cantab., 1703. "Atlantica insula Plato- 
nis quae similior fabulae est quam chorographiae," lib. i. 
cap. xi. p. 32. In the Additainentum de novo orbe an 
cognatus fuerit veteribus (tome ii. lib. iv. pp. 164-166) 
Cellarius speaks more guardedly, and quotes with approval 
the judgment of Perizonius, which has been given above 
(p. 22). 



46 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Among more recent writers, D'Anville, Bartoli,i Gosselin,2 Ukert,3 approved this view. 

Humboldt threw the weight of his great influence in favor of the mythical interpretation, though he found 
the germ of the story in the older geographic myth of the destruction of Lyctonia in the Mediterranean (Orph, 
Argonaut., 1274, etc.) ; ^ while Martin, in his work on the Timaeus, with great learning and good sense, reduced 
the story to its elements, concluding that such an island had never existed, the tale was not invented by Plato, 
but had really descended to him from Solon, who had heard it in Egypt. 

Prof. Jowett regards the entire narrative as " due to the imagination of Plato, who could easily invent 'Egyp- 
tians or anything else,' and who has used the name of Solon . . . and the tradition of the Egyptian priest to give 
verisimilitude to his story ; "5 and Bunbury is of the same opinion, regarding the story as " a mere fiction," 
and " no more intended to be taken seriously . . . than the tale of Er the Pamphylian." 6 Mr. Archer-Hind, the 
editor of the only separate edition of the Timaeus which has appeared in England, thinks it impossible to 
determine " whether Plato has invented the story from beginning to end, or whether it really more or less 
represents some Egyptian legend brought home by Solon," which seems to be a fitting conclusion to the 
whole matter. 

The literature of the subject is widely scattered, but a good deal has been done bibliographically in some 
works which have been reserved for special mention here. The earliest is the Dissertation sur PAtlantide, by 
Th. Henri Martin," wherein, beside a carefully reasoned examination of the story itself and similar geographic 
myths, the opposing views of previous writers are set forth in the second section, Histoire des Systhnes sur 
rAtlantide, pp. 258-280. Gaffarel has in like manner given a resume of the literature, which comes down 
later than that of Martin, in the two excellent treatises which he has devoted to the subject ; he is convinced 
of the existence of such an island, but his work is marked by such care, orderliness, and fulness of citations 
that it is of the greatest value.8 The references in these treatises are made with intelligence, and are, in gen- 
eral, accurate and useful. That this is not the case with the work of Mr. Donnelly deprives the volume of 
much of the value which it might have had.9 

E. Fabulous Islands of the Atlantic in the Middle Ages. — Fabulous islands belong quite as 
much to the domain of folk-lore as to that of geography. The legends about them form a part of the great 
mass of superstitions connected with the sea. What has been written about these island myths is for the 
most part scattered in innumerable collections of folk-tales and in out-of-the-way sources, and it does not lie 
within the scope of the present sketch to track in these directions all that has been said. It will not be out of 
place, however, to refer to a few recent works where much information and many references can be found. 
One of the fullest collections, though not over-well sorted, is by Lieut. F. S. Bassett,!" consisting of brief notes 
made in the course of wide reading, well provided with references, which are, however, often so abbreviated as 



* Essai sur V explication historique donnee par Platon 
de sa Republique et de son A tlantide (in Reflexions impar- 
tiales sur le progres real ou apparent que les sciences et 
Ics arts ont /aits dans le xviii^ sikcle en Europe, Paris, 
1780). The work is useful because it contains the Greek 
text (from a MS. in the Bibl. du Roi. Cf. MSS. de la 
bibliotheque, v. 261), the Latin translations of Ficinus and 
SerrTinus, several French translations, and the Italian of 
Frizzo and of Bembo. 

- Recherches sur les iles de P ocean Atlantique, in the 
Recherches sur la geographie des anciens, i. p. 146 
(Paris, 1797). Also in the French translation of Strabo (i. 
p. 268, note 3). Gosselin thought that Atlantis was noth- 
ing more than Fortaventure or Lancerote 

3 Geogr. d. Griechen u. Romer, i. i, p. 59; ii. i, p. 192. 
Cf. Letronne's Essai sur les idSes cosmographiques qui se 
rettachent au nom dlA Has, in the Bull. Univ. des sciences 
(Ferussac), March, 1831. 

* Examen Crit., i. 167-180; ii. 192. 

^ The dialogues of Plato, translated by B. jowett {1^. Y., 
1873), ii. p. 587 (Introduction to Critias). 

** Bunbury, History of ancient geography, \. 402. 

^ Etude sitr le Timee de Platon (Paris, 1841), t. i. pp. 
257-333- 

^ Paul Gaffarel, Etude sur les rapports de VAmSrique 
et de Vaficien continent avant Christophe Colomb (Paris, 
1869), ch. ler; V A tlantide, pp. 3-27. The same author 
has more lately handled the subject more fully in a series 
of articles: L^ A tlantide, in the Revue de Geographie, 
April- July, 1880; vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21, — which is 
the most detailed account of the whole matter yet brought 
together. 

^ One of the most recent resumes of the question is that 
bjr Salone in the Grande Encyclopedie (Paris, 1888, iv. p. 



457). The Encyclopaedia Britannica, by the way, regards 
the account, " if not entirely fictitious, as belonging to the 
most nebulous region of history." 

A few miscellaneous references, of no great significance, 
may close this list: Atner. Antiquarian, Sept., 1886; H. 
H. Bancroft, A^«/. Races, v. 123; J. S. Clarke's Progress 
of Maritime Discovery, p. ii. Geo. Catlin's Lifted and 
Subsided Rocks of America (Lond., 1870) illustrates "The 
Cataclysm of the Antilles." Dr. Chil, in the Nancy Con- 
gres des A miricanistes, i. 163. Foster's Prehistoric Races, 
app. E. Haven's A rchceol. U. S. Irving's Columbtis, 
app. xxii. Major's Prince Henry (1868), p. 87. Nadail- 
lac's Les Prem. Hommes, ii. 114, and his L^Amerique 
prShistorique, 561. John B. Newman's Origin of the Red 
Men (N. Y., 1852). Prescott's Mexico, iii. 356. C. S. 
Rafinesque's incomplete .(4 w«^r/ca« A'^^/fywj (Philad.), and 
his earlier introduction to Marshall's Kentucky, and his 
Amer. Museum (1832). Two articles by L. Burke in his 
Ethnological Journal (hondon), 1848 : The destruction of 
A tlantis, July ; The continent of A merica known to the 
ancient Egyptiatis and other nations of remote antiquity, 
Aug. The former article is only a reprint of Taylor's^ 
trans, of Plato. Roisel's Etudes ante-historiques (Vzns, 
1874), devoted largely to the religion of the Atlanteans. 
Leon de Rosny's " L'Atlantide historique" in the Mem. 
de la Soc. d'' Ethnographie (Paris, 1875), xiii. 33, i59> or 
Revue Orientate et A mericaine. Short's No. A mericatis 
of A ntiquity, ch. 1 1 . Daniel Wilson's Lost A tlantis (Mon- 
treal, 1886), in Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 
1886, iv. Cf. also Poole's Index, i. 73; ii. 27; and La- 
rousse's Grand Dictionnaire. 

^0 Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and of Sailors 
in all Lands and at all Times (Chicago and New York,. 
188s). 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 4/ 

to inflict much trouble on those who would consult them, — an all too common fault. Of interest is a chapter 
on Les iles, in a similar work by M. Paul Sebillot.i An island home has often been assigned to the soul after 
death, and many legends, some mediaeval, some of great antiquity, deal with such islands, or with voyages 
to them. Some account of these will be found in Bassett, and particularly in an article by E. Beauvois in the 
Revue de Vhistoire de Religion^ where further references are to be found. Wm. F. Warren has also collected 
many references to the literature of this subject in the course of his endeavor to show that Paradise was at the 
North Pole.3 The long articles on Eden and Paradise in McClintock and Strong's Biblical Encyclopedia 
should also be consulted. 

In what way the fabulous islands of the Atlantic originated is not known, nor has the subject been exhaus- 
tively investigated. The islands of classical times, in part actual discoveries, in part born of confused 
reports of actual discoveries, and in part probably purely mythical, were very generally forgotten as ancient 
civilization declined.^ The other islands which succeeded them were in part reminiscences of the islands 
known to the ancients or invented by them, and in part products of a popular mythology, as old perhaps as 
that of the Greeks, but until now unknown to letters. The writers who have dealt with these islands have 
treated them generally from the purely geographic point 'of view. The islands are known principally from 
maps, beginning with the fourteenth century, and are not often met with in descriptive works. Formaleoni, 
in his attempt to show that the Venetians had discovered the West Indies prior to Columbus, made studies 
of the older maps which naturally led him to devote considerable attention to these islands.^ 

They are also considered by Zurla.6 The first general account of them was given by Humboldt in the 
Examen Critiqtte~> and to what he did little if anything has since been added. D'Avezac^ treated the sub- 
ject, giving a brief sketch of the islands known to the Arab geographers, — a curious matter which deserves 
more attention. 

Still more recently Paul Gaffarel has treated the matter briefly, but carefully .9 A study of old maps by H. 
Wuttke, in the Jahresbericht des Vereins filr Erdkunde zu Dresden^^ gives considerable attention to the 
islands ; and Theobald Fischer, in his commentary on the collection of maps reproduced by Ongania, has briefly 
touched on the subject,ii as has Cornelio Desimoni in various papers in the Atti della Societh Liguredi Storia 
f atria, xiv., and other years, in the Atti delV Acad, dei Nuova Lincei, in the Gionale ligustico, etc. R. H. 
Major's Henry the Navigator should also be consulted.i- 

Strictly speaking, the term mythical islands ought to include, if not Frisland and Drogeo, at least the land 
of Bus, the island of Bimini with its fountain of life, an echo of one of the oldest of folk-tales, the island of 
Saxenburg, and the other non-existent islands, shoals, and rocks, with which the imagination of sailors and 
cartographers have connected the Atlantic even into the present century. In fact, the name is by comnion 
consent restricted to certain islands which occur constantly on old charts : the Island of St. Brandan, Antillia 
or Isle of the Seven Cities, Satanaxio, Danmar, Brazil, Mayda, and Isla Verte. It is interesting to note that 
the Arab geographers had their fabulous islands, too, though so little is known of them that it is at present 
impossible to say what relation they bear to those mentioned. They say that Ptolemy assigned 25,000 islands 
to the Atlantic, but they name and describe seventeen only, among which we may mention the Eternal Islands 
(Canaries? Azores ?),13 El-Ghanam (Madeira?), Island of the Two Sorcerers (Lancerote ?), etc.i'^ 

'^ LegendeSyCroyaTtces de lamer. 2 vols. (Paris, 1886.) Lyon [1883], pp. 15. This is apparently extracted from the 

See ch. 9 in lere serie. Bidletin de la Societe de Geographic de Lyon for 1883. 

2 UElysee transatlantiqtie et VEden Occidental (Mai- [In Poole's Index is a reference to an article on imaginary 
Juin, Nov. -Dec, 1883), vii. 273; viii. 673. islands in London Society, i. 80, 150.] 

3 Paradise Found: the Cradle 0/ tlie Buman Race at 10 " 2ur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Halfte 
the North Pole ( Boston, 1885), 4th ed. des Mittelalters. Die Karten der seefahrenden Volker Siid- 

* Eumenius (?), in the third century A. d., is doubtful Europas bis zum ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des 
about the existence even of the Fortunate Isles (i. e. the Ptolemaeus." Jahresbericht, vi. vii. (1870). Accompa- 
Canaries). Eumetiii panegyrictis Constantino Aug.,v\\., nying the article are sketches of the principal mediaeval 
in Valpy's Panegyrici veteres (London, 1828), iii. p. 1352. maps, which are useful if access to the more trustworthy 
Baehrens credits this oration to an unknown author. Ma- reproductions cannot be had. 

mertinus appears to know them from the poets only ^^Ibid. ^^ Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- nnd Seekarten ita- 

p. 1529). lienischeti Ursprungs, etc. (Venice, 1886), especially pp. 

° Saggio sulla nautica antica dei Veneziani, r\. p., n. d. 14-22, and under the notices of particular maps in the 

(Venice, 1783) ; French translation (Venice, 1788). second part. 

« // mappamondo di Fra Mauro descritto ed illustrato ^^ xhe Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed 

(Venice, 1806). Di Marco Polo e degli altriviaggiatori the Navigator, eXz. London, 1868. 

veneziani . . . conappefid. sopra le antiche mappe lavorate ^^ The position of these islands and the fact that the 

in Venezia (Venice, 1818). Arabs believed that they were following Ptolemy in placing 

^ ii. 156, etc. in them the first meridian seems almost conclusive in favor 

8 D'Avezac : Iles cTAfrique (Paris, 1848) 2e partie ; of the Canaries; but M. D'Avezac is inclined in favor of 

lies connues des Arabes, pp. 15: Les iles de Saint-Bran- the Azores, because the Arabs place in the Eternal Isles 

dan, pp. 19 ; Les ties nouvellejnent trouvees du quinziime certain pillars and statues warning against further advance 

sikcle, pp. 24. The last two pieces had been previously westward, which remind him of the equestrian statues of 

published under the title Les ties fantastiques de V Ocean the Azores, and because Ebn Sayd states that the Islands 

occidental au moyen age, in the Nouvelles A nnales des of Happiness lie between the Eternal Islands and Africa. 
Voyages (Mars, Avril, 1845), 2d serie, i. 293 ; ii. 47. ^* D'Avezac, Iles d'Afriqtie, ii. 15. Geographic cTAbul- 

* Les iles fantastiques de V A tl antique au moyen age. Fada trad, par M. Reinaud et M. Guiyard (Paris, 



48 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

There has been some difference of opinion as to which of the Atlantic islands answer to the ancient con« 
ception of the Fortunate Islands. It is probable that the idea is at the bottom of several of these, but it may 
be doubted whether the island of St. Brandan is not entirely due to the christianizing of this ancient fable. 

We proceed now to examine the accounts of some of these islands. 

St. Brandan. — St. Brandan, or Brendan, who died May i6, 577, was Abbot of Cluainfert, in Ireland, 
according to the legend, where he was visited by a friend, Barontus, who told him that far in the ocean 
lay an island which was the land promised to the saints. St. Brandan set sail for this island in company 
with 75 monks, and spent seven years upon the ocean, in two voyages (according to the Irish text in the MS. 
book ofLismore, which is probably the most archaic form of the legend), discovering this island and many 
others equally marvellous, including one which turned out to be the back of a huge fish, upon which they cele- 
brated Easter. This story cannot be traced beyond the eleventh century, its oldest form being a Latin 
prose version in a MS. of that century. It is known also in French, English, and German translations, both 
prose and verse, and was evidently a great favorite in the Middle Ages. Intimately connected with the St. 
Brandan legend is that of St. Malo, or Maclovius, Bishop of Aleth, in Armorica, a disciple of St. Brandan, who 
accompanied his superior, and whose eulogists, jealous of the fame of the Irish saint, provided for the younger 
a voyage on his own account, with marvels transcending those found by Brandan. His church-day is Novem- 
ber 17th. The story of St. Brandan is given by Humboldt and D'Avezac,! and by Gaffarel.2 Further 
accounts will be found in the Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists,3 and in the introductions and notes to the 
numerous editions of the voyages, among which reference only need be made to the original Latin edited by- 
M. Jubinal,4 and to the English version edited by Thomas Wright for the Percy Society.5 A Latin text of the 
fourteenth century is now to be found in the Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae ex codice Salmanticensi nunc 
premium integre edita ofera C. de Smedt et J. de Backer (Edinb. etc., 1888), 4to, pp. 111-154. As is well 
known, Fhiloponus gives an account of the voyages of St. Brandan with a curious map, in which he places the 
island N. W, of Spain and N. E. of the Canaries, or Insulae Fortunatae.^ The island of St. Brandan was at 
first apparently imagined in the north, but it afterward took a more southerly location. Honore d'Autun 
identifies it with a certain island called Perdita, once discovered and then lost in the Atlantic ; we have here, 
perhaps, some reminiscence of the name " Aprositos," which Ptolemy bestows on one of the Fortunatae 
Insulae!^ In some of the earlier maps there is an inlet on the west coast of Ireland called Lacus Fortunatus, 
which is packed with islands which are called Instilae Fortunatae or Beatae, and sometimes given as 300 or 
368 in number.8 But the Pizigani map of 1367 puts the hole dicte Fortunate S. Brandany in the place of 
Madeira; and Behaim's globe, in 1492, sets it down in the latitude of Cape de Verde, — a legend against it 
assigning the discovery to St. Brandan in 565. 

It is this island which was long supposed to be seen as a mountainous land southeast of the Canaries. 
After the discovery of the Azores expeditions were fitted out to search for it, and were continued until 1721, 
which are described by Viera, and have been since retold by all writers on th^subject.9 The island was again 
reported as seen in 1759. 

Antillia, or Isle of Seven Cities. — The largest of these islands, the one most persistent in its form 
and location, is Antillia, which is depicted as a large rectangular island, extending from north to south, lying 

1848-83). 2 vols. The first volume contains a treatise ^ Nova typis tratisacta navigatio. Novi orbis India 

on Arabian geographers and their systems. Geographie occidentalism etc. (1621), p. 11. 

d'Edrisitrad. par M. Jaiibert (Paris, 1836-40). 2 vols. "^ Honore d'Autun, Imago Mundi, lib. i. cap. 36. In 

4to (Soc. de Geogr. de Paris, Recueil de Voyages, v., vi.) Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum PatrumiX-agd., i677),tom. 

Cf. Cherbonneku on the Arabian geographers in the Revtie xx. p. 971. 

de Geographie (ii2>i). ^ Humboldt {Exatiten Critique, ii. 172) quotes these 

1 Humboldt, Examen Crit., ii. 163; D'Avezac, lies islands from Sanuto Torsello (1306). They appear on a 
d'Afriqne, ii. 19 ; St. Male's voyage by Beauvois, Rev. map of about 1350, preserved in St. Mark's Library at 
Hist. Relig.,\m. 986. Venice (Wuttke, in Jahresber. d. Vereins fiir Erdkunde 

2 Les voyages de Saint Brandan et des Papoe dans V At- zu Dresden, xvi. 20), as '^'^ I fortunate I beate, 368," in 
laiitiqtie au moyen-age, published by the Soc. de G^ogr. connection with La Montagne de St. Brandan, west of 
de Rochefort (1881). See also his Rapports de VA merique Ireland. They are also in the Medicean Atlas of 1351, and 
et de Vancien continent (Paris, 1869), p. 173-183. The in Fra Mauro's map and many others. 

article Brendeit in Stephen's Diet, of National Biography, » Noticias de la historia general de las islas de Cana- 

vol. vi. (London, 1886), should be consulted. ria, by D. Jos. de Viera y Clavijo, 4 vols. 4to (Madrid, 

3 16 May; Mz«, tom. ii. p. 699. 1772-83). Humboldt, Examen, ii. 167. D'Avezac, lies 
* La legende latine de S. Brandaines, avec une traduc- d'Afrique, ii. 22, etc. Les ties fortunees ou archipel des 

tion inedite, etc. (Paris, 1836). M. Jubinal gives a full Canaries [by E. Pegot-Ogier], 2 vols. (Paris, 1862), i. 

account of all manuscripts. ch. 13. Saint-Borondon {Aprositus), pp. 186-198. Tetie- 

^ St. Brandan, a mediaeval legend of the sea, in Eng- riffe and its six satellites, by O. M. Stone, 2 vols. 

lish prose and verse (London, 1844). The student of the (London, 1887), i. 319. This mirage probably explains the 

subject will find use for Les voyages de Saint Brandan a Perdita of Honore and the Aprositos of Ptolemy. Cf. O. 

la recherche du paradis terrestre, legend en vers du Peschel's Abhandlungen zur Erd- und V'dlkerkuftde 

XI le siecle, avec introduction par Francisque Michel (Leipzig, 1877), i. 20. A similar story is connected with 

(Paris, 1878), and " La legende Flamande de Saint Bran- Brazil, 
dan et du bibliographie " by Louis de Backer in Miscella- 
nies bibliographiques, 1878, p. 191. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



49 



in the mid-Atlantic about lat, 35° N. This island first appears on the map of 1424, preserved at Weimar, and 
is found on the principal maps of the rest of the century, nolably in the Bianco of 1436.1 On some maps of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries appears a smaller island under the name of Sette Citade, or Sete Ciuda- 
des, which is properly another name for Antillia, as Toscanelli says in his famous letter, wherein he recommended 
Antillia as likely to be useful as a way-station on the India voyage. We owe to Behaim the preservation on 
his globe of 1492 of the legend of this island. It was discovered and settled, according to him, by refugees 
from Spain in 714, after the defeat of King Roderick by the Moors. The settlers were accompanied by an 
archbishop and six bishops, each of whom built him a town. There is a story that the island was rediscovered 
by a Portuguese sailor in 1447.2 

In apparent connection with Antillia are the smaller islands Danmar or Tanmar, Reillo or Royllo, and 
Satanaxio. The latter alone is of special interest. Formaleoni found near Antillia, on the map of Bianco d 
1436, an island with a name which he read as " Yd laman Satanaxio," — a name which much perplexed him, 
until he found, in an old Italian romance, a legend that in a certain part of India a great hand arose every day 
from the sea and carried off the inhabitants into the ocean. Adapting this tale to the west, he translated the 
name "Island of the hand of Satan," 3 in which interpretation Humboldt acquiesced. D'Avezac, how- 
ever, was inclined to think that there were two islands, one called Delamar, a name which elsewhere appears 
as Danmar or Tanmar, and Satanaxio, or, as it appears on a map by Beccario at Parma, Satatiagio,^ and sug- 
gests that the word is a corrupt form for S. Atanaxio or S. Atanagio, /. e. St. Athanasius, with which Gaffarel 
is inclined to agree.5 

' Formaleoni saw in Antillia a foreknowledge of the Antilles, and Hassel believed that North and South 
America were respectively represented by Satanaxio and Antillia, with a strait between, just as the American 
continent was indeed represented after the discovery. It is certainly curious that Beccario designates the 
group of Antillia, Satanagio, and Danmar, as Isle de novo reperte, the name afterwards applied to the dis- 
coveries of Columbus ; but it is not now believed that the fifteenth-century islands were aught but geo- 
graphical fancies. To transfer their names to the real discoveries was of course easy and natural.6 



Brazil. — Among the islands which prefigured the Azores on fourteenth-century maps appears /. de Brazi 
on the Medicean portulano of 135 1, and it is apparently Terceira or San Miguel." On the Pizigani map of 
1367 appear three islands with this name, Instda de Bracir or Bracie, two not far from the Azores, and one 
off the south or southeast end of Ireland. On the Catalan map of 1375 is an Insula de Brazil m the southern 
part of the so-called Azores group, and an Insula de Brazil (?) applied to a group of small islands enclosed 
in a heavy black ring west of Ireland. The same reduplication occurs in the Solerio of 1385, in a map of 1426 



1 M. Buache in his Memoire stir VIsle Antillia {Mem. 
Inst, de France, Sciences tnath. et phys., vi., 1806), read 
on a copy of the Pizigani map of 1367, sent to him from 
Parma, the inscription. Ad ripas A ntilliae or Antzdlio. 
Cf . Buache's article in German in A llg. Geogr. Ephejiie- 
Tiden,yix.vv. 129. YinmhoXAt {Examen, ii. 177) quotes Zurla 
( Viaggi, ii. 324) as denying that such an inscription can be 
made out on the original: but Fischer (Sai}imbmg vu7i 
Welt-karten, p. 19) thinks this form of the name can be 
made out on Jomard's fac-simile. Wuttke, however, thinl.s 
that the word Antillia is not to be made out, and gives the 
inscription as Hoc sont statua q fuit ut tenprs A cules, 
and reads Hoc sunt stattiae qtiae/uerunt aHtea temporibus 
Arcules—Herculis (Wuttke, Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde 
in der letzten Haelfte des Mittelalters, p. 26, in yahres- 
bericht des Vereinsfur Erdkunde zu Dresden, vi. and vii., 
1870). The matter is of interest in the story of the eques- 
trian statue of Cor\'o. According to the researches of 
Humboldt, this story first appears in print in the history 
of Portugal by Faria y Sousa (Epitome de las historias 
Portuguezas, Madrid, 1628. Historia del Reyno de Por- 
tugal, 172,0), who describes on the " Mountain of the 
Crow," in the Azores, a statue of a man on horseback 
pointing westward. A later version of the story mentions 
a western promontory in Corvo which had the form of a 
person pointing westward. Humboldt (ii. 231), in an inter- 
esting sketch, connects this story with the Greek traditions 
of the columns of Hercules at Gades, and with the old 
opinion that beyond no one could pass ; and with the curi- 
ous Arabic stories of numberless columns with inscriptions 
prohibiting further navigation, set up by Dhoulcarnain, an 
Arabian hero, in whose personality Hercules and Alexander 
the Great are curiously compounded (see Edrisi). Hum- 
boldt quotes from Buache a statement that on the Pizigani 
map of 1367 there is near Brazil (Azores) a representation 
of a person holding an inscription and pointing westward. 

VOL. T. — 4 



2 Feman Colomb, Historia, ch. 9 ; Horn, De Origi- 
nibus Amer. p. 7, quoted by Gaffarel in his Les iles fan- 
tastiqties, p. 3, note i, 2. D'Avezac, lies d' Afriqiie , ii. 27, 
quotes a similar passage from Medina (Arte naviguar), 
who found it in the Ptolemy dedicated to Pope Urban 
(1378-1389). According to D'Avezac {lies, ii. 28), a 
" geographical document " of 1455 gives the name as^«- 
tillis, and identifies it with Plato's Atlantis. 

3 Formaleoni, Essai, 148. 

* D'Avezac marks as wrong the reading Sarastagio of 
Humboldt. 

s D'Avezac, Iles d''Afriqjie, ii. 29; Gaffarel, lies fan- 
tastiques, 12. Fischer (Sammhmg, 20) translates Sata- 
naxio, Satanshand, but thinks the island of Deman, 
which appears on the Catalan chart of 1375, is meant by 
the first half of the title. The Catalan map, fac-similed by 
Buchon and Foster in the Notices et extraits des docu- 
ments, xiv. 2, has been more exactly reproduced in the 
Choix des docutnents giographiques conservees h la Bibl. 
Nat. (Paris, 1883). 

6 Peter Martyr, in 1493, states that cosmographers had 
determined that Hispaniola and the adjacent isles were 
Antillae insulae, meaning doubtless the group surround- 
ing Antillia on the old maps (Decades, i. p. xi, ed. 1583); 
but the name was not popularly applied to the new islands 
until after Wytfliet and Ortelius had so used it (Hum- 
boldt, Examen, ii. 195, etc.). But Schoner, in tlie dedica- 
tory letter of his globe of 1523, says that the king of Cas- 
tile through Columbus has d.\?<cov&reA Aniiglias Hispaniam 
Cuiam quoque (Stevens, Schoner, London, 1888, fac-simile 
of letter). In the same way the name Seven Cities was 
applied to the pueblos of New Mexico by their first dis- 
coverers, and Brazil passed from an island to the continent 
"^ Humboldt identified it with Terceira,hvit Fischer ques- 
tions whether St. Michael does not agree better with the 
easterly position constantly assigned to Brazil. 



so NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

preserved at Regensburg. in Bianco's map of 1436, and in that of 1448 : here de Braxil is the easternmost of 
the Azores group (i. e. y de Colombia de Zorzi, etc.), while the large round island — more like a large ink-blot 
than anything else — west of Ireland is y de Brazil d. binar.^ In a map in St. Mark's Library, Venice, dated 
about 1450, Brazil appears in four places. Fra Mauro puts it west of Ireland,2 and it so appears in Ptolemy 
of 15 19, and Ramusio in 1556; but M creator and Ortelius inscribe it northwest of the Azores. 

Humboldt has shown 3 that brazil-wood, being imported into Europe from the East Indies long before the 
discovery of America, gave its name to the country in the west where it was found in abundance, and he 
infers that the designation of the Atlantic island was derived from the same source. The duplication of the 
name, however, seems to point to a confusion of different traditions, and in the Brazil off Ireland we doubtless 
have an attempt to establish the mythical island of Hy Brazil, or O^Brasile, which plays a part as a vanishing 
island in Irish legends, although it cannot be traced to its origin. In the epic literature of Ireland relating to 
events of the sixth and subsequent centuries, and which was probably written down in the twelfth, there are 
various stories of ocean voyages, some involuntary, some voluntary, and several, like the voyage of the sons of 
Ua Corra about 540, of St. Brandan about 560, and of Mailduin in the eighth century, taking place in the Atlan- 
tic, and resulting in the discovery of numerous fabulous islands.4 The name of Brazil does not appear in these 
early records, but it seems to belong to the same class of legends.5 It is first mentioned, as far as I know, 
by William Betoner, called William of Worcester, who calls the island Brasyle and Brasylle, and says that 
July 15, 1480, his brother-in-law, John Jay, began a voyage from Bristol in search of the island, returning 
Sept. 18 without having found it.6 This evidently belongs to the series of voyages made by Bristol men in 
search of this island, which is mentioned by Pedro d'Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in his famous 
letter of July 25, 1498, where he says that such voyages in search of Brazylle and the seven cities had been 
made for seven years past, " according to the fancies of the Genoese," meaning Sebastian Cabot.'' 

It would seem that the search for Brazil was of older date than Cabot's arrival. He probably gave an 
additional impetus to the custom, adding to the stories of the fairy isles the legends of the Sette Citade or 
Aiitillia. Hardiman,8 quoting from a MS. history of Ireland, in the library of the Royal Irish Academy, 
written about 1636, mentions an " iland, which lyeth far att sea, on the west of Connaught, and some times is 
perceived by the inhabitants of the Oules and Iris , . . and from Saint Helen Head. Like wise several sea- 
men have discovered it, . . . one of whom, named Captain Rich, who lives about Dublin, of late years had a 
view of the land, and was so neere that he discovered a harbour . . . but could never make to land " because 
of " a mist which fell upon him. . . . Allsoe in many old mappes . . . you still find it by the name of O^Bra- 
sile under the longitude of 03°, 00', and the latitude of 50° 20''." 9 In 1675 a pretended account of a visit to 
this island was published in London, which is reprinted by Hardiman.io 

An account of the island as seen from Arran given in O'Flaherty's Sketch of the Island 0/ Arran,'^'^ is quoted 
by H. Halliday Sterling, Irish Minstrelsy, p. 307 (London, 1887). Mr. Marshall, in a note in Notes and 

1 The Bianco map of 1436 has, on the ocean sheets, five that of the sons of Ua Corra is given. A list of the voy- 
groups of small islands, from south to north : (i) Canaries ; ages is given by D'Arbois de Jubainville in his Essai, under 
(2) Madeira and Porto Santo; (3) luto and chapisa; {i,)d. Longeas (involuntary voyages) and J-mmra-.n (voluntary 
brasil, di colonbi, d. b. niusta, d. sanzorzi; (5) coriiosar^d. voyages), with details about MSS. and references to texts 
corbo marinas; (6) de ventura ; (7) de brazil. West of and translations {Mailduin, p. 151; Ua Corra, 152). 
the third and fourth lies A ntillia, and N. W. of the fifth a See also Beauvois, Eden occidental. Rev. de VHist. des 
corner of de laman satanaxio, while west of six and seven Relig., viii. 706, 717, for voyages of Mailduin and the sons 
are numerous small islands unnamed. On the ocean sheet of Ua Corra, and of other voyages. Also Joyce, Old Cel- 
of the Bianco of i4'f8, we have (2) Madeira and Porto tic romances (London, 1879). Is M. Beauvois in earnest 
Santo ; (3) licongi and cortio marin ; (4) de braxil, aorzi, when he suggests that the talking birds discovered by Mail- 
etc. ; (s) coriios and coruos marines; (6) y. d. ■mam duin (and also by St. Brandan) were probably parrots, and 
debentum ; (7) 3 d. brazil d. binar. There is no Antillia their island a part of South America ? 

and no Satanaxio, but west of (3) and (4) are two other ^ xhe name is derived by Celtic scholars from breas., 

groups: {1) yd. diuechi marini, y de falconi ; {2)y fortu. large, and i, island. 

nat de 5". beati. blandan, dinferno, de ipauion, beta '^ Gulielmi de Worcester Itineraria, ed. J. Nasmyth 

ixola, dexerta. There is not much to be hoped from such (Cantab., 1778), p. 223, 267. I take the quotation from 

geography. Notes and Queries, Dec. 15, 1883, 6th series, viii. 475. 

2 Over against Africa he has an Isola dei Dragoni. On The latter passage is quoted in full in Bristol, past and 
tne Pizigani map of 1367 the Brazil which lies W. of North present, by Nicholls and Taylor (London, 1882), iii. 292. 
France is accompanied by a cut of two ships, a dragon Cf. H. Harrisse's C. Colomb., i. 317. 

eating a man, and a legend stating that one cannot sail ^ Cal. State Papers, Spanish, i. p. 177. 

further on account of monsters. Tliere was a dragon in ^ Irish Minstrelsy, or bardic remains of Ireland, etc., 

the Hesperian isles, and some have connected it with the 2 vols. (London, 1831), i. 368. 

famous dragon-tree of the Canaries. 9 This is very nearly its position in the A rcano del Mare 

3 Examen, ii. 216, etc. of Dudley, 1646 (Europe 28), where it is called " disabi- 
* For an account of the Irish MSS. see Eugene O'Cur- tata e incerta." 

ry, Lectures on the MS. material of ancient Irish his- ^0 i. 369. O-Brazile, or the enchanted island, being a 

/^ry (Dublin, 1861), lect. ix. p. 181; H. d'Arbois de Ju- perfect relation of the late discovery and wonderful dis- 

bainville, Introduction a VHude de la litterature Celtique, enchantment of an island on the North \sic\ of Ireland, 

2 vols.(Paris, 1883), i. chap. 8, p. 349, etc. ; also Essa (Pun etc. (London, 1675). 

catalogue de la littirature epique dUrlande, by the same ^^ John T. O'Flaherty, Sketch of the History and att' 

author (Paris, 1883). For accounts of the voyages see tiquities of the southern islands of Aran, etc. (Dublin, 

O'Curry, p. 252, and especially p. 289, where a sketch of 1884, in Roy. Irish Acad. Trans., vol. xlv.) 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 5I 

Queries, Sept. 22, 1883 (6th s., viii. 224), quotes Guest, Origines Celticae (London, 1883), i. 126, and 
R. O'Flaherty, Ogygia, sive rerum Hibernicarum chronologiae (London, 1685 ; also in English transla- 
tion, Dublin, 1793), as speaking of O'Brazile. The latter work I have not seen. Mr. Marshall also quotes 
a familiar allusion to it by Jeremy Taylor {^Dissuasive from Popery , 1667). This note was replied to in 
the same periodical, Dec. 15, 1883, by Mr. Kerslake, " N." and W. Fraser. Fraser's interest had been 
attracted by the entry of the island — much smaller than usual — on a map of the French Geographer Royal, 
Le Sieur Tassin, 1634-1652, and he read a paper before the Geological Society of Ireland, Jan. 20, 1870, sug- 
gesting that Brazil might be the present Porcupine Bank, once above waten On the same map Rockall is 
laid down as two islands, where but a solitary rock is now known, i Brasil appears on the maps of the last 
two centuries, with Mayda and Isle Verie, and even on the great Atlas by Jefferys, 1776, is inserted, although 
called "imaginary island of O'Brasil." It grows constantly smaller, but within the second half of this 
century has appeared on the royal Admiralty charts as Brazil RockP' 

It would be too tedious to enumerate the numerous other imaginary islands of the Atlantic to which clouds, 
fogs, and white caps have from time to time given rise. They are marked on all charts of the last century in 
profusion ; mention, however, may be made of the " land of Bus " or Busse, which Frobisher's expedition 
coasted along in 1576, and which has been hunted for with the lead even as late as 1821, though in vain. 

F. TosCANELLi's ATLANTIC OcEAN. — It has been shown elsewhere (Vol. II. pp. 30, 31, 38, 90, loi, 103) 
that Columbus in the main accepted the view of the width of the Atlantic, on the farther side of which Asia 
was supposed to be, which Toscanelli had calculated ; and it has not been quite certain what actual measure- 
ment should be given to this width, but recent discoveries tend to make easier a judgment in the matter. 

When Humboldt wrote the Examen Critique, Toscanelli's letter to Columbus, of unknown date,^ enclosing 
a copy of the one he sent to Martinez in 1474, was known only in the Italian form in UUoa's translation of 
the Historic del S. D. Fernando Colombo (Venice, 1571), and in the Spanish translation of Ulloa's version 
by Barcia in the Historiades primitivos de las Ittdias occidentales (Madrid, 1749), i. 5 bis, which was reprinted 
by Navarrete, Coleccion de los viages y descubrimie7^tos, etc., ii. p. i. In the letter to Martinez, in this form, it 
is said that there are in the map which accompai..ed it twenty-six spaces between Lisbon and Quisai, each 
space containing 250 miles according to the Ulloa version, but according to the re- translation of Barcia 150 
miles. This, with several other changes made by Barcia, were followed by Navarrete and accepted as correct 
by Humboldt, who severely censures Ximenes for adopting the Italian rendering in his Gnomone fiorent. 
But the Latin copy of the letter in Columbus's handwriting, discovered by Harrisse and made public (with 
fac-simile) in his D. Fernando Colon (Seville, i87i),4 sustained the correctness of Ulloa's version, giving 250 
miliaria to the space. This authoritative rendering also showed that while the translator had in general fol- 
lowed the text, he had twice inserted a translation of miles into degrees, and once certainly, incorrectly, making 
in one place 100 miles ==35 leagues, and in another, 2,500 miles = 225 leagues. Probably this discrepancy 
led to the omissions made by Barcia ; he was wrong, however, in changing the number 250, supposing the 150 
not to be a typographical error, and in omitting the phrase, " which space (from Lisbon to Quinsai) is about 
the third part of the sphere." The Latin text showed, too, that this whole passage about distances was not in 
the Martinez letter at all, but formed the end of the letter to Columbus, since in the Latin it follows the date 
of the Martinez letter, into which it has been interpolated by a later hand. Finally the publication of Las 
Casas's Historia de las Indias (Madrid, 1875) gave us another Spanish version, which differs from Barcia's 
in closely agreeing with the Ulloa version, and which gives the length of a space at 250 miles. 

There were then 26 X 250 = 6500 miles between Lisbon and Quinsai, and this was about one third of the cir- 
cumference of the earth in this latitude, but it is not clear whether Roman or Italian miles were meant. 

If the MS. in the Biblioteca Nazionale at Florence \Cod. Magliabechiano Classe xi. num. 121], described by 
G. \5\\€^\\a.i}ae. Bollettino della Societh Geografica Italiana,yi. i (1873), 13-28 (" Ricerche intorno a Paolo dal 
Pozzo Toscanelli, ii. Della grandezza della terra secondo Paolo Toscanelli "), actually represents the work of 
Toscanelli, it is of great value in settling this point. The MS. is inscribed " Discorso di M° Paolo Puteo Tos- 
canelli sopra la cometa del 1456." In it were found two papers : i. A plain projection in rectangular form 
apparently for use in sketching a map. It is divided into spaces, each subdivided into five degrees, and num- 
bers 36 spaces in length. It is believed by Sig. Uzielli that this is the form used in the map sent to Martinez. 
If this be so, the 26 spaces between Lisbon and Quinsai = 130°. 2. A list of the latitude and longitude of 
various localities, at the end of which is inscribed this table : 

Gradus continet .68 miliaria minus 3a unius. 
Miliarum tria millia bracchia. 
Bracchium duos palmas. 
Palmus. 12. uncias. 7. lilos. 

The Florentine mile of 3,000 braccia da terra contains, according to Sig. Uzielli, 1653.6"!. (as against 

* On Hy Brasil, a traditional island off the west * jn ^n atlas issued 1866, I observe Mayda and Green 

coast of Ireland, plotted in a MS. map written by Le Rock. 

Sieur Tassin, etc., in \!i\t. JourrtUl of the Royal Geological ^ Harrisse would put it in 1482. See Vol. II. p. 90. 

Society of Ireland (1879-80), vol. xv. pt. 3, pp. 128-131, * Also in his Bib. Amer. Vet., p. xvi. 
fac-simile of map. 



52 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

1481™. to the Roman mile). Hence Toscanelli estimated a degree of the meridian at 11 1,9271", or only 552m. 
more than the mean adopted by Bessel and Bayer. Since, according to the letter, one space = 250 miles, and by 
the map one space = 5°, wc have 50 miles to a degree, which would point to an estimate for a latitude of about 
42°, allowing 67 2-3 miles to an equatorial degree. Lisbon was entered in the table of Alphonso at 410 N. (true 
lat. ;^S° 41' N.) By this reckoning Quinsai would fall 124° west of Lisbon or 10° west of San Francisco. It 
does not appear that the Florence MS. can be traced directly to Toscanelli, but the probability is certainly strong 
that we have here some of the astronomer's working papers, and that Ximenes did not deserve the rebuke 
administered by Humboldt for allowing 250 miles to a space, and assuming that a space contained five degrees. 
Certainly Humboldt's use of 150 miles is unjustifiable, and his calculation of 52° as the angular distance 
between Lisbon and Quinsai, according to ToscaneUi, is very much too small, whatever standard we take for the 
mile. If we follow Uzielli, the result obtained by Knge {Gesc/tic/tte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 230), 
1 040, is also too small.i 



Scmcr du' £um/ 







p «■_ Saiv> d/Servcucadv 

'. ♦ ^ ; Cap C2e4iu^ 

£oches Keyes '"•-•• 

i ^9 o . ; ^d.^M.nu^ ^'^ ••-^ 

TerrelfeTivej* . Q\(Mstauiru. 

I JiMher du Sfi-^*i . •Xjt'l'S^uw" \ , ..^ . . JESP4»-» 

^^ f / ^^^'^ / - * * **♦* C^p rausurr^\ 

'■■-. .y • ^ y , Raft* •'■'•; Qi.imiluTuuU' „ 

^ -.„a »»^ *Yy^de.£uu]u»d^ r-,£o^ d^idroh^ 

^^ , O / 

JfnaAe/-*.J LcS A fiasscd^lAuncMeMme.Manne ^ PORTUGAl,/" 



• • fia/u/ de, S^Jtartb . ^ 

JCacfusde. Cou^b/ ipar diiru: rvchauo. 

^^ — ... des rofixiajis 



3Vfe 



Sns<int» obseroeis rn/iStS: \ . . 

GAFFAREL'S MAP.* 




les Canaiaes 



* The various versions of the letter are as follows : Ulloa . . . citta di Quisai, la quale gira cento miglia, che sono 
[Hisiorie, iST^, ch. 8). Dalla citti di Lisbona per dritto trentacinque leghe. . . . Questo spazio e quasi la terza parte 
verso ponente sono in detta carta ventisei spazi, ciascun della sfera. . . . E dalla' Isola di Antilia, chevoi chiamate 
de' quali contien dugento, & cinquanta miglia, fino alia di sette citti, . . . fino alia . . , isola di Cipango sono died 

* From a map by Gaffarel, " L'Oc^an Atlantique et les restes de I'Atlantide," in the Revue de Geographie, vi. p. 
4CX), accompanying a paper by GafiEarel in the numbers for April- July, 1880, and showing such rocks and islets as have 
from time to time been reported as seen, or thought to have been seen, and which Gaffarel views as vestiges of the 
lost continent. 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



53 



G. Early Maps of the Atlantic Oct^a-s. — By the Editor. — Tht cartographical history of the At- 
lantic Ocean is, even down to our own day, an odd mixture of uncertain fact and positive fable. The island 
of Bresil or Brazil was only left off the British Admiralty charts within twenty years (see Vol. II. p. 36), 
and editions of the most popular atlases, like Colton's, within twenty-five years have shown Jacquet Island, 
the Three Chimneys, Maida, and others lying in the mid-sea. It may possibly be a fair question if some 
of the reports of islands and rocks made within recent times may not have had a foundation in tempo- 
rary uprisings from the bed of the sea.i We must in this country depend for the study of this sub- 
ject on the great collections of fac-similes of early maps made by Santarem, Kunstmann, Jomard, and on the 
Sammlung which is now in progress at Venice, under the editing of Theobald Fischer, and published by 
Ongania.2 

We may place the beginning of the Atlantic cartography 3 in the map of Marino Sanuto in 1306, who was 
first of the nautical map-makers of that century to lay down the Canaries: 4 but Sanuto was by no means sure 
of their existence, if we may judge from his omission of them in his later maps.5 




FIFTEENTH CENTURY.* 



spazi, the fanno due mila & cinquecento miglia, cioe du- 
gento, & venticinque leghe. 

Barcia. Hallareis en un mapa, que ai desde Lisboa, i 
la famosa ciudad de Quisay, tomando el camino derecho i 
Poniente, 26 espacios, cada uno de 150 millas. Quisai' tiene 
35 leguas de ambitu. . . . De la isla Antilla hasta la de Ci- 
pango se quentan diez espacios, que hacen 225 leguas. 

Las Casus : Y de la ciudad de Lisboa, en derecho por el 
Poniente, son en la dicha carta 26 espacios, y en cada uno 
•dellos hay 250 millas hasta la . . . ciudad de Quisay, la 
cual etiene al cerco 100 millas, que son 25 leguas, . . . (este 
espacio es cuasi la tercera parte de la sfera) . . . e de la 
isla de Antil, . . . Hasta la . . . isla de Cipango hay 10 
espacios que son 2,500 millas, es A sabre, 225 leguas. 

Columbus'' s copy: A civitate vlixiponis per occidentem 
indirect© sunt .26. spacia in carta signata quorum quodlibet 
habet miliaria .250. usque ad nobilisim[am], et maxima 
ciultatem quinsay. Circuit enim centum miliaria . . . hoc 
spatium est fere tercia pars tocius spere. . . . Sed ab insula 
antilia vobis nota ad insulam . . . Cippangu sunt decern 



^ Cf. " Les lies Atlantique," by Jacobs- Beeckmans in 
the Bull, de la Soc. gSog. d^Anvers, 1. 266, with map. 

' Of these collections, those of Kunstmann and Jomard 
are not uncommon in the larger American libraries. A set 
of the Santarem series is very difficult to secure complete, 



but since the descriprion of these collections in Vol. II. 
was written, a set has been secured for Harvard College 
library, and I am not aware of another set being in this 
country. The same library has the Ongania series. The 
maps in this last, some of which are useful in the present 
study, are the following : — 

I. Arabic marine map, xiiith cent. (Milan); 2. Vis- 
conte, 13 1 1 (Florence); 3. Carignano, xivth cent. (Flor- 
ence); 4. Visconte, 1318 (Venice); 5. Anonymous, 1351 
(Florence); 6. Pizigani, 1373 (Milan); 7. Anon., xivth 
cent. (Venice); 8. Giroldi, 1426 (Venice); 9. Bianco, 143, 
(Venice); 10. Anon., 1447 (Venice); 11. Bianco, 1448 
(Milan); 12. Not issued; 13. Anon., Catalan, xvth cent. 
(Florence); 14. Leardo, 1452; 15. Fra Mauro, 1457 (Ven- 
ice); 16. Cantino, 1501-3 (Modena). This has not been 
issued in this series, but Harrisse published a fac-simile in 
colors in connection with his Les Corte-Real, etc., Paris, 
1883. 17. Agnese, 1554 (Venice). The names on these 
photographs are often illegible ; how far the condition of 
the original is exactly reproduced in this respect it is of 
course impossible to say without comparison. 

3 The notions prevailing so far back as the first century 
are seen in the map of Pomponius Mela in Vol. II. p. 180. 

* Vol. II. ^. 36. 

5 Lelewel (ii. 119) gives a long account of Sanuto and his 
maps, and so does Kunstmann in the Mimoires (vii. ch. 2, 



* A conventional map of the older period, which is given in Santarem's Atlas as a " Mappemonde qui se trouve au 
revers d'une M^daille du Commencement du XVe Si^cle." 




•4>^ 







M^urCu't JtamiMM' iux»*fcaitisf ^u/we ^j^a <itf/Wfe jnana, 
(pt.o\ poaitnavefaf* a^ira^ 2^tn^retiv Jtouhut, wtJOufc 






J>i 



Note. — The above maps are reduced a little from the engraving in Allgemeine Geographische Ephemeriden 
(Weimar, 1807), vol. xxiv. p. 248. The smaller is an extract from that of Fr. Pizigani (1367), and the larger that of 
Andreas Bianco (1436). There is another fac-simile of the later in F. M. Erizzo's Le Scoperte Artiche (Venice, 1855). 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



55 



There^are two maps of Hygden (a. d. 1350), but the abundance of islands which they present can hardly 
be said to show more than a theory.i There is more likelihood of well considered work in the Portolano 
Laurenziano-Gaddiano (a. d. 1351), preserved in the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana at Florence, of which 
Ongania, of Venice, published a fac-simile in 188 1.2 There are two maps of Francisco Pizigani, which seem 
to give the Canaries, Madeira, and the Azores better than any earlier one. One of these maps (1367) is in 
the national library at Parma, and the other (1373) is in the Ambrosian library at Milan {Studi biog. e 
bibliog., vol. ii. pp. viii, 57, 58). The 1367 map is given by Jomard and Santarem. The most famous of all 
these early maps is the Catalan Mappemonde of 1375, preserved in the great library at Paris. It gives the 
Canaries and other islands further north, but does not reach to the Azores.3 These last islands are included, 
however, in another Catalan planisphere of not far from the same era, which is preserved in the national library 



J.UiaUutea jo^ 
/.Ar'oftaJUa. 



qSucssJ 

Scarsa 




CATALAN MAP, 1375.* 

at Florence, and has been reproduced by Ongania (1881 ).* The student will need to compare other maps of the 
fourteenth century, which can be found mentioned in the Studi, etc., with references in the Kohl Maps, sect. 
I. The phototypic series of Ongania is the most important contribution to this study, though the yellow tints 
of the original too often render the details obscurely.5 So for the next century there are the same guides ; but 
a number of conspicuous charts may well be mentioned. Chief among them are those of Andrea Bianco con- 
tained in the Atlas (1436), in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice, published by Ongania (1871), who also pub- 
lished (1881) the Carta Nautica of Bianco, in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan.6 



1855) of the Royal Bavarian Academy; but a more perfect 
inventory of his maps is given in the Studi biog. e bibliog. 
of the Italian Geographical Society {1882, i. 80; ii. 50). Cf. 
Pesche!, Gesch. der Erdkunde, Ruge, ed. 1877, p. 210. 
Sanuto's map of 1320 was first published in his Liber Secre- 
torum fidelium crucis (Frankfort, 1811. Cf. reproduction 
Ih St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vi. no. 3). Further references 
are in Winsor's Kohl Maps, no. 12. It is in part repro- 
duced by Santarem. 



1 Cf. Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal, xii. 177, and references 
in the Kohl Maps, nos. 13 and 14. 

2 Vol. II. p. 38. 

3 Cf. references in Vol. II. 38. 
* Cf. Studi, etc., ii. no. 392. 

^ Cf. Desimonl's Le carte nautiche Italiane del medio 
evo a proposito di un libra del Prof. Fischer (Genoa, 
1888). 

*' Cf. Vol. II. 38 for references; and Lelewel and Santa 
rem's Atlases. 



* After a sketch in St. Martin's A tlas, pi. vii. 



56 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The 1436 map has been reproduced in colors in 




FofloJt'aiiCo 

"a 

I.de.O'Midern. 

[.Dcserta. 

I.do Lancilottcu 



ANDREAS BENINCASA, 1476* 



Pietro Amat de San Filippo's Planisferio disegnato 
del 143b {Bolleitino Soc. Geografia^ 1879, P* S^o) ; and 
a sketch of the Atlantic part is given in the Allgem. 
Geog. Ephemeriden^ xxiv. no. 248.1 

During the next twenty years or more, the varying 
knowledge of the Atlantic is shown in a number of 
maps, a few of which may be named :— The Catalan 
map " de Gabriell de Valsequa, faite \ Mallorcha en 
1439," which shows the Azores, and which Vespucius 
is said to have owned (Santarem, pi. 54). The plani- 
sphere " in lingua latina dell' anno 1447," in the na- 
tional library at Florence (Ongania, 1881). The world 
maps of Giovanni Leardo (Johannes Leardus), 1448 and 
1452, the former of which is given in Santarem (pi. 25, 
— also Hist. Cartog. iii. 398), and the latter reproduced 
by Ongania, i88c. One is in the Ambrosian library, 
and the other in the Museo Civico at Vicenza (cf. Studi, 
etc., ii. 72, 73). In the Biblioteca Vittorio Emanuele 
at Rome there is the sea - chart of Bartolomaeus de 
Pareto of 1455, on which we find laid down the Fortu- 
nate Islands, St. Brandan's, Antillia, and Royllo.2 The 
World of Fra Mauro 3 has been referred to elsewhere in 
the present volume. 

We come now to the conditions of the Atlantic car- 
tography immediately preceding the voyage of Colum- 
bus. The most prominent specimens of this period 
are the various marine charts of Grogioso and Andreas 
Benincasa from 1461 to 1490. Some of these are given 
by Santarem, Lelewel, and St. Martin ; but the best 
enumeration of them is given in the Studi Hog. e 
bib Hog. della Soc. Geog. Ital. ii. 66, 77-84, 92, 99, 100. 
Of Toscanelli's map of 1474, which influenced Colum- 
bus, we have no sketch, though some attempts have 




LAON GLOBE.t 

» Cf. Studi, etc., vol. ii. pp. viii, 67, 72, with references. 3 cf. account of inaugurating busts of Fra Mauro and 

2 Cf. Pietro Amat in the Mem. Soc. Geografica, Roma, John Cabot, in Terzo Congresso Geografico internazwnale 
1878; Studi, etc., ii. 75; Winsor's Bihliog. Ptolemy, sub (held at Venice, Sept., 1881, and published at Rome, 1882), 
anno 1478. i- P- 33* 

* After a sketch in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vii. 

t From a "projection Synoptique Cordiforme " in the Bull, de la Soc. de Giog., 4e s^rie, xx. (i860), in connection 
with a paper by D'Avezac (p. 398). Cf. Oscar Peschel in Ausland, May 12, 1861 ; also in his Abhandlungen, i. 226» 



GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS. 



57 




END OF FIFTEENTH CENTURY. (Santarem's Af^as.) 



58 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



dCCANO OCCIDENTAIB 




strettodigibT 



OCIANqj)CCIDENTALE 



been made to reconstruct it from descriptions. 
(Cf. Vol. II. p. 103; Harrisse's Christophe Co- 
lomb., i. 127, 129.) Brief mention may also be 
made of the Laon globe of i486 (dated 1493), of 
which D'Avezac gives a projection in the Bulletin 
de la Soc. de Geog. xx. 417; of the Majorcan 
(Catalan) Carta nautica of about 1487 (cf. Studi, 
etc., ii. no. 397 ; Bull. Soc. Geog., i. 295) ; of the 
chart in the Egerton MSS., Brit. Mus., made by 
Christofalo Soligo about the same time, and which 
has no dearth of islands (cf. Studi, etc., i. 89) ; of 
those of Nicola Fiorin, Canepa, and Giacomo 
Bertran {Studi, etc., ii. 82, 86, and no. 398). The 
globe of Behaim (1492) gives the very latest of 
these ante-Columbian views (see Vol. II. 105). 

It took, after this, a long time for the Atlantic 
to be cleared, even partially, of these intrusive 
islands, and to bring the proper ones into accurate 
relations. How the old ideas survived may be 
traced in the maps of Ruysch, 1508 (Vol. II. 115) ; 
Coppo, 1528, with its riot of islands (II. 127) ; 
Mercator, 1541 (II. 177); Bordone, 1547; Zaltifere, 
1566 (II. 451) ; Porcacchi, 1572 (II. 453) ; Ortelius, 
I575> 1587, — not to continue the series further. 



^t7WiW(ttC 



OqO 



NOTE. 

The upper of the annexed cuts 
is from Bordone's Isolario, 1547 ; 
the under one is an extract from 
the " World " of Ortelius, 1587. 










CHAPTER 11. 

PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 

BY JUSTIN WINSOR, THE EDITOR. 

IN the previous chapter, in attempting to trace the possible connection 
of the new world with the old in the dimmest past, it was hard, if not 
hopeless, to find among the entangled myths a path that we could follow 
with any confidence into the field of demonstrable history. It is still a 
doubt how far we exchange myths for assured records, when we enter upon 
the problems of pre-Columbian explorations, which it is the object of the 
present chapter to discuss. We are to deal with supposable colonizations, 
from which the indigenous population of America, as the Spaniards found 
it, was sprung, wholly or in part ; and we are to follow the venturesome 
habits of navigators, who sought experience and commerce in a strange 
country, and only incidentally left possible traces of their blood in the peo- 
ples they surprised. If Spain, Italy, and England gained consequence by 
the discoveries of Columbus and Cabot, there were other national prides to 
be gratified by the priority which the Basques, the Normans, the Welsh, the 
Irish, and the Scandinavians, to say nothing of Asiatic peoples, claimed as 
their share in the gift of a new world to the old. The records which these 
peoples present as evidences of their right to be considered the forerunners 
of the Spanish and English expeditions have in every case been questioned 
by those who are destitute of the sympathetic credence of a common kin- 
ship. The claims which Columbus and Cabot fastened upon Spain and 
England, to the disadvantage of Italy, who gave to those rival countries 
their maritime leaders, were only too readily rejected by Italy herself, when 
the opportunity was given to her of paling such borrowed glories before 
the trust which she placed in the stories of the Zeni brothers. 

There is not a race of eastern Asia — Siberian, Tartar, Chinese, Japa- 
nese, Malay, with the Polynesians — which has not been claimed as discov- 
erers, intending or accidental, of American shores, or as progenitors, more 
or less perfect or remote, of American peoples ; and there is no good reason 
why any one of them may not have done all that is claimed. The histor- 
ical evidence, however, is not such as is based on documentary proofs of 
indisputable character, and the recitals advanced are often far from precis^ 
enough to be convincing in details, if their general authenticity is allowed.. 



6o NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Nevertheless, it is much more than barely probable that the ice of Behring- 
Straits or the line of the Aleutian Islands was the pathway of successive 
immigrations, on occasions perhaps far apart, or may be near together ; and 
/there is hardly a stronger demonstration of such a connection between the 
I two continents than the physical resemblances of the peoples now living on 
opposite sides of the Pacific Ocean in these upper latitudes, with the simi- 
larity of the flora which environs them on either shore.^ It is quite as con- 
ceivable that the great northern current, setting east athwart the Pacific, 
should from time to time have carried along disabled vessels, and stranded 
them on the shores of California and farther north, leading to the infusion 
of Asiatic blood among whatever there may have been antecedent or au- 
tochthonous in the coast peoples. It is certainly in this way possible that 
the Chinese or Japanese may have helped populate the western slopes of 
the American continent. There is no improbability even in the Malays of 
southeastern Asia extending step by step to the Polynesian islands, and 
among them and beyond them, till the shores of a new world finally received 
the impress of their footsteps and of their ethnic characteristics. We may 
very likely recognize not proofs, but indications, along the shores of South 
America, that its original people constituted such a stock, or were increased 
by it. 

As respects the possible early connections of America on the side of 
Europe, there is an equally extensive array of claims, and they have been 
set forth, first and last, with more persistency than effect^^ 

Leaving the old world by the northern passage, Iceland lies at the thresh- 
old of America. It is nearer to Greenland than to Norway, and Greenland 
is but one of the large islands into which the arctic currents divide the 
North American continent. Thither, to Iceland, if we identify the locali- 
ties in Geoffrey of Monmouth, King Arthur sailed as early as the begin- 
ning of the sixth century, and overcame whatever inhabitants he may have 
found there. Here tco an occasional wandering pirate or adventurous Dane 
had glimpsed the coast.^ Thither, among others, came the Irish, and in the 
ninth century we find Irish monks and a small colony of their countrymen 
in possession.* Thither the Gulf Stream carries the southern driftwood, 

1 Asa Gray, in Darwiniana, p. 203. Cf. his "Les precurseurs de Colomb" in Etudes par les 
Address before Amer. Assoc. Adv. Science, 1827. P^res de la Compagnie de Jesus (Leipzig, 1876) ; 

2 The subject of these pre-Columbian claims Oscar Dunn in Revue Canadienne^ xii. 57, 194, 
is examined in almost all the general works on 305, 871, 909, — not to name numerous other pe- 
early discovery. Cf. Robertson's Ameriea ; J. riodical papers. Paul Gaffarel, in his ** Les rela- 
S. Vater's Untersuchungen iiber Amerikas Be- tions entre I'ancien monde et I'Amerique etaient- 
volkerung aus dem alien Continent (Leipzig, el les possibles au moyen ige ? " {Soc. Normande 
iBio) ; Dr. F. X. A. Deuber's Geschichte der Schif- de Giog. Bulletin, 1881, p. 209), thinks that amid 
fahrt im Atlantischen Ozean (Bamberg, 1814) ; the confused traditions there is enough to con- 
Ruge, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen vince us that we have no right to determine that 
(ch. 2) ; Major's Select Letters of Columbus, in- communication was impossible. 

trod. ; C. A. A. Zestermann's J/^»2^z> on the Col- ^ MSS. de la biblioth^ue royale (Paris, 1787), 

onization of America in antehistoric times, with i. 462. 

critical observations by E. G. Squier (London, * De Costa in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc. xiL 

1851) ; Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (ii. 404) ; (1880) p. 159, etc., with references. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 6l 

suggesting sunnier lands to whatever race had been allurea or driven to its 
shelter.^ Here Columbus, when, as he tells us,^ he visited the island in 
1477, found no ice. So that, if we may place reliance on the appreciable 
change of climate by the precession of the equinoxes, a thousand years ago 
and more, when the Norwegians crossed from Scandinavia and found these 
Christian Irish there,^ the island was not the forbidding spot that it seems 
with the lapse of centuries to be becoming.^ 

It was in a. d. 875 that Ingolf, a jarl* of Norway, came to Iceland with 
Norse settlers. They built their habitation at first where a pleasant head- 
land seemed attractive, the present Ingolfshofdi, and later founded Reik- 
javik, where the signs had directed them ; for certain carved posts, which 
they had thrown overboard as they approached the island, were found to 
have drifted to that spot. The Christian Irish preferred to leave their 
asylum rather than consort with the new-comers, and so the island was 
left to be occupied by successive immigrations of the Norse, which their 
king could not prevent. In the end, and within half a century, a hardy 
little republic — as for a while it was — of near seventy thousand inhab- 
itants was established almost under the arctic circle. The very next year 
(a. d. diyS) after Ingolf had come to Iceland, a sea-rover, Gunnbiorn, 
driven in his ship westerly, sighted a strange land, and the report that he 
made was not forgotten.^ Fifty years later, more or less, for we must treat 
the dates of the Icelandic sagas with some reservation, we learn that a 
wind-tossed vessel was thrown upon a coast far away, which was called Ire- 
land the Great. Then again we read of a young Norwegian, Eric the Red, 
not apparently averse to a brawl, who killed- his man in Norway and fled to 
Iceland, where he kept his dubious character ; and again outraging the 
laws, he was sent into temporary banishment, — this time in a ship which 
he fitted out for discovery ; and so he sailed away in the direction of Gunn- 
biorn's land, and found it. He whiled away three years on its coast, and as 
soon as he was allowed ventured back with the tidings, while, to propitiate 
intending settlers, he said he had been to Greenland, and so the land got a 
sunny name. The next year, which seems to have been a. d. 985, he 
started on his return with thirty-five ships, but only fourteen of them 

1 Humboldt, Views of Nature^ p. 1 24. He also ^ It has sometimes been contended that a 
notes the drifting of Eskimo boats to Europe. bull of Gregory IV, in a. d. 770, referred to 

2 Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables. Greenland, but Spitzbergen was more likely in- 

* Respecting these Christian Irish see the sup- tended, though its known discovery is much 
plemental chapters of Mallet's Northern Anti- later. A bull of A. D. 835, in Pontanus's Re- 
quities (London, 1847) > Dasent's Burnt Njal, i. rum Daniarum Historia, is also held to indicate 
p. vii. ; Moore's History of Ireland ; Forster's that there were earlier peoples in Greenland 
Northern Voyages ; Worsaae's Danes and Nor- than those from Iceland. Sabin (vi. no. 22,854) 
wegiajts in England, 332. Cf. on the contact of gives as published at Godthaab, 1859-61, in 3 
the two races H. H. Howorth on " The Irish vols., the Eskimo text of Greenland Folk Lore, 
monks and the Norsemen" in the Roy. Hist, collected and edited by natives of Greenland, 
Soc. Trans, viii. 281. with a Danish translation, and showing, as the 

* Conybeare remarks that jarl, naturalized in notice says, the traditions of the first descent of 
England as earl, has been displaced in its na- the Northmen in the eighth century. 

tive north by graf. 



62 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



reached the land. Wherever there* was a habitable fiord, a settlement grew 
up, and the stream of immigrants was for a while constant and considerable. 
Just at the end of the century (a. d. 999), Leif, a son of Eric, sailed back to 
Norway, and found the country in the early fervor of a new religion ; for 
King Olaf Tryggvesson had embraced Christianity^ and was imposing it on 
his people. Leif accepted the new faith, and a priest was assigned to him 
to take back to Greenland ; and thus Christianity was introduced into arctic 




NORSE SHIP.* 



* This cut is copied from one in Nordenskiold's Voyage of the Vega (London, 1881), vol. i. p. 50, where it 
is given as representing the vessel found at Sai.defjord in 1880. It is drawn from the restoration given in The 
Viking ship discovered at Gokstad in Norway {Langskibet fra Gokstad ved Sandefjord) described by N. 
Nicholaysen (Christiania, 1882). The original vessel owed its preservation to being used as a receptacle for 
the body of a Viking chief, when he was buried under a mound. When exhumed, its form, with the sepulchral 
chamber midships, could be made out, excepting that the prow and stern in their extremities had to be restored. 
In the ship and about it were found, beside some of the bones of a man, various appurtenances of the vessel, 
and the remains of horses buried with him. They are all described in the book above cited, from which the 
other cuts herewith given of the plan of the vessel and one of its rowlocks are taken. The Popular Science 
Monthly, May, 1881, borrowing from La Nature, gives a view of the ship as when found in situ. There are 
other accounts in The Antiquary, Aug., 1880 ; Dec, j88i ; 1882, p. %•] ; Scribner^s Magazine, Nov., 1887, by 
John S. White; Potter'^s American Monthly, Mar., 1882. Cf. the illustrated paper, " Les navires des peuples 
du nord," by Otto Jorell, in Congrls Internat. des Sciences geographiques (Paris, 1875 ; pub. 1878), i. 318. 

Of an earlier discovery in 1872 there is an account in The ancient vessel found in the parish of Tune^ 
Norway (Christiania, 1872). This is a translation by Mr. Gerhard Gad6 of a Report in the Proceedings of the 
Society for preserving Norwegian Antiquities. (Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xiii. p. lo.) This vessel was 
also buried under a mound, and she was 43^ feet long and four feet deep. 

There is in the Nicholaysen volume a detailed account of the naval architecture of the Viking period, and 
other references may be made to Otto Jorell's Les navires des peuples du Nord, in the Congr'bs internat. des 
sciences geog., compte rendu, 1875 (1878, i. 318) ; Memoires de la Soc. royal des Antiquaires du Nord (1887, 
p. 280); Preble, in United Service (May, 1883, p. 463), and in his Amer. Flag, p. 159; De Costa's Pre-Co- 
lufubian Discovery of America, p. xxxvii ; Fox's Landfall of Columbus, p. 3; Pop. Science Monthly, xix. 
80 ; Van Nostrand^s Eclectic Engineering Mag., xxiii. 320 ; Good Words, xxii. 759 ; Higginson's Larger 
History U. S. for cuts; and J. J. A. Worsaae's Prehistory of the North (Eng. transl., London, 1886) fbr the 
burial in ships. 

There is a paper on the daring of the Norsemen as na^irigators by G. Brynjalfson {Compte Rendu, Congrts 
des Americanistes, Copenhagen, p. 140), entitled " Jusqu'oii les anciens Scandinaves ont-ils penetre vers le 
p61e arctique dans leurs expeditions k la mer glaciale ? " 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



63 



America. So they began to build churches ^ in Greenland, the considerable 
ruins of one of which stand to this day.^ The winning of Iceland to the 
Church was accomplished at the same time. 

There were two centres of settlement on the Greenland coast, not where 
they were long suspected to be, on the coast opposite Iceland, nor as sup- 
posed after the explorations of Baffin's Bay, on both the east and west side 
of the country ; but the settlers seem to have reached and doubled Cape 
Farewell, and so formed what was called their eastern settlement (Eystri- 
bygd), near the cape, while farther to the north they formed their western 
colony (Westribygd).^ Their relative positions are still involved in doubt . 




PLAN OF VIKING SHIP. 

In the next year after the second voyage of Eric the Red, one of the 
ships which were sailing from Iceland to the new settlement, was driven 
far off her course, according to the sagas, and Bjarni Herjulfson, who com- 
manded the vessel, reported that he had come upon a land, away to the 
southwest, where the coast country was level ; and he added that when he 
turned north it took him nine days to reach Greenland.* Fourteen years 
later than this voyage of Bjarni, which is said to have been in a. d. ^86, — 
that is, in the year 1000 or thereabouts, — Leif, the same who had brought 
the Christian priest to Greenland, taking 
with him thirty-five companions, sailed 
from Greenland in quest of the land seen 
by Bjarni, which Leif first found, where 
a barren shore stretched back to ice- 
covered mountains, and because of the 
stones there he called th e region Hellu 
land. Proceeding farther south, he found 
a sandy shore, with a level forest-country 
back of it, and because of the woods it 

J ,, , , , ^ , , , ROWLOCK OF THE VIKING SHIP. 

was named Markland. Two days later 

they came upon other land, and tasting the dew upon the grass they found 




1 Known as the Katortuk church. 

2 An apocryphal story goes that one of these 
churches was built near a boiling spring, the water 
from which was conducted through the building 
in pipes for heating it ! The Zeno narrative is the 
authority for this. Cf . Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. i. 79. 

* The Westribygd, or western colony, had in 
the fourteenth century 90 settlements and 4 



churches ; the Eystribygd had 190 settlements, a 
cathedral and eleven churches, with two large 
towns and three or four monasteries. 

* R. G. Haliburton, in the Popular Science 
Monthly, May, 1885, p. 40, gives a map in which 
Bjarni's course is marked as entering the St. 
Lawrence Gulf by the south, and emerging by 
the Straits of Belle Isle. 



64 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



it sweet. Farther south and westerly they went, and going up a river came 
into an expanse of water, where on the shores they built huts to lodge in 




NORSE BOAT USED AS A HABITATION* 



for the winter, and sent out exploring parties. In one of these, Tyrker, a 
native of a part of Europe where grapes grew, found vines hung with their 
fruit, which induced Leif to call the country Vinland. 




NORMAN SHIP FROM THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.f 



SCANDINAVIAN FLAGS.f 



* From VioWet-le-Duc's //aiiiaiion /lumazne (Paris, 1875). 

t From Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, etc. " With the exception of very imperfect rep- 
resentation carved on rocks and runic stones [see Higginson's Larger History, p. 27], there are no images 
left in the countries of Scandinavia of ships of the olden times ; but the tapestry at Bayeux, in Normandy, is 
a contemporary evidence of the appearance of the Normanic ships." 

X This group from Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, etc., p. 64, shows the transition from 
the raven to the cross. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



65 



Attempts have been made to identify these various regions by the inexact 
accounts of the direction of their sailing, by the very general descriptions 
of the country, by the number of days occupied in going from one point to 
another, with thfe uncertainty if the ship sailed at night, and by the length 
of the shortest day in Vinland, — the last a statement that might help us, 
if it could be interpreted with a reasonable concurrence of opinion, and if it 
were not confused with other inexplicable statements. The next year Leif's 
brother, Thorvald, went to Vinland with a single ship, and passed three win- 
ters there, making explorations meanwhile, south and north. Thorfinn Karl- 
sefne, arriving in Greenland in a. d. 1006, married a courageous widow 
named Gudrid, who induced him to sail with his ships to Vinland and make 
there a permanent settlement, taking with him livestock and other neces- 
saries for colonization. Their first winter in the place was a severe one ; but 




FROM OLAUS MAGNUS.* 

Gudrid gave birth to a son, Snorre, from whom it is claimed Thorwaldsen, 
the Danish sculptor, was descended. The next season they removed to the 
spot where Leif had wintered, and called the bay Hop. Having spent a 
third winter in the country, Karlsefne, with a part of the colony, returned 
to Greenland. 

The saga then goes on to say that trading voyages to the settlement 
which had been formed by Karlsefne now became frequent, and that the 
chief lading of the return voyages was timber, which was much needed in 
Greenland. A bishop of Greenland, Eric Upsi, is also said to have gone to 
Vinland in a. d. 1121. In 1347 the last ship of which we have any record 
in these sagas went to Vinland after timber. After this all is oblivion. 

There are in all these narratives many details beyond this outline, and 
those who have sought to identify localities have made the most they could 
of the mention of a rock here or a bluff there, of an island where they 
killed a bear, of others where they found eggs, of a headland where they 
buried a leader who had been killed, of a cape shaped like a keel, of broad- 



* Fac-simile of Norse weapons from the Historia of Olaus Magnus (b. 1490 ; d. 1568), Rome, 1555, p. 222. 
VOL. I. — 5 



OF TKt 



66 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



faced natives who offered furs for red cloths, of beaches where they hauled 
up their ships, and of tides that were strong ; but the more these details 
are scanned in the different sagas the more they confuse the investigator, 
and the more successive relators try to enlighten us the more our doubts 
are strengthened, till we end with the conviction that all attempts at con- 
sistent unravelment leave nothing but a vague sense of something some- 
where done. 

Everywhere else where the Northmen went they left proofs of their occu- 

pDLL-sizE FACSIMILE OF THF TABLET, eugraved by Prof. Magnus 
Petersen, with the Runes as he sees them. 




(TRANSLITERATION OP THE LEADEN TABLET.) 
4- (at) I>(e)b KUEN(e) SINE PRINSINED (b)aD (m)OTO LAM 
ANA KRISTI DONAVISTI GARDIAR lARDlAR 
IBODIAR KRISTUS UINKIT KRISTUS REG- • 
NAT KRISTUS IMPERAT KRISTUS AB OMNI " "^ 

MALO ME ASAM LIPERET KRUX KRISTI 
SIl SUPER ME ASAM HIK ET UBIQUE 
+ KHORDA -f- IN KHORDA -J- KHORDAE 

(t) (m)AGLA -f- SANGUIS KRISTI SIGNET MB 

RUNES, A. D. looo* 



* This cut is of some of the oldest runes known, giving two Unes in Danish and the rest in Latin, as the 
transliteration shows. It is copied from The oldest yet found Doctiment in Danish^ by Prof. Dr. George Ste- 
phens (Copenhagen, 1888, — from the Memoires des Antiquaires du Nord, 1887). The author says that the 
leaden tablet on which the runes were cut was found in Odense, Fyn, Denmark, in 1883, and he places the 
date of it about the year A. D. 1000. 

George Stephens's Handbook of the old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia and England is a 
condensation, preserving all the cuts, and making some additions to his larger foUo work in 3 vols., The 
old-northern Runic monuments of Scanditiavia and England, now first collected and deciphered (London, 
etc., 1866-68). It does not contain either Icelandic or Greenland runes. He says that by the time of the col- 
onization of Iceland " the old northern runes as a system had died out on the Scandinavian main, and were 
followed by the later runic alphabet. But even this modern Icelandic of the tenth century has not come 
down to us. If it had, it would be very different from what is now vulgarly so called, which is the greatly 
altered Icelandic of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. . . . The oldest written Icelandic known to us is 
said to date from about the year 1200. . . . The whole modern doctrine of one uniform Icelandic language 
all over the immense north in the first one thousand winters after Christ is an impossible absurdity. ... It is 
very seldom that any of the Scandinavian runic stones bear a date. . . . No Christian runic gravestone is 
older than the fourteenth century." 

On runes in general, see Mallet, Bohn's ed., pp. 227, 248, following the cut of the Kingektorsoak stone, in 
Rafn's Antiq. Americans ; Wilson's Prehist. Man, ii. 88 ; WoUheim's Nat. Lit. der Scandinavier (Ber- 
lin, 1875), vol. i. pp. 2-15 ; Legis-Glueckselig's Die Runen und ihre Denkmdler (Leipzig, 1829) ; De Costa's 
Pre-Columb. Disc, pp. xxx ; Revue polit. et lit., Jan. 10, 1880. 

It is held that runes are an outgrowth of the Latin alphabet. (L. F. A. Wimmer's Runeskriftens Opritu 
delse og Udvikling i norden, Copenhagen, 1874.) 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



67 



pation on the soil, but nowhere in America, except on an island on the east 
shore of Baffin's Bay,^ has any authentic runic inscription been found out- 
side of Greenland. Not a single indisputable grave has been discovered to 
attest their alleged centuries of fitful occupation. The consistent and natu- 
ral proof of any occupation of America south of Davis Straits is therefore 
lacking ; and there is not sufficient particularity in the descriptions ^ to 
remove the suspicion that the story-telling of the fireside has overlaid the 
reports of the explorer. Our historic sense is accordingly left to consider, 
as respects the most general interpretation, what weight of confidence 
should be yielded to the sagas, pre-Columbian as they doubtless are. But 
beyond this is perhaps, what is after all the most satisfactory way of solving 
the problem, a dependence on the geographical and ethnical probabilities 
of the case. The Norsemen have passed into credible history as the most 



SihentfShxk I mJ 




MBiMrmiYtw, 



F^ ^ ^ f 






FwKWriHiS 





^^:= ALPHPiBZrv^^crHlCV 



FROM OLAUS MAGNUS* 

hardy and venturesome of races. That they colonized Iceland and Green- 
land is indisputable. That their eager and daring nature should have de- 
serted them at this point is hardly conceivable. Skirting the Greenland 
shores and inuring themselves to the hardships and excitements of northern 
voyaging, there was not a long stretch of open sea before they could strike 
the Labrador coast. It was a voyage for which their ships, with courageous 
crews, were not unfitted. Nothing is more likely than that some ship of 
theirs may have been blown westerly and unwilHngly in the first instance, 
just as Greenland was in like manner first made known to the Icelanders. 
The coast once found, to follow it to the south would have been their most 
consistent action. 

We may consider, then, that the weight of probability ^ is in favor of a 
Northman descent upon the coast of the American mainland at some point, 

1 Dated 1135, and discovered in 1824. ^ On the probabilities of the Vinland voyages, 

2 Distinctly shown in the diverse identifications see Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in Eng- 
of these landmarks which have been made. land, etc., p. 109. 



* Fac-simile of a cut to the chapter " De Alphabeto Gothorum " in the Historia de Gentibus Septentrionali- 
bus (Romae, M.D.LV.). 



68 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

or at several, somewhere to the south of Greenland ; but the evidence is 
hardly that which attaches to well-established historical records. 

The Archaeological traces, which are lacking farther south, are abundant 
in Greenland, and confirm in the most positive way the Norse occupation. 
The ruins of churches and baptisteries give a color of truth to the ecclesi- 
astical annals which have come down to us, and which indicate that after 
having been for more than a century under the Bishop of Iceland, a succes- 
sion of bishops of its own was established there early in the twelfth cen- 
tury. The names of seventeen prelates are given by Torfaeus, though it is 
not quite certain that the bishops invariably visited their see. The last 
known to have filled the office went thither in the early years of the fif- 
teenth century. The last trace of him is in the celebration of a marriage 
at Gardar in 1409. 

The Greenland colonists were equipped with all the necessities of a perma- 
nent life. They had horses, sheep, and oxen, and beef is said to have been 
a regular article of export to Norway. They had buildings of stone, of which 
the remains still exist. They doubtless brought timber from the south, and 
we have in runic records evidence of their explorations far to the north. 
They maintained as late as the thirteenth century a regular commercial in- 
tercourse with the mother country,^ but this trade fell into disuse when 
a royal mandate constituted such ventures a monopoly of the throne ; and 
probably nothing so much conduced to the decadence and final extinction 
of the colonies as this usurped and exclusive trade, which cut off all per- 
sonal or conjoined intercourse. 

The direct cause of the final extinction of the Greenland colonies is in- 
volved in obscurity, though a variety of causes, easily presumable, would 
have been sufficient, when we take into consideration the moribund con- 
dition into which they naturally fell after commercial restriction had put a 
stop to free intercourse with the home government. 

The Eskimos are said to have appeared in Greenland about the middle 
of the fourteenth century, and to have manifested hostility to such a de- 
gree that about 1342 the imperilled western colony was abandoned. The 
eastern colony survived perhaps seventy years longer, or possibly to a still 
later period. We know they had a new bishop in 1387, but before the end 
of that century the voyages to their relief were conducted only after long 
intervals. 

