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1650 1708 

*- It** * $ ,^o 




165O 1708 







Printed in the United States of America 

All rights reserved. No part of this book 
may be reproduced in any form without 
the permission of Charles Scribner s Sons 


WITH the assistance of Mr. Salley, the general editor makes 
the following comments upon the maps reproduced in this volume: 

The " Generall Mapp of Carolina," used as frontispiece, is re 
produced from the somewhat larger map (8J by 6 inches) which 
appeared in the first volume of Richard Blome s Description of the 
Island of Jamaica, with the Other Islands and Territories in America, 
to which the English are Related (London, 1672). It will be ob 
served that it is adorned with the eight coats of arms of the propri 
etors. Of these Mr. Salley says that they "are almost heraldically 
correct, but several of the proprietors quartered their family arms 
with those of other sides of the respective houses, and their seal of 
the province, containing their eight coats of arms, displays these 
quarterings." The map extends from Cape Henry in Virginia to 
some distance down the coast of Georgia, perhaps as far as the 
Altamaha. The portion of it relating to North Carolina may be 
compared with the John White map of 1585 or 1586, printed in 
the volume of this series entitled Early English and French Voyages, 
page 248. 

The map as a whole reflects the imperfect knowledge available 
in London at the time when it was made. It will be seen that the 
compiler has fallen into marked confusion of mind respecting the 
position of Charles Town. The first settlement of that name had 
been located some twenty or thirty miles up the Cape Fear River. 
The Charles Town founded in 1670 was placed on the west side of 
Ashley River and before long transferred to the present position 
between the Ashley and. Cooper Rivers. Blome s map indicates 
"Ashly Riv." near his Charles Town but gives the latter a position 
near Cape Fear and not far from the old site on the Cape Fear 
River. The proper position of the name Ashley would be against 
the river lying between "C. Romano " and "R. Grandy" (the 
North Edisto). Another point deserving attention is that Charles 


vi NOTE 

Fort, the short-lived Huguenot establishment, is set on a large island 
east of "S. Hellen s," the two islands being of about the same size; 
whereas, as has been explained in one of Mr. Salley s foot-notes, 
St. Helena is a large island east of Broad River, while Charles Fort 
was on a small island formed by Broad River, Port Royal River, 
and Pilot Creek, lying southwesterly from St. Helena. 

The plan of Charles Town is reproduced, in the same size as 
the original, from an engraving by James Akin, in the second 
volume of Ramsay s History of South Carolina (Charleston, 1809). 
The plan is indicated by Dr. Ramsay as taken " from a survey of 
Edward Crisp in 1704." The original cannot now be found. It 
is perhaps identical with a map which Dr. Ramsay describes in his 
History (II. 262) as having been preserved among the papers of 
the distinguished family of Prioleau. Some doubt surrounds the 
origin of the map. Mr. Salley finds a record in South Carolina, 
of date 1716, reciting a grant that had previously been made to 
Edward Crisp of London, but finds nothing further to identify 
him with South Carolina. He signalizes two errors of fact in the 
"References" which are placed beneath the map. N is marked 
as Keating L. Smith s Bridge (wharf). There was no Keating L. 
Smith at that time; the owner was Keating Lewis. W is indicated 
as the scene of the first rice patch in Carolina; but Mr. Salley con 
siders this to have no historical foundation. In general, however, 
the plan is correct. It may be compared with one by Herman 
Moll which constitutes a side map to his Map of the Dominions of 
the King of Great Britain in America, 1715. 

In Dr. J. L. E. W. Shecut s Medical and Philosophical Essays 
(Charleston, 1819), there is a chapter (pp. 1-14) " Of the original 
Topography of Charleston," which follows the lines of this Ramsay 
map, with explanations, and identifications of its landmarks with 
those of the author s time. 

J. F. J. 







Sir Walter Raleigh s Observation 7 

Departure of Expedition ......... 8 

Arrival at the Meherrin Town 10 

Passage of the Meherrin River 12 

Tale of Powhatan s Treachery 14 

Journey down the Roanoke River . .15 

Return Journey 17 



The Young Fur-trader s Expedition 25 

The Indians visit Yeardley s House 26 

Tales of the Tuscaroras 27 



Landfall of the Adventure 37 

Exploration of the Combahee River 38 

Recovery of the English Prisoners 39 

Correspondence with the Spaniards 42 

Exploration of Port Royal and its Neighborhood .... 43 

Of Cape Fear River 45 

Of Hilton s River 48 

Reprisals on the Indians 50 

New England Men disparage the Country . . . , .53 

Correspondence with the Spaniards 53 

Proposals to the First Settlers 57 w 


HORNE (?), 1666 63 


General Description of Carolina .66 




Particular Description of Cape Fear Region 67 

Productions of Earth, Water, and Air 68 

Privileges to Settlers 71 

OLINA, 1666, BY ROBERT SANDFORD . . . . .75 


Address to the Proprietors . . . . . . . .82 

The Port Royal Discovery 83 

Sandford takes Command; sets out to Explore 85 

Explores the North Edisto River 87 

Visits the Indian Town 90 

Explores the South Edisto . . . .92 

Stands out to Sea and incurs great Danger 94 

Explores St. Helena Sound 96 

Explores Port Royal Sound 100 

Explores Calibogue Sound 103 

Leaves Dr. Woodward with the Indians 105 

Lies outside Charleston Harbor 106 

Returns to Charles Town (on Cape Fear) 107 

Testimonial of the Principal Gentlemen 107 



Mr. Mathew/s Relation of St. Katherina 114 

Mr. Carteret s Relation of the Planting at Ashley River . . .116 

Letter of Joseph West 120 

Letter of Governor Sayle and Council 122 



Sets forth from Charles Town 130 

Crosses the Edisto and the Head of Port Royal River . . .131 

Visits the Westo Town . 132 

Returns . . , . ...... . . . .134 


BY THOMAS ASHE, 1682 135 

INTRODUCTION . . . . , \ 137 

Preface . . . ". . , 138 

The Origin of Carolina ......... 140 

The Soil, Trees, and Vines 141 

Gardens and Vegetables . . 145 

Ambergris ............ 148 

Animals and Birds 149 

Fish, Turtles, and Alligators 152 



Minerals and Metals 155 

The Natives, their Arts and Government 156 

The Proprietors, Towns, and Trade 157 



Address to the Proprietors 164 

The Situation and Granting of Carolina 165 

The Beginnings of Settlement 166 

The Climate 167 

The Soil and Natural Productions 169 

The Increase of Live Stock 171 

The Indians and Relations with them 172 

The Privileges granted by the Proprietors 173 

Possibilities of Profitable Agriculture 174 



Arrival in Carolina; Charles Town; Prices 181 

The Fur-trade 183 

The Increase of Live Stock 184 

Inquiries as to Books 184 

Hostilities with the Spaniards 185 

Possibilities of Trade 187 



The Voyage from Boston 194 

Arrival in Charles Town; Search for a Location .... 195 

Elder Pratt s Second Voyage 198 

Jottings of Subsequent Events 199 



Description of the Province 204 

Attack by the Spaniards 205 

Alarm over Settlement of Louisiana 206 

The Making of Tar, Pitch, and Turpentine 207 

Various Enclosures and Requests 209 



Arrival in Virginia; Difficult Journey thence 214 

Ecclesiastical Condition of North Carolina . . . . .215 

Discouragements to Missionary Labors 217 



PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE, 1705 . . . . . .219 

INTRODUCTION . . . *.^--vv . . . . . 221 

Considerations on Invasions of Liberty . . . . . 224 

The Powers of the Carolina Proprietors 225 

The Settlement and Charter of Carolina 227 

The Legislative Power in the Province V V . . . . 229 

The Fundamental Constitutions 231 

The Conduct of the Proprietors in Governing . ... . 232 

The Representation of Colleton County ...... 236 

Its Complaints as to Elections 238 

As to Relations with Indians and Spaniards 240 

Tyranny of the Governor and Council; Riots 242 

Appeal to the Proprietors 245 

The Mission and Death of John Ash 247 

The Petition brought over by Joseph Boone 248 

The Letter of Mrs. Elizabeth Blake 250 

The Church Act of 1704 .253 

Defoe s Criticisms of it 256 

The Proprietors Reception of the Remonstrances .... 258 

Evil Consequences of Intolerance 260 

111 Treatment of Rev. Edward Marston 262 

The Necessity of Redress . . . ... . . .264 



Governor Moore s 111 Conduct 269 

The St. Augustine Expedition 272 

Riotous Attacks upon the Governor s Opponents .... 273 

Violence at the New Election , 274 




Preface 282 

The Course of Providence 284 

The Discovery of America; the Carolina Patent .... 287 

General Description of Carolina . . 288 

The Indians and their Quarrels . ,, f , : .,. j . . . . . 289 

The Soil and Climate 290 

The Scottish Settlement; the Possibilities of Trade . . . .292 

The Propagation of the Gospel 293 

The Form of Government; its Early Conduct 294 

Governor Archdale s Arrival; his Address 296 

The Address of the Commons Assembly 298 

Letter from a New England Man 299 

The Governor s Relations with the Indians 300 

Governor Moore and the St. Augustine Expedition .... 303 



Intolerance of the High Church Party; its Unwisdom . . . 305 

List of Proprietors 307 

Governor Archdale s Advice for the Colony 308 

Recent Signs of Prosperity ........ 310 


OLDMIXON, 1708 313 


Discovery of Carolina; Spanish Expeditions 317 

Settlements of the French in Florida 318 

Castell s Description of Carolina in 1644 321 

The Grant by King Charles II 322 

The Fundamental Constitutions; Government under them . . 324 

The Beginnings of Settlement; Sayle s Arrival 326 

The Form of Government 327 

Governors Yeamans and West 328 

The Blake Family; Governor Blake 330 

Governor Morton and his Parliament; Governors Kyrle and West . 332 

Lord Cardross s Settlement 333 

Governor Colleton and his Successors 333 

Governor Archdale; the Spaniards and the Indians .... 335 

Governor Blake; the Election of Governor Moore .... 338 

The St. Augustine Expedition 341 

Dissensions and Riots 345 

The Church Act of 1704 348 

The Remonstrance brought over by John Ash 349 

Rev. Edward Marston s Censures 351 

The Proprietors Reception of the Remonstrances .... 353 

The Appeal to the House of Lords 354 

Its Declaration against the Church Act 355 

Queen Anne annuls the Act 356 

New Elections for the Assembly 357 

Geographical Description of Carolina, its Climate .... 360 

The Northern Counties 361 

Charles Town 362 

The Southern Counties 366 

The Products and Commodities of the Province .... 368 

Recent Signs of Progress 371 

List of the Proprietors and Chief Officers . . . . . . 373 

INDEX , 375 


ISLAND OF JAMAICA," etc., 1672. From a copy of the original in 
the New York Public Library Frontispiece 