Y Before communication was wholly cut off, the attacks of the Skraelings, 
and possibly famine and the black death, had carried the struggling colo- 
nists to the verge of destruction. Bergen, in Norway, upon which they de- 
pended for succor, had at one time been almost depopulated by the same 
virulent disease, and again had been ravaged by a Hanseatic fleet. Thus 
such intercourse as the royal monopoly permitted had become precarious, 
and the marauding of freebooters, then prevalent in northern waters, still 
further served to impede the communications, till at last they wholly ceased, 
during the early years of the fifteenth century. 

1 Gr'dnland^s Hist. Mindesmaeker, iil 9. 



u 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 69 

It has sometimes been maintained that the closing in of ice-packs was 
the final stroke which extinguished the last hopes of the expiring colonists.^ 
This view, however, meets with little favor among the more enlightened 
students of climatic changes, like Humboldt.^ 

There has been published what purports to be a bull of Pope Nicholas V,^ 
directing the Bishop of Iceland to learn what he could of the condition 
of the Greenland colonies, and in this document it is stated that part of 
the colonists had been destroyed by barbarians thirty years before, — the 
bull bearing date in 1448. There is no record that any expedition followed 
upon this urging, and there is some question as to the authenticity of the 
document.* In the Relation of La Peyrere there is a story of some sailors 
visiting Greenland so late as 1484; but it is open to question. 

Early in the sixteenth century fitful efforts to learn the fate of the colonies 
began, and these were continued, without result, well into the seventeenth 
century; but nothing explicable was ascertained till, in 1721, Hans Egede, 
a Norwegian priest, prevailed upon the Danish government to send him on 
a mission to the Eskimos. He went, accompanied by wife and children ; 
and the colony of Godthaab, and the later history of the missions, and the 
revival of trade with Europe, attest the constancy of his purpose and the 
fruits of his earnestness. In a year he began to report upon certain 
remains which indicated the former occupation of the country by people 
who built such buildings as was the habit in Europe. He and his son Paul 
Egede, and their successors in the missions, gathered for us, first among 

1 The popular confidence in this vie\^ doubt- Tylor {Early Hist. Mankind, p. 208), speaking 
less helped by Montgomery, who has made it a of the Eskimo, says : " It is indeed very strange 
point in his poem on Greenland, canto v. De that there should be no traces found among them 
Courcy {Hist, of the Church in America, p. 12) of knowledge of metal-work and of other arts, 
is cited by Howley {IVewfoundland) as assert- which one would expect a race so receptive of 
ing that the eastern colony was destroyed by foreign knowledge would have got from contact 
•*a physical cataclysm, which accumulated the with the Northmen." 

ice." On the question of a change of climate in Prof. Edward S. Morse, in his very curious 

Greenland, see J. D. Whitney's Climatic Changes study of Ancient and Modern Methods of Arrow 

{Mus. Comp. Zool. Mem., 1882, vii. 238). Release (Salem, i^^, — Bull. Essex Inst., xvii.) 

2 Rink {Danish Greenland, 22) is not inclined p. 52, notes that the Eskimo are the only North 
to believe that there has been any material cli- American tribe practising what he calls the 
matic change in Greenland since the Norse days, " Mediterranean release," common to all civil- 
and favors the supposition that some portion of ized Europe, and he ventures to accept a sur- 
the finally remaining Norse became amalgamated mise that it may have been derived from the 
with the Eskimo and disappeared. If the reader Scandinavians. 

wants circumstantial details of the misfortunes 3 Given by Schlegel, Egede (citing Pontanus), 
of their " last man," he can see how they can be and Rafn ; and a French version is in the Bull. 
made out of what are held to be Eskimo tradi- de la Soc. de Geog., 2d series, iii. 348. It is said 
tions in a chapter of Dr. Hayes's Land of Deso- to be preserved in a copy in the Vatican. M. 
^(^io^- F. Howley, Ecclesiastical Hist, of Newfoundland 
Nordenskjold(Fiy/a^^^///5^ F<^«) holds, such (Boston, 1888), p. 43, however, says: "Abbe 
is the rapid assimilation of a foreign stock by a Gamier mentions a bull of Pope Nicholas V, of 
native stock, that it is not unlikely that what date about 1447, concerning the church of Green- 
descendants may exist of the lost colonists of land; but on searching the Bullarium in the 
Greenland may be now indistinguishable from Propaganda library, Rome, in 1885, I could not 
the Eskimo. find it." 

* Laing's Heimskringla, i. 146. 



^o 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



modern searchers, the threads of the history of this former people ; and, 
as time went on, the researches of Graah, Nordenskjold, and other ex- 
plorers, and the studious habits cff Major, Rink, and the rest among the in- 

DE I COMMENTARII DEL 

yianiomPerfia di M. CatermZeno il K. 

f^eUe^uerrefdtte neWlmperio^erfiano, 

ddtcnjpQ di VjfuncaJJanainQU^ 

LIBR.I Ii\E. 

ET DEILO SCOPRIM.ENTO 

deWjfoleFrtsUndit^EsUnda^Engrouetatida^Eflo 
tilanda, & Icdnajattojotto il Polo <Artico,da 
duefratelli zem^ M. Nicoloil K.e M.^Antonio. 

LIBRO VNO. 
CON VN DISEGNO PA B.TI C OLAR. E DI 

tutte le dette parte di Tramontana da. lorjcoperte. 

CON GKATJA, ET PR.IV1LEGI0. 



VERI 




TAS. 



IN VENETIA 

FerTr.wcefioMarcolmu H D LVIIK 



vestigators, have enabled us to read the old sagas of the colonization of 
Greenland with renewed interest and with the light of corroborating 
evidence.^ 



We are told that it was one result of these Northman voyages that the 



1 E. B. Tylor on " Old Scandinavian Civiliza- 
tion among the modem Esquimaux," in the 
Journal of the Anthropological Inst. (1884), xiii. 
348, shows that the Greenlanders still preserve 
some of the Norse customs, arising in part, as 
he thinks, from some of the lost Scandinavian 
survivors being merged in the savage tribes. 



Their recollection of the Northmen seems evi- 
dent from the traditions collected among them 
by Dr. Rink in his Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn 
(Copenhagen, 1866) ; and their dress, and some 
of their utensils and games, as it existed in the 
days of Egede and Crantz, seem to indicate the 
survival of customs. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



71 



fame of them spread to other countries, and became known among the 
Welsh, at a time when, upon the death of Owen Gwynedd, who ruled in 
the northern parts of that country, the people were embroiled in civil strife. 
That chieftain's son, Prince Madoc, a man bred to the sea, was discontented 
with the unstable state of society, and resolved to lead a colony to these 

DELLO SCOPRtUENTO DEI 

I'ifote Frislanda, EsUnddjEngfoueland EJIq* 

tilanda,&* Icariajfattoper due fratel*' 

It Zeni M. Nicolo il Caualure ,(;j^ 

M» %j€ntonio Lihro Vm, col di^ 

fe^no di dette jfoU * 





dugento ami del 
U tiodra fdme 
fe molto famojb 
tn VenetiaM^ 
Mdrin zeno chid 
wdto per la jud 
granuirtu^etde 
ilreT^^ d*inge 
gno podeQd tn 



dcmeRepMu d' Italia ^ne' gouermdelleqttM ft 
forth JempYC coft bene, che era amafo ^0* grari" 
dementeriuerito il fm nomt da quelli anco , che 
noni'hauettario maiperprefenxa conofciuto;etrei 
I'altre fue belle opm particoUrmentefi mrra^ 



western lands, where they could live more in peace. Accordingly, in a. d. 
1 1 70, going seaward on a preliminary exploration by the south of Ireland, 
he steered west, and established a pioneer colony in a fertile land. Leaving 
here 120 persons, he returned to Wales, and fitted out a larger expedition 
of ten ships, with which he again sailed, and passed out of view forever. 
The evidence in support of this story is that it is mentioned in early 

Note. — The cuts above are fac-similes of the title and of the first page of the section on Frisland, etc., from 
the Harvard College copy. The book is rare. The Beckford copy brought £50 ; the Hamilton, £^8 ; the 
Tross catalogue (1882) price one at 150 francs; the Tweitmeyer, Leipzig, 1888, at 250 marks; Quaritch 
(1885), at £25. Cf. Court Catalogue, no. 378 ; Leclerc, no. 3002; Dufoss6, no. 4965; Carter-Brown, i. 226; 
Murphy, nos. 2798-99. The map is often in fac-simile, as in the Harvard College copy. 



72 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Welsh annals, and that sundry persons have discovered traces of the Welsh 
tongue among the lighter-colored American Indians, to say nothing of 
manifold legends among the Indians of an original people, white in color, 
coming from afar towards the northeast, — proofs not sufficient to attract 
the confidence of those who look for historical tests, though, as Humboldt 
contends,^ there may be no impossibility in the story. 

There seems to be a general agreement that a crew of Arabs, somewhere 
about the (Eleventh or twelfth century, explored the Atlantic westward, 
with the adventurous purpose of finding its further limits, and that they 
reached land, which may have been the Canaries, or possibly the Azores, 
though the theory that they succeeded in reaching America is not without 
advocates. The main source of the belief , is the historical treatise of the 
Arab geographer Edrisi, whose work was composed about the middle of 
the twelfth century.^ 

In the latter part of the fourteenth century,^ as the story goes, two 
brothers of Venice, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, being on a voyage in the 
North Atlantic were wrecked there, and lived for some years at Frislanda, 
and visited Engroneland. During this northern sojourn they encountered 
a sailor, who, after twenty-six years of absence, had returned, and reported 
that the ship in which he was had been driven west in a gale to an island, 
where he found civilized people, who possessed books in Latin and could 
not speak Norse, and whose country was called Estotiland ; while a region 
on the mainland, farther south, to which he had also gone, was called 
Drogeo, and that here he had encountered cannibals. Still farther south 
was a great country with towns and temples. This information, picked up 
by these exiled Zeni, was finally conveyed to another brother in Venice, 
accompanied by a map of these distant regions. These documents long 

1 Cosmos, Bohn's ed., ii. 6io; Examen Crit., del Nttevo Mokdo,Mzdx\dL,i'jg2)' Hugh Murray 
ii. 148. (Discoveries and Travels in No. Amer., Lond., 

2 Cf. Geographic de Edrisi, tradiiite de Varabe 1829, i. p. 11) and W. D. Cooley {Maritime 
en frangais d'aprh deux manuscrits de la bib- Discovery, 1830, i. 172) limit the explorations 
lioth^ue du Roi, et accompagnie de notes, par respectively to the Azores and Jthe Canaries. 
G. Amedee Jaubert (Paris, 1836-40), vol. i. 200; Humboldt [Examen Crit, 1837, ii. 137) thinks 
ii. 26. Cf. Recueil des Voyages et Memoir es de they may possibly have reached the Canaries; 
la Soci'eti de Geographic de Paris, vols, v., vi. but Malte Brun [Geog. Univcrselle, 1841, i. 186) 
The world-map by Edrisi does not indicate any is more positive. Major [Select Letters of Co- 
knowledge of this unknown world. Cf. copies lumbus, 1847) discredits the American theory, 
of it in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. vi ; Lelewel, Atlas, and in his Prince Henry agrees with D'Avezac 
pi. x-xii; Peschel's Gesch. der Erdhinde, ed. that they reached Madeira. Lelewel [Geog. du 
by Ruge, 1877, p. 144; Amer. Geog. Soc. Jour- Moyen Age, ii. 78) seems likewise incredulous. 
nal, xii. 181 ; Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, ix. 292 ; S. F. Haven [Archceol. U. S.) gives the theory 
Gerard Stein's Die Entdeckuftgsreisen in alter and enumerates some of its supporters. Pe- 
und neuer Zeit (1883). schel ( Geschichte des Zeitaltersder Entdeckungen^ 

Guignes [Mem. Acad, des Inscriptions, 1761, 1858) is very sceptical. Gaffarel [Etudes, etc., 

xxviii. 524) limits the Arab voyage to the Cana- p. 209) fails to find proof of the American 

ries, and in Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la theory. Gay {Pop. History U. S., i. 64) limits 

bibliothlque du Roi, ii. 24, he describes a MS. their voyage to the Azores, 
which makes him believe the Arabs reached ^ Given as A. D. 1380 ; but Major says, 139Q 

America ; and he is followed by Munoz {Hist. Journal Royal Geog. Soc, 1873, p. 180. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



73 



remained in the family palace in Venice, and were finally neglected and 
became obscured, until at last a descendant of the family compiled from 
them, as best he could, a book, which was printed in Venice in 1558 as 
Dei Commentarii del ViaggiOy which was accompanied by a map drawn 
with difficulty from the half obliterated original which had been sent from 
Frislanda.^ The original documents were never produced, and the publica- 
tion took place opportunely to satisfy current curiosity, continually incited 




SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 



1 De Costa, Verrazano the Explorer (N. Y., 
1880), pp. 47, 6^^, contends that Benedetto Bor- 
done, writing his Isole del Hondo in 1521, and 
printing it in 1528, had access to the Zeno map 
thirty years and more earlier than its publica- 
tion. This, he thinks, is evident from the way 
in which he made and filled in his outline, and 
from his drawing of " Islanda," even to a like way 
of engraving the name, which is in a style of 
letter used by Bordone nowhere else. Hum- 
boldt {Cosmos, Bohn's ed., ii. 611) has also re- 
marked it as singular that the name Frislanda, 
which, as he supposed, was not known on the 
maps before the Zeni publication in 1538, should 
have been applied by Columbus to an island 
southerly from Iceland, in his Tratado de las 



cinco zonas habitables. Cf. De Costa's Columbus 
and the Geographers of the North (1872), p. 19. 
Of course, Columbus might have used the name 
simply descriptively, — cold land ; but it is now 
known that in a sea chart of perhaps the fifteenth 
century, preserved in the Ambrosian library at 
Milan, the name " Fixlanda " is applied to an 
island in the position of Frislanda in the Zeno 
chart, while in a Catalan chart of the end of the 
fifteenth century the same island is apparently 
called " Frixlanda " {Studi biog. e bibliog. delta 
soc. geog. ital., ii. nos. 400, 404). "Frixanda" 
is also on a chart, a. d. 1471-83, given in fac- 
simile to accompany Wuttke's *' Geschichte der 
Erdkunde " in the Jahrbuch des Vereins fiir 
Erdkunde (Dresden, 1870, tab. vi.). 



* From the I solaria (Venice, 1547). 



74 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



by the Spanish discoveries. It was also calculated to appeal to the national 
pride of Italy, which had seen Spain gain the glory of her own sons, Colum- 
bus and Vespucius, if it could be established that these distant regions, of 
which the Zeni brothers so early reported tidings, were really the great 
new world.^ The cartography of the sixteenth century shows that the 
narrative and its accompanying map made an impression on the public 
mind, but from that day to this it has been apparent that there can be no 
concurrence of opinion as to what island the Frislanda of the Zeni was, if 
it existed at all except in some disordered or audacious mind ; and, as a 
matter of course, the distant regions of Estotiland and Drogeo have been 
equally the subject of belief and derision. No one can be said wholly to^ 
have taken the story out of the category of the uncertain. 



I_ ^->^ 


,§t^M 


^^^^ 


iiiig 




^i^U-^MVrLi r^^ 


v^^^V2v^w^i^!i^\^^^^^ '''^ilL 


■illys% 


^ 


^^m 


^^'•^^^^^ 


^^B 


^^^^W 


^^i»-.V...-:^-= 


^^^^^^^^ 


s^^^^S^TWs^^g^ 


V— A^^ 


^^^^^^^^ 


^^^^^^^^iW^^^g 


■ '~ 


'. 


-^""jg^Sh^ffirT^y^^^ 



THE SEA OF DARKNESS. 
(From Olaus Magnus.) 

The presence of the Basques on the coasts of North America long be- 
fore the voyage of Columbus is often asserted,^ and there is no improba- 
bility in a daring race of seamen, in search of whales, finding a way to 
the American waters. There are some indications in the early cartography 
which can perhaps be easily explained on this hypothesis ; ^ there are said 
to be unusual linguistic correspondences in the American tongues with 
those of this strange people.* There are the reports of the earliest navi- 



1 Irving's Columbus takes this view. 

2 J. P. Leslie's Man's Origin and Destiny, p. 
1 14, for instance. 

2 Brevoort [Hist. Mag., xiii. 45) thinks that 
the " Isola Verde " and " Isle de Mai " of the 
fifteenth-century maps, lying in lat. 46° north, 
was Newfoundland with its adjacent bank, which 
he finds in one case represented. Samuel Rob- 
ertson {Lit. <5r» Hist. Soc. Quebec, Trans. Jan. 16) 
goes so far as to say that certain relics found in 
Canada may be Basque, and that it was a Basque 
whaler, named Labrador, who gave the name 



to the coast, which the early Portuguese found 
attached to it ! We find occasional stories indi- 
cating knowledge of distant fishing coasts at a 
very early date, like the following : — 

" In the yeere 1 153 it is written that there came 
to Lubec, a citie of Germanic, one canoa with 
certaine indians, like unto a long barge, which 
seemed to have come from the coast of Bacca- 
laos, which standeth in the same latitude that 
Germanie doth " {Galvano, Bethune's edition, 

p. 56). 

* W. D. Whitney, Life and Growth of Lan- 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



75 



gators, who have left indisputable records that earlier visitors from Europe 
had been before them, and Cabot may have found some reminders of such ; ^ 
and it is even asserted that it was a Basque mariner, who had been on the 
Newfoundland banks, and gave to Columbus some premonitions of the New 
World.2 

Certain claims of the Dutch have also been advanced ; ^ and one for an 
early discovery of Newfoundland, in 1463-64, by John Vas Costa Corte- 
real was set forth by Barrow in his Chronological Hist, of Voyages into the 
Arctic Regions (London, 18 18) ; but he stands almost alone in his belief.* 
Biddle in his Cabot has shown its great improbability. 

. In the years while Columbus was nourishing his purpose of a western voy- 
age, there were two adventurous navigators, as alleged, who were breasting 
the dangers of the Sea of Darkness both to the north and to the south. It 



guagCy p. 258, says : " No other dialect of the old 
world so much resembles in structure the Amer- 
ican languages." Cf. Farrar's Families of Speech^ 
p. 132 ; Nott and Gliddon's Indigenous Races, 
48 ; H. de Charencey's Des affinith de la langue 
Basque avec les idiomes du Nouveau Monde 
(Paris and Caen, 1867) ; and Julien Vinson's " La 
langue basque et les langues Americaines " in 
the Compte Rendu, Congres des Americanistes 
(Nancy, 1875), ii. 46. On the other hand, Joly 
(Man before Metals, 316) says: " Whatever may 
be said to the contrary, Basque offers no analogy 
with the American dialects." 

These linguistic peculiarities enter into all the 
studies of this remarkable stock. Cf. J. F. 
Blade's Etude sur Porigine des Basques (Paris, 
1869) ; W. B. Dawkins in the Fortnightly Re- 
view, Sept., 1874, and his Cave Hunting, ch. 6, 
with Brabrook's critique in the Journal Anthro- 
pological Institute, v. 5 ; and Julien Vinson on 
" L'Ethnographie des Basques " in Mem. de la 
Soc. d^ Ethnographie, Session de 1872, p. 49, with 
a map. 

1 But see Vol. III. 45 ; IV. 3. Forster {ATortk- 
ern Voyages, book iii. ch. 3 and 4) contends for 
these pre-Columbian visits of the European fish- 
ermen. Cf. Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub 
anno 1508. The same currents and easterly 
trade-winds which helped Columbus might ea- 
sily have carried chance vessels to the American 
coasts, as we have evidence, apparently, in the 
stern-post of a European vessel which Colum- 
bus saw at Guadaloupe. Haven cites Gumilla 
{Hist. Orinoco, ii. 208) as stating that in 173 1 a 
bateau from Teneriffe was thrown upon the 
South American coast. Cf. J. P. Casselius, De 
Navigationibus fortuitis in Americam, ante Colum- 
humfactis (Magdeburg, 1742) ; Brasseur's Poput 
Vuh, introd. ; Hunt's Merchants' Mag. xxv. 275. 

2 Francisque - Michel, Le Pays Basque, 189, 
who says that the Basques were acquainted with 
the coasts of Newfoundland a century before 
Columbus (ch. 9). 



Humboldt {Cosmos, Eng. ed. ii. 142) is not 
prepared to deny such early visits of the Basques 
to the northern fishing grounds. Cf. Gaffarel's 
Rapport, p. 212. Harrisse {Notes on Columbus, 
80) goes back very far : " The Basques and 
Northmen, we feel confident, visited these shores 
as early as the seventh century." 

There are some recent studies on these early 
fishing experiences in Ferd. Duro's Disquisi- 
ciones nauticas (1881), and in E. Gelcich's " Der 
Fischgang des Gascogner und die Entdeckung 
von Neufundland," in the Zeitschrift der Ge- 
sellschaft fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin (1883), vol.- 
xviii. pp. 249-287. 

3 Cf. M. Hamconius' Frisia: seu de viris er- 
busque Frisice illustribus (Franckerae, 1620), and 
L. Ph. C. v. d. Bergh's Nederlands annspraak op 
de ontdekking van Amerika voor Columbus (Arn- 
heim, 1850). Cf. MuUer's Catalogue (1877), nos. 
303, 1343. 

* Watson's bibliog. in Anderson, p. 158. 

A Biscayan merchant, a subject of Navarre, is 
also said to have discovered the western lands 
in 1444. Cf. Andre Favyn, Hist, de Navarre, p. 
564 ; and G. de Henao's Averignaciones de las 
Antigiiedades de Cantabria, p. 25. 

Galvano (Hakluyt Soc. ed., p. 72) recounts 
the story of a Portuguese ship in 1447 being 
driven westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to 
an island with seven cities, where they found the 
people speaking Portuguese ; who said they had 
deserted their country on the death of King 
Roderigo. " All these reasons seem to agree," 
adds Galvano, " that this should be that country 
which is called Nova Spagna." 

It was the year ( 1491 ) before Columbus' voyage 
that the English began to send out from Bristol 
expeditions to discover these islands of the seven 
cities, and others having the same legendary ex- 
istence. Cf. Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to 
England, in Spanish State Papers, \, 177. Cf. 
also Irving's Columbus, app. xxiv., and Gaf- 
farel's Etude sur la rapports, etc., p. 185. 



•je 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



cannot be said that either the Pole Skolno, in his skirting the Labrador coasts 
in 1476/ or the Norman Cousin, who is thought to have traversed a part of 
the South American coast in 1488-89,^ have passed with their exploits 
into the accepted truths of history ; but there was nothing improbable in 
what was said of them, and they flourish as counter-rumors always survive 
when attendant upon some great revelation like that of Columbus. 



1 See Vol. II. p. 34. 

2 See Vol. II. p. 34, where is a list of refer- 
ences, which may be increased as follows : Ba- 
chiller y Morales, Antigiiedades Americanas (Ha- 
vana, 1845). -E- ^^ Freville's Memoire stir le Com- 
merce maritime de Rouen (1857), i. 328, and his 



La Cosmographie dti moyen age, et les decouvertes 
maritimes des Normands (Paris, i860), taken 
from the Revue des Societes Savantes. Gabriel 
Gravier's Les Normands sur la route des Indes, 
(Rouen, 1880). Cf. Congres des Americanistes in 
Compte Rendu (1875), ^- 397* 



CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 



A. Early Connection of Asiatic Peoples 
WITH THE Western Coast of America. — 
The question of the origin of the Americans, 
whether an autochthonous one or associated 
with the continents beyond either ocean, is more 
properly discussed in another place of the pres- 
ent volume. We can only indicate here in 
brief such of the phases of the question as sup- 
pose an Asiatic connection, and the particular 
lines of communication. 

The ethnic unity of the American races, as 
urged by Morton and others, hardly meets the 
requirements of the problem in the opinion of 
most later students, like Sir Daniel Wilson, for 
instance ; and yet, if A. H. Keane represents, as 
he claims, the latest ethnological beliefs, the 
connection with Asia, of the kind that forms 
ethnic traces, must have been before the history 
of the present Asiatic races, since the corre- 
spondence of customs, etc. is not sufficient for 
more recent affiliation.i It should be remem- 
bered also, that if this is true, and if there is 



the strong physical resemblance between Asi- 
atics and the indigenous tribes of the northwest 
coast which early travellers and physiologists 
have dwelt on, we have in such a correspondence 
strong evidence of the persistency of types.^ 

The Asiatic theory was long a favorite one. 
So popular a book as Lafitau's Mosurs des Sau- 
vages (Paris, 1724) advocated it. J. B. Sche- 
rer's Recherches historiques et geographiques sur 
le nouveau monde (Paris, 1777) was on the 
same side. One of the earliest in this country, 
Benj. Smith Barton, to give expression to Amer- 
ican scholarship in this field held like opinions 
in his A'ew Views 0/ the Origin of the Tribes oj 
America (Philad., 1797).^ Twenty years later 
(1816) one of the most active of the American 
men of letters advocated the same views, — 
Samuel L. Mitchell in the Archceologia Ameri- 
cana (i. 325, 338, 346). The weightiest author- 
ity of his time, Alex, von Humboldt, formu- 
lated his belief in several of his books : Vices 
des Cordillires ; Ajisichten der Natur ; Cosmos.^ 



1 " Ethnography and Philology of America," in H. W. Bates, Central America^ West Indies, and South 
America (Lond., 1882). This was the opinion of Prescott {Mexico, Kirk's ed., iii. 398), and he based his 
judgment on the investigations of Waldeck, Voyage dans la Yucatan, and Dupaix, Antiquites Mexicaines. 
Stephens {Central America) holds similar views. Cf. Wilson, Prehistoric Man, i. 327 ; ii. 43. Dall {Third 
Rep. Bur. EthnoL, 146) says : " There can be no doubt that America was populated in some way by people 
of an extremely low grade of culture at a period even geologically remote. There is no reason for supposing, 
however, that immigration ceased with these original people." 

2 Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 39 ; Amerikd's Nord7vest KUste ; Neueste Ergebnisse 
ethnologischer Reisen (Berlin, 1883), and the English version, The Northwest Coast of America. Being 
Results of Recent Ethnological Researches from the collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin. Pub- 
lished by the Directors of the Ethnological Department (New York, 1883). 

3 Cf. his Observations on some remains of antiquity (1796). 

^ Different shades of belief are abundant : F. Xavier de Orrio's Solucion del gran froblema (Mexico, 
1763) ; Fischer's Conjecture sur Vorigine des Americaines ; Adair's Amer. Indians ; G. A. Thompson's iVl?w 
theory of the two hemispheres (London, 1815); Adam Hodgson's Letters from No. Amer. (Lond., 1824); 
J. H. McCulloh's Researches (Bait., 1829), ch. 10 ; D. B. Warden's " Recherches sur les Antiquites de 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



77 



Of the northern routes, that" by Behring's 
Straits is the most apparent, and Lyell says 
that when half-way over Dover Straits, which 



have not far from the same dimensions, he saw 
both the English and French shores at the 
same time, he was easily convinced that the 



^} 



BEHRING SEA 
ASD -ADJA.CENT WATERS 




:be:b Rrsrir 



l'Am6rique" in the Antiguites Mexicaines (Paris, 1834), vol. ii. ; E. G. Squier's Serpent Symbol (N. Y^ 
185 1) ; Brasseur de Bourbourg's Hist, des Nations Civilisees, i. 7 ; Jos6 Perez in Revue Orientale et Am'eri- 
caine (Paris, 1862), vol. viii. ; Bancroft's Native Races, v. 30, 31, with references; Winchell's Preadamites, 
2,97', a paper on Asiatic tribes in North America, in Canadian Institute Proceedings (1881), i. 171. Dabry 
de Thiersant, in his Origine des Indiens du nouv. monde (Paris, 1883), reopens the question, and Quatrefages 
even brings the story of Moncacht-Ape (see post, Vol. V. p. 77) to support a theory of frequent Asiatic 
communication. Tylor {Early Hist. Mankind, 209) says that the Asiatics must have taught the Mexicans 
to make bronze and smelt iron ; and (p. 339) he finds additional testimony in the correspondence of myths, 
but Max Miiller {Chips, ii. 168) demurs. Nadaillac, in his DAtnerique prehistorique, discussed this with the 
other supposable connections of the American people, and generally disbelieved in them ; but Dall, in the Eng- 
lish translation, summarily dismisses all consideration of them as unworthy a scientific mind ; but points out 
what the early Indian traditions are (p. 526). 

A good deal of stress has been laid at times on certain linguistic affiliations. Barton, in his New Views^ 
sought to strengthen the case by various comparative vocabularies. Charles Farcy went over the proofs in his 
Antiquites de V Amerique : Discuter la valeur des documents relatifs h Vhistoire de VAmerique avant la 
conquete des Europeens, et determiner sHl existe des rapports entre les langues de V Amerique et celles 
des tribus de VAfrique et de VAsie (Paris, 1836). H. H. Bancroft {Native Races, v. 39) enumerates the 
sources of the controversy. Roehrig {Smithsonian Report, 1872) finds affinities in the languages of the 
Dakota or Sioux Indians. Pilling {Bibliog. of Siouan languages, p. 11) gives John Campbell's contribu- 
tions to this comparative study. In the Canadian Institute Proceedings (1881), vol. i. p. 171, Campbell 
points out the affinities of the Tinneh with the Tungus, and of the Choctaws and Cherokees with the Ko- 

NoTE. — Sketch map from the U. S. Geodetic Survey, 1880, App. xvi ; also in. Journal Amer. Geog. SoCf 
XV. p. 114. Cf. Bancroft's Nat. Races, i. 35. 



7S NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

passage by Behring's Straits solved many of tive of one Hoei-Shin, who is reported to have 

the difficulties of the American problem.^ returned to China in A. D. 499. Beside much 

The problem as to the passage by the Aleu- in the story that is ridiculous and impossible, 

tian Islands is converted into the question there are certain features which have led some 

whether primitive people could have success- commentators to believe that the coast of Mex- 

fully crossed an interval from Asia of 130 miles ico was intended, and that the Mexican maguey 

to reach the island Miedna, 126 more to Beh- plant was the tree fusang, after which the 

ring's Island, and then 235 to Attn, the western- country is said to have been called. The story 

most of the Aleutian Islands, or nearly 500 miles was first brought to the attention of Europeans 

in all, and to have crossed in such numbers as to in 1761, when De Guignes published his paper 

affect the peopling of the new continent. There on the subject in the 28th volume (pp. 505-26) 

are some, like Winchell, who see no difficulty in of the Academy of Inscriptions.^ It seems to 

the case.2 There are no authenticated relics, it have attracted little attention till J. H. von 

is believed, to prove the Tartar occupancy of Klaproth, in 1831, discredited the American 

the northwest of America.^ That there have theory in his " Recherches sur le pays de Fou- 

been occasional estrays upon the coasts of sang," published in the Nouvelles Annates des 

British Columbia, Oregon, and California, by Voyages {2d ser., vol. xxi.), accompanied by a 

the drifting thither of Chinese and Japanese chart. In 1834 there appeared at Paris a French 

junks, is certainly to be believed ; but the argu- translation, Annates des Empereurs du Japan 

ment against their crews peopling the country {Nipon o daiitsi rau), to which (voL iv.) Klap- 

is usually based upon the probable absence of roth appended an " Apergu de I'histoire mytho- 

women in them, — an argument that certainly logique du Japon," in which he returned to the 

does not invalidate the belief in an infusion of subject, and convinced Humboldt at least,^ that 

Asiatic blood in a previous race.* the country visited was Japan, and not Mexico, 

The easterly passage which has elicited most though he could but see striking analogies, as 

interest is one alleged to have been made by he thought, in the Mexican myths and customs 

some Buddhist priests to a country called Fu- to those of the Chinese.'^ 

sang, and in proof of it there is cited the narra- In 1841, Karl Friedrich Neumann, in the Zeit- 

riaks. Cf. also Ibid., July, 1884. Dall and Pinart pronounce against any affinity of tongues in the Contribu- 
tions to Amer. Ethnology (Washington), i. 97. Cf. Short, No. Amer. of Aniiq., 494 ; Leland's Fusang, 
ch. 10. 

1 Behring's Straits, first opened, as Wallace says, in quaternary times, are 45 miles across, and are often frozen 
in winter. South of them is an island where a tribe of Eskimos live, and they keep constant communication 
with the main of Asia, 50 miles distant, and with America, 120 miles away. Robertson solved the diffi- 
culty by this route. Cf. Contributions to Amer. Ethnology (1877), i. 95-98; Warden's Recherches; Maury, 
in Revue des deux Mondes, Ap. 15, 1858 ; Peschel's Races of Men, p. 401 ; F. von Hellwald in Smithsonian 
Report, 1866 ; Short, p. 510; Bancroft, Native Races, \. 28, 29, 54; and Chavanne's'Z-zV. of the Polar Regions, 
58, 194 — the last page shows a list of maps. Max Miiller {Chips, ii. 270) considers this theory a postulate 
only. 

2 Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology, i. 96 ; Lyell's Principles of. Geology, 8th ed., 368 ; A. Ragine's Decouverte 
de VAmerique du Kamtchatka et des ties Aleoutiennes (St. Petersburg, 1868, 2d ed.) ; Pickering's Races of 
Men ; Peschel's Races of Men, 397 ; Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity. Dall ( Tribes of the Northwest, 
in Powell's Rocky Mountain Region, 1877, p. 96) does not believe in the Aleutian route. 

On the drifting of canoes for long distances see Lyell's Principles of Geology, nth ed., ii. 472 ; Col. B. 
Kennon in Leland's Fousang ; Rev. des deux Mondes, Apr., 1858; Vining, ch. i. Cf. Alphonse Pinart's 
" Les Aleoutes et leur origine," in Mem. de la Soc. dEthnographie, session de 18^2, p. 155. 

3 Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft's Nat. Races, v. 54. We have an uncorroborated story of a Tartar in- 
scription being found. Cf. Kalm's Reise, iii. 416; Archceologia (London, 1787), viii. 304. 

4 Gomara makes record of such floating visitors in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Horace Davis 
published in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (Apr., 1872) a record of Japanese vessels driven upon the northwest 
coast of America and its outlying islands in a paper " On the likehhood of an admixture of Japanese blood on 
our northwest coast." Cf. A. W. Bradford's American Antiquities (N. Y., 1841) ; Whymper's Alaska, 250 ; 
Bancroft's Nat. Races, v. 52, with references ; Contributions to Amer. Ethnol., i. 97, 238 ; De Roquefeuil's 
Journal du Voyage autour du Monde (1876-79), etc. It is shown that the great Pacific current naturally 
carries floating objects to the American coast. Davis, in his tract, gives a map of it. Cf. Haven, Archceol. 
U. S., p. 144 ; Bull. Amer. Geog. Soc. (1883), xv. p. loi, by Thomas Antisell; and China Review, Mar., Apr., 
1888, by J. Edkins. 

5 Recherches sur les navigations des Chinois du cote de VAmerique et sur quelques peuples situes h Vex- 
tremite orientate de PAsie (Paris, 1761). It is translated in Vining, ch. i. 

6 Examen Critique, ii, 65, and Ansichten der Natur, or Views of Nature, p. 132. 

■7 Much depends on the distance intended by a Chinese Ii. Klaproth translated the version as given by an 




Note. — The map of Biiache, 1752, showing De Guignes' route of the Chinese emigration to Fusang. 
Reduced from the copy in the Congris internationale des Americanistes, Compte Rendu, Nancy, i^'jS' 



8o 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



schriftfiir allgemeine Erdkunde (new series, vol. 
xvi.), published a paper on " Ost Asien und 
West Amerika nach Chinesischen Quellen aus 
dem funften, sechsten und siebenten Jahrhun- 
dert," in which he gave a version of the Hcei- 
shin (Hoei-schin, Hui-shen) narrative, which 
Chas. G. Leland, considering it a more perfect 
form of the original than that given by De 
Guignes, translated into English in The Knick- 
erbocker Mag. {1850), xxxvi. 301, as "California 
and Mexico in the fifth century." 1 

The next to discuss the question, and in an 
affirmative spirit, was Charles Hippolyte de 
Paravey, in the A?t7tales de Philosophie Chreti- 
enne (Feb., 1844), whose paper was published 
separately as V Amerique sous le noni de pays de 
Foil- Sang, est elle citee des le ^e siecle de notre ere, 
dans les grandes ajinales de la Chine, etc. Dis- 
cussion oil dissertation abregee, oit V affirmative est 
prouvee (Paris, 1844); and in 1847 he published 
Nouvelles preicves que le pays dti Fousang est 
r Amerique?' 

The controversy as between De Guignes and 
Klaproth was shared, in 1862, by Gustave 
d'Eichthal, taking the Frenchman's side, in the 
Revue Archeologique (vol. ii.), and finally in his 
Etudes sur les origines Bouddhiques de la civili- 
sation Americaine (Paris, 1865).^ 

In 1870, E. Eretschneider, in his " Fusang, or 
who discovered America ? " in the Chinese Re- 
corder and Missionary Journal (Foochow, Oct., 
1870), contended that the whole story was the 
fabrication of a lying priest.* 



In 1875 there was new activity in discussing 
the question. Two French writers of consider- 
able repute in such studies attracted attention: 
the one, Lucien Adam, in the Congres des Ame- 
ricanistes at Nancy {Compte Rendu, i. 145) ; and 
the other, Leon de Rosny, entered the discus- 
sions at the same session [Ibid. i. p. 131).^ 

The most conspicuous study for the English 
reader was Charles Godfrey Leland's Fusang, or 
The discovery of America by Chinese Buddhist 
priests in the fifth century (London, 1875).^ 

ThQ Marquis d'Hervey de Saint Denis pub- 
lished in the Actes de la Soc. d'' Ethnographic 
(1869), vol. vi., and later in the Comptes Rendus 
of the French Academy of Inscriptions, a Mi- 
moire sur le pays connu des anciens Chinois sous 
le nom de Fou-sang, et stir quelques documents 
inedits pour servir h ^identifier, which was 
afterwards published separately in Paris, 1876, 
in which he assented to the American theory. 
The student of the subject need hardly go, how- 
ever, beyond E. P. Vining's An inglorious Co- 
lumbus: or, Evidence that Hwiii Shan and a 
party of Buddhist m^onks from Afghanistan dis- 
covered America in the fifth century A. D. ( New 
York, 1885), since the compiler has made it a 
repository of all the essential contributions to 
the question from De Guignes down. He gives 
the geographical reasons for believing Fusang 
to be Mexico (ch. 20), comparing the original 
description of Fusang with the early accounts 
of aboriginal Mexico, and rehearsing the tradi- 
tions, as is claimed, of the Buddhists still found 



early Chinese historian of the seventh century, Li Yan Tcheou, and Klaproth's version is Englished in Ban- 
croft's N'at. Races, v. 33-36. Klaproth's memoir is also translated in Vining, ch. 3. Some have more specifi- 
cally pointed to Saghalien, an island at the north end of the Japan Sea. Brooks says there is a district of 
Corea called Fusang {Science, viii. 402). Brasseur says the great Chinese encyclopaedia describes Fusang as 
lying east of Japan, and he thinks the descriptions correspond to the Cibola of Castaiieda. 

1 Again with a commentary in The Continental Mag. (New York, vol. i.). Subjected to the revision of 
Neumann, it is reproduced in Leland's Fusang (Lond., 1875). Cf. Vining, ch. 6, who gives also (ch. 10) the 
account in Shan-Hai-king as translated by C. M. Williams in Mag. Amer. Hist., April, 1883. 

2 The pamphlets are translated in Vining, ch. 4 and 5. Paravey held to the Mexican theory, and he at 
least convinced Domenech {Seven years' residetice in the great deserts of No. Amer., Lond., i860). Paravey 
published several pamphlets on subjects allied to this. His Memoire sur Voriginejaponaise, arabe et basque 
de la civilisatioti des peuples du plateau de Bogota d''aprts les travaux de Humboldt et Siebold (Paris, 1835) 
is a treatise on the origin of the Muyscas or Chibchas. Jomard, in his Les Antiquites Americaines au point 
de vue des progrls de la geographic (Paris, 18 17) in the Bull, de la Soc. Geog., had questioned the Asiatic 
affiliations, and Paravey replied in a Refutation de V opinion emise par Jomard que les peuples de V Amerique 
71' ont jamais en aucun rapport avec ceux de VAsie (Paris, 1849), originally in the Annates de philosophie 
Chretienne (May, 1849). 

3 Also in the Rev. Archeologique (yoXs. x., xi.), and epitomized in Leland. Cf. also Dr. A. Godron on the 
Buddhist mission to America in Annates des Voyages (Paris, 1864), vol. iv., and an opposing view by Vivien 
de St. Martin in VAnnee geographique (1865), iii. p. 253, who was in turn controverted by Brasseur in his 
Monuments Anciens du Mexique. 

4 This paper is reprinted in Leland. 

5 Cf. also his Varietes Orientates, 1872 ; and his " L' Amerique, etait-elle connue des Chinois \ I'^poque du 
deluge ? " in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France, n. s., iii. 191. 

6 S. W. Williams, in t\i& Journal of the American Oriental Soc. (vol. xi.), in controverting the views of 
Leland, was inclined to find Fusang in the Loo-choo Islands. This paper was printed separately as Notices 
ef Fusang and other countries lying east of China in the Pacific ocean (New Haven, 1881). 



• PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 8l 

by the Spaniards pervading the memories of the the relations of the Malays to the inhabitants 
natives, and at last (ch. 27) summarizing all the of the Oceanic Islands and the capacity of early 
grounds of his belief.^ man to traverse long distances by water.2 

E. B. Tylor has pointed out the Asiatic rela- 

The consideration of the Polynesian route as lions of the Polynesians in the Journal of the 

a possible avenue for peopling America involves Anthropological Inst., xi. 401. Pickering, in the 

1 A good deal of labor has been bestowed to prove this identity of Fusang with Mexico. It is held to be 
found in the myths and legends of the two people by Charency in his Mythe de Votan, etude sur les origines 
asiatiques de la civilisation americaine (Alengon, 1871), drawn from the Actes de la Sac. philologique (vol, 
ii.) ; and he has enforced similar views in the Revue des qtiestions historiques (vi. 283), and in his Djemschid 
et Quetzalcohuatl. Lhistoire legendaire de la Nouvelle-Espagne rapprochee de la source indo-europeenne 
(Alen^on, 1874). Humboldt thought it strange, considering other affinities, — as for instance in the Mexican 
calendars, — that he could find no Mexican use of phallic symbols ; but Bancroft says they exist. Cf . Native 
Races, iii. 501 ; also see v. 40, 232 ; Brasseur's Quatre Lettres, p. 202 ; and John Campbell's paper on the 
traditions of Mexico and Peru as establishing such connections, in the Compte Rendtt, Congres des Amer. 
(Nancy, 1875), i. 348. Dr. Hamy saw in a monument found at Copan an inscription which he thought was 
the Tae-kai of the Chinese, the symbol of the essence of all things {Btill. de la Sac. de Geog., 1886, and 
Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xvi. 242, with a cut of the stone). Dall controverts this point 
{^Science, viii. 402). 

Others have dwelt on the linguistic resemblances. B. S. Barton in his New Views pressed this side of the 
question. The presence of a monosyllabic tongue like the Otomi in the midst of the polysyllabic languages 
of Mexico has been thought strongly to indicate a survival. Cf. Manuel Najera's Disertacion sobre la lengiia 
Othomi, Mexico, 1845, ^'^^ i^ Amer. Fhilos. Sac. Trans., n. s., v. ; Ampere's Promenade en Atnerique, iL 
301; Prescott's Mexico, vi\. 396; Warden's Recherches (in Dupaix), p. 125; Latham's Races of Meti, i^o%\ 
Bancroft's Nat. Races, iii. ^yj ; v. 39, with references. Others find Sanskrit roots in the Mexican. E. B. 
Tylor has indicated the Asiatic origin of certain Mexican games {Journal of the Anthropol. Inst., xxiv.). 
Ornaments of jade found in Nicaragua, while the stone is thought to be native only in Asia, is another indica- 
tion, and they are more distinctively Asiatic than the jade ornaments found in Alaska {Peabody Mus. Re- 
ports, xviii. 414 ; xx. 548 ; Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, Jan., 1886). 

On the general question of the Asiatic origin of the Mexicans see Dupaix's Antiquites Mexicaines, with 
included papers by Lenoir, Warden, and Farcy ; the Report on a railroad route from the Mississippi, 1853-54 
(Washington) ; Whipple's and other Reports on the Indian tribes ; John Russell Bartlett's Personal Narra- 
tive (1S54) ; Brasseur's Popul Vuh, p. xxxix; Viollet le Due's belief in a "yellow race" building the 
Mexican and Central American monuments, in Charnay's Ruines Americaines, and Charnay's traces of the 
Buddhists in the Popular Science Monthly, July, 1879, P- 43^ ; Le Plongeon's belief in the connection of the 
Maya and Asiatic races in Amer. Afttiq. Soc. Proc, Apr. 30, 1879, p. 113 ; and some papers on the ancient 
Mexicans and their origin by the Abbe Jolibois, Col. Parmentier, and M. Emile Guimet, which, prepared for 
the Soc. de Geog. de Lyon, were published separately as De Vorigine des Anciens Peuples du Mexique 
(Lyon, 1875). 

A few other incidental discussions of the Fusang question are these : R. H. Major in Select Letters of 
Columbus (1847) ; J. T. Short in The Galaxy (1875) and in his No. Americans of Antiquity; Nadaillac in 
his V Amerique prehistorique, 544 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. calls the story vague and improbable. In periodicals 
we find: Gentleman' s Mag., 1869, p. 333 (reprinted in Hist. Mag., Sept., 1869, xvi. 221), and 1870, repro- 
duced in Chinese Recorder, May, 1870; Nathan Brown in Amer. Philolog. Mag., Aug., 1869; Wm. Speer in 
Princeton Rev., xxv. 83 ; Penn Monthly, vi. 603 ; Mag. Amer. Hist., Apr., 1883, p. 291 ; Notes and Queries, 
iii. 58, 78; iv. 19 ; Notes and Queries in China a7id Japan, Apr., May, 1869; Feb., 1870. Chas. W. Brooks 
maintained on the other hand {Proc. California Acad. Sciences, 1876; cf. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 51), 
that the Chinese were emigrants from America, There is a map of the supposed Chinese route to America in 
the Congres des America7iistes (Nancy, 1875), vol. i. ; and Winchell, Pre-Adamites, gives a chart showing 
different lines of approach from Asia. Stephen Powers {Overland Monthly, Apr., 1872, and California 
Acad. Sciences, 1875) treats the California Indians as descendants of the Chinese, — a view he modifies in ths 
Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology, vol. iii., on " Tribes of California." It is claimed that Chinese coin of the 
fifteenth century have been found in mounds on Vancouver's Island. Cf. G. P. Thurston in Mag. Amer. Hist., 
xiii. p. 457. The principal lists of authorities are those in Vining (app.), and W^atson's in Anderson's Amer- 
ica not discovered by Columbus. 

2 From Easter Island to the Galapagos is 2,000 miles, thence to South America 600 more. On such long 
migrations by water see Waitz, Introduction to Anthropology, Eng. transl., p. 202. On early modes of 
navigation see Col. A. Lane Fox in 'Cat Journal Anthropological Inst. (1875), iv, 399. Otto Caspari gives a 
map of post-tertiary times in his Urgeschichte der Menschheit (Leipzig, 1873), ^o^- iv i^^ which land is made 
to stretch from the Marquesas Islands nearly to South America ; while large patches of land lie between Asia 
and Mexico, to render migration practicable. Andrew Murray, in his Geographical Distribution of Mammals 

VOL. 1. — 6 



82 ' NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

ethnological chart accompanying the reports of became the first Inca.^ The book hardly takes 

theWilkesExpedition, makes the original people rank as a sensible contribution to ethnology, 

of Chili and Peru to be Malay, and he connects and Prescott says of it that it embodies " many 

the Calif ornians with the Polynesians.^ curious details of Oriental history and manners 

The earliest elaboration of this theory was in in support pf a whimsical theory." * 
John Dunmore Lang's View of the origin and 

migratiojts of the Polynesian nations^ demonstrat- B. Ireland the Great, or White Man's 

ing their ancient discovery and progressive set- Land. — The claims of the Irish to have pre- 

tlement of the continent of America (London, ceded the Norse in Iceland, and to have discov- 

1834; 2d ed., Sydney, 1877). /Francis A. Allen ered America, rest on an Icelandic saga, which 

has advanced similar views at the meetings of represents that in the tenth century Are Marson, 

the Congres des Americanistes at Luxembourg driven off his course by a gale, found a land 

and at Copenhagen.^ which became known as Huitramannaland, or 

The Mongol theory of the occupation of Peru, white man's land, or otherwise as Irland it Mi- 

which John Ranking so enthusiastically pressed kla.s This region was supposed by the colonists 

in his Historical researches on the conquest of of Vinland to lie farther south, which Rafn ^ in- 

Perit, Mexico, Bogota, Natchez, and Talomeco, in terprets as being along the Carolina coast,'^ and 

the thirteenth century, by the Mongols, accom- others have put it elsewhere, as Beauvois in 

panied with elephants ; and the local agreement Canada above the Great Lakes ; and still others 

of history ajid tradition, with the remains of see no more in it than the pressing of some 

elephants and ?nastodontes found in the new storm-driven vessel to the Azores ^ or some 

world [etc.] (London, 1827), implies that in the other Atlantic island. The story is also coupled, 

thirteenth century the Mongol emperor Kublai from another source, with the romance of Bjarni 

Khan sent a fleet against Japan, which, being Asbrandson, who sailed away from Iceland and 

scattered in a storm, finally in part reached the from a woman he loved, because the husband 

coasts of Peru, where the son of Kublai Khan and relatives of the woman made it desirable that 

(London, 1866), is almost compelled to admit (p. 25) that as complete a circuit of land formerly crossed the 
southern temperate regions as now does the northern ; and Daniel Wilson, Prehistoric Matt, holds much the 
same opinion. The connection of the flora of Polynesia and South America is discussed by J. D. Hooker in 
the Botany of the Antarctic Voyage of the Erebus and Terror, i83g-43, and in his Flora of Tasmania. 
Cf. Amer. Journal of Science and Arts, Mar., May, 1854 ; Jan., May, i860. 

1 Races of At en. 

2 Compte Retidic, 1877, ?• 79; 1883, p. 246; the latter being called "Polynesian Antiquities, a link be- 
tween the ancient civilizations of Asia and America." Further discussions of the Polynesian migrations will 
be found as follows: A. W. Bradford's Amer. Antiquities (N. Y., 1841) ; Gallatin {^Am. Eth. Soc. Trans., i. 
176) disputed any common linguistic traces, while Bradford thought he found such ; Lesson and Martinet's 
Les Polyttesiens, leur origi7te, leurs migrations, leur langage ; Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 344; Jules 
Garnier's " Les migrations polynesiennes " in Bzell. de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, Jan., June, 1870 ; G. 
d'Eichthal's " Etudes sur I'histoire primitive des races oceaniennes et Americaines " in Mem. de la Soc. Eth- 
nologique (vol. ii.) ; Marcoy's Travels in South America; C. Staniland Wake's Chapters on Man, p. 200; 
a " Rapport de la Polynesie et l'Am6rique " in the Memoires de la Soc. Ethnologique, ii, 223 ; A. de Quatre- 
fages de Breau's Les Polynesiens et leurs migrations (Paris, 1866), from the Revue des deux Mondes, Feb., 
1864; O. F. Peschel in Auslaftd, 1864, p. 348 ; W. H. Dall in Bureau of Ethnology Rept., 1881-82, p. 147. 
Allen's paper, already referred to, gives references. 

3 Bancroft, iV«z!. -ffac^j, V. 44, with references, p. 48, epitomizes the story. Cf. Short, 151. There was a 
tradition of giants landing on the shore (Markham's Cieza de Leon, p. 190). Cf. Forster's Voyages, 43. 

4 A belief in the Asiatic connection has taken some curious forms. Montesinos in his Memorias Peruanas 
held Peru to be the Ophir of Solomon. Cf . Gotfriedus Wegner's De Navigationis SolomoncBis (Frankfort, 
1689). Horn held Hayti to be Ophir, and he indulges in some fantastic evidences to show that the Iroquois, 
i. e. Yrcas, were Turks ! Cf. Onffroy de Thoron in Le Globe, 1869. C. Wiener in his L^ Empire des Incas 
(ch. 2, 4) finds traces of Buddhism, and so does Hyde Clarke in his KhitaPeruvian Epoch (1877). Lopez 
has written on Les Races Aryennes de Perou (1871). Cf. Robert Ellis, Peruvia Scythica. The Quicha 
Language of Perti, its derivation from Central Asia with the American languages in general {'London, 
1875). Grotius held that the Peruvians were of Chinese stock. Charles Pickering's ethnological map gives a 
Malay origin to the islands of the Gulf of Mexico and a part of the Pacific coast, the rest being Mongolian. 

5 The story is given in English by De Costa {Pre-Columbian Disc, of America, p. 85) from the Landnama- 
h6k, no. 107. Cf. Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, ch. 13, and that of Erik the Red. Leif is said in the sagas 
to have met shipwrecked white people on the coasts visited by him {Hist. Mag., xiii. 46). 

6 Antiquitates Americance, 162, 183, 20^, 210, 211, 212, 214, 319, 446-51. 

7 Brinton in Hist. Mag., ix. 364 ; Rivero and Tschudi's Peru. 

8 Schoning's Heimskringla. Grdnlands Historiske Mindesmarker, i. 150. 



f ^ OF T'riC 



PRE-COLUMBIAN eSpS&R^IONS. 83 



he should. Thirty years later, the crew of an- followers, is easily to be adduced, if the dispos- 

other ship, wrecked on a distant coast,i found ing mind is inclined. 

that the people who took them prisoners spoke There have been of late years two considera- 

Irish,2 and that their chieftain was this same ren- ble attempts to establish the historical verity of 

egade, who let them go apparently for the pur- sOme of these alleged Irish visits.^ 
pose of conveying some token by which he would 

be remembered to the Thurid of his dreams. Of C. The Norse in Iceland. — The chief 
course all theorists who have to deal with these original source for the Norse settlement of Ice- 
supposed early discoveries by Europeans con- land is the famous Landnamabok^ which is a 
nect, each with his own pet scheme, the prevail- record by various writers, at different times, of 
ing legendary belief among the American Indi- the partitioning and ownership of lands during 
ans that white men at an early period made the earliest years of occupation.'^ This and 
their appearance on the coasts all the way from other contemporary manuscripts, including the 
Central America to Labrador.^ Whether these Heimskringla of Snorre Sturleson and the great 
strange comers be St. Patrick,^ St. Brandan body of Icelandic sagas, either at first hand or 
even, or some other Hibernian hero, with his as filtered through the leading writers on Ice- 

1 Eyrbyggja Saga, ch. 64, and given in English in De Costa's Pre-Columbiati Discovery, p. 89. Cf. Sir 
Walter Scott's version of this saga and the appendix of Mallet's Northerji Antiquities. 

2 Traces of Celtic have been discovered by some of the philologists, when put to the task, in the American 
languages. Cf. Humboldt, Relation Historique, iii. 159. Lord Monboddo held such a theory. 

3 Brinton's Myths of the New World, 176. One of the earliest accounts which we have of the Cherokees 
is that by Henry Timberlake (London, 1765), and he remarks on their hghter complexion as indicating a pos- 
sible descent from these traditionary white men. 

4 Richard Broughton's Monasticon Britannictim (London, 1655), pp. 131, 187. 

5 A Memoir on the European Colonization of America in ante-historic times was contributed to the Pro- 
ceedings of the American Ethnological Society in 1851, to which E. G. Squier added some notes, the original 
paper being by Dr. C. A. A. Zestermann of Leipzig. The aim was to prove, by the similarity of remains, the 
connection of the peoples who built the mounds of the Ohio Valley with the early peoples of northwestern 
Europe, a Caucasian race, which he would identify with the settlers of Irland it Mikla, and with the coming 
of the white-bearded men spoken of in Mexican traditions, who established a civilization which an inundating 
population from Asia subsequently buried from sight. This European immigration he places at least 1,200 
years before Christ. Squier's comments are that the monumental resemblances referred to indicate similar 
conditions of life rather than ethnic connections. 

The other advocate was Eugene Beauvois in a paper published in the Compte Rendu du Congres des 
Americanistes (Nancy, 1875, P- 4) ^^ -^^ decotcverte du nouveau mo7ide par les irlandais et les premieres 
traces du christianisme eti Amerique avant Va7i 1000, accompanied by a map, in which he makes Irland it 
Mikla correspond to the provinces of Ontario and Quebec. Again, in the session at Luxembourg in 1877, he 
endeavored to connect the Irish colony with the narrative of the seaman in the Zeno accounts, in a paper which 
he called Les Colonies Europeennes du Markland et de V Escociland au xiv. Siecle, et les vestiges qui en 
subsisterent jusqti'aux xvi« et xvii^ Si^cles, and in which he identifies the Estotiland of the Frislanda 
mariner. M. Beauvois again, at the Copenhagen meeting of the same body, read a paper on Les Relations 
precolumbiennes des Gaels avec le Mexique (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 74), in which he elicited objections from 
M. Lucien Adam. Beauvois belongs to that class of enthusiasts somewhat numerous in these studies of pre- 
Columbian discoveries, who have haunted these Congresses of Americanists, and who see overmuch. Other 
references to these Irish claims are to be found in 1.2ang's Heimskringla, i. 186; Beamish's Discovery of 
America (London, 1841); Gravier's Decouverte de V Amerique, p. 123, 137, and his Les Normands sur la 
route, etc., ch. i ; Gaffarel's Etudes sur la rapports de f Amerique, pp. 201, 214 ; Brasseur's introd. to his 
Popul Vuh ; De Costa's Pre-Columbian Discovery, ^^. xviii, xlix, Iii ; Humboldt's Cosmos i^o\\xv),\\. doT \ 
Kask in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 21 ; Journal Lo7tdon Geog. Soc, viii. 125 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S., i. 53 ; 
and K. Wilhelmi's Island, Hvitramannaland, Gr'dnland und Vinland, oder Der Norrmdnner Leben auf 
Island und Gr'dnland und deren Fahrten nach Amerika schon iiber 500 Jahre vor Columbus (Heidelberg, 
1842). 

6 The account in the Landnimabdk is briefly rehearsed in ch. 8 of C. W. Paijkull's Summer in Iceland 
(London, 186S). 

' There are various editions, of which the best is called that of Copenhagen, 1843. The Islendingabok, a 
sort of epitome of a lost historical narrative, is considered an introduction to the Landndmabok. Much of 
the early story will be found in Latin in the Islenzkir Anndler, sive Annales Isldndici ab anno Christi 80s 
ad anno 1430 (Copenhagen, 1847) ; in the Scripta historica Islandorum de rebus veterum Borealium, pub- 
lished by the Royal Soc. of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, 1828-46 ; and in Jacobus Langebek's Scrip- 
tores Rerum Danicarum medii «w (Copenhagen, 1 772-1878, — the ninth volume being a recently added 
index). 



84 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



landic history, constitute the material out of 
which is made up the history of Iceland, in the 
days when it was sending its adventurous spirits 
to Greenland and probably to the American 
main.i 

Respecting the body of the sagas, Laing 
{Heimskringla, i. 23) says: "It does not ap- 
pear that any saga manuscript now existing has 
been written before the fourteenth century, how- 
ever old the saga itself may be. It is known 
that in the twelfth century. Are Frode, Saemund 
and others began to take the sagas out of the 
traditionary state and fix them in writing ; but 
none of the original skins appear to have come 
down to our time, but only some of the numer- 
ous copies of them." Laing (p. 24) also in- 
stances numerous sagas known to have existed, 
but they are not now recognized ; 2 and he gives 
us (p. 30) the substance of what is known re- 
specting the writers and transcribers of this early 
saga literature. It is held that by the beginning 
of the thirteenth century the sagas of the discov- 
eries and settlements had all been put in writing, 
and thus the history, as it exists, of mediaeval 
Iceland is, as Burton says {Ultima TJnde, i. 237), 
more complete than that of any European coun- 
try.3 

Among the secondary writers, using either at 
first or second hand the early MS. sources, the 
following may be mentioned : — 

One of the earliest brought to the attention of 
the English public was A Compendious Hist, of the 



Goths, Swedes a?id Vandals, and other northern 
powers (London, 1650 and 1658), translated in an 
abridged form from the Latin of Olaus Magnus, 
which had been for more than a hundred years 
the leading comprehensive authority on the 
northern nations. The Svearikes Historia [^tock.- 
holm, 1746-62) of Olof von Dalin and the sim- 
ilar work of Sven Lagerbring (1769-1788), cov- 
ering the early history of the north, are of inter- 
est for the comparative study of the north, rather 
than as elucidating the history of Iceland in 
particular.* More direct aid will be got from 
Mallet's N'orthern Antiquities (London edition, 
1847) and from Wheaton's Northmen. More 
special is the Histoire de Vlsland of Xavier 
Marmier ; and the German historian F. C. Dahl- 
man also touches Iceland with particular atten- 
tion in his Geschichte von D'dnemark bis zur 
Reformation, mit Inbegriff von Norwegeti utid 
Island (Hamburg, 1840-43). 

A history of more importance than any other 
yet published, and of the widest scope, was that 
of Sweden by E. J. Geijer (continued by F. F. 
Carlson), which for the early period (down to 
1654) is accessible in English in a translation by 
J. H. Turner (London, i845).5 

Prominent among the later school of north- 
ern historians, all touching the Icelandic annals 
more or less, have been Peter Andreas Munch 
in his Det Norske Folks Historie (Christiania, 
1852-63);® N. M. Petersen in his Danmarks 
Historie i Hedenold (Copenhagen, 1854-55) ; K. 



1 A convenient survey of this early literature is in chapter i of the History of the Literature of the Scan- 
dinavian North, from the most ancient times to the present, by Frederick Winkcl Horn, revised by the 
author, and translated by Rasmus B. Anderson (Chicago, 1884). The text is accompanied by useful biblio- 
graphical details. Cf. B. F. De Costa \n Journal Amer. Geog. Sac. (1880), xii. 159. 

2 Saxo Grammaticus acknowledges his dependence on the Icelandic sagas, and is thought to have used some 
which had not been yet put into writing. 

3 Baring-Gould in his Iceland, its Scenes and Sagas (London, 1863) gives in his App. D a list of thirty- 
five published sagas, sixty-six local histories, twelve ecclesiastical annals, and sixty-nine Norse annals. Cf. 
the eclectic list in Laing's Heimskringla, i. 17. 

Konrad Maurer has given an elaborate essay on this early literature in his Ueber die AusdrUcke: altnordi- 
sche, altnorwegische tmd isldftdische Sprache {Mnmch, 1867), which originally appeared in \ht Abhandlungen 
of the Bavarian Academy. 

G. P. Marsh translated P. E. Muller's " Origin, progress, and decline of Icelandic historical literature " in 
The American Eclectic (N. Y., 1841, — vols, i., ii.). In 1781, Lindblom printed at Paris a French translation 
of Bishop Troll's Lettres sur VIslande, which contained a catalogue of books on Iceland and an enumeration 
of the Icelandic sagas. (Cf. Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. i.) Chavanne's Bibliography of the Polar Regions, 
p. 95, has a section on Iceland. 

Solberg's list of illustrative works, appended to Anderson's version of Horn's Lit. of the Scandinavian 
North, is useful so far as the English language goes. Periodical contributions also appear in Poolers Index 
(p. 622) and Suppleme7it, p. 214. 

Burton {Ultima Thule, i. 239) enumerates the principal writers on Iceland from Arngrimur Jdnsson down, 
including the travellers of this century. 

4 The more general histories of Scandinavia, like Sinding's English narrative, — not a good book, but 
accessible, — yield the comparisons more readily. 

5 There are also German (Gotha, 1844-75) ^^i^ French versions (Paris). The best German version, Ge- 
schichte Schwedens (Hamburg and Gotha, 1832-1887), is in six volumes, a part of the Geschichte der euro- 
pdischen Staaten. Vol. 1-3, by E. G. Geijer, is translated by O. P. Leffler; vol. 4, by F. F. Carlson, is trans- 
lated by J. G. Petersen ; vol. 5, 6, by F. F. Carlson. 

6 Published in German at Liibeck in 1854 as Das heroische Zeitalter der Nordisch-Germanischen Volke* 
und die Wikinger-Ziige. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 85 

Keyser in his Norges Historie (Christiania, 1866- patient as to the life in the early Norse days in 

67) ; J. E. Sars in his" Udsigt over den Norske Iceland.^ 

Historie (Christiania, 1873-77); but all are sur- G. W. Dasent's introduction to his Story of 

passed by Konrad Maurer's Island von seiner Burnt Njal (Edinburgh, 1861)* and his Norse- 

ersten Entdeckung bis zum C/ntergange des Fret- ffien in Iceland (Oxford Essays, 1858) give what 

staates,—A. D. 800-1262 (Munich, 1874), pub- Max Miiller {Chips from a German Workshop, 

lished as commemorating the thousandth anni- ii. 191) calls "a vigorous and lively sketch of 

versary of the settlement of Iceland, and it has primitive northern life ; " and are well supple- 

the repute of being the best book on early Ice- mented by Sabine Baring-Gould's Iceland, its 

landic history.^ scenes and sagas (London, 1863 and later), and 

The change from Paganism to Christianity Richard F. Burton's Ultima Thnle, with an his- 

necessarily enters into all the histories covering torical introduction (London, 1875).° 
the tenth and eleventh centuries ; but it has 

special treatment in C. Merivale's Conversion of D. Greenland and its Ruins. — The sagas 

the Northern Nations (Boyle lectures, — London, still serve us for the colonization of Greenland, 

1866). 2 and of particular use is that of Eric the Red.^ 

There is a considerable body of the later liter- The earliest to use these sources in the historic 

ature upon Iceland, retrospective in character, spirit was Torfaeus in his Historia Gronlandice 

and affording the results of study more or less AniiqucB (1715)-^ The natural successor of 

1 Maurer had long been a student of Icelandic lore, and his Isl'dndische Volkssagen der Gegenwart gesam- 
tnelt und verdeutscht (Leipzig, i860) is greatly illustrative of the early north. Conybeare f^Place of Iceland 
in the History of European Institutions, preface) says : " To any one writing on Iceland the elaborate works 
of the learned Maurer afford at once a help and difficulty : a help in so far as they shed the fullest light 
upon the subjects ; a difficulty in that their painstaking completeness has brought together well-nigh every- 
thing that can be said." 

2 What is known as the Kristni Saga gives an account of this change. Cf. Eugene Beauvois, Origines et 
fondatioji dii plus ancien eveche du nouveau nionde. Le dioclse de Gardhs en Greenland, gSb-iisb 
(Paris, 1878), an extract from the Memoires de la Soc. d'Histoire, etc., de Beaune ; C. A. V. Conybeare's 
Place of Iceland in the history of European institutions (1877); Maurer's Beitrdge zur Rechtsgeschichte 
des germanischen Nor dens ; Wheaton's Northmen ; Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians z« Etigland, p. 332 ; 
Jacob Rudolph Keyser's Private Life of the Old Northmen, as translated by M. R. Barnard (London, 1868), 
and his Religion of the Northmen, as translated by B. Pennock (N. Y., 1854) ; Quarterly Review, January, 
1862 ; and references in McClintock and Strong's Cyclopcedia, under Iceland. 

3 Such are the Swedish work of A. M. Strinhold, known in the German of E. F. Frisch as IVikingziige, 
Staatsverfassiing und Sitten der alien Sca^idinaver (Hamburg, 1839-41). 

A summarized statement of life in Iceland in the early days is held to be well made out in Hans O, H. 
Hildebrand's Lifvet \a Island under Sagotiden (Stockholm, 1867), and in A. E. Holmberg's Nordbon under 
Hednatiden (Stockholm). J. A. Worsaae published his Vorgeschichte des Nordetis at Hamburg in 1878. 
It was improved in a Danish edition in 1880, and from this H. F. Morland Simpson made the Prehistory of 
the North, based on contemporary materials (London, 1886), with a memoir of Worsaae (d. 1885), the fore- 
most scholar in this northern lore. 

4 This book is recognized as one of the best commentaries and most informing books on Icelandic history, 
and this writer's introduction to Gudbrand Vigfusson's Icelandic-English Dictionary (3 vols., Cambridge, 
Eng., 1869, 1870, 1874) is of scholarly importance. 

5 The millennial celebration of the settlement of Iceland in 1874 gave occasion to a variety of books and 
papers, more or less suggestive of the early days, like Samuel Kneeland's American in Iceland (Boston, 
1876) ; but the enumeration of this essentially descriptive literature need not be undertaken here. 

6 Antiquitates A7nerican(e,Tp-p> 1-76, with an account of the Greenland MSS. (p. 255). MUller's Sagen- 
bibliothek. Amgrimur Jonsson's Gronlandia (Iceland, 1688). A fac-simile of the title is in the Carter-Brown 
Catalogue, ii,, no. 1356. A translation by Rev. J. Sephton is in the Proc. Lit. and Philos. Soc. of Liverpool, 
vol. xxxiv. 183, and separately, Liverpool, 1880. There is a paper in the lahresbericht der geographischen 
Gesellschaft in Miinchen fiir 1885 (Munich, 1886), p. 71, by Oskar Brenner, on "Gronland im Mittelalter 
nach einer altnorwegischen Quelle." 

Some of the earliest references are : Christopherson Claus' Den Grolandske Chronica (Copenhagen, 1608), 
noticed in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii,, no. 64. Gerald de Veer's True and perfect description of three 
voyages speaks in its title {Carter-Brown, ii. 1%) of " the countrie lying under 80 degrees, which is thought to 
be Greenland, where never man had been before." Antoine de la Sale wrote between 1438 and 1447 a curious 
book, printed in 1527 as La Salade, in which he refers to Iceland and Greenland (Gronnellont), where white 
bears abound (Harrisse. Bib. Am. Vet., no. 140). 

" This book is now rare. Dufosse prices it at 50 francs; F. S. Ellis, -London, 1884, at £5.5.0. Before 
Torfaeus, probably the best known book was Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation du Groenland (Paris, 1647). It 



86 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Torfaeus and the book upon which later writers 
mostly depend is David Crantz's Historic vo?t 
Gronland, enihaltend die Beschreibiing des Landes 
und der Einwokner, insbesonders die Geschichten 
der dortige7t Mission. Nebst Fortsetzung ( Barby, 
1765-70, 3 vols.). An English translation ap- 
peared in London in 1767, and again, though in 
an abridged form with some changes, in 1820.1 

Crantz says of his own historic aims, referring 
to Torfaeus and to the accounts given by the 
Eskimos of the east coast, that he has tried to 
investigate " where the savage inhabitants came 
from, and how the ancient Norwegian inhabi- 
tants came to be so totally extirpated," while at 
the same time he looks upon the history of the 
Moravian missions as his chiefest theme. 

The principal source for the identification of 
the ruins of Greenland is the work compiled by 



Rafn and Finn Magnusen, Gronlands Historiske 
Mindesmcerker^^ with original texts and Danish 
versions. Useful summaries and observations 
will be found in the paper by K. Steenstrup on 
" Old Scandinavian ruins in South Greenland " 
in the Compte Rendu, Congres des Americanistes 
(Copenhagen, 1883, p. 108), and in one on "Les 
Voyages des Danois au Greenland " in the same 
(p. 196). Steenstrup's paper is accompanied by 
photographs and cuts, and a map marking the 
site of the ruins. The latest account of them 
is by Lieut. Holm in the Meddelelser cm Gron- 
lajid (Copenhagen, 1883), vol. vi. Other views 
and plans showing the arrangement of their 
dwellings and the curious circular ruins,^ which 
seems to have usually been near their churches, 
are shown in the Baron Nordenskjold's Den 
andra dicksonska expeditionen till Gronland, dess 
inre isoken och dess ostkust, utford ar i88j (Stock- 




RUINS OF THE CHURCH AT KATORTOK.* 

is one ot the earliest books to give an account of the Eskimos. It was again printed in 1674 "^^ Recueil de 
Voyages dti Nord. A Dutch edition at Amsterdam in 1678 {Nauwkenrige Beschrijvingh van Groenland) 
was considerably enlarged with other matter, and this edition was the basis of the German version published 
at Nuremberg, 1679. Peyrere's description will be found in English in a volume published by the Hakluyt 
Society in 1855, where it is accompanied by two maps of the early part of the seventeenth century. Cf. Carter- 
Brown, ii., no. 1 192, note; Sabin, x. p. 70. 

1 Pilling {Eskimo Bibliog.^ p. 20) gives the most careful account of editions^ Cf. Sabin, v. 66. A Dutch 
translation at Haarlem in 1767 was provided with better and larger maps than the original issue; and this 
version was again brought out with a changed title in 1786. There was a Swedish ed. at Stockholm in 1769, 
and a reprint of the original German at Leipzig in 1770, and it is included in the .Bibliothek der neuesten 
Reisebeschreibuttgen (Frankfort, 1779-1797), vol. xx. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii., nos. 1443, 1576, 1577, 1671, 1728. 

2 This constitutes in 3 vols, a sort of supplement to the Antiquitates AmericancB. Cf. Dublin Review, xxvii. 
35 ; Bulletin de la Sac. de Geog. de Paris, 3d ser., vol. vi., and a synopsis of the Mindesmceker in The 
Sacristy, Feb. i, 1871 (London). 

3 The principal ruin is that of a church, and it will be found represented in the Antiqtiitates Americance, 
and again by Nordenskjold, Steenstrup, J. T. Smith {Discovery of America, etc.), Horsford; and, not to name 
more, in Hayes's Land of Desolation (and in the French version in Tour du Monde, xxvi.). 



* After a cut in Nordenskjold's Den Andra Dicksonska Expeditionen till Grbnland, p. 369, following one 
in Efter Meddelelser om Gronland. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



87 



holm, 1885), the result of the ripest study and 
closest contact. 

We need also to scan the narratives of Hans 
Egede and Graah. Parry found in 1824, on an 
island on the Baltic coast, a runic stone, com- 
memorating the occupancy of the spot in 1 135 
(Antiquitates Americana; Mallet's Northent 
Antiquities, 248) ; and in 1830 and 1831 other 
runes were found on old gravestones (Rink's 
Danish Greenlatid, app. v. ; Laing's Heims- 
kringla, i. 151). These last are in the Museum 
at Copenhagen. Most of these imperishable 
relics have been found in the district of Julianes- 
haab.i 

E. The Vinland Voyages. — What Leif 
and Karlsefne knew they experienced, and what 
the sagas tell us they underwent, must have just 
the difference between a crisp narrative of per- 
sonal adventure and the oft-repeated and em- 
bellished story of a fireside narrator, since the 

/ y^ "fa. 






traditions of the Norse voyages were not put in 
the shape of records till about two centuries 
had elapsed, and we have no earlier manuscript 
of such a record than one made nearly two hun- 
dred years later still. It is indeed claimed that 
the transmission by tradition in those days was a 
different matter in respect to constancy and ex- 
actness from what it has been known to be in 
later times ; but the assumption lacks proof and 
militates against well-known and inevitable pro- 
cesses of the human mind. 

In regard to the credibility of the sagas, the 
northern writers recognize the change which 
came over the oral traditionary chronicles when 
the romancing spirit was introduced from the 
more southern countries, at a time while the 
copies of the sagas which we now have were 
making, after having been for so long a time 
orally handed down ; but they are not so suc- 
cessful in making plain what influence this im- 
ported spirit had on particular sagas, which we 



<2. 



iteft%a% 







6^^^^, 



SAGA MANUSCRIPT.* 

1 Rafn in his Americas arctiske landes Gamle Geographic efter de Nordiske Oldskrifter (Copenhagen, 
1845) gives the seals of some of the Greenland bishops, various plans of the different ruins, a view of the 
Katortok church with its surroundings, engraving of the different runic inscriptions, and a map of the 
Julianehaab district. 

* This is a portion of one of the plates in the Antiquitates AtnericancB, g^ven by Rafn to Charles Sumner, 
with a key in manuscript by Rafn himself. His signature is from a copy of his Memoir e given by him to 
Edward Everett, and now in Harvard College library. 



88 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



are asked to receive as historical records. They 
seem sometimes to forget that it is not necessary 
to have culture, heroes, and impossible occur- 
rences to constitute a myth. A blending of his- 
tory and myth prompts Horn to say "that some 
of the sagas were doubtless originally based on 
facts, but the telling and re-telling have changed 
them into pure myths." The unsympathetic 
stranger sees this in stories that the patriotic 
Scandinavians are over-anxious to make appear 
as genuine chronicles.^ It is certainly unfortu- 
nate that the period of recording the older 
sagas coincides mainly with the age of this 
southern romancing influence."-^ It is a some- 



what anomalous condition when long-transmitted 
oral stories are assigned to history, and certain 
other written ones of the age of the recorded 
sagas are relegated to myth. If we would be- 
lieve some of the northern writers, what appears 
to be difference in kind of embellishment was 
in reality the sign that separated history from 
fable.^ Of the interpreters of this olden lore, 
Torfaeus has been long looked upon as a charac- 
teristic exemplar, and Horn * says of his works 
that they are " perceptibly lacking in criticism. 
Torfaeus was upon the whole incapable of dis- 
tinguishing between myth and history." ^ 

Erasmus Rask, in writing to Wheaton in 




RUIN AT KATORTOK.* 

1 This tendency of the Scandinavian writers is recognized among themselves. Horn (Anderson's transla- 
tion, 324) ascribes it to " an unbridled fancy and want of critical method rather than to any wilful perversion 
of historical truth. This tendency owed its origin to an intense patriotism, a leading trait in the Swedish 
character, which on this very account was well-nigh incorrigible." 

2 Dasent translates from the preface to Egils Saga (Reikjavik, 1856) : " The sagas show no wilful purpose 
to tell untruths, but simply are proofs of the beliefs and turns of thought of tnen in the age when the sagas 
were reduced to writing'''' {Burnt NJal, i. p. xiii). 

3 Rink {Danish Greenland, p. 3) says of the sagas that " they exist only in a fragmentary condition, and 
bear the general character of popular traditions to such a degree that they stand much in need of being cor- 
roborated by collateral proofs, if we are wholly to rely upon them in such a question as an ancient colonization 
of America." So he proceeds to enumerate the kind of evidence, which is sufficient in Greenland, but is 
wholly wanting in other parts of America, and to point out that the trustworthiness of the sagas of the Vin- 
land voyages exists only in regard to their general scope. 

Dasent, in the introduction of Vigfusson's Icelandic Dictionary, says of the sagas : " Written at various 
periods by scribes more or less fitted for the task, they are evidently of very varying authority." The Scan- 
dinavian authorities class the sagas as mythical histories, as those relating to Icelandic history (subdivided into, 
general, family, personal, ecclesiastical), and as the lives of rulers. 

4 Anderson's translation, Lit. of the Scand. North, p. 81. 

5 Laing {Heimskringla, i. 23) says : " Arne Magnussen was the greatest antiquary who never wrote: his 
judgments and opinions are known from notes, selections, and correspondence, and are of great authority at 
this day in the saga literature. Torfaeus consulted him in his researches." 



* After a cut in Nordenskjold's Exped. till Grbnland, p. 371, following the Meddel. om Gr'dnland, vi. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



89 



1831,^ enumerates eight of the early manu- 
scripts which mention Vinland and the voyages ; 
but Rafn, in 1837, counted eighteen such manu- 
scripts.2 We know little or nothing about the 
recorders or date of any of these copies, except- 
ing the Heimskringla^ nor how long they had 
existed orally. Some of them were doubtless 
put into writing soon after the time when such 
recording was introduced, and this date is some- 
times put as early as A. D. 11 20, and sometimes 
as late as the middle or even end of that cen- 
tury. Meanwhile, Adam of Bremen, in the 
latter part of the eleventh century (a. d. 1073), 



prepared his Historia Ecclesiastica, an account 
of the spread of Christianity in the north, in 
which he says he was told by the Danish king 
that his subjects had found a country to the 
west, called Winland.* A reference is also sup- 
posed to be made in the Historia Ecclesiastica of 
Ordericus Vitalis, written about the middle (say 
A. D. 1 140) of the twelfth century. But it was 
not until somewhere between A. D. 1385 and 
1400 that the oldest Icelandic manuscript which 
exists, touching the voyages, was compiled, — 
the so-called Codex Flatoyensis^ though how 
much earlier copies of it were made is not 



{f 'Environs of 

^ '^'. Juli an elta al) 

'THE OSTERBYGD 

or 




■^ 



1 A/ass. Hist. Sac. Proc, xviii. 20. 

2 Oswald Moosmiiller's Europ'der in Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, P- 4) enumerates the 
manuscripts in the royal library in Copenhagen. 

3 A. E. Wollheim's Die Nat. lit. der Scandinavier (Berlin, 1875-77), p. 47. Turners Anglo Saxons, book 
iv. ch, I. Mallet's No. Antiq. (1847), 393. 