copy of the original in the Library of Congress 224 

Ramsay s "History of South Carolina," in the New York Public 
Library 364 



PRESUMING on the claim that the explorations of Sebas 
tian Cabot gave the British government sovereignty over that 
portion of North America lying between the 31st and 36th 
degrees of north latitude, Charles I., on October 30, 1629, 
granted it to his attorney-general, Sir Robert Heath, for 
the founding of a province. Sir Robert did nothing in the 
way of settling his territory, and for thirty years after the 
grant was made to him very few explorations were made in 
that country and very little was written about it. One con 
tribution to the subject, however, was a pamphlet published 
in London in 1651, containing an account by Edward Bland, 
Abraham Woode, Sackford Brewster, and Elias Pennant of 
an expedition made by them in August and September, 1650, 
into that part of the domain of Carolina next to Virginia, to 
which they gave the name New Britain. 

Bland was a merchant of Virginia and in this trading 
expedition among the Indians he realized that the Christian 
izing of the Indians and settling of the country would sooner 
advance the interests of the province of Virginia and the 
merchants and traders thereof. Upon his return he and 
his companions petitioned the Assembly of Virginia to be 
allowed to make discoveries to the southward and to estab 
lish settlements and have intercourse with the Indians there. 
The petition was granted on condition that Bland and his 
associates, in effecting the settlement, should secure them 
selves with a hundred able men sufficiently supplied with 
arms and ammunition. 

To advance their undertaking they resorted to the cus 
tomary plan of publishing a pamphlet designed to attract 


and interest prospective settlers. They gave an account of 
each day s movements, with their observations of the topog 
raphy, condition, and advantages of the country which they 
had journeyed over and to which they were now inviting 
settlers to come. This pamphlet, first printed in 1651, was 
reprinted at New York by Joseph Sabin in 1873. 


The Discovery of New Brittaine, Began August 27, Anno Dom. 
1650, by Edward Bland j Merchant, Abraham Woode, Cap- 
taine, Sackford Brewster, Ellas Pennant, Gentlemen. 

From Fort Henry, at the Head of Appamattuck River in Virginia, 
to the Fats of Blandina, first River in New Brittaine, which 
runneth West, being 120. Mile South-west, between 35. and 
37. degrees, (a pleasant Country), of temperate Ayre, and 
fertile Soyle. 

London, Printed by Thomas Harper for John Stephenson, at 
the Sun below Ludgate. M. DC. LI. 1 

To the Honorable, Sir John Danvers, Knight: 2 Great Favourer of 
the Westerne Plantations, and a Member of the Parliament 
of England. 
Noble Sir: 

THE great Incouragement that I have found from your 
Worthy selfe to propogate the Publique Affaires, as well 
Forraigne as Domestique, hath imbolned 3 mee to presume 
humbly to present this small Piece of the Discovery of the 
Westerne Part of Virginia, wherein you shall finde by the 
Industry of the Surveyors of that Part, the great Benefit 
that may accrew to the English Plantation; in regard of 
the many and severall Commodities that may thence arise, 
by reason of the fertility of the Soyle, Nature having pro 
vided so plentifully for all things, that with no extraordinary 
great Charge it may be effected, to the great Profit, and more 
Glory of this English Nation: And whereas your selfe hath 
beene, and still are a Chiefe Agent in that, and other Plan- 

1 Text of the title-page of the original. 

Sir John Danvers (1588-1655) had been a prominent member of the Vir 
ginia Company and in 1649 one of the regicide judges of Charles I. 
3 Emboldened. 



tations, so (under God) you may be a meanes for converting 
divers of those poor Indians to the Christian Faith. For 
the World doth take notice you observe the Orators saying; 
That you were not borne for your selfe, but for your Country: 
Which that you may ever doe, shall be the Prayer, 

Of your most humble servant, 

J. S. 

To the Reader. 

WHO ever thou art that desirest the Advancement of Gods 
glory by conversion of the Indians, the Augmentation of 
the English Common- wealth, in extending its liberties; I 
would advise thee to consider the present benefit and future 
profits that will arise in the wel set ling Virginia s Confines, 
especially that happy Country of New Brittaine, in the Lati 
tude of 35. and 37. degrees, of more temperate Clymate then l 
that the English now inhabite, abounding with great Rivers 
of long extent, and encompassing a great part, or most of 
Virginia s Continent; a place so easie to be settled in, in 
regard that Horse and Cattle in foure or five dayes may be 
conveyed for the benefit of Undertakers, and all inconven- 
iencies avoyded which commonly attend New Plantations, 
being supplied with necessaries from the Neighbourhood of 

That the Assembly of Virginia (as may be seene by their 
Order since my returne hereto procured) have conceived a 
hundred to be a sufficient force and competence for the estab 
lishment of that Country in which Tobacco will grow larger 
and more in quantity. Sugar Canes are supposed naturally 
to be there, or at least if implanted will undoubtedly flourish: 
For we brought with us thence extraordinary Canes of twenty- 
five foot long and six inches round ; there is also great store of 
fish, and the Inhabitants relate that there is plenty of Salt made 
to the sunne without art; Tobacco Pipes have beene seene 
among these Indians tipt with Silver, and they weare Copper 
Plates about their necks: They have two Crops of Indian 
Corne yearely, whereas Virginia hath but one. What I 

1 Than. 


write, is what I have proved; I cordially wish some more 
then private Spirits would take it into their consideration, so 
may it prove most advantagious to particular and publick 
ends; for which so prayeth, 

Your faithfull servant, 


October 20. 1650. By the Assembly. 1 

It is Ordered by the Grand Assembly, that according 
to the Petition of Mr. Edward Bland, Merchant, that he 
the sayd Bland, or any other be permitted to discover and 
seate to the Southward in any convenient place where they 
discover; and that according to his Petition for furthering his 
Designes hee bee permitted to have correspondence with 
the Indians, and also receive the benevolence of the well- 
affected, and use all lawfull meanes for effecting thereof, 
provided that they secure themselves in effecting the sayd 
Designe with a hundred able men sufficiently furnished with 
Armes and Munition. 

JOHN CoRKES, 2 Cler. Dom. Com. 

Sir Walter Rawleighs Observation on 35. degrees Latitude. 

Paradise was created a part of this Earth, and seated in 
the lower part of Eden or Mesopotamia, containing also a 
part of Shinar and Armenia; it stands 35 degrees from the 
Equinoctiall, and 55 from the North-pole, in a temperate 
Climate, full of excellent fruits, chiefely of Palme-trees with 
out labour; for whereinsoever the Earth, Nature, and the 
Sun can most vaunt that they have excelled, yet shall the 
Palme-tree be the greatest wonder of all their workes: This 
tree alone giveth unto man whatsoever his life beggeth at 
Natures hand. The like are also found both in the East 
and West-Indies as well as in Paradise, which Countries are 
also blessed with a perpetuall Spring and Summer, etc. Raw 
leighs Marrow of History, Page 42. 

1 Of Virginia. 

8 Properly, Corker. "Clericus Domus Communis " = Clerk of the House of 


By how much Adam exceeded all living men in perfection 
by being the immediate workmanship of God, by so much 
did that chosen, and particular Garden exceed all the parts 
of the Universall World in which God had planted the Trees 
of Life, and Knowledge, Plants onely proper, and belonging 
to the Paradise, and Garden, of so great a Lord. Ibid., p. 43. 


August 27. 1650. The Right Honorable Sir W. Berkly, 1 
Kt. being Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia, Edw. 
Bland Merch. Abraham Wood Capt. Elias Ponnant 2 and 
Sackford Brewster Gent, foure Men, and one Indian named 
Pyancha, an Appamattuck for our Guide, with two servants, 
foure Horses and Provision, advanced from Fort Henry, lying 
on Appamattuck River at the fals, 3 being a branch of James 
River, intending a South westerne Discovery. 

This day wee passed over a branch 4 belonging to Black- 
water lake, running South east into Chawan River; at that 
place wee were forced to unlade our Carriages by reason of 
the great raines lately fallen, which otherwise is very pass 
able for foot, being firm gravelly ground in the bottome, and 
lieth from Fort Henry 20. miles, and some 12. miles from 
this place we travelled unto a deepe River called the Nottaway 
Creeke some 100. paces over sandy bottomes (and with a 
little labour may be made passeable) unto a Nottaway Town 
lying some two miles from the River. Hither we came within 
night, and by reason of our suddaine approach and hallowing 
of Robert Farmer servant to Mr. Bland, the Inhabitants ran 
all away into the Woods, with their Women and Children; 
therefore by us it was named Farmers Chase. After our 
arrivall there within a small space of time one Indian man 
appeared, and finding of us peaceable, and the white flag 
bore before us by our Guide whom they knew, he made a 
hallow, and the rest came in from their sculking holes like 

1 This is not the proper spelling, Berkeley being the way that Sir William 
himself and his brother, John, Lord Berkeley, spelled the name. 
9 Pennant. * Now Petersburg, Virginia. 

* Presumably Stony Creek. 


so many timerous Hares, and shewed us what curtesie they 
could. About two houres after came to us Oyeocker elder 
brother to Chounterounte of the Nottaway Kings, who told 
us that his brother Chounterounte, and other of the Nottaway 
Kings would come to us next day by Noone, and that the 
day before Chounterounte and all his men had been a hunting, 
and it hapned that Chounterounte had shot one of his brothers 
in the leg, and that thereupon he was gone downewards. We 
stayed untill next day at Noone but he came not, and then 
we journyed unto the Towne belonging unto Oyeocker, who 
kindly invited us thither, and told us he thought that Choun 
terounte would meet us there, and also of his owne accord 
proffered us to be our guide withersoever we went. The Land 
generally to this Towne is Champion, very rich, and the 
Towne scituate in a rich levell, well timbered, watered, and 
very convenient for Hogs and Cattle. 

August 28. We journied with our new entertained Guide 
Oyeocker, lying betweene South, and South and by West, 
from the first Towne upon a very rich levell of Land : sixteen 
miles from this place we came unto the River Penna Mount, 
being another branch of Chawan River eight miles on the 
South side it hath very rich Land and Corn-fields on both 
sides the River, and is about 200. paces wide, and runs out 
with elbowes: at the place of our passage over this River to 
this second Towne is shallow upon a Sandy Point, and with 
a very little labour may be made passeable both for foot and 
horse, or any Carriage by Land, or pentater with small Boats, 
and some two miles higher there is a sound passage no deeper 
then a mans anckle: Within night came Chounterounte unto 
our Quarters frowning, and with a countenance noting much 
discontent, downe he sets, and lookes about him, salutes the 
English with a scornefull posture, and then our Appamattack 
Guide, and tels him, I am sorry for thee friend, thou wilt 
be knockt on the head; after this some pause was made 
before any discourse, expecting the English would begin, but 
finding us slow, he thus spake: There was a Wainoake Indian 
told him that there was an Englishman a Cockarous * hard 
by Captaine Floods, gave this Indian Bells, and other petty 
truck to lay downe to the Tuskarood 2 King, and would 

1 Ind. cawcawaassough, adviser. Tuscarora. 


have hired him to have gone with him, but the Wainoakes 
being doubtfull what to doe, went to Captaine Flood for 
advice, who advised them not to go, for that the Governour 
would give no licence to go thither; heere upon Chounter- 
ounte was by us questioned, when and who it was that had 
told him so, and if he did know that Wainoake Indian, to 
which he answered doubtfully, and demanded of us whither 
we did intend to go; we told him the Tuskarood King had 
envited us to trade, and our Governour had ordered us to 
go, and speake with an Englishman amongst them, and to 
enquire for an English woman cast away long since, and was 
amongst those Nations. Chounterounte perswaded us to go 
no further, alleadging there was no English there, that the 
way was long, for passage very bad by reason of much raine 
that had lately fallen, and many rotten Marrishes and Swampps 
there was to passe over, in fine we found him, and all his 
men very unwilling we should go any further; but we told 
them, that let the waies and passages be never so bad, we 
were resolved to go through, and that we were not afraid 
of him nor his Nation, nor any other, for we intended no 
injury, and that we must go, for we were commanded by our 
King; these words caused Chounterounte to assimulate a 
feare in his countenance, and after delivery of himselfe, at 
our going away next day, when we had mounted our Horses, 
Chounterounte came privately unto us, and in a most serious 
manner intimating unto us, that he loved us, and our Nation, 
and that he lively apprehended our danger, and that our 
safety concerned him, for if any accident hapned otherwise 
then good to us, he should be suspected to have a hand in it, 
and withall wished us to go no further, for that he certainly 
knew that the Nations we were to go through would make 
us away by treachery; we answered him, that we were not 
afraid to be killed, for that any one of us were able to deale 
with forty through the protection of our great God, for we 
were commanded by our King. 

August 29. We travelled from this second Town to 
Maharineck, 1 eight miles upon barren Champion Lands, 
and six miles further is a branch that runnes South west, 

1 The town of the Meherrin Indians, an Iroquoian tribe living on Meherrin 


with rich Lands upon it; and from thence some six miles 
further, is a Brooke some hundred paces over, and runnes 
South and a little to the West, on both sides of the Creek: 
for fowre miles or thereabouts, is very rich Lands, well Tim 
bered and Watered, and large dry Meadowes, South and by 
West: From this Creeke is another, some eight miles off, 
that opens it selfe into divers small Guts, made by the inun 
dation of Freshes of Waters; and the passage lies some two 
hundred paces from the Path, and this Creek is some ten 
miles from Maharinecke Towne, and was by us named New- 
combs Forrest. It was night when we entred into Mahar- 
ineck, where we found a House ready made for us of Matts; 
and Corne stalkes layd in severall places for our Horses, the 
Inhabitants standing, according to their custome, to greet 
us: and after some discourse with their Werrowance, 1 a Youth, 
to whom wee presented severall gifts, we certified them the 
cause of our comming was to Trade in way of friendship, and 
desired the great men that what Wares or Skins the Town 
did afford, might be brought to our Quarters next morning; 
and also a measure for Roanoak, 2 which they promised should 
be done, and so left us to our selves a while, untill wee had 
refreshed our selves with such provisions as they had set 
before us, in most plentifull maner; and afterwards the 
great men and Inhabitants came, and performed divers Cere 
monies, and Dancings before us, as they used to doe to their 
great Emperour Apachancano, 3 when they entertain him 
in most solemne maner and friendship. 

August 30. Being wearied with our last dayes travell, 
we continued at Maharineck, and this day spake with a 
Tuskarood Indian, who told us that the Englishman was a 
great way off at the further Tuskarood Towne, and wee 
hired this Tuskarood Indian to run before, and tell his Wer 
rowance wee intended to lay him downe a present at Hoco- 
mowananck, and desired to have him meete us there, and also 
wrote to that effect to the Englishman in English, Latine, 
Spanish, French and Dutch, the Tuskarood promised in three 
dayes to meete us at Hocomawananck. In the afternoone 
came two Indians to our Quarters, one of whom the Mahar- 

1 Chieftain. a Wampum. 

3 Opechancanough, Powhatan s brother and successor. 


inecks told us was the Werrowance of Hocomawnanck River, 
seemed very joyfull that wee could goe thither, and told us 
the Tuskarood would have come to us to trade, but that 
the Wainoakes had spoken much to dishearten them from 
having any trade with the English, and that they intended 
divers times to have come in, but were afraid, for the Wain 
oakes had told them that the English would kill them, or 
detaine them, and would not let them goe without a great 
heape of Roanoake middle high, to which we answered that 
the Wainoakes durst not affirme any such thing to our faces, 
and that they had likewise spoken much against the Tuska 
rood to the English, it being a common thing amongst them 
to villefie one another, and tell nothing but lies to the Eng 

This day in the morning the Maharineck great men spake 
to heare some of our guns go off: Whereupon we shot two 
guns at a small marke, both hitting it, and at so great a dis 
tance of a hundred paces, or more, that the Indians admired 
at it: And a little before night the old King Maharineck 
came to us, and told us, that the people in the Towne were 
afraid when the guns went off, and ran all away into the 
Woods. This night also we had much Dancing. 

August 31. Wee went away from Maharineck South East 
two miles to goe over Maharineck River, which hath a bottome 
betweene two high land sides through which you must passe 
to get over, which River is about two hundred paces broad, 
and hath a high water marke after a fresh of at least twenty 
foot perpendicular by the trees in the breaches betweene the 
River, and the high land of the old fields. This River is the 
Southerly last and maine branch of Chawan River, and was 
by us named Woodford River, 1 and runs to the Eastward 
of the South. On both sides of Woodford River is very 
much exceeding rich Land, but especially on the further 
side towards Hocomawananck. /Imediately after the passage 
over this River, are old Indian fields of exceeding rich Land, 
that beare two Crops of Indian Corne a yeare, and hath timber 
trees above five foot over, whose truncks are a hundred foot 
in cleare timber, which will make twenty Cuts of Board 
timber a piece, and of these there is abundance. 

1 Now called the Mehemn. 


As also exceeding rich Land, full of great Reeds thrice as 
big as the largest Arrow Reeds we have about our Plantations; 
this good Land continues for some six miles together unto a 
great Swampp, and then begins a pyny barren Champion 
Land with divers Branches and Pecosans, yet very passeable, 
running South and by West unto a deepe River some a hun 
dred paces over, running South, and a little to the East, 
which River incloses a small Island which wee named Brew- 
sters Island, some eighteene miles from Woodford River due 
South, and by West, with very exceeding rich Land on both 
side of it for some sixe miles together, and this River we 
also named Brewsters River, it being the first branch of 
Hocomawananck River: 1 and a little lower downe as the River 
runs, is such another River as Chickahamine River (which 
is a mile broad.) 