4 Cf. G. H. Pertz, Monumenta Gertnanice historica, 1846, vol. vii. cap. 247. Of the different manuscripts, 
some call Vinland a " regio " and others an " insula." 

5 Discovered in the seventeenth century in a monastery on an island close by the Icelandic coast, and now 



Note. — The above is a reproduction of a corner map in the map of Danish Greenland given in Rink's 
book of that name. The sea in the southwest corner of the cut is not shaded ; but shading is given to the 
interior ice field on the northern and northeastern part of the map. Rink gives a similar map of the Wester- 
bygd. 



90 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



known. It is in this manuscript that we find the 
saga of Olaf Tryggvesson,^ wherein the voyages 
of Leif Ericson are described, and it is only by 
a comparison of circumstances detailed here and 
in other sagas that the year a. d. igoo has been 
approximately determined as the date.^ In this 
same codex we find the saga of Eric the Red, 
one of the chief narratives depended upon by 



the advocates of the Norse discovery, and in 
Rask's judgment it "appears to be somewhat 
fabulous, written long after the event, and taken 
from tradition." ^ 

The other principal saga is that of Thorfinn 
Karlsefne, which with some differences and 
with the same lack of authenticity, goes over the 
ground covered by that of Eric the Red.* 




RAFN. 



in the royal library in Copenhagen. Cf. Laing's introduction to his edition of the Heimskringla, vol. i 
p. 157. Horn says of this codex : " The book was written towards the end of the fourteenth century by two 
Icelandic priests, and contains in strange confusion and wholly without criticism a large number of sagas, 
poems, and stories. No other manuscript confuses things on so vast a scale." Anderson's translation of 
Horn's Lit. of the Scandin. Norths p. 60. Cf. Flateyjarbok. En Samling af Norske Konge-Sagaer med 
indskudte mindre fortMinger om Begivenheder i og Udenfor Norge samt Annaler (Christiania, i860) ; and 
Vigfusson's and Unger's edition of 1868, also at Christiania. The best English account of the Codex Flatoy* 
ensis is by Gudbrand Vigfusson in the preface to his Icelandic Sagas, published under direction of the 
Master of the Rolls, London, 1887, vol. i. p. xxv. 

1 For texts, see C. C. Rafn's edition of Kong Olaf Tryggvesons Saga (Copenhagen, 1826), and Munch's 
edition of Kong Olaf Tryggveson's Saga (Christiania, 1853). Cf. also P. A. Munch's Norges Konge-Sagaer 
of Snorri Sturleson, Sturla Thordsson, etc. (Christiania, 1859). 

2 The Codex Flatoyetisis says that it was sixteen winters after the settlement of Greenland before Leif went 
to Norway, and that in the next year he sailed to Vinland. 

8 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 21. 

4 These sagas are given in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin in Rafn's Antiquitates Americana (Copenhagen, 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 91 

Of all the early manuscripts, the well-known be received as an historical record, and all that 

Heimskringla of Snorro Sturleson (b. 1178 ; d. it says is in these words : " Leif also found Vin- 

1241), purporting to be a history of the Norse land the Good."i 
kings down to A. D. 1177, is the most entitled to Saxo Grammaticus (d. about 1208) in his His- 

HISTORIA 

VINLAN- 

DliEANTIQV^ 

feu 

Partis American Septemrionalist 

Nominis ratio recenfetur> 
fitus terras exdierumbru- 

malium fpatio es^^endicur, foil fertH 

litas &ihcoIarum barbarie5,pcr- 

cgrinorum temporarius incolatusSc 

gea% vicinarurti terrarum no- 

mina Sciacies 

ex 

Antiqvxtatibus Islandicis inluccm 

produda exponuntur 

per 

THORMODUM TORFMJM 

Return Norvegicarura Hiftonograph um Regiu m, 

Eat TypographtoRegi«Maieft.&UmYcrilM5ror* 

JmpcnCs Autkoris* 

'^'^yi)- Versions or abstracts, more or less full, of all or of some of them are given by Beamish, in his Discov- 
ery of America by the Northmen (London, 1841), whose text is reprinted by Slafter, in his Voyages of the 
Northmen (Boston, 1877). J. Elliot Cabot, in the Mass. Quart. Review, March, 1849, copied in part in 
Higginson's Amer. Explorers. Blackwell, in his supplementary chapters to Mallet's Northern A ntiquities 
(London, Bohn's library). B. F. De Costa, in his Pre-Columbian Discovery of America (Albany, 1868). 
Eben Norton Horsford, in his Discovery of America by Norsemen (Boston, 1888). Beauvois, in his Decotr 
vertes des Scandinaves en Amerique (Paris, 1859). P. E. Miiller, in his Sagabibliothek (Copenhagen' 
1816-20), and a German version of part of it by Lachmann, Sagenbibliothek des Scandinavischen Alterthums 
in AuszUgen (Berlin, 1816). 

1 When, however, Peringskiold edited the Heimskringla, in 1697, he interpolated eight chapters of a more 
particular account of the Vinland voyages, which drew forth some animadversions from Torfaeus in 1705, when 
he published his Historia Vinlandice. It was later found that Peringskiold had drawn these eight chapters 



92 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

toria Danica begins with myths, and evidently cumstances gave the account a great appearance 

follows the sagas, but does not refer to them of authenticity." ^ In 1755, Paul Henri Mallet 

except in his preface.^ {1730-1807), in his Histoire de Dannemarc, de- 

For about five hundred years after this the termines the localities to be Labrador and 

stories attracted little or no attention.^ We Newfoundland.^ 

have seen that Peringskiold produced these In 1769, Gerhard Schoning, in his Norges 

sagas in 1697. Montanus in his Nieuwe en on- Riges Historic, established the scene in America. 

bekende Weereld (Amsterdam, 1671), and Cam- Robertson, in 1777, briefly mentions the voyages 

panius, in 1702, in his Kort Beskrifning om in his Hist, of America (note xvii.), and, refer- 

Frovincien Nya Swerige uti America (Stock- ring to the accounts given by Peringskiold, calls 

holm),3 gave some details. The account which them rude and confused, and says that it is 

did most, however, to revive an interest in the impossible to identify the landfalls, though he 

subject was that of Torfasus in his Historia thinks Newfoundland may have been the scene 

Vinlandi(2 Arttiquce (Copenhagen, 1705), but he of Vinland. This is also the belief of J. R. 

was quite content to place the scene of his nar- Forster in his Geschichte der Entdeckungen im 

rative in America, without attempting to iden- Norden (Frankfurt, 1784).^ M. C. Sprengel, in 

tify localities.* The voyages were, a few years his Geschichte der Etiropder in Nordamerika 

later, the subject of a dissertation at the Uni- (Leipzig, 1782), thinks they went as far south as 

versity of Upsala in Sweden.^ J. P. Cassell, of Carolina. Pontoppidan's History of Norway 

Bremen, discusses the Adam of Bremen story was mainly followed by Dr. Jeremy Belknap in 

in another Latin essay, still later.^ his American Biography (Boston, 1794), who 

About 1750, Pieter Kalm, a Swede, brought recognizes " circumstances to confirm and none 

the matter to the attention of Dr. Franklin, as to disprove the relations." In 1793, Munoz, in 

the latter remembered twenty-five years later, his Historia del Ntievo Mundo, put Vinland in 

when he wrote to Samuel Mather that "the cir- Greenland. In 1796 there was a brief account 

from the Codex Flatoyensis, which particular MS. was unknown to Torfaeus. When Laing printed his edition 
of the Heimskringla, The Sea Kings of Norway (London, 1844), he translated these eight chapters in his 
appendix (vol. iii. 344). Laing {Heimskringla, i. 27) says : " Snorro Sturleson has done for the history of 
the Northmen what Livy did for the history of the Romans," — a rather questionable tribute to the verity of 
the saga history, in the light of the most approved comments on Livy. Cf. Horn, in Anderson's translation, 
Lit. of the Scandinavian North (Chicago, 1884), p. 56, with references, p. 59. 

1 J. Fulford Vicary's Saga Time (Lond., 1887). Some time in the fifteenth century, a monk, Thomas 
Gheysmer, made an abridgment of Saxo, alleging that he " had said much rather for the sake of adornment 
than in behalf of truth." The Canon Christiern Pederson printed the first edition of Saxo at Paris in 15 14 
(Anderson's Horn's Lit. Scandin. North, p. 102). This writer adds : " The entire work rests exclusively on 
oral tradition, which had been gathered by Saxo, and which he repeated precisely as he had heard it, for in the 
whole chronicle there is no trace of criticism proper. . . . Saxo must also undoubtedly have had Icelandic 
sagamen as authorities for the legendary part of his work ; but there is not the slightest evidence to show that 
he ever had a written Icelandic saga before him. ... In this part of the work he betrays no effort to separate 
fact from fiction, . . . and he has in many instances consciously or unconsciously adorned the original mate- 
rial." Horn adds that the last and best edition is that of P. E. Miiller and J. Velchow, Saxonis Grammatici 
Historia Danica (Copenhagen, 1839). 

2 Humboldt {Crit. Exam., ii. 120) represented that Ortelius referred to these voyages in 1570 ; but Palfrey 
{Hist. New England, i. 51) shows that the language cited by Humboldt was not used by Ortehus till in his 
edition of 1592, and that then he referred to the Zeno narrative. 

3 See post, Vol. IV. p. 492. 

4 His account is followed by Malte Brun in his Precis de la Geographie (i. 395). Cf. also Annates des 
Voyages (Paris, 1810), x. 50, and his Geographie Universelle (Paris, 1841). Pinkerton, in his Voyages (Lon- 
don, 1814), vol. xvii., also followed Torfaeus. 

^ J. J. Wahlstedt's Iter in Americam (Upsala, 1725). Cf. Brinley Catal., i. 59. 

6 Observatio historica ad Frisonum navigatione fortuita in Americam sec. xi. facta (Magdeburg, 1741). 

7 Franklin's Works, Philad., 1809, vol. vi. ; Sparks's ed., viii. 69. 

8 This is the book which furnished the text in an English dress (London, 1770) known as Northern Anti- 
quities, and a part of his account is given in the American Museum (Philad., 1789). In the Edinburgh edition 
of 1809 it is called : Northern antiquities : or a description of the manners, customs, religion and laws, of 
the ancient Danes, including those of our Saxon ancestors. With a translation of the Edda and other 
pieces, from the ancient Icelandic tongue. Translated from ^'- H introduction h P histoire de Dannemarc, 
&>c.,^'' par Mons. Mallet. With additional notes by the English translator {Bishop Fercy], and Goranson's 
Latin version of the Edda. In 2 vols. The chapters defining the locations are omitted, and others substi- 
tuted, in the reprint of the Northern Antiquities in Bohn's library. 

9 There are French and English versions. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



93 



in Fritsch's Disputatio historico-geographica in 
qua quceritur utrum veteres Aniericam noverint 
necne. H. Stenstrom published at Lund, in 
1801, a short dissertation, De America Norvegis 
ante tevipora Columbi adita. Boucher de la 
Richarderie, in his Bibliothique Universelle des 
Voyages (Paris, 1808), gives a short account, 
and cites some of the authorities. Some of the 
earlier American histories of this century, Hke 
Williamson's North Carolina, took advantage 
of the recitals of Torfaeus and Mallet. Ebenezer 
Henderson's Residence in Iceland (1814-15)1 
presented the evidence anew. Barrow, in his 
Voyages to the Arctic Regions (London, 1818), 
places Vinland in Labrador or Newfoundland ; 
but J. W. Moulton, in his History of the State 
of New York (N. Y., 1824), brings that State 
within the region supposed to have been visited. 

A writer more likely to cause a determinate 
opinion in the public mind came in Washington 
Irving, who in his Columbus (London, 1828) dis- 
missed the accounts as untrustworthy ; though 
later, under the influence of Wheaton and 
Rafn, he was inclined to consider them of pos- 
sible importance ; and finally in his condensed 
edition he thinks the facts *' established to the 
conviction of most minds," ^ Hugh Murray, in 
his Discoveries and Travels in North America 
(London, 1829), regards the sagas as an author- 
ity ; but he doubts the assigning of Vinland to 
America. In 1830, W. D. Cooley, in his His- 
tory of Maritime afid Inland Discovery,^ thought 
it impossible to shake the authenticity of the 
sagas. 

While Henry Wheaton was the minister of 
the United States at Copenhagen, and having 
access to the collections of that city, he pre- 
pared his History of the Northmen, which was 
published in London and Philadelphia in 1831.^ 
The high character of the man gave unusual 



force to his opinions, and his epitome of the 
sagas in his second chapter contributed much 
to increase the interest in the Northmen story. 
He was the first who much impressed the New 
England antiquaries with the view that Vinland 
should be looked for in New England; and a 
French version by Paul Guillot, issued in Paris in 
1844, is stated to have been " revue et augmen- 
tee par I'auteur, avec cartes, inscriptions, et al- 
phabet runique." ^ The opinions of Wheaton, 
however, had no effect upon the leading histo- 
rian of the United States, nor have any subse- 
quent developments caused any change in the 
opinion of Bancroft, first advanced in 1834, in 
the opening volume of his United States, where 
he dismissed the sagas as "mythological in 
form and obscure in meaning ; ancient yet not 
contemporary," He adds that "the intrepid 
mariners who colonized Greenland could easily 
have extended their voyage to Labrador ; but 
no clear historical evidence establishes the nat- 
ural probability that they accomplished the pas- 
sage." 6 All this is omitted by Bancroft in his 
last revised edition ; but a paragraph in his 
original third volume (1840), to the intent that, 
though " Scandinavians may have reached the 
shores of Labrador, the soil of the United 
States has not one vestige of their presence," is 
allowed to remain,'^ and is true now as when 
first written. 

The chief apostle of the Norseman belief, 
however, is Carl Christian Rafn, whose work 
was accomplished under the auspices of the 
Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at Co- 
penhagen.^ 

Rafn was born in 1795, ^"*^ ^^^^ ^^ Copen- 
hagen in 1864.9 At the University, as well as 
later as an officer of its library, he had bent his 
attention to the early Norse manuscripts and 
literature,!'^ so that in 1825 he was the natural 



1 Edinburgh, 1818 ; Boston, 1831, 

2 Mass. Hist. Sac. Proc, 1865, p. 184. 

3 Lardner''s Cabinet Cyclopcsdia. 
* AUibone, iii. 2667. 

5 Irving, in reviewing the book in the No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1832, avoided the question of the Norse dis- 
covery. (Cf. his Spanish Papers, vol. ii., and Rice's Essays from the No. Am. Rev.) C. Robinson, in his 
Discoveries in the West (ch. i ), borrows from Wheaton. 

6 Octavo ed., i. pp. 5, 6. 

' Orig. ed., iii. 313; last revision, ii. 132. 

« This society, Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, since 1825, has been issuing works and periodicals 
illustrating all departments of Scandinavian archaeology (cf. Webb, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 177), and 
has gathered cabinets and museums, sections of which are devoted to American subjects. C. C. Rafn's Cabi- 
net d^antiquites Amertcaines h Copenhague (Copenhagen, 1858) ; lournal of the Royal Geographical 
Society, xiv. 316 ; Slafter's introd. to his Voyages of the Northmen. 

9 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 81 ; Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1865 ; A''. E. Hist. Geneal Reg., 1865, 
p. 273 ; Today, ii. 1 76. 

10 Professor Willard Fiske has paid particular attention to the early forms of the Danish in the Icelandic 
literature. In 1885 the British Museum issued a Catalogue of the books printed in Iceland from A. D. 137S 
to 1880 in the library of the British Museum. In 1886 Mr. Fiske privately printed at Florence Bibliograph- 
ical Notices, i.: Books printed in Iceland, 1378-1844, a supplement to the British Museum Catalogue, 



94 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

founder of the Royal Society of Northern An- came to conclusions respecting traces of their 

tiquaries ; and much of the value of its long occupancy to which few will adhere to-day. 
series of publications is due to his active and The effect of Rafn's volume, however, was 

unflagging interest.i The summit of his Amer- marked, and we see it in the numerous presen- 

ican interest, however, was reached in the great tations of the subject which followed ; and every 

folio Aiitiquitates Americancs,- in which he for the writer since has been greatly indebted to him. 
first time put the mass of original Norse docu- Alexander von Humboldt in his Examen Cri- 

ments before the student, and with a larger accu- tique (Paris, 1837) gave a synopsis of the sagas, 

• mulation of proofs than had ever been adduced and beheved the scene of the discoveries to be 

before, he commented on the narratives and between Newfoundland and New York ; and in 

which enumerates 139 titles with full bibliographical detail and an index. He refers also to the principal 
bibliographical authorities. Laing's introduction to the Heimskringla gives a survey. 

1 Cf. list of their several issues in Scudder's Catal. of Scient. Serials, nos. 640, 654, and the Rafn bibliog- 
raphy in Sabin, xvi. nos. 67,466-67,486. In addition to its Danish publications, the chief of which interesting 
to the American archaeologist being the Antiquarisk Tidsskrift (1845-1864), sometimes known as the Revue 
Archeologique et Bulletin, the society, under its more familiar name of Societe Royale des Antiquaires du 
Nord, has issued its Metnoires, the first series running from 1836 to i860, in 4 vols., and the second beginning 
in 1866. These contain numerous papers involving the discussion of the Northmen voyages, including a con- 
densed narrative by Rafn, " Memoire sur la decouverte de l'Am6rique au loe siecle," which was enlarged and 
frequently issued separately in French and other languages (1838-1843), and is sometimes found in English as 
a Suppletnent to the Antiquitates Atnericance, and was issued in New York (1838) as America discovered in 
the tenth century. In this form i^Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, viii. 187) it was widely used here and in Europe to 
call attention to Rafn's folio, Antiquitates AmericancB. * 

The Memoires also contained another paper by Rafn, A/>er^u de Pancienne geographie des regions 
arctiques de r Amerique, selon les rapports contenus dans les Sagas die A^(7r^ (Copenhagen, 1847), which 
also concerns the Vinland voyages, and is repeated in the Nouvelles Annates des Voyages (1849), i- 277. 

2 Antiqvitates Atnericance sive scriptcres septentrionales rerum ante-Columbianarum in America. 
Samling af de i nordens oldskrifter indeholdte efterretninger om de gamle nordboers opdagelsesretser til 
America fra det lode til det 1 4de aarhundrede. Edidit Societas regia antiquariorum Septentrionalium 
(Hafniae, 1837). Contents: Praefatio. — Conspectus codicum membraneorum, in quibus terrarum Ameri- 
canarum mentio fit. — America discovered by the Scandinavians in the tenth century. (An abstract of the 
historical evidence contained in this work.) — Paettir af Eireki Rauda ok Graenlendingum. — Saga Porfinns 
Karlsefnis ok Snorra Porbrandssonar. — Breviores relationes : De inhabitatione Islandiae ; De inhabitatione 
Groenlandiae ; De Ario Maris filio ; De Bjorne Breidvikensium athleta ; De Gudleivo Gudloegi filio ; Excerpta 
ex annalibus Islandorum ; Die mansions Groenlandorum in locis Borealibus ; Excerpta e geographicis scriptis 
veterum Islandorum : Carmen Faeroicum, in quo Vinlandiae mentio fit ; Adami Bremensis Relatio de Vin- 
landia ; Descriptio quorumdam monumentorum Europaeorum, quae in oris Gronlandiae ocidentalibus reperta 
et detecta sunt ; Descriptio vetusti monumenti in regione Massachusetts reperti ; Descriptio vetustorum 
quorundam monumentorum in Rhode Island. — Annotationes geographicae ; Islandia et Gronlandia ; Indagatio 
Arctoarum Americae regionum. — Indagatio Orientalium Americae regionum. — Addenda et emendanda. — 
Indexes. The larger works are in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin. 

Cf. also his Antiquites Americaines d''apr^s les monuments historiques des Islandais et des anciens 
Scandinaves (Copenhagen, 1845). An abstract of the evidence is given in the Journal of the Royal Geo- 
graphical Society (viii. 114), and it is upon this that H. H. Bancroft depends in his Native Races {v. 106). 
Cf. also Ibid. v. 115-116 ; and his Cent. America, i. 74. L. Dussieux in his Les Grands Fails de VHistoire 
de la Geographie (Paris, 1882; vol. i. 147, 165) follows Rafn and Malte-Brun. So does Brasseur de Bour- 
bourg in his Hist, de Nations Civilisees,\. 18; and Bachiller y Morales in his Antigiiedades Americanos 
(Havana, 1845). 

Great efforts were made by Rafn and his friends to get reviews of his folio in American periodicals ; and he 
relied in this matter upon Dr. Webb and others, with whom he had been in correspondence in working up his 
geographical details {Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, ii. 97, 107; viii. 189, etc.), and so late as 1852 he drafted in 
English a new synopsis of the evidence, and sent it over for distribution in the United States {Ibid. ii. 500 ; 
New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc, vi. ; A^. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1853, p. 13). So far as weight of character went, 
there was a plenty of it in his reviewers : Edward Everett in the No. Amer. Rev., Jan., 1838 ; Alexander 

* Opposite is a section of Rafn's map in the Antiquitates Americance, giving his identification of the Norse 
localities. This and the other map by Rafn is reproduced in his Cabinet d''Antiqtiites Americaines (Copen- 
hagen, 1858), The map in the atlas of St. Martin's Hist, de la Geographie does not track them below New- 
foundland. The map in J. T. Smith's Northmen in New England (Boston, 1839) shows eleven voyages to 
America from Scandinavia, a. d. 861-1285. Cf. map in Wilhelmi's Island, etc. (Heidelberg, 1842). 




NORSE AMERICA. 



96 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

his Cosmos (1844) he reiterated his views, hold- finds little hesitation in accepting the views of 

ing to " the undoubted first discovery by the Rafn, and thinks " no room is left for disputing 

Northmen as far south as 41° 30'." ^ the main fact of discovery." 

Two books which for a while were the popu- When Hildreth, in 1849, published his United 

lar treatises on the subject were the immediate States, he ranged himself, with his distrusts, by 

outcome of Rafn's book. The first of these the side of Bancroft but J. Elliot Cabot, in mak- 

was The Northmeji in New England, giving the ing a capital summary of the evidence in the 

stories in the form of a dialogue, by Joshua Mass. Quarterly Review (vol. ii.), accords with 

Toulmin Smith (Boston, 1839), which in a the believers, but places the locality visited 

second edition (London, 1842) was called The about Labrador and Newfoundland. Haven in 

Discovery of America by the Northmen in the hSs, Archczology of the United States (Washington, 

Tenth Century. ' 1856) regards the discovery as well attested, 

The other book was largely an English ver- and that the region was most likely that of Nar- 

sion of parts of Rafn's book, translating the ragansett Bay. C. W. Elliott in his New Eng- 

chief sagas, and reproducing the maps: Natha- lajid History (N. Y., 1857) holds the story to be 

\\vt\ Ludlow Beamish's Discovery of America by "in some degree mythical." Palfrey in his Hist. 

the Northmen in the Tenth Centiiry (London, of Neav England (Boston, 1858) goes no farther 

i84i).2 Two German books owed almost as than to consider the Norse voyage as in " nowise 

much to Rafn, those of K. Wilhelmi^ and K. unlikely," and Oscar F. Peschel in his Geschichte 

H.Hermes.* Prescott, at this time publishing des Zeitalters der Entdeckmtgen {'&i\xt\.gdirt,i^i^^) 

the third volume of his Mexico (1843), accords to is on the affirmative side. Paul K. Sinding goes 

Rafn the credit of taking the matter out of the over the story with assent in his History of Scan- 

category of doubt, but he hesitates to accept dinavia, — a book not much changed in his 

the Dane's identifications of localities ; but R. Scandinavian Races (N. Y., 1878).^ Eugene 

H. Major, in considering the question in the in- Beauvois did little more than translate from 

X.xodi\xc\ionioh.\s Select letters of Columbus {i^^j), Rafn in his Decouvertes des Scandinaves en 

Everett in the U. S. Magazijie and Democratic Review (1838) ; George Folsom in the N. Y. Review (1838); 
H. R. Schoolcraft in the Amer. Biblical Repository (1839). Cf. Mass. Hist. Sac. Proc, viii. 182-3 ; Poole's 
Itidex, 28, 928. 

1 Bohn's ed., English trans!., ii. 603 ; Lond. ed., 1849, ii. 233-36. Humboldt expresses the opinion that 
Columbus, during his visit to Iceland, got no knowledge of the stories, so little an impression had they made on 
the public mind {Cosmos, Bohn, ii. 611), and that the enemies of Columbus in his famous lawsuit, when every 
effort was made to discredit his enterprise, did not instance his Iceland experience, should be held to indicate 
that no one in southern Europe believed in any such prompting at that time. Wheaton and Prescott {Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, orig. ed., ii. 118, 131) hold similar opinions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 33.) Dr. Webb says that Irving 
held back from accepting the stories of the saga, for fear that they could be used to detract from Columbus' 
fame. Rafn and his immediate sympathizers did not fail to make the most of the supposition that Columbus 
had in some way profited by his Iceland experience. Laing thinks Columbus must have heard of the voyages, 
and De Costa {Columbtis and the Geographers of the North) thinks that the bruit of the Northmen 
voyages extended sufficiently over Europe to render it unlikely that it escaped the ears of Columbus. Cf. 
further an appendix in Irving's Columbus, and Mallet's Northern Antiquities, Bohn's ed., 267, in refutation 
of the conclusions of Finn Magnusen in the Nor disk Tidsskrift. It has been left for the unwise and over- 
topped advocates of a later day, like Goodrich and Marie A. Brown, to go beyond reason in an indiscriminate 
denunciation of the Genoese. The latter writer, in her Icelandic Discoverers of America (Boston, 1888), 
rambles over the subject in a jejune way, and easily falls into errors, while she pursues her main purpose 
of exposing what she fancies to be a deep-laid scheme of 'the Pope and the Catholic Church to conceal the 
merits of the Northmen and to capture the sympathies of Americans in honoring the memory of Columbus in 
1892. It is simply a reactionary craze from the overdone raptures of the school of Roselly de Lorgues and 
the other advocates of the canonization of Columbus, in Catholic Europe. 

2 This book is for the sagas the basis of the most useful book on the subject, Edmund Farwell Slafter's 
Voyages of the Northmen to America. Including extracts frotn Icelandic Sagas relating to Western 
voyages by Northmen in the loth and nth centuries in an English translation by Nathaniel Ludlow 
Beamish ; with a synopsis of the historical evidence and the opinion of professor Rafn as to the places visited 
by the Scandinavians on the coast of America. With an introduction (Boston, 1877), published by the 
Prince Society. Slafter's opinion is that the narratives are " true in their general outlines and important 
features." 

3 Island, Huitramannaland, Gronland und Fz«/a«^ (Heidelberg, 1842). 

4 Die Entdeckuttg von Amerika durch die Islander im zehnteii ujid eilften Jahrhundert (Braun- 
schweig, 1844). Cf. E. G. Squier's Discovery of America by the Northmen, a critical review of the works 
of Hermes, Rafn and Beamish ( 1 849). 

5 Cf. his paper in the Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1865. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



97 



Amirique, — fragments de Sagas Islandaises 
traduits pour la premiere fois enfraufats (Paris, 
1859) — an extract from the Revue Orientate et 
Amiricaine (vol. ii.).^ 

Professor Daniel Wilson, of Toronto, has dis- 
cussed the subject at different times, and with 
these conclusions : " With all reasonable doubts 
as to the accuracy of details, there is the strong- 
est probability in favor of the authenticity of the 
American Vinland. . . . The data are the mere 
vague allusions of a traveller's tale, and it is 
indeed the most unsatisfactory feature of the 
sagas that the later the voyages the more con- 
fused and inconsistent their narratives become 
in every point of detail." ^ 

Dr. B. F. De Costa's first book on the subject 
was his Pre-Cohi7nhian Discovery of America by 
the JVorthmen, illustrated by Translations fro?n 
the Icelandic Sagas, edited with notes and a gen- 
eral introdttction (Albany, 1868). It is a con- 
venient gathering of the essential parts of the 
sagas ; but the introduction rather opposes than 
disproves some of the "feeble paragraphs, 
pointed with a sneer," which he charges upon 
leading opponents of the faith. Professor J. L. 
Diman, in the North American Review (July, 
1869), made De Costa's book the occasion of an 
essay setting forth the grounds of a disbelief in 
the historical value of the sagas. ' De Costa 
replied in Azotes on a Review, etc. (Charlestown, 
1869). In the same year. Dr. Kohl, following 
the identifications of Rafn, rehearsed the narra- 
tives in his Discovery of Maine (Portland, 1869), 
and tracked Karlsefne through the gulf of 
Maine. De Costa took issue with him on this 
latter point in his Northmen in Maine (Albany, 
1870).^ In the introduction to his Sailing Di- 
rections of Henry Hudson, De Costa argues that 
these mariners' guides are the same used bv the 



Northmen, and in his Cohtmbus atid the Geog- 
raphers of the North (Hartford, 1872, — cf. 
Amer. Church Review, xxiv. 418) he recapitu- 
lates the sagas once more with reference to the 
knowledge which he supposes Columbus to 
have had of them. Paul Gaffarel, in his Etudes 
Sur les rapports de I'Ameriqice et de fancien 
Continent avant Colomb (Paris, 1869), entered 
more particularly into the evidence of the com- 
merce of Vinland and its relations to Europe. 

Gabriel Gravier, another French author, was 
rather too credulous in his Decouverte de VAme- 
riquepar les nor mauds au Xe Siecle ( Paris, 1874), 
when he assumed with as much confidence as 
Rafn ever did everything that the most ardent 
advocate had sought to prove.* 

There were two American writers soon to fol- 
low, hardly less intemperate. These were Aaron 
Goodrich, in A History of the Character and 
Achievements of the so-called Christopher Cohcm- 
bus(N. Y., 1874), who took the full complement 
of Rafn's belief with no hesitancy ; and Rasmus 
B. Anderson in his America not discovered by Co- 
lt(7nb7is (Chicsigo, 1874; improved, 1877 ; again 
with Watson's bibliography, 1883),^ in which 
even the Skeleton in Armor is made to play a 
part. Excluding such vagaries, the book is not 
without use as displaying the excessive views en- 
tertained in some quarters on the subject. The 
author is, we believe, a Scandinavian, and shows 
the tendency of his race to a facility rather than 
felicity in accepting evidence on this subject. 

The narratives were first detailed among our 
leading general histories when the Popular 
History of the United States of Bryant and Gay 
appeared in 1876. The claims were presented 
decidedly, and in the main in the directions in- 
dicated by Rafn ; but the wildest pretensions of 
that antiquary were considerately clismissed. 



1 Beauvois also made at a later period other contributions to the subject : Les derniers vestiges du Chris- 
tianisme preches du Xe au X/Ve siecles dans le Markland et le Grande-Irlande, les porte-croix de la 
Gaspesie et de PArcadie (Paris, 1877) which appeared originally in the Annates de phitosophie Chrctiennes, 
Apr., 1877; and Les Colonies etiropeennes du Markland et de f Escocitand au XI V^ silcte et les vestiges qui 
en subsistlrent jusqu' aux XVI^ et XVII^ siicte (Luxembourg, 1S78), being taken from the Compte Rendu 
of the Luxembourg meeting of the Congres des Americanistes. 

2 Prehistoric Man, 3d ed., ii. %2>^ 85. Cf. also his Historic Footprints in America, extracted from the 
Canadian Journal, Sept., 1864. 

3 Joseph Williamson, in the Hist. Mag., Jan., 1869 (x. 30), sought to connect with the Northmen certain 
ancient remains along the coast of Maine. 

4 He was ratljer caustically taken to account by Henry Cabot Lodge, in the No. Am. Review, vol. cxix. 
Cf, Michel Hardy's Les Scandinaves dans PAmcrique du Nord (Dieppe, 1874). An April hoax which 
appeared in a Washington paper in 1867, about some runes discovered on the Potomac, had been promptly 
exposed in this country {Hist. Mag., Mar. and Aug., 1869), but it had been accepted as true in the Annuaire de 
la Societe Americaine in 1873, and Gaffarel {Etudes sur les Rapports de P Amerique avant Columbus, Paris, 
1869, p. 251) and Gravier (p. 139) was drawn into the snare. (Cf. Whittlesey's Archceot. frauds in the West- 
ern Reserve Hist. Sac. Tracts, no. 9, and H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Jan., 1888, p. 59.) In a 
later monograph, Les N'ormands sur la route des Indes (Rouen, 1880), Gravier, while still accepting the old 
exploded geographical theories, undertook further to prove that the bruits of the Norse discoveries instigated 
the seamen of Normandy to similar ventures, and that they visited America in ante-Columbian days. 

5 There is an authorized German version, Die erste Entdeckung von Amerika, by Mathilde Mann (Ham- 
burg, 1888). 

VOL. I. — 7 



98 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



During the last score years the subject has 
been often made prominent by travellers like 
Kneeland i and Hayes,"^ who have recapitulated 
the evidence ; by lecturers like Charles Kings- 
ley;^ by monographists like Moosmiiller ; * by 
the minor historians like Higginson,^ vv^ho has 
none of the fervor of the inspired identifiers of 
localities, and Weise,^ who is inclined to believe 
the sea-rovers did not even pass Davis's Straits ; 
and by contributors to the successive sessions 
of the Congres des Americanistes '^ and to other 
learned societies.^ 

The question was brought to a practical issue 
in Massachusetts by a proposition raised — at 
first in Wisconsin — by the well-known musician 
Ole Bull, to erect in Boston a statue to Leif 
Ericson.^ The project, though ultimately car- 
ried out, was long delayed, and was discouraged 
by members of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society on the ground that no satisfactory evi- 
dence existed to show that any spot in Nev/ 
England had been reached by the Northmen.^o 
The sense of the society was finally expressed in 
the report of their committee, Henry W. Haynes 
and Abner C. Goodell, Jr., in language which 
seems to be the result of the best historical criti- 
cism ; for it is not a question of the fact of discov- 
ery, but to decide how far we can place reliance 
on the details of the sagas. There is likely to re- 
main a difference of opinion on this point. The 



committee say : " There is the same sort of rea- 
son for believing in the existence of Leif Eric- 
son that there is for believing in the existence of 
Agamemnon, — they are both traditions accepted 
by later writers ; but there is no more reason for 
regarding as true the details related about his 
discoveries than there is for accepting as his- 
toric truth the narratives contained in the Ho- 
meric poems. It is antecedently probable that 
the Northmen discovered America in the early 
part of the eleventh century ; and this discovery 
is confirmed by the same sort of historical tra- 
dition, not strong enough to be called evidence, 
upon which our belief in many of the accepted 
facts of history rests." " 

In running down the history of the literature 
of the subject, the present aim has been simply 
to pick out such contributions as have been in 
some way significant, and reference must be made 
to the bibliographies for a more perfect record.i^ 

Irrespective of the natural probability of the 
Northmen visits to the American main, other 
evidence has been often adduced to support the 
sagas. This proof has been linguistic, ethno- 
logical, physical, geographical, and monumental. 

Nothing could be slenderer than the alleged 
correspondences of languages, and we can see in 
Horsford's Discovery of America by N'orthmenio 
what a fanciful extent a confident enthusiasm 
can carry it.^^ 



1 American in Iceland (Boston, 1876). 

2 Land of Desolation (New York, 1872). There is a French version in the Tour du Monde, xxvi. 

3 Lectures delivered in America (Philad., 1875), — third lecture. 

4 Europder in Amerika vor Columbus, nach Quellen bearbeitet von P. Oswald Moosniilller (Regensburg, 

1879). 

5 Larger History of the United States (N. Y., 1S86). 

6 Discoveries of America (N. Y., 1884). 

7 Particularly Beauvois, already mentioned, and Dr. E. Loffler, on the Vinland Excursions of the Ancient 
Scandinavians, at the Copenhagen meeting, Comfte Rendu (1883), p. 64. Cf. also Michel Hardy's Les 
Scandinaves dans V Amerique du Nord au X* Siicle (Dieppe, 1874). 

8 R. G. Haliburton, in Roy. Geog. Soc. Proc. (Jan., 1885); Thomas Morgan, in Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans. 
iii. 75. 

9 E. N. Horsford's Discovery of America by the Northmen (Boston, 1888) ; Anderson's America not dis' 
covered by Columbus, 3d ed., p. 30 ; N. V. Nation, Nov. 17, 1887 ; Mag. Amer. Hist., Mar., 1888, p. 223. 

10 Remarks of Wm. Everett and Chas. Deane in the society's Proceedings, May, 1880. 

11 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Dec, 1887. The most incautious linguistic inferences and the most uncritical 
cartological perversions are presented by Eben Norton Horsford in his Discovery of America by the North- 
men — address at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen, Oct. 2q, 1887 (Boston, 1888). Cf. Oscar 
Brenner in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Munich, Dec. 6, 1888). A trustful reliance upon the reputa- 
tions of those who have in greater or less degree accepted the details of the sagas characterizes a paper by 
Mrs. Ole Bull in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., Mar., 1888. She is naturally not inclined to make much allowance 
for the patriotic zeal of the northern writers. 

12 The best list is in P. B. Watson's " Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America," originally in the 
Library Jourjtal, vi. 259, but more complete in Anderson's America not discovered by Columbus (3d ed., 
Chicago, 1883). Cf. also Chavanne's Literature of the Polar Regions ; Th. Solberg's Bibliog. of Scandinavia, 
in English, with magazine articles, in F. W. Horn's Hist, of the lit. of the Scandinavian North (1884, pp. 
413-500). There is a convenient brief list in Slafter's Voyages of the Northmen (pp. 127-140), and a not 
very well selected one in Marie A. Brown's Icelandic Discoverers. Poole'' s Index indicates the considerable 
amount of periodical discussions. The Scandinavian writers are mainly referred to by Miss Brown and Mrs. 
Bull. 

18 Forster finds a corruption of Norvegia (Norway) in Norumbega. Rafn finds the Norse elements in the 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 99 

The ethnological traces are only less shadowy, kins ; " and in proof he points out resemblances 

Hugo Grotiusi contended that the people of between the Eddas and the Algonkin mythol- 

Central America were of Scandinavian descent, ogy.^ It is even stated that the Micmacs have 

Brasseur found remnants of Norse civilization a tradition of a people called Chenooks, who 

in the same region.-^ Viollet le Due ^ discovers in ships visited their coast in the tenth century, 

great resemblances in the northern religious The physical and geographical evidences are 

ceremonials to those described in the Popiil held to exist in the correspondences of the coast 

Vuh. A general resemblance did not escape line to the descriptions of the sagas, including 

the notice of Humboldt. Gravier'* is certain the phenomena of the tides "and the length of 

that the Aztec civilization is Norse.^ Chas. the summer day.^ Laing and others, who make 

Godfrey Leland claims that the old Norse spirit no question of the main fact, readily recognize 

pervades the myths and legends of the Algon- the too great generality and contradictions of 

kins, and that it is impossible not to admit that the descriptions to be relied upon.^ 

there must have been at one time " extensive in- George Bancroft, in showing his distrust, has 

tercourse between the Northmen and the Algon- said that the advocates of identification can no 

words Massachusetts, Nauset, and Mount Hope {Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc..\\\\. 194-198). The word Hole, used 
as synonymous to harbor in various localities along the Vineyard Sound, has been called a relic of the Icelandic 
HoU, a hill {Mag. Amer. Hist., June, 1882, p. 431 ; Jos. S. Fay in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xii. 334; and in 
Anderson, America not discovered by Columbus, 3d ed.). 

Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Nations civilisees du Mexique, and more emphatically in his Grammaire 
Quichee, had indicated what he thought a northern incursion before Leif, in certain seeming similarities to 
the northern tongues of those of Guatemala. Cf. also Nouv. Annales des Voyages, 6th ser., xvi. 263 ; N. V. 
Tribune, Nov. 21, 1855 ; Bancroft's Native Races, iii. 762. 

1 De origine gentium Americanarutn (1642). 

2 Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, 6th ser., vols. iii. and vi. 

3 In Charnay's Ruines, etc. (Paris, 1867). 

4 Decouverte de V America par les Normands (Paris, 1864). 

5 H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 11 5-16, gives references on the peopling of America from the northwest of 
Europe. 

6 Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., xiv. 1887 ; also printed separately as Mythology, legends and Folk-lore of the 
Algonquins. Cf. also his Algotiquin Legends of New England (1885). Cf. D. G. Brinton in Amer. Anti- 
quarian, May, 1885. 

'' Mr. Mitchell, of the U. S. Coast Survey, has attended to this part of the subject, and Horsford (p. 28) 
quotes his MS. He finds on the Massachusetts coast what he thinks a sufficient correspondence to the de- 
scription of the sagas. 

8 So plain a matter as the length of the longest summer day would indubitably point to an absolute parallel 
of latitude as determining the site of Vinland, if there was no doubt in the language of the saga. Unfortu- 
nately there is a wide divergence of opinion in the meaning of the words to be depended upon, even among 
Icelandic scholars ; and the later writers among them assert that Rafn {Antiq. Amer. 436) and Magnusen in 
interpreting the language to confirm their theory of the Rhode Island bays have misconceived. Their argu- 
ment is summarized in the French version of Wheaton. John M'Caul translated Finn Magnusen's " Ancient 
Scandinavian divisions of the times of. day," in the Memoire de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord (1836-37). 
Rask disputes Rafn's deductions {Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xviii. 22). Torfaeus, who is our best commentator 
after all, says it meant Newfoundland. Robertson put it at 58° north. Dahlmann in his Forschungen{vo\. i.) 
places it on the coast of Labrador. Horsford (p. 66) at some length admits no question that it must have 
been between 41^ and 43° north. Cf. Laing's Heimskringla, i. 173; Palfrey's New Efigland,i. 55 ; De 
Costa's Pre-Columbian Disc, p. 33; Weise's Discoveries of America, 31 ; and particularly Vigfusson in his 
English-Icelandic Dictionary under " Eykt." 

9 " The discover^' of America," says Laing {Heimskringla, i. 154), " rests entirely upon documentary evidence 
which cannot, as in the case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to be discovered in America." Laing 
and many of the commentators, by some strange process of reasoning, have determined that the proof of these 
MS. records being written before Columbus' visit to Iceland in 1477 is sufficient to establish the priority of 
discovery for the Northmen, as if it was nothing in the case that the sagas may or may not be good history ; 
and nothing that it was the opinion entertained in Europe at that time that Greenland and the more distant 
lands were not a new continent, but a prolongation of Europe by the north. It is curious, too, to observe that, 
treating of events after 1492, Laing is quite willing to believe in any saga being " filled up and new invented," 
but is quite unwilling to believe anything of the kind as respects those written anterior to 1492 ; and yet he 
goes on to prove conclusively that the Flatoyensis Codex is full of fable, as when the saga man makes the 
eider-duck lay eggs where during the same weeks the grapes ripen and intoxicate when fresh, and the wheat 
forms in the ear ! Laing nevertheless rests his case on the Flatoyensis Codex in its most general scope, and 
calls poets, but not antiquaries, those who attempt to make any additional evidence out of imaginary runes or 
the identification of places. 



100 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



farther agree than to place Vinland anywhere The earliest to go so far as to establish to a 
from Greenland to Africa.^ certainty ^ the sites of the sagas was Rafn, who 



ss: 



kF 



MAP 

CHARLES C.-RATN \ 1 



=5F 



A-ijoJ"" 



W 






.nirhf 






tojurnJfT 
tfUrS 



' X. 



-^fJ> 







1 It must be remembered that this divergence was not so wide to the Northmen as it seems to us. With 
them the Atlantic was sometimes held to be a great basin that was enclasped from northwestern Europe by a 
prolongation of Scandinavia into Greenland, Helluland, and Markland, and it was a question if the more 
distant region of Vinland did not belong rather to the corresponding prolongation of Africa on the south. 
Cf. De Costa, Pre-Columbian Disc, loS; Hist. Mag., xiii. 46. 

2 He wrote : " Here for the first time will be found indicated the precise spot where the ancient Northmen 
held their intercourse." The committee of the Mass. Hist. Soc. objected to this extreme confidence. Pro- 
ceedings, ii. 97, 107, 500, 505. 



Note. — The above map is a fac-simile of one of C. C. Rafn's maps. Cf. the maps in Smith, Beamish. 
Gravier, Slafter, Preble's Amer. Flag, etc. 




DIGHTON ROCK.* 



* Reproduction of part of the plate in the Antiquitates AmericajtcB, after a drawing by J. R. Bartlett. The 
engravings of the rock are numerous : Mem. Amer. Acad., iii. ; the works of Beamish, J. T. Smith, Gravier, 
Gay, Higginson, etc. ; Laing's Heiviskringla ; the French ed. of Wh^atonj Hermes* Entdeckung von Ame- 



I02 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

placed them on the coast of Massachusetts and many people believe that the earthworks of 

Rhode Island, wherein nearly all those have fol- Onondaga were Scandinavian. A pretended 

lowed him who have thought it worth while to runic inscription on a stone said to have been 

be thus particular as to headland and bay. found in the Grave Creek mound was sedulously 

In applying the saga names they have, how- ascribed to the Northmen.* What some have 
ever, by no means agreed, for Krossanes is with called a runic inscription exists on a rock near 
some Point Alderton, at the entrance of Boston Yarmouth in Nova Scotia, which is interpreted 
Harbor, and with others the Gurnet Head ; the " Hako's son addressed the men," and is sup- 
island where honey dew was found is Nantucket posed to commemorate the expedition of Thor- 
with Rafn, and with De Costa an insular region, finn in A. D. 1007.^ A rock on the little islet 
Nauset, now under water near the elbow of Cape of Menana, close to Monhegan, on the coast of 
Cod;i the Vinland of Rafn is in Narragansett Maine, and usually referred to as the Monhegan 
Bay, that of Dr. A. C. Hamlin is at Merry Meet- Rock, bears certain weather marks, and there 
ing Bay on the coast of Maine,^ and that of Hors- have been those to call them runes.e A similar 
ford is north of Cape Cod,^ — not to mention claim is made for a rock in the Merrimac Val- 
other disagreements of other disputants. ley .7 Rafn describes such rocks as situated in 

We get something more tangible, if not more Tiverton and Portsmouth Grove, R. I., but the 

decisive, when we come to the monumental evi- markings were Indian, and when Dr. S. A. 

dences. DeWitt Clinton and Samuel L. Mit- Green visited the region in 1868 some of them 

chell found little difficulty at one time in making had disappeared.^ 

1 De Costa, Pre-Col. Disc, 29 ; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., xviii. 37 ; Gay, Pop. Hist., i. 41 ; Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., viii. 72 ; Am. Geog. Soc. Journal, 1870, p. 50; Amer. Naturalist, Aug. and Sept., 1879. 

2 Am. Ass. Adv. Science, Proc. (1856), ii. 214. 

3 Cf. paper on the site of Vinland in Hist. Mag., Feb., 1874, P- 94 ; Alex. Farnum's Visit of the Northmen 
to Rhode Island {R. I. Hist. Tracts, no. 2, 1877). The statement of the sagas that there was no frost in 
Vinland and grass did not wither in winter compels some of the identifiers to resort to the precession of the 
equinox as accounting for changes of climate (Gay's Pop. Hist., i. 50). 

4 E. G. Squier in Ethnological Journal, 1848 ; Wilson's Prehist. Man, ii. 98 ; Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., 
i. 392 ; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, iv. ij8 ; Mem. de la Soc. royale des Antiq. du Nord, 1840-44, p. 127. 

6 Amer.Philos. Soc. Proc, May 2, 1884 (by Henry Phillips, Jr.) ; Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Philad., 
Proc, 1884, p. 17; Geo. S. Brown's Yarmouth (Boston, 1888). 

6 Wilson's Prehist. Man, ii. 98 ; Amer. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc, 1856, p. 214 ; Seance annuelle de la 
Soc. des Antiq. du Nord, May 14, 1859 ; H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Jan., 1888, p. 56. The 
Monhegan inscription, as examined by the late C. W. Tuttle and J. Wingate Thornton, was held to be natural 
markings (Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 308 ; Pulpit of the Revolution, 410). Charles Rau cites a striking instance 
of the way in which the lively imagination of Finn Magnusen has misled him in interpreting weather cracks on 
a rock in Sweden {Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 83). 

7 N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1854, p. 185. 

8 Antiquitates AmericancB, 335, 371, 401; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1868, p. 13; W. J. Miller's 
Wampanoag Indians. 

rica ; Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, i. 114, iv. 120; Drake's ed., Philad., 1884, i. p. 88; the Copenhagen Compte 
Rendu, Congrls des Americanistes, p. 70, from a photograph. The Hitchcock Museum at Amherst, Mass., 
had a cast, and one was shown at the Albany meeting (1836) of the Am. Asso. for the Adv. of Science. The 
rock was conveyed by deed in 1861 to the Roy. Soc. of Northern Antiquaries {Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, v. 226; 
vi. 252), but the society subsequently relinquished their title to a Boston committee, who charged itself with 
the care of the monument ; but in doing so the Danish antiquaries disclaimed all belief in its runic character 
{Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 236). 

Note. — The opposite plate is reduced from one in the Antiq. Americance. They show the difficulty, even 
before later weathering, of different i>ersons in discerning the same things on the rock, and in discriminating be- 
tween fissures and incisions. Col. Garrick Mallery {4th Rept. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 250) asserts that the 
inscription has been " so manipulated that it is difficult now to determine the original details." The drawings 
represented are enumerated in the text. Later ones are numerous, Rafn also gives that of Dr. Baylies and 
Mr. Gooding in 1790, and that made for the Rhode Island Hist. Society in 1830. The last has perhaps been 
more commonly copied than the others. Photographs of late years are common ; but almost invariably the 
photographer has chalked what he deems to be the design, — in this they do not agree, of course, — in order 
to make his picture clearer. I think Schoolcraft in making his daguerreotype was the first to do this. The 
most careful drawing made of late years is that by Professor Seager of the Naval Academy, under the direc- 
tion of Commodore Blake ; and there is in the Cabinet of the American Antiquarian Society a MS. essay 
on the rock, written at Blake's request by Chaplain Chas. R. Hale of the U. S. Navy. Haven disputes 
Blake's statement that a change in the river's bed more nearly submerges the rock at high tide than was 
formerly the case. Cf. Am. Antiq. 5^ Proc, Oct., 1864, p. 41, where a history of the rock is given ; and in 
Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 93. 




INSCRIPTION ON DIGHTON ROCK. (See p. 102.) 



104 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

The most famous of all these alleged memo- the country, and it is said to be this portion of 

rials 1 is the Dighton Rock, lying in the tide on the inscription which modern Indians discard 

the side of Taunton River, in the town of Berke- when giving their interpretations. ^ That it is 

ley, in Massachusetts.^ Dr. De Costa thinks it the work of the Indian of historic times seems 

possible that the central portion may be runic, now to be the opinion common to the best 

This part is what has been interpreted to mean trained archaeologists.'* 

that Thorfinn with 151 men took possession of Rafn was also the first to proclaim the stone 

1 Cf. list of inscribed rocks in the Proceedings (vol. ii.) of the Davenport Acad, of Natural Sciences. 

2 The stone with its inscription early attracted attention, but Danforth's drawing of 1 680 is the earliest 
known. Cotton Mather, in a dedicatory epistle to Sir Henry Ashurst, prefixed to his WonderftU Works of 
God co7n7tiemorated (Boston, 1690), gave a cut of a part of the inscription ; and he communicated an account 
with a drawing of the inscription to the Royal Society in 1712, which appears in their Philosophical Trans- 
actions. Dr. Isaac Greenwood sent another draft to the Society of Antiquaries in London in 1730, and 
their Transactions in 1732 has this of Greenwood. In 1768 Professor Stephen Sewall of Cambridge made 
a copy of the natural size, which was sent in 1774 by Professor James Winthrop to the Royal Society. 
Dr. Stiles says that Sewall sent it to Gebelin, of the French Academy, whose members judged them to 
be Punic characters. Stiles himself, in 1783, in an election' sermon delivered at Hartford, spoke of "the 
visit by the Phoenicians, who charged the Dighton Rock and other rocks in Narragansett Bay with Punic 
inscriptions remaining to this day, which last I myself have repeatedly seen and taken off at large." Cf- 
Thornton's Pulpit of the Revolution^ p. 410. The Archczologia (London, viii. for 1786) gave various drawings, 
with a paper by the Rev. Michael Lort and some notes by Charles Vallancey, in which the opinion was 
expressed that the inscription was the work of a people from Siberia, driven south by hordes of Tartars. 
Professor Winthrop in 1 78S filled the marks, as he understood them, with printer's ink, and in this way took 
an actual impression of the inscription. His copy was engraved in the Memoirs of the American Academy 
of Arts and Sciences (vol. ii. for 1793). ^^ ^'^'^ t^^i^ copy by Winthrop which W^ashington in 1789 saw at 
Cambridge, when he pronounced the inscription as similar to those made by the Indians, which he had been 
accustomed to see in the western country during his life as a surveyor. Cf. Belknap Papers^ Mass. Hist. Soc. 
Coll.., ii. 76, 77,81 ; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, x. 114. In 1789 there was also presented to the Academy a copy 
made by Joseph Gooding vmder the direction of Francis Baylies {Belknap Papers, ii. 160). In the third 
volume of the Academy's Memoirs there are papers on the inscription by John Davis and Edward A. Kendall; 
Davis (1807) thinking it a representation of an Indian deer hunt, and Kendall later, in his Travels (vol. ii. 
1809), assigns it to the Indians. This description is copied in Barber's Historical Collections of Mass. (p. 
117). In 1812 a drawing was made by Job Gardner, and in 1825 there was further discussion in t\\&Memoires 
de la Societe de Geographic de Paris, and in the Hist, of New York by Yates and Moulton. In 183 1 there 
was a cut in Ira Hill's Antiquities of America explained (Hagerstown, Md.) This was in effect the history 
of the interest in the rock up to the appearance of Rafn's Atitiqtcitates AmericancB, in which for the first time 
the inscription was represented as being the work of the Northmen. This behef.is now shared by few, if 
any, temperate students. The exuberant Anderson thinks that the rock removes all doubt of the Northmen 
discovery {America not discovered by Colutnbus, pp. 21, 23, 83). The credulous Gravier has not a doubt. 
Cf. his Notice stir le roc de Dighton et le sejour des Scandtnaves en Amerique au cojnmencement du 
XP silcle (Nancy, 1875), reprinted from i\iQ,Compte Rendu, Congrls des Americanistes, i. 166, giving Rafn's 
drawing. The Rev. J. P. Bodfish accepts its evidence in the Proc. Second Pub. Meeting U. S. Cath. Hist. 
Soc. (N. Y., 1886). 

3 Pre-Columiian Discovery of America, p. Ivii. T)\q Brinley Catalogue, iii. 5378, gives Dammartin's Ex- 
plijication de la pierre de Taunston (Paris ? 1840-50) as finding in the inscription an astronomical theme by 
some nation foreign to America. Buckingham Smith believed it to be a Roman Catholic invocation, around 
which the Indians later put their symbols {Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr. 29, 1863, p. 32). For discussions 
more or less extensive see 'L?i\ng' s Heimskrittgla,i. 175; Haven in Smithsonian Contributions, 1856, viii. 
133, in a paper on the "Archeology of the United States ;" Charles Rau in Mag. Amer. Hist., Feb., 1878; 
Apr., 1879; and in Amer. Antiquarian, i. 38; Daniel Wilson's Prehistoric Man, il gj ; J. R. Bartlett in 
Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Proc, 1872-73, p. 70; Haven and others in A7n. Antiq. Soc Proc, Oct., 1864, and 
Oct., 1867 ; H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, v. 74 ; Drake's N. E. Coast ; North Ainerican Rev., 1874 ; Amer. 
Biblical Repository, July, 1839; Historical Mag., Dec, 1859, and March, 1869; Lelewel's Moyen Age, iii.; 
H. W. Williams's transl. of Humboldt's Travels, i. 157, etc. 

4 Schoolcraft wavered in his opinion. (Cf. Haven, 133.) He showed Gooding's drawing to an Algonkin 
chief, who found in it a record of a battle of the Indians, except that some figures near the centre did not 
belong to it, and these Schoolcraft thought might be runic, as De Costa has later suggested; but in 1853 
Schoolcraft made no reservation in pronouncing it entirely Indian {Indian Tribes, i. 112; iv. 120; pi. 14). 
Wilson {Prehist. Man, ii., ch. 19) is severe on Schoolcraft. On the general character of Indian rock 
inscriptions, — some of which in the delineations accompanying these accounts closely resemble the Dighton 
Rock, — see Mallery in the Bureau of Ethnology, Fourth Report, p. 19; Lieut. A. M. Wheeler's Report on 
Indian tribes in Pacific Rail Road Reports, ii. ; J. G. Bruff on those of Green River in the Sierra Nevada, in 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 105 

tower now standing at Newport, R. I., as a work sent such an account of it to the Royal Society 

of the Northmen ; but the recent antiquaries of Northern Antiquaries that it was looked upon 

without any exception worth considering, be- as another and distinct proof of the identifica- 

lieve that the investigations have shown that tion of Vinland. Later antiquaries have dis- 

it was erected by Governor Arnold of Rhode missed all beliefs of that nature.^ 

Island as a windmill, sometime between 1670 There is not a single item of all the evidence 

and 1680 ; and Palfrey in his New England is thus advanced from time to time which can be 

thought to have put this view beyond doubt in said to connect by archaeological traces the 

showing the close correspondence in design of presence of the Northmen on the soil of North 

the tower to a mill at Chesterton, in England.^ America south of Davis' Straits. Arguments 

Certain hearthstones which were discovered of this kind have been abandoned except by a 

over twenty-five years ago under a peat bed on few enthusiastic advocates. 
Cape Cod were held at the time to be a Norse 

relic.2 In 1831 there was exhumed in Fall River, That the Northmen voyaging to Vinland en- 
Mass., a skeleton, which had with it what seemed countered natives, and that they were called 
to be an ornamental belt made of metal tubes, Skraelings, may be taken as a sufficiently broad 
formed by rolling fragments of flat brass and an statement in the sagas to be classed with those 
oblong plate of the same metal, — not of bronze, concomitants of the voyages which it is reason- 
as is usually said,— with some arrow-heads, cut able to accept. Sir William Dawson [Fossil 
evidently from the same material. The other Men, 49) finds it easy to believe that these na- 
concomitants of the burial indicated an Indian tives were our red Indians ; and Gallatin saw 
of the days since the English contact. The skel- no reason to dissociate the Eskimos with other 
eton attracted notice in this country by being American tribes."* That they were Eskimos 
connected with the Norsemen in Longfellow's seems to be the more commonly accepted 
ballad. The Skeleton in Armor, and Dr. Webb view.^ 

Smithsonian Rept. (1872); Americajt Antiquarian, iv.259;vi. 119; Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, 
nos. 42, 44, 52, 53, 56 ; T. Ewbank's No. Amer. Rock Writing (Morrisania, 1866) ; Brinton's Myths of the 
New World, p. 10 ; Tylor's Early Hist. Mankind; Dr. Richard Andrea's Ethnographische Parallelen tend 
Vergleiche {Stuttgzrd, 1878). It is Mallery's opinion that no "considerable information of value in an his- 
torical point of view will be obtained directly from the interpretations of the Pictographs in North America." 

1 Palfrey, i. p. 57; Higginson's Larger Hist., 44; Gay's Pop. Hist., i. 59, 60; Laing's Heimskringld,\. 
183; Charles T. Brooks's Controversy touching the old stone mill in Newport (Newport, 1851); Peterson's 
Rhode Island ; Drake's New England Coast ; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, iv. 120 ; Bishop's Ajuer. Matm- 
factures, i. 118 ; C. S. Pierce in Science, iv. 512, who endeavored by measurement to get at what was the unit 
of measure used, — an effort not very successful. Cf. references in Poole'' s Index, p. 913. 

Gaffarel accepts the Rafn view in his Etttdes sur la rapports, etc., 282, as does Gravier in his Normands 
sur la route, p. 168 ; and De Costa {Pre-Columbiajt Disc, p. Iviii) intimates that " all is in a measure doubt- 
ful." R. G. Hatfield {Scribner^s Monthly, Mar., 1879) i" ^.n illustrated paper undertook to show by com- 
parison with Scandinavian building that what is now standing is but the central part of a Vinland baptistery, 
and that the projection which supported the radiating roof timbers is still to be seen. This paper was 
answered by George C. Mason {Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 541, Sept., 1S79, with other remarks in the Amer. 
Architect, Oct, 4, 1879), '^^ho rehearsed the views of the local antiquaries as to its connection with Gov. 
Arnold. Cf. Reminiscences of Newport, by Geo. C. Mason, 1S84. 

2 Hist. Mag., Apr., 1862, p. 123; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1865, p. 372; Abner Morse's Traces of the 
Ancient Northmen iti America (Aug., 1861), with a Supplement (Boston, 1887). 

3 Memoires de la Soc. roy. des Antiq. du Nord, 1843 ! New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc, vi. ; Stone's Brant, ii. 
593-94 ; Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, \. 127 ; Smithsonian Rept., 1883, p. 902 ; Dr. Kneeland in Peabody Mus. 
Repts., no. 20, p. 543. The skeleton was destroyed by fire about 1843. 

4 Dawkins in his Cave Hunters accounts them survivors of the cave dwellers of Europe. Cf. Wilson's 
Prehistoric Man. A. R. Grote {Amer. Naturalist, Apr., 1877) holds them to be the survivors of the palaeo- 
lithic man. 

5 E. Beauvois' Les Skroelings, Ancetres des Esquimaux (Paris, 1879) ; B. F. DeCosta in Pop. Science 
Monthly, Nov., 1884 ; A. S. Packard on their former range southward, in the American Naturalist, xix. 471, 
553, and his paper on the Eskimos of Labrador, in Appleton's Journal, Dec. 9, 1871 (reprinted in Beach's 
Indian Miscellany, Albany, 1877). Humboldt holds them to have been driven across America to Europe 
(Views of Nature, Bohn's ed., 123). Ethnologists are not wholly agreed as to the course of their migrations. 
The material for the ethnological study of the Eskimos must be looked for in the narratives of the Arctic 
voyagers, like Scoresby, Parry, Ross, O'Reilly, Kane, C. F. Hall, and the rest; in the accounts by the mission- 
aries like Egede, Crantz, and others ; by students of ethnology, like Lubbock {Prehist. Times, ch. 14) ; Prichard 
{Researches, v. 367) ; Waitz {Amerikaner, i. 300) ; the Abbe Morillot {Mythologie et legendes des Esquimaux 
du Groenland in the Actes de la Soc. Philologique (Pans, 1875), ^^1. iv.) ; Morgan {Systems of Consanguinity^ 



io6 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



That the climate of the Atlantic coast of the 
United States and the British provinces was 
such as was favorable to the present Arctic 
dwellers is held to be shown by such evidences 
as tusks of the walrus found in phosphate beds 
in South Carolina. Rude implements found in 
the interglacial Jersey drift have been held by 
C. C. Abbott to have been associated with a 
people of the Eskimo stock, and some have 
noted that palaeolithic implements found in 
Pennsylvania closely resemble the work of the 
modern Eskimos {Amer. Antiquarian^ i. io).i 
Dall remarks upon implements of Innuit origin 



being found four hundred miles south of the 
present range of the Eskimos of the northwest 
coast ( Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, i. p. 98). 
Charlevoix says that Eskimos were occasionally 
seen in Newfoundland in the beginning of the 
last century ; and ethnologists recognize to-day 
the same stock in the Eskimos of Labrador and 
Greenland. 

The best authority on the Eskimos is generally 
held to be Hinrich Rink, and he contends that- 
they formerly occupied the interior of the con- 
tinent, and have been pressed north and across 
Behring's Straits.2 W. H. Dall holds similar 




HENRIK RINK.* 

267), who excludes them from his Ganowanian family ; Irving C. Rosse on the northern inhabitants {Journal 
Amer. Geog. Soc, 1883, p. 163) ; Ludwig Kumlien in his Cotttributions to the natural history of Arctic 
America, made in connection with the Howgate polar expedition, i^jy-yZ, in Bull, of the U. S. Naval 
Museum (Washington, 1879), no. 15; and his paper in the Smithsonian Report (1878). There are several 
helpful papers in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute (London), vol. i., by Richard King, on their 
intellectual character ; vol. iv. by P. C. Sutherland ; vol. vii. by John Rae on their migrations, and W. H. 
Flower on their skulls ; vol. ix. by W. J. Sollars on their bone implements. For other references see Bancroft, 
Native Races, i. 41, 138; Poolers Index, p. 424, and Supplement, p. 146. 

1 This evidence is of course rather indicative of a geological antiquity not to be associated with the age of 
the Northmen. Cf. Murray's Distribution of Animals, 128 ; Howarth's Mammoth and Flood, 285. 

2 Rink, born in 1819 in Copenhagen, spent much of the interval from 1853 to 1872 in Greenland. Pilling 
\^Bibl. Eskimo Language, p. 80) gives the best account of Rink's publications. His principal book is Gr'onland 



* After a likeness given by Nordenskjold in his Exped. till Gr'onland, p. i2f. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



107 



views.i C. R. Markham, who dates their first 
appearance in Greenland in 1349, contends, on 
the other hand, that they came from the west 
(Siberia) along the polar regions (Wrangell 
Land), and drove out the Norse settlers in Green- 
land.2 The most active of the later students of 
the Eskimos is Dr. Franz Boas, now of New 
York, who has discussed their tribal boundaries.^ 

F. The Lost Greenland Colonies. — 
After intercourse with the colonies in Greenland 
ceased, and definite tradition in Iceland had die^ 
out, and when the question of the re-discovery 
should arise, it was natural that attention 
should first be turned to that coast of Green- 
land which lay opposite Iceland as the likelier 
sites of the lost colonies, and in this way we find 
all the settlements placed in the maps of the 
sixteenth century. The Archbishop Erik Wal- 
kendorf, of Lund, in the early part of that cen- 
tury had failed to persuade the Danish govern- 
ment to send an expedition. King Frederick II 
was induced, however, to send one in 1 568 ; but 
it accomplished nothing; and again in 1579 he 
put another in command of an Englishman, 
Jacob Allday, but the ice prevented his landing. 
A Danish navigator was more successful in 
1 581 ; but the coast opposite Iceland yielded as 
yet no traces of the Norse settlers. Frobisher's 
discovery of the west coast seems to have failed 



of recognition among the Danes ; but they with 
the rest of Europe did not escape noting the im- 
portance of the explorations of John Davis in 
1585-86, through the straits which bear his name. 
It now became the belief that the west settle- 
ment must be beyond Cape Farewell. In 1605, 
Christian IV of Denmark sent a new expe- 
dition under Godske Lindenow; but there was 
a Scotchman in command of one of the three 
ships, and Jacob Hall, who had probably served 
under Davis, went as the fleet pilot. He guided 
the vessels through Davis's Straits. But it was 
rather the purpose of Lindenow to find a north- 
west passage than to discover a lost colony ; 
and such was mainly the object which impelled 
him again in 1606, and inspired Karsten Rikard- 
sen in 1607. Now and for some years to come 
we have the records of voyages made by the 
whalers to this region, and we read their narra- 
tives in Purchas and in such collections of voy- 
ages as those of Harris and Churchill.* They 
yield us, however, little or no help in the prob- 
lem we are discussing. In 1670 and 1671 Chris- 
tian V sent expeditions with the express purpose 
of discovering the lost colonies ; but Otto Ax- 
elsen, who commanded, never returned from his 
second voyage, and we have no account of his 
first. 

The mission of the priest Hans Egede gave 
the first real glimmer of light.^ He was the 



geographisch utid statistisch beschrieben (Stuttgart, i860). The English reader has access to his Tales and 
Traditions of the Eskimo, translated by Rink himself, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown (London, 1875) > *^ 
Danish Greenland, its people and its products, ed. by Dr. Brown (London, 1877). Rink says of this work 
that in its English dress it must be considered a new book. He also published The Eskimo tribes ; their 
distribution and characteristics, especially in regard to language. With a comparative vocabulary (Co- 
penhagen, etc., 1887). He also considered their dialects as divulging the relationship of tribes in i\vt Journal 
of the Anthropological htstitute (xv. 239) ; and in the same journal (1872, p. 104) he has written of their descent. 
Rink also furnished to the Compte Rendu, Congrts des Americanistes, a paper on the traditions of Greenland 
(Nancy, 1875, ii- ^S^)* ^"^^ (Luxembourg, 1877, ii. 327) another on " L'habitat primitif des Esquimaux." 
Dr. Brown has also considered the " Origin of the Eskimo " in the Archceological Review (i888), no. 4. 

1 Alaska and its Resources, p. 374 ; and in Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, i. 93. 

2 "On the origin and migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux" in the Journal Royal Geog. Soc, 1865; 
"The Arctic highlanders " in the Lond. Ethnol. Soc. Trans. (1866), iv. 125, and in Arctic Geography and 
Ethnology (London, 1875), published by the Royal Geog. Society. 

3 American Antiquarian, Jan., 1888. Cf. other papers by him in the Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada, vol. v. 
"A year among the Eskimos" in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc, 1887, xix. p. 383 ; " Reise in Baffinland" 
in the proceedings of the Berlin Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde (1885). Cf. Filling's Eskimo Bibliog., p. 12 ; and 
for linguistic evidences of tribal differences, pp. 69-72, 81-82. Cf. also H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, iii. 
574, and Lucien Adam's "En quoi la langue Esquimaude, defffere-t-elle grammaticalement des autres langues 
de I'Amerique du Nord? " in the Compte Rendu, Congrls des A^ner. (Copenhagen), p. 337. 

Anton von Etzel's Gr'dnland, geographisch und statistisch beschrieben aus D'dnischen Quellschriften 
(Stuttgart, i860) goes cursorily over the early history, and describes the Eskimos. Cf. F. Schwatka in Amer. 
Magazine, Aug., 1888. 

4 There is an easy way of tracing these accounts in Joel A. Allen's List of Works and Papers relating to 
the mammalian orders of Cete and Sirenia, extracted from the Bulletin of Hayden's U. S. Geol. and Geog. 
Survey (Washington, 1882). It is necessary to bear in mind that Spitzbergen is often called Greenland in 
these accounts. 

6 His book, Det gamle Grbnlands nye Perlustration, etc., was first published at Copenhagen in 1729. 
Pilling {Bibliog. of the Eskimo language, p. 26) was able to find only a single copy of this book, that in the 
British Museum. Muller {Books on America, Amsterdam, 1872, no. 648) describes a copy. This first edition 
escaped the notice oS J. A. Allen, whose list is very carefully prepared (nos. 217, 220, 226, 230, 235). There 



io8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



earliest to describe the ruins and relics observ- 
able on the west coast, but he continued to re- 
gard the east settlements as belonging to the 
east coast, and so placed them on the map. 
Anderson "(Hamburg, 1746) went so far as to 
place on his map the cathedral of Gardar in a 
fixed location on the east coast, and his map 
was variously copied in the following years. 

In 17S6 an expedition left Copenhagen to ex- 
plore the east coast for traces of the colonies, 
but the ice prevented the approach to the coast, 



and after attempts in that year and in 1787 the 
effort was abandoned. Heinrich Peter von Eg- 
gers, in his 6>w Gronlands osterbygds sande Belig' 
genhed (1792), and Ueber die wahre Lage des 
alien Ostgronlands (Kiel, 1794), a German trans- 
lation, first advanced the opinion that the east- 
ern colony as well as the western must have 
been on the west coast, and his views were 
generally accepted ; but Wormskjold in the 
Skandinavisk Litteraturselskab^ s Skrifter, vol. x. 
(Copenhagen, 1814), still adhered to the earlier 



X)et samle 



ireKiflnb^ 



?«i>e 



PERLUSTRATION . 



^m 




mtm\\imt, 



S5e|!tiMfe t>ut kt gamle ©t^nlanW Situation > 

Sttft, Temperament Og S5c|Taffcn()Cl); 
5>e ^mrc 9lpr|?c"Coionicrs S5f0t)nbe(fe 09 UnbiT5aa9.?ri: 

Sebc»^:y?aa^et)9 ^anbmin^er, famt ^tab eaer$ UnHi 
Wt eg ^\Hx af ficj/ faafom ^w, Wt n fmu ^'c m^ 

•Oan^t(f linger. 



HANS EGEDE, 

§orb<i» MisConair u6i ©vculfltit>. 



^mr-^ 



JH¥ 



it30iBi£9U3?iQ39?, 174'- 

REDUCED FAC-SIMILE. 

[Harvard College Library copy.] 

were two German editions of this original form of the book, Frankfort, 1730, and Hamburg, 1740, according 
to the Carter-Broum Catalogue (ii. 448, 647), but Pilling gives only the first. The 1729 edition was enlarged 
in the Copenhagen edition of 1 741, which has a map, " Gronlandia Antiqua," showing the east colony and 
west colony, respectively, east and west of Cape Farewell. This edition is the basis of the various transla- 
tions : In German, Copenhagen, 1742, using the plates of the 1741 ed. ; Berlin, 1763. In Dutch, Delft, 1746. 
In French, Copenhagen, 1763. In English, London, 1745 ; abstracted in the Philosoph. Transactions Royal 
Sac. (1744), xlii- no. 47 ; and again, London (1818), with an historical introduction based on Torfaeus and La 
Peyrere. Crantz epitomizes Egede's career in Greenland. 

The bibliography in Sabin's Dictionary (vi. 22,018, etc.) confounds the Greenland journal (1770-78) of Hans 
Egede's grandson, Hans Egede Saabye (b. 1746; d. 1817), with the work of the grandfather. This journal is 
of importance as regards the Eskimos and the missions among them. There is an English version : Green- 
land: extracts from a journal kept in 1770 to 1778. Prefixed an introduction ; illus. by chart of Green- 
land, by G. Fries. Transl. from the German [by H. E. Lloyd] (London, 1818). The map follows that of^ 
the son of Hans, Paul Egede, whose Nachrichteit von Grbnland aus einem Tagebuche von Bischof Paul 
Egede (Copenhagen, 1790) must also be kept distinct. Filling's Bibliog. of the Eskimo language affords the 
best guide. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. IO9 

opinions, and Saabye still believed it possible to G. Madoc and the Welsh. — Respecting 

reach the east coast. the legends of Madoc, there are reports, which 

Some years later (1828-31) W. A. Graah made, Humboldt {Cosmos, Bohn, ii. 610) failed to ve- 

by order of the king of Denmark, a thorough rify, of Welsh bards rehearsing the story before 

examination of the east coast, and in his Under- 1492,^ and of statements in the early Welsh 

sogelses Reise til Ostkysten af Grbiiland (Copen- annals. The original printed source is in Hum- 

hagen, 1832)1 he was generally thought to estab- frey Lloyd's History of Cambria, now called 

lish the great improbability of any traces of a Wales, written in the British language [by Cara- 

colony ever existing on that coast. Of late years doc] aboiit 200 years past (London, 1584).*' 

Graah's conclusions have been questioned, for The book contained corrections and additions 

there have been some sites of buildings discovered by David Powell, and it was in these that the 

on the east side.^ The Reverend J. Brodbeck, passages of importance were found, and the 

a missionary, described some in The Moravian supposition was that the land visited lay near 

Quarterly, July and Aug., 1882. Nordenskjold the Gulf of Mexico. Richard Hakluyt, in his 

has held that when the east coast is explored Principall Navigations, took the story from 

from 65° to 69°, there is a chance of discovering Powell, and connected the discovery with Mexi- 

the site of an east colony.^ co in his edition of 1589, and with the West 

R. H. Major, in a paper {Journal Roy. Geog. Indies in that of 1600 (iii. p. i), — and there was 

Soc., 1873, P- 1S4) on the site of the lost colony, not an entire absence of the suspicion that it 

questioned Graah's conclusions, and gave a was worth while to establish some sort of a 

sketch map, in which he placed its site near Cape British claim to antedate the Spanish one estab- 

Farewell ; and he based his geographical data lished through Columbus.' 

largely upon the chorography of Greenland and The linguistic evidences were not brought 

the sailing directions of Ivan Bardsen, who was into prominence till after one Morgan Jones had 

probably an Icelander living in Greenland some fallen among the Tuscaroras^ in 1660, and 

time in the fifteenth century.^ found, as he asserted, that they could under- 

1 An English translation by Macdougall was published in London in 1837 (Pilling, p. 38; Field, no. 619). 
A French version of Graah's introduction with notes by M. de la Roquette was published in 1835. C^* 
Journal Royal Geog. Soc, i. 247. After Graah's publication Rafn placed the Osterbygden on the west coast 
in his map. Graah's report (1830) is in French in the Biill. de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, 1S30. 

2 On the present scant, if not absence of, population on the east coast of Greenland, see J. D. Whitney's 
Climatic Changes of later geological ti?nes {Miis. of Comp. Zool. Mem., vii. p. 303, Cambridge, 1882). 

3 The changes in opinion respecting the sites of the colonies and the successive explorations are followed 
in the Compte Rendtt, Congres des Americanistes by Steenstrup (p. 114) and by Valdemar-Schmidt, "Sur 
les Voyages des Danois au Greenland" (195, 205, with references). Cf. on these lost colonies and the search 
for them Westminster Review, xxvii. 139 ; Harper's Monthly, xliv. 65 (by I.. I. Hayes) ; Lippincott's Mag.^ 
Aug., 1878 ; Amer. Church Rev., xxi. 338 ; and in the general histories. La Peyrere (Dutch transl.. Amster- 
dam, 1678) ; Crantz (Eng. transl., 1767, p. 272); Egede (Eng. ed., 1818, introd.) ; and Rink's Dajiish Green- 
land, ch. T. 

4 The original of Bardsen's account has disappeared, but Rafn puts it in Latin, translating from an early 
copy found in the Faroe Islands {Antiqititates Americajtce, p. 300). Purchas gives it in English, from a 
copy which had belonged to Hudson, being translated from a Dutch version which Hudson had borrowed, the 
Dutch being rendered by Barentz from a German version. Major also prints it in Voyages of the Zeni. He 
recognizes in Bardsen's "Gunnbiorn's Skerries" the island which is marked in Ruysch's map (1507) as blown 
up in 1456 (see Vol. HI. p. 9). 

5 Hakluyt, however, prints some pertinent verses by Meredith, a Welsh bard, in 1477. 

6 Murphy Catal., no. 1489 ; Sabin, x. p. 322; Carter-Brown Catal. for eds. of 1584, 1697, 1702, 1774, iSii^ 
1832, etc. 

"' In the seventeenth century there were a variety of symptoms of the English eagerness to get the claims of 
Madoc substantiated, as in Sir Richard Hawkins's Observations (Hakluyt Soc, 1847), and James Howell's 
Familiar Letters (London, 1645). Belknap {Amer. Biog., 1794, i. p. 58) takes this view of Hakluyt's purpose ; 
but Pinkerton, Voyages, 1812, xii. 157, thinks such a charge an aspersion. The subject was mentioned with some 
particularity or incidentally by Purchas, Abbott {Brief Description, London, 1620, 1634, 1677), Smith {Vir- 
ginia), and Fox {North-West Fox). Sir Thomas Herbert in his Relation of some Travaile into Africa and 
Asia (London, 1634) tracks Madoc to Newfoundland, and he also found Cymric words in Mexico, which 
assured him in his search for further proofs (Bohn's Lowndes, p. 1049 ; Carter-Brown, ii. 413, 1166). 

The Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1671) made the story more familiar. It 
necessarily entered into the discussions of the learned men who, in the seventeenth century, were busied with 
the question of the origin of the Americans, as in De Laet's Not(B ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii (Paris, 
1643), who is inclined to believe the story, as is Hornius in his De Originibus Americaniis (1652). 

8 Cf. Catlin's No. Amer. Indians, i. 207 ; ii. 259, 262. 



no 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



stand his Welsh. He wrote a statement of his 
experience in 1685-6, which was not printed till 
1740.1 

During the eighteenth century we find Cam- 
panius in his Nye Swerige (1702) repeating the 
story; Torfaeus [Hist. Vinlandice, 1705) not re- 
jecting it; Carte [England, 1747) thinking it 
probable ; while Campbell [Admirals, 1742), 
Lyttleton [Henry the Second, 1767), and Robert- 
son {America, \']T]) thought there was no 
ground, at least, for connecting the story with 
America. 

It was reported that in 1764 a man, Griffeth, 
was taken by the Shawnees to a tribe of Indians 
who spoke Welsh.^ In 1768, Charles Beatty 
published his Journal of a two months^ Tour in 
America (London), in which he repeated infor- 
mation of Indians speaking Welsh in Pennsyl- 



vania and beyond the Mississippi, and of the 
finding of a Welsh Bible among them. 

In 1772-73, David Jones wandered among the 
tribes west of the Ohio, and in 1774, at Burling- 
ton, published his Journal of two visits, in which 
he enumerates the correspondence of words 
which he found in their tongues with his native 
Welsh.3 

Wit;hout noting other casual mentions, some 
of which will be found in Paul Barron Wat- 
son's bibliography (in Anderson's America not 
discovered by Columbus, p. 142), it is enough 
to say that towards the end of the century the 
papers of John Williams* and George Burder* 
gave more special examination to the subject 
than had been applied before. 