After we had passed over this River we travelled some 
twenty miles further upon a pyny barren Champion Land 
to Hocomawananck River, South, and by West: some twelve 
miles- from Brewsters River we came unto a path running 
crosse some twenty yards on each side unto two remarkeable 
Trees; at this path our Appamattuck Guide made a stop, 
and cleared the Westerly end of the path with his foote, 
being demanded the meaning of it, he shewed an unwillingnesse 
to relate it, sighing very much: Whereupon we made a stop 
untill Oyeocker our other Guide came up, and then our Ap 
pamattuck Guide journied on; but Oyeocker at his comming 
up cleared the other end of the path, and prepared himselfe 
in a most serious manner to require our attentions, and told 
us that many yeares since their late great Emperour Appa- 
chancano came thither to make a War upon the Tuskarood, 
in revenge of three of his men killed, and one wounded, who 
escaped, and brought him word of the other three murthered 
by the Hocomawananck Indians for lucre of the Roanoake 
they brought with them to trade for Otter skins. There 
accompanyed Appachancano severall petty Kings that were 
under him, amongst which there was one King of a Towne 
called Pawhatan, which had long time harboured a grudge 
against the King of Chawan, about a yong woman that the 

Roanoke River. The explorers apparently went to its mouth and then 


King of Chawan had detayned of the King of Pawhatan: 
Now it hapned that the King of Chawan was invited by the 
King of Pawhatan to this place under pretence to present 
him with a Guift of some great vallew, and there they met 
accordingly, and the King of Pawhatan went to salute and 
embrace the King of Chawan, and stroaking of him after 
their usuall manner, he whipt a bow string about the King 
of Chawans neck, and strangled him; and how that in me- 
moriall of this, the path is continued unto this day, and the 
friends of the Pawhatans when they passe that way, cleanse 
the Westerly end of the path, and the friends of the Chawans 
the other. And some two miles from this path we came 
unto an Indian Grave upon the East side of the path: Upon 
this Grave there lay a great heape of sticks covered with 
greene boughs, we demanded the reason of it, Oyeocker told 
us, that there lay a great man of the Chawans that dyed 
in the same quarrell, and in honour of his memory they con 
tinue greene boughs over his Grave to this day; and ever 
when they goe forth to Warre they relate his, and other 
valorous, loyall Acts, to their yong men, to annimate them to 
doe the like when occasion requires. Some foure miles from 
Hocomawananck is very rich Champian Land: It was night 
when we came to Hocomawananck River and the Indian 
that came with us from Woodford River, and belonged to 
Hocomawananck, would have had us quartered upon the 
side of a great Swampp that had the advantage of severall 
bottomes of the Swampp on both sides of us, but we removed 
to take our advantage for safety, and retreate, in case any 
accident should happen, which at that time promised noth 
ing but danger, for our Guides began to be doubtfull, and 
told us, that the Hocomawananck Indians were very treacher 
ous, and that they did not like the countenances, and shape 
well; this place we named Pyanchas Parke: about three 
houres after we had taken up our Quarters, some of the In 
habitants came, and brought us roasting ears, and Sturgeon, 
and the Hocomawananck Indian that came with us from, 
Woodford River, came not unto us untill next day, but his 
Warrowance told us before wee came from Woodford, hee 
could not come untill that day at night. The next day 
morning after our comming to Hocomawananck the Inhabi- 


tants seemed to prepare us a house: But we about eight of 
the clock set forward to goe view the place where they killed 
Sturgeon, which was some six miles from the place where we 
quartered by Pyanchas Parke, where there is a River running 
very deep South, exceeding deepe, and foure hundred paces 
broad. The high water marke of this River between both 
sides of the River perpendicular, from the top of the Banck to 
the River, is forty five foot upon a fresh; this River was 
by us named Blandina River: from Pyanchas Parke to the 
place where they kill Sturgeon is six miles up the River run 
ning Northerly, and all exceeding rich Land: Both upwards 
and downewards upon the River, at this place where they 
kill Sturgeon are also the Falls, and at the foot of these Falls 
also lies two Islands in a great Bay, the uppermost whereof 
Mr. Blande named Charles Island, and the lowermost Cap- 
taine Wood named Berkeley Island: on the further side of 
these Islands the Bay runs navigable by the two Islands sides : 
Charles Island is three miles broad, and foure miles long, 
and Berkeley Island almost as big, both in a manner impreg 
nable by nature, being fortified with high Clefts of Rocky 
Stone, and hardly passeable, without a way cut through 
them, and consists all of exceeding rich Land, and cleare 
fields, wherein growes Canes of a foot about, and of one yeares 
growth Canes that a reasonable hand can hardly span; and 
the Indians told us they were very sweet, and that at some 
time of the yeare they did suck them, and eate them, and 
of those we brought some away with us. The Land over 
against Charles Island we named Blands Discovery, and the 
Land over against Berkeley Island we named Woods journy, 
and at the lower end of Charles Island lies a Bay due South 
from the said Island, so spatious that we could not see the 
other side of it: this bay we called Pennants Bay and in 
the River between Charles Island, and the maine Land lies 
a Rocky Point in the River, which Point comes out of Charles 
Island, and runs into the middle of the River: this Point 
we named Brewsters Point, and at this Point only, and no 
other is there any place passeable into Charles Island, and 
this Brewsters Point runs not quite from Charles Island 
to the maine Land, but when you come off the maine Land 
to the Rivers side, you must wade about fifty paces to come 


upon the Point, and if you misse the Point on either side, 
up or downe the River, you must swim, and the River runs 
very swift. Some three miles from the River side over 
against Charles Island is a place of severall great heapes of 
bones, and heere the Indian belonging to Blandina River 
that went along with us at the Fals, sat downe, and seemed 
to be much discontented, insomuch that he shed teares; we 
demanded why those bones were piled up so curiously? Oye- 
ocker told us, that at this place Appachancano one morning 
with 400. men treacherously slew 240. of the Blandina River 
Indians in revenge of three great men slaine by them, and 
the place we named Golgotha; as we were going to Blandina 
river we spake to Oyeocker our Guide to lead us the way, 
and he would not; but asked our Appamattuck Guide why 
we did not get us gone, for the Inhabitants were jealous of 
us, and angry with us, and that the Runner we sent to the 
Tuskarood would not come at the day appointed, nor his 
King, but ran another way, and told the Indians that we 
came to cut them off; whereupon our Appamattuck Guide 
stepped forth, and frowning said, come along, we will go 
to see the Falls, and so led the way, and also told us that 
the Woodford Indians lied, and that Indian that came to us, 
which the Woodford Indian said was the King of Blandina 
River, was not the Werrowance of Blandina River; where 
upon we resolved to return (having named the whole Con 
tinent New Brittaine) another way into our old path that 
led to Brewsters River, and shot off no guns because of making 
a commotion, adding to the Natives feares. At Blandina 
River we had some discourse with our Appamattuck Guide 
concerning that River, who told us that that branch of Blan 
dina River ran a great way up into the Country; and that 
about three dayes journy further to the South- West, there 
was a far greater Branch so broad that a man could hardly 
see over it, and bended it selfe to the Northward above the 
head of James River unto the foot of the great Mountaines, 
on which River there lived many people upwards, being the 
Occonacheans and the Nessoneicks, and that where some of 
the Occonacheans lived, there is an Island within the River 
three dayes journy about, which is of a very rich and fertile 
soile, and that the upper end of the Island is fordable, not 


above knee deepe, of a stony bottome, running very swift, 
and the other side very deepe and navigable: Also we found 
many of the people of Blandina River to have beards, and 
both there, and at Woodford River we saw many very old 
men, and that the Climate according to our opinions was 
far more temperate then ours of Virginia, and the Inhabi 
tants full of Children; they also told us that at the bottome 
of the River was great heapes of Salt; and we saw among 
them Copper, and were informed that they tip their pipes 
with silver, of which some have been brought into this Coun 
try, and tis very probable that there may be Gold, and other 
Mettals amongst the hils. 

September 1. About noone from Woods Journey wee 
travelled some sixe miles North East, unto the old Path that 
leads to Brewsters River: within night we quartered on the 
other side of it, and kept good watch: this Path runnes from 
Woods Journey north and by East, and due North. 

September 2. In the morning about eight of the clocke, 
as every one was mounted, came to our quarters Occonnos- 
quay, sonne to the Tuskarood King, and another Indian 
whom he told was a Werrowance, and his Kinseman, with 
the Runner which wee had sent to the Tuskarood King, who 
was to meet us at Blandina that night; the Kings sonne told 
us that the English man would be at his house that night, 
a great way off; and would have had us gone backe with 
him, but we would not, and appointed him to meete us at 
Woodford River where hee came not, wee having some sus- 
pition that hee came from Woodford River that night, and 
that our Runner had not beene where we had sent him, 
through some information of our Nottaway guide, which 
afterwards proved true, by the Relation of the Werrowance 
of Blandina River, whom about fowre howres after wee had 
parted with the Kings son, wee met on the way comming from 
Woodford River with a company of men, thinking he should 
have found us at Blandina River that night, according to his 
order and promise; with whom falling into discourse, he 
told us that the King of the Tuskaroods son, and our Runner 
were the night before at Woodford River; but the Kings 
son told us he came from Blandina River, and beyond, and 
hearing wee were gone before he came, he had travelled all 


night from Blandina River to overtake us. This day about 
Noone we came to Woodford River Towne, and tarried there 
that night, we found the old Werrowance, and all his great 
men gone, yet had courteous quarter; but not without great 
grounds of suspition, and signes that they were angry at us: 
at our coming back to Woodford River we had information 
that some Spies of Wainoake had been there a little before 
we came, and that the King of Wainoake and Chounterounte 
had sent Runners to all the Nations thereabouts, informing 
them that the English were come to cut them off, which we 
supposed to be some greater Politicians then Indian Con 
sultations, who had some private ends to themselves, and 
minded nothing lesse then a publick good; for we found that 
the Runner whom we imployed to carry our message to the 
Tuskarood King, ran to the Waynoakes, and he whom the 
Woodford Indians told us was the Werrowance of Blandina 
River, was a Woodford Indian, and no Werrowance, but 
done of purpose to get something out of us, and we had infor 
mation that at that time there were other English amongst 
the Indians. 

September 3. By breake of day we journied from Wood- 
ford River to a path some eight miles above Pennants Mount 
running North, and by East and North, North, East, which 
was done by the advice of our Appamattuck Guide, who 
told us that he was informed that some plots might be acted 
against us, if we returned the way that we came, for we told 
Chounterounte we would returne the same way againe: 
And this information our Guide told us he had from a woman 
that was his Sweet-heart belonging to Woodford River. 
This day we passed over very much rich, red, fat, marie 
Land, betweene Woodford River Towne, and the head of 
Pennants Mount, with divers Indian fields; the head of 
which River abounds much with great Rocks of Stone, and 
is two hundred paces over, and hath a small Island in it 
named Sackfords Island. Betweene Pennants Mount River 
head, and the head of Farmers Chase River is very much 
exceeding rich, red, fat, marie land, and Nottaway and Schock- 
oores old fields, for a matter of sixe miles together all the 
trees are blowne up or dead: Heere it began to raine, and 
some six miles further we tooke up our quarters, and it proved 


a very wet night. At the first other Nottaway old fields, 
we found the Inhabitants much perplexed about a gun that 
went off to the Westward of them, the night before wee came 
thither, which our Appamattuck Guide conceived were the 
Wainoake Spies, set out there to prevent our Journyings, and 
we found severall Agers about the place where the Indians told 
us the gun went off. 

Septemb. 4. About 8 of the Clock we travelled North 
North-East some six miles, unto the head of Farmers Chase 
River, where we were forced to swimm our horses over, by 
reason of the great rain that fell that night, which other 
wise with a little labour may be made very passable. At 
this place is very great Rocky stones, fit to make Mill-stones, 
with very rich tracts of Land, and in some places between 
the head of Farmers Chase River and Black water Lake, 
is ground that gives very probable proofe of an Iron, or some 
other rich Mine. Some sixteen miles from Farmers Chase, 
North, and by East, and North, North-East, lies Black water 
Lake, which hath very much rich land about it, and with 
little labour will be made very passable. From Black Water 
Lake we did travell to the old fields of Manks Nessoneicks, 
and from thence some 12 miles N. N. East we came unto 
Fort Henry about the close of the Evening, all well and in 
good health, notwithstanding from the time we had spoken 
with Chounterounte at Pennants Mount, we every night 
kept a strickt watch, having our Swords girt, and our Guns 
and Pistols by us, for the Indians every night where we lay, 
kept a strict guard upon us. 

The Discoverers, viz. 

Mr. Edward Blande, Merchant. 

Abraham Wood, Captaine. 
Mr. Elias Pennant. 
Mr. Sackford Brewster. 

Robert Farmer, Servant to Mr. Blande. 

Henry Newcombe, Servant to Captaine Wood. 
G des \ Oy eoc ker, a Nottaway Werrowance. 

* ( Pyancha, an Appamattuck War Captaine. 



BEGINNING with the second half of the seventeenth cen 
tury, information about the province of Carolina, which 
Charles I. had founded in October, 1629, when he granted 
all of the territory between the 31st and 36th degrees of 
north latitude to Sir Robert Heath for a province to be known 
as Carolina, was acquired and distributed by voyagers and 
explorers with more frequency than had been the case in 
the preceding years. Following the appearance of Edward 
Eland s Discovery of New Brittaine in 1651, came a letter 
from Francis Yeardley, of Virginia, to John Ferrar, Esq., of 
Little Gidding in Huntingdonshire, England, who had been a 
prominent member, and for a time deputy treasurer, of the 
Virginia Company. The letter, dated May 8, 1654, gives a 
narrative of several excursions into that part of Carolina 
adjacent to Virginia by some of his employees and neighbors. 

Francis Yeardley, the author of this narrative, was the 
son of Sir George Yeardley, who had been thrice (161 6-1 61 7, 
1618-1621, and 1626-1627) governor of Virginia. He was 
born in Virginia about 1622, being one of three children, 
the other two being a brother, Argall, born about 1620, and 
a sister, Elizabeth, born about 1618. 1 Upon reaching man 
hood he became quite prominent in the affairs of Virginia, 
being for some time a colonel of militia and in 1653 a member 
of the House of Burgesses for Lower Norfolk. 2 About this 
time chance brought him into possession of the information 
contained in his letter, and his philanthropic nature induced 

1 J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Persons . . . who went from Great Britain 
to the American Plantations, 1600-1700, p. 222. 

a W. G. Stanard, Virginia Colonial Register (Boston, 1900), p. 70. 



him to transmit it to Mr. Ferrar in the hope that it might 
be a means of advancing interest in the territory known 
as Carolina and at the same time bringing about a better 
ment of the Indians in that quarter. The letter was printed 
in 1742 in the State Papers of John Thurloe, II. 273-274. 


VIRGINIA, LINNE-HAVEN, this 8 th May, 1654. 

MY brother Argol Yardley hath received many letters 
from you, with animadversions and instructions to encourage 
him in the prosecution of better designs than that of tobacco, 
but myself never any: yet the honour I bear you, for your 
fervent affections to this my native country, commands me 
in some measure to give you an account of what the Lord 
hath in short time brought to light, by the means of so weak 
a minister as myself; namely, an ample discovery of South 
Virginia or Carolina, the which we find a most fertile, gallant, 
rich soil, flourishing in all the abundance of nature, especially 
in the rich mulberry and vine, a serene air, and temperate 
clime, and experimentally rich in precious minerals; and 
lastly, I may say, parallel with any place for rich land, and 
stately timber of all sorts; a place indeed unacquainted with 
our Virginia s nipping frosts, no winter, or very little cold 
to be found there. Thus much for the country; the manner 
and means in the discovery follows: In September last, a 
young man, a trader for beavers, being bound out to the 
adjacent parts to trade, by accident his sloop left him; and 
he, supposing she had been gone to Rhoanoke, hired a 
small boat, and with one of his company left with him came 
to crave my licence to go to look after his sloop, and sought 
some relief of provisions of me; the which granting, he set 
forth with three more in company, one being of my family, 
the others were my neighbours. They entered in at Cara- 
toke/ ten leagues to the southward of Cape Henry, and so 
went to Rhoanoke island; where, or near thereabouts, they 
found the great commander of those parts with his Indians a 

1 Currituck Inlet. 


hunting, who received them civilly, and shewed them the 
ruins of Sir Walter Ralegh s fort, from whence I received a 
sure token of their being there. After some days spent to 
and fro in the country, the young man the interpreter pre 
vailed with the great man, and his war-captains, and a great 
man of another province, and some other Indians, to come 
in and make their peace with the English, which they will 
ingly condescended 1 unto; and for the favour and relief I 
extended to the interpreter in his necessity, in gratitude he 
brought them to me at my house, where they abode a week, 
and shewed much civility of behaviour. In the interim of 
which time, hearing and seeing the children read and write, 
of his own free voluntary motion he asked me, (after a most 
solid pause, we two being alone), whether I would take his 
only son, having but one, and teach him to do as our children, 
namely in his terms, to speak out of the book, and to make a 
writing; which motion I most heartily embraced; and with 
expressions of love, and many presents, crediting with cloaths, 
dismissed him. At his departure he expressed himself desirous 
to serve that God the Englishmen served, and that his child 
might be so brought up; promising to bring him in to me in 
four moons, in which space my occasions calling me to Mary 
land, he came once himself, and sent twice to know, if I was 
returned, that he might bring his child; but in my absence, 
some people, supposing I had great gains by commerce with 
him, murmured, and carried themselves uncivilly towards 
them, forbidding their coming in any more; and by some 
over-busy justices of the place, (my wife having brought 
him to church in the congregation), after sermon, threatened 
to whip him, and send him away. The great man was very 
much afraid, and much appalled; but my wife kept him in 
her hand by her side, and confidently and constantly on my 
behalf resisted their threatenings, till they publickly protested 
against me for bringing them in; but she worthily engaged 
my whole fortunes for any damage should arise by or from 
them, till my return; which falling out presently after, I 
having by the way taken my brother in with me for the 
better prosecution of so noble a design, immediately I dis 
patched away a boat with six hands, one being a carpenter, to 

1 In the sense of "agreed." 


build the king an English house, my promise at his coming 
first, being to comply in that matter. I sent 200 I. sterling 
in trust, to purchase and pay for what land they should like, 
the which in little time they effected, and purchased, and 
paid for three great rivers, and also all such others as they 
should like of southerly; and in solemn manner took posses 
sion of the country, in the name, and on the behalf, of the 
commonwealth of England ; and actual possession was solemnly 
given them by the great commander, and all the great men of 
the rest of the provinces, in delivering them a turf of the earth 
with an arrow shot into it; and so the Indians totally left 
the lands and rivers to us, retiring to a new habitation, where 
our people built the great commander a fair house, the which 
I am to furnish with English utensils and chattels. In the 
interim, whilst the house was building for the great em 
peror of Rhoanoke, he undertook with some of his Indians, 
to bring some of our men to the emperor of the Tuskarorawes, 
and to that purpose sent embassadors before, and with two of 
our company set forth and travelled within two days journey 
of the place, where at a hunting quarter the Tuskarorawes 
emperor, with 250 of his men, met our company, and received 
them courteously; and after some days spent, desired them 
to go to his chief town, where he told them was one Spaniard 
residing, who had been seven years with them, a man very 
rich, having about thirty in family, seven whereof are negroes; 
and he had one more negro, leiger * with a great nation called 
the Newxes. He is sometimes, they say, gone from thence a 
pretty while. Our people had gone, but that the interpreter 
with overtra veiling himself fell sick; yet the Tuskarorawe 
proffered him, if he would go, he would in three days journey 
bring him to a great salt sea, and to places where they had 
copper out of the ground, the art of refining which they have 
perfectly; for our people saw much amongst them, and some 
plates of a foot square. There was one Indian had two 
beads of gold in his ears, big as rounceval peas; and they 
said, there was much of that not far off. These allurements 
had drawn them thither, but for the interpreter s weakness, 
and the war, that was between a great nation called the 
Cacores, a very little people in stature, not exceeding youths 