The renewed interest in the matter seems to 
have prompted Southey to the writing of his 




A BRITISH SHIP.* 

1 Gentleman's Magazine. It is reprinted in H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, v. iig, and in Baldwin's Anc, 
America, 286. Cf. John Paul Marana, Letters writ by a Turkish Spy, 1691, and later. The story had been 
told in The British Sailors'' Directory in 1739 (Carter-Brown, iii. 599). 

2 Warden's Recherches, p. 157 ; Amos Stoddard's Sketches of Louisiana (Philad., 1812), ch. 17, and Philad. 
Med. and Physicaljournal, 1805 ; with Vie^s pro and con by Harry Toulmin and B. S. Barton. 

3 The book was reprinted by Sabin, N. Y., 1865, with an introduction by Horatio Gates Jones. 

4 An inquiry into the truth of the tradition concerning the discovery of Am.erica by Prince Madog (Lond., 
1 791), and Further Observations . . . containing the account given by General Bowles, the Creek or Che- 
rokee Indian, lately in London, and by several others, of a Welsh tribe of Indians now living in the western 
parts of North America (Lond., 1792, — Field's Ind. Bibliog., nos. 1664-65). Carey's American Museum 
(April, May, 1792), xi. 152, etc., gave extracts from Williams. 

5 The Welsh Indians, or a collection of papers respecting a people whose ancestors emigrated from Wales 
to America with Prince Madoc, and who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side oj 
the Mississippi (l^ondon, 1797). He finds these conditions in the Padoucas. Goodson, Straits of Anian 
(Portsmouth, 1793), P- 7^> makes Padoucahs out of " Madogwys " ! 



* After a cut in The Mirror of Literature, etc. (London, 1823), vol. i. p. 177, showing a vessel then recently' 
exhumed in Kent, and supposed to be of the time of Edward I, or the thirteenth century. The vessel was 
sixty-four feet long. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



Ill 



poem Madoc, though he refrained from publish- 
ing it for some years. If one may judge from 
his introductory note, Southey held to the his- 
torical basis of the narrative. Meanwhile, re- 
ports were published of this and the ofher tribes 
being found speaking Welsh.i In 1816, Henry 
Kerr printed at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, his 
Travels through the Western interior of the 
United States, 1808-16, with some account of a 
tribe whose customs are similar to those of the 
ancient Welsh. In 1824, Yates and Moulton 
instate of New York) went over the ground 
rather fully, but without conviction. Hugh 
Murray ^Travels in North America, London, 
1829) believes the Welsh went to Spain. In 
1834, the different sides of the case were dis- 
cussed by Farcy and Warden in Dupaix's An- 
tiquites Mexicaines. Some years later the publi- 
cation of George Catlin "^ probably gave more 
conviction than had been before felt,^ arising 
from his statements of positive linguistic corre- 
spondences in the language of the so-called 
White * Mandans ° on the Missouri River, the 
similarity of their boats to the old Welsh cora- 
cles, and other parallelisms of custom. He be- 
lieved that Madoc landed at Florida, or perhaps 
passed up the Mississippi River. His conclusions 
were a reinforcement of those reached by Wil- 
liams.6 The opinion reached by Major in his 
edition of Columbus'' Letters (London, 1847) 
that the Welsh discovery was quite possible, 
while it was by no means probable, is with little 
doubt the view most generally accepted to-day ; 
while the most that can be made out of the 
claim is presented with the latest survey in B. 
Y. Bowen's America discovered by the Welsh 



in 1170 A. D. (Philad., 1876). He gathers up, 
as helping his proposition, such widely scattered 
evidences as the Lake Superior copper mines 
and the Newport tower, both of which he ap- 
propriates ; and while following the discoverers 
from New England south and west, he does not 
hesitate to point out the resemblance of the 
Ohio Valley mounds ^ to those depicted in Pen- 
nant's 7'our of Wales ; and he even is at no loss 
for proofs among the relics of the Aztecs.^ 4 

H. The Zeni and their Map. — Some- 
thing has been said elsewhere (Vol. HI. p. 100) 
of the influence of the Zeni narrative and its 
map, in confusing Frobisher in his voyages. 
The map was reproduced in the Ptolemy of 
1 561, with an account of the adventures of the 
brothers, but it was so far altered as to dissever 
Greenland from Norway, of which the Zeni 
map had made it but an extension.^ 

The story got further currency in Ramusio 
(1574, vol. ii.), Ortelius (1575), Hakluyt (1600, 
vol. iii.), Megiser's Septentrio Novantiquus {161^), 
Purchas (1625), Pontanus' Rerum Datticarum. 
(1631), Luke Fox's North-West Fox (1633), and 
in De Laet's Notes (1644), who, as well as Hor- 
nius, De Originibus Americanis (1644), thinks 
the story suspicious. It was repeated by Mon- 
tanus in 1671, and by Capel, Vorstellungen des 
Nor den, in 1676. Some of the features of the 
map had likewise become pretty constant in the 
attendant cartographical records. But from 
the close of the seventeenth century for about a 
hundred years, the story was for the most part 
ignored, and it was not till 1784 that the interest 
in it was revived by the publications of P'orster ^"^ 



1 Chatnbers- Journal, vi. 411, mentioning the Asguaws. 

2 Letter on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the No. Amer. Indians (N. Y., 1842). 

3 He convinced, for instance, Fontaine' in his How the World was Peopled, p. 142. , 

4 On the variety of complexion among the Indians, see Short's No. Atner. of Antiq., p. 1S9 ; McCulloh's 
Researches; Haven, Archceol. U.S.,\%; Morton in Schoolcraft, ii. 320; Ethuolog. Journal, London, July, 
1848 ; App. 1849, commenting on Morton. 

5 Pilling, Bibliog. of Siouan languages (Washington, 1887, p. 48), enumerates the authorities on the 
Mandan tongue. The tribe is now extinct. Cf. Morgan's Systems of Consatiguinity, p. 181. 

6 See also Smithsonian Report, 1885, Part ii. pp. 80, 271, 349, 449. Ruxton in Life in the Far West 
(N. Y., 1846) found Welsh traces in the speech of the Mowquas, and S. Y. McMaster in Smithsonian Rept., 
1865, heard Welsh sounds among the Navajos. 

7 Filson in his Kentucke has also pointed out this possibility. 

8 The bibliography of the subject can be followed in Watson's list, already referred to, and in that in the Amer. 
Bibliopolist, Feb., 1869. A few additional references may help complete these lists : Stephens's Literature of 
the Cymry, ch. 2 ; the Abbe Domenech's Seven Years iti the Great Desert of America ; Tytler's Progress of 
Discovery ; Moosmiiller's EuropdertJi Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, ch. 21) ; Gaffarel's Rapport 
etc., p. 216; Analytical Mag., ii. 409; Atlantic Monthly, xxxvii. 305 ; No. Am. Rev. (by E. E. Hale), Ixxxv. 
305 ; Antiquary, iv. 65 ; Southern Presbyterian Rev.. Jan., April, 1878 ; Notes and Queries, index. 

9 This Ptolemy map is reproduced in Gravier's Les Normands sur la route, etc., 6th part, ch. i ; and in 
Nordenskjold's Studien ttttd Forschungeit (Leipzig, 1805), p. 25. The Ptolemy of 1562 has the same plate. 

10 J, R, Forster's Discoveries in the Northern Regions. His confidence was shared by Eggers (1794) in his 
••True Site of Old East Greenlattd (Kiel), who doubts, however,- if the descriptions of Estotiland apply to 

America. It was held to be a confirmation of the chart that both the east and west Greenland colonies were 
on the side of Davis's Straits. 



112 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



and Buache,^ who each expressed their beUef in 
the story. 

A more important inquiry in behalf of the 
narrative took place at Venice in 1808, when 
Cardinal Zurla republished the map in an essay, 
and marked out the track of the Zeni on a 
modern chart.^ 

In iSio, Malte-Brun accorded his belief in 
the verity of the narrative, and was inclined to 
Jdbelieve that the Latin books found in Estotiland 
were carried there by colonists from Green- 
land.'^ A reactionary view was taken by Biddle 



in his Sebastian Cabot ^ in 1 831, who believed the 
publication of 1558 a fraud; but the most effec- 
tive denial of its authenticity came a few years 
later in sundry essays by Zahrtmann,* 

The stJifry got a strong advocate, after nearly 
forty years of comparative rest, when R. H. 
Major, of the map department of the British 
Museum, gave it an English dress and annexed 
a commentary, all of which was published by 
the Hakluyt Society in 1873. I^'' this critic's 
view, the good parts of the map are of the four- 
teenth century, gathered on the spot, while the 




^ RICHARD H. MAJOR* 

1 Buache reproduced the map, and read in 1784, before the Academy of Inscriptions in Paris, his Memoire 
sur la Frisland, which was printed by the Academy in 1787, p. 430. 

2 Dissertaziofie intorno at viaggi e scoferte settentriotiali di Nicolo e Antonio Fratelli Ze7ii. This paper 
was substantially reproduced in the same writer's Di Marco Polo e degli altri Viaggiatori veneziani piii 
illustri dissertazio7ti {Ytmct, 1818). • 

3 Afinales des Voyages (1810), x. 72 ; Precis de la Geographic (181 7). 

4 Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed (Copenhagen, 1834), vol. i. p. i ; Royal Geog. Soc. Journal (Lon- 
don, 1835), V. 102 ; Annates des Voyages (1836), xi. 

George Folsom, in the No. Atner. Rev.., July, 1838, criticised Zahrtmann, and sustained an opposite view. T. 
H. Bredsdorff discussed the question in the Grd7ilands Historiske Mindesmceker (iii. 529) ; and La Roquette 
furnished the article in Michaud's Biog. Universelle. 



* [After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor's request. — Ed.] 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



113 



false parts arose from the misapprehensions of 
the young Zeno, who put together the book of 
1558.1 The method of this later Zeno was 
in the same year (1873) ^^^^ ^Y Profe.ssor Kon- 
rad Maurer to be hardly removed from a fraud- 
ulent compilation of other existing material. 



There has been a marked display of learning, of 
late years, in some of the discussions. Cor- 
nelio Desimoni, the archivist of Genoa, has 
printed two elaborate papers.^ The Danish 
archivist Frederik Krarup published (1878) a 
sceptical paper in the Geog7-afisk Tidsskrift (iL 




BARON NORDENSKJOLD* 

1 Major also, in his paper {Royal Geog. Soc. Journal, 1873) ^n " The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland 
determined, and the pre-Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century documents," 
used the Zeno account and map in connection with Ivan Bardsen's Sailing Directions in placing the missing 
colony near Ci%>e Farewell. Major epitomized his views on the question in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, Oct., 1874. 
Sir H. C. Rawlinson commented on Major's views in his address before the Royal Geog. Society {Journal, 
1873, p. clxxxvii). 

Stevens {Bibl. Geographica, no. 3104) said: "If the map be genuine, the most of its geography is false, 
while a part of it is remarkably accurate." 

2 I viaggi e la Carta dei Fratelli Zeno Veneziani (Florence, 1878), and a Studio Secondo {Estratto dall. 
Archivio Storico Italiano) in 1885. 



* [From a recent photograph. There is another engraved likeness in the second volume of his Vega.] 
VOL. I. —8 



114 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



145).! The most exhaustive examination, how- 
ever, has come from a practical navigator, the 
Baron A. E. Nordenskjold, who in working up 
the results of his own Arctic explorations was 
easily led into the intricacies of the Zeno con- 
troversy. The results which he reaches are that 
the Zeni narratives are substantially true ; that 
there was no published material in 1558 which 
could have furnished so nearly an accurate ac- 
count of the actual condition of those northern 
waters ; that the map which Zahrtmann saw in 
the University library at Copenhagen, and 
which he represented to be an original from 
which the young Zeno of 1558 made his pre- 
tended original, was in reality nothing but the 
Donis map in the Ptolemy of 1482, while the Ze- 
no map is much more like the map of the north 
made by Claudius Clavis in 1427, which was 
discovered by Nordenskjold in a codex of Ptol- 
emy at Nancy .'-^ 

Since Nordenskjold advanced his views there 
have been two other examinations : the one by 
Professor Japetus Steenstrup of Copenhagen,^ 
and the other by the secretary of the Danish 
Geographical Society, Professor Ed. Erslef, who 
offered some new illustrations in his Nye Oplys- 
ninger om Broedrene Zenis Rejsej" (Copenhagen, 
i88s).4 



Among those who accept the narratives there 
is no general agreement in identifying the prin- 
cipal geographical points of the Zeno map. The 
main dispute is upon Frislanda, the island where 
the Zeni were wrecked. That it was Iceland 
has been maintained by Admiral Irminger,^ and 
Steenstrup (who finds, however, the text not to 
agree with the map), while the map accompany- 
ing the Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla storia 
della geograjia in Italia (Rome, 1882) traces the 
route of the Zeni from Iceland to Greenland, 
under 70° of latitude. 

On the other hand, Major has contended for 
the Faroe islands, arguing that while the en- 
graved Zeno map 'shows a single large island, it 
might have been an archipelago in the original, 
with .outlines run together by the obscurities of 
its dilapidation, and that the Faroes by their 
preserved names and by their position correspond 
best with the Frislanda of the Zeni.^ Major's 
views have been adopted by most later writers, 
perhaps, and a similar identification had earlier 
been made by Lelewel,'^ Kohl,^ and others. 

The identification of Estotiland involves the 
question if the returned fisherman of the nar- 
rative ever reached America. It is not uncom- 
mon for even believers in the story to deny 
that Estotiland and Drogeo were America. 
That they were parts of the New World was, 



1 " Zeniernes Rejse til Norden et Tolkning Forsoeg," with a fac-simile of the Zeni map. 

2 Nordenskjold's Om broderna Zenos resor och de dldsta kartor ofner Norden was published at Stockholm 
in 1883, as an address on leaving the presidency of the Swedish Academy, April 12, 1882 ; and in the same year, 
at the Copenhagen meeting of the Congres des Americanistes, he presented his Trois Cartes precolumbiennes, 
representant rinepartie deVAmerique (Greenland), which included fac-similes of the Zeno (1558) and Donis 
(1482) maps with that of Claudius Clavus (1427). This last represents *' Islandia" lying midway alone in the 
sea between " Norwegica Regio " and " Gronlandia provincia." The " Congelatum mare " is made to flow north 
of Norway, so as almost to meet the northern Baltic, while north of this frozen sea is an Arctic region, of which 
Greenland is but an extension south and west. The student will find these and other maps making part of 
the address already referred to, which also makes part in German of his Studien itnd Forschungen veranlasst 
durch meine Reisen im hohen Norden, autoristrte deutsche Ausgabe (Leipzig, 1885). The maps accompany- 
ing it not already referred to are the usual Ptolemy map of the north of Europe, based on a MS. of the 
fourteenth century; the "Scandinavia" from the Isolario of Bordone, 1547; that of the world in the MS. 
Insularium illustrattim of Henricus Martellus, of the fifteenth century, in the British Museum, copied from 
the sketch in Jose de Lacerda's Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone (Lisbon, 1867) ; the " Scandinavia " 
and the « Carta Marina" in the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548; the map of Glaus Magnus in 1567 : the chart of 
Andrea Bianco (1436) ; the map of the Basle ed. (1532) of Grynaeus' Novis Or bis ; that of Lauren tius Frisius 
(1524). He gives these maps as the material possible to be used in 1558 in compiling a map, and to show the 
superiority of the Zeno chart. Cf. Nature, xxviii. 14 ; and Major in Royal Geog. Soe. Proc., 1883, p. 473. 

3 " Zeni'ernes Reiser i Norden ", in the publication of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copen- 
hagen, 1883), in which he compares the Zeno Frislanda with the maps of Iceland. He also communicated to 
the Copenhagen meeting of the Congres des Americanistes " Les voyages des freres Zeni dans le Nord" 
(Compte Rendu, p. 150). 

4 This also appeared in the Geog. Tidsskrift, vii. 153, accompanied by fac-similes of the Ceni map, with 
Ruscelli's alteration of it (i56i),andof the maps of Donis (1482), Laurentius Frisius (1525), and of the Ptolemy 
of 1548. 

5 Roy. Geog. See. Journal (1879), vol. xlix. p. 398, " Zeno's Frisland is Iceland and not the Faroes," — and 
the same views in " Nautical Remarks about the Zeni Voyages " in Compte Rendu, Cong, des Amer. (Copen- 
hagen, 1883), p. 183. 

6 " Zeno's Frisland is not Iceland, but the Faroes " in Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), xlix. 412. 

7 Geog. du Moyen Age, iii. 103. 'a 

8 Discovery of Maine, 92. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. II5 

however, the apparent belief of Mercator and of in Americans no lewes, or Improbabilities that 

many of the cartographers following the publi- the Americans are of that race (London, 1652). 

cation of 1558, and of such speculators as Hugo The views of Thorowgood found sympathy with 

Grotius, but there was little common consent the Apostle Eliot of Massachusetts ; and when 

in their exact position.^ Thorowgood replied to L'Estrange he joined 

with it an essay by Eliot, and the joint work was 

I. Alleged Jewish Migration. — The entitled lewes in America, or probabilities that 

identification of the native Americans with the those Indians are Jiidaical, made more probable 

stock of the lost tribes of Israel very soon be- by some additionals to the former conjectures : an 

came a favorite theory with the early Spanish accurate discourse is premised of Mr. John Eliot 

priests settled in America. Las Casas and (who preached the gospel to the natives in their 

Duran adopted it, while Torquemada and own language) touching their origination, and 

Acosta rejected it. Andre Thevet, of menda- his Vindication of the planters (London, 1660). 

cious memory, did not help the theory by espous- What seems to have been a sort of supplement, 

ing it. It was approved in J. F. Lumnius's De covering, however, in part, the same ground, ap- 

extremo Dei Judicio et Indorum vocatione, libri peared as Vindicice JudcBcorum, or a true account 

Hi. (Venice and Antwerp, 1569) ; ^ and a century of the Jews, being more accurately illustrated than 

later the belief attracted new attention in the heretofore, which includes what is called " The 

Origen de los Americanos de Manasseh Ben Is- learned conjectures of Rev. Mr. John Eliot " (32 

ra^/, published at Amsterdam in 1650.3 It was pp.). Some of the leading New England divines, 

in the same year (1650) that the question re- like Mayhew and Mather,^ espoused the cause 

ceived the first public discussion in English in with similar faith. Roger Williams also was of 

Thomas Thorowgood's fewes in America,, or, the same opinion. William Penn is said to 

Probabilities that the Americans are of that Race, have held like views. The belief may be said to 

With the removall of some contrary reasonings, have been general, and had not died out in New 

and earnest desires for effectuall e7ideavotirs to England when Samuel Sewall,in 1697, published 

make them Christian (London, 1650).'* Thorow- \)\% PhcEnomena qu<2dam Apocalypticaad aspectum. 

good was answered by Sir Hamon L'Estrange Novi Orbis Configurata.^ 

1 Dudley, Arcana del Mare, pi. Hi, places Estotiland between Davis and Hudson's Straits ; but Torfaeus 
doubts if it is Labrador, as is " commonly believed," Lafitau {Moeurs des Sauvages) puts it north of Hudson 
Bay. Forster calls it Newfoundland. Beauvois {Les colonies Europeenes du Markland et de V Escociland) 
makes it include Maine, New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada. These are the chief varieties of belief. 
Steenstrup is of those who do not recognize America at all. Hornius, among the older writers, thought that 
Scotland or Shetland was more likely to have been the fisherman's strange country. Santarem {Hist, de la 
Cartographic., iii. 141) points out an island, " Y Stotlandia," in the Baltic, as shown on the map of Giovanni 
Leardo (1448) at Venice. 

In P. B. Watson's Bibliog. of Pre-Colicmbiatt Discoveries of America there is the fullest but not a complete 
list on the subject, and from this and other sources a few further references may be added : Belknap's Amer. 
Biography ; Humboldt's Examen Critique., ii. 120; Asher's //ifwrj/ Hudsott, p. clxiv ; GrAVie.r''s Decouverte de 
V Amcrique, 183 ; Gaffarel's Etude sur V Amerique avant Colomb, p. 261, and in the Revue de Geog., vii., 
Oct., Nov., 1880, with the Zeno map as changed by Ortelius ; De Costa's Northmen in Maine; Weise's Dis- 
co7>eries of America, p. 44 ; Goodrich's Columbtis ; Peschel's Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (1858), 
and Ruge's work of the same title ; Guido Cora's I precursori di Cristoforo Colombo (Rome, 1886), taken 
from the Bollettino delta soc. geog. italiana, Dec, 1885 ; Gay's Pop. Hist. U. S. (i. 76) ; Foster's Prehistoric 
Races ; Studi biog. e bibliog. soc. geog. ital., 2d ed., 1882, p. 117 ; P. O. Moosmiiller's EuropUer in Amerika 
vor Columbus, ch. 24 ; Das Ausland, Oct. 11, Dec. 27, 1886 ; Nature, xxviii. p. 14. 

Geo. E. Emery, Lynn, Mass., issued in 1877 a series of maps, making Islandia to be Spitzbergen, with the 
East Bygd of the Northmen at its southern end ; Frisland, Iceland ; and Estotiland, Newfoundland. 

2 Sabin, x., no. 42,675. 

3 There are editions with annotations by Robert Ingram, at Colchester, Eng., 1792; and by Santiago 
Perez Junquera, at Madrid, 1881. Theoph. Spizelius' Elevatio relationis MonteziiiiancB de repertis in Ame- 
rica tribtibus Israeliticis (Basle, 1661) is a criticism (Leclerc, 547 ; Field, 1473). One Montesinos had 
professed to have found a colony of Jews in Peru, and had satisfied Manasseh Ben Israel of his truthfulness. 

4 Cf. collations in Stevens's Nuggets, p. 728, and his Hist. Coll., ii. no. 538 ; Brinley, iii. no. 5463; Field, no, 
1551, who cites a new edition in 1652, called Digitus Dei: new discovery es, with some arguments to prove 
that the lews (a nation) a people . . . inhabit now in Atnerica . . . with the history of Ant: Montesinos 
attested by Mannasseh Ben Israeli. A divine, John Dury, had urged Thorowgood to publish, and had 
before this, in printing some of the accounts of the work of Eliot and others among the New England Indians, 
announced his belief in the theory. 

5 Cotton Mather {Magnalia, iii. part 2) tells how Eliot traced the resemblances to the Jews in the New 
England Indians. 

6 2d ed., 1727. Cf. Sibley's Harvard Graduates, ii. p. 361 ; Carter-Brown, iii. 401. 



Il6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

After the middle of the last century we begin M. Noah, published in 1837 an address on the 

to find new signs of the belief. Charles Beatty, subject which hardly added to the weight of 

in his Journal of a two jnonths^ ton?- with a view testimony J J. B. Finlay, a mulatto missionary 

of proirioting religion among tJie frontier inhabi- among the Wyandots, was satisfied with the 

tants of Pennsylvania (Lond., 1768), finds traces Hebrew traces which he observed in that tribe.^ 

of the lost tribes among the Delawares, and re- Geo. Catlin, working also among the Western 

peats a story of the Indians long ago selling the Indians, while he could not go to the length of 

same sacred book to the whites with which the believing in the lost tribes, was struck with the 

missionaries in the end aimed to make them ac- many analogies which he savv.^ The most elab- 

quainted. Gerard de Brahm and Richard Peters, orate of all expositions of the belief was made 

both familiar with the Southern Indians, found by Lord Kingsborough in his Mexican Antiqni- 

grounds for accepting the belief. The most //Vj- (1830-48).!'^ Since this book there has been 

elaborate statement drawn from this region is no pressing of the question with any claims to 

that of James Adair, who for forty years had consideration.^ 
been a trader among the Southern Indians.^ 

Jonathan Edwards in 1788 pointed out in the J. Possible Early African Migrations. 

Hebrew some analogies to the native speech.^ — These may have been by adventure or by 

Charles Crawford in 1799 undertook the proof. ^ helpless drifting, with or without the Canaries 

In 1816 Elias Boudinot, a man eminent in his as a halting-place. The primitive people of the 

day, contributed further arguments.* Ethan Canaries, the Guanches, are studied in Sabin 

Smith based his advocacy largely on the lin- Berthelot's Antiquites Canariennes (Paris, 1879) 

guistic elements." A few years later an English- and A. F. de Fontpertuis' Varchipel des Cana- 
man, Israel Worsley, worked over the material ries,et ses populations primitives, 2A^o\\\\}ci^ Revue 

gathered by Boudinot and Smith, and added de Geographic, June, 1882, not to mention earlier 
something.^ A prominent American Jew, M. histories of the Canary Islands (see Vol. 11. 

1 The History of the American Indians^ particularly those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi^ East 
and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia: Cotitaining an Account of their 
Origin, Langtiage, Manners, Religious and Civil Customs, Laws, Fort?t of Govej'nment, etc., etc., with an 
Appendix, containing a Description of the Floridas, and the Missisipi Lands, with their productions 
(London, 1775). His arguments are given in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,v\\\. Bancroft {Nat. Races, v, 
91) epitomizes them. Adair's book appeared in a German translation at Breslau (1782). 

2 Observations 07i the language of the Muhhckaneew Indians, in which . . . some instances of analogy 
between that atid the Hebrew are pointed out (New Haven, 1788). Cf. on the contrary, Jarvis before the 
N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1819. 

3 Essay upon the propagation of the Gospel, in which there are facts to prove that many of the indians in 
America are descended from the Ten Tribes (Philad., 1799 ; 2d ed., 1801). 

4 A Star in the West, or an attempt to discover the long lost Ten Tribes of Israel (Trenton, N. J., 1816). 

5 View of the Hebrews, or the tribe of Israel in America (Poultney, Vt., 1825). 

6 A view of the Amer. Indians, shewing them to be the descendants of the Ten Tribes of Israel (Lond., 
1828). 

" Discourse on the evidences of the Amer. Indians being the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel 
(N. Y., 1837). It is reprinted in Maryatt's Diary in America, vol. ii. 

8 Hist, of the Wyajidotte Mission (Cincinnati, 1840) ; Thomson's Ohio Bibliog., 409. 

9 Manners, &'c. of the N. Amer. Indians (Lond., 1841). Cf. Smithsonian Rcpt., 1885, ii. 532. 

10 Mainly in vol. vii. ; but see vi. 232, etc. Cf. Short, 143, 460, and Bancroft, Nat. Races (v. 26), with an 
epitome of Kingsborough's arguments (v. 84). Mrs. Barbara Anne Simon in her Hope of Israel (Lond., 1829) 
advocated the theory on biblical grounds ; but later she made the most of Kingsborough's amassment of 
points in her Ten Tribes of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of the Westerti Hemisphere 
(London, 1836). 

11 The recognition of the theory in the Mormon bible is well known. Bancroft (v. 97) epitomizes its recital, 
following Bertrand's Memoires. There is a repetition of the old arguments in a sermon. Increase of the King- 
dom of Christ (N. Y., 1831), by the Indian William Apes ; and in An Address by J. Madison Brown (Jack- 
son, Miss., i860). Senor Melgar points out resemblances between the Maya and the Hebrew in the Bol. Soc. 
Mex. Geog., iii. Even the Western mounds have been made to yield Hebrew inscriptions {Cotigres des 
Amer., Nancy, ii. 192). 

Many of the general treatises on the origin of the Americans have set forth the opposing arguments. 
Garcia did it fairly in his Origett de los Indios (1607 ; ed. by Barcia, 1729), and Bancroft (v. 78-84) has con- 
densed his treatment. Brasseur {Hist. Nat. Civ., i. 17) rejects the theory of the ten tribes ; but is not inclined 
to abandon a belief in some scattered traces. Short (pp. 135, 144) epitomizes the claims. Gaffarel covers 
them in his Ettide sur les rapports de V Amerique (p. 'i^) with references, and these last are enlarged in Ban- 
croft's Nat. Races, v. 95-97. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



117 



p. T<^). Retzius of Stockholm traces resem- 
blances in the skulls of the Guanches and the 
Caribs {Smithsonian Kept., 1859, p. 266). Le 
Plongeon finds the sandals of the statue Chac- 
mool, discovered by him in Yucatan, to resemble 
those of the Guanches (Salisbury's Le Plongeon 
in Yucatan, 57). 

The African and even Egyptian origin of the 



Caribs has had some special advocates.^ Peter 
Martyr, and Grotius following him, contended 
for the people of Yucatan being Ethiopian 
Christians. Stories of blackamoors being found 
by the early Spaniards are not without corrobo- 
ration.2 The correspondence of the African and 
South American flora has been brought into 
requisition as confirmatory .^ 



1 Varnhagen's Vorigine touranienne des Americains Tupis-Cardibes et des ancietis Egyptiens, indiquee 
principaletnent par la philologie comparee: traces d'une ancienne migration en Amerique, invasion du 
Bresil par les Tipis (Vienna, 1876). Labat's Noziveau Voyage aux isles de VAmerique (Paris, 1722), vol. ii. . 
ch. 23. Sieur de la Borde's Relation de Vorigine, mceurs, coutiunes, etc. des Caraibes (Paris, 1764). Robert- 
son's America. James Kennedy's Probable origin of the Amer. Indians, -with particular reference to that 
of the Caribs (Lond., 1854), ox Journal of the Ethnolog. Soc. (vol. iv.). London Geog. Journal, iii. 290. 

2 Cf. Peter Martyr, Torquemada, and later writers, like La Perouse, McCulloh, Haven (p. 48), Gaffarel 
{Rapport, 204), J. Perez in Rev. Orientate et Amer., viii., xii. ; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iii. 458. Brinton(yi^. 
dress, 1S87) takes exception to all such views. Cf. Quatrefages' 'Hzcman Species (N. Y., 1879, pp. 200, 202). 

3 Cf. Beccari in Kosmos, Apr., 1S79; De Candolle in Geographic botanique (1855). 



THE CARTOGRAPHY OF GREENLAND. 

The oldest map yet discovered to show any part of Greenland, and consequently of America,i is one found 
by Baron Nordenskjold attached to a Ptolemy Codex in the Stadtbibliothek at Nancy. He presented a colored 
fac-simile of it in 1883 at the Copenhagen Congres des Americanistes, in his little brochure Trois Cartes. It 
was also used in illustration of his paper on the Zeni Voyages, published both in Swedish and German. 
It will be seen by the fac-simile given herewith, and marked with the author's name, Claudius Clavus, that 
" Gronlandia Provincia " is an extension of a great arctic region, so as to lie over against the Scandinavian 
peninsida of Europe, with " Islandia,"' or Iceland, midway between the two lands. Up to the time of this 
discovery by Nordenskjold, the map generally recognized as the oldest to show Greenland is a Genovese por- 
tolano, preserved in the Pitti Palace at Florence, about which there is some doubt as to its date, which is said 
to be 141 7 by Santarem {Hist, de la Cartog., iii., p. xix), but Lelewel {Epilogue, p. 167) is held to be trustier 
in giving it as 1447. '^ It shows how little influence the Norse stories of their Greenland colonization exerted 
at this time on the cartography of the north, that few of the map-makers deemed it worth while to break the 
usual terminal circle of the world by including anything west or beyond Iceland. It was, further, not easy to 
convince them that Greenland, when they gave it, lay in the direction which the Sagas indicated. The map of 
Fra Mauro, for instance, in 1459 cuts off a part of Iceland by its incorrigible terminal circle, as will be seen 
in a bit of it given herewith, the reader remembering as he looks at it that the bottom of the segment is to the 
north.3 We again owe to Nordenskjold the discovery of another map of the north. Tabula Regiottum Sep- 
tentrionalium, which he found in a Codex of Ptolemy in Warsaw a few years since, and which he places about 
1467. The accompanying partial sketch is reproduced from a fac-simile kindly furnished by the discoverer. 
The peninsula of " Gronlandia," with its indicated glaciers, is placed with tolerable accuracy as the western 
extremity of an arctic region, which to the north of Europe is separated from the Scandinavian peninsula by a 
channel from the '• Mare Gotticum " (Baltic Sea), which sweeps above Norway into the " Mare Congelatum." 
The confused notions arising from an attempt by the compiler of the map to harmonize different drafts is 
shown by his drawing a second Greenland (" Engronelant ") to his " Norbegia," or Norway, and placing just 



1 Santarem, Hist, de la Cartog., iii. 76, refers to maps of 
the fourteenth centur^^ in copies of Ranulphus Hydgen's 
Polychronicon, in the British Museum and in the Advo- 
cates' library at Edinburgh, which show a land in the north, 
called in the one Wureland and in the other Wyhlandia. 

2 Mag. A m. Hist., April, 1883, p. 290. Cf. Vol. II. p. 28. 
The name used is " Grinlandia." 

3 Mauro's map was called by Ramusio, who saw it, an 
improved copy of one brought from Cathay by Marco 
Polo. It is preserved in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. 
It was made by Mauro under the command of Don Alonso 
v., and Bianco assisted him. The exact date is in dispute; 



but all agree to place it between 1457 and 1460. A copy 
was made on vellum in 1804, which is now in the British 
Museum. Our cut follows one comer of the reproduction 
in Santarem's Atlas. A photographic fac-simile has been 
issued in Venice by Ongania, and St. Martin {Atlas, p. vii) 
follows this fac-simile. Ruge {Geschichte des Zeitalters der 
Entdeckungen) gives a modernized and more legible repro- 
duction. There are other drawings in Zurla's Fra Mauro ; 
Vincent's Cotnmerce and Navigation of the Ancients 
(1797, 1807); Lelewel's Moyen Age (pi. xxxiii). Cf. Studi 
delta Soc. Geografia Italia (1882), ii. 76, for references. 



ii8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



under it the " Thile " ^ of the ancients, which he makes a different island from " Islandia," placed in proper 
relations to his larger Greenland. 

A few years later, or perhaps about the same time, and before 1471, the earliest engraved map which, shows 
Greenland is that of Nicolas Donis, in the Ulm edition of Ptolemy in 1482. It will be seen from the little 
sketch which is annexed that the same doubling of Greenland is adhered to,2 With the usual perversion put 



€rti vpy ^ m 




CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427. 



1 Rafn gives a large map of Iceland with the names of 
A. D. 1000. On the errors of early and late maps of Iceland 
see Baring-Gould's Ultima Thule, i. 253. On the varying 
application of the name Thule, Thyle, etc., to the northern 
regions or to particular parts of them, see R. F. Burton's 
Ultima Thule, a Summer in Iceland (London, 1875), 
ch. 1. Bunbury {Hist.Anc. Geog., ii. 527) holds that the 
Thule of Marinus of Tyre and of Ptolemy was the Shet- 



lands. Cf. James Wallace's Description of the Orkney 
islands (1693, — new ed., 1887, by John Small) for an essay 
on " the Thule of the Ancients." 

2 There are other reproductions of the map in full, in 
Nordenskjold's Vega, i. 51 ; in his Broderna Zenos, and 
\n\\\^ Studien, p. 31. Cf. also the present History, II., 
p. 28, for other bibliographical detail ; Hassler, Buchdruck' 
ergeschichte Vim's ; D'Avezac's Waltzemuller, 23 ; Wil- 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



119 



upon the Norse stories, Iceland is made to lie due west of Greenland, though not shown in the present 
sketch. 

At a date not much later, say i486, it is supposed the Laon globe, dated in 1493, was actually made, or at 
least it is shown that in some parts the knowledge was rather of the earlier date, and here we have " Grolan- 
dia," a small island off the Norway coast.i 



tuM-Xj 







CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427. 

We have in 1489-90 a type of configuration, which later became prevalent. It is taken from an Insularium 
illustratum Henrici Martelli Germani^2i manuscript preserved in the British Museum, and shows, as seen by 
the annexed extract, a long narrow peninsula, running southwest from the northern verge of Europe. A sketch 
of the whole map is given elsewhere.2 

berforce Eames's Bibliography of Ptolemy^ separately, ^ Cf. D'Avezac in Bull, de la Soc de GSog., xx. 417. 

and in ^shin's -Dictionary ; and Winsor's Bibliog. of 2 See Vol. II. p. 41. There is another sketch in Nor. 
Ptolemy's Geography. denskjold's ^/«<f/(?«, etc., p. 33, which is reduced from a 



I20 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



This seems to have been the prevailing notion of what and where Greenland was at the time of Columbus' 
voyage, and it could have carried no significance to his mind that the explorations of the Norse had found the 
Asiatic main, which he started to discover. How far this notion was departed from, by Behaim in his globe 
of 1492 depends upon the interpretation to be given to a group of islands, northwest of Iceland and northeast 
of Asia, upon the larger of which he writes among its mountains, " Hi man weise Volker." 1 

As this sketch of the cartographical development goes on, it will be seen how slow the map-makers were to 
perceive the real significance of the Norse discoveries, and how reluctant they were to connect them with the 
discoveries that followed in the train of Columbus, though occasionally there is one who is possessed with a sort 
of prevision. The Cantino map of 1502 2 does not settle the question, for a point lying northeast of the Por- 
tuguese discoveries in the Newfoundland region only seems to be the southern extremity of Greenland. What 
was apparently a working Portuguese chart of 1503 grasps pretty clearly the relations of Greenland to 
Labrador.3 




FRA MAURO, 1459. 



Lelewel (pi. 43), in a map made to show the Portuguese views at this time,4 which he represents by combining 
and reconciling the Ptolemy maps of 15 11 and 15 13, still places the "Gronland" peninsula in the northwest 
of Europe, and if his deductions are correct, the Portuguese had as yet reached no clear conception, that the 
Labrador coasts upon which they fished bore any close propinquity to those which the Norse had colonized. 
Ruysch, in 1508, made a bold stroke by putting "Gruenlant" down as a peninsula of Northeastern Asia, 
thus trying to reconcile the discoveries of Columbus with the northern sagas.5 This view was far from accept- 
able. Sylvanus, in the Ptolemy of 1 511, made "Engroneland" a small protuberance on the north shore of 
Scandinavia, and east of Iceland, evidently choosing between the two theories instead of accepting both, as 



fac-simile given in Jos^ de Lacerda's Exame dos Viagens 
do Doutor Livingstone (Lissabon, 1867). The present ex- 
tract is from Santarem, pi. 50. Cf. O. Peschel in Aus- 
land, Feb. 13, 1857, ^"d his posthumous Abhandhmgen, 
i. 213. 

1 See references in Vol. II. p. 105. 

2 See Vol. II. p. 108. 



3 See post, Vol. IV. p. 35 ; and Kohl's Discovery of 
Maine ^ p. 174. Cf. Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub 
anno 1511. 

* He holds that the 15 13 Ptolemy map was drawn in 
1501-4, and was engraved before Dec. 10, 1508. 

5 See Vol. II. p. 115. 




TABULA REGIONUM SEPTENTRIONALIUM, 1467. 



122 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



was common, in ignorance of their complemental relations.i Waldseemiiller, in the Ptolemy of 15 13, in his 
" Orbis typus universahs," reverted to and adopted the delineation of Henricus Martellus in 1490.2 

In 1520, Apian, in the map in Gamer's Solinus, took the view of Sylvanus, while still another representation 
was given by Laurentius Frisius in 1522, in an edition of Ptolemy ,3 in which "Gronland" becomes a large 




DONIS, 1482. 

island on the Norway coast, in one map called " Orbis typus Universalis," while in another map, " Tabula 
nova Norbegiae et Gottise," the " Engronelant " peninsula is a broad region, stretching from Northwestern 
Europe.4 This Ptolemy was again issued in 1525, repeating these two methods of showing Greenland already 
given, and adding a third,5 that of the long narrow European peninsula, already familiar in earlier maps — the 
variety of choice indicating the prevalent cartographical indecision on the point. 




HENRICUS MARTELLUS, 1489-90. 



1 Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy^ sub anno 151 1. 

' See Vol. II. p. III. Winsor's Ptolemy, sub anno 
1513. Reisch, in 1515, seems to have been of the same 
opinion. Cf. the bibliography of Reisch's Margarita 
Philosophia'va. Sabin's Dictionary, vol. xvi., and separately, 
prepared by Wilberforce Eames. Reisch's map is given 
post. Vol. II. p. 114, Another sketch of this map, with an 
examination of the question, where the name "Zoana 



Mela," applied on it to America, came from, is given by 
Frank Wieser in the Zeitschrift fur Wissensch. Geogra- 
phic (Carlsruhe), vol. v., a sight of which I owe to the 
author, who believes Waldseemiiller made the map. 

s The map is given, /t?j/, Vol. II. 175. Cf. also Nor- 
denskjold, Studien, p. 53. 

4 Cf. Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1522. 

5 Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1525. This 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



123 



Kohl, in his collection of maps,i copies from what he calls the Atlas of Frisius, 1525, still another map 
which apparently shows the southern extremity of Greenland, with " Terra Laboratoris," an island just west 




OLAUS MAGNUS, 1539J 



map is no. 49, ** Gronlandiae et Russiae." Cf. Witsen's 
Noorden Oost Tartarye {ijo$), vol. ii. 



1 Winsor's ICokl Collection, no. 102. 
* See Note, p. 125. 



124 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



ii>»' 






:INMAR< 






^BIARMIA 






►ALBV*? 












^ u 









;i^^^ 



^M 






rotMiA. 









^ii ES i< 
)AN1 



XONtl! 



fMSMEL 



»FRI3IA.. 



^'«6nrAmA .^^ ^M ^ ^f^TC^BA^, 



rjift-l 






OLAUS MAGNUS, 1555* 



* This map, here reproduced on a somewhat smaller scale, is called: Regnorum Aquilonarnm description kujus 
Operis subiecium. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



125 



of it, and southwest of that a bit of coast marked " Terra Nova Conterati," which may pass for Newfound- 
land and the discoveries of Cortereal. 

Thome, the £ngUshman, in the map which he sent from Seville in 1527,1 seems to conform to the view which 
made Greenland a European peninsula, which may also have been the opinion of Orontius Finaeus in 1531.2 
A novel feature attaches to an Atlas, of about this date, preserved at Turin, in which an elongated Greenland 
is made to stretch northerly .3 In 1532 we have the map in Ziegler's Schondia^ which more nearly resembles 
the earliest map of all, that of Claudius Clavus, than any other.4 The 1538 cordiform map of Mercator 
makes it a peninsula of an arctic region connected with Scandinavia.5 This map is known to me only 
through a fac-simile of the copy given in the Geografia of Lafreri, published at Rome about 1560, with which 
I am favored by Nordenskjold in advance of its publication in his Atlas. 

The great Historia of Olaus Magnus, as for a long time the leading authority on the northern geography, 
as well as on the Scandinavian chronicles, gives us some distinct rendering of this northern geographical 
problem. It was only recently that his earliest map of 1539 has been brought to light, and a section of it is 
here reproduced from a much reduced fac-simile kindly sent to the editor by Dr. Oscar Brenner of the uni- 
versity at Munich.* Nordenskjold, in giving a full fac-simile of the Olaus Magnus map of 1567,6 of which a 



Septentkio 



^^ Cuijl/mghg eft.m • €^ 




FROM OLAUS MAGNUS' HISTORIA, 1567. 



1 Given /^j^, Vol. III. p. 17. 

2 G\vmpost, Vol. III. p. II. 

^ Jahrb. des Vereinsfiir Erdkunde in Dresden {i'&-jo)^ 
tab. vii. A similar feature is in the map described by ?e- 
schel in the Jahresbericht des Vereins fiir Erdkunde in 
Leipzig ( 1871). It is also to be seen in the Homem map of 
about 1540 (given in Vol. II. p. 446), and in the map which 
Major assigns to Baptista Agnese, and which was published 
in Paris in 1875 as a Portulan de Charles Quint. (Cf . Vol. 
II. p. 445.)^ 

* There is a fac-simile of Ziegler's map in Vol. II. 434; 



also in Goldsmid's ed. of Hakluyt (Edinb., 1885), and in 
Nordenskjb'd's Vega., i. 52. 

5 The map (1551) of Gemma Frisius in Apian is much the 
same. 

•^ In the Basle ed. of the Historia. de Gentium. Cf. Nor- 
denskjbld's Vega,v(^.. i., who says that the n.:ip originally 
appeared in Magnus's Auslegung rmd Vcrklarung der 
Neuen Happen von deti Alten Gocitenreich (Venice, 1539) ; 
and is different from the map which appeared in the inter- 
mediate edition of 1555 at Rome, a part of which is also an- 
nexed. 



Note to Map on p. 123. — This fac-simile accompanies a paper appearing in the Vids^iskahsselskabs Forhandinger 
(1886, no. 15) and separately as Die dchte karte des Olaus Magftus vomjahre I33q, nach dent exemplar der Mimcliener 
Staatsbibliothek (Christiania, 1886). In this Dr. Brenner traces the history of the great map of Archbishop Olaus 
Magnus, pointing out how Nordenskjold is in error in supposing the map of 1567, which that scholar gives, was but a 



126 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



fragment is herewith also given in fac-simile, says that it embodies the views of the northern geographers in 
separating Greenland from Europe, which was in opposition to those of the geographers of the south of Europe, 
who united Greenland to Scandinavia. Sebastian Miinster in his 1540 edition of Ptolemy introduced a new con- 
fusion. He preserved the European elongated peninsula, but called it " Islandia," while to what stands for 
Iceland is given the old classical name of Thyle.i This confusion is repeated in his map of 1545,2 where he 
makes the coast of " Islandia " continuous with Baccalaos. This continuity of coast line seemed now to 
become a common heritage of some of the map-makers,3 though in the Ulpius globe of 1542 " Groestlandia," 
so far as it is shown, stands separate from either continent,* but is connected with Europe according to the 
early theory in the I solaria of Bordone in 1547. 

We have run down the main feature of the northern cartography, up to the time of the publication of the 
Zeno map in 1558. The chief argument for its authenticity is that there had been nothing drawn and pub- 
lished up to that time which could have conduced, without other aid, to so accurate an outline of Greenland as 
it gives. In an age when drafts of maps freely circulated over Europe, from cartographer to cartographer, in 




BORDONE'S SCANDINAVIA, 



'547.^ 



* The same is done in the Ptolemy of 1548 (Venice). 
There is a fac-sImile iu Nordenskjbld's Studien^ p. 35. 

2 See Vol. IV. p. 84, 

^ We find it in the Nancy globe of about 1540 (sec Vol. 
iV. p. 81); in the Mercator gores of 1541 (Vol. II. p. 177); 
and in the Ruscelli map of 1544 (Vol, II. p. 432), where 
Greenland (Giotlandia) is simply a neck connecting Europe 
with America; and in Gastaldi "Carta Marina," in the 
Italian Ptolemy of 1548, where it is a protuberance on a 

reproduction of the original edition of 1539, which was not known to modem students till Brenner found it in the library 
at Munich, in March, 1886, and which proves to be twelve times larger than that of 1567. Brenner adds the long Latin 
address, " Olaus Gothus benigno lectori salutem," with annotations. The map is entitled " Carta Marina et descriptio 
septentrionalium errarum ac mirabiliuni rerum in eis contentarum diligentissime elaborata, Anno Dni, 1539." Brenner 
institutes a close comparison between it and the Zeno chart. 

* Reproduced from the fac-simile given in Nordenskjold's Studien (Leipzig, 1885). 



similar neck (see Vol. II. 435 ; IV. 43; and Nordenskjold's 
Studien, 43). The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be based on 
the same material used by Mercator in his gores, but he 
adds a new confusion in calling Greenland the " Cost of 
Labrador." Cf. Winsor's Kohl Maps, no. 104. The 
" Grutlandia " of the Vopellio map of 1556 is also continu- 
ous with Labrador (see Vol. II. 436 ; IV. 90). 
4 See Vol. IV. pp. 42, 82. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



127 



manuscript, it does not seem necessary that the search for prototypes or prototypic features should be confined 
to those which had been engraved. With these allowances the map does not seem to be very exceptional in 
any feature. It is connected with northwestern Europe in just the manner appertaining to several of the 
earlier maps. Its shape is no great improvement on the map of 1467, found at Warsaw. There was then 




ZENO MAP. {Reduced.)* 



* The original measures 1 2X 1 5 J inches. Fac-similes of the original size or reduced, or other reproductions, will be found 
in Nordenskjold's Trot's Caries, and in his Studien ; Malte Bran's Annales des Voyages; LeleweVs Moy en Age (ii. 
169); Carter-Brown Catalogue {S- 211); Y^oW^s Discovery of Maine .^ 97; 'R.\x^€% Geschichte des Zeitalters der Ent- 
deckungen, p. 27 ; Bancroft's Central A merica, i. 81 ; Gay's Po/>. Hist. U. S., \. 84 ; Howley's Ecclesiast. Hist. New- 
foundland, p. 45 ; Erizzo's Le Scoperte Artiche (Venice, 1855), — not to name others. 



128 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




THE PTOLEMY ALTERATION (1561, etc.) OF THE ZENO MAP. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



129 



no such constancy in the placing of midsea islands in maps, to interdict the random location of other islands 
at the cartographer's will, without disturbing what at that day would have been deemed geographical proba- 
bilities, and there was all the necessary warranty in existing maps for the most wilfully depicted archipelago. 
The early Portuguese charts, not to name others, gave sufficient warrant for land where Estotiland and Drogeo 
appear. 

Mention has already been made of the changes in this map, which the editors of the Ptolemy of 1561 made 
in severing Greenland from Europe, when they reengraved it.i The same edition contained a map of " Schon- 
landia," in which it seems to be doubtful if the land which stands for Greenland does, or does not, connect 
with the Scandinavian main.2 That Greenland was an island seems now to have become the prevalent opinion, 
and it was enforced by the maps of Mercator (1569 and 1587), Ortelius (1570, 1575), and Gallaeus (1585), 
which placed it lying mainly east and west between the Scandinavian north and the Labrador coasf, which it 
was now the fashion to call Estotiland. In its shape it closely resembled the Zeni outline. Another feature of 
these maps was the placing of another but smaller island west of " Groenlant," which was called " Grocland," 
and which seems to be simply a reduplication of the larger island by some geographical confusion,^ which 
once started was easily seized upon to help fill out the arctic spaces.'! 




SEPTENTRIONALES REGIONES.* 

It was just at this time (1570) that the oldest maps which display the geographical notions of the saga men 
•were drawn, though not brought to light for many years. We note two such of this time, and one of a date 
near forty years later. One marked "Jonas, Gudmundi filius, delineavit, 1570," is given as are the two others 
by Torfaeus in his Gronlandia Antigua. They all seem to recognize a passage to the Arctic seas between 
Norway and Greenland, the northern parts of which last are called " Risaland," or " Riseland,'" and Jonas 
places " Oster Bygd " and " Wester Bygd " on the opposite sides of a squarish peninsula. Beyond what must 
be Davis' Straits is " America," and further south " Terra Florida " and " Albania." 

If this description is compared with the key of Stephanius' map, next to be mentioned, while we remember 



^ In the edition of 1562, which repeated the map, the 
cartographer Moletta (Moletius) testified that its geography 
had been confirmed *' by letters and marine charts sent to 
U3 from divers parts." 

* Winsor's Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1561. 

3 Lok's map of 1582 calls it " Groetland," the landfall 
of " Jac. Scolvus," the Pole. Cf. Vol. TIT. 40. 

* For Mercator's map, see Vol. II. 452; IV. 94, 373. 
Ortelius' separate map of Scandia is much the same. It is 
the same with the map of Phillipus Gallaeus, dated 1574, but 
published at Antwerp in 1585 in the Theatri orbis terra- 



rutn Enchiridion. Gilbert's map in 1576 omits the " Groc- 
land "(Vol. III. 203). Both features, however, are pre- 
served in the Judaeis of 1593 (Vol. IV. 97), in the Wytfliet 
of 1597 (Vol. II. 459), in Wolfe's Linschoten in 1598 (Vol. 
III. loi), and in Quadus in r6oo (Vol. IV. loi). In the 
Zalti^re map of 1566 (Vol. II. 451 ; IV. 93), in the Porcac- 
chi map of 1572 (Vol. II. 96, 453 ; IV. 96), and in that of 
Johannes Martines of 1578, the features are too indefinite 
for recognition. Lelewel (i. pi. 7) gives a Spanish mappe- 
monde of 1573. 



From Theatri orbis Terrartim Enchiridion, per Phillipum Gallceum, et per Huginem Favolitim {Ax\i^er-p, 1585). 
VOL. I. — 9 



I30 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



that both represent the views prevailing in the north in 1570, it is hard to resist the conclusion that Vinland 
was north even of Davis' Straits, or at least held to be so at that time. 

The second map, that of Stephanius, is reproduced herewith, dating back to the same period (1570) ; but 
the third, by Gudbrandus Torlacius, was made in 1606, and is sketched in Kohl's Discovery of Maine (p. 109). 
It gives better shape to " Gronlandia " than in either of the others. 

It is not necessary to follow the course of the Greenland cartography farther with any minuteness. As the 
sixteenth century ended we have leading maps by Hakluyt in 1587 and 1599 (see Vol. III. 42), and De Bry in 
1596 (Vol. IV. 99), and Wytfliet in 1597, all of which give Davis's Straits with more or less precision. Ba- 
rentz's map of 1598 became the exemplar of the cirS^olar chart in Pontanus' Rerum et Urbis Amstelodw 
mensium Historia of i6n.i The chart of Luke Fo^^i635, marked progress 2 better than that of La Pey- 







I u .^ „ y ,. q ., ,., |r ,. ,q „ » p , j^,^ 



SIGURD STEPHANIUS, 1570.* 
1 In fac-simile in Nordenskjold's Vega, i. 247. 



2 Vol. Ill p. 



* Reproduced from the Saga Time of J. Fulford Vicary (London, 1887), after the map as given in the publicatioH of 
the geographical society at Copenhagen, 1885-86, and it is supposed to have been drafted upon the narrative of the sagas. 
Key : " ^. This is where the English have come and has a name for barrenness, either from sun or cold. B. This is 
near where Vineland lies, which from its abundance of useful things, or from the land's fruitfuliiess, is called Good. Our 
countrymen (Icelanders) have thought that to the south it ends with the wild sea and that a sound or fjord separates it 
from America. C. This land is called Riiseland or land of the giants, as they have horns and are called Skrickfinna 
(Fins that frighten). D. This is more to the east, and the people are called Klofinna (Fins with claws) on account of 
their large nails. E. This is Jotunheimer, or the home of the misshapen giants. F. Here is thought to be a fjord, or 
sound, leading to Russia. G. A rocky land often referred to in histories. H. What island that is I do not know, unless 
it be the island that a Venetian found, and the Germans call Friesland." 

It will be observed under the B of the Key, the Norse of 1570 did not identify the Vinland of 1000 with the America of 
later discoveries. 

This map is much the same, but differs somewhat in detail, from the one called of Stephanius, as produced in Kohl's 
Discovery 0/ Maine, p. 107, professedly after a copy given in Torfaeus' Gronlatidia Antigua {i7cA). Torfaeus quotes 
Theodorus Torlacius, the Icelandic historian, as saying that Stephanius appears to have drawn his map from ancient Ice- 
landic records. The other maps given by Torfaeus are: by Bishop Gudbrand Thorlakssen (1606); by Jonas Gudmund 
(1640) ; by Theodor Thorlakssen (i6fl6), and by Torfaeus himself. Cf. other copies of the map of Stephanius in Malte- 
Brun's Annales des Voyages, Weise's Discoveries 0/ America, p. 22; Geog. Tidskri/t, viii. 123, and in Horsford's. 
Disc, of A merica by Northmen p. 37. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. 



131 



r^re (1647), though his map was better known.^ Even as late as 1727, Hermann Moll could not identify his 
"Greenland" with " Groenland." In 1741, we have the map of Hans Egede in his " Gronland," repeated in 







^i I io A ^ 



r^f&i, y-fJ^^^S^, 



1 A paper by H. Rink in the Geografisk Tidskrift (viii. 
139) entitled " Ostgronlandeme i deres Forhold till Vest- 
gronianderne og de ovrige Eskimostammer," is accompa- 
nied by drafts of the map of G. Tholacius, 1606, and of Th. 
Thorlacius, 1668-69, — the latter placing East Bygd on the 
east coast near the south end. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on 



Osterbygden in Geog. Tidskrift, viii. 123 , gives fac-similes 
of maps of Jovis Carolus in 1634 ; of Hendrick Doncker 
in 1669. Sketches of maps by Johannes Meyer in 1652, 
and by Hendrick Doncker in 1666, are also given in the 
Geografisk Tidskrift, viii. (1885), pi. 5. 



Note, — The annexed map is a reduced fac-simile of the map in the Efterretnin^er otn Gronland uddragne af en 
Journal holdenfra 1771 til 1788, by Paul Egede (Copenhagen, 1789). Paul Egede, son of Hans, was born in 1708, and 
remained in Greenland till 1740. He was made Bishop of Greenland in 1770, and died in 1789. The above book gives 
a portrait. There is another fac-simile of the map in Nordenskjold's Exped. till Gr'dnland, p. 234. 



132 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



late editions, and the old delineation of the east coast after Torfaeus was still retained in the 1788 map of 
Paul Egede. 

In the map of 1653, made by De la Martinifere, who was of the Danish expedition to -the north, Greenland 
was made to connect with Northern Asia by way of the North pole.i Nordenskjold calls him the MUnch- 
hausen of the northeast voyagers ; and by his own passage in the " Vega," along the northern verge of Europe, 
from one ocean to the other, the Swedish navigator has of recent years proved for the first time that Greenland 
has no such connection. It yet remains to be proved that there is no connection to the north with at least 
the group of islands that are the arctic outlyers of the American continent. 



SiPXENTRION. 



Groenland. 




l « M Bl HP Hp^MaBljlBHMBpMMWiajiBJMl»«jHi JlTirB- 



3za 



33" 

Midi 



3^0 3fc -^60 

GREENLAND.* 



* Voyages des Pais Septentrionaux , — a very popular book. 

* Extracted from the " Carte de Groenland" in Isaac de la Pejrr^re's Relation du Groenland (Paris, 1647). Cf. Win- 
sor's Kohl Maps, no. 122. 



.s 



^"^ 






CHAPTER III. 

MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 

BY JUSTIN WINSOR. 

THE traditions of the migrations of the Chichimecs, Colhuas, and Na- 
huas," says Max Miiller/ "are no better than the Greek traditions 
about Pelasgians, Cohans, and lonians, and it would be a mere waste of 
time to construct out of such elements a systematic history, only to be 
destroyed again, sooner or later, by some Niebuhr, Grote, or Lewis." 

" It is yet too early," says Bandelier,^ " to establish a definite chronology, 
running farther back from the Conquest than two centuries,^ and even 
within that period but very few dates have been satisfactorily fixed." 

Such are the conditions of the story which it is the purpose of this chap- 
ter to tell. 

We have, to begin with, as in other history, the recognition of a race 
of giants, convenient to hang legends on, and accounted on all hands to have 
been occupants of the country in the dimmest past, so that there is nothing 
back of them. Who they were, whence they came, and what stands for 
their descendants after we get down to what in this pre-Spanish history we 
rather presumptuously call historic ground, is far from clear. If we had 
the easy faith of the native historian Ixtlilxochitl, we should believe that 
these gigantic Quinames, or Quinametin, were for the most part swallowed 
up in a great convulsion of nature, and it was those who escaped which the 
Olmecs and Tlascalans encountered in entering the country.^ If all this 
means anything, which may well be doubted, it is as likely as not that these 
giants were the followers of a demi-god, Votan,^ who came from over-sea to 

1 Chips from a German Workshops i. 327. tique des Rois Asteques de ijj2 h. IJ22, takes 

2 Archceological Tour, p. 202. issue with Ramirez on some points. 

^ The earliest fixed date for the founding * Bancroft (v. 199) gives references to those 

of Tenochtitlan (Mexico city) is 1325. Bras- writers who have discussed this question of gi- 

seur tells us that Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora ants. Bandelier's references are more in detail 

made the first chronological table of ancient {Arch. Tour, p. 201). Short (p. 233) borrows 

Mexican dates, which was used by Boturini, and largely the list in Bancroft. The enumeration 

was improved by Leon y Gama, — the same includes nearly all the old writers. Acosta finds 

which Bustamante has inserted in his edition of confirmation in bones of incredible largeness, 

Gomara. Gallatin {Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans.,\.) often found in his day, and then supposed to be 

gave a composite table of events by dates be- human. Modern zoologists say they were those 

fore the Conquest, which is followed in Brantz of the Mastodon. Howarth, Mammoth and the 

Mayer's Mexico as it was, i. 97, Ed. Madier de Flood, 297. 

Montjau, in his Chronologie hieroglyphico-phone- ^ See Native Races, ii. 117 ; v. 24, 27* 



134 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

America,^ found it peopled, established a government in Xibalba, — if such 
a place ever existed, — with the germs of Maya if not of other civilizations, 
whence, by migrations during succeeding times, the Votanites spread north 
and occupied the Mexican plateau, where they became degenerate, doubt- 
less, if they deserved the extinction which we are told was in store for 
them. But they had an alleged chronicler for their early days, the writer 
of the Book of Votan, written either by the hero himself or by one of his 
descendants, — eight or nine generations in the range of authorship mak- 
ing little difference apparently. That this narrative was known to Fran- 
cisco Nunez de la Vega ^ would seem to imply that somebody at that time 
had turned it into readable script out of the unreadable hieroglyphics, while 
the disguises of the Spanish tongue, perhaps, as Bancroft^ suggests, may 
have saved it from the iconoclastic zeal of the priests. When, later, Ramon 
de Ordonez had the document, — perhaps the identical manuscript, — it con- 
sisted of a few folios of quarto paper, and was written in Roman script in 
the Tzendal tongue, and was inspected by Cabrera, who tells us something 
of its purport in his Teatro critico Americajio, while Ramon himself was at 
the sarhe time using it in his Historia del Cielo y de la Tierra, It was from 
a later copy of this last essay, the first copy being unknown, that the Abbe 
Brasseur de Bourbourg got his knowledge of what Ramon had derived from 
the Votan narrative, and which Brasseur has given us in several of his 
books. ^ That there was a primitive empire — Votanic, if you please — 
seems to some minds confirmed by other evidences than the story of Votan ; 
and out of this empire — to adopt a European nomenclature — have come, 
as such believers say, after its downfall somewhere near the Christian era, 
and by divergence, the great stocks of people called Maya, Quiche, and 
Nahua, inhabiting later, and respectively, Yucatan, (j-uatemala, and Mex- 
ico. This is the view, if we accept the theory which Bancroft has prom- 
inently advocated, that the migrations of the Nahuas were from the south 
northward,^ and that this was the period of the divergence, eighteen cen- 
turies ago or more, of the great civilizing stocks of Mexico and of Central 
America.^ We fail to find so early a contact of these two races, if, on the 
other hand, we accept the old theory that the migrations which established 

1 Sometimes it is said they came from the 450. Brasseur identifies the Votanites with the 
Antilles, or beyond, easterly, and that an off- Colhuas, as the builders of Palenque, the found- 
shoot of the same people appeared to the early ers of Xibalba, and thinks a branch of them 
French explorers as the Natchez Indians. We wandered south to Peru. There are some sto- 
have, of course, offered to us a choice of theories ries of even pre- Votan days, under Igh and 
in the belief that the Maya civilization came Imox. Cf. H. De Charency's " Myth d'Imos," 
from the westward by the island route from in the Annates de philosophie Chretienne, 1872- 
Asia. This misty history is nothing without 73, and references in Bancroft, v. 164, 231. 
alternatives, and there are a plenty of writers ^ J\fative Races, \\. 121, etc. 

who dogmatize about them. 6 Bancroft (v. 236) points to Bradford, Squier, 

2 Constitucioties diocesanas del obispado de Chi- Tylor, Viollet-le-Duc, Bartlett, and Miiller, with 
appas (Rome, 1702). Brasseur in a qualified way, as in the main agree- 

3 Nat. Races, v. 160. ing in this early disjointing of the Naftiua stock, 
* Hist. Nations Civilisies, i. 37, 150, etc. Po- by which the Maya was formed through sepa- 

pul Vuk, introd., sec. v. Bancroft relates the ration from the older race. 
Votan myth, with references, in N'at. Races, iii. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 135 

the Toltec and Aztec powers were from the north southward,^ through 
three several lines, as is sometimes held, one on each side of the Rocky 
Mountains, with a third following the coast. In this way such advocates 
trace the course of the Olmecs, who encountered the giants, and later of the 
Toltecs. 

That the Votanic peoples or some other ancient tribes were then a dis- 
tinct source of civilization, and that Palenque may even be Xibalba, or the 
Nachan, which Votan founded, is a belief that some archaeologists find 
the evidence of in certain radical differences in the Maya tongues and in 
the Maya ruins.^ 

In the Quiche traditions, as preserved in the Poptil Vuh, and in the 
Annals of the CakchiquelSy we likewise go back into mistiness and into the' 
inevitable myths which give the modern comparative mythologists so much 
comfort and enlightenment; but Bancroft ^ and the rest get from all this 
nebulousness, as was gotten from the Maya traditions, that there was a 
great power at Xibalba,^ — if in Central America anywhere that place may 
have been, — which was overcome^ when from Tulan^ went out migrating 
chiefs, who founded the Quiche-Cakchiquel peoples of Guatemala, while 
others, the Yaqui, — very likely only traders, — went to Mexico, and still 
others went to Yucatan, thus accounting for the subsequent great centres 
of aboriginal power — if we accept this view. 

As respects the traditions of the more northern races, there is the same 
choice of belief and alternative demonstration. The Olmecs, the earliest 
Nahua comers, are sometimes spoken of as sailing from Florida and land- 
ing on the coast at what is now Panuco, whence they travelled to Guate- 
mala," and finally settled in Tamoanchan, and offered their sacrifices farther 
north at Teotihuacan.^ This is very likely the Votan legend suited to the 
more northern region, and if so, it serves to show, unless we discard the 
whole theory, how the Votanic people had scattered. The other principal 
source of our suppositions — for we can hardly call it knowledge — of these 
times is the Codex Chimalpopoca^ of which there is elsewhere an account,^ 

^Enforced, for instance, by one of the best of capital, as utterly unsupported and wildly hypo- 

the later Mexican writers, Orozco y Berra, in his thetical {Myths, 251). 

Geografia de las lenguas y Carta Ethnografica de ^ Perhaps by Gucumatz (who is identified by 

Mexico (Mexico, 1865). some with Quetzalcoatl), leading the Tzequiles, 

2 Tylor, Anahuac, 189, and his Early Hist, who are said to have appeared from somewhere 

Mankind, \'i\. Orozco y Berra, G^^£>f., 124. Ban- during one of Votan's absences, and to have 

croft, V. 169, note. The word Maya was first grown into power among the Chanes, or Votan's 

heard by Columbus in his fourth voyage, 1503-4. people, till they made Tulan, where they lived, 

We sometimes find it written Mayab. It is too powerful for the Votanites. Bancroft (v. 

usual to class the people of Yucatan, and even 187) holds this view against Brasseur. 
the Quiche-Cakchiquels of Guatemala and those '^ Perhaps Ococingo, or Copan, as Bancroft 

of Nicaragua, under the comprehensive term of conjectures (v. 187). 

Maya, as distinct from the Nahua people farther ^ As Sahagun calls it, meaning, as Bancroft 

north. suggests. Tabasco. 

* Na^. Races, v. 186. 8 Short (p. 248) points out that the linguistic 

* Brinton, with his view of myths, speaks of researches of Orozco y Berra ( Geografia de las 
the attempt of the Abbe Brasseur to make Xi- Lenguas de Mexico, 1-76) seem to confirm this, 
balba an ancient kingdom, with Palenque as its ^ See p. 158. 



136 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

and from it we can derive much the same impressions, if we are disposed to 
sustain a preconceived notion. 

The periods and succession of the races whose annals make up the his- 
tory of what we now call Mexico, prior to the coming of the Spaniards, are 
confused and debatable. Whether under the name of Chichimecs we are to 
understand a distinct people, or a varied and conglomerate mass of people, 
which, ^in a generic way, we might call barbarians, is a question open to 
discussion.^ There is no lack of names ^ to be applied to the tribes and 
bands which, according to all accounts, occupied the Mexican territory pre- 
vious to the sixth century. Some of them were very likely Nahua fore- 
runners ^ of the subsequent great influx of that race, like the Olmecs and 
Xicalancas, and may have been the people /'from the direction of Florida," 
of whom mention has been made. Others, as some say, were eddies of those 
populous waves which, coming by the north from Asia, overflowed the 
Rocky Mountains, and became the builders of mounds and the later peoples 
of the Mississippi Valley,* passed down the trend of the Rocky Mountains, 
and built cliff-houses and pueblos, or streamed into the table-land of Mex- 
ico. This is all conjecture, perhaps delusion, but may be as good a suppo- 
sition as any, if we agree to the northern theory, as Nadaillac ° does, but not 
so tenable, if, with the contrary Bancroft,^ we hold rather that they came 
from the south. We can turn from one to the other of these theorists and 
agree with both, as they cite their evidences. On the whole, a double com- 
pliance is better than dogmatism. It is one thing to lose one's way in this 
labyrinth of belief, and another to lose one's head. 

1 Kirk says (Prescott's Mexico) : "Confusion nants provokingly, and it may be enough to give 
arises from the name of Chichimec, originally alphabetically a list comprised of those in Prich- 
that of a single tribe, and subsequently of its ard (A^aL Hist. Man) and Orozco y Berra {Geo- 
rtiany offshoots, being also used to designate sue- grafia), with some help from Gallatin in the 
cessive hordes of whatever race." Some have American Ethno. Soc. Trans., i., and other 
seen in the Waiknas of the Mosquito Coast, and groupers of the ethnological traces : Chinantecs, 
in the Caribs generally, descendants of these Chi- Chatinos, Cohuixcas, Chontales, Colhuas, Coras, 
chimecs who have kept to their old social level. Cuitatecs, Chichimecs, Cuextecas (Guaxtecas, 
The Caribs, on other authority, came originally Huastecs), Mazetecs, Mazahuas, Michinacas, 
from the stock of the Tupis and Guaranis, who Miztecs, Nonohualcas, Olmecs, Otomi's, Papa- 
occupied the region south of the Amazon, and bucos, Quinames, Soltecos, Totonacs, Triquis, 
in Columbus's time they were scattered in Da- Tepanecs, Tarascos, Xicalancas, Zapotecs. It 
rien and Honduras, along the northern regions is not unlikely the same people may be here 
of South America, and in some of the Antilles mentioned under different names. The diversity 
(Von Martius, Beitrdge zur Ethnographic und of opinions respecting the future of these vapory 
Sprachenkunde Amerikd's zunial Brasiliens, existences is seen in Bancroft's collation (v. 
Leipzig, 1867). Bancroft (ii. 126) gives the 202). Torquemada tells us about all that we 
etymology of Chichimec and of other tribal des- know of the Totonacs, who claim to have been 
ignations. Cf. Buschmann's Ueber die Azteki- the builders of Teotihuacan. Bancroft gives ref- 
schen Ortsnamen (Berlin, 1853). Bandelier {Ar- erences (v. 204) for the Totonacs, (p. 206) for 
chcEol. Tour, 200; Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 393) the Otomis, (p. 207) for the Mistecs and Zapo- 
says he fails to discover in the word anything tecs, and (p. 208) for the Huastecs. 

more than a general term, signifying a savage, a ^ Bancroft, ii. 97. Brasseur, Nat. Civ., i. ch. 

hunter, or a warrior, Chichimecos, applied to 4, and his Palenqiie, ch. 3. 

roving tribes. Brasseur says that Mexican tra- * Called HuehTie-Tiapallan, as Brasseur would 

dition applies the term Chichimecs generically have it. 

to the first occupants of the New World. 6 Following Motolinia and other early writers 

2 These names wander and exchange conso- ^ jsfative Races, v. 219, 616. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. I37 

It was the Olmecs who found the Ouinames, or giants, near Puebla and 
Cholula, and in the end overcame them. The Olmecs built, according to 
one story, the great pyramid of Cholula,^ and it was they who received 
the great Quetzalcoatl from across the sea, a white-bearded man, as the 
legends went, who was benign enough, in the stories told of him, to make 
the later Spaniards think, when they heard them, that he was no other than 
the Christian St. Thomas on his missions. When the Spaniards finally in- 
duced the inheritors of the Olmecs' power to worship Quetzalcoatl as a 
beneficent god, his temple soon topped the mound at Cholula.^ We have 
seen that the great Nahua occupation of the Mexican plateau, at a period 
somewhere from the fourth to the seventh century,^ was preceded by 
some scattered tribal organizations of the same stock, which had at an 
early date mingled with the primitive peoples of this region. We have 
seen that there is a diversity of opinion as to the country from which they 
came, whether from the north or south. A consideration of this question 
involves the whole question of the migration of races in these pre-Colum- 
bian days, since it is the coming and going of peoples that form the basis 
of all its history. 

In the study of these migrations, we find no more unanimity of inter- 
pretation than in other questions of these early times.* The Nahua peoples 
(Toltecs, Aztecs, Mexicans, or what you will), according to the prevalent 
views of the early Spanish writers, came by successive influxes from the 
north or northwest, and from a remote place called Tollan, Tula, Tlapallan, 
Huehue-Tlapallan, as respects the Toltec group,^ and called Aztlan as 

^ Bandelier, Archceol. Tour, 253. huas, Toltecs, or whatever designation may be 

2 Kingsborough, ix. 206, 460; Veytia, i. 155, given to the beginners of this myth and history, 
163. Of the Quetzalcoatl myth there are refer- placed it in California, but some later writers 
ences elsewhere. P. J. J. Valentini has made think it worth while to give it a geographical 
a study of the early Mexican ethnology and his- existence in the Mississippi Valley, and to asso- 
tory in his " Olmecas and Tultecas," translated ciate it in some vague way with the mound- 
by S. Salisbury, Jr., and printed in the Amer. builders and their works (Short, No. Amer. of 
Ant/^. Soc. Proc, Oct. 21,1882. On Quetzalcoatl ^«//^., 251, 253). There is some confusion be- 
in Cholula, see Torquemada, translated in Ban- tween Huehue-Tlapallan of this story and the 
croft, iii. 258. Tlapallan noticed in the Spanish conquest time, 

^ This wide difference covers intervening cen- which was somewhere in the Usumacinta region, 

turies, each of which has its advocates. Short and if we accept Tollan, Tullan, or Tula as a 

carries their coming back to the fourth century form of the name, the confusion is much in- 

(p.245), but Clavigero's date of A. D. 544 is more creased (Short, pp. 217-220). Bancroft (v. 214) 

commonly followed. Veytia makes it the sev- says there is no sufficient data to determine the 

enth century. Bancroft (v. 211, 214) notes the position of Huehue-Tlapallan, but he thinks " the 

diversity of views. evidence, while not conclusive, favors the south 

* Bancroft (v. 322) in along note collates the rather than the north" (p. 216). The truth is, 

different statements of the routes and sojourns about these conflicting views of a northern or 

in this migration. Cf. Short, p. 259. southern origin, pretty much as Kirk puts it 

^ Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 10. It must be con- . (Prescott, i. 18) : " All that can be said with con- 
fessed that it is rather in the domain of myth fidence is, that neither of the opposing theo- 
than of history that we must place all that has ries rests on a secure and sufficient basis." The 
been written about the scattering of the Toltec situation of Huehue-Tlapallan and Aztlan is 
people at Babel (Bancroft, v. 19), and their very likely one and the same question, as look- 
finally reaching Huehue-Tlapallan, wherever ing to what was the starting-point of all the 
that may have been. The view long prevalent Nahua migrations, extending over a thousand 
about this American starting-point of the Na- years. 



138 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



respects the Aztec or Mexican. When, by settlement after settlement, each 
migratory people pushed farther south, they finally reached Central Mexico. 
This sequence of immigration seems to be agreed upon, but as to where 
their cradle was and as to what direction their line of progress took, there 
is a diversity of opinion as widely separated as the north is from the south. 
The northern position and the southern direction is all but universally 
accepted among the early Spanish writers ^ and their followers,^ while it is 
claimed by others that the traditions as preserved point to the south 
as the starting-point. Cabrera took this view. Brasseur sought to recon- 
cile conflicting tradition and Spanish statement by carrying the line of 
migration from the south with a northerly sweep, so that in the end Ana- 
huac would be entered from the north, .with which theory Bancroft ^ is 
inclined to agree. Aztlan, as well as Huehue-Tlapallan, by those who 
support the northern theory, has been placed anywhere from the Califor- 
nia peninsula^ within a radius that sweeps through Wisconsin and strikes 
the Atlantic at Florida.^ 



1 Bancroft, v. 217. 

2 Torquemada, Boturini, Humboldt, Brasseur, 
Charnay, Short, etc. 

2 Nat. Races (v. 222). 

* In support of the California location, Busch- 
mann, in his Uebei' die Spur en der Aztekischen 
Sprache im ndrdlichen Mexico imd hoheren Anie- 
rikanischen Norden (Berlin, 1854), finds traces of 
the Mexican tongue in those of the recent Cali- 
fornia Indians. Linguistic resemblances to the 
Aztec, even so far north as Nootka, have been 
traced, but later philologists deny the inferences 
of relationship drawn from such similarity (Ban- 
croft, iii. p. 612). The linguistic confusion in 
aboriginal California is so great that there is a 
wide field for tracing likenesses [Ibid. iii. 635). 
In the California State Mining B2ireau, Bulletin 
no. I (Sacramento, 1888), Winslow Anderson 
gives a description of some desiccated human 
remains found in a sealed cave, which are sup- 
posed to be Aztec. There are slight resem- 
blances to the Aztec in the Shoshone group of 
languages (Bancroft, iii. 660), and the same au- 
thor arranges all that has been said to connect 
the Mexican tongue with those of New Mexico 
and neighboring regions (iii. 664). Buschmann, 
who has given particular attention to tracing the 
Aztec connections at the north, finds nothing to 
warrant anything more than casual admixtures 
with other stocks [Die Lautverdnderimg Azteki- 
scher WQrter, Berlin, 1855, and Die Spuren der 
Aztekischen Spracken, Berlin, 1859). See Short 
(p. 487) for a summary. 

5 Bancroft (v. 305) cites the diverse views; so 
does Short to some extent (pp. 246, 258, etc.). 
Cf. Brinton's Address on " Where was Aztlan ? " 
p. 6; Short, 486, 490; Nadaillac, 284; Wilson's 
Prehistoric Man^ i. 327. 



Brinton [Myths of the New World, etc., 89; 
Amer. Hero. Myths, 92) holds that Aztlan is a 
name wholly of mythical purport, which it would 
be vain to seek on the terrestrial globe. This 
cradle region of the Nahuas sometimes appears 
as the Seven Caves (Chicomoztoc), and Duran 
places them "in Teoculuacan, otherwise called 
Aztlan, a country toward the north and con- 
nected with Florida." The Seven Caves were 
explained by Sahagun as a valley, by Clavigero 
as a city, by Schoolcraft and others as simply 
seven boats in which the first comers came from 
Asia; Brasseur makes them and Aztlan the 
same ; others find them to be the seven cities of 
Cibola, — so enumerates Brinton [Myths, 227), 
who thinks that the seven divisions of the Na- 
huas sprung from the belief in the Seven Caves, 
and had in reality no existence. 

Gallatin has followed out the series of migra- 
tions in the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., \. 162. 
Dawson, Fossil Mejt (ch. 3), gives his compre- 
hensive views of the main directions of these 
early migrations. Brasseur follows the Nahuas 
{Popul Vuh, introd., sect. ix.). Winchell [Pre- 
Adamites) thinks the general tendency was from 
north to south. Morgan finds the origin of the 
Mexican tribes in New Mexico and in the San 
Juan Valley [Peabody Mus. Kept., xii. 553. Cf. 
his article in the North Am. Rev., Oct., 1869). 
Humboldt ( Views of Nature, 207) touches the 
Aztec wanderings. 