1 Resident. 


of thirteen or fourteen years, but extremely valiant and 
fierce in fight, and above belief swift in retirement and flight, 
whereby they resist the puissance of this potent, rich, and 
numerous people. There is another great nation by these, 
called the Haynokes, who valiantly resist the Spaniards fur 
ther northern attempts. The Tuskarorawe told them, the 
way to the sea was a plain road, much travelled for salt and 
copper; the salt is made by the sea itself, and some of it 
brought in to me. After the Tuskarorawe could not prevail, 
but our people would return, he sent his only son with a 
great man his tutor, and another great man, and some other 
attendance with them; and when they came to the rest of 
our company, the house being done and finished, the Rowanoke 
with the Tuskororawe prince, and sundry other kings of the 
provinces, in all some forty-five in company, together with 
our six men, on May-day last arrived at my house. The 
Rowanoke brought his wife with him, and his son, to be 
baptized. It fell out happily, that my brother and many 
other friends were met at my house. The only present brought 
us was the turf of earth with the arrow shot into it, which 
was again solemnly delivered unto me, and received by me, 
in the name, and on the behalf, of the commonwealth of 
England, to whom we really tender the sure possession of 
this rich and flourishing place; hoping only, that our own 
properties and our pains will not be forgotten. There is no 
man hath been at a penny charge but myself, and it hath 
already cost me 300 I. and upwards; and were my estate 
able, I should hope to give a better account of my well-wishes 
to a general good. My hopes are, I shall not want assistance 
from good patriots, either by their good words or purses. 
Tuesday the third of May, the Rowanoke presented his child 
to the minister before the congregation to be baptized, which 
was solemnly performed in presence of all the Indians, and 
the child left with me to be bred up a Christian, which God 
grant him grace to become ! At their departure, we appointed 
a further discovery by sea and land, to begin the first of 
July next. God guide us to his glory, and England s and 
Virginia s honour! 

Sir, if you think good to acquaint the states with what 
is done by two Virginians born, you will honour our country. 


I have at this instant no present worthy your acceptance, 
but an arrow that came from the Indians inhabiting on 
the South-sea, the which we purpose, God willing, to see this 
summer, non obstante periculo. I am lastly, Sir, a suitor to 
you, for some silk-worms eggs, and materials for the making 
of silk, and what other good fruits, or roots, or plants, may 
be proper for such a country. Above all, my desire is to 
the olive, some trees of which could we procure, would rejoice 
me; for wine we cannot want with industry. Thus desiring 
to kiss your hands, with the fair hands of my virtuous coun 
try-woman, the worthily to be honoured Mrs. Virginia Farrar, 1 
I humbly take leave, and ever remain, Sir, 

Your true honourer, and affectionate 
servant to be commanded, 


For the worshipfull John Farrar, Esq; at his mannor of Little 
Gidding in Huntingdonshire. 

1 Daughter of John Ferrar. "Mrs." was in the seventeenth century used of 
unmarried ladies. A map of Virginia by her is reproduced in Winsor s Narra 
tive and Critical History of America, III. 465. 



ON March 20, 1662/3, King Charles by letters patent 
granted to eight Proprietors the Earl of Clarendon, the 
Duke of Albemarle, Lord Craven, Lord Berkeley, Lord Ashley 
(afterward Earl of Shaftesbury), Sir George Carteret, Sir Will 
iam Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton a province to be called 
Carolina, extending from latitude 31 to 36 N. and from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific. In this province the Proprietors 
were to have the right to institute government, to appoint 
officers, and, with the assistance of the freemen, to make 
laws. By a new charter of June 30, 1665, the bounds of the 
province were extended to run from 29 to 36 30 N. 

About the time when the first charter was granted, Captain 
William Hilton, of the island of Barbados, already a populous 
and important colony, made a voyage to the coast of what 
is now North Carolina and, upon his return, gave a favorable 
account of the country about the Charles (Cape Fear) River, 
Some New Englanders who had previously been sent to settle 
at Cape Fear to raise cattle departed about this time and made 
contrary reports as to the condition of the country. In con 
sequence of these reports many citizens of Barbados united 
and sent out a second expedition under Captain Hilton, as 
commander and commissioner, Captain Anthony Long, and 
Peter Fabian, to explore the coast of Carolina southward 
from Cape Fear to latitude 31 north. The expedition sailed 
from Spikes (Speights) Bay August 10, 1663, in the ship 
Adventure. On August 12 the " Ad venturers," as the pro 
moters of the expedition were called, addressed to the Lords 

Proprietors a petition requesting that these Barbadian advent- 



urers, some two hundred in number, might be permitted to 
purchase from the Indians and hold under the Proprietors a 
tract of a thousand square miles in Carolina, to be called the 
Corporation of the Barbados Adventurers, and that they might 
have certain powers of self-government. 1 Their agents, Thomas 
Modyford and Peter Colleton, suggested that these powers 
might be like those of a municipal corporation in England, 
e. g., Exeter. 

To the petition of the adventurers the Proprietors an 
swered on September 9, stating that they had " given direc 
tions to Col. Modyford and Peter Colleton, to treat with them 
concerning the premises, not receding from the substance of 
their declaration." 2 

In the meantime Hilton s expedition reached the coast of 
Carolina August 26, 1663, and explored the coast of what 
is now South Carolina from the Combahee River southward 
to Port Royal, sailing up the Combahee about six leagues 
and also entering the great harbor of Port Royal. 

While in that quarter they rescued several Englishmen 
who had been shipwrecked near there some time previously, 
had reached land at that point, and had fallen into the hands 
of the Indians. The Spaniards at St. Augustine had heard of 
the peril these shipwrecked Englishmen were in and had sent 
a party to aid them, but Hilton arriving at a propitious moment 
they readily relinquished their undertaking to the Englishman. 

Hilton next sailed to the coast of what is now North 
Carolina and explored the country in and about the Cape 
Fear River. He and his associates then returned to Bar 
bados and wrote an account of their explorations. Shortly 

1 Colonial Entry Book no. 20 (MS.), Public Record Office, London, 10-11; 
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, p. 153; Colonial Records of North 
Carolina, I. 39-42; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 10-11. 

a Colonial Entry Book no. 20, 12-13; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 
1661-1668, pp. 161-162; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 
V. 16-18. 


thereafter Modyford and Colleton, representing the Lords 
Proprietors, presented a set of proposals for the encourage 
ment of settlers for the territory " Southwards or Westwards 
of Cape Romana in the Province of Carolina." The narrative 
of the explorers and the proposals of the agents of the Lords 
Proprietors were printed in London in 1664. The favorable 
account given by Hilton and his associates, and the liberal 
inducements offered to settlers by the agents of the Proprietors 
in their proposals, induced many settlers to go to South Caro 
lina a few years later, and the early records of the province 
show that the terms of the proposals were faithfully kept 
toward those who settled in the territory prescribed during 
the time specified. 

Under the terms of the proposals every subscriber to the 
expedition fund who had paid, or should pay within two 
months after the date of the proposals, and every subscriber 
to the public stock, was entitled to five hundred acres of 
land for every thousand pounds of sugar subscribed. 

The adventurers elected treasurers for their fund, and a 
certificate from one of the treasurers acknowledging the 
receipt of a contribution was subsequently recognized as 
sufficient basis for the granting of the prescribed amount of 
land to the contributor presenting such certificate. 

Hilton s expedition was of great assistance to the Lords 
Proprietors of Carolina in their work of settling their province. 
Not only did it interest the " adventurers " who sent it out, 
but the publication of the narrative concerning it and the 
accompanying proposals induced hundreds of excellent people 
to settle in Carolina, as is shown by the extant land records 
of South Carolina. 

The pamphlet has been reprinted several times: in 1884 
as an appendix to the Year Book of the city of Charleston; 
in 1897 in the fifth volume of Collections of the South Carolina 
Historical Society] and in 1907 in The Genesis of South Caro 


Zma, by Hon. William A. Courtenay. The pamphlet of 1664 
is described in Allibone s Dictionary of American Authors as 
" liber rarissimus." 

Hilton s name has been preserved in the nomenclature 
of South Carolina by a promontory extending into Port 
Royal Sound at the mouth of the Port Royal River known 
as Hilton Head, and by an island from which this head juts 
out, known as Hilton Head Island. 


A Relation of a Discovery lately made on the Coast of Florida, 
(From Lat. 31. to 33 Deg. 45 Min. North-Lot.) * 

By William Hilton Commander, and Commissioner with Capt. 
Anthony Long, and Peter Fabian, in the Ship Adventure, 
which set Sayl from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. and was 
set forth by several Gentlemen and Merchants of the Island 
of Barbadoes. 

Giving an account of the nature and temperature of the Soyl, 
the manners and disposition of the Natives, and whatsoever 
else is remarkable therein, together with Proposals made 
by the Commissioners of the Lords Proprietors, to all such 
persons as shall become the first Setters on the Rivers, Har 
bors, and Creeks there. 

London, Printed by J. C. for Simon Miller at the Star neer the 
West-end of St. Pauls, 1664. 1 

A true Relation of a Voyage, upon discovery of part of the Coast 
of Florida, from the Lat. of 31 Deg. to 33 Deg. 45 m. North 
Lat. in the Ship Adventure, William Hilton Commander, and 
Commissioner with Captain Anthony Long and Peter Fabian; 
set forth by several Gentlemen and Merchants of the Island 
of Barbadoes; sailed from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. 2 

AFTER Sixteen days of fair weather, and prosperous winds, 
Wednesday the 26 instant, four of the clock in the Afternoon, 
God be thanked, we espied Land on the Coast of Florida, 
in the lat. of 32 deg. 30 min. being four Leagues or there 
abouts to the Northwards of Saint Ellens, 3 having run five hun- 

1 Title-page of original. 2 Heading of original, p. 1. 

"The name by which the Spaniards then designated Port Royal. Port 
Royal was the name given by Jean Ribault, the French explorer, when he reached 
it on his voyage of exploration in 1562. 



dred and fifty Leagues; and to the Westward of the Meridian 
of Barbadoes, three hundred thirty and one Leagues. This 
Evening and the Night following we lay off and on : Thursday 
the 27th instant, in the morning, we stood in with the Land, 
and coasted the Shoar to the Southward, Ankering at Nights, 
and sending our Boat out a Mornings, till we came into the 
lat. of 31 deg. but found no good harbour that way. On 
Sunday the 30th instant, we tacked, and stood Northward: 
and on Wednesday the second of September, we came to an 
Anchor in five fathoms at the mouth of a very large opening 
of three Leagues wide, or thereabouts, in the lat. of 32 deg. 
30 min. and sent our Boat to sound the Channel. On Thurs 
day the third, we entered the Harbour, and found that it 
was the River Jordan, 1 and was but four Leagues or there 
abouts N. E. from Port Royal, which by the Spanyards is 
called St. Ellens: 2 within Land, both Rivers meet in one. 
We spent some time to sound the Chanels both without and 
within, and to search the Rivers in several branches, and to 

1 The harbor was doubtless St. Helena Sound and the river the Combahee. 
Professor William J. Rivers, one of the most accurate of our historians, says (A 
Sketch of the History of South Carolina, foot-note, pp. 16-17), "The reiterated 
statement in our authors, that the Jordan is the Combahee, I am not prepared 
to adopt, after a close examination of the accounts of early voyages, old maps and 
charts, and a comparison of Indian names that have been handed down to us. 
If, however, we believe that Cutisi-chiqui was the old name of Silver Bluff, the 
Jordan could not have been far from the Savannah river." At the time Professor 
Rivers wrote (1856) Sandford s narrative was inaccessible to him, and he probably 
did not examine Hilton s, for their location of the Jordan certainly identifies it as 
the Combahee. 

2 Professor Rivers (ibid., p. 15), speaking of the Spanish expedition from 
Hispaniola to the coast of what is now South Carolina in 1520, also says: "They 
entered a bay, a cape of which they named St. Helena, and a river in its vicinity 
they called the Jordan." The name St. Helena has been preserved in that vicinity 
to the present time, and St. Ellen s was probably another form of writing the 
same name. Formed by Port Royal River, Morgan River, and several creeks 
and inlets is St. Helena Island, a large and fertile island that has played no in 
conspicuous part in the history of South Carolina. In 1712 a parish (an eccle 
siastical and legislative sub-division of the province of South Carolina) was laid 
o(T contiguous thereto and inclusive thereof and named St. Helena s Parish. By 
the constitution of 1865 the parishes were abolished as political sub-divisions of 
South Carolina and St. Helena s passed out of existence. A large sound extend 
ing from the mouth of the Coosaw to the mouth of the Combahee also bears the 
name St. Helena. 


view the Land. On Saturday the fifth of September, two 
Indians came on Board us from the N. E. shoar, whom we 
entertained courteously, and afterwards set them on shoar. 
On Sunday the sixth, several Indians came on Board us, and 
said they were of St. Ellens; being very bold and familiar; 
speaking many Spanish words, as, Cappitan, Commarado, and 
Adeus. 1 They know the use of Guns, and are as little startled 
at the firing of a Peece of Ordnance, as he that hath been 
used to them many years: they told us the nearest Spanyards 
were at St. Augustins, and several of them had been there, 
which as they said was but ten days journey; and that the 
Spanyards used to come to them at Saint Ellens, sometimes 
in Canoa s within Land, at other times in small Vessels by Sea, 
which the Indians describe to have but two Masts. They 
invited us to come to St. Ellens with our Ship, which they 
told us we might do within Land. Munday the 14 September, 
our Long-Boat went with twelve hands within Land to St. 
Ellens. On Wednesday the 16th, came five Indians on 
board us; one of them pointing to another, said, he was the 
Grandy Captain of Edistow 2 : whereupon we took especial 
notice of him, and entertained him accordingly, giving him 
several Beads, and other trade that pleased him well: He 
invited us to bring up our Ship into a branch on the N. E. 
side, and told us of one Captain Francisco, and four more 
English that were in his custody on shoar; whereupon we 
shewed him store of all Trade, as Beads, Hoes, Hatchets 
and Bills, etc., and said, he should have all those things if 
he would bring the English on board us; w ch he promised 

1 Capitan, camarado, adios,= captain, comrade, adieu. 

8 Edisto was the name applied by the Indians to the country adjacent to the 
lower part of the river that now bears that name. The Indian name for the river 
itself was Ponpon. The Edisto is formed by two branches, North Edisto and 
South Edisto, which have their sources in the sand hills of the middle section of 
South Carolina. These rivers unite about seventy-five miles above the sea. 
About fifteen or twenty miles from the sea the river forks again, the south fork 
being known as South Edisto and the north fork as Dawhoo River. Dawhoo 
unites with Wadmalaw River and forms the North Edisto. The island formed by 
these forks and the sea is known as Edisto Island, and is noted for producing the 
finest grade of long staple cotton known to the cotton trade. The main river for 
fifteen or twenty miles of its course through Colleton County is still called Pon 
pon. The North Edisto of the sea forks was called Grandy in Hilton s time. 


should be done the next day. Hereupon we wrote a few 
lines to the said English, fearing it to be a Spanish delusion 
to entrap us. In the dark of the same Evening came a Canoa 
with nine or ten Indians in her with their Bowes and Arrowes, 
and were close on board before we did discern them: We 
haled them, but they made us no answer, which increased 
our jealousie: So we commanded them on board, and dis 
armed them, detaining two of them prisoners, and sending 
away the rest to fetch the English; which if they brought, 
they should have theirs again. At length they delivered us 
a Note written with a coal, which seemed the more to continue 
our jealousie, because in all this time we had no news of our 
long-boat from St. Ellens, which we feared was surprized by 
the Indians and Spanyards. But to satisfie us that there 
were English on shoar, they sent us one man on board about 
twelve of the clock in the Night who related to us the truth 
of the matter, and told us they were cast away some four or 
five leagues to the Northward of the place we then rode, on 
the 24th of July past, being thirteen persons that came on 
shoar, whereof three of them were kilFd by the Indians. 
On Thursday the 17th of September the Long-boat returned 
from St. Ellens, which presently we sent on shoar to fetch 
the other English, the Indians delivering us three more; and 
coming aboard themselves, we delivered them their two men. 
Then we demanded of the chief Commander where the rest 
of our English were: he answered, Five were carried to St. 
Ellens, three were killed by the Stonohs, 1 and the other man 
we should have within two dayes. We replyed to him again, 
That we would keep him and two more of his chief men, 2 
till we had our English that were yet living; and promised 
them their liberty, with satisfaction for bringing us the Eng 
lish. Now to return to the businesse of our Design; the enter 
tainment we had at S. Ellens put us in great fear of the Indians 
treachery; for we observed their continual gathering together, 

1 The name of the Stono tribe has also been preserved in the name of a river, 
which separates James Island and John s Island, two of the coastal islands near 

a These were Shadoo, Alush, and one who escaped. Hilton took the first 
two to Barbados with him, but they subsequently returned to their homes. 


and at last began with stern-look d countenances to speak 
roughly to us, and came to search our mens Bandileers * 
and pockets; yet inviting us to stay that night with them: 
but we made a sudden retreat to our Boat, which caused 
the Indian King to be in a great rage, speaking loud and 
angry to his men; the drift of which discourse we understood 
not. That which we noted there, was a fair house builded 
in the shape of a Dove-house, round, two hundred foot at 
least, compleatly covered with Palmeta-leaves, the wal-plate 
being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, and within lodging 
Rooms and forms; two pillars at the entrance of a high Seat 
above all the rest: Also another house like a Sentinel-house, 
floored ten foot high with planks, fastned with Spikes and 
Nayls, standing upon substantial Posts, with several other 
small houses round about. Also we saw many planks, to the 
quantity of three thousand foot or thereabouts, with other 
Timber squared, and a Cross before the great house. Like 
wise we saw the Ruines of an old Fort, compassing more than 
half an acre of land within the Trenches, which we supposed 
to be Charls s Fort, built, and so called by the French in 1562, 
etc. 2 On Monday, September 21. one English youth was 
brought from St. Ellens aboard us by an Indian, who informed 
us that there were four more of their company at St. Ellens, 
but he could not tell whether the Indians would let them come 
to us: For saith he, Our Men told me, that they had lately 
seen a Frier and two Spanyards more at St. Ellens, who told 
them they would send Soldiers suddenly to fetch them away. 
This day we sayled up the River with our Ship to go through 
to St. Ellens. On Tuesday the 22 instant, three Indians 
came on board; one of them we sent with a Letter to the 
English Prisoners there. On Wednesday the 23d, we sent 
out Boat and Men to sound the Chanel, and finde out the most 