There are two well-known Aztec migration 
maps, first published in F. G. Carreri's Giro 
del Mondo ; in English as "Voyage round the 
world," in Churchill's Voyages, vol. iv., concern- 
ing which see Bancroft, ii. 543 ; iii. 68, 69 ; Short. 
262, 431, 433; Prescott, iii. 364, 382. Orozco y 
Berra [Hist. Antiq. de Mexico, iii. 61) says that 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 139 

The advocates of the southern starting-point of these migrations have 
been comparatively few and of recent prominence ; chief among them are 
Squier and Bancroft.^ 

With the appearance of a people, which, for want of a better designation, 
are usually termed Toltecs, on the Mexican table-land in the sixth century 
or thereabouts,^ we begin the early history of Mexico, so far as we can make 
any deductions from the semi-mythical records and traditions which the 
Spaniards or the later aborigines have preserved for us. This story of the 
Nahua occupation of Anahuac is one of strife and shifting vassalage, with 
rivalries and uprisings of neighboring and kindred tribes, going on for cen- 
turies. While the more advanced portion of the Nahuas in Anahuac were 
making progress in the arts, that division of the same stock which was 
living beyond such influence, and without the bounds of Anahuac, were 
looked upon rather as barbarians than as brothers, and acquired the name 
which had become a general one for such rougher natures, Chichimec. 
It is this Chichimec people under some name or other who are always 
starting up and overturning something. At one time they unite with the 
Colhuas and found Colhuacan, and nearly subjugate the lake region. Then 
the Toltec tarriers at Huehue-Tlapallan come boldly to the neighborhood 
of the Chichimecs and found Tollan ; and thus they turn a wandering com- 
munity into what, for want of a better name, is called a monarchy. They 
strengthened its government by an alliance with the Chichimecs,^ and 
placed their seat of power at Colhuacan. 

these maps follow one another, and are not dif- embourg, 1877), i- 325. This paper finds an 
ferent records of the same progress. Humboldt identification of the Tulan Zuivaof the Quiches, 
(Vues, etc., ii. 176) gives an interpretation of the Huehue-Tlapallan of the Toltecs, the Ama- 
them in accordance with Sigiienza's views, which quemecan of the Chichimecs, and the Oztotlan 
is the one usually followed, and Bancroft (v. 324) (Aztlan) of the Aztecs in fhe valleys of the Rio 
epitomizes it. Ramirez says that the copies Grande del Norte and Rio Colorado, as was 
reproduced in Humboldt, Clavigero, and Kings- Morgan's view. Short (p. 249) summarizes his 
borough are not so correct as the engraving paper. Bancroft (v. 289) shows the diversity 
given in Garcia y Cubas's At/as geogi'dfico, esta- of views respecting Amaquemecan. 
distico e historico de la Repicblica Mejicana (April, ^ Native Races, v. 167, recapitulates the proofs 
1858). Bancroft (ii. 544) gives it as reproduced against the northern theory. J. R. Bartlett, Per- 
by Ramirez. It is also in the Mexican edition sonal N'arrative, ii. 283, finds no evidence for it. 
of Prescott, and in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes. The successive sites of their sojourns as they 
C£ Delafield's Inquiry (N. Y., 1839) and Leon passed on their journeys are given as Tlapallan, 
de Rosny's Les doc. ecrits de Vantiq. Anih'. Tlacutzin, Tlapallanco, Jalisco, Atenco, Iztach- 
( Paris, 1882). The original is preserved in nexuca, Tollatzinco, Tollan or Tula, — the last^ 
the Museo Nacional of Mexico. A palm-tree says Bancroft, apparently in Chiapas. If there 
on the map, near Aztlan, has pointed some of was not such confusion respecting the old geog- 
the arguments in favor of a southern position raphy, these names might decide the question, 
for that place, but Ramirez says it is but a part ^ Writers usually place the beginnings of cred- 
of a hieroglyphic name, and has no reference ible history at about this period. Brasseur and 
to the climate of Aztlan (Short, p. 266). F. Von the class of writers who are easily lifted on their 
Hellwald printed a paper on " American migra- imagination talk about traces of a settled gov- 
tions," with notes by Professor Henry, in the ernment being discernible at periods which they 
Smithsonian Report, 1866, pp. 328-345. Short place a thousand years before Christ, 
defines as " altogether the most enlightened ^ References in Bancroft, v. 247, with Bras- 
treatment of the subject " the paper of John seur for the main dependence, in his use of the 
H. Becker, " Migrations des Nahuas," in the Codex Chimalpbpoca and the Memorial de Col- 
Compte rendu, Congrls des Americanistes (Lux- huacan. 



140 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Then we read of a power springing up at Tezcuco, and of various other 
events, which happened or did not happen, according as you believe this or 
the other chronicle. The run of many of the stories of course produces 
the inevitable and beautiful daughter, and the bold princess, who control 
many an event. Then there is a league of Colhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan. 
Suddenly appears the great king Quetzalcoatl, — though it may be we con- 
found him with the divinity of that name ; and with him, to perplex mat- 
ters, comes his sworn enemy Huemac. Quetzalcoatl's devoted labors to 
make his, people give up human sacrifice arrayed the priesthood against 
him, until at last he fell before the intrigues that made Huemac succeed in 
Tollan, and that drove his luckless rival to Cholula, where he reigned anew. 
Huemac followed him and drove him farther ; but in doing so he gave his 
enemies in Tollan a chance to put another on the throne. 

Then came a season of peace and development, when Tollan grew 
splendid. Colhuacan flourished in political power, and Teotihuacan ^ and 
Cholula were the religious shrines of the people. But at last the end was 
near. 

The closing century of the Toltec power was a frightful one for broil, 
pestilence, and famine among the people, amours and revenge in the great 
chieftain's household, revolt among the vassals ; with sorcery rampant 
and the gods angry ; with volcanoes belching, summers like a furnace, and 
winters like the pole ; with the dreaded omen of a rabbit, horned like a deer, 
confronting the ruler, while rebel forces threatened the capital. There 
was also civil strife within the gates, phallic worship and debauchery, — all 
preceding an inundation of Chichimecan hordes. Thus the power that 
had flourished for several hundred' years fell, — seemingly in the latter half 
of the eleventh century.^ *The remnant that was left of the desolated 
people went hither and thither, till the fragments were absorbed in the 
conquerors, or migrated to distant regions south.^ 

Whether the term Toltec signified a nation, or only denoted a dynasty, 
is a question for the archaeologists to determine. The general opinion 
heretofore has been that they were a distinct race, of the Nahua stock, how- 
ever, and that they came from the north. The story which has been thus 
far told of their history is the narrative of Ixtlilxochitl, and is repeated 
by Veytia, Clavigero, Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Orozco y Berra, 

^ Charnay (Eng. trans., ch. 8 and 9) calls it a the greater number probably spread over the 

rival city of Tula or Tollan, rebuilt by the Chi- region of Central America and the neighboring 

chimecs on the ruins of a Toltec city. isles, and the traveller now speculates on the 

2 If one wants the details of all this, he can majestic ruins of Mitla and Palenque as possi- 

read it in Veytia, Brasseur (Nat. Civilisees and bly the work of this extraordinary people." 

Palenque^ ch. viii.), and Bancroft, the latter giv- Kirk, as Prescott's editor, refers to the labors 

ing references (v. 285). of Orozco y Berra (Geografia de las Lenguas de 

^ It is frequently stated that there was a seg- Mexico, 122), followed by Tylor, Anahuac, 189) 

legated migration to Central America. Bancroft as establishing the more recent view that this 

(v. 168, 285), who collates the authorities, finds southern architecture, " though of a far highei 

nothing of the kind implied. He thinks the grade, was long anterior to the Toltec domin- 

mass remained in Anahuac. The old view as ion." 
expressed by Prescott (i. 14) was that "much 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



141 



Nadaillac, and the later compilers. Sahagun seems to have been the first 
to make a distinct use of the name Toltec, and Charency in his paper on 
Xibalba finds evidence that the Toltecs constituted two different migra- 
tions, the one of a race that was straight-headed, which came from the 
northwest, and the other of a flat-headed people, which came from Florida. 
Brinton, on the contrary, finds no warrant either for this dual migration, 
or indeed for considering the Toltecs to be other than a section of the 
same race, that we know later as Aztecs or Mexicans. This sweeping 
denial of their ethnical independence had been forestalled by Gallatin ; ^ 
but no one before Brinton had made it a distinct issue,- though some 
writers before and since have verged on his views.^ Others, like Charnay, 
have answered Brinton's arguments, and defended the older views.^ Ban- 
delier's views connect them with the Maya rather than with the Nahua 
stock,* if, as he thinks may be the case, they were the people who landed 
at Panuco and settled at Tamoanchan, the Votanites, as they are sometimes 
called. He traces back to Herrera and Torquemada the identification for 
the first time of the Toltecs with these people.^ Bandeliep's conclusions, 
however, are that "all we can gather about them with safety is, that they 
were a sedentary Indian stock, which at some remote period settled in Cen- 
tral Mexico," and that "nothing certain is known of their language." ^ 



1 Amer. Ethno. Soc. Trans., i. 

2 Bancroft (v. 287 ) says : " It is probable that 
the name Toltec, a title of distinction rather 
than a national name, was never applied at all 
to the common people." 

3 Brinton's main statement is in his Were the 
Toltecs an historic nationality ? Read before the 
American Philosophical Society^ Sept. 2, 1887 
(Phila., 1887) ; published also in their Proceed- 
ings, 1887, p. 229. Cf. also Brinton's Amer. 
Hero. Myths (Phil., 1882), p. 86, where he throws 
discredit on the existence of the alleged Toltec 
king Quetzalcoatl (whom Sahagun keeps dis- 
tinct from the mythical demi-god) ; and earlier, 
in his Myths of the New World (p. 29), he had 
suggested that the name Toltec might have " a 
merely mythical signification." Charnay, who 
makes the Toltecs a Nahuan tribe, had defended 
their historical status in a paper on " La Civili- 
sation Tolteque," in t\ie Revue d^Ethnographie 
(iv., 1885) ; and again, two years later, in the same 
periodical, he reviewed adversely Brinton's argu- 
ments. (Cf. Saturday Review, Ixiii. 843.) Otto 
Stoll, in his Guatemala, Reisen und Schilderungen 
(Leipzig, 1886), is another who rejects the old 
theory. 

* ArchcEol. Tour, 253. 

5 ArchaoL Tour, 7. Sahagun identifies the 
Toltecs with the " giants," and if these were the 
degraded descendants of the followers of Votan, 
Sahagun thus earlier established the same iden- 
tity. 

6 Archceol. Tour, 191. The fact that the 



names which we associate with the Toltecs are 
Nahua, only means that Nahua writers have 
transmitted them, as Bandelier thinks. Cf. also 
Bandelier's citation in the Peabody Mus. Reports^ 
vol. ii. 388, where he speaks of our information 
regarding the Toltecs as " limited and obscure." 
He thinks it beyond question that they were Na- 
huas ; and the fact that their division of time 
corresponds with the system found in Yucatan, 
Guatemala, etc., with other evidences of myths 
and legends, leads him to believe that the abo- 
rigines of more southern regions were, if not de- 
scendants, at least of the same stock with the 
Toltecs, and that we are justified in studying 
them to learn what the Toltecs were. He finds 
that Veytia, in his account of the Toltecs, beside 
depending on Sahagun and Torquemada, finds a 
chief source in Ixtlilxochitl, and locates Huehue- 
Tlapallan in the north ; and Veytia's statements 
reappear in Clavigero. 

The best narratives of the Toltec history are 
those in Veytia, Historia Antigua de Mejico (Mex- 
ico, 1806) ; Brasseur's Hist. Nations CivilisSes 
(vol. i.), and his introduction to his Popul Vuh; 
and Bancroft (v. ch. 3 and 4) : but we must look 
to Ixtlilxochitl, Torquemada, Sahagun, and the 
others, if we wish to study the sources. In such 
a study we shall encounter vexatious problems 
enough. It is practically impossible to arrange 
chronologically what Ixtlilxochitl says that he 
got from the picture-writings which he inter- 
preted. Bancroft (v. 209) does the best he can 
to give it a forced perspicuity. Wilson [Prehis- 



142 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

The desolation of Anahuac as the Toltecs fell invited a foreign occupation, 
and a remote people called Chichimecs ^ — not to be confounded with the 
primitive barbarians which are often so called — poured down upon the coun- 
try. Just how long after the Toltec downfall this happened, is in dispute ;2 
but within a few years evidently, perhaps within not many months, came 
the rush of millions, if we may believe the big stories of the migration. 
They surged by the ruined capital of the Toltecs, came to the lake, founded 
Xoloc and Tenayocan, and encountered, as they spread over the country, 
what were left of the Toltecs, who secured peace by becoming vassals. Not 
quite so humble were the Colhuas of Colhuacan, — not to be confounded 
with the Acolhuas, — who were the most* powerful section of the 'Toltecs 
yet left, and the Chichimecs set about crushing them, and succeeded in 
making them also vassals.^ The Chichimec monarchs, if that term does 
not misrepresent them, soon formed alliances with the Tepanecs, the Oto- 
mis, and the Acolhuas, who had been prominent in the overthrow of the 
Toltecs, and all the invaders profited by the higher organizations and arts 
which these tribes had preserved and now imparted. The Chichimecs also 
sought to increase the stability of their power by marriages with the noble 
Toltecs still remaining. But all was not peace. There were rebellions 
from time to time to be put down ; and a new people, whose future they did 
not then apprehend, had come in among them and settled at Chapultepec. 
These were the Aztecs, or Mexicans, a part of the great Nahua immigra- 
tion, but as a tribe they had dallied behind the others on the way, but were 
now come, and the last to come.^ 

Tezcuco soon grew into prominence as a vassal power,^ and upon the cap- 
ital city many embellishments were bestowed, so that the great lord of the 
Chichimecs preferred it to his own Tenayocan, which gave opportunity for 
rebellious plots to be formed in his proper capital ; and here at Tezcuco 
the next succeeding ruler preferred to reign, and here he became isolated 
by the uprising of rebellious nobles. The ensuing war was not simply of 
side against side, but counter-revolutions led to a confusion of tumults, and 
petty chieftains set themselves up against others here and there. The 
result was that Quinantzin, who had lost the general headship of the coun- 
try, recovered it, and finally consolidated his power to a degree surpassing 
all his predecessors. 

toric Man, i. 245) not inaptly says : " The history lating the evidence, that it is impossible to de- 

of the Toltecs and their ruined edifices stands termine whence or how they came to Anahuac. 

on the border line of romance and fable, like ^ Bancroft, v. 292, gives the different views» 

that of the ruined builders of Carnac and Ave- Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 16. 

bury." 3 These events are usually one thing or 

^ Short (page 255) points out that Bancroft another, according to the original source which 

unadvisedly looks upon these Chichimecs as of you accept, as Bancroft shows (v. 303). The 

Nahua stock, according to the common belief, story of the text is as good as any, and is in the 

Short thmks that Pimentel [Lenguas indigenas main borne out by the other narratives. 

de Mixico, published in 1862) has conclusively * Bancroft, v. 308. Cf., on the arrival of the 

shown that the Chichimecs did not originally Mexicans in the valley, Bandelier [Peabody Mus. 

speak the Nahua tongue, but subsequently Reports, ii. 398) and his references, 

adopted it. Short (page 256) thinks, after col- ^ Prescott, i., introduction ch. 6, tells the story 

of their golden age. 



MEXICO AND CEN'I;RAL AMERICA. 



143 







CLAVIGERO'S MEXICO * (Ed. of 1780, vol. ifi.) 

* Cf. the map in Lucien Biart's Les Azt^gues (Paris, 1885). Prescott says the maps in Clavigero, Lopez, 
and Robertson defy " equally topography and history." Cf. note on plans of the city and valley in Vol. II. 
pp. 364, 369, 374, to which may be added, as showing diversified views, those in Stevens's Herrera (London, 
1740), vol. ii. ; Bordone's Libro Ci;28) ; Icazbalceta's Coll. de docs.y L 390 ; and the Eng. translation of Cortes* 
despatches, 333. 

^ OF TH'-. v^ 

ll\7PD<iSTV \ 



144 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Meanwhile the Aztecs at Chapultepec, growing arrogant, provoked their 
neighbors, and were repressed by those who were more powerful. But they 
abided their time. They were good fighters, and the Colhua ruler courted 




CLAVIGERO'S MAP* (Ed. of 1580, vol. i.) 

them to assist him in his maraudings, and thus they were becoming accus- 
tomed to warfare and to conquest, and were giving favors to be repaid. This 
intercourse, whether of association or rivalry, of the Colhuas and Mexicans 
(Aztecs), was continued through succeeding periods, with a confusion of 
dates and events which it is hard to make clear. There was mutual distrust 
and confidence alternately, and it all ended in the Aztecs settling on an 
island in the lake, where later they founded Tenochtitlan, or Mexico.^ Here 

1 This is placed a. d. 1325. Cf. references in Bancroft (v. 346). 

* Clavigero speaks of his map " per servire all storia antica del Messico." A map of the Aztec dominion 
just before the Conquest is given in Ranking (London, 1827). See note in Vol. II. p. 358. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



145 



they developed those bloody rites of sacrifice which had already disgusted 
their allies and neighbors. 






-it 

<auiati 



LyOmpocUtL' 




XrAC d:e: 

Mexi qui: 



JMjdx 



THE LAKE OF MEXICO* 

* A map which did service in different forms in various books about Mexico and its aboriginal localities in 
the eariy part of the eighteenth century. It is here taken from the Voyages de Francois Coreal (Amsterdam, 
1722). 

VOL. I. — 10 



146 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Meanwhile the powers at Colhuacan and Azcapuzalco flourished and 
repressed uprisings, and out of all the strife Tezozomoc came into promi- 
nence with his Tepanecs, and amid it all the Aztecs, siding here and there, 
gained territory. With all this occurring in different parts of his domin- 
ions, the Chichimec potentate grew stronger and stronger, and while by his 
countenance the old Toltec influences more and more predominated. And 
so it was a flourishing government, with little to mar its prospects but the 
ambition of Tezozomoc, the Tepanec chieftain, and the rising power of the 
Aztecs, who had now become divided into Mexicans and Tlatelulcas. The 
famous ruler of the Chichimecs, Techotl, died in a. d. 1357, and the young 
Ixtlilxochitl took his power with all its emblems. The people of Tenochtit- 
lan, or their rulers, were adepts in practising those arts of diplomacy by 
which an ambitious nation places itself beside its superiors to secure a sort 
of reflected consequence. Thus they pursued matrimonial alliances and 
other acts of prudence. Both Tenochtitlan and its neighbor Tlatelulco grew 
apace, while skillec^ai/tisans and commercial industries helped to raise them 
in importance. ^ v 

The young Ixtlilxochitl at Tezcuco was not so fortunate, and it soon 
looked as if the Tepanec prince, Tezozomoc, was only waiting an opportu 
nity to rebel. It was also pretty clear that he would have the aid of Mexico 
and Tlatelulco, and that he would succeed in securing the sympathy of many 
wavering vassals or allies. The plans of the Tepanec chieftain at last 
ripened, and he invaded the Tezcucan territory in 141 5. In the war which 
followed, Ixtlilxochitl reversed the tide and invaded the Tepanec territory, 
besieging and capturing its capital, Azcapuzalco.^ The conqueror lost by 
his clemency what he had gained by arms, and it was not long before he 
was in turn shut up in his own capital. He did not succeed in defending it, 
and was at last killed. So Tezozomoc reached his vantage of ambition, and 
was now in his old age the lord paramount of the country. He tried to 
harmonize the varied elements of his people ; but the Mexicans had not 
fared in the general successes as they had hoped for, and were only openly 
content. The death of Tezozomoc prepared the way for one of his sons, 
Maxtla, to seize the command, and the vassal lords soon found that the 
spirit which had murdered a brother had aims that threatened wider deso- 
lation. The Mexicans were the particular object of Maxtla's oppressive 
spirit, and by the choice of Itzcoatl for their ruler, who had been for many 
years the Mexican war-chief, that people defied the lord of all, and in this 
they were joined by the Tlatelulcas under Quauhtlatohuatzin, and by lesser 
alUes. Under this combination of his enemies Maxtla's capital fell, the 
usurper was sacrificed, and the honors of the victory were shared by Itz- 
coatl, Nezahualcoyotl (the Acolhuan prince whose imperial rights Maxtla 
had usurped), and Montezuma, the first of the name, — all who had in their 
several capacities led the army of three or four hundred thousand allies, 

1 On the conquest of the Tecpanecas by the Mexicans, see the references in Bandelier {Pew 
body Mus. Reports, ii. 412). 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. I47 

if we may believe the figures, to their successes, which occurred apparently 
somewhere between 1425 and 1430. The poHtical result was a tripartite 
confederacy in Anahuac, consisting of Acolhua, Mexico, and Tlacopan. In 
the division of spoils, the latter was to have one fifth, and the others two 
fifths each, the Acolhuan prince presiding in their councils as senior. ^ 

The next hundred years is a record of the increasing power of this con- 
federacy, with a constant tendency to give Mexico a larger influence.^ The 
two capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tezcuco, looking at each other across the 
lake, were uninterruptedly growing in splendor, or in what the historians call 
by that word,^ with all the adjuncts of public works, — causeways, canals, 
aqueducts, tenrples, palaces and gardens, and other evidences of wealth, 
which perhaps these modern terms only approximately represent. Tezcuco 
was taken possession of by Nezahualcoyotl as his ancient inheritance, and 
his confederate Itzcoatl placed the crown on his head. Together they made 
war north and south. Xochimilco, on the lake next south of Mexico, 
yielded ; and the people of Chalco, which was on the most southern of the 
string of lakes, revolted and were suppressed more than once, as opportuni- 
ties offered. The confederates crossed the ridge that formed the southern 
bound of the Mexican valley and sacked Quauhnahuac. The Mexican ruler 
had in all this gained a certain ascendency in the valley coalition,, when he 
died in 1440, and his nephew, Montezuma the soldier, and first of the name,* 
succeeded him. This prince soon had on his hands another war with Chalco, 
and with the aid of his confederates he finally humbled its presumptuous 
people. So, with or without pretence, the wars and conquests went on, if 
for no other reasons, to obtain prisoners for sacrifice.^ They were diversi- 
fied at times, particularly in 1449, by contests with the powers of nature, 
when the rising waters of the lake threatened to drown their cities, and 
when, one evil being cured, others in the shape of famine and plague suc- 
ceeded. 

1 For details of the period of the Chichimec that Tecpaneca, Xochimilca, Cuitlahuac, Chalco, 

ascendency, see Bancroft (v. ch. 5-7), Brasseur Acolhuacan, and Quauhnahuac, were conquered. 

{Nat, Civil, ii.), and the authorities plentifully Cf. Bandelier in Peabody Mtis. Reports, ii. 691. 

cited in Bancroft. As to the tributaries, see Ibid. 695. 

=2 On the nature of the Mexican confederacy ^ Cf. Brasseur's Nations Civ. ii. 457, on Tez- 

see Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 416). cuco in its palmy days. 

He enumerates the authorities upon the point * Sometimes written Mochtheuzema, Mokte- 
that no one of the allied tribes exercised any zema. The Aztec Montezuma must not, as is 
powers over the others beyond the exclusive contended, be confounded with the hero-god of 
military direction of the Mexicans proper {Pea- the New Mexicans. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 77, 171 ; 
body Mus. Reports, ii. 559). Orozco y Berra Brinton's iJ/j/^'/^j', 190 ; Schoolcraft's/;/^. Tribes^ 
{Geografia, etc.) claims that there was a tendency iv. 73 ; Tylor's Prim. Culture, ii. 384 ; Short, 333. 
to assimilate the conquered people to the Mexi- ^ This has induced some historians to call 
can conditions. Bandelier claims that " no at- these wars " holy wars." Bandelier discredits 
tempt, either direct or implied, was made to wholly the common view, that wars were under- 
assimilate or incorporate them." He urges that taken to secure victims for the sacrificial stone 
nowhere on the march to Mexico did Cortes fall {ArchcEol. Tour, 24). But in another place (/Va- 
in with Mexican rulers of subjected tribes. It body Mus. Reports, ii. 128) he says: "War was 
does not seem to be clear in all cases whether it required for the purpose of obtaining human vic- 
was before or after the confederation was formed, tims, their religion demanding human sacrifices 
or whether it was by the Mexicans or Tezcucans at least eighteen times every year." 



148 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Sometimes in the wars the confederates over-calculated their own prowess, 
as when Atonaltzin of Tilantongo sent them reeling back, only, however, to 
make better preparations and to succeed at last. In another war to the 
southeast they captured, as the accounts say, over six thousand victims for 
the stone of sacrifice. 

The first Montezuma died in 1469, and the choice for succession fell on 
his grandson, the commander of the Mexican army, Axayacatl, who at once 
followed the usual custom of raiding the country to the south to get the 
thousands of prisoners whose sacrifice should grace his coronation. Neza- 
hualcoyotl, the other principal allied chieftain, survived his associate but 
two years, dying in 1472, leaving among his hundred children but one legit- 
imate son, Nezahualpilli, a minor, who succeeded. This gave the new Mex- 
ican ruler the opportunity to increase his power. He made Tlatelulco 
tributary, and a Mexican governor took the place there of an independent 
sovereign. He annexed the Matlaltzinca provinces on the west. So Axa- 
yacatl, dying in 1481, bequeathed an enlarged kingdom to his brother and 
successor, Tizoc, who has not left so warlike a record. According to some 
authorities, however, he is to be credited with the completion of the great 
Mexican temple of Huitzilopochtli. This did not save him from assassina- 
tion, and his brother Ahuitzotl in i486 succeeded, and to him fell the lot 
of dedicating that great temple. He conducted fresh wars vigorously 
enough to be able within a year, if we may believe the native records, to 
secure sixty or seventy thousand captives for the sacrificial stone, so essen- 
tial a part of all such dedicatory exercises. It would be tedious to enumer- 
ate all the succeeding conquests, though varied by some defeats, like that 
which they experienced in the Tehuantepec region. Some differences grew 
up, too, between the Mexican chieftain and Nezahualpilli, notwithstanding 
or because of the virtues of the latter, among which doubtless, according to 
the prevailing standard, we must count his taking at once three Mexican 
princesses for wives, and his keeping a harem of over two thousand women, 
if we may believe his descendant, the historian Ixtlilxochitl. His justice 
as an arbitrary monarch is mentioned as exemplary, and his putting to death 
a guilty son is recounted as proof of it. 

Ahuitzotl had not as many virtues, or perhaps he had not a descendant to 
record them so effectively; but when he died in 1503, what there was he- 
roic in his nature was commemorated in his likeness sculptured with others 
of his line on the cliff of Chapultepec.^ To him succeeded that Monte- 
zuma, son of Axayacatl, with whom later this ancient history vanishes. 
When he came to power, the Aztec name was never significant of more 
lordly power, though the confederates had already had some reminders that 
conquest near home was easier than conquest far away. The policy of the 

1 As to these carvings, which have not yet s2Js Hist, de Mexico {Mexico, 1^62) . See pictures 

wholly disappeared, see Peabody Mus. Reports, of Montezuma II. in Vol. II. 361, 363, and that 

ii. 677, 678. There is a series of alleged por- in Ranking, p. 313. 
traits of the Mexican kings in Carbajal-Espino- 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 149 

last Aztec ruler was far from popular, and while he propitiated the higher 
ranks, he estranged the people. The hopes of the disaffected within and 
without Anahuac were now centred in the Tlascalans, whose territory lay 
easterly towards the Gulf of Mexico, and who had thus far not felt the bur- 
den of Aztec oppression. Notwithstanding that their natural allies, the Cho- 
lulans, turned against the Tlascalans, the Aztec armies never succeeded in 
humbling them, as they did the Mistecs and the occupants of the region 
towards the Pacific. Eclipses, earthquakes, and famine soon succeeded one 
another, and the forebodings grew numerous. Hardly anything happened 
but the omens of disaster ^ were seen in it, and superstitio%-began to do its 
work of enervation, while a breach between Montezuma and the Tezcucan 
chief was a bad augury. In this condition of things the Mexican king tried 
to buoy his hopes by further conquests ; but widespread as these invasions 
were, Michoacan to the west, and Tlascala to the east, always kept their 
independence. The Zapotecs in Oajaca had at one time succumbed, but 
this was before the days of the last Montezuma. 

His rival across the lake at Tezcuco was more oppressed with the tales of 
the soothsayers than Montezuma was, and seems to have become inert be- 
fore what he thought an impending doom some time before he died, or, as 
his people believed, before he had been translated to the ancient Amaque- 
mecan, the cradle of his race. This was in 15 15. His son Cacama was 
chosen to succeed ; but a younger brother, Ixtlilxochitl, believed that the 
choice was instigated by Montezuma for ulterior gain, and so began a revolt 
in the outlying provinces, in which he received the aid of Tlascala. The 
appearance of the Spaniards on the coasts of Yucatan and Tabasco, of which 
exaggerated reports reached the Mexican capital, paralyzed Montezuma, so 
that the northern revolt succeeded, and Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl came to an 
understanding, which left the Mexicans without much exterior support. 
Montezuma was in this crippled condition when his lookouts on the coast 
sent him word that the dreaded Spaniards had appeared, and he could rec- 
ognize their wonderful power in the pictured records which the messenger 
bore to him.^ This portent was the visit in 15 18 of Juan de Grijalva to the 
spot where Vera Cruz now stands ; and after the Spaniard sailed away, there 
were months of anxiety before word again reached the capital, in 15 19, of 
another arrival of the white-winged vessels, and this was the coming of Cor- 
tes, who was not long in discovering that the path of his conquest was made 
clear by the current belief that he was the returned Quetzalcoatl,^ and by 

1 Bancroft (v. 466) enumerates the great va- he says, " that a fiction built on an idea is infi- 

riety of such proofs of disaster, and gives refer- nitely more tenacious of life than a story founded 

ences (p. 469). Cf. Prescott, i. p. 309. on fact." Brinton {Myths, 188) gathers from 

^ Tezozomoc (cap. 106) gives the description Gomara, Cogolludo, Villagutierre, and others, 

04, the first bringing of the news to Montezuma instances to show how prevalent in America was 

of the arrival of the Spaniards on the coast. the presentiment of the arrival and domination 

3 Brinton's Amer.Hero Myths y 139, etc. See, of a white race, — a belief still prevailing among 

on the prevalence of the idea of the return at their descendants of the middle regions of Amer- 

some time of the hero-god, Brinton's Myths of ica who watch for the coming of Montezuma 

the New World, p. 160. " We must remember," {Ibid. p. 190). Brinton does not seem to recog- 



ISO NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

his quick perception of the opportunity which presented itself of combining 
and leading the enemies of Montezuma.^ 

Among what are usually reckoned the civilized nations of middle Amer- 
ica, there are two considerable centres of a dim history that have little 
relation with the story which has been thus far followed. One of these is 
that of the people of what we now call Guatemala, and the other that of 
Yucatan. The political society which existed in Guatemala had nothing of 
the known duration assigned to the more northern people, at least not in 
essential data ; but we know of it simply as a very meagre and perplexing 
chronology running for the most part back two or three centuries only. 
Whether the beginnings of what we suppose we know of these people have 
anything to do with .any Toltec migration southward is what archaeologists 
dispute about, and the philologists seem to have the best of the argument 
in the proof that the tongue of these southern peoples is more like Maya 
than Nahua. It is claimed that the architectural remains of Guatemala in- 
dicate a departure from the Maya stock and some alliance with a foreign 
stock ; and that this alien influence was Nahuan seems probable enough 
when we consider certain similarities in myth and tradition of the Nahuas 
and the Quiches. But we have not much even of tradition and myth of 
the early days, except what we mky read in the Popjil Viih, where we may 
make out of it what we can, or even what we please,^ with some mysterious 
connection with Votan and Xibalba. Among the mythical traditions of 
this mythical period, there are the inevitable migration stories, beginning 
with the Quiches and ending with the coming of the Cakchiquels, but no 
one knows to a surety when. The new-comers found Maya-speaking peo- 
ple, and called them mem or memes (stutterers), because they spoke th£ 
Maya so differently from themselves. 

It was in the twelfth or thirteenth century that we get the first traces of 
any historical kind of the Quiches and of their rivals the Cakchiquels. Of 
their early rulers we have the customary diversities and inconsistencies 
in what purports to be their story, and it is difficult to say whether this or 
the other or some other tribe revolted, conquered, or were beaten, as we read 
the annals of this constant warfaro^ We meet something tangible, how- 
ever, when we learn that Montezuma sent a messenger, who informed the 

nize the view held by many that the Montezuma lows the main lines of the collated records. We 

of the Aztecs was quite a different being from find good pictures of the later history of Mex- 

the demigod of the Pueblas of New Mexico. ico and Tlascala, before the Spaniards came, 

1 It is not easy to reconcile the conflicting in Prescott (i. book 2d, ch. vi., and book 3d, ch. 

statements of the native historians respecting ii.). Bancroft (v. ch. 10) with his narrative and 

the course, of events during the Aztec suprem- references helps us out with the somewhat mo- 

acy, such is the mutual jealousy of the Mexican notonous details of all the districts of Mexico 

and Tezcucan writers. Brasseur has satisfied which were outside the dominance of the Mexi- 

himself of the authenticity of a certain sequence can valley, as of Cholula, Tlascala, MichoaC^n, 

and character of events [Nations Civilisees), and and Oajaca, with the Miztecs and Zapotecs, in< 

Bancroft simply follows him (v. 401). Veytia is habiting this last province, 

occupied more with the Tezcucans than with the ^ Bancroft (v. 543-553). 
Aztecs. The condense^ sketch here given fol- 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



151 



Quiches of the presence of the Spaniards in his capital, which set them 
astir to be prepared in their turn. 



v c 



-4 




CARTE 



L'AMERIQOEKENTRALE 

dressee ponr 
• 1 'intelligence du Commentaire 

•DTJUVRE'SACRE. 



1861. 
ii in4iiftie^<Uf rumeeantiqiitr 



go laDRtaeLe OcoJaoule ia. Mend^m 4 l^sosx ^ 



MAP IN BRASSEUR'S POPUL VUH. 



It is in the beginning of the sixteenth century that we encounter the 
rivalries of three prominent peoples in this Guatemala country, and these 



152 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

were the Quiches, the Cakchiquels, and the Zutigils ; and of these the Qui- 
ches, with their main seat at Utatlan, were the most powerful, though not 
so much so but the Cakchiquels could get the best of them at times in the 
wager of war ; as they did also finally when the Spaniard Alvarado ap- 
peared, with whom the Cakchiquels entered into an alliance that brought 
the Quiches into sore straits. 

A more important nationality attracts us in the Mayas of Yucatan. There 
can be nothing but vague surmise as to what were the primitive inhabitants 
of this region ; but it seems to be tolerably clear that a certain homogene- 
ousness pervaded the people, speaking one tongue, which the Spaniards 
found in possession. Whether these had come from the northern regions, 
and were migrated Toltecs, as some believe, is open to discussion. ^ It has 
often been contended that they were originally of the Nahua and Toltec 
blood ; but later writers, like Bancroft,^ have denied it. Brinton discards 
the Toltec element entirely. 

What by a license one may call history begins back with the semi-mythi- 
cal Zamna, to whom all good things are ascribed — the introduction of the 
Maya institutions and of the Maya hieroglyphics.^ Whether Zamna had 
any connection, shadowy or real, with the great Votanic demigod, and with 
the establishment of the Xibalban empire, if it may be so called, is a thing 
to be asserted or denied, as one inclines to separate or unite the traditioi:s 
of Yucatan with those of the Tzendal, Quiche, and Toltec. Ramon de Or- 
donez, in a spirit of vagary, tells us that Mayapan, the great city of the 
early Mayas, was but one of the group of centres, with Palenque, Tulan, 
and Copan for the rest, as is believed, which made up the Votanic empire. 
Perhaps it was. If we accept Brinton's view, it certainly was not. Then 
Torquemada and Landa tell us that Cukulcan, a great captain and a god, 
was but another Quetzalcoatl, or Gucumatz. Perhaps he was. Possibly 
also he was the bringer of Nahua influence to Mayapan, away back in a 
period corresponding to the early centuries of the Christian era. It is easy 
to say, in all this confusion, this is proved and that is not. The historian,, 
accustomed to deal with palpable evidence, feels much inclined to leave all 
views in abeyance. 

The Cocomes of Yucatan history were Cukulcan's descendants or follow- 
ers, and had a prosperous history, as we are told ; and there came to live 
among them the Totul Xius, by some considered a Maya people, who like 

1 It is so held by Stephens, Waldeck, Mayer, 1879. ^^ ^^^ difficulties of the subject see Bras- 
Prichard, Ternaux-Compans, nottoname others, seur's Nations Civilisies (ii. ch. i). Cf. also his 

2 Vol. V. 617. Landa, section xxxix., and page 366, from the 

3 The Maya calendar and astronomical sys- "Cronologia antigua de Yucatan." Cf. further, 
tem, as the basis of the Maya chronology, is ex- Cyrus Thomas's MS. Troano, ch. 2, and Powell's 
plained in the version which Perez gave into Third Report Bur. of Etkn., pp. xxx and 3 ; 
Spanish of a Maya manuscript (translated into Ancona's Yucatan, ch..-x.\.; 'B^incroifs, Nat. Race Sy 
Enghsh by Stephens in his Yucatan), ^cad. -whicln. ii. ch. 24, with references; Short, ch. 9; Brin- 
Valentini has used in his " Katunes of Maya ton's Maya Chronicles, introduction^ p. 50. 
History," in the Amer. Aniiq. Soc. Proc, Oct. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 153 

the Quiches had been subjected to Nahua influences, and who implanted 
in the monuments and institutions of Yucatan those traces of Nahua char- 
acter which the archaeologists discover.^ The Totul Xius are placed in 
Uxmal in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, where they flourished 
along with the Cocomes, and it is to them that it is claimed many of the 
ruins which now interest us in Yucatan can be traced, though some of them 
perhaps go back to Zamna and to the Xibalban period, or at least it would 
be hard to prove otherwise. 

When at last the Cocome chieftains began to oppress their subjects, the 
Totul Xius gave them shelter, and finally assisted them in a revolt, which 
succeeded and made Uxmal the supreme city, and Mayapan became a ruin, 
or at least was much neglected. The dynasty of the Totul Xius then flour- 
ished, but was in its turn overthrown, and a period of factions and revolu- 
tions followed, during which Mayapan was wholly obliterated, and the Totul 
Xius settled in Mani, where the Spaniards found them when they invaded 
Yucatan to make an easy conquest of a divided people.^ 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

pROM the conquerors of New Spain we fail to get any systematic portrayal of the char- 
-»• acter and history of the subjugated people ; but nevertheless we are not without some 
help in such studies from the letters of Cortes,^ the accounts of the so-called anonymous 
conqueror,^ and from what Stephens ^ calls " the hurried and imperfect observations of 
an unlettered soldier," Bernal Diaz.^ 

We cannot neglect for this ancient period the more general writers on New Spain, 
some of whom lived near enough to the Conquest to reflect current opinions upon the abo- 
riginal life as it existed in the years next succeeding the fall of Mexico. Such are Peter 

V Martyr, Grynaeus, Munster, and Ramusio. More in the nature of chronicles is the Histo- 
ria General Qi Oviedo (1535, etc.).^ The Historia Ge?ieral oi Gomara became generally 
known soon after the middle of the sixteenth century.^ The Rapport, written about 1560, 
by Alonzo de Zurita, throws light on the Aztec laws and institutions.^ Benzoni about this 

1 Bancroft (v. 624) epitomizes the Perez man- the Nahua; Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 
uscript given by Stephens, the sole source of this 446), referring to Zurita's Report, which he char- 
Totul Xm legendary. acterizes as marked for perspicacity, deep knowl- 

2 Brasseur's Nations Civilisees (i., ii.),with the edge, and honest judgment, speaks of it as em- 
Perez manuscript, and Landa's Relacion, are the bodying the experience of nearly twenty years, — 
sufficient source of the Yucatan history. Ban- eleven of which were passed in Mexico, — and 
croft's last chapter of his fifth volume summa- in which the author gave answers to inquiries 
rues it. put by the king. " If we could obtain," says 

^ee Vol. II. p. 402. Bandelier, " all the answers given to these ques- 
See Vol. II. p. 397. tions from all parts of Sjmnish America, and all 
5 Central America, ii. 452. ^ as elaborate and truthful as those of Zurita, Pa- 
See Vol. II. p. 414. lacio, and Ondegardo, our knowledge of the ab- 
See Vol. II. p. 343. original history and ethnology of Spanish Amer- 
8 See Vol. II. p. 412. ica would be much advanced." Zurita's Report 
^ See Vol. II. p. 417. Cf. Prescott's Mexico, in a French translation is in Temaux-Compans* 

V ^' 50; Bancroft {Nat. Races, ii. ch. 14) epito- Collection; the original is in Pacheco's Docs. 
mizes the information on the laws and courts of ineditos, but in a mutilated text. 



154 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



time traversed the country, observing the Indian customs.^ We find other descriptions 
of the aboriginal customs by the missionary Didacus Valades, in his Rhetorica Chris- 
tiana^ of which the fourth part relates to Mexico.^ Brasseur says that Valades was well 




MS. OF BERNAL DIAZ.* 



1 See Vol. II. p. 346. friars who on May 13, 1524, landed in Mexico to 

2 It is much we owe to the twelve Franciscan convert and defend the natives. It is from their 

* Fac-simile of the beginning of Capitulo LXXIV. of his Historia Verdadera, following a plate in the fourth 
volume of J. M. de Heredia's French translation (Paris, 1877). 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 155 

informed and appreciative of the people which he so kindly depicted.^ By the beginning 
of the seventeenth century we find in Herrera's Historia the most comprehensive of the 
historical surveys, in which he summarizes the earlier writers, if not always exactly.^ 

V Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 387) says of the ancient history of Mexico that " it 
appears as if the twelfth century was the limit of definite tradition. What lies beyond it 
is vague and uncertain, remnants of tradition being intermingled with legends and mytho- 
logical fancies." He cites some of the leading writers as mainly starting in their stories 
respectively as follows : Brasseur, b. c. 955 ; Clavigero, a. d. 596 ; Veytia, a. d. 697 ; Ixt- 
lilxochitl, A. D. 503. Bandelier views all these dates as too mythical for historical inves- 
tigations, and finds no earlier fixed date than the founding of Tenochtitlan (Mexico) in 
A. D. 1325. " What lies beyond the twelfth century can occasionally be rendered of value 
for ethnological purposes, but it admits of no definite historical use." Bancroft (v. 360) 
speaks of the sources of disagreement in the final century of the native annals, from the 
constant tendency of such writers as Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, Chimalpain, and Camargo, 
to laud their own people and defame their rivals. 

V In the latter part of the sixteenth century the viceroy of Mexico, Don Martin Enriquez, 
set on foot some measures to gather the relics and traditions of the native Mexicans. 
Under this incentive it fell to Juan de Tobar, a Jesuit, and to Diego Duran, a Dominican, 
to be early associated with the resuscitation of the ancient history of the country. 

\j To Father Tobar (or Tovar) we owe what is known as the Codex Ramirez^ which in the 
edition of the Cronica Mexicajia ^ by Hernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc, issued in Mex- 
ico (1878), with annotations by Orozco y Berra, is called a Relacion del origen de los hidios 
que habitan esta nueva Espana segun sas historias (Jose M. Vigil, editor). It is an im- 
portant source of our knowledge of the ancient history of Mexico, as authoritatively inter- 
preted by the Aztec priests, from their picture-writings, at the bidding of Ramirez de Fu- 
enleal. Bishop of Cuenca. This ecclesiastic carried the document with him to Spain, where 
in Madrid it is still preserved. It was used by Herrera. Chavero and Brinton recognize 
its representative value.^ 

'^' To Father Duran we are indebted for an equally ardent advocacy of the rights of the 
natives in his Historia de las Indias de Ntieva-Espaha y is las de Tierra-Firme (1579- 
81), which was edited in part (1867), as stated elsewhere ^ by Jose F. Ramirez, and after 
an interval completed (1880) by Prof. Gumesindo Mendoza, of the Museo Nacional, — 
the perfected work making two volumes of text and an atlas of plates. Both from Tobar 
and from Duran some of the contemporary writers gathered largely their material.® 

^ writings that we must draw a large part of our Hist. Soc. Froc, November, 1879, used a portion 

knowledge respecting the Indian character, con- of the MS. as printed by Sir Thomas Phillipps 

dition, and history. These Christian apostles {Amer. Antiq. Soc. Froc. /\. 115) under the title 

were Martin de Valencia, Francisco de Soto, of Historia de los Yndios Mexicanos, por Juan 

Martin de Coruna, Juan Xuares, Antonio de de Tovar ; Ctira et impetisis Dni Thomce Fhil- 

Ciudad Rodrigo, Toribio de Benavente, Garcia lipps^ Bart, (privately printed at Middle Hill, 

de Cisneros, Luis de Fuensalida, Juan de Ribas, i860. See Squier Catalogue, no. 1417). The 

Frahcisco Ximenez, Andres de Cordoba, Juan document is translated by Henry Phillipps, Jr., 

de Palos. in the Froc. Amer. Fhilosophical Soc. (Philad.), 

From the Historia of Las Casas, particularly xxi. 616. 

from that part of it called Apologetica historia, ^ Vol. II. p. 419. Brasseur de Bourbourg's 

we can also derive some help. (Cf. Vol. II. p. Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 59. He used a MS. copy 

340-) in the Force collection. 

1 Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat.,^. 1^7; Leclerc, ® This is true of Acosta and Davila Padilla. 
P- 168. The bibliography of Acosta has been given else- 

2 Herrera is furthermore the source of much where (Vol. II. p. 420). His books v., vi., and 
that we read in later works concerning the native vii. cover the ancient history of the country, 
religion and habits of life. See Vol. II. p. 67. He used the MSS. of Duran (Brasseur, Bibl. 

^ Cf. Vol. II. p. 418. Mex.-Guat., p. 2), and his correspondence with 

* Aiiales del Museo Nacional, iii. 4, 120 ; Brin- Tobar, preserved in the Lenox library, has been 

ton's Am. Hero MytJis, 78. Bandelier, in N. Y. edited by Icazbalceta in his D071 Fray Zumdr- 



156 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



We come to a different kind of record when we deal with the Roman script of the early 
phonetic rendering of the native tongues. It has been pointed out that we have perhaps 

the earliest of such renderings 
in a single sentence in a publi- 
cation made at Antwerp in 1534, 
where a Franciscan, Pedro de 
Gante,! under date of June 21, 
1529, tells the story of his arriv- 
ing in America in 1523, and his 
spending the interval in Mex- 
ico and Tezcuco, acquiring a 
knowledge of the natives and 
enough of their language to 
close his epistle with a sentence 
of it as a sample.^ , But no 
chance effort of this kind was 
enough. It took systematic 
endeavors on the part of the 
priests to settle grammatical 
principles and determine pho- 
netic values, and the measure 
of their success was seen in the 
speedy way in which the inter- 
pretation of the old idiograms 
wag forgotten. Mr. Brevoort 
has pointed out how much the 
progress of what may be called 
native literature, which is to-day 
so helpful to us in filling the 
picture of their ancient Hfe, is 
due to the labors in this process 
of linguistic transfer of Moto- 
linia,2 Alonzo de Molina,^ An- 
drds de Olmos,^ and, above all, 
of the ablest student of the 
ancient tongues in his day, as 
Mendieta calls Father Sahagun,^ who, dying in 1590 at ninety, had spent a good part of 
a long life so that we of this generation might profit by his records.' 

raga (Mexico, 188 1). Of the Provincia de San- 
tiago and the Varia historia of Davila Padilla, 
the bibliography has been told in another place. 
(Cf. Vol. II. pp. 399-400; Sabin, v. 1 8780-1 ; 
Brasseur de Bourbourg's Bibl. Mex.-Guai., p. 53 ; 
Del Monte Library, no. 126.) Ternaux was not 
wrong in ascribing great value to the books. 

1 Peter of Ghent. Cf. Vol. II, p. 417. 

2 Chronica Compendiosissima ah exordio rmindi 
per Amandunt Zierixcense?n, adjectcE sunt epis- 
tol6B ex nova maris Oceani Hispatiia ad nos trans- 
misses (Antwerp, 1534). The subjoined letters 
here mentioned are, beside that referred to, two 
others written in Mexico (1531), by Martin of 
Valencia and Bishop Zumarraga (Sabin, i. no. 




SAHAGUN.* 



balceta {Bib. Mex. del Siglo ^z'/., i. p. 33) gives 
a long account of Gante. There is a French 
version of the letter in Ternaux's Collection. 

^ See Vol. II. p. 397. Cf. Prescott, ii. 95. 
The first part of the Historia is on the religious 
rites of the natives ; the second on their conver- 
sion to Christianity ; the third on their chronol- 
ogy, e1;c. 

* Cf. Icazbalceta's Bibl. Mexicana, p. 220, 
with references ; Pilling's Proof-sheets, no. 2600, 
etc. 

5 Pilling, no. 2817, etc. 

6 Properly, Bernardino Ribeira ; named from 
his birthplace, Sahagun, in Spain. Chavero's 
Sahagun (Mexico, 1877). 

■^ A few data can be added to the account of 



994 ; Quaritch, 362, no. 28583, £7 10). Icaz 

* After a lithograph in Cumplido's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



157 



Coming later into the field than Duran, Acosta, and Sahagun, and profiting from the 
labors of his predecessors, we find in the Monarchia Indiana of Torquemada ^ the most 
comprehensive treatment of the ancient history given to us by any of the early Spanish 
writers. The book, however, is a provoking one, from the want of plan, its chrono- 
logical confusion, and the general lack of a critical spirit'^ pervading it. 

It is usually held that the earliest amassment of native records for historical purposes, 
after the Conquest, was that made by Ixtlilxochitl of the archives of his Tezcucan line, 
which he used in his writings in a way that has not satisfied some later investigators. 
Charnay says that in his own studies he follows Veytia by preference ; but Prescott finds 
beneath the high colors of the pictures of Ixtlilxochitl not a little to be commended. 
Bandelier,^ on the other hand, expresses a distrust when he says of Ixtlilxochitl that "he 
is always a very suspicious authority, not because he is more confused than any other In- 
dian writer, but because he wrote for an interested object, and with a view of sustaining 
tribal claims in the eyes of the Spanish government." * 

(^- Among the manuscripts which seem to have belonged to Ixtlilxochitl was the one 
known in our day under the designation given to it by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Codex 



Sahagun given in Vol. II. p. 415. J. F. Ramirez 
completes the bibliography of Sahagun in the 
Bole tin de la Real Acade?nia de la Historia de 
Madrid, vi, 85 (1885). Icazbalceta, having told 
the story of Sahagiin's life in his edition of 
Mendieta's Hist. Eclesiastica Indiana (Mexico, 
1870), has given an extended critical and biblio- 
graphical account in his Bibliografia Mexicana 
(Mexico, 1886), vol. i. 247-308. Other biblio- 
graphical detail can be gleaned from Filling's 
Proof-sheets, p. 677, etc. ; Icazbalceta's Apuntes ; 
Beristain's Biblioteca ; the Bibliotheca Mexicatia 
of Ramirez. The list in Adolfo Llanos's Saha- 
gdn y su historia de Mexico [Miiseo N'ac. de Mex. 
Anales, iii., pt. 3, p. 71) is based chiefly on Al- 
fredo Chavero's Sahagun (Mexico, 1877). Bras- 
seur de Bourbourg, in his Palenque (ch, 5), has 
explained the importance of what Brevoort calls 
Sahagun's "great encyclopaedia of the Mexican 
Empire." Rosny {Les documents ecrits de PAn- 
tiquite Americaine, p. 69) speaks of seeing a 
copy of the Historia in Madrid, accompanied by 
remarkable Aztec pictures. Bancroft, referring 
to the defective texts of Sahagun in Kingsbor- 
ough and Bustamante, says : " Fortunately what 
is missing in one I have always found in the 
other." He further speaks of the work of Saha- 
gun as " the most complete and comprehensive, 
so far as aboriginal history is concerned, furnish- 
ing an immense mass of material, drawn from 
native sources, very badly arranged and written." 
Eleven books of Sahagun are given to the social 
institutions of the natives, and but one to the 
conquest. Jourdanet's edition is mentioned else- 
where (Vol. II.). 

1 See Vol. II. p. 421. 

2 Those who used him most, like Clavigero 
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, complain of this. 
Torquemada, says Bandelier {Peabody Mus. 
Repts. ii. 119), "notwithstanding his unquestion- 
able credulity, is extremely important on all ques- 
tions of Mexican antiquities." 



^ Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 105. 

* Cf. Vol. II. 417; Prescott, i. 13, 163, 193, 196; 
Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 147 ; Wilson's Prehis- 
toric Man, i. 325. It must be confessed that 
with no more authority than the old Mexican 
paintings, interpreted through the understand- 
ing of old men and their traditions, Ixtlilxochitl 
has not the firmest ground to walk on. Aubin 
thinks that Ixtlilxochitl's confusion and contra- 
dictions arise from his want of patience in study- 
ing his documents ; and some part of it may 
doubtless have arisen from his habit, as Brasseur 
says {Auftales de Philosophic Chretienne, May, 
1855, p. 329), of altering his authorities to mag- 
nify the glories of his genealogic line. Max 
MUller [Chips from a German Workshop, i. 322) 
says of his works : " Though we must not ex- 
pect to find in them what we are accustomed to 
call history, they are nevertheless of great his- 
torical interest, as supplying the vague outlines 
of a distant past, filled with migrations, wars, 
dynasties and revolutions, such as were cherished 
in the memory of the Greeks in the time of So- 
lon." In addition to his Historia Chichimeca 
and his Relaciones, (both of which are given by 
Kingsborough, while Ternaux has translated por- 
tions,) — the MS. of the Relaciones being in the 
Mexican archives, — Ixtlilxochitl left a large 
mass of his manuscript studies of the antiqui- 
ties, often repetitionary in substance. Some are 
found in the compilation made in Mexico by 
Figueroa in 1792, by order of the Spanish gov- 
ernment (Prescott, i. 193). Some were in the 
Ramirez collection. Quaritch {MS. Collections^ 
Jan., 1888, no. 136) held one from that collection, 
dated about 1680, at £\(i, called Sumaria Re- 
lacion, which concerned the ancient Chichimecs. 
Those which are best known are a Historia de la 
Nueva Espana, or Historia del Reyno de Tezcuco^ 
and a Historia de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe^ 
if this last is by him. 



158 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Chiinalpopoc(^} in honor of Faustino Chimalpopoca, a learned professor of Aztec, who 
assisted Brasseur in translating it. The anonymous author had set to himself the task of 
converting into the written native tongue a rendering of the ancient hieroglyphics, con- 
stituting, as Brasseur says, a complete and regular history of Mexico and Colhuacan. He 
describes it in his Lettres a M.le due de Valmy {lettre seconde) — the first part (in Mex- 
ican) being a history of the Chichimecas ; the second (in Spanish), by another hand, eluci- 
dating the antiquities — as the most rare and most precious of all the manuscripts 
which escaped destruction, elucidating what was obscure in Gomara and Torquemada. 

Brasseur based upon this MS. his account of the Toltec period in his Nations Ci- 
vilisees du Mexique (i. p. Ixxviii), treating as an historical document what in later years, 
amid his vagaries, he assumed to be but the record of geological changes.^ A similar use 
was made by him of another MS., sometimes called a Memorial de Colhuacan, and which 
he named the Codex Gondra after the director of the Museo Nacional in Mexico.^ 

Brasseur says, in the Annales de Philosophie Chretienne, that the Chimalpopoca MS. is 
dated in 1558, but in his Hist. Nat. Civ., i. p. Ixxix, he says that it was written in 1563 
and 1579, by a writer of Quauhtitlan, and not by Ixtlilxochitl, as was thought by Pichardo, 
who with Gama possessed copies later owned by Aubin. The copy used by Brasseur 
was, as he says, made from the MS. in the Boturini collection,^ where it was called His- 
toria de los Reynos de Colhuacan y Mexico,^ and it is supposed to be the original, now 
preserved in the Museo Nacional de Mexico. It is not all legible, and that institution 
has published only the better preserved and earlier parts of it, though Aubin's copies are 
said to contain the full text. This edition, which is called Ana/es de Cuauhtitlan, is 
accompanied by two Spanish versions, the early one made for Brasseur, and a new one 
executed by Mendoza and Solis, and it is begun in the Anales del Museo Nacional for 
1879 (vol. i.).^ 

The next after Ixtlilxochitl to become conspicuous as a collector, was Sigiienza y 
Gongora (b. 1645), and it was while he was the chief keeper of such records ' that the 
Itahan traveller Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Carreri examined them, and made some 
record of them.^ A more important student inspected the collection, which was later 
gathered in the College of San Pedro and San Pablo, and this was Clavigero,^ who mani- 
fested a particular interest in the picture-writing of the Mexicans,^*^ and has given us a 
useful account of the antecedent historians.^! 

1 Annales de Philcsophie Chretienne, May, Carreri' s local coloring shows he must have 
1855, p. 326. been in Mexico. 

2 In his Quatre Lettres, p. 24, he calls it the ^ Cf. the bibliog., in Vol. II., p. 425, of his 
sacred book of the Toltecs. " C'est le Livre Storia Antica del Messico. 

divin lui-meme, c'est le Teoamoxtli." ^^ We owe to him descriptions at this time of 

8 Brasseur's Lettres h M. le due de Valmy, the collections of Mendoza, of that in the Va- 

Lettre seconde. tican, and of that at Vienna. Robertson made 

* Catdlogo^ pp. 17, 18. an enumeration of such manuscripts ; but his 

^ Brasseur, Bibl. Mex. Guat., p. 47 ; Pinart- knowledge was defective, and he did not know 

Brasseur Catal., no. 237. even of those at Oxford. 

6 It has been announced that Bandelier is ^^ Robertson was inclined to disparage Cla- 

engaged in a new translation of The Annals of vigero's work, asserting that he could find little 

QuauhtitldH for Brinton's Aboriginal Literature in him beyond what he took from Acosta and 

series. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 57, 63, and in vol. v., Herrera " except the improbable narratives and 

where he endeavors to patch together Brasseur's fanciful conjectures of Torquemada and Botu- 

fragments of it. Short, p. 241. rini." Clavigero criticised Robertson, and the 

■^ Humboldt says that Sigiienza inherited Ixt- English historian in his later editions replied, 

lilxochitl's collection ; and that it was preserved Prescott points out (i. 70) that Clavigero only 

in the College of San Pedro till 1759. knew Sahagun through the medium of Torque- 

8 Giro del mondo, 1699, vol. vi. Cf. Kingsbor- mada and later writers. Bancroft [Nat. Paces, v. 

ough, vol. iv. Robertson attacked Carreri's char- 149 ; Mexico, i. 700) thinks that Clavigero " owes 

acter for honesty, and claimed it was a received his reputation much more to his systematic ar- 

opinion that he had never been out of Italy, rangement and clear narration of traditions that 

Clavigero defended Carreri. Humboldt thinks had before been greatly confused, and to the 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



159 




^ The best known efforts at collecting material for the ante-Spanish history of Mexico 
were made by Boturini,^ who had come over to New Spain in 1736, on some agency for 
a descendant of Montezuma, the Countess de 
Santibaiiez. Here he became interested in the 
antiquities of the country, and spent eight years 
roving about the country picking up manuscripts 
and pictures, and seeking in vain for some one to 
explain their hieroglyphics. Some action on his 
part incurring the displeasure of the public au- 
thorities, he was arrested, his collection ^ taken 
from him, and he was sent to Spain. On the voy- 
age an English cruiser captured the vessel in which 
he was, and he thus lost whatever he chanced to 
have with him.^ What he left behind remained in 
the possession of the government, and became the 
spoil of damp, revolutionists, and curiosity-seekers. 
Once again in Spain, Boturini sought redress of the 
Council of the Indies, and was sustained by it in 
his petition ; but neither he nor his heirs succeeded 
in recovering his collection. He also prepared a 

book setting forth how he proposed, by the aid of these old manuscripts and pictures, to re- 
suscitate the forgotten history of the Mexicans. The book * is a jumble of notions ; but 
appended to it was what gives it its chief value, a " Catalogo del Museo historico Indiano," 
which tells us what the collection was. While it was thus denied to its collector, Mariano 
Veytia,^ who had sympathized with Boturini in Madrid, had possession, for a while at 
least, of a part of it, and made use of it in his Historia Antigua de Mejico^ but it is 
denied, as usually stated, that the authorities upon his death (1778) prevented the publi- 
cation of his book. The student was deprived of Veytia's results till his MS. was ably 
edited, with notes and an appendix, by C. F. Ortega (Mexico, 1836).^ Another, who was 
connected at a later day with the Boturini collection, and who was a more accurate writer 
than Veytia, was Antonio de Leon y Gama, born in Mexico in 1735. His Descripcion 
historicay Cronologica de las Dos Piedras (Mexico, 1832) '^ was occasioned by the finding, 
in 1790, of the great Mexican Calendar Stone and other sculptures in the Square of 
Mexico. This work brought to bear Gama's great learning to the interpretation of these 
relics, and to an exposition of the astronomy and mythology of the ancient Mexicans, 
in a way that secured the commendation of Humboldt.^ 



CLAVIGERO* 



omission of the most perplexing and contradic- 
tory points, than to deep research or new dis- 
coveries." 

1 See Vol. II. p. 418. Brasseur de Bour- 
bourg's Hist, des Nations Civilisees, p. xxxii. 
Clavigero had described it. 

2 He had collected nearly 500 Mexican paint- 
ings in all. Aubin {Notices^ etc., p. 21) says 
that Boturini nearly exhausted the field in his 
searches, and with the collection of vSigUenza he 
secured all those cited by Ixtlilxochitl and the 
most of those concealed by the Indians, — of 
which mention is made by Torquemada, Saha- 
giin, Valades, Zurita, and others ; and that the 
researches of Bustamante, Cubas, Gondra, and 
others, up to 1851, had not been able to add 
muck of importance to what Boturini possessed. 



3 This portion of his collection has not been 
traced. The fact is indeed denied. 

^ Idea de una nueva historia general de la 
America septentrional (Madrid, 1746) ; Carter- 
Brown, iii. 817 ; Brasseur's Bibl. Mex.-Guat..^ 
p. 26; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 159; Pinart, Cata- 
logtie, no. 134 ; Prescott, i. 160. 

^ Brasseur, Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 152. 

6 Prescott, i. 24. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., calls 
Veytia's the best history of the ancient period 
yet (1866) written. 

^ A second ed. (Mexico, 1832) was augmented 
with notes and a life of the author, by Carlos 
Maria de Bustamante ; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 
909 ; Brasseur's Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 68. 

^ Prescott, i. 133. Gama and others collected 
another class of hieroglyphics, of less importance. 



* After a lithograph in CumpHdo's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico, vol. iii. 



i6o 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



During these years of uncertainty respecting the Boturini collection, a certain hold 
upon it seems to have been shared successively by Pichardo and Sanchez, by which in the 
end some part came to the Museo Nacional, in Mexico.^ It was also the subject of law- 
suits,' which finally resulted in the dispersion of what was left by public auction, at a time 
when Humboldt was passing through Mexico, and some of its treasures were secured by 
him and placed in the Berlin Museum. Others passed hither and thither (a few to Kings- 
borough), but not in a way to obscure their paths, so that when, in 1830, Aubin was sent 
to Mexico by the French government, he was able to secure a considerable portion of 
them, as the result of searches during the next ten years. It was with the purpose, some 




LORENZO BOTURINI.* 



but still interesting as illustrating legal and ad- 
ministrative processes used in later times, in the 
relations of the Spaniards with the natives ; and 
still others embracing Christian prayers, cate- 
chisms, etc., employed by the missionaries in the 
religious instruction (Aubin, Notice, etc., 21). 
Humboldt (vol. xiii., pi. p. 141) gives "a law- 
suit in hieroglyphics." 

There was published (100 copies) at Madrid, 



in 1878, Pintura del Gobernador, Alcaldes y Regi- 
dores de Mexico, Codice ejt geroglijicos Mexicanos 
y en lengua Castellana y Azteca, Existeiite en la 
Biblioteca del Excmo Senor Duque de Oswia, — 
a legal record of the later Spanish courts affect- 
ing the natives. 

1 Humboldt describes these collections which 
he knew at the beginning of the century, speaking 
of Jose Antonio Pichardo's as the finest. 



* After a lithograph in Cumplido's Mexican edition of Prescott's Mexico. There is an etched portrait in 
the Archives de la Soc. Americaine de France, nouvelle serie,i., which is accompanied by an essay on this 
" Pere de I'Americanisme," and " les sources aux quelles 11 a puise son precis d'histoire Americaine," by 
Leon Cahun. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



i6i 



years later, of assisting in the elucidation and publication of Aubin's collection that the 
Socidtd Americaine de France was established. The collection of historical records, as 




FRONTISPIECE OF BOTURINI'S IDEA. 



VOL. I. — II 



1 62 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Aubin held it, was described, in 1881, by himself, ^ when he divided his Mexican picture- 
writings into two classes, — those which had belonged to Boturini, and those which had 
not.^ Aubin at the same time described his collection of the Spanish MSS. of Ixtlilxo- 
chitl,8 while he congratulated himself that he had secured the old picture-writings upon 
which that native writer depended in the early part of his Historia Chichi7)ieca. These 
Spanish MSS. bear the signature and annotations of Veytia. 

We have another description of the Aubin collection by Brasseur de Bourbouro-.* 



1 Notice sur une collection d'' antiquites Mexi- 
caincs, being an extract from a Memoire sur la 
peinture didactiqiie et PEci'lture figurative des 
Aiiciens Mexicains (Paris, 1851 ; again, 1859- 
1861). Cf. papers in Revue Amir icaine et Ori- 
entale, ist ser., iii., iv., and v. Aubin says that 
Humboldt found that part of the Boturini collec- 
tion which had been given over to the Mexi- 
can archivists diminished by seven eighths. He 
also shows how Ternaux-Compans {Crauates 
Horribles, p. 275-289), Rafael Isidro Gondra (in 
Veytia, Hist. A?zt, de Alex., 1836, i. 49), and Bus- 
tamante have related the long contentions over 
the disposition of these relics, and how the Acad- 
emy of History at Madrid had even secured the 
suppression of a similar academy among the 
antiquaries in Mexico, which had been formed 
to develop the study of their antiquities. It was 
as a sort of peace-offering that the Spanish 
king now caused Veytia to be empowered to 
proceed with the work which Boturini had be- 
gun. This allayed the irritation for a while, but 
on Veytia's death (1769) it broke out again, when 
Gama was given possession of the collection, 
which he further increased. It was at Gama's 
death sold at auction, when Humboldt bought 
the specimens which are now in Berlin, and 
Waldeck secured others which he took to Eu- 
rope. It was from Waldeck that Aubin ac- 
quired the Boturini part of his collection. The 
rest of the collection remained in Mexico, and 
in the main makes a part at present of the Museo 
Nacional. But Aubin is a doubtful witness. 

Aubin says that he now proposed to refashion 
the Boturini collection by copies where he could 
not procure the originals; to add others, em- 
bracing whatever he could still find in the hands 
of the native population, and what had been 
collected by Veytia, Gama, and Pichardo. In 
1851, when he wrote, Aubin had given twenty 
years to this task, and with what results the list 
of his MSS., which he appends to the account 
we have quoted, will show. 

These include in the native tongue : — 

a. History of Mexico from A. D. 1064 to 1521, 
in fragments, from Tezozomoc and from Alonso 
Franco, annotated by Domingo Chimalpain (a 
copy). 

b. Annals of Mexico, written apparently in 
1 528 by one who had taken part in the defence 
of Mexico (an original). 

c. Several historical narratives on European 
paper, by Domingo Chimalpain, coming down 



to A. D. 1 591, which have in great part been 
translated by Aubin, who considers them the 
most important documents which we possess. 

d. A history of Colhuacan and Mexico, lack- 
ing the first leaf. This is described as being 
in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl, and Aubin 
gives, the dates of its composition as 1563 and 
1570. It is what has later been known as the 
Codex CJmtialpopoca. 

e. Zapata's history of Tlaxcalla. 

/. A copy by Loaysa of an original, from 
which Torquemada has copied several chapters. 

2 The chief of the Boturini acquisition he 
enumerates as follows : — 

a. Toltec annals on fifty leaves of European 
paper, cited by Gama in his Descripcion histo- 
rica. Cf. Brasseur, Nations Civilisees, p. Ixxvi. 

b. Chichimec annals, on Indian paper, six 
leaves, of which ten pages consist of pictures, 
the original so-called Codex Chimalpopoca, of 
which Gama made a copy, also in the Aubin col- 
lection, as well as Ixtlilxochitl's explanation of 
it. Aubin says that he has used this account of 
Ixtlilxochitl to rectify that historian's blunders. 

c. Codex on Indian paper, having a picture of 
the Emperor Xolotl. 

d. A painting on prepared skin, giving the 
genealogy of the Chichimecan chiefs, accom- 
panied by the copies made by Pichardo and 
Boturini. Cf. Archives de la Soc. Amir, de 
France^ 2d ser., i. 283. 

e. A synchronical history of Tepechpan and of 
Mexico, on Indian paper, accompanied by a. 
copy made by Pichardo and an outline sketch 
of that in the Museo Nacional. 

Without specifying others which Aubin enu- 
merates, he gives as other acquisitions the fol- 
lowing in particular : — 

a. Pichardo's copy of a Codex Mexicanus,. 
giving the history of the Mexicans from their 
leaving Aztlan to 1590. 

b. An original Mexican history from the de- 
parture from Aztlan to 1569. 

c. Fragments which had belonged to SigU- 
enza. 

2 Notice sur tcne Collection, etc., p. 12. 

* Hist, des Nations Civilisies (i. pp. xxxi, Ixxvi,. 
etc. ; cf. MUUer's Chips, i. 317, 320, 323). Bras- 
seur in the same place describes his own collec- 
tion ; and it may be further followed in his Bibl. 
Mex.- Guat., and in the Pinart Catalogue. Dr. 
Brinton says that we owe much for the preserva- 
tion during late years of Maya MSS. to Doa 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



163 



If we allow the first place among native writers, using the Spanish tongue, to Ixtlilxo- 
chitl, we find several others of considerable service : Diego Munoz Camargo, a Tlaxcallan 
Mestizo, wrote (1585) a Historia de Tlaxcallan?- Tezozomoc's Cronica Mexicana is 
probably best known through Ternaux's version,^ and there is an Italian abridgment in 
F. C. Marmocchi's Raccolta di Viaggi (vol. x.). The catalogue of Boturini discloses a 




ICAZBALCETA* 



Juan Pio Perez, and that the best existing col- 
lection of them is that of Canon Crescencio 
Carrillo y Ancona. Jose F. Ramirez (see Vol. 
II. p. 398) is another recent Mexican collector, 
and his MSS. have been in one place and another 
in the market of late years. Quaritch's recent 
catalogues reveal a number of them, includ- 
ing his own MS. Catdlogo de Colecciones (Jan., 
1888, no. 171), and some of his unpublished 
notes on Prescott, not included in those " notas y 
ecclarecimientos " appended to Navarro's trans- 
lation of the Conquest of Mexico [Catal!, 1885, 
no. 28,502). The several publications of Leon 
de Rosny point us to scattered specimens. In 
his Doc, ecrits de V Antiqtiite Anier. he gives the 
fac-simile of a colored Aztec map. A MS. in 
the collection of the Corps Legislatif, in Paris, 
and that of the Codex Indiae Meridionalis are 
figured in his Essai stir le dechiffrement, etc. (pi. 



ix, x). In the Archives de la Soc. Amir, de France^ 
n. s., vol. i., etc., we find plates of the Mappe 
Tlotzin, and a paper of Madier de Montjau, 
" sur quelques manuscrits figuratifs de I'Ancien 
Mexique." Cf. also Anales del Museo^ viii. 

Cf. for further mention of collections the Re- 
vue Orientale et Atnericaine ; Cyrus Thomas in 
the Am. Antiquarian, May, 1884 (vol. vi.) ; and 
the more comprehensive enumeration in the in- 
troduction to Domenech's Manuscrit pictogra' 
phique. Orozco y Berra, in the introduction to 
his Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnogrdjica 
(Mexico, 1864), speaks of the assistance he ob- 
tained from the collections of Ramirez and of 
Icazbalceta. 

1 See Vol. II. p. 418. 

2 See Vol. II. p. 418. Bandelier calls this 
French version " utterly unreliable." 



* [After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor's request. — Ed.] 



l64 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

MS. by a Cacique of Quiahuiztlan, Juan Ventura Zapata y Mendoza, which brings the 
Cronica de la 7nuy noble y real Ciudad de Tlaxcallan from the earliest times down to 
1689 ; but it is not now known. Torquemada and others cite two native Tezcucan writers, 
— Juan Bautista Pomar, whose Relacion de las Antigiiedades de los Indios ^ treats of the 
manners of his ancestors, and Antonio Pimentel, whose Relaciones are well known. The 
MS. Crdnica Mexicana of Anton Muiion Chimalpain (b. 1579), tracing the annals from 
the eleventh century, is or was among the Aubin MSS.^ There was collected before 1536, 
under the orders of Bishop Zumarraga, a number of aboriginal tales and traditions, which 
under the title of Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas was printed by Icazbalceta, 
who owns the MS., in the Anales del Museo Nacional (ii. no. 2).3 

As regards Yucatan, Brasseur * speaks of the scantiness of the historical material, and 
Brinton^ does not know a single case where a Maya author has written in the Spanish 
tongue, as the Aztecs did, under Spanish influence. We owe more to Dr. Daniel Gar- 
rison Brinton than to any one else for the elucidation of the native records, and he had 
had the advantage of the collection of Yucatan MSS. formed by Dr. C. H. Berendt,** 
which, after that gentleman's death, passed into Brinton's hands. 

After the destruction of the ancient records by Landa, considerable efforts were made 
throughout Yucatan, in a sort of reactionary spirit, to recall the lingering recollections 
of what these manuscripts contained. The grouping of such recovered material became 
known as Chilan Balam.' It is from local collections of this kind that Brinton selected the 
narratives which he has published as The Maya Chronicles^ being the first volume of his 
Library of Aboriginal Atnerican Literature. The original texts ^ are accompanied by an 
EngHsh translation. One of the books, the Chilan Balam of Mani, had been earlier printed 
by Stephens, in his Yucatan? The only early Spanish chronicle is Bishop Landa's Rela- 
tion des choses de Yucatan}^ which follows not an original, but a copy of the bishop's 
text, written, as Brasseur thinks, thirty years after Landa's death, or about 1610, and 
which Brasseur first brought to the world's attention when he published his edition, with 
both Spanish and French texts, at Paris, in 1864. The MS. seems to have been incom- 

1 This is Beristain's title. Torquemada, Ve- Maya chief, Nakuk Pech, in 1562, to recount the 
tancurt, and Siglienza cite it as Memorias his- story of the Spanish conquest of Yucatan. 
toricas ; Brasseur, Bib. Mexico-Guat., p. 122. ^ This was in 1843, when Stephens made his 

2 Cf. "Les Annales Mexicaines," by Remi English translation from Pio Perez's Spanish 
Simeon in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de version, Antigua Chronologia Yucateca ; and 
France, n. s., vol. ii. from Stephens's text, Brasseur gave it a French 

8 It is cited by Chavero as Codex Zumarraga. rendering in his edition of Landa. (Cf. also his 

* Hist. Nat. Civ., ii. 577. Nat. Civilisees, ii. p. 2.) Perez, who in Stephens's 

5 Aboriginal Amer. Authors, p. 29. Cf. Ban- opinion {Yucatan, ii. 117) was the best Maya 
delier's Bibliography of Yucatan in Am. Antiq. scholar in that country, made notes, which Valen- 
Soc. Proc, n. s., vol. i. p. 82. Cf. the references tini published in his " Katunes of Maya History," 
in Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., and in Bancroft, in the Pro. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc, Oct., 1879 
Nat. Races, v. (Worcester, 1880), but they had earlier been 

6 Cf. iT/^w. ^iff^r^;/^^, by Brinton (Worcester, printed in Carrillo's Hist, y Geog. de Yucatan 
1884). (Merida, 1881). Bancroft {Nat. Races, v. 624) 

"' Cf. Brinton on the MSS. in the languages of reprints Stephens's text with notes from Bras- 
Cent. America, in Amer. Jour, of Science, xcvii. seur. 

222 ; and his Books of Chilan Balam, the pro- The books of Chilan Balam were used both 

phetic and historical records of the Mayas of by Cogolludo and Lizana ; and Brasseur printed 

Yucatan (Philad., 1882), reprinted from the Penn some of them in the Mission Scientifique au 

Monthly, March, 1882. Cf. also the Transac- Mexique. They are described in Carrillo's Di- 

tions of the Philad. Numismatic and Antiqua- sertacion sobre la historia de lengua Maya 6 Yu- 

rian Soc. cateca (Merida, 1870). 

8 This is in the alphabet adopted by the early 1° Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 30. See Vol. 

missionaries. The volume contains the " Books II. p. 429. The Spanish title is Relacion de las 

of Chilan Balam," written " not later than 1595," Cosas de Yucatan. 
and also the " Chac Xulub Chen," written by a 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



165 



plete, and was perhaps inaccurately copied at the time. At this date (1864) Brasseur had 
become an enthusiast for his theory of the personification of the forces of nature in the old 
recitals, and there was some distrust how far his zeal had affected his text ; and more- 
over he had not published the entire text, but had omitted about one sixth. Brasseur's 
method of editing became apparent when, in 1884, at Madrid, Juan de Dios de la Rada y 
Delgado published literally the whole Spanish text, as an appendix to the Spanish transla- 
tion of Rosny's essay on the hieratic writing. The Spanish editor pointed out some but 
not all the differences between his text and Brasseur's, — a scrutiny which Brinton has 
perfected in his Critical Remarks on the Editions of Landa'^s Writings (Philad., 1887).^ 




PROFESSOR DANIEL G. BRINTON. 



Landa gives extracts from a work by Bernardo Lizana, relating to Yucatan, of which it 
is difficult to get other information.^ The earliest published historical narrative was 
Cogolludo's Historia de Vucat/ian {M.3.drid, i688).3 Stephens, in his study of the subject. 



1 From the Proc. of the Anier. Philos. Soc.^ 
xxiv. 

2 Cf. Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., 
vol. i. p. 88. 

3 The second edition was called Los tres Sig- 
los de la Dominacion Espanola en Yucatan (Cam- 
peche and Merida, 2 vols., 1842, 1845). It was 
edited unsatisfactorily by Justo Sierra. Cf. "Vol. 
II. p. 429; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 47. 

This, like Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor's 
Historia de la Cottquista de la Provincia de el 
Itza, reduccion, y progressos de la de el Lacandon, 
y otras naciones de Indios Barbaras, de la media- 



cion de el Reyno de Gautimala, a las Provincias 
de Yucatan, en la America Septentrional (Madrid, 
1 701), (which, says Bandelier, is of importance 
for that part of Yucatan which has remained un- 
explored), has mostly to do with the Indians 
under the Spanish rule, but the books are not 
devoid of usefulness in the study of the early 
tribes. 

Of the modern comments on the Yucatan an- 
cient history, those of Brasseur in his Nations 
Civilisees are more to be trusted than his in- 
troduction to his edition of Landa, which needs 
to be taken with due recognition of his later 



l66 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

speaks of it as " voluminous, confused, and ill-digested," and says " it might almost be 
called a history of the Franciscan friars, to which order Cogolludo belonged." ^ 

V The native sources of the aboriginal history of Guatemala, and of what is sometimes 
called the Quiche- Cakchiquel Empire, are not abundant,^ but the most important are the 
Popul Vuh, a traditional book of the Quichds, and the Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan. 

The Popul Vuh was discovered in the library of the university at Guatemala, probably 
not far from 1700,^ by Francisco Ximenez, a missionary in a mountain village of the 
country. Ximenez did not find the original Quichd book, but a copy of it, made after it 
was lost, and later than the Conquest, which we may infer was reproduced from memory 
to replace the lost text, and in this way it may have received some admixture of Christian 
thought.* It was this sort of a text that Ximenez turned into Spanish ; and this version, 
with the copy of the Quichd, which Ximenez also made, is what has come down to us. 
Karl Scherzer, a German traveller* in the country, found Ximenez' work, which had 
seemingly passed into the university library on the suppression of the monasteries, and 
which, as he supposes, had not been printed because of some disagreeable things in 
it about the Spanish treatment of the natives. Scherzer edited the MS., which was 
published as Las Historias del Orige?t de los Indios de Esta Provincia de Guatemala ^ 
(Vienna, 1857). 

Brasseur, who had seen the Ximenez MSS. in 1855, considered the Spanish version 
untrustworthy, and so with the aid of some natives he gave it a French rendering, and 
republished it a few years later as Popol Vuh. Le Livre sacre et les Mythes de VantiquitS 
americaine^ avec les livres heroiques et historiques des Quiches. Ouvrage origi?ial des 
indigenes de Guatemala, texte Quiche et trad, franqaise en regard, accompagnee de notes 
philologiques et d\m com7nentaire sur la jnythologie et les migrations des peuples anciens 
de VAmSrique, etc., coinpose sur des docujnents originaux et inedits (Paris, 1861). 

Brasseurs introduction bears the special title : Dissertation sur les mythes de Vantiquiti 
Ame7-icaine sur la probability des Cotnmunications existant anciennementd''un Continent 
d r autre, et sur les migrations des peuples indigenes de PAmerique, — in which he took 
occasion to elucidate his theory of cataclysms and Atlantis. He speaks of his annota- 
tions as the results of his observations among the Quichds and of his prolonged studies. 
He calls the Popul Vuh rather a national than a sacred book,^ and thinks it the original in 

vagaries ; and Brinton has studied their history 2 gee C. H. Berendt on the hist. docs, of Gua- 

at some length in the introduction to his Maya temala in Smithsonian Report, 1876. There is a 

Chronicles. The first volume of Eligio Ancona's partial bibliography of Guatemala in W. T. 

Hist, de Yucatan covers the early period. See Brigham's Guatemala the land of the Quetzal 

Vol. II. p. 429. Brinton calls it "disappoint- (N. Y., 1887), and another by Bandelier in the 

ingly superficial." There is much that is popu- Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., vol. i. p. loi. The 

larly retrospective in the various and not always references in Brasseur's Hist. Nations Civilises, 

stable contributions of Dr. Le Plongeon and and in Bancroft's Native Paces, vol. v., will be a 

his wife. The last of Mrs. Le Plongeon's pa- ready means for collating the early sources, 

pers is one on " The Mayas, their customs, ^ Scherzer and Brasseur are somewhat at vari- 

laws, religion," in the Mag. Amer. Hist., Aug., ance here. 

1887. Bancroft's second volume groups the ne- * " There are some coincidences between the 

cessary references to every phase of Maya his- Old Testament and the Quiche MS. which are 

tory, Cf. Charnay, English translation, ch. 15; certainly startling." Miiller's Chips, i. 328. 

and Geronimo Castillo's Diccionario Historico, ^ Watideruugen durch die mittel - Amerikani- 

biogrdfico y monumental de Yucatan (Merida, j-r/z^w />m/a«/^?z (Braunschweig, 1857 — anEng- 

1866). Of Crescendo Carrillo and his Historia lish translation, London, 1857). 

Antigua de Yucatan (Merida, 1881), Brinton ^ Leclerc, no. 1305. 

says: "I know of no other Yucatecan who has "' H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii. 115; iii., ch. 

equal enthusiasm or so just an estimate of the 2, and v. 170, 547, gives a convenient condensa- 

antiquarian riches of his native land" {Amer. tion of the book, and says that Mtiller miscon- 

Hero Myths, 147). Bastian summarizes the his- ceives in some parts of his summary, and that 

tory of Yucatan and Guatemala in the second Baldwin in his Ancient America, p. 191, follows 

volume of his Culttcrldnder des alien Amerika. Miiller. Helps, Spanish Conquest, iv. App., gives 

1 Yucatan, ii. 79. a brief synopsis, — the first one done in English, 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 167 

some part of the *' Livre divin des Tolteques," the Teo-Amoxtli.^ Brinton avers that 
neither Ximenez nor Brasseur has adequately translated the Quichd text,^ and sees no 
reason to think that the matter has been in any way influenced by the Spanish contact, 
emanating indeed long before that event ; and he has based some studies upon it.^ In 
this opinion Bandelier is at variance, at least as regards the first portion, for he believes 
it to have been written after the Conquest and under Christian influences.'* Brasseur in 
some of his other writings has further discussed the matter.^ 

The Memorial of Tecpan- Atitlan^ to use Brasseur's title, is an incomplete MS.,^ 
found in 1844 by Juan Gavarrete in rearranging the MSS. of the convent of San Fran- 
cisco, of Guatemala, and it was by Gavarrete that a Spanish version of Brasseur's ren- 
dering was printed in 1873 in the Boletin de la Sociedad econojnica de Guate7nala (nos. 
29-43). This translation by Brasseur, made in 1856, was never printed by him, but, pass- 
ing into Pinart's hands with Brasseur's collections,^ it was entrusted by that collector to 
Dr. Brinton, who selected the parts of interest (46 out of 96 pp.), and included it as vol. vi. 
in his Library of Aboriginal Ainericati Literature, under the title of The an7ials of the 
Cakchiquels. The original text, with a translation, notes, and introduction (Philadel- 
phia, 1885). 

Brinton disagrees with Brasseur in placing the date of its beginning towards the open- 
ing of the eleventh century, and puts it rather at about A. d. 1380. Brasseur says he 
received the original from Gavarrete, and it would seem to have been a copy made be- 
tween 1620 and 1650, though it bears internal evidence of having been written by one 
who was of adult age at the time of the Conquest. 

Brinton's introduction discusses the ethnological position of the Cakchiquels, who he 
thinks had been separated from the Mayas for a long period. 

The next in importance of the Guatemalan books is the work of Francisco Antonio de 
Fuentes y Guzman, Histojia de Guatejnala, 6 Recordacion florida escrita-el siglo xvii., que 
publica por prim era vez con notas e ilustraciojies J. Zaragoza (Madrid, 1882-83), being 
vols. I and 2 of the Biblioteca de los americanistas. The original MS., dated 1690, is in 
the archives of the city of Guatemala. Owing to a tendency of the author to laud the 

1 Max Muller dissents from this. Chips, i. ^ Hist. Nat. Civ.,\. ^j. SHI existe des sources de 
326. Muller reminds us, if we are suspicious of Vhistoire primitive du Mexique datis les monu- 
the disjointed manner of what has comedown inents egyptiens et de Vhistoire primitive derancien 
to us as the Popul Vuh, that "consecutive his- monde dans les monuments Americains ? (1864), 
tory is altogether a modern idea, of which few which is an extract from his Latidd's Relation. 
only of the ancient nations had any conception. Cf. Bollaert, in the Royal Soc. of Lit. Trans., 
If we had the exact words of the Poptd Vuh, we 1863. Brasseur {Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 45 ; Pinart, 
should probably find no more history there than no. 231) also speaks of another Quiche docu- 
we find in the Quiche MS. as it now stands." ment, of which his MS. copy is entitled Titido 

2 Cf. Aborig. Amer. Authors, p. i,^- ^^ l^^ Senores de Totonicapan, escrito en lengua 
8 The names of the gods in the Kichi Myths Quiche, el ano de 1334, y traducido al Castellano 

of Central America (Philad., 1881), from the el anode 1834, por el Padre Dionisio Jose CJionay, 

Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc. He gives his reasons indigena, which tells the story of the Quiche 

(p. 4) for the spelling Kiche. race somewhat differently from the Popul Vuh. 

* Cf. Am. Aiitiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., vol. i. 109 ; ^ ggg Vol. II. p. 419. 

and his paper, "On the Sources of the Aborig- ^ \^ stands in Brasseur's Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 

inal Hist, of Spanish America," in the Am. 13, as Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan {Solola), his- 

Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc, xxvii. 328 (Aug., 1878). toire des deux fa7tiilles royales du royaume des 

In the Peabody Mus. Eleventh Report, p. 391, he Cakchiquels d'lximche ou Gttatemala, redige en 

says of it that " it appears to be for the first langtie CakchiquUe par le prince Don Francisco 

chapters an evident fabrication, or at least ac- Ernantez Arana-Xahila, des rots Ahpozotziles, 

commodation of Indian mythology to Christian where Brasseur speaks of it as analogous to the 

notions, — a pious fraud ; but the bulk is an Popid Vuh, but with numerous and remarkable 

equally evident collection of original traditions variations. The MS. remained in the keeping 

of the Indians of Guatemala, and as such the of Xahila till 1562, when Francisco Gebuta 

most valuable work for the aboriginal history Queh received it and continued it {Pinart Cata- 

and ethnology of Central America." logue, no. 35). 



l68 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

natives, modern historians have looked with some suspicion on his authority, and have 
pointed out inconsistencies and suspected errors. ^ Of a later writer, Ramon de Ordonez 
(died about 1840), we have only the rough draught of a Historia de la creacion del Cielo y 
delatierruy conforme al siste?na de la gentilidad A merzcana j which is of importance for 
traditions. 2 This manuscript, preserved in the Museo Nacional in Mexico, is all that now 
exists, representing the perfected work. Brasseur (Bid. Mex.-Gual., 113) had a copy of 
this draught (made in 1848-49). The original fair copy was sent to Madrid for the press, 
and it is suspected that the Council for the Indies suppressed it in 1805. Ramon cites a 
manuscript Hlsl. de la Prov. de San Vicente de Chiappas y Goathemala, which is perhaps 
the same as the Cronica de la Prov. de Chiapas y Guatemala, of which the seventh book 
is in the Museo Nacional {Atn. Antiq. Soc. Proc^ n. s., i. 97; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., 

The work of Antonio de Remesal is sometimes cited as Historia general de las Indias 
occidentales, y particular de la gobernacion de Chiapas y Guatemala, and sometimes as 
Historia de la provincia de San Vicente de Chyapa y Guate?nala (Madrid, 161 9, i62o).8 

\ Bandelier {Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, i. 95) has indicated the leading sources of the his- 
tory of Chiapas, so closely associated with Guatemala. To round the study of the abo- 
riginal period of this Pacific region, we may find something in Alvarado's letters on the 
Conquest;^ in Las Casas for the interior parts, and in Alonso de ZwxW.-^ ^ Relacion, 1560,^ 
as respects the Quiche tribes, which is the source of much in Herrera.^ For Oajaca (Oa- 
xaca, Guaxaca) the special source is Francisco de Burgoa's Geogrdfica descripcion de la 
parte septentrional del Polo Artico de la America, etc. (Mexico, 1674), ii^ two quarto vol- 
umes, — or at least it is generally so regarded. Bandelier, who traces the works on Oajaca 
{Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 115), says there is a book of a modern writer, Juan B. 
Carriedo, which follows Burgoa largely. Brasseur {^Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 33) speaks of 
Burgoa as the only source which remains of the native history of Oajaca. He says it is a 
very rare book, even in Mexico. He largely depends upon its full details in some parts 
of his Nations Civilisees (iii. livre 9). Alonso de la Rea's Cronica de Mechoacan (Mexico, 
1648) and Basalenque's Cronica de San Augustin de Mechoacan (Mexico, 1673) ^.re books 
which Brinton complains he could find in no library in the United States. 

1 See Vol. XL 419; Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 2 ggg ^ote in Bancroft, iii. 451. 

564; Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, i. 105. ^ Vol. II. 419. Helps (iii. 300), speaking of 

Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 391) says Remesal, says : " He had access to the archives 

that it is now acknowledged that the Recordacion of Guatemala early in the seventeenth century, 

Jlorida of Fuentes y Guzman is " full of exag- and he is one of those excellent writers so dear 

gerations and misstatements." Brasseur {Bib. to the students of history, who is not prone to 

Mex.-Guat., pp. 65, 87), in speaking of Fuentes' declamation, or rhetoric, or picturesque writing, 

Noticia historic a de los indios de Guatemala {oi but indulges us largely by the introduction every- 

which manuscript he had a copy), says that he where of most important historical documents; 

had access to a great number of native docu- copied boldly into the text." 

ments, but profited little by them, either because * Vol. II. 419. 

he could not read them, or his translators de- ^ Vol. II. 417. 

ceived him. Brasseur adds that Fuentes' account ^ E. G. Squier printed in i860 (see Vol. II. p. 

of the Quiche rulers is "un mauvais roman qui vii.) Diego Garcia de Palacio's Carta dirigida al 

n'a pas le sens commun." This last is a manu- Rey de Espana, aho i^yd, under the English title 

script used by Domingo Juarros in his Compen- of Description of the ajicient Provinces of Guaza- 

dio de la historia de la ciudad de Guatemala cupan, Izalco, Cuscatlan, and Chiquimula in Gua- 

(Guatemala, 1808-1818, in two vols. — become /^/?;a/a, which is also included in Pacheco's Co- 

rare), but reprinted in the Museo Guatemalteco, leccion, vol. vi. Bandelier refers to Estevan 

1857. The English translation, by John Baily, Aviles' Historia de Guatemala desde los tiempos . 

a merchant living in Guatemala, was published de los Indios (Guatemala, 1663). A good repu- 

^%2i Statistical and Commercial History of Guate- tation belongs to a modern work, Francisco de 

wa/<z (Lond., 1823). Cf. Vol. II. p. 419. Fran- V2xA2iG2ccC\'a.V€iz.QT^^ Memorias para la Historia 

Cisco Vazquez depended largely on native writ- del antiguo reyno de Guatemala (Guatemala, 

ers in his Cronica de la Provincia de Guatemala 1851-53, in three vols.). 
(Guatemala, 1714-16). (See Vol. II. p. 419.) 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



169 



We trace the aboriginal condition of Nicaragua in Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Torquemada, 
and Ixtlilxochitl.^ 



l/'The earliest general account of all these ancient peoples which we have in English is 
in the History of America^ by William Robertson, who describes the condition of Mexico 
at the time of the Conquest, and epitomizes the early Spanish accounts of the natives. 
Prescott and Helps followed in his steps, with new facilities. Albert Gallatin brought the 
powers of a vigorous intellect to bear, though but cursorily, upon the subject, in his 
" Notes on the semi-civilized nations of Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America," in the 
Amer. Ethnological Society^s Transactions (N. Y., 1845, vol. i.), and he was about the 
first to recognize the dangerous pitfalls of the pseudo-historical narratives of these peo- 
ples. The Native Races'^ of H. H. Bancroft was the first very general sifting and massing 
in English of the great confusion of material upon their condition, myths, languages, an- 
tiquities, and history.3 The archaeological remains are treated by Stephens for Yucatan 
and Central America, by Dr. Le Plongeon * for Yucatan, by Ephraim G. Squier for Nica- 
ragua and Central America in general,^ by Adolphe F. A. Bandelier in his communica- 
tions to the Peabody Museum and to the Archaeological Institute of America,® and by 
Professo-r Daniel G. Brinton in his editing of ancient records'^ and in his mythological 
and linguistic studies, referred to elsewhere. To these may be added, as completing the 
EngHsh references, various records of personal observations. ^ 



1 For details follow the references in Bras- 
seur's Nat. Civil. ; Bancroft's Nat. Races ; Ste- 
phens's Nicaragua, ii. 305, etc. See the introd. 
of Brinton's Giiegiience (Philad., 1883), for the 
Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua. 

^ Leclerc, no. 1070. Bancroft summarized the 
history of these ancient peoples in his vol. ii. 
ch. 2, and goes into detail in his vol. v. 

3 He condenses the early Mexican history in 
his Mexico, i. ch. 7. There are recent condensed 
narratives, in which avail has been had of the 
latest developments, in Baldwin's Ancient Amer- 
ica, ch. 4, and Short's North Americans of An- 
tiquity. 

* Mrs. Alice D. Le Plongeon has printed vari- 
ous summarized popular papers, like the " Con- 
quest of the Mayas," in the Mag. Amer. Hist., 
April and June, 1888. 

. ^ A list of Squier's published writings was ap- 
pended to the Catalogue of Squier's Library, 
prepared by Joseph Sabin (N. Y., 1876), as sold 
at that time. By this it appears that his earliest 
study of these subjects was a review of Buxton's 
Migrations of the Ancient Mexicans, read before 
the London Ethnolog. Soc, and printed in 1848 
in the Edinb. New Philosoph. Mag., vol. xlvi. 
His first considerable contribution was his Trav- 
els in Cent. America, particularly in Nicaragua, 
with a description of its aboriginal momiments' 
(London and N. Y., 1852-53). He supple- 
mented this by some popular papers in Harper^s 
Mag., 1854, 1855. (Cf. Hist. Mag., iv. 65 ; Put- 
nam's Mag., xii. 549.) A year or two later he 
communicated papers on " Les Indiens Guatu- 
sos du Nicaragua," and " Les indiens Xicaques 
du Honduras," to the Nouvelles Annates des 
Voyages (1856, 1858), and "A Visit to the Gua- 
jiquero Indians " to Harper's Mag., 1859. In 



i860, Squier projected the publication of a Col- 
lection of documents, but only a letter (1576) of 
Palacio was printed (Icazbalceta, Bibl. Mex., i. 
p. 326). He had intended to make the series 
more correct and with fewer omissions than Ter- 
naux had allowed himself. His material, then 
the result of ten years' gathering, had been 
largely secured through the instrumentality of 
Buckingham Smith. (See Vol. II. p. vii.) 

® " Art of war and mode of warfare of the An- 
cient Mexicans " {Peabody Mus. Kept., no. x.). 

" Distribution and tenure of lands, and the cus- 
toms with respect to inheritance among the an- 
cient Mexicans " [Ibid. no. xi.). 

" Special organizations and mode of govern- 
ment of the ancient Mexicans" [Ibid. no. xii.). 

These papers reveal much thorough study 
of the earlier writers on the general condition of 
the ancient people of Mexico, and the student 
finds much help in their full references. It was 
this manifestation of his learning that led to his 
appointment by the Archseological Institute, — 
the fruit of his labor in their behalf appearing 
in his Report of an Archceological Tour in Mex- 
ico, 1881, which constitutes the second volume 
(1884) of the Papers of that body. In his third 
section he enlarges upon the condition of Mex- 
ico at the time of the Conquest. His explora- 
tions covered the region from Tampico to Mex- 
ico city. 

' Library of Aboriginal American LiteraturCy 
(Philadelphia.) 

8 James H. McCulloh, an officer of the U. S. 
army, published Researches on America (Bait., 
1816), expanded later into Researches, philosophi- 
cal and antiquarian, concerning the original His- 
tory of America (Baltimore, 1829). His fifth and 
sixth parts concern the " Institutions of the Mex- 



I/O 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



/ During the American Civil War, when there were hopes of some permanence for French 
influence in Mexico, the French government made some organized efforts to further the 
study of the antiquities of the country, and the results were published in the Archives 

de la Commission Scientijique dji Mex- 
ique (Paris, 1864-69, in 3 vols.).i The 
Abb^ Brasseur de Bourbourg, who took 
a conspicuous part in this labor, has 
probably done more than any other 
Frenchman to bring into order the stu- 
dies upon these ancient races, and in 
some directions he is our ultimate 
source. Unfortunately his character as 
an archaeological expounder did not im- 
prove as he went on, and he grew to be 
the expositor of some wild notions that 
have proved acceptable to few. He 
tells us that he first had his attention 
turned to American archaeology by the 
report, which had a short run in Euro- 
pean circles, of the discovery of a Ma- 
cedonian helmet and weapons in Brazil 
in 1832, and by a review of Rio's report 
on Palenqud, which he read in the 
Journal des Savants. Upon coming 
to America, fresh from his studies in 
Rome, he was made professor of history 
in the seminary at Quebec in 1845-46, writing at that time a Histoire du Canada, of little 
value. Later, in Boston, he perfected his English and read Prescott. Then we find him 
at Rome poring over the Codex Vaticanus, and studying the Codex Borgianus in the 
library of the Propaganda. In 1848 he returned to the United States, and, embarking at 
New Orleans for Mexico, he found himself on shipboard in the company of the new French 
minister, whom he accompanied, on landing, to the city of Mexico, being made almoner to 
the legation. This ofiicial station gave him some advantage in beginning his researches, 
in which Rafael Isidro Gondra, the director of the Museo, with the curators of the vice- 
regal archives, and Josd Maria Andrade, the librarian of the university, assisted him. 




BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG.* 



ican Empire," and " The nations inhabiting Gua- 
temala" (Field, no. 987). 

G. F. Lyon's Jotirnal of a residence and tour in 
the Republic of Mexico (Lond., 1826, 1828). 

Brantz Mayer's Mexico as it was and as it is, 
and his more comprehensive Mexico, Aztec, 
Spanish and Repuhlicaji (Hartford, 1853), which 
includes an essay on the ancient civilization. 
Mayer had good opportunities while attached to 
the United States legation in Mexico, but of 
course he wrote earlier than the later develop- 
ments (Field, no. 1038). 

The distinguished English anthropologist, E. 
B. Tylor^s Anahuac ; or, Mexico and the Mexi- 
cans, ancient and modern (London, 1861), is a 
readable rendering of the outlines of the ancient 
history, and he describes such of the archaeolog- 
ical remains as fell in his way. 



H. C. R. Becher's Trip to Mexico (London, 
1880) has an appendix on the ancient races. 

F. A. Ober's Travels in Mexico (1884). 

1 The important papers are: — Tome I. Bras- 
seur de Bourbourg. Esqtcisses d'' histoire, d^ar- 
cheologie, d ^ethnographie et de linguistiqtie. Gros. 
Renseignements sur les monuments anciens situes 
dans les environs de Mexico. — Tome II. Br. de 
Bourbourg. Rapport sur les ruines de Mayapan 
et d'' Uxmal au Yucatan. Hay. Renseignements 
sur Texcoco. Dolf us, Montserrat et Pavie. Me- 
moires et notes geologiques. — Tome III. Doutre- 
laine. Rapports sur les ruines de Mitla, sur la 
picrre de Tlalnepantla, sur un mss. mexicain 
{avec facsimile). Guillemin Tarayre. Rapport 
sur Pexploration mineralogique des regions mexi- 
caines. Simeon. Note sur la numiration des 
anciens Mexicains. 



* Follows an etching published in the Annuaire de la Societe Americahie de France, 1875. 
Nice, Jan. 8, 1874, aged 59 years. 



He died at 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 171 

Later he gave himself to the study of the Nahua tongue, under the guidance of Faustino 
Chimalpopoca Gahcia, a descendant of a brother of Montezuma, then a professor in the 
college of San Gregorio. In 1851 he was ready to print at Mexico, in French and Span- 
ish, his Lettres pour servir dHntroductionciVhistoire primitive des anciennes stations civi- 
lishs du Mexique, addressed (October, 1850) to the Due de Valmy, in which he sketched 
the progress of his studies up to that time. He speaks of it as "le premier fruit de mes 
travaux d'archdologie et d'histoire mexicaines.''^ It was this brochure which introduced 
him to the attention of Squier and Aubin, and from the latter, during his residence in 
Paris (1851-54), he received great assistance. Pressed in his circumstances, he was 
obliged at this time to eke out his living by popular writing, which helped also to enable 
him to publish his successive works.^ To complete his Central American studies, he 
went again to America in 1854, and in Washington he saw for the first time the texts of 
Las Casas and Duran, in the collection of Peter Force, who had got copies from Madrid. 
He has given us^ an account of his successful search for old manuscripts in Central Amer- 
ica. Finally, as the result of all these studies, he published his most important work, — 
Histoire des nations civilisees du Mexique et de VAmerique centrale durafit les siecles an- 
terieurs ci C. Colombo ecrite surdes docs, origin, et entierement inedits^ puises aux anciennes 
archives des indigenes (Paris, 1857-58).* This was the first orderly and extensive effort 
to combine out of all available material, native and Spanish, a divisionary and consecutive 
history of ante-Columbian times in these regions, to which he added from the native 
sources a new account of the conquest by the Spaniards. His purpose to separate the 
historic from the mythical may incite criticism, but his views are the result of more labor 
and more knowledge than any one before him had brought to the subject.^ In his later 
publications there is less reason to be satisfied with his results, and Brinton ^ even thinks 
that " he had a weakness to throw designedly considerable obscurity about his authorities 
and the sources of his knowledge." His fellow-students almost invariably yield praise to 
his successful research and to his great learning, surpassing perhaps that of any of them, 
but they are one and all chary of adopting his later theories."^ These were expressed at 
length in his Quatre lettres sur le Mexique. Exposition du systhne hieroglyphique inexi- 
cain. La fin de Vdge depierre. ^poque glaciaire te7nporaire. Commencement de Page 
de bronze. Origines de la civilisation et des religions de P antiquity. D^apres le Teo- 

1 He says the work is very rare. A copy Sahagun, Remesal, Gomara (in Barcia), Loren- 
given by him is in Harvard College library, zana's Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Vetancurt's Teatro 
Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 26. Mexicano (1698), Valades' Rhetorica Christiana 

2 His Palenqui, at a later day, was published (1579), Juarros, Pelaez, Leon y Gama, etc. 

by the French government (^z/«/;vZ^//r^j-,«z'a;z/- & Kirk's PrescoU, i. 10. There are lists of 

propos). Brasseur's works in his own BibliotJieque Mex.' 

3 Introduction of his Hist. Nations Civilisees. Guat^maliemie, p. 25 ; in the Pinart Catalogue, no. 
* Tome I. xcii. et 440 pp. Les temps her diques 141, etc.; Field, p. 43; Sabin, ii. 7420. Cf.no- 

etV histoire de V empire des Toltlques. — Tome II. tices of his labors by Haven in Am. Antiq. Soc. 

616 pp. Uhistoire du Yucatan et die Guatemala, Proc, Oct., 1870, p. 47 ; by Brinton in Lippin- 

avec celle de VAnahuac durant le moyen dge az- cotfs Mag., i. 79. There is a Sommaire des voy- 

tique, jusqu^h la fondation de la royaute h Mex- ages scientifiques et des travaux de geographies 

ico. — Tome HI. 692 pp. Uhistoire des Etats du d'' histoire^ d'' archeologie et de Philologie ameri- 

Michoacan et d^Oaxaca et de P empire de P Ana- caines, publies par Pabbi Brasseur de Bourbourg 

huac pisqu'd, Parrivie des Espagnols. Astrono- (St. Cloud, 1862). 
mie, religion, sciences et arts des Aztiques, etc. — ^ Abor. Amer. Authors, 57. 
Tome IV. vi. et 851 pp. Conquete du Mexique, "^ Cf. Bandeher, Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., 

du Michoacan et du Guatemala, etc. Etablisse- i. 93; Field, no. 176; H. H, Bancroft's Nat. 

ment des Espagnols et fondation de PEglise catho' Races, ii. 116, 780; v. 126, 153, 236, 241, — who 

lique. Ruine de Pidoldtrie, declin et abaissement says of Brasseur that " he rejects nothing, and 

de la race indigene, jusqii'h la fin du xvi^ sihle. transforms everything into historic fact ; " but 

In his introduction (p. Ixxiv) Brasseur gives a Bancroft looks to Brasseur for the main drift of 

list of the manuscript and printed books on his chapter on pre-Toltec history. Cf. Brinton's 

which he has mainly depended, the chief of Myths of the New World, p. 41. 
which are: Burgoa, Cogolludo, Torquemada, 



1/2 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Amoxtli [etc.] (Paris, 1868), wherein he accounted as mere symbolism what he had earher 
elucidated as historical records, and connected the recital of the Codex Chimalpopoca with 
the story of Atlantis, making that lost land the original seat of all old-world and new-world 
civilization, and finding in that sacred history of Colhuacan and Mexico the secret evi- 
dence of a mighty cataclysm that sunk the continent from Honduras (subsequently with 
Yucatan elevated) to perhaps the Canaries.^ Two years later, in his elucidation of the 
MS. Troano (1869-70), this same theory governed all his study. Brasseur was quite 
aware of the loss of estimation which followed upon his erratic change of opinion, as the 
introduction to his Bibl. Mex.-Guatemalienne shows. No other French writer, however, 
has so associated his name with the history of these early peoples.^ 

In Mexico itself the earliest general narrative was not cast in the usual historical form, 
but in the guise of a dialogue, held night after night, between a Spaniard and an Indian, 
the ancient history of the country was recounted. The author, Joseph Joaquin Granados 
y Galvez, published it in 1778, as Tardes Americanas : gobierno gentil y catdlico : breve y 
particular noticia de toda la historia Indiana: sucesos, casos notables, y cosas ignoradas, 
desde la entrada de la Gran nacion Tulteca d esta tierra de Anahuac, hasta los presentes 
tiempos!^ 

The most comprehensive grouping of historical material is in the Diccionario Universal 
de historia y de Geografia (Mexico, 1853-56),^ of which Manuel Orozco y Berra was one 
of the chief collaborators. This last author has in two other works added very much to 
our knowledge of the racial and ancient history of the indigenous peoples. These are his 
Geografia de las lenguas y Carta Etnogrdfica de Mexico (Mexico, 1864),^ and his His- 
toria antigua y de la Conquista de Mexico (Mexico, 1880, in four volumes).^ Perhaps 
the most important of all the Mexican publications is Manuel Larrainzar's Estudios sobre 
la historia de America, sus ruin as y antigiiedades, comparadas con lo mas notable del otro 
Continente (Mexico, 1875-1878, in five volumes). 

In German the most important of recent books is Hermann StrebePs Alt-Mexico (Ham- 
burg, 1885); but Waitz's Amerikaner{\Z(i\, vol. ii.) has a section on the Mexicans. Adolph 
Bastian's " Zur Geschichte des Alten Mexico " is contained in the second volume of his 
Cultur lander des Alten America (Berlin, 1878), in which he considers the subject of Quet- 
zalcoatl, the religious ceremonial, administrative and social life, as well as the different 
stocks of the native tribes. 

1 Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 176; Baldwin, Anc. tory, etc., translated by J. L. Gamier (Chicago, 
America. 1887). 

2 Reference may be made to H. T. Moke's ^ Leclerc, no. 1147; Field, no. 620; Squier, 
Histoire des peuples Americains [l^ruxeWes, 1?)^^) ; no. 427; Sabin, vii. 28,255; Bandelier m Am. 
Michel Chevaher's "Du Mexique avant et pen- Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 116. It has never yet 
^2cc^t\2i<Zoxio^Vi^\.&,'' \n^Q^ Revue des deux Mondes, been reprinted. The early date, as well as its 
1845, ^"d his Le Mexique ancien et moderne rarity, have contributed to give it, perhaps, un- 
(Paris, 1863) ; and some parts of the Marquis due reputation. It is worth from ;^3 to £i^. 

de Nadaillac's V Amerique prkhistorique (Paris, * Leclerc, no. 11 19. See Vol. II. p. 415. 

1883). A recent popular summary, without ref- ^ Leclerc, no. 2079; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., 

erences, of the condition and history of ancient p. 113. 

Mexico, is Lucien Biart's Les Aztlques, histoire, ^ For the Historia de Mexico of Carbajal Es- 

mceurs, coutumes (Paris, 1885), of which there is pinosa, see Vol. II. p. 428. Cf. Alfred Cha> 

an English translation, The Aztecs, their his- vero's Mexico a travis de los Siglos. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 173 



NOTES. 

I. The Authorities on the so-called Civilization of Ancient Mexico and Adjacent Lands, 
AND THE Interpretation of such Authorities. 

The ancient so-called civilization which the Spaniards found in Mexico and Central America is the subject 
of much controversy : in the first place as regards its origin, whether indigenous, or allied to and derived from 
the civilizations of the Old World ; and in the second place as regards its character, whether it was something 
more than a kind of grotesque barbarism, or of a nature that makes even the Spanish culture, which supplanted 
it, inferior in some respects by comparison.! The first of these problems, as regards its origin, is considered 
in another place. As respects the second, or its character, it is proposed here to follow the history of opinions. 

In a book published at Seville in 15 19, Martin Fernandez d'Enciso's Siimade geographia que trata de todas 
las partidas y provincias del tniindo: en especial de las htdias^- the European reader is supposed to have 
received the earliest hints of the degree of civilization — if it be so termed — of which the succeeding Spanish 
writers made so much. A brief sentence was thus the shadowy beginning of the stories of grandeur and mag" 
nificence3 which we find later in Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Las Casas, Torquemada, Sahagun, Ramusio, Gomara, 
Oviedo, Zurita, Tezozomoc, and Ixtlilxochitl, and which is repeated often with accumulating effect in Acosta, 
Herrera, Lorenzana, Solis, Clavigero, and their successors.'* Bandelier & points out how Robertson, in his views 
of Mexican civilization as in " the infancy of civil life," 6 really opened the view for the first time of the exag- 
gerated and uncritical estimates of the older writers, which Morgan has carried in our day to the highest 
pitch, and, as it would seem, without sufficient recognition of some of the contrary evidence. 

It has usually been held that the creation among the Mexicans about thirty years after the founding of Mex-^ 
ico of a chief-of-men (Tlacatecuhtli) instituted a feudal monarchy, Bandelier,'' speaking of the application of \ 
feudal terms by the old writers to Mexican institutions, says : " What in their first process of thinking was 
merely a comparative, became very soon a positive terminology for the purpose of describing institutions to 
which this foreign terminology never was adapted." He instances that the so-called " king " of these early 
writers was a translation of the native term, which in fact only meant " one of those who spoke ; " that is, a 
prominent member of the council. 8 Bandelier traces the beginning of the feudal ideas as a graft upon the 
native systems, in the oldest document issued by Europeans on Mexican soil, when Cortes (May 20, 15 19) con- 
ferred land on his allies, the chiefs of Axapusco and Tepeyahualco, and for the first time made their office^ 
hereditary. . It is Bandelier's opinion that "the grantees had no conception of the true import of what they 
accepted; neither did Cortes conceive the nature of their ideas." This was followed after the Spanish occupa- 

^ Discrediting Gomara's statement that De Ayllon found had a direct interest, or thought to have one, in advancing 

tribes near Cape Hatteras who had tame deer and made the claims of the Tezcucan tribe to an original supremacy." 

cheese from their milk, Dr. Brinton says: "Throughout Bandelier again {Ibid. ii. 385) points out the early state- 

the continent there is not a single authentic instance of a ments of the conquerors, and of their annalists, which have 

pastoral tribe, not one of an animal raised for its milk, nor prompted the inference of a feudal condition of society; 

for the transportation of persons, and very few for their but he refers to Ixtlilxochitl as " the chief originator of the 

flesh. It was essentially a hunting race." {Myths 0/ the feudal view; " and from him Torquemada draws his inspi- 

Neiv World, 21.) He adds : " The one mollifying ele- ration. Wilson (/'r^^w/. Tl/aw, i. 242) holds much the same 

ment was agriculture, substituting a sedentary for a wander- views. 

ing life, supplying a fixed dependence for an uncertain con- ^ Peabody Mus. Tenth Rept. vol. ii. 114. 

tingency." 6 Bandelier ("Art of War, etc.," in Peabody Mus. Rept. 

2 See Vol. II. p, 98. X. 113) again says of De Pauw's RechercJies philosophiques 

3 It was two years earlier, in 1517, that Hernandez de sur les Americaines, that it is "a very injudicious book, 
Cordova had first noticed the ruins of the Yucatan coast, which by its extravagance and audacity created a great deal 
though Columbus, in 1502, near Yucatan had met a Maya of harm. It permitted Clavigero to attack even Robertson, 
vessel, which with its navigators had astonished him. because the latter had also applied sound criticism to the 

* " No writer," says Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. study of American aboriginal history, and by artfully plac- 

674), " has been more prolific in pictures of pomp, regal ing both as upon the same platform, to counteract much of 

wealth and magnificence, than Bernal Diaz. Most of the the good effects of Robertson's work." 

later writers have placed undue reliance on his statements, ^ Peabody Mtts. Repts. ii. 1 14. 

assuming that the truthfulness of his own individual feelings ^ jn regard to the nature of the chief-of-men we find, 

was the result of cool observation. Any one who has read among much else of the first importance in the study of the 

attentively his Memoirs will become convinced that he is Mexican government, an exposition in Sahagun (lib. vi. cap. 

in fact one of the most unreliable eye-witnesses, so far as 20), which seems to establish the elective and non-heredi- 

general principles are concerned. . . . Cortes had personal tary character of the ofifice. It was " this office and its at- 

and political motives to magnify and embellish the picture, tributes," says Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 670), 

If his statements fall far below those of his troopers in " which have been the main stays of the notion that a high 

thrilling and highly-colored details, there is every reason to degree of civilization prevailed in aboriginal Mexico, in so 

believe that they are the more trustworthy. ... In the de- far as its people were ruled after the manner of eastern des- 

scriptions by Cortes we find, on the whole, nothing but a potisms." Bandelier {Ibid. ii. 133) says: " It is not impos- 

barbarous display common to other Indian celebrations of a sible that the so-called empire of Mexico may yet prove to 

similar character." have been but a confederacy of the Nahuatlac tribe of the 

Bandelier's further comment is {Ibid. ii. 397) : " A feudal valley, with the Mexicans as military leaders." His argu- 

empire at Tezcuco was an invention of the chroniclers, who ment on the word translated " king " is not convincing. 



1/4 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

tion of Mexico by the institution of " repartimientos," through which the natives became serfs of the soil to the 
conquerors. 1 

The story about this unknown splendor of a strange civilization fascinated the world nearly half a century ago 
in the kindly recital of Prescott ; 2 but it was observed that he quoted too often the somewhat illusory and 
exaggerated statements of Ixtlilxochitl, and was not a little attracted by the gorge6us pictures of Waldeck and 
Dupaix. With such a charming depicter, the barbaric gorgeousness of this ancient empire, as it became the 
fashion to call it, gathered a new interest, which has never waned, and Morgan 3 is probably correct in affirming 
that it " has called into existence a larger number of works than were ever before written upon any people of 
the same number and of the same importance." ^ Even those who, like Tylor, had gone to Mexico sceptics, had 
been forced to the conclusion that Prescott's pictures were substantially correct, and setting aside what he felt 
to be the monstrous exaggerations of Solis, Gomara, and the rest, he could not find the history much less trust- 
worthy than European history of the same period.5 It has been told in another place c how the derogatory 
view, as opposed to the views of Prescott, were expressed by R. A. Wilson in his New Cottquest of Mexico, in 
assuming that all the conquerors said was baseless fabrication, the European Montezuma becoming a petty 
Indian chief, and the great city of Mexico a collection of hovels in an everglade, — the ruins of the country 
being accounted for by supposing them the relics of an ancient Phoenician civilization, which had been stamped 
out by the inroads of barbarians, whose equally barbarious descendants the Spaniards were in turn to over- 
come. It cannot be said that such iconoclastic opinions obtained any marked acceptance ; but it was apparent 
that the notion of the exaggeration of the Spanish accounts was becoming sensibly fixed in the world's opinion. 
We see this reaction in a far less excessive way in Daniel Wilson's Prehistoric Man (i. 325, etc.), and he was 
struck, among other things, with the utter obliteration of the architectural traces of the conquered race in the 
city of Mexico itself.'' When, in 1875, Hubert H. Bancroft published the second volume of his Native Races, 
he confessed "that much concerning the Aztec civilization had been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish 
writers, and for obvious reasons ; " but he contended that the stories of their magnificence must in the main be 
accepted, because of the unanimity of witnesses, notwithstanding their copying from one another, and because 
of the evidence of the ruins.8 He strikes his key-note in his chapter on the " Government of the Nahua Nations," 
in speaking of it as " monarchical and nearly absolute ; " 9 but it was perhaps in his chapter on the " Palaces 
and Households of the Nahua Kings," where he fortifies his statement by numerous references, that he carried 
his descriptions to the extent that alUed his opinions to those who most unhesitatingly accepted the old stories.io 

The most serious arraignment of these long-accepted views was by Lewis H. Morgan, who speaks of them 
as having " caught the imagination and overcome the critical judgment of Prescott, ravaged the sprightly brain 
of Brasseur de Bourbourg, and carried up in a whirlwind our author at the Golden Gate." n 

Morgan's studies had been primarily among the Iroquois, and by analogy he had applied his reasoning to the 
aboriginal conditions of Mexico and Central America, thus degrading their so-called civilization to the level of 
the Indian tribal organization, as it was understood in the North.12 Morgan's confidence in its deductions was 
perfect, and he was not very gracious in alluding to the views of his opponents. He looked upon " the fabric of 
Aztec romance as the most deadly encumbrance upon American ethnology." 13 The Spanish chroniclers, as he 
contended, " inaugurated American aboriginal history upon a misconception of Indian life, which has remained 

1 Peabody Miis. Repts. ii. 435. ■ conquerors implied. Morgan instances as a proof of the 

2 Introd. to Conquest of Mexico. See Vol. II. p. 426. flimsy character of their masonry, that Cortes in seventeen 
In the Appendix to his third volume, Prescott, relying days levelled three fourths of the city of Mexico. But, adds 
mainly on the works of Dupaix and Waldeck, arrived at Wilson, " so far as an indigenous American civilization is 
conclusions as respects the origin of the Mexican civiliza- concerned, no doubt can be entertained, and there is little 
tion, and its analogies with the Old World, which accord room for questioning, that among races who had carried civ- 
with those of Stephens, whose work had not appeared at ilization so far, there existed the capacity for its further de- 
the time when Prescott wrote. velopment, independently of all borrowed aid " (p. 336). 

3 Houses and House Life, p. 222. The Baron Nordenskjold informs me that there is in the 
* Bancroft (ii. 92) says : " What is known of the Aztecs library at Upsala a MS. map of Mexico by Santa Cruz 

has furnished material for nine tenths of all that has been (d. 1572) which contains numerous ethnographical details, 

written on the American civilized nations in general." not to be found in printed maps of that day. 

s Anahuac, or Mexico and the Mexicans, Ancient and ^ Native Races, ii. 159. 

Modern (London, 1861). Tylor enlarges upon what he ^ Ibid. ii. 133. 

considers the evidences of immense populations ; and re- ^^ Bancroft has recently epitomized his views afresh in 

specting some of their arts he adds, from inspection of spec- the Amer. Antiquarian, Jan., 1888. 

imens of their handicraft, that " the Spanish conquerors ^^ Bancroft wrote in San Francisco, It will be remem- 

were not romancing in the wonderful stories they told of bered. 

the skill of the native goldsmiths." On the other hand, ^- It was for Bandelier, in his " Social organization and 

Morgan {Houses and House Life, 223) thinks the figures of mode of government of the ancient Mexicans " {Peabody 

population grossly exaggerated. Mus. Repts. ii. 557), to demonstrate the proposition that 

•> Vol. II. p. 427. tribal society based, according to Morgan, upon kin, and 

■^ When we consider that Rome, Constantinople, and Je- not political society, which rests upon territory and prop- 

rusalem, in spite of rapine, siege and fire, still retain numer- erty, must be looked for among the ancient Mexicans, 

ous traces of their earliest times, and that not a vestige of " Morgan's Houses, etc., 225. Bandelier {Peabody Mus. 

the Aztec capital remains to us except its site, we must Rept.,\o\.\\. 114) speaks of the views advanced by Morgan 

assume, in Wilson's opinion {Prehistoric Man, i. 331), in his "Montezuma's Dinner," as "a bold stroke for thc' 

that its edifices and causeways must have been for the most establishment of American ethnology on a new basis." It 

gart more slight and fragile than the descriptions of the must be remembered that Bandelier was Morgan's pupil. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 1/5 

substantially unquestioned till recently." i He charges upon ignorance of the structure and principles of Indian 
society, the perversion of all the writers,2 from Cortes to Bancroft, who, as he says, unable to comprehend its 
peculiarities, invoked the imagination to supply whatever was necessary to fill out the picture.3 The actual 
condition to which the Indians of Spanish America had reached was, according to his schedule, the upper status 
of barbarism, between which and the beginning of civilization he reckoned an entire ethnical period. " In the 
art of government they had not been able to rise above gentile institutions and establish political society. 
This fact," Morgan continues, " demonstrates the impossibility of privileged classes and of potentates, under 
their institutions, with power to enforce the labor of the people for the erection of palaces for their use, and 
explains the absence of such structures." 4 

This is the essence of the variance of the two schools of interpretation of the Aztec and Maya life. The 
reader of Bancroft will find, on the other hand, due recognition of an imperial system, with its monarch and 
nobles and classes of slaves, and innumerable palaces, of which we see to-day the ruins. The studies of Ban- 
delier are appealed to by Morgan as substantiating his view.5 Mrs. Zelia Nuttall {Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. ScL, 
Aug., 1886) claims to be able to show that the true interpretation of the Borgian and other codices points in 
part at least to details of a communal life. 

The special issues which for a test Morgan takes with Bancroft are in regard to the character of the house 
in which Montezuma lived, and of the dinner which is represented by Bernal Diaz and the rest as the daily 
banquet of an imperial potentate. Morgan's criticism is in his Houses and House Life of the American Abo- 
rigines (Washington, i88i).6 The basis of this book had been intended for a fifth Part of his Ancient Society^ 
but was not used in that publication. He printed the material, however, in papers on " Montezuma's Din- 
ner " {No. A})i. Rev., Ap. 1876), " Houses of the Moundbuilders " {Ibid., July, 1876), and " Study of the Houses 
and House Life of the Indian Tribes" {Archceol. Inst, of Amer. Publ.). These papers amalgamated now 
make the work called Houses and House Life."^ 

Morgan argues that a communal mode of living accords with the usages of aboriginal hospitality, as well as 
with their tenure of lands, 8 and with the large buildings, which others call palaces, and he calls joint tenement 
houses. He instances, as evidence of the size of such houses, that at Cholula four hundred Spaniards and one 
thousand allied Indians found lodging in such a house ; and he points to Stephens's description of similar com- 
munal establishments which he found in our day near Uxmal.9 He holds that the inference of communal 
living from such data as these is sufficient to warrant a belief in it, although none of the early Spanish writers 
mention such communism as existing ; while they actually describe a communal feast in what is known as 
Montezuma's dinner ; lo and while the plans of the large buildings now seen in ruins are exactly in accord with 
the demands of separate families united in joint occupancy. In such groups, he holds, there is usually one build- 
ing devoted to the purpose of a Tecpan, or official house of the tribe.n Under the pressure to labor, which the 

1 Ibid. 222. 5 Being vol. iv. of the Contrihdions to No. A mer. Eth- 

- Morgan says of his predecessors, " they learned noth- not. in Powell's Survey of the Rocky Mt. Region. Some 

ing and knew nothing" of Indian society. of Morgan's cognate studies relating to the aboriginal sys- 

3 Ibid. 223. tem of consanguinity and laws of descent are in the Smith- 

* In this he of course assumes that the ruins in Spanish sonian Contributions, xvii., the Smithsonian Misc. Coll. 

America are of communal edifices. ii., Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci. Trans, vii., and Am. 

5 Bandelier's papers are in the second volume of the Re^ Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc, 1857. 

ports of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. He contends "^ Morgan in this, his last work, condenses in his first 

in his " Art of Warfare among the Ancient Mexicans," that chapter those which were numbered i to 4 in his Ancient 

he has shown the non-existence of a military despotism, Society, and in succeeding sections he discusses the laws of 

and proved their government to be " a military democracy, hospitality, communism, usages of land and food, and the 

originally based upon communism in living." A similar houses of the northern tribes, of those of New Mexico, San 

understanding pervades his other essay " On the social or- Juan River, the moundbuilders, the Aztecs, and those in 

ganization and mode of government of the ancient Mexi- Yucatan and Central America. Among these he finds three 

cans." Morgan and Bandelier profess great admiration for distinct ethnical stages, as shown in the northern Indian, 

each other, — Morgan citing his friend as "our most emi- higher in the sedentary tribes of New Mexico, and highest 

nent scholar in Spanish American history" {Houses, etc., among those of Mexico and Central America. S. F. Ha- 

84), and Bandelier expresses his deep feeling of gratitude, ven commemorated Morgan's death in iSx^Am. Antiq. Soc. 

etc. {Archceolog. Tour, yi). This affectionate relation has Pr^'t:., Apr., 1880. 

very likely done something in unifying their intellectual « Cf. Bandelier on " the tenure of lands " in Peabody 

sympathies. The Ancient Society, or researches in the Mus. Repts. (1878), no. xi., and Bancroft in Nat. Races, ii. 

lines of human progress frotn savagery through barbarism, ch. 6, p. 223. 

to civilization (N. Y. 1877), of Morgan is reflected very pal- ^ Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 391) points out that 

pably in these papers of Bandelier. The accounts of the when Martin Ursua captured TayasAl on Lake Petin, the 

war of the conquest, as detailed in Bancroft's Mexico (vol. last pueblo inhabited by Maya Indians, he found "all the 

i.), and the views of their war customs {Native Races, u. inhabitants living brutally together, an entire relationship 

ch. 13), contrasted with Bandelier's ideas, — who finds in together in one single house," and Bandelier refers further 

Parkman's books "the natural parallelism between the XoMorgzn^s Ancient Society, Vzxt 2, -p. lii. 

forays of the Iroquois and the so-called conquests of the ^<> Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 673) accepts the 

Mexican confederacy " {Arch^ol. Tour, 32), and who re- views of Morgan, calling it " a rude clannish feast," given 

duces the battle of Otumba to an affair like that of Custer by the official household of the tribe as a part of its daily 

and the Sioux {Art of Warfare), — give us in the military duties and obligations. 

aspects of the ancient life the opposed views of the two " On the character of the Tecpan (council house, or offi- 

•chools of interpreters cial house) of the Mexicans, which the early writers trans- 



1/6 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Spaniards inflicted on their occupants, these communal dwellers were driven, to escape such servitude, into the 
forest, and thus their houses fell into decay. Morgan's views attracted the adhesion of not a few archaeolo- 
gists, like Bandelier and Dawson ; but in Bancroft, as contravening the spirit of his Native Races, they begat 
feelings that substituted disdain for convincing arguments.i The less passionate controversialists point out, 
with more effect, how hazardous it is, in coming to conclusions on the quality of the Nahua, Maya, or Quichfi 
conditions of life, to ignore such evidences as those of the hieroglyphics, the calendars, the architecture and 
carvings, the literatuFe and the industries, as evincing quite another kind, rather than degree, of progress, 
from that of the northern Indians.'-^ 

II. Bibliographical Notes upon the Ruins and Archaeological Remains of Mexico and 

Central America. 

Elsewhere in this work some account is given of the comprehensive treatment of American antiquities. It 
is the purpose of this note to characterize such other descriptions as have been specially confined to the 
antiquities of Mexico, Central America, and adjacent parts ; together with noting occasionally those more 
comprehensive works which have sections on these regions. The earliest and most distinguished of all such 
treatises are the writings of Alexander von Humboldt,8 to whom may be ascribed the paternity of what the 
French define as the Science of Americanism, which, however, took more definite shape and invited disciple- 
ship when the Societe Americaine de France was formed, and Aubin in his Memoire sur la peinture didac- 
tique et V c criiure figurative des Anciens Mexicains furnished a standard of scholarship. How new this 
science was may be deduced from the fact that Robertson, the most distinguished authority on early American 
history, who wrote in English, in the last part of the preceding century, had ventured to say that in all New- 
Spain there was not " a single monument or vestige of any building more ancient than the Conquest." After 
Humboldt, the most famous of what may be called the pioneers of this art were Kingsborough, Dupaix, and 
Waldeck, whose publications are sufficiently described elsewhere. The most startling developments came from 
the expeditions of Stephens and Catherwood, the former mingling both in his Central America and Yucatan 
the charms of a personal narrative with his archaeological studies, while the draughtsman, beside furnishing the 
sketches for Stephens's book, embodied his drawings on a larger scale in the publication which passes under 
his own name.4 The explorations of Charnay are those which have excited the most interest of late years, 
though equally significant results have been produced by such special explorers as Squier in Nicaragua, Le 
Plongeon in Yucatan, and Bandelier in Mexico. 

The labors of the French archaeologist, which began in 1858, resulted in the work Cites et mines Ameri- 

late "palace," widi its sense of magnificence, see Bande- Overland Monthly, xiv. 468; De Charency's Hist, du Ci- 

Her {Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 406, 671, etc.), with his refer- vilisation du M'exique {Revjte des Questions historigues), 

ences. Morgan holds that Stephens is largely responsible vi. 283 ; Dabry de Thiersant's Origins des ittdiens du Nou- 

for the prevalence of erroneous notions regarding the veau Mo7ide{^2ix\s, \%'i-^; Peschel's Races of Men, 441; 

Mayas, by reason of using the words "palaces" and "great Nadaillac's Les premiers hommes et les temps prShisto- 

cities " for defining what were really the pueblos of these riques, ii. ch. 9, etc. 

southern Indians. Bancroft (ii. 84), referring to the ruins, » For the bibliography of his works see Brunet, Sabin, 

says: They have " the highest value as confirming the truth Field, etc. The octavo edition of his Vues has 19 of the 

of the reports made by Spanish writers, very many, or per- 69 plates which constitute the Atlas of the large edition- 

haps most, of whose statements respecting the wonderful See the chapter on Peru for further detail, 

phenomena of the New World, without this incontroverti- * John Lloyd Stephens, Incidents of travel in Central 

ble material proof, would find few believers among the America, Chiapas, and Yucatan, Lond. and N. Y. 1841, 

skeptical students of the present day." Bancroft had little — various later eds., that of London, 1854, being "revised 

prescience respecting what the communal theorists were from the latest Amer. ed., with additions by Frederick 

going to say of these ruins. Catherwood." Stephens started on this expedition in 

1 Cf. Bancroft's Ceyit. America, i. 317. Sir J. William 1839, and he was armed with credentials from President 

Dawson, in his Fossil Men (p. 83), contends that Morgan has Van Buren. He travelled 3000 miles, and visited eight 

proved his point, and he calls the ruins of Spanish America ruined cities, as shown by his route given on the map in 

" communistic barracks " (p. 50). Higginson, in the first vol. i. Cf. references in AUibone, ii. p. 2240 ; Poole''s In- 

chapter of his Larger History, which is a very excellent, dex, p. 212; his Incidents of Travel in Yucatan will be 

condensed popular statement of the new views which Mor- mentioned later. 

gan inaugurated, says of him very truly, that he lacked mod- Frederick Catherwood's Views of Ancient Monuments 

eration, and that there is " something almost exasperating in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (Lond. 1844) 

in the positiveness with which he sometimes assumes as has a brief text (pp. 24) and 25 lithographed plates. Some 

proved that which is only probable. " of the original drawings used in making these plates were 

- Bancroft in his footnotes (vol. ii.) embodies the best included in the Squier Catalogue, -p. 22<^. (Sabin's Z>/rf. 

bibliography of this ancient civilization. Cf. Wilson's /'r^?- iii. no. 11520.) Captain Lin desay Brine, in his paper on 

historic Man, i. ch. 14; C. Hermann Berendt's "Centres the " Ruined Cities of Central America " (Journal Roy. 

of ancient civilization and their geographical distribution," Geog. Soc. 1872, p. 354 ; Proc. xvii. 67), testifies to the 

an Address before the Amer. Geog. Soc. (N. Y. 1876); accuracy of Stephens and Catherwood. These new devel- 

Draper's Intellectual Development of Europe ; Brasseur's opments furnished the material for numerous purveyors to 

IVTs. Troano ; Humboldt's Cosmos (English transl. ii. 674); the popular mind, some of them of the slightest value, like 

M.\c\\&\C\\e.\3.\ier'mthQ Revue de deux Mondes,M<^r.-]vi[y , Asahel Davis, whose Antiquities of Central America, 

1845, embraced later in his Du Mexique avant et pendant with some slight changes of title, and with the parade of 

la Conquete (Paris, 1845); Brantz Mayer's Mexico as it new editions, were common enough between 1840 and 

was; The Galaxy, March, 1876; Scribner''s Mag. v. 724; 1850. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



-^^77 



caines: Mitla, Palenque, Izamal, Chichen-Itza, Uxmal, recueillies et photographiees par Desire Charnay, 
avec un Texte par M. Vtollet le Due. (Paris, 1863.) Charnay contributed to this joint publication, beside 
the photographs, a paper called '• Le Mexique, 1858-61, — souvenirs et impressions de Voyage." The Ar- 
chitect Viollet le Due gives us in the same book an essay by an active, well-equipped, and ingenious mind, 
but his speculations about the origin of this Southern civilization and its remains are rather curious than con- 
vincing.! 

The public began to learn better what Charnay's full and hearty confidence in his own sweeping assertions 
was, when he again entered the field in a series of papers on the ruins of Central America which he contributed 




THE PYRAMID OF CHOLULA.* 

(1879-81) to the North A?nerican Review (vols, cxxxi.-cxxxiii.), and which for the most part reached the 
public newly dressed in some of the papers contributed by L. P. Gratacap to the American Antiquarian^ 
and in a paper by F. A. Ober on " The Ancient Cities of America," in the Ainer. Geog. Soc. Bulletin, Mar., 
1888. Charnay took moulds of various sculptures found among the ruins, which were placed in the Trocadero 
Museum in Paris.3 What Charnay communicated in English to the No. Amer. Review appeared in better 
shape in French in the Totir du Monde (1886-87), and in a still riper condition in his latest work, Les anciens 
villes du Nouveau Monde: voyages d^ explorations au Mexique et datis V Amerique Centrale. 1837-1882. 
Ouvrage contenant 214. gravures et iq cartes ou plans. (Paris, 1885.) 4 



1 Viollet le Due, in his Histoire de V habitation humaine 
depuis les temps prehistoriques (Paris, 1S75), has given a 
chapter (no. xxii.) to the " Nahuas and Toltecs.-' Views 
more or less studied, comprehensive, and restricted are 
given in R. Gary Long's A ncient A rchitecture of A merica, 
its historic value and parallelisfn of development with the 
architecture of the Old World (N. Y. 1849), an address 
from the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1849, p. 117; R. P. Greg 
on "the Fret or Key Ornament in Mexico and Peru," in 
the ArchcEologia (London), vol. xlvii. 157; and a popular 
summary on " the pyramid in America," by S. D. Peet, in 
the American Antiqtiarian, July, 1888, comparing the 
mounds of Gholula, Uxmal, Palenque, Teotihuacan, Go- 
pan, Quemada, Cohokia, St. Louis, etc. John T. Short 
summarizes the characteristics of the Nahua and Maya 
styles {N'o. Amer. of Antiquity, 340, 359). There are chap- 
ters on their architecture in Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii. ; but 
the references in his vol. iv. are most helpful. 



2 Vols. V. vi. vii. on "Ancient Mexican Civilization," 
" Pyramid of Teotihuacan," " Sacrificial Calendar Stone,** 
" Central America at time of Conquest," " Ruins at Pa- 
lenque and Gopan," " Ruins of Uxmal," etc. 

3 Duplicates were placed in the Nat. Museum at Wash- 
ington by the liberality of Pierre Lorillard. 

* The English translation is condensed in parts: The 
a7tcient cities of the New World: being travels and ex 
plorations in Mexico and Central A merica from 1837- 
1882. Translated from the French by J. Gonino and 
Helen S. Conant. (London, 1887.) Some of his notable 
results were the discovery of stucco ornaments in the prov- 
ince of Iturbide, among rhins which he unfortunately 
named Lorillard City (Eng. tr. ch. 22). The palace at Tula 
is also figured in Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day, ch. 25. The 
discovery of what Charnay calls glass and porcelain is 
looked upon as doubtful by most archasologists, who be- 
lieve the specimens to be rather traces of Spanish contact. 



* After a drawing in Cumplido's Spanish translation of Prescott's Mexico, vol. 
VOL. I. — 12 



►(Mexico, 1846.) 



178 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



We proceed now to note geographically some of the principal ruins. In the vicinity of Vera Cruz the pyra- 
mid of Papantla is the conspicuous monument,! but there is little else thereabouts needing particular mention. 
-Among the ruins of the central plateau of Mexico, the famous pyramid of Cholula is best known. The time 
of its construction is a matter about which archaeologists are not agreed, though it is perhaps to be connected 
with the earliest period of the Nahua power. Duran, on the other hand, has told a story of its erection by 
the giants, overcome by the Nahuas.- Its purpose is equally debatable, whether intended for a memorial, a 
refuge, a defence, or a spot of worship — very likely the truth may be divided among them all.3 It is a similar 
problem for divided opinion whether it was built by a great display of human energy, in accordance with the 
tradition that the bricks which composed its surface were passed from hand to hand by a line of men, extend- 
ing to the spot where they were made leagues away, or constructed by a slower process of accretion, spread 
over successive generations, which might not have required any marvellous array of workmen.* The fierce 
conflict which — as some hold — Cortes had with the natives around the mound and on its slopes settled its 
fate ; and the demolition begun thereupon, and continued by the furious desolaters of the Church, has been 
aided by the erosions of time and the hand of progress, till the great monument has become a ragged and cor- 
roded hill, which might to the casual observer stand for the natural base, given by the Creator, to the modern 




GREAT MOUND OF CHOLULA.* 



* Bancroft, iv. 453, and references. 

2 BandeHer(p. 235) is confident that it was built by an 
earlier people than the Nahuas. 

3 Cf. Bandeller, p. 247. Short, p. 236. 

* Bancroft (v. 200) gives references on these points, and 
particular note may betaken of Veytia, i. 18, 155, 199; and 



Brasseur, Hist. Natio7is Civ. iv. 182. Cf. also Nadaillac, 
p. 351. Bandelier {Archceolog. Tour, 248, 249) favors the 
gradual growth theory, and collates early sources (p. 250). 
Bancroft (iv. 474) holds that we may feel very sure its erec- 
tion dates back of the tenth, and perhaps of the seventh, 
century. 



* After a sketch in Bandelier's Archaeological Tour, p. 233, who also gives a plan of the mound. The modern Church 
of Nuestra Seiiora de los Remedies is on the summit, where there are no traces of aboriginal works. A paved road leads 
to the top. A suburban road skirts its base, and fields of maguey surround it. The circuit of the base is 3859 feet, and 
the mound covers nearly twenty acres. Estimates of its height are variously given from 165 to 208 feet, according as one 
or another base line is chosen. It is built of adobe brick laid in clay, and it has suffered from erosion, slides, and other 
effects of time. There are some traces of steps up the side. Bandelier (pi. xv,) also gives a fac-simile of an old map of 
Cholula. The earhest picture which we have of the mound, evidently thought by the first Spaniards to be a natural one, 
is in the arms of Cholula (1540), There are other modern cuts in Carbajal-Espinosa's ^^^zV^ (i. 195); Archceologia 
Americana (i. 12) ; Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day, 182, The degree of restoration which draughtsmen allow to themselves, 
accounts in large measure for the great diversity of appearance which the mound makes in the different drawings of it. 
There is a professed restoration by Mothes in Armin's Heutige Mexico, 63, 68, 72. The engraving in Humboldt is 
really a restoration ( Vues, etc., pi. vii,, or pi. viii. of the folio ed.). Bandelier gives a slight sketch of a rtstoration (p. 
246, pi. viii.). » 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



179 



chapel that now crowns its summit ; but if Bandelier's view (p. 249) is correct, that none of the conquerors 
mention it, then the conflict which is recorded took place, not here, but on the vanished mound of Quetzal-^ 




MEXICAN CALENDAR STONE* 



* After a cut in Harper's Magaziiie. An enlarged engraving of the central head is given on the title-page of the pres- 
ent volume. A photographic reproduction, as the " Stone of the Sun," is given in V>-axA^\&!:''% Archceological Tour, p. 54, 
where he summarizes the history of it, with references, including a paper by Alfredo Chavero, in the A nales del Museo 
tiaciotial de Mexico, and another, with a cut, by P. J. J. Valentini, in Ainer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1878, and in 
The Nation, Aug. 8 and Sept. 19, 1878. Chavero's explanation is translated in Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day, p. 186. 
The stone is dated in a year corresponding to a. d. 1479, and it was early described in Duran's Historia de las Indias, 
and in Tezozomoc's Cronica mexicana'. Tylor {A ftahiiac, 238) says that of the drawings made before the days of pho- 
tography, that in Carlos Nebel's Viaje pintoresco y Arqueologico sobre la Republica Mejicana, 1829-1834 (Paris, 1839), 
is the best, while the engravings given by Humboldt (pi. xxiii.) and others are more or less erroneous. Cf. other cuts in 
CarhaiaTs Mexico, i. 528 ; Bustamante's Mananas de la Alameda (Mexico, 1835-36); Short's No. Amer. of Antiq., 408, 
451, with references ; '^zx^cxoi'C s Native Races, ii. 520 ; iv. 506 ; Stevens's Flint Chips, 309. 

Various calendar disks are figured in Clavigero (Casena, 1780) ; a colored calendar on agave paper is reproduced in the 
Archives de la Commission Scientijiqtie du MSxique, iii. 120. (Quaritch held the original document in Aug., 1888, at 
^^25, which had belonged to M. Boban.) 

For elucidations of the Mexican astronomical and calendar system see Acosta, vi. cap. 2 ; Granados y Galvez's Tardes 
Americanas (1778) ; Humboldt's essay in connection with pi. xxiii. of his Atlas; Prescott's Mexico, i. 117; Bollaert in 
Memoirs read before the Anthropol. Soc. of London, i. 210; E. G. Squier's Some new discoveries respecting the dates 
on tJie great calendar stone of the ancient Mexicans, with observations on the Mexican cycle of fifty-two years, in the 
American Journalof Science and Arts, 2d ser., March, 1849, PP- i53-i57 ? Abbe J. Pipart's Astronomic, Chronologic 
et rites des Mexicaines in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France (n. ser. i.); Brasseur's Nat. Civ., iii. livre ii. ; 
Bancroft's Nat. Races, ii. ch. 16; Short, ch. 9, with ref., p. 445 ; Cyrus Thomas in Powell's Rept. Ethn. Bureau, iii. 7. 
Cf. Brinton's Abor. Amer. Authors, p. 38 ; Brasseur's " Chronologic historique des Mexicaines " in the Actes de la Soc, 
d' Ethnographic (1872), vol. vi. ; Wilson's Prehistoric Man, i. 355, for the Toltecs as the source of astronomical ideas, 
with which compare Bancroft, v. 192 ; the Bulletin de la Soc. royale Beige de Geog., Sept., Oct., 1886; and Bandelier 
in the Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 572, for a comparison of calendars. 

Wilson in his Prehistoric Man (i. 246) says: " By the unaided results of native science, the dwellers on the Mexican 
plateau had effected an adjustment of civil to solar time so nearly correct that when the Spaniards landed on their coast, 
their own reckoning, according to the unreformed Julian calendar, was really eleven days in error, compared with that of 
the barbarian nation whose civilization they so speedily effaced." 

See what Wilson {Prehistoric Man, i. 333) says of the native veneration for this calendar stone, when it was exhumed. 
Mrs. Nuttall (/'r^^. Am. Asso. Adv. Sci., Aug., 1886) claims to be able to show that this monolith is really a stone which 
stood in the Mexican market-place, and was used in regulating the stated market-days. 



i8o 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA, 



coatl, which in Bandelier's opinion was a different structure from this more famous mound, while other writers 
pronounce it the shrine itself of Quetzalcoatl.i 

We have reference to a Cholula mound in some of the earliest writers. Bernal Diaz counted the steps on its 
side."-^ Motolinia saw it within ten years of the Conquest, when it was overgrown and much ruined. Sahagun 
says it was built for defensive purposes. Rojas, in his Relacion de Cholula, 158 1, calls it a fortress, and says the 
Spaniards levelled its convex top to plant there a cross, where later, in 1594, they built a chapel. Torquemada. 
following Motolinia and the later Mendieta, says it was never finished, and was decayed in his time, though he 
traced the different levels. Its interest as a relic thus dates almost from the beginnings of the modern history 
of the region. Boturini mentions its four terraces. Clavigero, in 1744, rode up its sides on horseback, impelled 
by curiosity, and found it hard work even then to look upon it as other than a natural hill.3 The earliest of 
the critical accounts of it, however, is Humboldt's, made from examinations in 1803, when much more than 
now of its original construction was observable, and his account is the one from which most travellers have 
drawn, — the result of close scrutiny in his text and of considerable license in his plate, in which he aimed at 
something like a restoration.^ The latest critical examination is in Bandelier's " Studies about Cholula and 
its vicinity," making part iii. of his ArchcBological Tour in Mexico m i8Sz.^ 

What are called the finest ruins m Mexico are those of Xochicalco, seventy-five miles southwest of the capital, 
consisting of a mound of iive terraces supported by masonry, with a walled area on the summit. Of late years 
a cornfield surrounds what is left of the pyramidal structure, which was its crowning edifice, and which up to 
the middle of the last century had five receding stories, though only one now appears. It owes its destruction 
to the needs which the proprietors of the neighboring sugar-works have had for its stones. The earliest 
account of the ruins appeared in the " Descripcion (1791 ) de los antiqiiedades de Xochicalco " of Jose Antonio 
Alzate y Ramirez, in the Gacetas de Literatura {'MeyAco, 1790-94, in 3 vols.; reprinted Puebla, 1831, in 4 
vols.), accompanied by plates, which were again used in Pietro Marquez's Due Antichi Moftumenti de Archi- 
tettura Messicana (Roma, i8o4),6 with an Italian version of Alzate, from which the French translation in 

^ Bandelier's idea (p. 254) is that as the Indians never Recoil, of Mexico (N. Y., 1847). E. B. Tylor, Anahuac 

repair a ruin, they abandoned this remaining mound after (Lend., 1861), p. 274. A. S. Evans, Our Sister Republic 

its disaster, and transplanted the worship of Quetzalcoatl {Hartford, 1870). Summaries later than Bancroft's will be 

to the new mound, since destroyed, while the old shrine found in Short, p. 369, and Nadaillac, p. 350. Bancroft 

was in time given to the new cult of the Rain-god. adds (iv. 471-2) a long list of second-hand describers. 

2 As Bancroft thinks ; but Bandelier says that it was not ^ It is illustrated with a map of the district of Cholula (p. 

of this mound, but of the temple which stood where the 158), a detailed plan of the pyramid or mound (Humboldt 

modern convent stands, that this count was made. Arch. is responsible for the former term) as it stands amid roads 

Tour, 242. and fields (p. 230), and a fac-simile of an old map of the 

■'' Storia Ant. del Messico, ii. 33. pueblo of Cholula (1581). 

* FueSfi. 96; pi. iii., or pi. vii., viii. in folio ed. ; Essai Bandelier speaks of the conservative tendencies of the 
polit.,229- The later observers are : JyupdilxiAntig. Mex.y native population of this region, giving a report that old 
and in Kingsborough, v. 218 ; with iv. pi. viii.). Bancroft native idols are still preserved and worshipped in caves, to 
remarks on the totally different aspects of Castaileda's two which he could not induce the Indians to conduct him (p. 
drawings. Nebel, in his Viaje pintoresco y Arqueolojico 156); and that when he went to see the Mapa de Cuauht- 
sobre la republica Mejicana, 1829-34 (Paris, 1839, folio), lantzinco, or some native pictures of the i6th century, rep- 
gave a description and a large colored drawing. Of the resenting the Conquest, and of the highest importance for 
other visitors whose accounts add something to our knowl- its history, he was jealously allowed but one glance at 
edge, Bancroft (iv. 471) notes the following : J. R. Poinsett, them, and could not get another {Archeeol. Tour, p. 123). 
Notes on Mexico (London, 1825). W. H. Bullock, Six He adds: "The difficulty attending the consultation of 
Months i?t Mexico (Lond., 1825). H. G. Ward, Mexico in any documents in the hands of Indians is universal, and 
/S27 (Lond., 182S). Mark Beaufoy, Mex. Ilbistrations results from their superstitious regard for writings on paper. 
(Lond., 1828), with cuts. Charles Jos. Latrobe, Rambles The bulk of the people watch with the utmost jealousy over 
in Mexico iX-oxid.., 1836). Brantz Mayer, Mexico as it was their old papers . . . They have a fear lest the power vested 
(N. Y., 1854) ; Mexico, Aztec, etc. (Hartford, 1S53) ; and in in an original may be transferred to a copy " (pp. 155-6). 
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vi. 582. Waddy Thompson, ^ Pinart, no. 590. 

Note. —The opposite view of the court of the Museum is from Charnay, p. 57. He says: "The Museum cannot be 
called rich, in so far that there is nothing remarkable in what the visitor is allowed to see." The vases, which had so 
much deceived Charnay, earlier, as to cause him to make casts of them for the Paris Museum, he at a later day pro- 
nounced forgeries ; and he says that they, with many others which are seen in public and private museums, were man- 
ufactured at Tlatiloco, a Mexican suburb, between 1820 and 1828. See Holmes on the trade in Mexican spurious relics 
in Science, 1886. 

The reclining statue in the foreground is balanced by one similar to it at an opposite part of the court-yard. One is the 
Chac-mool, as Le Plongeon called it, unearthed by him at Chichen-Itza, and appropriated by the Mexican government ; 
the other was discovered at Tlaxcala. 

The round stone in the centre is the sacrificial stone dug up in the great square in Mexico, of which an enlarged view 
is given on another page. 

The museum is described in Bancroft, iv. 554 ; in Mayer's Mexico as it was, etc., and his Mexico, Aztec, etc. ; Fossey's 
Mexigue. 

On Le Plongeon's discovery of the Chac-mool see Atner. Antiq. Soc. Proc, Apr., 1877 ; Oct., 1878, and new series, i. 
280; Nadaillac, Eng. tr., 346; Short, 400 ; Le Plongeon's Sacred Mysteries, 88, and his paper in the Atner. Geog. Soc. 
Journal, \y.. 142(1877). Hamy calls it the Toltec god Tlaloc, the rain-god; and Charnay agrees with him, giving (pp. 
366-7) cuts of his and of the one found at Tlaxcala. 



I82 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Dupaix was made. Alzate furnished the basis of the account in Humboldt's Vues (i. 129; pi. ix. of folio ed.), 
and Waldeck {Voyage pitt., 69) regrets that Humboldt adopted so inexact a description as that of Alzate. 
From Nebel {Viage pifitoresco) we get our best graphic representations, for Tylor {Anahuac) says that Cas- 
teileda's drawings, accompanying Dupaix, are very incorrect. Bancroft says that one, at least, of- these draw- 
ings in Kingsborough bears not the slightest resemblance to the one given in Dupaix. In 1835 there were 
explorations made under orders of the Mexican government, which were published in the Revista Mexicana 
(i. j'^g^ — reprinted in the Dicciotiario Universal^ x. 938). Other accounts, more or less helpful, are given by 
Latrobe, Mayer,l and in Isador Lowenstern's Le Mexique (Paris, 1843). 2 

The ancient Anahuac corresponds mainly to the valley of Mexico city.3 Bancroft (iv. 497) shows in a 
summary way the extent of our knowledge of the scant archaeological remains within this central area.^ 

In the city of Mexico not a single relic of the architecture of the earlier peoples remains,5 though a few 
movable sculptured objects are preserved.6 

Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake from Mex- 
ico, affords some traces of the ante-Conquest archi- 
tecture, but has revealed no such interesting mov- 
able relics as have been found in the capital city.?' 
Twenty-five miles north of Mexico are the ruins 
of Teotihuacan, which have been abundantly de- 
scribed by early writers and modern explorers. 
Bancroft (iv. 530) makes up his summary mainly 
from a Mexican official account, Ramon Almaraz's 
Menioria de los trabajos ej cent ados for la coinu 
sion cientijica de Pachtica (Mexico, 1865), adding 
what was needed to fill out details from Clavigero, 
Humboldt, and the later writers.8 




OLD MEXICAN BRIDGE NEAR TEZCUCO.^ 



^ He repeats Alzate's plate of the restoration of the 
ruins. 

2 Bancroft refers (iv. 483) to various compiled accounts, 
to which may be added his own and Short's (p. 371). Cf. 
F. Boncourt in the Revjie d'' Ethnographie {i^%j). 

3 Prescott, Kirk ed., i. 12. See the map of the plateau 
of Anahuac in Ruga, Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdack., 
i. 363. 

* Cf. Gros in the Archives de la Cojn. Scient. du Mex- 
ique, vol. i. ; H. de Saussure on the Decotiverte des ruines 
d^une anctenne ville Mexicaine siiuee sur le plateau de 
r Anahuac (Paris, iSsS, — Bull. Soc Geog. de Paris). 

s The same is true of the earliest Spanish buildings. 
Icazbalceta (3fexico en 1334, p. 74) says that the soil is 
constantly accumulating, and the whole city gradually 
sinks. 

6 Bancroft (iv. 505, 516, with references) says that such 
objects, when brought to light by excavations, have not 
always been removed from their hiding-places ; and he ar- 
gues that beneath the city there may yet be "thousands of 
interesting monuments." Cf. B. Mayer's Mexico as it 
was, vol. ii. 

Bandelier {ArchcEol. Tour., Part ii. p. 49) gives us 
valuable "Archaeological Notes about the City of Mexico," 
in which he says that Alfredo Chavero owns a very large 
oil painting, said to have been executed in 1523, giving a 
view of the aboriginal city and the principal events of the 
Conquest. It shows that the ancient city was about one 
quarter the size of the modern town. 

We find descriptions of the city before the conquerors 
transformed it, in Brasseur's Hist. Nations Civ. iii. 187 ; 
iv. line 13; and in Bancroft (ii. ch. 18) there is a collation 
of authorities on Nahua buildings, with specific references 
on the city of Mexico (ii. p. 567). Bandelier describes with 
citations its military aspects at the time of the Conquest 
{Peabody Mus. Reports, x. 151). 

The movable relics found in Mexico are the following : — 

1. The calendar stone. See annexed cut. 

2. Teoyamique. See cut in the appendix of this vol- 
ume. 



3. Sacrificial stone. See annexed cut. 

4. Indio triste. See annexed cut. 

5. Head of a serpent, discovered in i88i. Cf. Bande- 
htr''s ArchcBol. Tour, p. 6g. 

6. Human head. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 518. All of the 
above, except the calendar stone, are in the Museo Na- 
cional. 

7. Gladiatorial stone, discovered in 1792, but left buried. 
Cf. B. Mayers Mexico, 123; Bancroft, iv. 516; Kings- 
borough, vii. 94; Sahagun, lib. ii. 

8. A few other less important objects. Cf. Bandelier, 
Archcsol. To2ir, 52. 

Antonio de Leon y Gama, who unfortunately had no 
knowledge of the writings of Sahagun, has discussed most of 
these relics in his Descripcion historico y Cronologico de 
las dos Piedras &". (2d ed. Bustamante, 1832.) 

'' Bancroft, iv. 520, with authorities, p. 523. Cf. Amer- 
ican Antiquarian, May, 1888. 

8 Bancroft's numerous references make a foot-note (iv. 
530). He adds a plan from Almaraz, and says that the 
description of Linares (Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 30, i. 
103) is mainly drawn from Almaraz. It is believed, but not 
absolutely proven, that the moimds were natural ones, arti- 
ficially shaped { Bandelier, 44). The extent of the ruins is 
very great, and it is a current belief that the city in its 
prime must have been very large. The whole region is ex- 
ceptionally rich in fragmentary and small relics, like pot- 
tery, obsidian implements, and terra-cotta heads. Cf. for 
these last, Lond. Geog. Soc. Journal, vii. 10 ; Thompson's 
Mexico, 140; Nebel, Viaje ; Mayers Mexico as it was, 
227 (as cited in Bancroft, iv. 542); and later publications 
like T. U. Brocklehurst's Mexico to-day (Lond., 1883), and 
Zelia Nuttall's " Terra Cotta Heads from Teotihuacan," in 
thz Anier. Journal of Arcltceology {,}\xwt. and Sept. 1886), 
ii. 157, 318. 

Bancroft judges that the ruins date back to the sixth cen- 
tury, and says that these mounds served for models of the 
Aztec teocallis. On the commission already referred to 
was Antonio Garcia y Cubas, who conducted some personal 
explorations, and in describing these in a separate publica- 



* After a sketch in Tyler's A nahuac, who thinks it the original Puente de las Bergantinas, where Cortes had hit 
brigantines launched. The span is about 20 feet, and this Tylor thinks " an immense span for such a construction." C£ 
H. H. Bancroft, Native Races, iv. 479, 528. Bandelier {Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 696) doubts its antiquity. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



183 



Bancroft (iv. ch. 10), in describing what is known of the remains in the northern parts of Mexico, gives a 
summary of what has been written regarding the most famous of these ruins, Quemada in Zacatecas.i 




THE INDIO TRISTE* 



tion, Ensayo de un Estudio Comparativo etitre las Pird- 
fnides Egipciasy Mexicanas (Mexico, 1871), he points out 
certain analogies of the American and Egyptian structures, 
which will be found in epitome in Bancroft (iv. 543). In 
discussing the monoliths of the ruins, Amos W. Butler 
[Amer. Antigtiarian, May, 1885), in a paper on " The Sac- 
rificial Stone of San Juan Teotihuacan," advanced some 
views that are controverted by W. H. Holmes in the 
Atner. Jourttal of Archeeology (i. 361), from whose foot- 
notes a good bibliography of the subject can be derived. 
Bandelier {Archceol. Tour, 42) thinks that because no spe- 
cific mention is made of them in Mexican tradition, it is 
safe to infer that these monuments antedate the Mexicans, 
and were in ruins at the time of the Conquest. 

^ The early writers make little mention of the place ex- 
cept as one of the halting-places of the Aztec migration. 
Torquemada has something to say (quoted in Soc. Mex. 
Geog. Bol., 2°, iii. 278, with the earliest of the modem ac- 



counts by Manuel Gutierrez, in 1805). Capt. G. F. Lyon 
(Joiirfial 0/ a residence and tour in I\fexico, London, 1828) 
visited the ruins in 1828. Pedro Rivera in 1830 described 
them in Marcos de Esparza's Informe presentado al Go- 
dierno {Zacatecas, 1830, — also in Museo Mexicano, i. 185, 
1843). The plan in Nebel's Viaje (copied in Bancroft, iv. 
582) was made for Governor Garcia, by Berghes, a German 
engineer, in 1831, who at the time was accompanied by J. 
Burkart {A ufenthalt und Reisen in Mexico, Stuttgart, 1836), 
who gives a plan of fewer details. Bancroft (iv. 579) thinks 
Nebel's views of the ruins the only ones ever published, 
and he enumerates various second-hand writers (iv. 579). 

Cf. Fegeux, " Les mines de la Quemada," In the Revue 
d'Ethnologie, i. 119. The noticeable features of these ru- 
ins are their massiveness and height of walls, their absence 
of decoration and carved idols, and the lack of pottery and 
the smaller relics. Their history, notwithstanding much 
search, is a blank. 



* After a photograph in Bandelier's A rchceological Tour, p. 
and has no symbolical meaning. 



He thinks it was intended to be a bearer of a torch. 



1 84 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Bancroft (iv. ch. 7) has given a separate chapter to the antiquities of Oajaca (Oaxaca) and Guerrero, as the 

most southern of what he terms the Nahua people, including 
and lying westerly of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and he 
speaks of it as a region but little known to travellers, except 
as they pass through a part of it lying on the commercial 
route from Acapulco to the capital city of Mexico. Ban- 
croft's summary, with his references, must sufifice for the in- 
quirer for all except the principal group of ruins in this 
region, that of Mitla (or Ly6-Baa), of which a full recapitula- 
tion of authorities may be made, most of which are also to 
be referred to for the lesser ruins, though, as Bancroft points 
out, the information respecting Monte Alban and Zachila is 
far from satisfactory. Of Monte Alban, Dupaix and Char- 
nay are the most important witnesses, and the latter says 
that he considers Monte Alban " one of the most precious 
remains, and very surely the most ancient of the American 
civilizations.'' i On Dupaix alone we must depend for what 
we know of Zachila. 

It is, however, of Mitla (sometime Miquitlan, Mictlan) that 
more considerable mention must be made, and its ruins, 
about thirty miles southerly from Mexico, have been oftenest 
visited, as they deserve to be ; and we have to regret that 
Stephens never took them within the range of his observa- 
tions. Their demolition had begun during a century or two 
previous to the Spanish Conquest, and was not complete 
even then. Nature is gloomy, and even repulsive in its des- 
olation about the ruins ; 2 but a small village still exists 
among them. The place is mentioned by Duran 3 as inhab- 
ited about 1450 ; Motolinia describes it as still lived in,* and 
in 1565-74 it had a gobernador of its own. Burgoa speaks 
of it in 1644.5 

. The earliest of the modern explorers were Luis Martin, a 
Mexican architect, and Colonel de la Laguna, who examined the ruins in 1802 ; and it was from Martin and his 
drawings that Humboldt drew the information with which, in 18 10, he first engaged the attention of the gen- 
eral public upon Mitla, in his Vues des Cordilleres. Dupaix's visit was in 1806. The architect Eduard L. 
Miihlenpfordt, in his Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mejico (Hannover, 1844, in 2 vols.)^ 
says that he made plans and drawings in 1830,6 which, passing into the hands of Juan B. Carriedo, were used 
by him to illustrate a paper, " Los palacios antiguos de Mitla," in the Ilustracion Mexicatia (vol. ii.), in 
which he set forth the condition of the ruins in 1852. Meanwhile, in 1837, some drawings had been made, 
which were twenty years later reproduced in the ninth volume of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowl- 
edge, as Brantz Mayer's Observations on Mexican history and archcBology, with a special notice of Zapotec, 
rejnaijts as delineated in Mr. J. G. Sawkins''s drawi)Tgs of Mitla, etc. (Washington, 1857). Bancroft points 
out(iv. 406) that the inaccuracies and impossibilities of Sawkins' drawings are such as to lead to the conclu- 
sion that he pretended to explorations which he never made, and probably drafted his views from some indefinite 
information ; and that Mayer was deceived, having no more precise statements than Humboldt's by which to 
test the drawings. Matthieu Fossey visited the ruins in 1838; but his account in his Le Mexig'ue (Paris, 
1857) is found by Bancroft to be mainly a borrowed one. G. F. von Tempsky's Mitla, a narrative of inci- 
dents and personal adventure on a journey in Mexico, Guatcinala and Salvador, 1833-1833, edited by J. S. 
Bell (London, 1858), deceives us by the title into supposing that considerable attention is given in the book to 
Mitla, but we find him spending but a part of a day there in February, 1854 (p. 250). The book is not prized ; 
Bandelier calls it of small scientific value, and Bancroft says his plates must have been made up from other 
sources than his own observations.' Charnay, here, as well as elsewhere, made for us some important photo- 
graphs in 1859.8 This kind of illustration received new accessions of value when Emilio Herbrilger issued a 




GENERAL PLAN OF MITLA.* 



* Cf. Bandelier, p. 320. 
^ Bandelier, p. 276. 

3 Ramirez, ed. 1867. 

* His brief account is copied by Mendieta and Torque- 
mada, and is cited in Bandelier, p. 324. 

5 Geog. Descripcion, ii. cited in Bandelier, 324. Cf. Soc. 
Mex. Geog. Boletin, vii. 170. 



c Bandelier says (p. 279) that he saw them in the library 
of the Institute of Oaxaca, and that, though admirable, 
they have a certain tendency to over-restoration, — the be- 
setting sin of all explorers who make drawings. 

T Cf. Field, no. 1612. 

8 Rui7tes, etc., 261, and Viollet le Due, p. 74; Anciens 
Villes, ch. 24. 



* After Bandelier's sketch (Archceological Tour, p. 276). Key : A, the ruins on the highest ground, with a church 
and curacy built into the walls. B, C, E, are ruins outside the village. D is within the modern village. F is beyond 
the river. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



85 



series of thirty-four fine plates as Album de Vistas fotograficas de las Antiguas Ruinas de los palacios de 
Mitla (Oaxaca, 1874). In 1864, J. W. von Miiller, in his Reisen in den Vereitiigten Staaten, Canada zmd 
Mexico (Leipzig, in 3 vols.), included an account of a visit.i The most careful examination made since Ban- 
croft summarized existing knowledge is that of Bandelier in his Archceological Tour in Mexico in i88r 
(Boston, 1885), published as no. ii. of the American series of the Papers of the Archceological Institute of 
America^ which is illustrated with heliotypes and sketch plans of the ruins and architectural details in all 
their geometrical symmetry. Bancroft (iv. 392, etc.) could only give a plan of the ruins based on the sketches 
of Miihlenpfordt as published by Carriedo, but the student will find a more careful one - in Bandelier, who 
also gives detailed ones of the several buildings (pi. xvii., xviii.) 

There is no part of Spanish America richer in architectural remains than the northern section of Yucatan, 
and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5) has occasion to enumerate and to describe with more or less fullness between fifty and 
sixty independent groups of ruins.3 Stephens explored forty-four of these abandoned towns, and such was 
the native ignorance that of only a few of them could anything be learned in Merida. And yet that this 




SACRIFICIAL STONE.* 



* There is a Rapport sur les mines, by Doutrelaine, in 
the A rchives de la Commission Scientifique du Mexiqtie 
(vol. iii.); Nadaillac (p. 364) and Short (p. 361) have epit- 
omized results, and Louis H. Ayme gives some Notes on 
Mitla in the Amer. Antig. Soc. Proc, April, 1882, p. 82 ; 
Bancroft (iv. 391) enumerates various second-hand descrip- 
tions. 



2 I do not understand Bandelier's statement (p. 277) that 
it is taken from Bancroft's plan, which it only resembles in 
a general way. 

3 Bancroft classifies their architectural peculiarities (iv. 
pp. 267-279). 



* After a photograph in BandeVier^s A rcli<^olo^ical Tour, p. 67. See on another page, cut of the court-yard of the 
Museum, where this stone is preserved. Of. Humboldt, pi. xxi. ; Bandelier in Amer. Antiq., 1878; Bancroft, iv. 509; 
Sie\ens^s Flint Chips, 311. There is a discussion of the stone in Orozco y Berra's El Cuauhxicalli de Tizoc, in the 
Anales del Museo Nacional, i. no. i ; ii. no. i. On the sacrificial stone of San Juan Teotihuacan, see paper by Amos 
W. Butler in the Amer. Afitiq.. vii. 148. A cut in Clavigero (ii.) shows how the stone was used in sacrifices: the engrav- 
ing has been often copied. In Mrs. Nuttall's view this stone simply records the periodical tribute days {Am. Ass. Adv.. 
Set. Proc., Aug. 1886). 



1 86 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



country was the land of a peculiar architecture was known to the earliest explorers. Francisco Hernandez de 
Cordova in 1517, Juan de Grijalva in 1518, Cortes himself in 1519, and Francisco de Montejo in 1527 observed 
the ruins in Cozumel, an island off the northwest coast of the peninsula, and at other points of the shore. 1 It 

is only, however, within the present century that 
we have had any critical notices. Rio heard re- 
ports of them merely. Lorenzo de Zavala saw 
only Uxmal, as his account given in Dupaix 
shows. The earliest detailed descriptions were 
those of Waldeck in his Voyage pittoresque et ar- 
cheologique dans la province d^ Yucatan (Paris, 
1838, foHo, with steel plates and lithographs), but 
he also saw little more than the ruins of Uxmal, 
in the expedition in which he had received pecu- 
niary support from Lord Kingsborough.2 It is to 
John L. Stephens and his accompanying draughts- 
man, Frederic Catherwood, that we owe by far the 
mest essential part of our knowledge of the Yu- 
catan remains. He had begun a survey of Uxmal 
in 1840, but had made little progress when the ill- 
ness of his artist broke up his plans. Accordingly 
he gave the world but partial results in his Inci- 
dents of Travel ijt Central America. Not satis- 
fied with his imperfect examination, he returned to 
Yucatan in 1841, and in 1843 published at New 
York the book which has become the main source 
of information for all compilers ever since, his In- 
cidents of Travel in Yttcatan (N. Y., 1842; Lon- 
don, 1843 ; again, N. Y., 1856, 1858). It was in 
the early days of the Daguerrean process, and 
Catherwood took with him a camera, from which 
his excellent drawings derive some of their fidelity. They appeared in his own Views of Ancient Monuments 
in Central Atnerica (N. Y., 1844), on a larger scale than in Stephens's smaller pages. 

Stephens's earlier book had had an almost immediate success. The reviewers were unanimous in commenda- 
tion, as they might well be.3 It has been asserted that it was in order to avail of this new interest that a resi- 
dent of New Orleans, Mr. B. M. Norman, hastened to Yucatan, while Stephens was there a second time, and 
during the winter of 1841-42 made the trip among the ruins, which is recorded in his Rambles in Yticatan^ or 
Notes of Travel through the peninsula^ includitig a Visit to the Remarkable Ruins of Chi-chen, Kabah 
Zayi, a7td Uxmal (New York, i843).4 

The Daguerrean camera was also used by the Baron von Friederichsthal in his studies at Uxmal and 
Chichen-Itza, and his exploration seems to have taken place between the two visits of Stephens, as Bancroft 
determines from a letter (April 21, 1841) written after the baron had started on his return voyage to Europe.5 
In Paris, in October, 1841, under the introduction of Humboldt, Friederichsthal addressed the Academy, and 
his paper was printed in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (xc'n. 297) as " Les Monuments de rYucatan."6 
The camera was not, however, brought to the aid of the student with the most satisfactory results till 
Charnay, in 1858, visited Izamal, Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal. He gave a foretaste of his results in the Bul- 
letin de la Soc. de Geog. (1861, vol. ii. 364), and in 1863 gave not very extended descriptions, relying mostly 
on his Atlas of photographs in his Cites et Ruines Americaines, a part of which volume consists of the 
architectural speculations of Viollet le Due. Beside the farther studies of Charnay in his Aitciens Villes du 
Nouveau Mo7zde (Paris, 1885), there have been recent explorations in Yucatan by Dr. Augustus Le Plon 
geon and his wife, mainly at Chichen-Itza, in which for awhile he had the aid and countenance of Mr. Stephen 
Salisbury, Jr.,'' of Worcester, Mass. Le Plongeon's results are decidedly novel and helpful, but they were 




WALDECK.* 



1 See Vol. II. ch. 3. Bancroft (ii. p. 784) collates the 
early accounts of the habitations of the people, and (iv. 254, 
260, 261) the descriptions of the ruins and statelier edifices, 
as seen by these explorers. 

2 For. Q: Rev., xviii. 251. 

s Cf. PooWs Index, p. 1439. 

* Bancroft, iv. 145; Field, no. 1138; Leclerc, no. 1217; 
Pilling, p. 2767 ; Dem. Review, xi. 529. Cf. PooIe''s Index, 
p. 1439. 



s Registro Vucateco, ii. 437 ; Diccionario Universal 
(Mexico, 1853), x. 290. 

6 Bandelier, Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 92, calls the 
paper " not very valuable." 

7 This gentleman, since the death of his father, of the 
same name, succeeded, after an interval, the elder anti- 
quary in the president's chair of the American Antiquarian 
Society. 



After an etching published in the Annuaire de la Soc.Amer. de France. Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, October 



1875. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



187 



expressed with more license of explication than satisfied the committee of that society, when his papers were 
referred to "them for publication, and than has proved acceptable to other examiners.i Nearly all other 
descriptions of the Yucatan ruins have been derived substantially from these chief authorities.^ 



.>Vv 




D^SIR]^ CHARNAY.* 



1 Cf. Short, p. 396. Le Plongeon retorts {A mer. A ntiq. 
Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 282) by telling his critic that he had 
never been in Yucatan. Considering the effect of contact in 
many of those who have written of the ruins, it may be a 
question if the implication is valuable as a piece of criticism. 
Mr. Salisbury and Dr. Le Plongeon reported from time to 
time in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. the results of the 
latter's investigations, and the researches to which they 
gave rise. Those in April, 1876, and April, 1877, of these 
Proceedings, were privately printed by Mr. Salisbury, as 
Tfte Mayas, etc. In April, 1878, Mr. Salisbury reported 
upon the " Terra-cotta figures from Isla Mujeres." In Oct., 
1878, there were communications from Dr. Le Plongeon, 
and from Alice D. Le Plongeon, his wife. In April, 1879, 
Dr. Le Plongeon communicated a letter on the affinities of 
Central America and the East. Since this the Le Plon- 
geons have found other channels of communication. Dr. 
Le Plongeon expanded his somewhat extravagant notions 
of Oriental affinities in his Sacred mysteries among the 
Mayas and the Quiches, 11,500 years ago ; their relation 
to the sacred mysteries of Egypt, Greece, Chaldea, and 



India. Freemasonry in times anterior to the temple of 
Solomon (New York, 1886). 

His preface is largely made up with a rehearsal of his 
rebuffs and in complaints of the want of public apprecia- 
tion of his labors. He is, however, as confident as ever, and 
deciphers the bas-reliefs and mural inscriptions of Chichen- 
Itza by " the ancient hieratic Maya alphabet " which he 
claims to have discovered, and shows this alphabet in par- 
allel columns with that of Egypt as displayed by Cham- 
pollion and Bunsen. Mrs. Le Plongeon published her 
Vestiges of t lie 3 fay as in New York, in 1881, and gath- 
ered some of her periodical writings in her Here and There 
in Yucatan (N. Y., 1886). Cf. her letter on the ancient 
records of Yucatan in The Nation, xxix. 224. 

2 Baldwin (p. 125), in a condensed way, and likewise 
Short (ch. 8) and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5), more at length, have 
mainly depended on Stephens. Cf. references in Ban- 
croft, iv. 147, and Bandelier's list in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. 
Proc, n. s., i. 82, 95. E. H. Thompson has contributed pa- 
pers in Ibid. Oct., 1886, p. 248, and April, 1887, p. 379, 
and on the ruins of Kich-Moo and Chun-Kal-Cin in April, 



* Reproduced from an engraving in the London edition, 1887, of the English translation of his Ancient Cities of the 
New World. 



i88 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The principal ruins of Yucatan are those of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza, and references to the literature of 
each will suffice. Those at Uxmal are in some respects distinct in character from the remains of Honduras 
and of Chiapas. There are no idols as at Copan. There are no extensive stucco-work and no tablets as at 
Palenque. The general type is Cyclopean masonry, faced with dressed stones. The Casa de Monjas, or 
nunnery (so called), is often considered the most remarkable ruin in Central America ; and no architectural 




FROM CHARNAY.* 



1888, p. 162. Brasseur, beside his Hist. Nat. Civ., ii. 
20, has something in his introduction to his Relation de 
Landa. 

The description of the ruins at Zayi, which Stephens 
gives, shows that some of the rooms were filled solid with 
masonry, and he leaves it as an unaccountable fact ; but 



Morgan {^Houses and House Life, p. 267) thinks it shows 
that the builders constructed a core of masonry, over which 
they reared the walls and ceilings, which last, after harden- 
ing, were able to support themselves, when the cores were 
removed ; and that in the ruins at Zayi we see the cores 
unremoved. 



* Also in the Bull. Soc. de Geog. de Paris, 1882 (p. 542). The best large {36X28 in.) topographical and historical map 
of Yucatan, showing the site of ruins, is that of Huebbe and Azuar, 1878. The Piano de Yucatan, of Santiago Nigra de 
San Martin, also showing the ruins, 1848, is reduced in Stephen Salisbury's Mayas (Worcester, 1877), or in the Amer. 
Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1876, and April, 1877. V. A. Malte-Brun's map, likewise marking the ruins, is in Brasseur de 
Bourbourg's Palenqtie (1866). There are maps in C. G. Fancourt's Hist. Yucatan (London, 1854) ; Dupaix's AntiquitSs 
Mexicaines; Waldeck's Voyage dans la Yucatan (his MS. map was used by Malte-Brun). Cf. the map of Yucatan and 
Chiapas, in Brasseur and Waldeck's Monuments Anciens dtc Mexique (1866). Perhaps the most convenient map to use 
in the study of Maya antiquities is that in Bancroft's Nat. Races, iv. Cf. Crescentio Carrillo's " Geograffa Maya " in 
the Anales del Muse o nacional de Mexico, ii. 435. 

The map in Stephens's Yucatan, vol. i., shows his route among the ruins, but does not pretend to be accurate for 
regions off his course. 

The Journal of the Royal Geog. Soc. , vol. xi. , has a map showing the ruins in Central America. 

The best map to show at a glance the location of the ruins in the larger field of Spanish America is in Bancroft's Nat 
Races, iv. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



i8q 



feature of any of them has been the subject of more inquiry than the protuberant ornaments in the cornices, 
which are usually called elephants' trunks.i It has been contended that the place was inhabited in the days 
of Cortes.2 

The earliest printed account of Uxmal is in CogoUudo's Yucathan (Madrid, 1688), pp. 176, 193, 197; but 
it was well into this century before others were written. Lorenzo de Zavala gave but an outline account in his 
Notice^ printed in Dupaix in 1834. Waldeck {Voyage Pitt. 67, 93) spent eight days there in May, 1835, and 
Stephens gives him the credit of being the earliest describer to attract attention. Stephens's first visit in 1840 
was hasty {Cent. Amer., ii. 413), but on his second visit (1842) he took with him Waldeck's Voyage, and his 




RUINED TEMPLE AT UXMAL.* 

description and the drawings of Catherwood were made with the advantage of having these earlier drawings 
to compare. Stephens {Yucatan, i. 297) says that their plans and drawings differ materially from Waldeck's; 
but Bancroft, who compares the two, says that Stephens exaggerated the differences, which are not material, 
except in a few plates (Stephens's Yucatan, \. 163; ii. 264 — ch. 24, 25). About the same time Norman and 
Friederichsthal made their visits. Bancroft (iv. 150) refers to the lesser narratives of Carillo (1845), and 
another, recorded in the Registro Yucateco {I 273, 361), with Carl Bartholomaeus Heller (April, 1847) in his 
Reisen in Mexico (Leipzig, 1853). Charnay's Ruines (p. 362), and his Anciens Villes (ch. 19, 20), record 
visits in 1858 and later. Brasseur reported upon Uxmal in 1865 in the Archives de la Com. Scientifique du 
Mexique (ii. 234, 254), and he had already made mention of them in his Hist. Nations Civ., ii. ch. i.3 



^ C£. the/r<7j and cons in Waldeck and Charnay. Wal- 
deck first named the ornaments as " Elephants' trunks " 
( Voy. Pitt. p. 74). There are cuts in Stephens, reproduced 
in Bancroft. There is also a cut in Norman. Cf. E. H. 
Thompson in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc.,Apri\, 1887, p. 382. 



' Stephens, Yucatan, ii. 265, gives an ancient Indian 
map (1557), and extracts from the archives of Mani, which 
lead him to infer that at that time it was an inhabited In- 
dian town. 

' Bancroft (iv. 151) gives various references to second- 



* After a cut in Ruge's Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 357. 



IQO 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The ruins of Chichen-Itza make part of the eastern group of the Yucatan remains. As was not the case 
with some of the other principal ruins, the city in its prime has a record in Maya tradition ; it was known 
in the days of the Conquest, and has not been lost sight of since,i though its ruins were not visited by explorers 
till well within the present century, the first of whom, according to Stephens, was John Burke, in 1838. 
Stephens had heard of them and mentioned them to Friederichsthal, who was there in 1840 {Nouv. Annates 
des Voyages, xcii. 300-306). Norman was there 
in February, 1842 {Rambles, 104), and did not 
seem aware that any one had been there before 
him; and Stephens himself, during the next 
month ( Yucatan, ii. 2S2), made the best record 
which we have. Charnay made his observa- 
tions in 1858 {Rubles, 339, — cf. Anciens '•^^■^^^'^t^^ \ Cr'''i--i^T^i'*-\J'^'^^^'^ 
Villes, ch. 18), and gives us nine good photo- /^^^^^^^'r^i^^xi^t^^^^^^J^ 





FROM CHICHEN-ITZA.* 



FROM CHICHEN-ITZA.f 



graphs. The latest discoverer is Le Plongeon, whose investigations were signalized by the finding (1876) of 
the statue of Chackmool, and by other notable researches {Am. Aiitiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1877 ; October, i878).2 
It seems hardly to admit of doubt that the cities — if that be their proper designation — of Yucatan were 
the work of the Maya people, whose descendants were found by the Spaniards in possession of the peninsula, 
and that in some cases, like those of Uxmal and Toloom, their sacred edifices did not cease to be used till 
some time after the Spaniards had possessed the country. Such were the conclusions of Stephens,^ the sanest 
mind that has spent its action upon these remains ; and he tells us that a deed of the region where Uxmal is 
situated, which passed in 1673, rnentions the daily religious rites which the natives were then celebrating there, 
and speaks of the swinging doors and cisterns then in use. The abandonment of one of the buildings, at least, 
is brought down to within about two centuries, and comparisons of Catherwood's drawings with the descrip- 
tions of more recent explorers, by showing a very marked deterioration within a comparatively few years, 
enable us easily to understand how the piercing roots of a rapidly growing vegetation can make a greater havoc 



hand descriptions, noted before 1875, to which may be 
added those in Short, p. 347; Nadaillac, 334; Amer. An- 
iiqiiarian, vii. 257, and again, July, 1888. 

Probably the most accurate of the plans of the ruins is 
that of Stephens {Yucatan, i. 165), which is followed by 
Bancroft (iv. 153). Brasseur's report has a plan, and others, 
all differing, are given by Waldeck (pi. viii.), Norman (p. 
155), and Charnay {Riiines, p. 62). Views and cuts of de- 
tails are found in Waldeck, Stephens, Charnay, — whence 
later summarizers like Bancroft, Baldwin, and Short have 
drawn their copies : while special cuts are copied in Armin 
{Das Heutige Mexico) ; Larenaudi^re {Mexique et Gua- 
temala, Paris, 1847) ; Le Plongeon {Sacred Mysteries) ; 
Ruge {Zeitalter der Entdeckimgen, p. 357); Morgan 
[Hentses, etc., ch. xi.), and in various others. One can best 
trace the varieties and contrasts of the different accounts 
of the various edifices in Bancroft's collations of their 
statements. His constant citation, even to scorn them, of 
the impertinencies of George Jones's Hist, of Anc. Amer- 



ica (London, 1842), — the later notorious Count Johannes, 
— was hardly worth while. 

1 Landa described the ruins. Relation, p. 340. 

2 All other accounts are based on these. Bancroft, who 
gives the best summary (iv. 221), enumerates many of the 
second-hand writers, to whom Short (p. 396) must be added. 
Stephens gives a plan (ii. 290) which Bancroft (iv. 222) fol- 
lows ; and it apparently is worthy of reasonable confidence, 
which cannot be said of Norman's. The ruins present 
some features not found in others, and the most interesting 
of such may be considered the wall paindngs, one repre- 
senting a boat with occupants, which Stephens found on 
the walls of the building called by him the Gymnasium, be- 
cause of stone rings projecting from the walls (see annexed 
cut), which were supposed by him to have been used in 
ball games. Norman calls the same building the Temple ; 
Charnay, the Cirque ; but the native designation is Iglesia. 

3 Yucatan, i. 94. Cf. Bancroft, Native Races,\u 117 ; v. 
164, 342. 



* After a cut in Squier's Serpent Symbol. There are two of these rings in the walls of one of the buildings twenty or 
thirty feet from the ground. They are four feet in diameter. Cf . Stephens's Yucatan, ii. 304 ; Bancroft, iv. 230. 

t A bas-relief, one of the best preserved at Chichen-Itza, after a sketch in Charnay and Viollet-le-Duc's Cites et Ruines 
Americaines {Pzns, 1863), p. 53, of which Viollet-le-Duc says: " Le profil du guerrier se rapproche sensiblement les 
types du Nord de 1' Europe." 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. I91 

in a century than will occur in temperate climates. The preservation of paint on the walls, and of wooden lin- 
tels in some places, also induce a belief that no great time, such as would imply an extinct race of builders, is 
necessary to account for the present condition of the ruins, and we must always remember how the Spaniards 
used them as quarries for building their neighboring towns. How long these habitations and shrines stood in 
their perfection is a question about which archaeologists have had many and diverse estimates, ranging from 
hundreds to thousands of years. There is nothing in the ruins themselves to settle the question, beyond a 
study of their construction. So far as the traditionary history of the Mayas can determine, some of them may 
have been built between the third and the tenth century.l 

We come now to Chiapas. The age of the ruins of Palenque 2 can only be conjectured, and very indefinitely, 
though perhaps there is not much risk in saying that they represent some of the oldest architectural structures 
known in the New World, and were very likely abandoned three or four centuries before the coming of the 
Spaniards. Still, any confident statement is unwise. Perhaps there may be some fitness in Brasseur's belief 
that the stucco additions and roofs were the work of a later people than those who laid the foundations.^ Ban- 
croft (iv. 2S9) has given the fullest account of the literature describing these ruins. They seem to have been 
first found in 1750, or a few years before. The report reaching Ramon de Ordoiiez, then a boy, was notfor- 
gotten by him, and prompted him to send his brother in 1773 to explore them. Among the manuscripts in 
the Brasseur Collection {Bib. Mex.-Gtiat., p. 113 ; Pinart, no. 695) are a Metnoria rclativa h las rtdnas . . . 
de Palenqite, and Notas de Chiapas y Palcjtqtte, which are supposed to be the record of this exploration writ- 
ten by Ramon, as copied from the original in the Museo Nacional, and which, in part at least, constituted the 
report which Ramon made in 1784 to the president of the Audiencia Real. Ramon's view was that he had hit 
upon the land of Ophir, and the country visited by the Phoenicians. This same president now directed Jose 
Antonio Calderon to visit the ruins, and we have his "Informe" translated in Brasseur's Palenque (introd. 
p. 5). From February to June of 1785, Antonio Benasconi, the royal architect of Guatemala, inspected the 
ruins under similar orders. His report, as well as the preceding one, with the accompanying drawings, were 
dispatched to Spain, where J. B. Mufioz made a summary of them for the king. I do not find any of them 
have been printed. The result of the royal interest in the matter was, that Antonio del Rio was next commis- 
sioned to make a more thorough survey, which he accomplished (May-June, 1787) with the aid of a band of 
natives to fell the trees and fire the rubbish. He broke through the walls in a reckless way, that added greatly 
to the devastation of years. Rio's report, dated at Palenque June 24, 1787, was published first in 1855, in the 
Diccionario Univ. de Geog., viii. 528.^ Meanwhile, beside the copy of the manuscript sent to Spain, other 
manuscripts were kept in Guatemala and Mexico ; and one of these falling into the hands of a Dr. M'Quy, was 
taken to England and translated under the title Description of the Riiiiis of an Ancient City discovered near 
Palenque in Gtiatemala, Spanish America, translated from the Original MS. Report of C apt. Don A. Del 
Rio ; followed by Teatro Critico Americano, or a Critical Investigation and Research into the History of 
the Americans, by Doctor Felix Cabrera (London, i822).5 

1 Bancroft collates the views of different writers (iv. 285). (iv. 362) collates these statements. Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in 
He himself holds that these buildings are more ancient Amer. Antiqtiaria7i,\v. ziq. Morelet identifies them with 
than those of Anahuac ; consequently he rejects the argu- the Toltec remains, supposing them to be the work of that 
ments of Stephens, that it was by the Toltecs, after they mi- people after their emigration, and to be of about the same 
grated south from Anahuac, that these constructions were age as Mitla. Charnay {A71C. Cities of the New World, p. 
raised {Native Races, v. 165, and for references, p. 169). 260) claims that Cortes knew the place as the religious me- 
Charnay {Btdl. de la Soc. de Geog., Nov.,' 1881) believes tropolisof the Acaltecs. On the question of Cortes' knowl- 
they were erected between the twelfth and fourteenth cen- edge see Science, Feb. 27, 1885, p. 171 ; and Ibid, (by Brin- 
turies. ton) Alarch 27, 1885, p. 248. 

It is well known now that the concentric rings are a use- * The original is in the Roy. Acad, of Hist, at Madrid 

less guide in tropical regions to determine the age of trees, (Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Gieat., p. 125), and is called Descrip- 

though in the past, the immense size of trees as well as the cion del terreno publacion antigua. 

deposition of soil have been used to determine the supposed ^ Field, no. 231 ; Sabin, xvii. p. 292. The report of Rio 

ages of ruins. Waldeck counted a ring a year in getting was brief, and as we would judge now, superficial. Dupaix 

two thousand years for the time since the abandonment of treats him disparagingly. The appended essay by Cabrera, 

Palenque; but Charnay (Eng. tr. A7icient Cities, p. 260) an Italian, is said to have been largely filched from Ramon's 

says that these rings are often formed monthly. Cf. Na- paper, which had been confidentially placed in his hands 

daillac, p. 323. (Short, 207). A Spanish text of Cabrera is in the Museo 

2 So called because near a modern village of that name, Nacional. Cf. Brasseur {Bib. Mex.-Guat.), p. 30; Pinart, 
founded by the Spaniards about 1564. Bancroft (iv. 296) no. 186. It is a question if the plates, which constituted the 
says the ruins are ordinarily called by the natives Casas de most interesting part of the English book, be Rio's after 
Piedra. Ordoiiez calls them Nachan, but without giving all ; for though they profess to be engraved after his draw- 
any authority, and some adopt the Aztec equivalent Cal- ings, they are suspiciously like those made by Castaneda, 
huacan, city of the serpents. Because Xibalba is held by twenty years after Rio's visit (Bancroft, iv. 290). David 
some to be the name of the great city of this region in the B. Warden translated Rio's report in the Reciieil de voy- 
shadowy days of Votan, that name has also been applied to ages et de Memoires, par la Soc. de la Geog. de Paris 
the ruins. Otolum, or the ruined place, is a common des- (vol. ii.), and gave some of the plates. (Cf. Warden's Re- 
ignation thereabouts, but Palenqu^ is the appellation in use cherches sur les antiqidtes de I A meriqiie Septentrionale, 
by most travellers and writers, Paris, 1827, in Mefn. de la Soc. de Geog.) There is a Ger- 

^ The fact is, that widely distinct estimates have been m?i.n version, Beschreibung-einer alien Siadt{^QTVm,i?>2,2), 
held, some dating them back into the remotest antiquity, by J. H. von Minutoli, which is pro^/ided with an intro- 
and others making them later than the Conquest. Bancroft ductory essay. 



192 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The results of the explorations of Dupaix, made early in the present century by order of Carlos JV. of Spain, 
long remained unpublished. His report and the drawings of Castaneda lay uncared for in the Mexican an 
chives during the period of the Revolution. Latour Allard, of Paris, obtained copies of some of the drawings, 
and from these Kingsborough got copies, which he engraved for his Mexican Antiquities, in which Dupaix's 
report was also printed in Spanish and English (vols, iv., v., vi.). It is not quite certain whether the originals 
or copies were delivered (1828) by the Mexican authorities to Baradere, who a few years later secured their 
publication with additional matter as Antiquites mexicaines. Relation des irois expeditions du capitaine 



.^S \ 









Jrr;:^^''^i7 ";^ /^ ^-,:^^^g%f g ^^^--^ W S ' 




A RESTORATION BY VIOLLET-LE-DUC* 

Dupaix, ordonnees en 1805, 1806 ef 1807, pour la recherche des antiquites du pays, notamment celles dt 
Mitla et de Palenque ; accompagnee des dessins de Castaneda, et d^une carte du pays explore ; suivie d'un 
par allele de ces monuments avec ceux de V^gypte, de PIndostan, et du reste de Vartcie7i monde par Alex- 
andre Lenoir; dhine dissertation sur Torigifte de Vancienne population des deux Ameriques par \D. B.\ 
Warden ; avec un discours preliminaire par M. Charles Farcy, et des notes explicatives, et autres docu- 
ments par MM. Baradere, de St. Priest [etc.]. (Paris: 1834, texte et atlas.) 1 The plates of this edition 

* Sabin, x. 209, 213. Cf. Annales de Philos. Chretienne, xi. 



* From Histoire de P Habitation Humaine, par Viollet-le-Duc (Paris, 1875). There is a restoration of the Palenqu^ 
alace — so called — in Armin's Das heutige Mexico (copied in Short, 342, and Bancroft, iv. 323). 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



93 



are superior to those in Kingsborou^ and in Rio ; and are indeed improved in the engraving over Castafieda's 
drawings. The book as a whole is one of the most important on Palenque which we have. The investiga- 
tions were made on his third expedition (1807-S). A tablet taken from the ruins by him is in the Museo 
Nacional, and a cast of it is figured in the Numis. and Antiq. Soc. of Philad. Proc, Dec. 4, 1884. 

During the twenty-five years next following Dupaix, we find two correspondents of the French and English 
Geographical Societies supplying their publications with occasional accounts of their observations among the 
ruins. One of them, Dr. F. Corroy,i was then living at Tabasco ; the other, Col. Juan Gallindo,2 was resident 
in the country as an administrative officer. 




SCULPTURES, TEMPLE OF THE CROSS, PALENQUE.* 



1 Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, ix. (1828) 198. Du- 
paix, i. 2d div, 76. 

2 " Palenque et autres lieux circonvoisins," in Dupaix, i. 
2d div. 67 (in English in Literary Gazette, London, 183 1, 



no. 769, and in Land. Geog. Soc. yournal, iii. 60). Cf. 
Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris., 1832. He is over- 
enthusiastic, as Bandelier thinks {Amer. Ant. Soc. Proc, 
n. s., i. p. III). 



* These slabs, six feet high, were taken from Palenqu^, and when Stephens saw them they were in private hands at 
San Domingo, near by, but later they were placed in the church front in the same town, and here Charnay took impres- 
sions of them, from which they were engraved in The Ancient Cities, etc., p. 217, and copied thence in the above cuts. 
This same type of head is considered by Rosny the Aztec head of Palenque (Doc. ecrits de la Antiq. A mer., 73), and as 
belonging to the superior classes. In order to secure the convex curve of the nose and forehead an ornament was some- 
times added, as shown in a head of the second tablet at Palenque, and in the photograph of a bas-relief, preserved in the 
Museo Archeogico at Madrid, given by Rosny (vol. 3), and hypothetically called by him a statue of Cuculkan. This 
ornament is not infrequently seen in other images of this region. 

'BznAtVitr (Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 126), speaking of the tablet of the Cross of Palenque, says: "These tablets and 
figures show in dress such a striking analogy of what we know of the military accoutrements of the Mexicans, that it is a 
strong approach to identity." 
VOL. I. — [3 



194 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Frederic de Waldeck, the artist who some years before had familiarized himself with the character of the 
ruins in the preparation of the engravings for Rio's work, was employed in 1832-34. He was now consid- 
erably over sixty years of age, and under the pay of a committee, which had raised a subscription, in which the 
Mexican government shared. He made the most thorough examination of Palenque which has yet been made. 
Waldeck was a skilful artist, and his drawings are exquisite ; but he was not free from a tendency to improve 
or restore, where the conditions gave a hint, and so as we have them in the final publication they have not been 
accepted as wholly trustworthy. He made more than. 200 drawings, and either the originals or copies — 
Stephens says "copies," the originals being confiscated — were taken to Europe. Waldeck announced his 
book in Paris, and the public had already had a taste of his not very sober views in some communications 
which he had sent in Aug. and Nov., 1832, to the Societe de Geographie de Paris. Long years of delay fol- 
lowed, and Waldeck had lived to be over ninety, when the French government bought his collection i (in i860), 
and made preparations for its publication. Out of the 188 drawings thus secured, 56 were selected and were 




admirably engraved, and only that portion of Waldeck's text was preserved which was purely descriptive^ 
and not all of that. Selection was made of Brasseur de Bourbourg, who at that time had never visited the 
niins,2 to furnish some introductory matter. This he prepared in an Avant-propos, recapitulating the progress 
of such studies ; and this was followed by an Introdtiction aux Rubies de Palengiic, narrating the course of 
explorations up to that time ; a section also published separately as Recherches stir les Rtiines de Paleiique 
et snr les origines de la civilisation du Mexique (Paris, 1886), and finally Waldeck's own Description des 
Ruines, followed by the plates, most of which relate to Palenque. Thus composed, a large volume was pub- 
lished under the general title of Monuments anciens dtt Mexique. Palenque et autres ruines de Pancienne 
civilisation du Mexique. Collection de vues \etc\ cartes et plans dessines d'apres nature et relevts par M. 
de Waldeck. Texte redige par M. Brasseur de Bour-hourg. (Paris, 1864-1866.) 3 While Waldeck's results 
were still unpublished the ruins of Palenque were brought most effectively to the attention of the English 
reader in the Travels in Central Attieric a (vol. ii. ch. 17) of Stephens, which was illustrated by the drawings 
of Catherwood,4 since famous. These better cover the field, and are more exact than those of Dupaix. 

Bancroft refers to an anonymous account in the Registro Yucateco (i. 318). One of the most intelligent of 
the later travellers is Arthur Morelet, who privately printed his Voyage dans rAmerique Central, Cuba et le 
Yucatan, which includes an account of a fortnight's stay at Palenqu6. His results would be difficult of access 



^ The report by Angrand, which induced this purchase, 
is in the work as published. 
2 He had described them in his Hist. Nat. Civ., i. ch. 3. 



3 The book usually sells for about 150 francs. 
* Given, also enlarged, in the folio known as Cathen 
wood's Views. 



* From The Stone Sculptures of Copdn and Quirigud (N. Y., 1883) of Meye and Schmidt. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



195 



except that Mrs. M. F, Squier, with an introduction by E. G. Squier, published a translation of that part of it 
relating to the main land as Travels in Central America, including accounts of regions unexplored since the 
Congziest{N.Y.,i87i)A 

D6s\r6 Charnay was the first to bring photography to the aid of the student when he visited Palenque in 
1858, and his plates forming the folio atlas accompanying his Cites et Ruines Americaines {iS6^), pp. 72, 411, 
are, as Bancroft (iv. 293) points out, of interest to enable us to test the drawings of preceding delineators, and 
to show how time had acted on the ruins since the visit of Stephens. His later results are recorded in his 
Les anciennes villes du Noiiveau Monde (Paris, i885).2 





YUCATAN TYPES.* 



1 The German version was made from this (Jena, 1872). 

2 Particularly ch. 13, 14. Charnay is the last of the ex- 
plorers of Palenque. All the other accounts of the ruins 
found here and there are based on the descriptions of 
those who have been named, or at least nothing is added 
of material value by other actual visitors like Norman 
{^Rambles in Yucatan, p. 284). Bancroft (iv. 294) enumer- 
ates a number of such second-hand describers. The most 
important work since Bancroft's summary is Manuel Lar- 
rainzar's Estudios sabre la historia de America, siisruinas 
y antigiiedades, y sabre elorigeji de sus habitantes (Mexico, 
1875-78), in five vols., all of whose plates are illustrations 
from the ruins of Palenque, which are described and com- 
pared with other ancient remains throughout the world. 
Cf. Bruhl, Culturvolker d. alt. Amerikas. Plans of the 
ruins will be found in Waldeck (pi. vii., followed mainly 
by Bancroft, iv. 298, 307), Stephens (ii. 310), Dupaix (pi. 
xi.), Kingsborough (iv. pi. 13), and Charnay (ch. 13 and 
14). The views of the ruins given by these authorities 
mainly make up the stock of cuts in all the popular narra- 
tives. 

The most interesting of the carvings is what is known as 
the Tablet of the Cross, which was taken from one of the 
minor buildings, and is now in the National Museum at 
Washington. It has often been engraved, but such repre- 
sentations never satisfied' the student till they could be 
tested by the best of Charnay's photographs. (Engravings 
in Brasseur and Waldeck, pi. 21, 22; Rosny's Essai sur 
le dechiffrement. etc. ; Minutoli's Beschreibung einer alien 
Stadt in Guatimala (Berlin, 1832); Stephens's Cent. 
Amer., ii. ; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 333; Charnay, Les 
anciens Villes, and Eng. transl. p. 255; Nadaillac, 325; 
Powell's Repi., i. 221 ; cf. p. 234 ; A tner. A ntiqnarian, vii. 
200.) The most important discussion of the tablet is 
Charles Rau's Palenqtie Tablet in the U. S. National 
iJ/wj^wwz (Washington, 1879), being the Smithsonian Contri. 



ta Knowledge, no. 331, or vol. xxii. It contains an accosant 
of the explorations that have been made at Palenque, and 
a chapter on the " Aboriginal writing in Mexico, Central 
America, and Yucatan, with some account of the attempted 
translations of Maya hieroglyphics." Rau's conclusion is 
that it is a Phallic symbol. Cf. a summary in Amer. An- 
tiqjiarian, vi., Jan., 1884, and in Ajner. Art Review, 1880, 
p. 217. Rau's paper was translated into Spanish and 
French : Tablero del Palenqtie en el Museo nacional de los 
Estados-Unidos [traducido por Joaquin Davis y Miguel 
Perez], in the Anales del Museo nacional. Tomo 2, pp. 
131-203. (Mexico, 1880.) La StUe de Paleftque du Mu- 
sic national des Etats- Unis, a JVashington. Traduit de 
r Anglais avec atd or isat ion de Vatdeur. In the Annales 
du Musee Guimet, vol. x. (Paris, 1887.) Rau's views were 
criticised by Morgan. 

There are papers by Charencyon the interpretation of the 
hieroglyphs in Le Museon (Paris, 1882, 1883). 

The significance of the cross among the Nahuas and 
Mayas has been the subject of much controversy, some con- 
necting It with a possible early association with Christians in 
ante-Columbian days ( Bancroft, ill. 468). On this later point 
see Bamps, Les traditions relatiz>es a Phoinme blanc et au 
signe de la cruz en Amerique a VEpoqtie precahimbienne^ 
in the Compte rendu, Congres des Americanistes (Copen- 
hagen, 18S3), p. 125; and "Supposed vestiges of early 
Christian teaching in America," in the Catholic Historical 
Researches (vol. i., Oct., 1S85). The symbolism Is vari- 
ously conceived. Bandeller {Archceol. jlotir.) holds it to 
be the emblem of fire, Indeed an ornamented fire-drill, 
which later got mixed up with the Spanish crucifix. Brin- 
ton (Myths of the New World, 95) sees In it the four cardi- 
nal points, the rain-brlngers, the symbol of life and health, 
and cites (p. 96) various of the early writers in proof. Brin- 
ton [Am. Hero Myths, 155) claims 'to have been the first 
to connect the Palenque cross with the four cardinal points. 



* Given by Rosny, Doc. Ecrits de la Antiq. Amer., p. 73, as types of the short-headed race which preceded the Aztec 
occupation. They are from sculptures at Copan. Cf. Stephens's Cent. America, i. 139; Bancroft, Iv. loi. 



196 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



There have been only two statues found at Palenque, in 
considerable number of carved figures discovered at Copan 




PLAN OF THE RUINS OF QUIRIGUA* 

The bird and serpent — the last shown better in Charnay's 
photograph than in Stephens's cut — is {Myths, 119) simply 
a rebus of the air-god, the ruler of the winds. Brinton 
says that Waldeck, in a paper on the tablet in the Revue 
A mericaiiie (ii. 69), came to a similar conclusion. Squier 
{Nicaragua, ii. 337) speaks of the common error of mis- 
taking the tree of life of the Mexicans for the Christian 
symbol. Cf. PowelFs Second Rept., Bur. of Ethnol., p. 
20S ; the Fourth Rept., p. 252, where discredit is thrown 
upon Gabriel de Mortillet's Le Signe de la cross avant le 
Chrtstianisme (Paris, i856); Joly"s 3Ian before Metals, 
339; and Charnay's Les Anciens Villes (or Eng. transl. p. 
85). Cf. for various applications the references in Ban- 
croft's index (v, p. 671). 

^ Both were alike, and one was broken in two. There 
are engravings in Waldeck, pi. 25: Stephens, ii. 344, 349; 
Squier's Nicaragua, 1856, ii. 337 ; Bancroft, iv. 337. 

^ These have been the subject of an elaborate folio, 
thought, however, to be of questionable value, Die Stein- 
bildwerke von Copa^t tind Quirigua, aufgenomrnen von 
Heinrich Meye ; historisch erldutert und beschrieben von 
Dr. Jidius Schmidt (Berlin, 1883), of which there is an 
English translation, The stone sculptures of Copan and 
Quirigud ; translated from the German by A. D. Savage 
(New York, 1883). It gives twenty plates, Catherwood's 
plates, and the cuts in Stephens, with reproductions in ac- 
cessible books (Bancroft, iv. ch. 3; Powell's First Rept. 
Bur. Ethn. 224 ; Ruge's Gesch. des Zeitalters : A mer. A «- 
tiquarian, viii. 204-6), will serve, however, all purposes. 



connection with the Temple of the Cross,l but the 

,2 as well as the general impression that these latter 
ruins are the oldest on the American conti- . 
nent,3 have made in some respects these most 
celebrated of the Honduras remains more in- 
teresting than those of Chiapas. It is now 
generally agreed that the ruins of Copan 4 do 
not represent the town called Copan, assaulted 
and captured by Hernando de Choves in 1530, 

"* though the identity of names has induced 
some writers to claim that these ruins were 
inhabited when the Spaniards came.5 The 
earliest account of them which we have is that 
in Palacio's letter to Felipe II., written (1576) 
hardly more than a generation after the Con- 
quest, and showing that the ruins then were 
much in the same condition as later described.6 
The next account is that of Fuentes y Guz- 
man's Historia de Guatemala (1689), now 
accessible in the Madrid edition of 1882 ; but 
for a long time only known in the citation in 
Juarros' Guatemala (p. 56), and through those 
who had copied from Juarros.^" His account 
is brief, speaks of Castilian costumes, and is 
otherwise so enigmatical that Brasseur calls 
it mendacious. Colonel Galindo, in visiting 
the ruins in 1836, confounded them with the 
Copan of the Conquest.8 The ruins also came 
under the scrutiny of Stephens in 1839, and 

\. they were described by him, and drawn by 

Catherwood, for the first time with any full- 
ness and care, in their respective works.9 

Always associated with Copan, and perhaps 
even older, if the lower relief of the carvings 
can bear that interpretation, are the ruins near 
the village of Quirigud, in Guatemala, and 



■5 Squier says: " There are various reasons for believing 
that both Copan and Quirigua antedate Olosingo and Pa- 
lenque, precisely as the latter antedate the ruins of Quiche, 
Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal, and that all of them were the 
work of the same people, or of nations of the same race, 
dating from a high antiquity, and in blood and language 
precisely the same that was found in occupation of the coun- 
try by the Spaniards." 

* Named apparently from a neighboring village. 

5 Ref. in Bancroft, iv. 79. 

6 This account can be found in Pacheco's Col. Doc. inkd. 
vi. 37, in Spanish; in Ternaux's Coll. (1840), imperfect, 
and in the Nouv. Annales des Voyages, 1843, v. xcvii. p. 18, 
in French ; in Squier"s Cent. A inerica, 242, and in his ed. 
of Palacio (N. Y. i860), in English; and in Alexander von 
Frantzius's San Salvador und Honduras im Jahre 1576, 
with notes by the translator and by C. H. Berendt. 

"^ Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 131, 144; Warden, 71 ; Now 
velles Annales des Voyages, xxxv. 329; Bancroft, iv. 82; 
Bull, de la Soc de Geog. de Paris, 1836, v. 267; Short, 56, 
82, — not to name others. 

8 His account is in \h^ Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Trans., \\.', 
Bull. Soc. de Geog. 1835 \ Dupaix, a summary, i. div. 2, 
p. 73 ; Bradford's^ w^r. yi«2?/^., in part. Galindo's draw- 
ings are unknown. Stephens calls his account " unsatisfac- 
tory and imperfect." 

9 Central America, i. ch. 5-7; Views of Anc. Mts. It 
is Stephens's account which has furnished the basis of those 
given by Bancroft (iv. ch. 3); Baldwin, p. iii ; Short, 356; 



* From Meye and Schmidt's Stone Sculptures of Copan and Quirigua (N. Y., 1883). 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



197 



known by that name. Catherwood first brought them into notice ; 1 but the visit of Karl Scherzer in 1854 pro- 
duced the most extensive account of them which we have, in his Ein Besuch bei den Ruinen von Quirigud 
(Wien, i855).2 

The principal explorers of Nicaragua have been Ephraim George Squier, in his Nicaragua^ and Frederick 
Boyle, in his Ride across a Continent (Lond. i868),4 and their results, as well as the scattered data of others,^ 
are best epitomized in Bancroft (iv. ch. 2), who gives other references to second-hand descriptions (p. 29). 
Since Bancroft's survey there have been a few important contributions.^ 

III. Bibliographical Notes on the Picture-Writing of the Nahuas and Mayas. 

In considering the methods of record and communication used by these peoples, we must keep in mind 
the two distinct systems of the Aztecs and the Mayas ; " and further, particularly as regards the former, we 
must not forget that some of these writings were made after the Conquest, and were influenced in some 
degree by Spanish associations. Of this last class were land titles and catechisms, for the native system 
obtained for some time as a useful method with the conquerors for recording the transmission of lands and 
helping the instruction by the priests.8 

It is usual in tracing the development of a hieroglyphic system to advance from a purely figurative one — 
in which pictures of objects are used — through a symbolic phase ; in which such pictures are interpreted con- 
ventionally instead of realistically. It was to this last stage that the Aztecs had advanced ; but they mingled 
the two methods, and apparently varied in the order of reading, whether by lines or columns, forwards, up- 
wards, or backwards. The difficulty of understanding them is further increased by the same object holding 
different meanings in different connections, and still more by the personal element, or writer's style, as we 
should call it, which was impressed on his choice of objects and emblems.9 This rendered interpretation by no 
means easy to the aborigines themselves, and we have statements that when native documents were referred 



Nadaillac, 328, and all others. Bancroft in his bibliog. 
note (iv. pp. 79-81), which has been collated with my own 
notes, mentions others of less importance, particularly the 
report of Center and Hardcastle to the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. 
in i860 and 1862, and the photographs made by Ellerley, 
which Brasseur {Hist. Nat. Civ. i. 96 ; ii. 493 ; Palenqtie, 
8, 17) found to confirm the drawings and descriptions of 
Catherwood and Stephens. 

Stephens {Cent. Am., i. 133) made a plan of the ruins re- 
produced in Annates des Voyages (1841, p. 57), which is 
the basis of that given by Bancroft (iv. 85). Dr. Julius 
Schmidt, who was a member of the Squier expedition in 
1852-53, furnished the historical and descriptive text to a 
work which in the English translation by A. D. Savage 
is known as Stone Sculptures of Copdn and Quirigud, 
drawn by Heinrich Meye (N. Y., 1883). What Stephens 
calls the Copan idols and altars are considered by Morgan 
{Houses and House Life, 257), following the analogy of the 
customs of the northern Indians, to be the grave-posts and 
graves of Copan chiefs. Bancroft (iv. ch. 3) covers the 
other ruins of Honduras and San Salvador; and Squier has 
a paper on those of Tenampua in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. 
Proc, 1853. 

* Stephens's Central A merica, ii. ch. 7 ; and Nouvelles 
A nnales des Voyages., vol. Ixxxviii. 376, derived from Cath- 
erwood. 

2 Other travellers who have visited them are John Baily, 
Central America (Lond. 1850); A. P. Maudsley, Explo- 
rations in Guatemala (Lond. 1883), with map and plans 
of ruins, in the Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. p. 185 ; W. T. Brig- 
ham's Guatemala (N. Y., 1886). Bancroft (iv. 109) epito- 
mizes the existing knowledge ; but the remains seem to be 
less known than any other of the considerable ruins. There 
aie a few later papers : G. Williams on the Antiquities of 
G^x■!ANa.■3^2i,'vci^h^ Smithsonian Report. \%^(i; Simeon Ha- 
bel's " Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guate- 
mala " in the Smithson. Contrib. xxii. (Washington, 1878), 
or "Sculptures de Santa (Lucia) Cosumalwhuapa dans le 
Guatemala, avec una relation de voyages dans I'Amerique 
Centrale etsurles cotes occidentales de I'Amerique du Sud, 
par S. Habel. Traduit de I'anglais, par \. Pointet,'' with 
eight plates, in the Annates du Musee Guimet, vol. x. pp. 
119-259 (Paris, 1887); Philipp Wilhelm Adolf Bastian's 
" Stein Sculpturen aus Guatemala," in the Jahrbuch derk. 



Museenzu Berlin, 1882, or " Notice surles pierres sculptees 
du Guatemala recemment acquises par le Musee royal d'eth- 
nographie de Berlin. Traduit avec autorisation de I'auteur 
par J. Pointet,-* in the Annates du Musee Guimet, vol. x. 
pp. 261-305 (Paris, 1887) ; and C. E. Vreeland and J. F. 
Bransford, on the Antiquities at Pa7ttaleon, Guatemala 
(Washington, 1885), from the Smithsonian Report for 
1884. 

3 Nicaragua ; its people, scenery, monuments, and the 
proposed interoceanic canal (N. Y., 1856; revised i860), a 
portion (pp. 303-362) referring to the modern Indian occu- 
pants. Squier was helped by his official station as U- S. 
charge d'affaires ; and the archaeological objects brought 
away by him are now in the National Museum at Washing- 
ton. He published separate papers in the A mer. Ethnol. 
Soc. Trans, ii. ; Smithsonian A?tn. Rept. v. (1850); Har- 
per's Monthly, x. and xi. Cf. list in Pilling, nos. 3717, etc. 

* His explorations were in 1865-66. He carried off what 
he could to the British Museum. 

" Like Bedford Pim and Berthold Seemann's Dottings 
on the Roadside in Panama, Nicaragua, and Mosquita 
(Lond., 1869). 

•5 J. F. Bransford's " Archaeological Researches in Nica- 
ragua," in the Smithsonian Contrib. (Washington, 1881). 
Karl Bovallius's Nicaraguan Antiquities, with plates 
(Stockholm, 1886), published by the Swedish Society of An- 
thropology and Geography, figures various statues and 
other relics found by the author in Nicaragua, and he says 
that his drawings are in some instances more exact than 
those given by Squier before the days of photography. In 
his introduction he describes the different Indian stocks of 
Nicaragua, and disagrees with Squier. He gives a useful 
map of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. 

^ It is only of late years that they have been kept apart, 
for the elder writers like Kingsborough, Stephens, and 
Brantz Mayer, confounded them. 

8 The Father Alonzo Ponce, who travelled through Yu- 
catan in 1586, is the only writer, according to Brinton 
{Books of Chilan Balam, p. 5), who tells us distinctly that 
the early missionaries made use of aboriginal characters in 
giving religious instruction to the natives {Relacion Breve 
y Verdadera). 

^ Leon y Gama tells us that color as well as form seems 
to have been representative. 



iqS 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



to them it required sometimes long consultations to reach a common understanding.! The additional step 
by which objects stand for sounds, the Aztecs seem not to have taken, except in the names of persons and 
places, in which they understood the modern child's art of the rebus, where such symbol more or less clearly 
stands for a syllable, and the representation was usually of conventionalized forms, somewhat like the art 
of the European herald. Thus the Aztec system was what Daniel Wilson 2 calls " the pictorial suggestion of 
associated ideas." 3 The phonetic scale, if not comprehended in the Aztec system, made an essential part of 



^U* ^^A/t-^ /fTCo, 



giM^ •vub^^'-c- 



A yi^Cx.-^V*-.. Vvt/Z^'w^f-vi/.^.^. 





«/L ; t>^ut«k. d>ifsV.*.U/c (fc- O-v^ S"*^ CJ^yvm^lhm^xje^ 



,■•.^0 








i}@©^ 







FAC-SIMILE OF 









A PART OF LANDA'S MS.* 



1 See references on the accepted difficulties in Native 
Races, ii. 551. Mrs. Nuttall claims to have observed certain 
complemental signs in the Mexican graphic system, " which 
renders a misinterpretation of the Nahuatl picture-writings 
impossible " {Am. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc, xxxv. (Aug., 
1886) ; Peabody Mus. Papers, i. App. 

2 Prehist. Man, ii. 57, 64, for his views. 

3 Bancroft, Native Races, ii. ch. 17 (pp. 542, 552) gives 
a good description of the Aztec system, with numerous 
references; but on this system, and on the hieroglyphic 
element in general, see Gomara ; Bernal Diaz ; Motolinia 



in Icazbalceta's Collection, i. 186, 209 ; Ternaux's Col- 
lection, X. 250; Kingsborough, vi. 87; viii. 190; ix. 201, 
235, 287, 325; Acosta, lib. vi. cap. 7; Sahagiin, 1. p. iv. ; 
Torquemada, i. 29, 30, 36, 149, 253; ii. 263, 544; Las 
Casas's Hist. Apologetica; Vmxc\\z.'^s Pilgrimes,\\\. 1069; 
iv. 1 135; Clavigero, ii. 187; Robertson's America; Botu- 
rini's Idea, pp. 5, 77, 87, 96, 112, 116; Humboldt's Vues, 
i. 177, 192; Veytia, i. 6,250; Gallatin in Am. Ethn. Sac. 
Trans, i. 126, 165; Prescott's Mexico, i. ch. 4; Brasseur's 
Nat. Civ., \. pp. XV, xvii; Domenech's Mamiscrit picto- 
graphique, introd. ; Mendoza, in the Boletifi Soc. Mex. 



* After a fac-simile in the ^rc/^zV^J^^/« ^<7^. Amer.de France, noziv. ser.,n. 34. (Cf. pi. xix.of Rosny's ^j.r«z.y«r 
le dechiffrement, etc.) It is a copy, not the original, of Landa's text, but a nearly contemporary one (made thirty years 
after Landa's death), and the only one known. 

Note to opposite Cut. — This representation of Yucatan hieroglyphics is a reduction of pi. i. in Leon de Rosny's 
Essaisurle dichiffremetit de Pecriture hieratiquede VA mSrique Centrale, Paris, 1876. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 92 ; Short, 405. 



200 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



the Maya hieroglyphics, and this was the great distinctive feature of the latter, as we learn from the early 
descriptions,! and from the alphabet which Landa has preserved for us. It is not only in the codices or 
books of the Mayas that their writing is preserved to us, but in the inscriptions of their carved architectural 



When the Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg found, in 1863, in the library of the Royal Academy of History at 
Madrid, the MS. of Landa's Relacion, and discovered in it what purported to be a key to the Maya alphabet, 
there were hopes that the interpretation of the Maya books and inscriptions was not far off. Twenty-five 
years, however, has not seen the progress that was wished for ; and if we may believe Valentini, the alphabet 
of Landa is a pure fabrication of the bishop himself ; 3 and even some of those who account it genuine, like Le 
Plongeon, hold that it is inadequate in dealing with the older Maya inscriptions.* Cyrus Thomas speaks of 
this alphabet as simply an attempt of the bishop to pick out of compound characters their simple elements 
on the supposition that something like phonetic representations would be the result.5 Landa's own descrip- 
tion 6 of the alphabet accompanymg his graphic key " is very unsatisfactory, not to say incomprehensible. 
Brasseur has tried to render it in French, and Bancroft in English : but it remains a difficult problem to in- 
terpret it intelligibly. 

Brasseur very soon set himself the task of interpreting the Troano manuscript by the aid of this key, and 
he soon had the opportunity of giving his interpretation to the public when the Emperor Napoleon IIL or- 
dered that codex to be printed in the sumptuous manner of the imperial press.8 The efforts of Brasseur met 



Geog., 2.^^ ed. i. 896; Madier de Montjau's Chronologie 
hieroglyphico-phonetic des rois Azteques, de J322 a 1322, 
with an introduction " sur I'Ecriture Mexicaine ;" Lubbock's 
Prehistoric Titnes, 279, and his Origin of Civilization, 
ch. 2 ; E. B. Tyler's Researches into the Early Hist, oj 
Mafikitid, 89; Short's No. Amer. of Antiq., ch, 8; Miil- 
ler's Chips., i. 317; The Abbe Jules Pipart in Compte- 
rendu, Congres des Amir. 1877, ii. 346; Isaac Taylor's 
A Iphabets ; Foster's Prehistoric Races, 322 ; Nadaillac, 
376, not to cite others. Bandelier has discussed the Mex- 
ican paintings in his paper " On the sources for aboriginal 
history of Spanish America " in Ajn. Asso. Adv. Science, 
Proc, xxvii. (1878). See also Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 
631 ; and Orozco y Berra's " Codice Mendozino " in the 
Artales del Museo Nacio7ial, vol. i. Mrs. Nuttall's views 
are in the Peabody Mus., Twentieth Report, p. 567. Qua- 
ritch (Catal. 1885, nos. 29040, etc.) advertised some original 
Mexican pictures; a native MS. pictorial record of a part 
of the Tezcuco domain (supposed a. d. 1530), and perhaps 
one of the " pinturas " mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl ; a colored 
Mexican calendar on a single leaf of the same supposed 
date and origin ; with other MSS. of the fifteenth and six- 
teenth centuries. (Cf. also his Catal., Jan., Feb., 1888.) 

The most important studies upon the Aztec system have 
been those of Aubin. Cf. his Menioire sur la peinture 
didactique et Vecrittire fgurative des A nciens Mexicains, 
in the Archives de la Soc, Amer. de Prattce, iii. 225 
{Revue Orient, et Amer,), in which he contended for the 
rebus-like character of the writings. He made further con- 
tributions to vols. iv. and v. (1859-1861). Cf. his " Examen 
des anciennes peintures figuratives de I'anclen Mexique," 
in the new series of Archives, etc., vol. i. ; and the introd. 
to Brasseur's Nations Civilisees, p. xliv. 

^ Bancroft [Nat. Races, ii. ch. 24) translates these from 
Landa, Peter Martyr, Cogulludo, Viilagutierre, Mendieta, 
Acosta, Benzoni, and Herrera, and thinks all the modern 
writers (wliom he names, p. 770) have drawn from these 
earlier ones, except, perhaps, Medel in Nouv. Annales des 
Voyages, xcvil. 49. Cf. Wilson, Prehistoric Man, ii. 61. 
It will be seen later that Holden discredits the belief in any 
phonetic value of the Maya system. But compare on the 
phonetic value of the Mexican and Maya systems, Brinton 
in Atner. Antiquarian (Nov. 1886); Lazarus Geiger's 
Contrib. to, the Hist, of the Development of the Human 
Race (Eng. tr. by David Asher). London, 1880, p. 75; 
and Zelia Nuttall 'wiAm.A ss. A dv. Set. Proc, Ang. 1886. 

2 Dr. Bernoulli, who died at San Francisco, in Califor- 
nia, in 1878, and whose labors are commemorated in a no- 
tice in the Verhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesell- 
achaft (vi. 710) at Basle, found at Tikal, in Guatemala, some 
fragments of sculptured panels of wood, bearing hiero- 
glyphics as well as designs, which he succeeded in purchas- 
ing, and they were finally deposited in 1879 in the Ethno- 



logical Museum in Basle, where Rosny saw them, and de- 
scribes them, with excellent photographic representations, 
in hisZ^^c. Ecrits de V Antiq. Amer. (p. 97). These tablets 
are the latest additions to be made to the store already pos- 
sessed from Palenque, as given by Stephens in his Central 
A merica, Chiapas, and Yucatan ; those of the Temple of 
the Cross at Palenque, after Waldeck's drawings in the 
Archives de la Soc. Amer. de France (ii., 1864); that 
from Kabah in Yucatan, given by Rosny in his Archives 
Paleographiques (i. p. 178 ; Atlas, pi. xx.), and one from 
Chichen-Itza, figured by Le Plongeon in V Illustration, 
Feb. 10, 1882 ; not to name other engravings. Rosny holds 
that Rau's Palenque Tablet (Washington, 1879) gives the 
first really serviceably accurate reproduction of that in- 
scription. Cf. on Maya inscriptions, Bancroft, ii. 775 ; iv. 
91,97,234; Morelet's Travels; and Le Plongeon in ^ ;;«. 
A?itiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 246. This last writer has been 
thought to let his enthusiasm — not. to say dogmatism — 
turn his head, under which imputation he is not content, 
naturally ( /<5/^. p. 282). 

3 " Landa's alphabet a Spanish fabrication,'' appeared 
in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, April, 1880. In this, Phi- 
lipp J. J. Valentini interprets all that the old writers say of 
the ancient writings to mean that they were pictorial and not 
phonetic ; and that Landa's purpose was to devise a vehicle 
which seemed familiar to the natives, through which he 
could conununicate religious instruction. His views have 
been controverted by Leon de Rosny {Doc Ecrits de la 
Antiq. Amer. p. 91) ; and Brinton {Maya Chronicles, 61), 
calls them an entire misconception of Landa's purpose. 

* Arn. Antiq. Soc. Proc, n. s., i. 251. 

^ Troano MS., p. viii 

6 Relation, Brasseur's ed., section xli. 

7 This is given in the Archives de la Soc. Amer. de 
France, ii. pi- iv. ; in Brasseur's ed. of Landa ; in Ban- 
croft's Nat. Races, ii. 779 ; in Short, 425 ; Rosny {Essai 
sur le dechiff. etc., pi. xiii.) gives a " Tableau des carac- 
teres phonetique Mayas d'apres Diego de Landa et Bras- 
seur de Bourbourg." 

8 Manuscrit Troano Etudes sur le systime graphique et 
la langue des Mayas (Paris, 1869-70) — the first volume 
containing a fac-simile of the Codex in seventy plates, 
with Brasseur's explications and partial interpretation. 
In the second volume there is a translation of Gabriel de 
Saint Bonaventure's Grammaire Maya, a " Chrestoma- 
thie" of Maya extracts, and a Maya lexicon of more than 
10,000 words. Brasseur published at the same time (1869) 
in the Memoires de la Soc. d'' Eth^tographie a Lettre a M. 
Lion de Rosny sur la decouverte de docttments relatifs a la 
haute antiquite atnericaine, et sur le dechiffrement et V in- 
terpretation de Vecriture phonetique et figurative de la 
lattgue Maya CP&ris, 1869). He explained his application 
of Landa's alphabet in the introduction to the MS. Troano, 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



201 



with hardly a sign of approval. Leon de Rosny criticised him,i and Dr. Brinton found in his results nothing 
to commend.2 

No one has approached the question of interpreting these Maya writings with more careful scrutiny than 
Leon de Rosny, who first attracted attention with his 
comparative study, Les ecritures figtiratives et hicrogly- 
phiqtces des differens fcuples anciens et moderns {Pa.ris, 
i860; again, 1S70, augmentee). From 1869 to 1871 he 
published at Paris four parts of Archives paleographiques 
de rOrient et de PAmerigtie, publiees avec des notices 
historiqiies et philologiqiies, in which he included several 
studies of the native writings, and gave a bibliography 
(pp. 101-115) of American paleography up to that time. 
^isD interpretation des attciens textes Mayas made part 
of the first volume of the Archives de la Sac. Ameri- 
caine de France (new series). His chief work, making 
the second volume of the same, is his Essai siir le de- 
chiffrement de Vecriture hieratique de V Anierique Cen- 
tral (Paris, 1876), and it is the most thorough examina- 
tion of the problem yet made.3 The last part C4th) was 
published in 1878, and a Spanish translation appeared in 
1881. 

Wm. Bollaert, who had paid some attention to the pa- 
leography of America,* was one of the earliest in Eng- 
land to examine Brasseur's work on Landa, which he did 
in a memoir read before the Anthropological Society ,5 and 
later in an " Examination of the Central American hiero- 
glyphs by the recently discovered Maya alphabet." 6 Brin- 
ton 7 calls his conclusions fanciful, and Le Plongeon 
claims that the inscription in Stephens, which Bollaert 
worked upon, is inaccurately given, and that Bollaert' s re- 
sults were nonsense. 8 Hyacinthe de Charency's efforts 
have hardly been more successful, though he attempted 
the use of Landa's alphabet with something like scientific 

care. He examined a small part of the inscription of the Palenque tablet of the Cross in his Essai de 
dechiffrement d'un fragment d'inscriptio7i palejtqueene^ 

Dr. Brinton translated Charency's results, and, adding Landa's alphabet, published his Ancient phonetic 
alphabet of Yncatan (N. Y., 1870), a small tract.io His continued studies were manifest in the introduction 
on " The graphic system and the ancient records of the Mayas " to Cyrus Thomas's Manuscript Troano.^^ 
In this paper Dr. Brinton traces the history of the attempts which have thus far been made in solving this 
perplexing problem.12 The latest application of the scientific spirit is that of the astronomer E. S. H olden, 




PALENQUE HIEROGLYPHICS.* 



i. p. 36. Brasseur later confessed he had begun at the 
wrong end of the MS. {Bib. Mex.-Guaf., introd.)- The 
pebble-shape form of the characters induced Brasseur to call 
them calculiform ; and Julien Duchateau adopted the 
term in his paper " Sur I'ecriture calculiforme des Mayas" 
in the Annnaire de la Soc. Amir. (Paris, 1874), ill. p. 31. 
* L''ecriiure hieratique, and Archives de la Soc. Am. 
de France, n. s., ii. 35. 

2 Aftcient Phonetic Alphabets of Yucatan (N. Y., 1870), 
p. 7. 

3 It is the development of a paper given at the Nancy 
session of the Congres des Americanistes (1875). Landa's 
alphabet with the variations make 262 of the 700 signs 
which Rosny catalogues. He printed his " Nouvelles Re- 
cherches pour ^interpretation des caracteres de I'Amerique 
Centrale" inthey^rcA/t/^j, etc.iii. 118. There is a paper on 
Rosny'3 studies by De la Rada in the Compte-rendu of the 
Copenhagen session (p. 355) of the Congres des America- 
nistes. Rosny's Documents ecrits de rantiquite A mericnitie 
(Paris, 18S2), from the Memoires de la Societe d'' Eihno- 
graphie (1881), covers his researches in Spain and Portugal 
for material illustrative of the pre-Columbian history of 
America. Cf. also his " Les sources de I'histoire ante 



columbienne du nouveau monde," in the Memoires de la 
Soc. d'' Ethnographic (1877). For the titles in full of Ros- 
ny's linguistic studies, see Filling's Proof-sheets, p. 663. 

* Antkropol. Review, May, 1S64 ; Memoirs of the An- 
thropol. Soc, i. 

-' Memoirs, etc., ii. 298. 

^ Memoirs, etc., 1870, iii. 288; Trans. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. 
Britain. 

^ Introd. to Cyrus Thomas's MS. Troano. 

^ Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc.,n. s., i. 250. 

^ Actes de la Soc. philologique , March, 1870. Cf. Revue 
de Philologie,\. 380 ; Recherches sur le Codex Troano {Paris, 
1876) ; Actes, etc., March, 1878 ; Baldwin's A nc. America, 
App. 

^0 Cf. Sabin's Amer. Bibliopolist, ii. 143. 

'^ Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, PoivelPs Survey, 
vol. V. Cf • also his Phonetic elements in the graphic sys- 
tem of the Mayas and Mexicans in the A mer. A ntiquarian 
(Nov., 1886), and separately (Chicago, 1886), and his Iko- 
nomic method of phonetic writing (Phila., 1886). Thomas 
in The Amer. Antiquarian (March, 1886) points out the 
course of his own studies in this direction. 

^2 Cf. Short, p. 425. Dr. Harrison Allen in 1875, in the 



* After a cut in Wilson's Prehistoric Man, ii. 
Tablet of the Cross. 



p. 63. It is also given in Bancroft (iv. 355), and others. It is from the 



202 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



who sought to eliminate the probabiUties of recurrent signs by the usual mathematical methods of resolving 
systems of modern cipher, i 

There are few examples of the aboriginal ideographic writings left to us. Their fewness is usually charged 
to the destruction which was publicly made of them under the domination of the Church in the years following 

^\ -^^^ 




LEON DE ROSNY* 



Amer. Philosophical Society'' s Transactions, made an anal- 
ysis of Landa's alphabet and the published codices. Rau, 
in his Palejique Tablet of the U. S. Nat. Museum (ch. 5), 
examines what had been done up to 1879. In the same 
5'ear Dr. Carl Schultz - Sellack wrote on " Die Amerika- 
nischen Cotter der vier Weltgegenden und ihre Tempel in 
Palenque," touching also the question of interpretation {Zeit- 
schrift filr Ethnologic, vol. xi.) ; and in 1880 Dr. Fbrste- 
mann examined the matter in his introduction to his repro- 
duction of the Dresden Codex. 

1 Stndies in Ce7ttral A inerican picture-writing (y^zsh- 
Ington, 1881), extracted from the First Report of the Bu- 
reau of Ethnology. His method is epitomized in The Cen- 
itiry, Dec, 1881. He finds Stephens's drawings the most 
trustworthy bi all, Waldeck's being beautiful, but they em- 
body "singular liberties." His examination was confined 
to the 1500 separate hieroglyphs in Stephens's Central 
America. Some of Holden's conclusions are worth not- 
ing : " The Maya manuscripts do not possess to me the 
same interest as the stones, and I think it may be certainly 
said that all of them are younger than the Palenque tablets, 
and far younger than the inscriptions at Copan." " I dis- 



trust the methods of Brasseur and others who start from 
the misleading and unlucky alphabet handed down by 
Landa," by forming variants, which are made " to satisfy 
the necessities of the interpreter in carrying out some pre- 
conceived idea." He finds a rigid adherence to the stand- 
ard form of a character prevailing throughout the same in- 
scription. At Palenque the inscriptions read as an English 
inscription would read, beginning at the left and proceeding 
line by line downward. " The system employed at Pa- 
lenque and Copan was the same in its general character, 
and almost identical even in details.'' He deciphers three 
proper names : " all of them have been pure picture-writ- 
ing, except in so far as their rebus character may make 
them in a sense phonetic." Referring to Valentini's 
Landa Alphabet a Spanish Fabrication, he agrees in that 
critic's conclusions. "While my own," he adds, "were 
reached by a study of the stones and in the course of a 
general examination. Dr. Valentini has addressed himself 
successfully to the solution of a special problem." Holden 
thinks his own solution of the three proper names points 
of departure for subsequent decipherers. The Maya meth- 
od was " pure picture-writing. At Copan this is found in 



* After a photogravure in Les Documents ecrits de Vantiquite Atnericaine (Paris, 1S82). 
<i'' Ethnographic (i?>^-j),-x\n. -p. 71. ' ' 



Cf. cut in Mem. de la Soc. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 203 

the Conquest.i The alleged agents in this demolition were Bishop Landa, in 1562, at Mani, in Yucatan,2 
and Bishop Zumirraga at Tlatelalco, or, as some say, at Tezcuco, in Mexico.3 Peter Martyr'* has told us 
something of the records as he saw them, and we know also from him, and from their subsequent discovery in 
European collections, thr.t some examples of them were early taken to the Old World. We have further 
knowledge of them from Las Casas and from Landa himself.5 There have been efforts made of late years by 
Icazbalceta and Canon Carrillo to mitigate the severity of judgment, particularly as respects Zumarraga.6 
The first, and indeed the only attempt that has been made to bring together for mutual illustration all that 
was known of these manuscripts which escaped the fire," was in the great work of the Viscount Kingsborough 
(b. 1795. d. 1837). It was while, as Edward King, he was a student at Oxford that this nobleman's passion for 
Mexican antiquities was first roused by seeing an original Aztec pictograph, described by Purchas {Pilgrimes, 
vol. iii.), and preserved in the Bodleian. In the studies to which this led he was assisted by some special 
scholars, including Obadiah Rich, who searched for him in Spain in 1830 and 1832, and who after Kingsbor- 
ough's death obtained a large part of the manuscript collections which that nobleman had amassed {Catalogue 
of the Sale, Dublin, 1842). Many of the Kingsborough manuscripts passed into the collection of Sir Thomas 
Phillipps {Catalogjce, no. 404), but the correspondence pertaining to Kingsborough's life-work seems to have 
disappeared. Phillipps had been one of the main encouragers of Kingsborough in his undertaking.^ Kings- 
borough, who had spent £30,000 on his undertaking, had a business dispute with the merchants who furnished 
the printing-paper, and he was by them thrown into jail as a debtor, and died in confinement.^ 

Kingsborough's great work, the most sumptuous yet bestowed upon Mexican archaeology, was published 
between 1830 and 1848, there being an interval of seventeen years between the seventh and eighth volumes. 
The original intention seems to have embraced ten volumes, for the final section of the ninth volume is signa- 
tured as for a tenth.io The work is called: AntiqiiJies of Mexico ; comprisi7ig facsimiles of Ancient Mexi- 
ca7i Paintings and Hieroglyphics, preserved in the Royal Libraries of Paris, Berlin, and Dresden ; in the 
Imperial Library of Vienna ; in the Vaticaji Library ; in the Borgian Mztsetcm at Rome; in the Library 
of the Institute of Bologna ; and in the Bodleian Library at Oxford ; together with the Monuments of New 
Spain, by M. Dupaix ; illustrated by many valuable inedited MSS. With the theory maintained by Kings- 
borough throughout the work, that the Jews were the first colonizers of the country, we have nothing to do here ; 
but as the earliest and as yet the largest repository of hieroglyphic material, the book needs to be examined. 
The compiler states where he found his MSS., but he gives nothing of their history, though something more 
is now known of their descent. Peter Martyr speaks of the number of Mexican MSS. which had in his day 
been taken to Spain, and Prescott remarks it as strange that not a single one given by Kingsborough was 
found in that Country. There are, however, some to be seen there now.n Comparisons which have been made 
of Kingsborough's plates show that they are not inexact : but they almost necessarily lack the validity that 
the modern photographic processes give to fac-similes. 

Kingsborough's first volume opens with a fac-simile of what is usually called the Codex Mendoza, preserved in 
the Bodleian. It is, however, a contemporary copy on European paper of an original now lost, which was sent 
by the Viceroy Mendoza to Charles V. Another copy made part of the Boturini collection, and from this 
Lorenzana 12 engraved that portion of it which consists of tribute-rolls. The story told of the fate of the orig- 

its earliest state ; at Palenque it was already highly conven- Sahagun relates that earlier than Zumarraga, the fourth 

tionalized." ruler of his race, Itzcohuatl, had caused a large destruction 

1 See references in Bancroft's Nat. Races, ii. 576. of native writings, in order to remove souvenirs of the na- 

2 Cogulludo's Hist, de Yucatan, 3d ed., i. 604. tional humiliation. 

3 Prescott, i. 104, and references. 7 Humboldt was one of the earliest to describe some of 
* Dec. iv., lib. 8. these manuscripts in connection with his Atlas, pi. xiii. 

5 Brasseur de Bourbourg's Troano MS., i. 9. Cf. on » Cf. Catal. of the Phillipps Coll., no. 404. An original 

the Aztec books Kirk's Prescott, i. 103 ; Brinton's Myths, colored copy of the Antiquities of JSTexico, given by Kings- 

10 ; his Aborig. Amer. Atithors, 17; and on the Mexican borough to Phillipps, was offered of late years by Quarltch 

paper, Valentini in Amer. Antiq. Sac. Proc., 2d s., i. 58. at £7o-£ioo; it was published at £17^- The usual colored 

c Cf. Icazbalceta's Don Fray Juan de Zumarraga, pri- copies sell now for about ;^40-;,C6o ; the uncolored for about 

mcr Obispo y Arzobispo de Mexico {1320-48). Estudio £lo-£-iS. It is usually stated that two copies were printed 

biogrcificoy bibligrdfico. Con un aphtdice de docmnejitos on vellum (British Museum, Bodleian), and ten on large 

ineditos 6 raros (Mexico, 1881). A part of this work v.'as paper, which were given to crowned heads, except one, 

also printed separately (fifty copies) under the title of De which was given to Obadiah Rich. Squier, in the London 

la destruccion de antigiledades mexicaiias airibuida a los AtheiicBum, Dec. 13, 1856 (Allibone, p. 1033), drew atten- 

misioneros en general, y Pariic7dar7}tente al Illmo. Sr. D. tion to the omission of the last signature of the Hist. Chi- 

Fr. J7ian de Ztimdrraga, pri7ner Obispo y Arzobispo de chi7neca in vol. ix. 

Mexico (Mexico, 1881). In this he exhausts pretty much 9 Rich, Bibl. Amer. Nova, ii. 233; Gentle7na7i's Mag., 

all that has been said on the subject by the bishop himself, May, 1S37, which varies in some particulars. Cf. for other 

by Pedro de Gante, Motolinfa, Sahagun, Duran, Acosta, details Sabin's Z'/ci'/^wrtrj', ix. 485; De Rosny in the Rev. 

Davila Padilla, Herrera, Torquemada, Ixtlilxochitl, Rob- Orient et Af7th:, xii. 387. R. A. Wilson {New Co7iq7cest 

ertson, Clavigero, Humboldt, Bustamante, Ternaux, Pres- of Mexico, p. 68) gives the violent skeptical view of the 

cott, Alaman, etc. Brasseur (A^^i*. C/z///., ii. 4)saysof Landa material. 

that we must not forget that he was oftener the agent of w Sabin, ix., no. 37,800. 

the council for the Indies than of the Church. Helps (iii. " Leon de Rosny {Doc. ecrits de PA7ttiq. AtnSr., p. 71) 

374) is inclined to be charitable towards a man in a skeptical speaks of those in the Museo Archseologico at Madrid, 

age, so intensely believing as Zumarraga was. 12 Hist. Nueva Espafia. 



204 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



inal is, that on its passage to Europe it was captured by a French cruiser and taken to Paris, where it was 
bought by the chaplain of the EngUsh embassy, the antiquary Purchas, who has engraved it.i It was then lost 






z^-i->* 



-^e. 







FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXV OF THE DRESDEN CODEX* 

1 Pilgri»tes,vo\. iii. (1625). It is also included in The- CEdipus ^gypticns ; Humboldt's plates, xiii., Iviii., lix. 
venot's Coll. de Voyages (1696), vol. ii., in a translation, with his text, in which he quotes Du VaVmh Study 0/ Hie< 
Clavigero (i. 23) calls this copy faulty. See also Kircher's roglyphics, vol. i. See the account in Bancroft, ii. 241. 

* From Cyrus Thomas's Manuscript Troano. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 205 

sight of, and if Prescott's inference is correct it was not the original, but the Bodleian copy, which came into 
Purchas' hands.i 

Beside the tribute-rolls,2 which make one part of it, the MS. covers the civil history of the Mexicans, with a 
third part on the discipline and economy of the people, which renders it of so much importance in an archaeo- 
logical sense.3 The second reproduction in Kingsborough's first volume is what he calls the Codex Telleriano- 
Remensis, preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, and formerly owned by M. Le Tellier.4 The rest 
of this initial volume is made up of fac-similes of Mexican hieroglyphics and paintings, from the Boturini and 
Selden collections, which last is in the Bodleian. 

The second Kingsborough volume opens with a reproduction of the Codex Vaticmnis (the explanation 5 is 
in volume vi.), which is in the library of the Vatican, and it is known to have been copied in Mexico by Pedro 
de los Rios in 1566. It is partly historical and partly mythological.6 The rest of this volume is made up 
of fac-similes of other manuscripts, — one given to the Bodleian by Archbishop Laud, others at Bologna/ 
Vienna,8 and Berlin. 

The third volume reproduces one belonging to the Borgian Museum at Rome, written on skin, and thought 
to be a ritual and astrological almanac. This is accompanied by a commentary by Frabega.9 Kingsborough 
gives but a single Maya MS., and this is in his third volume, and stands with him as an Aztec production. 
This is the Dresden Codex, not very exactly rendered, which is preserved in the royal library in that city, for 
which it was bought by Gotz,io at Vienna, in 1739. Prescott (i. 107) seemed to recognize its difference from 
the Aztec MSS., without knowing precisely how to class it.n Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it a religious and 
astrological ritual. It is in two sections, and it is not certain that they belong together. In 1880 it was re- 
produced at Dresden by polychromatic photography (Chromo-Lichtdruck), as the process is called, under the 
editing of Dr. E. Forstemann, who in an introduction describes it as composed of thirty-nine oblong sheets 
folded together like a fan. They are made of the bark of a tree, and covered with varnish. Thirty-five have 
drawings and hieroglyphics on both sides ; the other four on one side only. It is now preserved between glass 
to prevent handling, and both sides can be examined. Some progress has been made, it is professed, in deci- 
phering its meaning, and it is supposed to contain " records of a mythic, historic, and ritualistic character." 12 

Another script in Kingsborough, peihaps a Tezcucan MS., though having some .Maya affinities, is the 
Fejervary Codex, then preserved in Hungary, and lately owned by Mayer, of Liverpool.13 

Three other Maya manuscripts have been brought to light since Kingsborough's day, to say nothing of three 
others said to be in private hands, and not described.14 Of these, the Codex Troano has been the subject of 
much study. It is the property of a Madrid gentleman, Don Juan Tro y Ortolano, and the title given to the 
manuscript has been somewhat fantastically formed from his name by the Abbe Etienne Charles Brasseur 

1 Prescott, i. io6. He thinks that a copy mentioned in ^ Humboldt, Vues des Cordillkres, p. 89; pi. 15, 27, 37; 
Spineto's Lectures on the Elements of Hieroglyphics, and Prescott, i. 106. Tliere is a single leaf of it reproduced in 
then in the Escurial, may perhaps be the original. Hum- Powell's Third Rept. Bur. of Eth., p. 33. 

boldt calls it a copy. " ^° C£. his Dejikwiirdigkeitcn der Dresdefter Bibliothek 

2 Humboldt placed some tribute-rolls in the Berlin (1744). P- 4- 

]ibrar>', and gave an account of them. See his pi. xxxvi. ^^ Stephens {Central America, ii. 342, 453 ; Yucatan, ii. 

3 Cf. references in Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 529. The 292, 453) was in the same way at a loss respecting the con- 
" Explicacion " of the MS. is given in Kingsborough's vol- ditions of the knowledge of such things in his time. Cf. 
ume v., and an " interpretation " in vol. vi. also Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de Mexico, 

* Kingsborough's " explicacion " and " explanation " are p- loi. 
given in his vols. v. and vi. Rosny has given an " explica- ^- Die Mayahatidschrift der kdniglichen of^entlichen 

tion avec notes par Brasseur de Bourbourg" in h\s Ar- Bibliothek zit Dresden ; herazisgegebenvon E. Forstemann 

chives paleographiqttes (Paris, 1870-71), p. 190, with an (Leipzig, 1880). Only thirty copies were offered for sale at 

atlas of plates. Cf. references in Bancroft, ii. 530 ; and in two hundred marks. There is a copy in Harvard College 

another place (iii. 191) this same writer cautions the reader library. Parts of the manuscript are found figured in dif- 

against the translation in Kingsborough, and says that it ferent publications: Humboldt's Vnes des Cordilleres, ii. 

has every error that can vitiate a translation. Humboldt 268, and pi. 16 and 45; Wuttke's Gesch. der Schrift. At- 

thinks his own plates, iv. and ivi., of the codex carefully las, pi. 22, 23 (Leipzig, 1872); Archives de la Soc. Amer. 

made. de France, n. s., vol. i. and ii. ; Silvestre's Paliographie 

5 Prescott says (1. 108) of this that it bears evident marks Universelle ; Rosny's Les Ecritures figtiratives et hiero' 
of recent origin, when "the hieroglyphics were read with glyphiques des peuples anciefis et modernes (Paris, i860, 
the eye of faith rather than of reason." Cf. Bancroft, Nat. pi. v.), and in his Essai sur le dechiffrement , etc. ; Ruge, 
Races, ii. 527. Zeitalier der Entdeckungen, p. 559. Cf. also Le Noir in 

6 Portions of it are also reproduced in the Archives de la Antiquitis Mexicaities, ii. introd. ; Forstemann"s separate 
Soc. A mer. de France ; in Rosny's Essai sur le dechijfre- monographs, Der Maya apparat in Dresden {Ceniralblatt 
ment de VEcriture Hieratique ; and in Powell's Third fiir Bibliothekswesen, 1885, p. 182), and Erlduterungen 
Rept. Bur. of Ethnology, p. 56. Cf. also Humboldt's ^i"- zur Mayahandschrift der kdniglichen dffe'ntlichen Biblio- 
las, pi. xiii. ; and H. M. Williams's translation of \\\s,Aues, thek zu Dresden (Dresden, 1886); Schellhas' Die Maya- 
i. 145. Handschrift zu Dresden (Berlin, 1886) ; C. Thomas on 

^ It is known to have been given in 1665 by the Marquis the numerical signs in Arch, de la Soc. Am. de France, 

de Caspi by Count Valerio Zani. There is a copy in the n. s., iii. 207. 

museum of Cardinal Borgia at Veletri. ^3 cf. Powell's Third Rept. Eth. Bureau, p. 32. 

8 Known to have been given in 1677 by the Duke of Saxe- 1* Brinton's Maya Chronicles, 66; Brasseur de Bour- 

Eisenach to the Emperor Leopold. Some parts are repro- bourg's Troano {i^^). 
duced in Robertson's America, Lond., 1777, ii. 482. 



206 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




CODEX CORTESIANUS * 
* From a fac-simile in the Archives de la Societe Americaine de France, nouv. ser., ii. 30. 



MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. 



207 



-^H 



de Bourbourg, who was instrumental in its recognition about 1865 or 1866, and who edited a sumptuous two- 
volume folio edition with chromo-lithographic plates.l 

While Leon de Rosny was preparing his Essai 
sur le dechiffremcnt de VEcritiire hicratique 
(1876), a Maya manuscript was offered to the 
Bibliothfeque Imperiale in Paris and declined, be- 
cause the price demanded was too high. Photo- 
graphic copies of two of its leaves had been sub- 
mitted, and one of these is given by Rosny in the 
Essai (pi. xi.). The Spanish government finally 
bought the MS., which, because it was supposed 
to have once belonged to Cortes, is now known as 
the Codex Cortesianus. Rosny afterwards saw 
it and studied it in the Museo Archeologico at 
Madrid, as he makes known in his Doc. Ecrits 
de la Antiq. Avicr.., p. 79, where he points out 
the complementary character of one of its leaves 
with another of the MS. Troano, showing them 
to belong together, and gives photographs of the 
two (pi. V. vi.), as well as of other leaves (pi. 8 and 
9). The part of this codex of a calendar character 
(Tableau des Bacab) is reproduced from Rosny 's 
plate by Cyrus Thomas - in an essay in the Third 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, together 
with an attempted restoration of the plate, which 
is obscure in parts. Finally a small edition (85 
copies) of the entire MS. was published at Paris 
in 18S3.3 

The last of the Maya MSS. recently brought 
to light is sometimes cited as the Codex Perezi- 
anus, because the paper in which it was wrapped, 
when recognized in 1859 by Rosny,* bore the 
name " Perez " ; and sometimes designated as 
Codex Mexicanus, or Manuscrit Yucateque No. 
2, of the National Library at Paris. It was a 
few years later published as Manuscrit dit 
Mexicain No. 2 de la Bibliothlque Imperiale, 
photographie par ordre de S. E. M. Duruy, 

ininistre de V instruction publiqite (Paris, 1864, in folio, 50 copies). The original is a fragment of eleven 
leaves, and Brasseur 5 speaks of it as the most beautiful of all the MSS. in execution, but the one which has 
suffered the most from time and usage.6 




CODEX PEREZL\NUS.* 



1 It constitutes vol. ii. and iii. of the series. 

Mission scientifiqtie au Mexiqiie et dans VAvierique 
Centrale. Ouvrages publics par ordre de V Evipereur et 
paries soins du Ministre de V histritction publique (Paris, 
1868-70), under the distinctive title : Linguistique, Manus- 
crit Troano. Etudes surle systhme graphique et la langue 
des Mayas, par Brasseur de Bourboicrg (1869-70). 

Rosny, who compared BrasseA-'s edition with the orig- 
inal, was satisfied with its exactness, except in the number- 
ing of the leaves; and Brasseur {Bibl. Mex.-Guat., 1871) 
confessed that in his interpretation he had read the MS. 
backwards. The work was reissued in Paris in 1872, with- 
out the plates, under the following title : Dictionnaire, 
Gramtnaire et Chrestomathie de la langue tnaya, precedes 
d'une etude sur les systhne graphique des indighies du 
Yucatan {Mexiqiie) (Paris, 1872). 

Brasseur's Rapport, addressi a soti Excellence M. Duruy, 
included in the work, gives briefly the abbe's exposition of 
the MS. Professor Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton, 
having printed some expositions in the Americaii Natu- 
ralist (vol. XV.) united in an essay making vol. v. of the Con- 
iributiotis to North A nterican Ethnology (Powell's survey) 
under the title : A Study of the Manuscript Troafio by 
Cyrus Thomas, with an introduction by D G. Brinton 



(Washington, 1882), which gives fac-similes of some of the 
plates. Thomas calls it a kind of religious calendar, giving 
dates of religious festivals through a long period, intermixed 
with illustrations of the habits and employments of the 
people, their houses, dress, utensils. He calls the charac- 
ters in a measure phonetic, and not syllabic. Cf. Rosny 
in the Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 28 ; 
his Essai sur le dechiffreme7it, etc. (1876) ; Powell's Third 
Kept. Bur. of Eth., xvi. ; Bancroft's Nat. Races, ii. 774; 
and Brinton's i\ otes oji the Codex Troano ajtd Mayez- 
Chro7iology (Salem, 1881). 

2 Cf. Science, iii. 458. 

2 Codex Cortes infitts. Manuscrit hieratique des an- 
cietis Indiens de PAmerique centrale conserve a7i Musee 
archeologiqiie de Madrid. Photographie et publie pour la 
premiere fois, avec une introduction, et un vocalndaire de 
Vecriture hieratique yucateque par Leon de Rosny ( Paris, 
1883). At the end is a list of works by De Rosny on Amer- 
ican archaeology and paleography. 

* Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 25. 

5 Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 95. 

^ Cf. Rosny in Archives paleographiques (Paris, 1869- 
71), pi. 117, etc. ; and his Essai sur le dechiffrement, etc., 
pi. viii., xvi. 



* One of the leaves of a MS. No. 2, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, following the fac-simile (pi. 124) in Leoa 
de Rosny's Archives paleographiques (Paris, 1869). 







Note. — This Yucatan bas-relief follows a photograph by Rosny (1880), reproduced in the Mhn. de la Soc. cTEtkno- 
graphie, no. 3 (Paris, 1882). 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 

BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B. 

THE civilization of the Incas of Peru is the most important, because 
it is the highest, phase in the development of progress among the 
American races. It represents the combined efforts, during long periods, 
of several peoples who eventually became welded into one nation. The 
especial interest attaching to the study of this civilization consists in the 
fact that it was self-developed, and that, so far as can be ascertained, it 
received no aid and no impulse from foreign contact. 

It is necessary, however, to bear in mind that the empire of the Incas, 
in its final development, was formed of several nations which had, during 
long periods, worked out their destinies apart from each other ; and that 
one, at least, appears to have been entirely distinct from the Incas in race 
and lapguage.^ These facts must be carefully borne in mind in pursuing 
inquiries relating to the history of Inca civilization. It is also essential 
that the nature and value of the evidence on which conclusions must be 
based should be understood and carefully weighed. This evidence is of 
several kinds. Besides the testimony of Spanish writers who witnessed the 
conquest of Peru, or who lived a generation afterwards, there is the evidence 
derived from a study of the characteristics of descendants of the Inca peo- 
ple, of their languages and literature, and of their architectural and other 
remains. These various kinds of evidence must be compared, their respec- 
tive values must be considered, and thus alone, in our time, can the nearest 
approximation to the truth be reached. 

The testimony of writers in the sixteenth century, who had the advantage 
of being able to see the workings of Inca institutions, to examine the out- 
come of their civilization in all its branches, and to converse with the Incas 
themselves respecting the history and the traditions of their people, is the 
most important evidence. Much of this testimony has been preserved, but 
unfortunately a great deal is lost. The sack of Cadiz by the Earl of Essex, 
in 1595, was the occasion of the loss of Bias Valera's priceless work.^ Other 
valuable writings have been left in manuscript, and have been mislaid 

1 [Mr. Markham made a special study of this views of Marcoy in Travels in South America, tr. 
point in the Jouryial of the Roy. Geog. Soc. (1871), by Rich, London, 1875. — Ed.] 
xli. p. 281, collating its authorities. Cf. the 2 Except those portions which Garcilasso de 

la Vega has embodied in his Commentaries. 
VOL. I, — 14 



210 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

through neglect and carelessness. Authors are mentioned, or even quoted, 
whose books have disappeared. The contemplation of the fallen Inca 
empire excited the curiosity and interest of a great number of intelligent 




MAP IN BRASSEUR'S POPUL VUH. 



Scptenfmrn, 



!ro:i,Pa^ao, 




EARLY SPANISH MAP OF PERU* 

* [From the Paris (1774) edition of Zarate. The development of Peruvian cartography under the Spanish 
explorations is traced in a note in Vol. II. p. 509 ; but the best map for the student is a map of the empire of 
the Incas, showing all except the provinces of Quito and Chili, with the routes of the successive Inca con- 
querors marked on it, given in the Journal of the Roy. Geog. Soc. (1872), vol. xlii. p. 513, compiled by Mr. 
Trelawny Saunders to illustrate Mr. Markham's paper of the previous year, on the empire of the Incas. The 
map was republished by the Hakluyt Society in 1880. The map of Wiener in his Perou et Bolivie is also a 
good one. Cf. Squier's map in his Peru. — Ed.] 



212 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

men among the Spanish conquerors. Many wrote narratives of what they 
saw and heard. A few studied the language and traditions of the people 
with close attention. And these authors were not confined to the clerical 
and legal professions ; they included several of the soldier-conquerors them- 
selves.^ 

" The nature of the country and climate was a potent agent in forming the 
character of the people, and in enabling them to make advances in civiliza- 
tion. In the dense forests of the Amazonian valleys, in the boundless 
prairies and savannas, we only meet with wandering tribes of hunters and 
fishers. It is on the lofty plateaux of the Andes, where extensive tracts of 
land are adapted for tillage, or in the comparatively temperate valleys of 
the western coast, that we find nations advanced in civilization. ^ 

The region comprised in the empire of the Incas during its greatest 
extension is bounded on the east by the forest-covered Amazonian plains, 
on the west by the Pacific Ocean, and its length along the line of the Cor- 
dilleras was upwards of 1,500 miles, from 2°N. to 20° S. This vast, tract 
comprises every temperature and every variety of physical feature. The in- 
habitants of the plains and valleys of the Andes enjoyed a temperate and 
generally bracing climate, and their energies were called forth by the physi- 
cal difficulties which had to be overcome through their skill and hardihood. 
Such a region was suited for the gradual development of a vigorous race, 
capable of reaching to a high state of culture. The different valleys and 
plateaux are separated by lofty mountain chains or by profound gorges, so 
that the inhabitants would, in the earliest period of their history, make their 
own slow progress in comparative isolation, and would have little intercom- 
munication. ( When at last they were brought together as one people, ajid 
thus combined their efforts in forming one system, it is likely that such a 
union would have a tendency to be of long duration, owing to the great 
difficulties which must have been overcome in its creation. 1 On the other 
hand, if, in course of time, disintegration once began, it might last long, and 
great efforts would be required to build up another united empire. The 
evidence seems to point to the recurrence of these processes more than 
once, in the course of ages, and to their commencement in a very remote 
antiquity. 

/ One strong piece of evidence pointing to the great length of time during 
which the Inca nations had been a settled and partially civilized race, is to 
be found in the plants that had been brought under cultivation, and in the 
animals that had been domesticated. Maize is unknown in a wild state,^ 

^ It is, of course, necessary to consider the ^ ^Yq^ special study, see Paz Soldan's Geogra- 

weight to be attached to the statements of differ- fia del Peru ; Menendez' Mamial de Geografla 

ent authors ; but the most convenient method del Peru ; and Wiener's V Empire des Incas^ 

of placing the subject before the reader will be ch. i. — Ed.] 

to deal in the present chapter with general con- ^ " Jusqu'a present on n'a pas retrouve le ma'is, 

elusions, and to discuss the comparative merits d'une maniere certaine, a I'etat sauvage " (De 

of the authorities in the Critical Essay on the C2i\\6io\\e'sGeographiebota7it'que7'aiso}inee,'p.g^i). 
sources of information. 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PKRU. 



213 



and many centuries must have elapsed before the Peruvians could have pro- 
duced numerous cultivated varieties, and have brought the plant to such a 
high state of perfection. The peculiar edible roots, called oca and aracacha, 
also exist only as cultivated plants. There is no wild variety of the chiri- 
moya, and the Peruvian spe- 
cies of the cotton plant is 
known only under cultiva- 
tion.^ The potato is found 
wild in Chile, and probably in 
Peru, as a very insignificant 
tuber. But the Peruvians, 
after cultivating it for centu- 
ries, increased its size and 
produced a great number of 
edible varieties.^ Another 
proof of the great antiquity of 
Peruvian civilization is to be 
found in the llama and al- 
paca, which are domesticated 

animals, with individuals varying in color : the one a beast of burden yield- 
ing coarse wool, and the other bearing a thick fleece of the softest silken 
fibres. Their prototypes are the wild huanaco and vicuna, of uniform 
color, and untameable. Many centuries must have elapsed before the wild 
creatures of the Andean solitudes, with the habits of chamois, could have 
been converted into the Peruvian sheep which cannot exist apart from men.^ 
These considerations point to so vast a period during which the existing 
race had dwelt in the Peruvian Andes, that any speculation respecting its 
origin would necessarily be futile in the present state of our knowledge.* 
The weight of tradition indicates the south as the quarter whence the 
people came whose descendants built the edifices at Tiahuanacu. 




LLAMAS.* 



1 De Candolle, p. 983. 

2 There is a wild variety in Mexico, the size 
of a nut, and attempts have been made to in- 
crease its size under cultivation during many 
years, without any result. This seems to show 
that a great length of time must have elapsed 
before the ancient Peruvians could have brought 
the cultivation of the potato to such a high state 
of perfection as they undoubtedly did. 

^ Some years ago a priest named Cabrera, the 
cura of a village called Macusani, in the province 
of Caravaya, succeeded in breeding a cross be- 
tween the wild vicuna and the tame alpaca. He 
had a flock of these beautiful animals, which 
yielded long, silken, white wool ; but they re- 
quired extreme care, and died out when the sus- 



taining hand of Cabrera was no longer available. 
There is also a cross between a llama and an 
alpaca, called guariso, as large as the llama, but 
with much more wool. The guanaco and llama 
have also been known to form a cross ; but there 
is no instance of a cross between the two wild 
varieties, — the guanaco and vicuna. The ex- 
tremely artificial life of the alpaca, which renders 
that curious and valuable animal so absolutely 
dependent on the ministrations of its human 
master, and the complete domestication of the 
llama, certainly indicate the lapse of many cen- 
turies before such a change could have been 
effected. 

4 [Cf. remarks of Daniel Wilson in his Prehis- 
toric Man, i. 243. — Ed.] 



* [One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp edition of Cieza de Leon. Cf. Bollaert on the llama,, 
alpaca, huanaco, and vicuna species in the Snorting Review, Feb., 1863; the cuts in Squier, pp. 246, 250; 
Dr. Van Tschudi, in the Zeitschrift fUr Ethnologie, 1885. — Ed.] 



214 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



The most ancient remains of a primitive people in the Peruvian Andes 
consist of rude cromlechs, or burial-places, which are met with in various 
localities. Don Modesto Basadre has described some by the roadside, in 
the descent from Umabamba to Charasani, in Bolivia; These cromlechs are 
formed of four great slabs of slate, each slab being about five feet high, four 
or five in width, and more than an inch thick. The four slabs are perfectly 
shaped and worked so as to fit into each other at the corners. A fifth slab 
is placed over them, and over the whole a pyramid of clay and rough stones 




DETAILS AT TIAHUANACU * 

is piled. These cromlechs are the early memorials of a race which was suc- 
ceeded by the people who constructed the cyclopean edifices of the Andean 
plateaux. 

/ For there is reason to believe that a powerful empire had existed in Peru 
centuries before the rise of the Inca dynasty. ' Cyclopean ruins, quite for- 
eign to the genius of Inca architecture, point to this conclusion. 1 The wide 
area over which they are found is an indication that the government which 
caused them to be built ruled over an extensive empire, while their cyclo- 
pean character is a proof that their projectors had an almost unlimited sup- 
ply of labor. Religious myths and dynastic traditions throw some doubtful 
light on that remote past, which has left its silent memorials in the huge 
stones of Tiahuanacu, Sacsahuaman, and Ollantay, and in the altar of Con- 
cacha. 

* Key : — A, Lid or cover of some aperture, of stone, with two handles neatly undercut. B, A window of 
trachyte, of careful workmanship, in one piece. C, Block of masonry with carving. D, E, Two views of a 
corner-piece to some stone conduit, carefully ornamented with projecting lines. F, G, H, I, Other pieces of 
cut masonry lying about. 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 



215 



The most interesting ruins in Peru are those of the palace or temple near 
the village of Tiahuanacu,i on the southern side of Lake Titicaca. They 




CARVINGS AT TIAHUANACU* 




BAS-RELIEFS AT TIAHUANACU.f 



1 The name is of later date. One story is 
that, when an Inca was encamped there, a mes- 
senger reached him with unusual celerity, who^e 



speed was compared with that of the ' 
The Inca said, "Tz'a" (sit or rest), 
naco.'''' 



' htianaco." 
*'0! hua- 



* Key: — A, Portion of the ornament which runs along the base of the rows of figures on the monolithic 
doorway. . B, Prostrate idol lying on its face near the ruins ; about 9 feet long. 

t Key :— A, A winged human figure with the crowned head of a condor, from the central row on the mono- 
lithic doorway. B, A winged human figure with human head crowned, from the upper row on the monolithic 
doorway. 

[There are well-executed cuts of these sculptures in Rage's Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen^ 
pp. 430, 431. Cf. Squier's Peru, p. 292. — Ed.] 




FRAGMENTS AT TIAHUANACU* 




REVERSE OF THE DOORWAY AT TIAHUANACU. t 



* Various curiously carved stones found scattered about the ruins. 

t [Cf. view in Squier's Peru, p. 289, with other particulars of the ruins, p. 276, etc. — Ed.] 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 



217 



are 12,930 feet above the level of the sea, and 130 above that of the lake, 
which is about twelve miles off. They consist of a quadrangular space, en- 
tered by the famous monolithic doorway, and surrounded by large stones 
standing on end ; and of a hill or mound encircled by remains of a wall, 
consisting of enormous blocks of stone. The whole covers an area about 
400 yards long by 350 broad. There is a lesser temple, about a quarter of 




IMAGE AT TIAHUANACU.* 

a mile distant, containing stones 36 feet long by 7, and 26 by 16, with 
recesses in them which have been compared to seats of judgment. The 
weight of the two great stones has been estimated at from 140 to 200 tons 
each, and the distance of the quarries whence they could have been brought 
is from 15 to 40 miles. 

The monolithic portal is one block of hard trachytic rock, now deeply 

* [This is an enlarged drawing of the bas-relief shown in the picture of the broken doorway (p. 218). Cf. 
the cuts in the article on the ruins of Tiahuanacu in the Revue d'' Architecture des Travaux publics, vol. 
xxiv. ; in Ch. Wiener's D Empire des Incas, pi. iii. ; in D'Orbigny's Atlas to his D Homme Americain ; and 
in Squier's Peru, p. 291. — Ed.] 



2l8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



sunk in the ground. Its height above ground is 7 ft. 2 in., width 13 ft. 5 in., 
thickness i ft. 6 in., and the opening is 4 ft. 6 in. by 2 ft. 9 in. The outer 
side is ornamented by accurately cut niches and rectangular mouldings. The 
whole of the inner side, from a line level with the upper lintel of the door- 
way to the top, is a mass of sculpture, which speaks to us, in difficult riddles, 
alas ! of the customs and art-culture, of the beliefs and traditions, of an 
ancient and lost civilization. 

In the centre there is a figure carved in high relief, in an oblong com- 
partment, 2 ft. 2 in. long by i ft. 6 in.^ Squier describes this figure as 




BROKEN MONOLITH DOORWAY AT TIAHUANACU.* 



angularly but boldly cut. The head is surrounded by rays, each terminat- 
ing in a circle or the head of an animal. The breast is adorned with two 
serpents united by a square band. Another band, divided into ornamented 
compartments, passes round the neck, and the ends are brought down to 
the girdle, from which hang six human heads. Human heads also hang 
from the elbows, and the hands clasp sceptres which terminate in the heads 
of condors. The legs are cut off near the girdle, and below there are a 
series of frieze-like ornaments, each ending with a condor's head. On 
either side of this central sculpture there are three tiers of figures, 16 in 

1 Basadre's measurement is 32 inches by 21. 

* [An enlarged drawing of the image over the arch is given in another cut. This same ruin is Virell repre- 
sented in Ruge's Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen ; and not so well in Wiener's Perou et Bolivie, 
p. 419. Cf. Squier's Peru, p. 288. — Ed,] 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 



219 



each tier, or 48 in all, each in a kneeling posture, and facing towards the 
large central figure. Each figure is in a square, the sides of which measure 
eight inches. All are winged, and h'ol4 sceptres ending in condors' heads ; 
but while those in the upper and lower tiers have crowned human heads, those 
in the central tier have the heads of condors. There is a profusion of orna- 




TIAHUAXACU RESTORED* 



ment on all these figures, consisting of heads of birds and fishes. An orna- 
mental frieze runs along the base of the lowest tier of figures, consisting of 
an elaborate pattern of angular lines ending in condors' heads, with larger 
human heads surrounded by rays, in the intervals of the pattern. Cieza de 
Leon and Alcobasa^ mention that, besides this sculpture over the doorway, 
there were richly carved statues at Tiahuanacu, which have since been de- 
stroyed, and many cylindrical pillars with capitals. The head of one statue, 
with a peculiar head-dress, which is 3 ft. 6 in. long, still lies by the roadside. 

The masonry of the ruins is admirably worked, according to the testi- 
mony of all visitors. Squier says : " The stone itself is a dark and exceed- 
ingly hard trachyte. It is faced with a precision that no skill can excel. 
Its lines are perfectly drawn, and its right angles turned with an accuracy 
that the most careful geometer could not surpass.. I do not believe there 
exists a better piece of stone-cutting, the material considered, on this or 
the other continent." 

It is desirable to describe these ruins, and especially the sculpture over 

1 Quoted by Garcilasso de la Vega, Pte. I. lib. III. cap. i. 
* After a drawing given in The Temple of the Andes by Richard Inwards (London, 1884). 



220 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



the monolithic doorway, with some minuteness, because, with the probable 
exception of the cromlechs, they are the most ancient, and, without any 
exception, the most interesting that have been met with in Peru. There is 
nothing elsewhere that at all resembles the sculpture on the monolithic 
doorway at Tiahuanacu.^ The central figure, with rows of kneeling wor- 
shippers on either side, all covered with symbolic designs, represents, it 
may be conjectured, either the sovereign and his vassals, or, more probably, 
the Deity, with representatives of all the nations bowing down before him. 
The sculpture and the most ancient traditions should throw light upon each 
other. 

Further north there are other examples of prehistoric cyclopean remains. 
Such is the great wall, with its ''stone of 12 corners," in the Calle del Tri- 
unfo at Cuzco. Such is the famous fortress of Cuzco, on the Sacsahuaman 




RUINS OF SACSAHUAMAN* 



Hill. Such, too, are portions of the ruins at Ollantay-tampu. Still farther 
north there are cyclopean ruins at Concacha, at Huinaque, and at Huaraz. 

Tiahuanacu is interesting because it is possible that the elaborate charac- 
ter of its symbolic sculpture may throw glimmerings of light on remote 



1 Basadre mentions a carved stone brought 
from the department of Ancachs, in Peru, which 
had aome resemblances to the stones at Tiahua- 



nacu. A copy of it is in possession of Seiior 
Raimondi. 



* [After a cut in Ruge's Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen. Markham has elsewhere described 
these ruins, — Cieza de Leon, 259, 324 ; 2d part, 160 ; Royal Commentaries of the Incas, ii., with a plan, repro- 
duced in Vol. II. p. 521, and another plan of Cuzco, showing the position of the fortress in its relations to the 
city. There are plans and views in Squier's Peru, ch. 23. — Ed.] 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 221 

history; but Sacsahuaman, the fortress overlooking the city of Cuzco, is, 
without comparison, the grandest monument of an ancient civilization in 
the New World. Like the Pyramids and the Coliseum, it is imperishable. 
It consists of a fortified work 600 yards in length, built of gigantic stones, 
in three lines, forming walls supporting terraces and parapets arranged in 
salient and retiring angles. This work defends the only assailable side of a 
position which is impregnable, owing to the steepness of the ascent in all 
other directions. The outer wall averages a height of 26 feet. Then there 
is a terrace 16 yards across, whence the second wall rises to 18 feet. The 
second terrace is six yards across, and the third wall averages a height of 
12 feet. The total height of the fortification is 56 feet. The stones are of 
blue limestone, of enormous size and irregular in shape, but fitted into each 
other with rare precision. One of the stones is 27 feet high by 14, and 
stones 15 feet high by 12 are common throughout the work. 

At Ollantay-tampu the ruins are of various styles, but the later works 
are raised on ancient cyclopean foundations. ^ There are six porphyry slabs 
12 feet high by 6 or 7 ; stone beams 15 and 20 feet long; stairs and 
recesses hewn out of the solid rock. Here, as at Tiahuanacu, there were, 
according to Cieza de Leon,^ men and animals carved on the stones, but 
they have disappeared. The same style of architecture, though only in 
fragments, is met with further north. 

East of the river Apurimac, and not far from the town of Abancay, there 
are three groups of ancient monuments in a deep valley surrounded by 
lofty spurs of the Andes. There is a great cyclopean wall, a series of seats 
or thrones of various forms hewn out of the solid stone, and a huge block 
carved on five sides, called the Rtimi-Jmasi. The northern face of this 
monolith is cut into the form of a staircase ; on the east there are two enor- 
mous seats separated by thick partitions, and on the south there is a sort of 
lookout place, with a seat. Collecting channels traverse the block, and join 
trenches or grooves leading to two deep excavations on the western side. 
On this western side there is also a series of steps, apparently for the fall 
of a cascade of water connected with the sacrificial rites. Molina gives a 
curious account of the water sacrifices of the Incas.^ The Rumi-huasi seems 
to have been the centre of a great sanctuary, and to have been used as an 
altar. Its surface is carved with animals amidst a labyrinth of cavities and 
partition ridges. Its length is 20 feet by 14 broad, and 12 feet high. Here 
we have, no doubt, a sacrificial altar of the ancient people, on which the 
blood of animals and libations of chicha flowed in torrents.^ 

Spanish writers received statements from the Indians that one or other 
of these cyclopean ruins was built by some particular Inca. Garcilasso de 
la Vega even names the architects of the Cuzco fortress. But it is clear 
from the evidence of the most careful investigators, such as Cieza de Leon, 

1 [Cf. plans and views in Squier's Peru, ch. * The name of the place where these remains 

24. — Ed.] are situated is Concacha, from the Quichua word 

'^ Cap. 94. ' " Cuncachay,''' — the act of holding down a vic- 

^ See page 238. tim for sacrifice ; literally, " to take by the neck." 



i/ 



222 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

that there was no real knowledge of their origin, and that memory of the 
builders was either quite lost, or preserved in vague, uncertain traditions. 

The most ancient myth points to the region of Lake Titicaca as the 
scene of the creative operations of a Deity, or miracle-working Lord.^ This 
Deity is said to have created the sun, moon, and stars, or to have caused 
them to rise out of Lake Titicaca. He also created men of stone at Tiahua- 
nacu, or of clay ; making them pass under the earth, and appear again out 
of caves, tree-trunks, rocks, or fountains in the different provinces which 
were to be peopled by their descendants. But this seems to be a later attempt 
to reconcile the ancient Titicaca myth with the local worship of natural ob- 
jects as ancestors or founders of their race, among the numerous subjugated 
tribes ; as well as to account for the colossal statues of unknown origin at 
Tiahuanacu. / There are variations of the story, but there is general con- 
currence in the main points : that the Deity created the heavenly bodies and 
the human race, and that the ancient people, or their rulers, were called 
Pima. Tradition also seems to point to regions south of the lake as the 
quarter whence the first settlers came who worked out the earliest civiliza- 
tion.2 We may, in accordance with all the indications that are left to us, 
connect the great god Ilia Ticsi with the central figure of the Tiahuanacu 
sculpture, and the kneeling worshippers with the rulers of all the nations and 
tribes which had been subjugated by the Hatim-runa,^ — the great men 
who had Pirua for their king, and who originally came from the distant 
south. The Piruas governed a vast empire, erected imperishable Cyclo- 
pean edifices, and developed a complicated civilization, which is dimly indi- 
cated to us by the numerous symbolical sculptures on the monolith. They 

1 The names of this god were Con-Illa-Tici- Some authors gave the meaning of Uiracocha 

Uiracocha, and he was the Pachayachachic, or to be "foam of the sea:" from Uira {Htiira), 

Teacher of the World. Pacha is '* time," or " grease," or " foam," and Cocha, " ocean," 

" place ;" also " the universe." *^ Yachachic,'" 2i "sea," "lake." Garcilasso de la Vega pointed 

teacher, from "Yachachini,'" " I teach." Co7t\s. out the error. In compound words of a nomi- 

said to signify the creating Deity [Betanzos, Gar- native and genitive, the genitive is invariably 

cia). According to Gomara, Con was a creative placed first in Quichua; so that the meaning 

deity who came from the north, afterwards ex- would be " a sea of grease," not " grease of the 

pelled by Pachacamac, and a modern authority sea." Hence he concludes that Uiracocha is not 

(Lopez, p. 235) suggests that Con represented a compound word, but simply a name, the deri- 

the " cult of the setting sun," because Cunti vation of which he does not attempt to explain, 

means the west. Tici means a founder or f oun- Bias Valera says that it means " the will and 

dation, and Ilia is light, from Illaniy " I shine : " power of God ; " not that this is the signification 

"The Origin of Light" {Montesinos. Anony- of the word, but that such were the godlike attri- 

mo2is Jesuit. Lopez suggests '^Ati,'" an evil omen, butes of the being who was known by it. Acosta 

— the Moon God) ; or, according to one author- says that to Ticsi Uiracocha they assigned the 

ity, "Light Eternal" {The afionymous Jesuit), chief power and command over all things. The 

Vira is a corruption of Pirua, which is said by anonymous Jesuit tells us that Ilia Ticsi was the 

some authorities to be the name of the first set- original name, and that Uiracocha was added 

tier, or the founder of a dynasty ; and by others later. 

to mean a " depository," a " place of abode ; " Of these names. Ilia Tied appears to have been 

hence a " dweller," or " abider." Cocha means the most ancient, 

"ocean," "abyss," "profundity," "space." Ui- 2 Cieza de Leon and Salcamayhua. 

racocha, " the Dweller in Space." So that the ^ Montesinos calls the ancient people, who 

whole would signify "God: the Creator of were peaceful and industrious, Hatu-runa, or 

Light:" "the Dweller in Space: the Teacher "Great men." See also Matienza (MS. Brit 

of the World." Mus.J. 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 223 

also, in a long course of years, brought wild plants under cultivation, and 
domesticated the animals of the lofty Andean plateau. But it is remarkable 
that the shores of Lake Titicaca, which are almost treeless, and where corn 
will not ripen, should have been chosen as the centre of this most ancient 
civilization. Yet the ruins of Tiahuanacu conclusively establish the fact 
that the capital of the Piruas was on the loftiest site ever selected for the 
seat of a great empire. 

The Amautas, or learned men of the later Inca period, preserved the 
names of sovereigns of the Pirua dynasty, commencing with Pirua Manco, 
and continuing for sixty-five generations. Lopez conjectures that there 
was a change of dynasty after the eighteenth Pirua king, because hitherto 
Montesinos, who has recorded the list, had always called each successor son 
and heir, but after the eighteenth only heir. Hence he thinks that a new 
dynasty of Amautas, or kings of the learned caste, succeeded the Piruas. 
The only deeds recorded of this long line of kings are their success in 
repelling invasions and their alterations of the calendar. At length there 
appears to have been a general disruption of the empire : Cuzco was nearly 
deserted, rebel leaders rose up in all directions, the various tribes became 
independent, and the chief who claimed to be the representative of the old 
dynasties was reduced to a small territory to the south of Cuzco, in the 
valley of the Vilcamayu, and was called "King of Tampu Tocco." This 
state of disintegration is said to have continued for twenty-eight genera- 
tions, at the end of which time a new empire began to be consolidated un- 
der the Incas, which inherited the civilization and traditions of the ancient 
dynasties, and succeeded to their power and dominion. 

It was long believed that the lists of kings of the earlier dynasties rested 
solely on the authority of Montesinos, and they consequently received little 
credit. But recent research has brought to light the work of another writer, 
who studied before Montesinos, and who incidentally refers to two of the 
sovereigns in his lists.^ This furnishes independent evidence that the 
catalogues of early kings had been preserved orally or by m.eans of qitipiLS^ 
and that they were in existence when the Spaniards conquered Peru ; thus 
giving weight to the testimony of Montesinos. 

\ The second myth of the Peruvians refers to the origin of the Incas, who 
derived their descent from the kings of Tampu Tocco, and had their original 
home at Paccari-tampu, in the valley of the Vilcamayu, south of Cuzco. ! It 
is, therefore, an ancestral myth. It is related that four brothers, with their 
four sisters, issued forth from apertures {Tocco) in a cave at Paccari-tampu, 
a name which means "the abode of dawn." The brothers were called Ayar 
Manco, Ayar Cachi, Ayar Uchu, and Ayar Sauca, names to which the 
Incas, in the time of Garcilasso de la Vega, gave a fanciful meaning.^ One 

1 The anonymous Jesuit, p. 178. A work re- ^ Cachi ("salt") was the Inca's instruction ia 

ferred to by Oliva as having been written by rational life, Uchu ("pepper") was the delight 

Bias Valera also mentions some of the early the people derived from this teaching, and Sauca 

kings byname. (See Saldamando, /<?j-«/Vai- del ("joy") means the happiness afterwards expe- 

Peruy p. 22.) rienced. 



224 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

of the brothers showed extraordinary prowess in hurling a stone from a 
sling. The others became jealous, and, persuading Ayar Auca, the expert 
slingsman, to return into the cave, they blocked the entrance with rocks. 
Ayar Uchu was converted into a stone idol, on the summit of a hill near 
Cuzco, called Huanacauri. Manco then advanced to Cuzco with his young- 
est brother, and found that the place was occupied by a chief named Alca- 
viza and his people. Here Manco estabUshed the seat of his government, 
and the Alcaviza tribe appears to have submitted to him, and to have lived 
side by side with the Incas for some generations. The Huanacauri hill 
was considered the most sacred place in Peru ; while the Tanipii-tocco, or 
cave at Paccari-tampu, was, through the piety of descendants, faced with a 
masonry wall, having three windows lined with plates of gold. 

There is a third myth which seems to connect the ancient tradition of 
Titicaca with the ancestral myth of the Incas. It is said that long after 
the creation by the Deity, a great and beneficent being appeared at Tiahua- 
nacu, who divided the world among four kings : Manco Ccapac, Colla, To- 
cay ^ or Tocapo,^ and Pinahua.^ The names Tuapaca,* Arnauan,* Tonapa,^ 
and Tarapaca^ occur in connection with this being, while some authorities 
tell us that his name was unknown. Betanzos says that he went from Titi- 
caca to Cuzco, where he set up a chief named Alcaviza, and that he ad- 
vanced through the country until he disappeared over the sea at Puerto 
Viejo. It is also related that the people of Canas attacked him, but were 
converted by a miracle, and that they built a great temple, with an image, 
at Cacha, in honor of this being, or of his god Ilia Ticsi Uiracocha. This 
temple now forms a ruin which in its structure and arrangement is unique 
in Peru, and therefore deserves special attention. 

The ruins of the temple of Cacha are in the valley of the Vilca-mayu, 
south of Cuzco. They were described by Garcilasso de la Vega, and have 
been visited and carefully examined by Squier. The main temple was 330 
feet long by ^J broad, with wrought-stone walls and a steep pitched roof. 
A high wall extended longitudinally through the centre of the structure, 
consisting of a wrought-stone foundation, 8 feet high and 5|- feet thick on 
the level of the ground, supporting an adobe superstructure, the whole being 
40 feet high. This wall was pierced by 12 lofty doorways, 14 feet high. 
But midway there are sockets for the reception of beams, showing the 
existence of a second story, as described by Garcilasso. Between the trans- 
verse and outer walls there were two series of pillars, 12 on each side, built 
like the transverse wall, with 8 feet of wrought stone, and completed to a 
height of 22 feet with adobes. These pillars appear to have supported the 
second floor, where, according to Garcilasso, there was a shrine containing 
the statue of Uiracocha. At right angles to the temple, Squier discovered 
the remains of a series of supplemental edifices surrounding courts, and 
built upon a terrace 260 yards long. 

1 G. de la Vega. 3 pirua ? ' ^ Salcamayhua. 

2 Molina, p. 7. 4 Cieza de Leon : Herrera. 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 22$ 

The peculiarities of the temple of Cacha consist in the use of rows of 
columns to support a second floor, and in the great height of the walls. In 
these respects it is unique, and if similar edifices ever existed, they appear 
to have been destroyed previous to the rise of the Inca empire. The Cacha 
temple belongs neither to the cyclopean period of the Piruas nor to the 
Inca style of architecture. Connected with the strange myth of the wan- 
dering prophet of Viracocha, it stands by itself, as one of those unsolved 
problems which await future investigation. The statue in the shrine on 
the upper story is described by Cieza de Leon, who saw it. 

Both the Titicaca and the Cacha myths have, in later times, been con- 
nected and more or less amalgamated with the ancestral myth of the Incas. 
Thus Garcilasso de la Vega makes Manco Ccapac come direct from Titi- 
caca ; while Molina refers to him as one of the beings created there, who 
went down through the earth and came up at Paccari-tampu. Salcamayhua 
makes the being Tonapa, of the Cacha myth, arrive at Apu Tampu, or Pac- 
cari-tampu, and leave a sacred sceptre there, called tupac yauri, for Manco 
Ccapac. These are later interpolations, made with the object of connecting 
the family myth of the Incas with more ancient traditions. The wise men 
of the Inca system, through the care of Spanish writers of the time of the 
conquest, have handed down these three traditions and the catalogue of 
kings. The Titicaca myth tells us of the Deity worshipped by the builders 
of Tiahuanacu, and the story of the creation. The Cacha myth has refer- 
ence to some great reformer of very ancient times. The Paccari-tampu 
myth records the origin of the Inca dynasty. Although they are overlaid 
with fables and miraculous occurrences, the main facts touching the orig- 
inal home of Manco Ccapac and his march to Cuzco are probably historical. 
I The catalogue of kings given by Montesinos, allowing an average of twenty 
years for each, would place the commencement of the Pirua dynasty in 
about 470 B. c. ;| in the days when the Greeks, under Cimon, were defeat- 
ing the Persians, and nearly a century after the death of Sakya Muni in 
India. [This early empire flourished for about 1,200 years, and the disrup- 
tion took place in 830 a. d.[ in the days of King Egbert. ( The disintegra- 
tion continued for 500 years, and the rise of the Incas under Mancoj was 
probably coeval with the days of St. Louis and Henry III of England.^ By 
that time the country had been broken up into separate tribes for 500 
years, and the work of reunion, so splendidly achieved by the Incas, was 
most arduous. At the same time, the ancient civilization of the Piruas was 
partially inherited by the various peoples whose ancestors composed their 
empire ; so that the Inca civilization was a revival rather than a creation.' 

The various tribes and nations of the Andes, separated from each other 
by uninhabited wildernesses and lofty mountain chains, were clearly of the 
same origin, speaking dialects of the same language. Since the fall of the 

1 Bias Valera allows a period of 600 years for its rise to be contemporary with Henry II of 

the existence of the Inca dynasty, which throws England. But twelve generations, allowing 

its origin back to the days of Alfred the Great, twenty-five years for each, would only occupy 

Garcilasso allows 400 years, which would make 300 years. 
VOL. I. — 15 



226 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Piruas they had led an independent existence. Some had formed powerful 
confederations, others were isolated in their valleys. But it was only 
through much hard fighting and by consummate statesmanship that the 
one small Inca lineage established, in a period of less than three centuries, 
imperial dominion over the rest. It will be well, in this place, to take a 
brief survey of the different nations which were to form the empire of the 
-y Incas, and of their territories. 
y ! The central Andean region, which was the home of the imperial race of 
y' Incas, extends from the water-parting between the sources of the Ucayali 
and the basin of Lake Titicaca to the river Apurimac. It includes wild 
mountain fastnesses, wide expanses of upland, grassy slopes, lofty valleys 
such as that in which the city of Cuzco is built, and fertile ravines, with 
the most lovely scenery. The inhabitants composed four tribes : that of the 
Incas in the valley of the Vilcamayu, of the Quichuas in the secluded ra- 
vines of the Apurimac tributaries, and those of the Canas and Cauchis in the 
mowntains bordering on the Titicaca basin. These people average a height 
c-f 5 ft. 4 in., and are strongly built. .The nose is invariably aquiline, the 
mouth rather large ; the eyes black or deep brown, bright, and generally 
deep set, with long fine lashes. The hair is abundant and long, fine, and of 
a deep black-brown. The men have no beards. The skin is very smooth 
and soft, and of a light coppery-brown color, the neck thick, and the shoul- 
ders broad, with great depth of chest. The legs are well formed, feet and 
hands very small. The Incas have the build and physique of mountaineers. 
To the south of this cradle of the Inca race extended the region of the 
Collas ^ and allied tribes, including the whole basin of Lake Titicaca, which 
is 1 2,ocxD feet above the level of the sea. The Collas dwelt in stone huts, 
tended their flocks of llamas, and raised crops of ocas, quinoas, and pota- 
toes. They were divided into several tribes, and were engaged in constant 
feuds, their arms being slings and ayllos, or bolas. The Collas are remark- 
able for great length of body compared with the thigh and leg, and they 
are the only people whose thighs are shorter than their legs. Their build 
fits them for excellence in mountain climbing and pedestrianism, and for 
the exercise of extraordinary endurance.^ The homes of the Collas were, 
around the seat of ancient civilization at Tiahuanacu. 

A remarkable race, apart from the Incas and Collas, of darker complexion 
and more savage habits, dwelt and still dwell among the vast beds of reeds 
in the southwestern angle of Lake Titicaca. They are called Urus, and 
are probably descendants of an aboriginal people who occupied the Titicaca 
basin before the arrival of the Hatun-runas from the south. The Urus 
spoke a distinct language, called Puquinay specimens of which have been 

1 Erroneously called Aymaras by the Span- an Indian messenger, named Alejo Vilca, from 
iards. The name, which really belongs to a Puno to Tacna, a distance of 84 leagues, who did 
branch of the Quichua tribe, was first misap- it in 62 hours, his only sustenance being a little 
plied to the Colla language by the Jesuits at dried maize and coca, — over four miles an hour 
Juli, and afterwards to the whole Colla race. for 252 miles. 

2 Don Modesto Basadre tells us that he sent 



THE INCA CIVILIZATIOxN IN PERU. 22/ 

preserved by Bishop Ore.^ The ancestors of the Urus may have been the 
cromlech builders, driven into the fastnesses of the lake when their country 
was occupied by the more powerful invaders, who erected the imperishable 
monuments at Tiahuanacu. These Urus are now lake-dwellers. Their 
homes consist of large canoes, made of the tough reeds which cover the shal- 
low parts of the lake, and they live on fish, and on quinua and potatoes, 
which they obtain by barter. 

North of Cuzco there were several allied tribes, resembling the Incas in 
physique and language, in a similar stage of civilization, and their rivals in 
power. Beyond the Apurimac, and inhabiting the valleys of the Andes 
thence to the Mantaro, was the important nation of the Chancas ; and still 
further north and west, in the valley of the Xauxa, was the Huanca nation. 
Agricultural people and shepherds, forming aylliis, or tribes of the Chancas 
and Huancas, occupied the ravines of the maritime cordillera, and extended 
their settlements into several valleys of the seacoast, between the Rimac 
and Nasca. These coast people of Inca rape, known as Chinchas, held 
their own against an entirely different nation, of distinct origin and lan- 
guage, who occupied the northern coast valleys from the Rimac to Payta, 
and also the great valley of Huarca (the modern Canete), where they had 
Chincha enemies both to the north and south of them. These people were 
called Yimcas by their Inca conquerors. Their own name was Chimu, and 
the language spoken by them was called Mochica. But this question relat- 
ing to the early inhabitants of the coast valleys of Peru, their origin and 
civilization, is the most difficult in ancient Peruvian history, and will require 
separate consideration.^ 

North of the Huanca nation, along the basin of the Maranon, there were 
tribes which were known to the Incas by their head-dresses. These were 
the Conchucus, Huamachucus, and Huacrachucus.^ Still further north, in 
the region of the equator, was the powerful nation of Quitus. 
I) All these nations of the Peruvian Andes appear to have once formed part 
of the mighty prehistoric empire of the Pirhuas, and to have retained much 
of the civilization of their ancestors during the subsequent centuries of 
separate existence and isolation. This probably accounts for the ease with 
which the Incas established their system of religion and government 
throughout their new empire, after the conquests were completed. , The 
subjugated nations spoke dialects of the same language, and inherited many 
of the usages and ideas of their conquerors. \ For the same reason they were 
pretty equally matched as foes, and the Incas secured the mastery only by 
dint of desperate fighting and great political sagacity. But finally they did 
establish their superiority, and founded a second great empire in Peru. ! 

The history of the rise and progress of Inca power, as recorded by native 

^ Fray I.udovico Geronimo de Ore, a native aim trans lationibus in linguas provinciarum Pe- 
of Guamanga, in Peru, was the author of Rittiale ruanortim, published at Naples in 1607. 
seu Manunle ac b7-evem formam administrandi ^ Cf. Note I, following this chapter. 
sacranienia juxta ordinem S. EcclesicB Homance, ^ Chucu means a head-dress ; Huaman, a fal- 
con ; Huacra, a horn. 



228 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




INCA MANCO CCAPAC* 



/f. 



historians in their quipus, and retailed to us by Spanish writers, is, on the 

whole, coherent and intelligible. 
Many blunders were inevitable in 
conveying the information from the 
mouths of natives to the Spanish in- 
quirers, who understood the language 
imperfectly, and whose objects often 
were to reach foregone conclusions. 
But certain broad historical facts are 
brought out by a comparison of the 
different authorities, the succession 
of the last ten sovereigns is deter- 
mined by a nearly complete consen- 
sus of evidence, and we can now re- 
late the general features of the rise 
of Inca ascendency in Peru with a 
certain amount of confidence. 
The Inca people were divided into small ayllusy or lineages, when Manco 

Ccapac advanced down the 

valley of the Vilcamayu, from 

Paccari-tampu, and forced the 

ayllii of Alcaviza and the ayllu 

of Antasayac to submit to 

his sway. He formed the nu- 
cleus of his power at Cuzco, 

the land of these conquered 

aylhis, and from this point his 

descendants slowly extended 

their dominion. The chiefs of 

the surrounding ayllus^ called 

Sinchi (literally, " strong "), 

either submitted willingly to 

the Incas, orwere subjugated. 

Sinchi Rocca, the son, and 

Lloque Yupanqui, the grand- 
son, of Manco, filled up a 

swamp on the site of the present cathedral of Cuzco, planned out the 




INCA YUPANQUI. t 



* [After a cut in Marcoy's South Atnerica, i. 210 (also in Tour du Monde, 1863, p. 261), purporting to be 
drawn from a copy of the taffeta roll containing the pedigree of the Incas, which, in evidence of their claims, 
was sent by their descendants to the Spanish king in 1603. This genealogical record contained the likenesses 
of the successive Incas and their wives, and the original is said to have disappeared. Mr. Markham supposes 
this roll to have been the original of the portraits given in Herrera (see cut on p. 267 of the present volume) ; 
but they are not the same, if Marcoy's cuts are trustworthy. A set of likenesses appeared in UUoa's Relacion 
Historica (Madrid, 1748), iv. 604 ; and these were the originals of the series copied in the Gentleman'' s Mag., 
1 751-175 2, and thence are copied those in Ranking. These do not correspond with those given by Marcoy. 
Stepost, Vol. II., for a note on different series of portraits, and in the same volume, pp. 515, 516, are portraits 
of Atahualpa. A portrait of Manco Inca, killed 1546, is given in A, de Beauchamp's Histoire de la Cotiguete 
du Perou (Paris, 1808). — Ed.] 

t [After a cut in Marcoy, i. 214. — Ed.] 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 



229 



city/ and their reigns were mainly occupied in consolidating the small 
kingdom founded by their predecessor. Mayta Ccapac, the fourth Inca, was 
also occupied in consolidating his power round Cuzco ; but his son, Ccapac 
Yupanqui, subdued the Quichuas to the westward, and extended his sway as 
far as the pass of Vilcanota, overlooking the Collao, or basin of Lake Titi- 
caca. Inca Rocca, the next sovereign, made few conquests, devoting his 
attention to the foundation of schools, the organization of festivals and ad- 
ministrative government, and to the construction of public works. His son, 
named Yahuar-huaccac, appears to have been unfortunate. One authority 
says that he was surprised and killed, and all agree that his reign was dis- 
astrous. For seven generations the power and the admirable internal polity 
of the Incarial government had been gradually organized and consolidated 
within a limited area. The suc- 
ceeding sovereigns were great 
conquerors, and their empire was 
rapidly extended to the vast area 
which it had reached when the 
Spaniards first appeared on the 
scene. 

The son of Yahuar-huaccac as- 
sumed the name of the Deity, 
and called himself Uira-cocha.^ 
Intervening in a war between the 
two principal chiefs of the Collas, 
named Cari and Zapana, Uira- 
cocha defeated them in detail, 

and annexed the whole basin of Lake Titicaca to his dominions. He also 
conquered the lovely valley of Yucay, on the lower course of the Vilcamayu, 
whither he retired to end his days. The eldest son of Uira-cocha, named 
Urco, was incompetent or unworthy, and was either obliged to abdicate^ in 
favor of his brother Yupanqui, the favorite hero of Inca history, or wag 
slain.* It was a moment when the rising empire needed the services of her 
ablest sons. She was about to engage in a death-struggle with a neighbor 




cuzco* 



1 [Ramusio's plan of Cuzco is given in Vol. 
II. p. 554, with references (p. 556) to other plans 
and descriptions ; to which may be added an 
archaeological examination by Wiener, in the 
Bull, de la Soc. de Geog. de Paris, Oct., 1879, ^^^ 
in his Perou et Bolivie, with an enlarged plan of 
the town, showing the regions of different archi- 
tecture ; accounts in Marcoy's Voyage h travers 
FAmerique du Sud (Paris, 1869 ; or Eng. transl. 
i. 174), and in Nadaillac's L' Ameriqtie prehisto- 
rique, and by Squier in his Peru, and in his Re- 
marques sur la Geographic die Perou, p. 20. — 
Ed.] 



2 It is related by Betanzos that one day this 
Inca appeared before his people with a very joy- 
ful countenance. When they asked him the 
cause of his joy, he replied that Uira-cocha Pa- 
chayachachic had spoken to him in a dream that 
night. Then all the people rose up and saluted 
him as Viracocha Inca, which is as much as to 
say, — " King and God." From that time he was 
so called. Garcilasso gives a different version 
of the same tradition, in which he confuses Vira- 
cocha with his son. 

3 Cieza de Leon, ii. 138-44. 
* Salcamayhua, 91. 



* [One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp editions of Cieza de Leon. 
Squier's Peru, pp. 427-445. — Ed.] 



There are various views in 



230 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

as powerful and as civilized as herself. The kingdom of the Chancas, com- 
mencing on the banks of the Apurimac, extended far to the east and north, 
including many of the richest valleys of the Andes. Their warlike king, 
Uscavilca, had already subdued the Quichuas, who dwelt in the upper val- 
leys of the Apurimac tributaries to the southward, and was advancing on 
Cuzco, when Yupanqui pushed aside the imbecile Urco, and seized the helm. 



WARRIORS OF THE INCA PERIOD.* 

The fate of the Incas was hanging on a thread. The story is one of thrill- 
ing interest as told in the pages of Betanzos, but all authorities dwell more 
or less on this famous Chanca war. The decisive battle was fought outside 
the Huaca-puncu, the sacred gate of Cuzco. The result was long doubtful. 
Suddenly, as the shades of evening were closing over the Yahuar-pampa, — 
"the field of blood," — a fresh army fell upon the right flank of the Chanca 
host, and the Incas won a great victory. So unexpected was this onslaught 
that the very stones on the mountain sides were believed to have been 
turned into men. It was the armed array of the insurgent Quichuas who 
had come By forced marches to the help of their old masters. The mem- 
ory of this great struggle was fresh in men's minds when the Spaniards 
arrived, and as the new conquerors passed over the battlefield, on their way 
to Cuzco, they saw the stuffed skins of the vanquished Chancas set up as 
memorials by the roadside. 

The subjugation of the Chancas, with their allies the Huancas, led to a 
vast extension of the Inca empire, which now reached to the shores of the 
Pacific ; and the last years of Yupanqui were passed in the conquest of the 
alien coast nation, ruled over by a sovereign known as the Chimu. Thus 
the reign of the Inca Yupanqui marks a great epoch. He beat down all 
rivals, and converted the Cuzco kingdom into a vast empire. He received 
the name of Pachacutec, or " he who changes the world," a name which, 
according to Montesinos, had on eight previous occasions been conferred 
upon sovereigns of the more ancient dynasties. 

Tupac Inca Yupanqui, the son and successor of Pachacutec, completed 

* [After a cut given by Ruge, and showing figures from an old Peruvian painting. — Ed.] 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 231 

the subjugation of the coast valleys, extended his conquests beyond Quito 
on the north and to Chile as far as the river Maule in the south, besides 
penetrating far into the eastern forests. 

Huayna Ccapac, the son of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, completed and consoli- 
dated the conquests of his father. He traversed the valleys of the coast, 
penetrated to the southern limit of Chile, and fought a memorable battle 
on the banks of the *' lake of blood" (Yahuar-cocha), near the northern 
frontier of Quito. After a long reign,^ the last years of which were passed 
in Quito, Huayna Ccapac died in November, 1525. His eldest legitimate 
son, named Huascar, succeeded him at Cuzco. But Atahualpa, his father's 
favorite, was at Quito with the most experienced generals. Haughty mes- 
sages passed between the brothers, which were followed by war. Huascar's 
armies were defeated in detail, and eventually the generals of Atahualpa 
took the legitimate Inca prisoner, entered Cuzco, and massacred the family 
and adherents of Huascar.^ The successful aspirant to the throne was on 
his way to Cuzco, in the wake of his generals, when he encountered Pizarro 
and the Spanish invaders at Caxamarca. This war of succession would not, 
it is probable, have led to any revolutionary change in the general policy of 
the empire. Atahualpa would have established his power and continued to 
rule, just as his ancestor Pachacutec did, after the dethronement of his 
brother Urco.^ 

The succession of the Incas from Manco Ccapac to Atahualpa was evi- 
dently well known to the Amautas, or learned men of the empire, and was 
recorded in their quipiLS with precision, together with less certain materials 
respecting the more ancient dynasties. Many blunders were committed by 
the Spanish inquirers in putting down the historical information received 
from the Amautas, but on the whole there is general concurrence among 
them.* Practically the Spanish authorities agree, and it is clear that the 

1 Bias Valera says 42, Balboa 33, years. chacutec has already been explained. Tupac is 

2 [The ruins of Atahualpa's palace are figured a word signifying royal splendor, and Huayna 
in Wiener's Perou et Bolivie, and in Cte. de Ga- means "youth." Huascar is "a chain," in allu- 
briac's Fromefiade d. travers V Ameriqiie du Stid sion to a golden chain said to have been made 
(Paris, 1868), p. 196. — Ed.] in his honor, and held by the dancers at the fes- 

3 The meanings of the names of these Incas tival of his birth. The meaning of Atahualpa 
are significant.' Manco and Rocca appear to be has been much disputed. Hualpa certainly 
proper names without any clear etymology. The means any large game fowl. Hualpani is to 
rest refer to mental attributes, or else to some create. Atati is " chance," or " the fortune of 
personal peculiarity. Sinchi means " strong." war." Garcilasso, who is always opposed to der- 
Lloque is " left-handed." Yupanqui is the sec- ivations, maintains that Atahualpa was a proper 
ond person of the future tense of a verb, and name without special meaning, and that Hualpa, 
signifies " you will count." Garcilasso interprets as a word for a fowl, is derived from it, because 
it as one who will count as wise, virtuous, and the boys in the streets, when imitating cock- 
powerful. Ccapac is rich ; that is, rich in all crowing, used the word Atahualpa. But Hu- 
virtues and attributes of a prince. Mayta is an alpa formed part of the name of many scions 
adverb, " where ; " and Salcamayhua says that of the Inca family long before the time of Ata- 
the constant cry and prayer of this Inca was, hualpa. 

" Where art thou, O God ? " because he was * All authorities agree that Manco Ccapac 

constantly seeking his Creator. Yahuar-huaccac was the first Inca, although Montesinos places 

means "weeping blood," probably in allusion him far back at the head of the Pirhua dynasty, 

to some malady from which he suffered. Pa- and ail agree respecting the second, Sinchi 



2^2 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

native annalists possessed a single record, while the apparent discrepancies 
are due to blunders of the Spanish transcribers. The twelve Incas from 
Manco Ccapac to Huascar may be received as historical personages whose 
deeds were had in memory at the time of the Spanish invasion, and were 
narrated to those among the conquerors who sought for information from 
the Amautas. 



1240 — Manco Ccapac. 
1260 — Sinchi Rocca. 
1280 — Lloque Yupanqui. 
1300 — Mayta Ccapac. 
1320 — Ccapac Yupanqui. 
1340 — Inca Rocca. 



A. D. 

1 360 — Yahuar-huaccac. 

1380 — Uira-cocha. 

1400 — Pachacutec Yupanqui. 

1440 — Tupac Yupanqui. 

1480 — Huayna Ccapac. 

1523 — Inti Cusi Hualpa, or Huascar. 



The religion of the Incas consisted in the worship of the supreme being 
of the earher dynasties, the Ilia Ticsi Uira-cocha of the Pirhuas. This sim- 
ple faith was overlaid by a vast mass of superstition, represented by the 
cult of ancestors and the cult of natural objects. To this was superadded 
the belief in the ideals or souls of all animated things, which ruled and 
guided them, and to which men might pray for help. The exact nature of 
this belief in ideals, as it presented itself to the people themselves, is not at 
all clear. It prevailed among the uneducated. Probably it was the idea to 
which dreams give rise, — the idea of a double nature, of a tangible and a 
phantom being, the latter mysterious and powerful, and to be propitiated. 
The belief in this double being was extended to all animated nature, for 
even the crops had their spiritual doubles, which it was necessary to wor- 
ship and propitiate. 

But the religion of the Incas and of learned men, or Amautas, was a wor- 
ship of the Supreme Cause of all things, the ancient God of the Titicaca 
myth, combined with veneration for the sun ^ as the ancestor of the reign- 
ing dynasty, for the other heavenly bodies, and for the malqui, or remains 
of their forefathers. This feeling of veneration for the sun, closely con- 
nected with the beneficent work of the venerated object as displayed in 

Rocca. Lloque Yupanqui, with various spell- deposed Urco. Cieza de Leon and Betanzos give 

ings, has the unanimous vote of all authorities Yupanqui as the name of Urco's brother ; all 

except Acosta, who calls him " laguarhuarque." other authorities have Pachacutec. The discrep- 

But Acosta's list is incomplete. Respecting ancy is explained by his names having been 

Mayta Ccapac and Ccapac Yupanqui, all are Yupanqui Pachacutec. This also accounts for 

agreed except Betanzos, who transposes them Garcilasso de la Vega and Santillan having 

by an evident slip of memory. Touching Inca made Pachacutec and Yupanqui into two Incas, 

Rocca all are agreed, though Montesinos has father and son. Betanzos also interpolates a 

Sinchi for Inca, and all agree as to Yahuar-hu- Yamque Yupanqui. All are agreed with regard 

accac. It is true that Cieza de Leon and Her- to Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Ccapac, Hu- 

rera call him Inca Yupanqui, but this is explained ascar, and Atahualpa. [There is another compar- 

by Salcamayhua when he gives the full name, — ison of the different lists in Wiener, V Empire 

Yahuar-huaccac Inca Yupanqui. All agree as des Incas, p. 53. — Ed.] 

to Uira-cocha. As to his successor, Betanzos, 1 [See an early cut of this sun-worship in Vol. 

Cieza de Leon, Fernandez, Herrera, Salcamay- II. p. 551. — Ed.] 
hua, and Balboa mention the short reign of the 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 233 

the course of the seasons, led to the growth of an elaborate ritual and to 
the celebration of periodical festivals. 

The weight of evidence is decisively in the direction of a belief on the 
part of the Incas that a Supreme Being existed, which the sun must obey, 
as well as all other parts of the universe. This subordination of the sun to 
the Creator of all things was inculcated by successive Incas. Molina says, 
" They did not know the sun as their Creator, but as created by the Crea- 
tor." Salcamayhua tells us how the Inca Mayta Ccapac taught that the sun 
and moon were made for the service of men, and that the chief of the Col- 
las, addressing the Inca Uira-cocha, exclaimed, " Thou, O powerful lord of 
Cuzco, dost worship the teacher of the universe, while I, the chief of the 
Collas, worship the Sun." The evidence on the subject of the religion of 
the Incas, collected by the Viceroy Toledo, showed that they worshipped 
the Creator of all things, though they also venerated the sun ; and Monte- 
sinos mentions an edict of the Inca Pachacutec, promulgated with the object 
of enforcing the worship of the Supreme God above all other deities. The 
speech of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, showing that the sun was not God, but 
was obeying laws ordained by God, is recorded by Acosta, Bias Valera, and 
Balboa, and was evidently deeply impressed on the minds of their Inca in- 
formers. This Inca compared the sun to a tethered beast, which always 
makes the same round ; or to a dart, which goes where it is sent, and not 
where it wishes. The prayers from the Inca ritual, given by Molina, are 
addressed to the god Ticsi Uiracocha ; the Sun, Moon, and Thunder being 
occasionally invoked in conjunction with the principal deity. 

The worship of this creating God, the Dweller in Space, the Teacher and 
Ruler of the Universe, was, then, the religion of the Incas which had been 
inherited from their distant ancestry of the cyclopean age. Around this 
primitive cult had grown up a supplemental worship of creatures created by 
the Deity, such as the heavenly bodies, and of objects supposed to repre- 
sent the first ancestors of ayllus^ or tribes, as well as of the prototypes of 
things on whom man's welfare depended, such as flocks and animals of the 
chase, fruit and corn. It has been asserted that the Deity, the Uira-cocha 
himself, did not generally receive worship, and that there was only one tem- 
ple in honor of God throughout the empire, at a place called Pachacamac, 
on the coast. But this is clearly a mistake. The great temple at Cuzco, 
with its gorgeous display of riches, was called the ** Ccuri-cancha Pacha- 
yachachicpa huasin," which means ** the place of gold, the abode of the 
Teacher of the Universe." An elliptical plate of gold was fixed on the wall 
to represent the Deity, flanked on either side by metal representations of 
his creatures, the Sun and Moon. The chief festival in the middle of the 
year, called Ccapac Raymi, was instituted in honor of the supreme Creator, 
and when, from time to time, his worship began to be neglected by the peo- 
ple, who were apt to run after the numerous local deities, it was again and 
again enforced by their more enlightened rulers. There were Ccuri-canchas 



234 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 









Li l7 I 

■ aJiiB naMXi 



I I J I K S, 



tOl '» « <3l» iS^ <ft 4I» 

3l» ^ q|^ i» «ib <» « 

d^ €Jk '» ^ fi^ <» ^ 





for the service of God, at Vilca and in other centres of vice-regal rule, be- 
sides the grand fane of Cuzco.^ 

Although the first and principal in- 
vocations were addressed to the Crea- 
tor, prayers were also offered up to 
the Sun and Moon, to the Thunder, 
and to ancestors who were called 
upon to intercede with the Deity.^ 
The latter worship formed a very dis- 
tinctive feature in the religious ob- 
servances of nearly all the Incarial 
tribes. The Paccarina, or forefather 
of the ayllu, or lineage, was often 
some natural object converted into a 
hiiaca, or deity. The Paccarina of 
the Inca family was the Sun; with his 
sister and spouse, the Moon. A vast 
hierarchy was set apart to conduct 
the ceremonies connected with their 
worship, and hundreds of virgins, 
called Aclla-ctina, were secluded and 
devoted to duties relating to the ob- 
servances in the Sun temples. Wor- 
ship was also offered to the actual 
bodies of the ancestors, called malqui, 
which were preserved with the greatest care, in caves called machay. On 
solemn festivals each ayllu assembled with its malqtd. The bodies of the 
Incas were all preserved, clothed as when alive, and surrounded by their 
special furniture and utensils. Three of these Inca mummies, with two 
mummies of queens, were discovered by Polo de Ondegardo, then corregidor 
of Cuzco, in 1559, and were sent by him to Lima for interment. Those 
who saw them ^ reported that they were so well preserved that they ap- 
peared to be alive ; that they were in a sitting posture ; that the eyes were 




TEMPLE OF THE SUN.* 



1 At Pachacamac there was a temple to the 
coast deity, called locally Pachacamac, and 
another to the sun ; but none to the supreme 
Creator, one of whose epithets was Pachacamac. 

2 Spanish authors mention a being called Su- 
payy which they say was the devil. Supay, as an 



evil spirit, also occurs in the drama of Ollantay. 
It may have been some local huaca, but no devil 
as such, entered into the religious belief of the 
Incas. 

3 Acosta, Polo de Ondegardo, Garcilasso de 
la Vega. 



* [After a cut in Marcoy, i. p. 234, where it is said to be drawn from existing remains and printed and manu- 
script authorities. The modern structure of the convent of Santo Domingo, built in 1534, is at A, which con- 
tains in its construction some remains of the walls of the older edifice. B is a cloister, C, an outer court. D, 
fountains for purification. E are streets leading to the great square of Cuzco. F, the garden where golden 
flowers were once placed; now used as a kitchen garden. G, the chapel dedicated to the moon. H, chapel 
dedicated to Venus and the Milky Way. I, chapel dedicated to thunder and lightning. J, chapel dedicated 
to the rainbow. K, council hall of the grand pontiff and priests of the sun. L, the apartments of the priests 
and servants. See the view of the temple from Montanus in Vol. II. p. 555, and a modern view in Wiener's 
Perou et Bolivie, p. 318. Other plans and views are in Squier's Pertc^ pp. 430-445. — Ed.] 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 



235 



made of gold, and that they were arrayed in the insignia of their rank.^ The 
Paccarina, or founder of the family, and the malquis, or mummies of ances- 
tors, thus formed the objects of a distinct belief and religion, based un- 
doubtedly on the conviction that every human being has a spiritual as well 
as a corporeal existence ; that the former is immortal, and that it is repre- 
sented by the malqui. The appearance of the departed in dreams and 
visions was not an unreasonable ground for this belief, which certainly was 




ZODIAC OF GOLD FOUND AT CUZCO* 

the most deeply rooted of all the religious ideas of the Peruvian people. 
The paccarina^ or ancestral deities, were innumerable. There was one ot 
more that received worship in every tribe, and was represented by a rock, 
or some other natural object. Many were believed to be oracles. Some, 
such as Catequilla, or Apu-catequilla^'^Wie oracle of the Conchucu tribe, have 



1 The mummies were those of Incas Uira- 
cocha, Tupac Yupanqui, and Huayna Ccapac; 
of Mama Runtu (wife of Uira-cocha) and 
Mama Ocllo (wife of Tupac Yupanqui). 

2 Mentioned by Calancha (471) and Arriaga 
as an oracle at the village of Tauca, in Conchu- 
cos. Brinton has built up a myth which he cred- 



its to the whole Peruvian people, on the strength 
of a meaning applied to the word Catequilla^ 
which is erroneous. It is exactly the same gram- 
matical error that those etymologists fell into 
who thought that Uira-cocha signified "foam of 
the sea." (Myths of the Neiv Worlds 154.) 



* [After a drawing by Mr. Markham of the plate itself, made at Lima in 1853. Mr. Markham's drawing is 
reproduced in BoUaert's Antiquarian Researches, p. 146. The disk is 5 3-10 inches in diameter. The signs 
in the outer ring are supposed to represent the months. — Ed,] 



2S6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

been brought into undue prominence through being mentioned by Spanish 
writers. 

Religious ceremonials were closely connected with the daily life of the 
people, and especially with the course of the seasons and the succession of 
months, as they affected the operations of agriculture. It was important to 
fix the equinoxes and solstices, and astronomical knowledge was a part of 
the priestly office. There were names for many of the stars ; their motions 
were watched as well as those of the sun and moon ; and though a record of 
the extent of the astronomical knowledge of the Incas has not been pre- 
served, it is certain that they watched the time of the solstices and equi- 
noxes with great care, and that they distinguished between the lunar and 
solar years. Pillars were erected to dete^-mine the time of the solstices, 
eight on the east and eight on the west side of Cuzco, in double rows, four 
and four, two low between two higher ones, twenty feet apart. They were 
called Sucaiica, from siLca^ a ridge or furrow, the alternate light and shade 
between the pillars appearing like furrows. A stone column in the centre 
of a level platform, called hiti-htiatana, was used to ascertain the time of the 
equinoxes. A line was drawn across the platform from east to west, and 
watch was kept to observe when the shadow of the pillar was on this line 
from sunrise to sunset, and there was no shadow at noon. The principal 
Inti-hiiatana was in the square before the great temple at Cuzco ; but 
there are several others in different parts of Peru. The most perfect of 
these observatories is at Pissac, in the valley of Vilcamayu.^ There is 
another at Ollantay-tampu, a fourth near Abancay, and a fifth at Sillustani 
in the Collao. 

There is reason to believe that the Incas used a zodiac with twelve signs, 
corresponding with the months of their solar year. The gold plates which 
they wore on their breasts were stamped with features representing the sun, 
surrounded by a border of what are probably either zodiacal signs or signs 
for the months. Whether the ecliptic, or huatana, was thus divided or not, 
it is certain that the sun's motion was observed with great care, and that 
the calendar was thus fixed with some approach to accuracy.^ The year, or 
Htmta, was divided into twelve Qtiilla, or moon revolutions, and these were 
made to correspond with the solar year by adding five days, which were 
divided among the twelve months. A further correction was made every 
fourth year. Solar observations wer§ taken and recorded every month. 

The year commenced on the 22d of June, with the winter solstice, and 
there were four great festivals at the occurrence of the solstices and equi- 
noxes. ^ 

* A very interesting account of it, with a all the others, is the one adopted by the first 
sketch, is given by Squier, p. 524. Council of Lima, and given by Calancha. It is 

2 Huatana means a halter, from huatani, to as follows : — 

seize ; hence the tying up or encircling of the i. Yntip Raymi (22 June-22 July), Festival of 
sun. the Winter Solstice, or Raymi. 

3 Authorities differ respecting the names of 2. Chahuarquiz (22 July-22 Aug.), Season of 
the months, and probably some months had ploughing. 

more than one name. But the most accurate 3. Yapa-quiz (22 Aug.-22 Sept.), Season of 
list, and that which is most in agreement with sowing. 



THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. 237 

The celebrations of the solar year and of the seasons, in their bearings \ 
on agriculture, were identical with the chief religious observances. The 
Raymi, or festival of the winter solstice, in the first month, when the gran- 
aries were filled after harvest, was established in special honor of the Sun. J 
Sacrifices of llamas and lambs, and of the first-fruits of the earth, were' 
offered up to the images of the Supreme Being, of the Sun, and of Thun- 
der, which were placed in the open space in front of the great temple ; as 
well as to the huaca, or stone representing the brother of Manco Ccapac, on 
the hill of Huanacauri. There was also a procession of the priests and peo- 
ple as far as the pass of Vilcanota, leading into the basin of Lake Titicaca, 
sacrifices being offered up at various spots on the road. The sacrifices were 
accompanied by prayers, and concluded with songs, called Jmayllina, and 
dancing. Then followed the ploughing month, when it is said that the Inca 
himself opened the season by ploughing a furrow with a golden plough in 
the field behind the Colcampata palace, on the height above Cuzco. 

The question here arises whether human sacrifices were offered up, in the 
Inca ritual. This has been stated by Molina, Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, 
Balboa, Ondegardo, and Acosta, and indignantly denied by Garcilasso de la 
Vega. Cieza de Leon admits that there were occasional human sacrifices, 
but adds that their numbers and the frequency of such offerings have been 
grossly exaggerated by the Spaniards. If the sacrifices had been offered 
under the idea of atonement or expiation, it might well be expected that 
human sacrifices would be included. Under such ideas, men offered up 
what they valued most, just as Abraham was prepared to sacrifice his son, 
as Jephthah dedicated his daughter as a burnt-offering to Jehovah, and as 
the king of Moab sacrificed his eldest son to Chemosh.^ But, except in the 
Situa, when the idea was to efface sins by washing, the sacrifices of the Incas 
were offerings of thanksgiving, not of expiation or atonement. The mis- 
take of the five writers who supposed that the Incas offered human sacrifices 
was due to their ignorance of the language.^ The perpetration of human 

4. Ccoya Raymi (22 Sept.-22 Oct.), Festival of Betanzos, Molina, Montesinos, Fernandez, and 

the Spring Eq