1 A bandoleer was a broad belt or baldric slung over the shoulder. 

1 Charles Fort was located on the eastern side of an island between the 
Broad and Port Royal rivers which was subsequently named Parris Island in honor 
of Alexander Parris, for many years public treasurer of the province of South Caro 
lina. Its ruins are still to be seen there at the point where Pilot s Creek enters 
Port Royal River. The ruins here described were probably the remains of some 
structure used by Spanish priests from St. Augustine who had been trying to con 
vert the Indians in this quarter some years before. 


likely way to St. Ellens with our Ship by Combeheh. 1 In 
the mean time came many Canoa s aboard us with Corn, 
Pumpions, and Venison, Deer-skins, and a sort of sweet-wood. 
One of our men looking into an Indian basket, found a piece 
of Spanish Rusk: it being new, we demanded of the Indian 
where he had it; who said, of the Spaniards. In the interim, 
while we were talking, came a Canoa with four Indians from 
St. Ellens, one standing up, and holding a paper in a cleft 
stick; they told us they had brought it from the Spanish 
Captain at St. Ellens. We demanded how many Spaniards 
were come thither; who said, Seven, and one English-man: 
We received their Letter writ in Spanish, but none of us could 
read it: We detained two of the chiefest Indians, one of 
them being the Kings Son of S. Ellens, 2 and that kept one of 
the English prisoners; the other two we sent away with a 
Letter to the Spaniard, wherein we gave him to understand, 
that we understood not his letter; and told the Indians, when 
they brought the English, they should have their men again, 
with satisfaction for their pains. On Thursday, 24 instant, 
we sayling further up the River to go through, at last came 
to a place of fresh water, and Anchored there, sending our 
Boat ashoar with a Guard to get water. Towards night 
came the first Indian that we sent to St. Ellens with a letter 
to the English, who brought us another letter from the Span 
iards, and an Answer of ours from the English, writ in the 
Spaniards letter. The Spaniard sent us a quarter of Venison, 
and a quarter of Pork, with a Complement, That he was sorry 
he had no more for us at that time. We returned him thanks, 
and sent him a Jug of Brandy; and withal, that we were 
sorry we understood not his letter. This night about twelve 
of the Clock we had a most violent gust of winde, but of no 
long continuance. On Friday 25 September, we weighed, and 
returned down the River six leagues, or thereabouts, because 
we perceived the Indians had gathered themselves in a Body 
from all parts thereabouts, and moved as the Ship did: and 
being informed by an Indian that the Spaniards would be 
there the next day; we took in Fire- wood, and continued there 

1 Combahee (pronounced Cumbee) is the name by which the river called 
Jordan by the Spaniards is now known. 

3 Wommony. He was also taken to Barbados, but returned to his home. 


that night, at which time one of our Indian Prisoners made 
his escape by leaping over-board in the dark. On Saturday 
the 26. we weighed, and stood down to the Harbours mouth, 
and stayed there till Monday the 28. In all which time came 
no one to us, though we stay d in expectation of their coming 
continually; therefore put out to Sea, concluding their inten 
tions not to be good. Being out of the River Jordan, we 
directed our course S. W. four leagues or thereabouts for 
Port-Royal, to sound the Chanel without from the poynts 
of the Harbour outwards; for we had sounded the Harbour 
within from the points inward when our Boat was at St. 
Ellens: And now being athwart the Harbours mouth, we sent 
our Boat with the Mate and others, who found the N. E. 
and E. N. E. side of the opening of Port-Royal to be Sholes 
and Breakers to the middle of the opening; and three leagues 
or thereabouts into the Sea, from the side aforesaid, is unsafe 
to meddle with: but the S.W. and W. side we found all bold 
steering in N. N. W. two or three miles from the S. W. shoar, 
sayling directly with the S.W. head-land of the entrance of 
Port-Royal: the said head-land is bluft, and seems steep, as 
though the trees hung over the water: But you must note, 
that if you keep so far from the S.W. side, that you stand in 
N. N. W. with the bluft head aforesaid, you shall go over the 
Outskirt of the E. N. E. sholing, and shall have but three or 
four fathom for the space of one league or thereabouts, and 
then you shall have six and seven fathoms all the way in: 
But if you borrow more on the S.W. side, till you have brought 
the S. W. head of the Entry to bear N. N. E. you shall have a 
fair large Chanel of six, seven, and eight fathoms all the way 
in, and then five, six, seven and eight fathoms within the 
Harbour, keeping the Chanel, and standing over to the North 
ward: we supposed that it flows here as at the River Jordan, 
because they are but four leagues asunder, and flows S. E. 
and N.W. seven foot and half, and sometimes eight foot per 
pendicular: the Mouth of Port-Royal lyes in 32 deg. 20 min. 
lat. Now as concerning the entrance of the River Jordan, 
lat. 32 deg. 30 min. or thereabouts, you shall see a range of 
Breakers right against the opening, two or three leagues off 
the S. W. Point; which you must leave to the Northward, 
and steer in with the said S. W. Point, giving a range of 


Breakers that runs from the said Point a small birth, and you 
shall have two, three, and four fathoms at low water; and 
when you come one mile from the Point aforesaid, steer over 
directly to the N. E. Point, and you shall have six or seven 
fathom all the way. Within the N.W. Point is good Anchor 
ing: you shall have five fathoms fair aboard the shoar: and 
you shall have five, six, seven, and eight fathoms, sayling all 
along upon the River, ten leagues, and a large turning Chanel : 
It flows here S. E. and N. W. seven foot and a half, and eight 
foot at common Tydes. The River Grandy, or as the Indians 
call it Edistow, lyes six leagues or thereabouts from the River 
Jordan, and seems to be a very fair opening: but because 
the chief Indian of that Place was on board us, and the Coun- 
trey all in Arms, we not knowing how the winde might crosse 
us, it was not thought fit to stay there: But some of those 
English that had lived there, being Prisoners, say, that it is 
a very fair and goodly River, branching into several branches, 
and deep, and is fresh water at low Tide within two leagues 
of the Mouth; it seeming to us as we passed by, a good entrance 
large and wide, lat. 32 deg. 40 min. in or thereabouts. Now 
our understanding of the Land of Port-Royal, River Jordan, 
River Grandie, or Edistow, is as followeth: The Lands are 
laden with large tall Oaks, Walnut and Bayes, except facing 
on the Sea, it is most Pines tall and good: The Land gen 
erally, except where the Pines grow, is a good Soyl, covered 
with black Mold, in some places a foot, in some places half a 
foot, and in other places lesse, with Clay underneath mixed 
with Sand; and we think may produce any thing as well 
as most part of the Indies that we have seen. The Indians 
plant in the worst Land, because they cannot cut down the 
Timber in the best, and yet have plenty of Corn, Pumpions, 
Water-Mellons, Musk-mellons: although the Land be over 
grown with weeds through their lazinesse, yet they have two 
or three crops of Corn a year, as the Indians themselves inform 
us. The Country abounds with Grapes, large Figs, and 
Peaches; the Woods with Deer, Conies, Turkeys, Quails, 
Curlues, Plovers, Teile, Herons; and as the Indians say, in 
Winter, with Swans, Geese, Cranes, Duck and Mallard, and 
innumerable of other water-Fowls, whose names we know 
not, which lie in the Rivers, Marshes, and on the Sands: 


Oysters in abundance, with great store of Muscles; A sort of 
fair Crabs, and a round Shel-fish called Horse-feet ; The 
Rivers stored plentifully with Fish that we saw play and 
leap. There are great Marshes, but most as far as we saw 
little worth, except for a Root that grows in them the Indians 
make good Bread of. The Land we suppose is healthful; 
tor the English that were cast away on that Coast in July last, 
were there most part of that time of year that is sickly in 
Virginia; and notwithstanding hard usage, and lying on the 
ground naked, yet had their perfect healths all the time. 
The Natives are very healthful; we saw many very Aged 
amongst them. The Ayr is clear and sweet, the Countrey 
very pleasant and delightful: And we could wish, that all 
they that want a happy settlement, of our English Nation, 
were well transported thither, etc. 

From Tuesday the 29th of September, to Friday the 
second of October, we ranged along the shoar from the lat. 
32 deg. 20 min. to the lat. 33 deg. 11 min. but could discern 
no Entrance for our Ship, after we had passed to the North 
wards of 32 deg. 40 min. On Saturday the third instant, a 
violent storm came up, the winde between the North and 
the East; which Easterly windes and fowl weather continued 
till Monday the 12th. By reason of which storms and fowl 
weather, we were forced to get off to Sea to secure our selves 
and ship, and were horsed by reason of a strong Current, 
almost to Cape Hatterasse in lat. 35 deg. 30 min. On Mon 
day the 12th aforesaid we came to an Anchor in seven fathom 
at Cape Fair-Road, and took the Meridian-Altitude of the 
Sun, and were in the lat. 33 deg. 43 min. the winde con 
tinuing still Easterly, and fowl weather till Thursday the 
15th instant; and on Friday the 16th, the winde being at 
N. W. we weighed, and sailed up Cape Fair-River, some four 
or five leagues, and came to an Anchor in six or seven fathom; 
at which time several Indians came on Board, and brought 
us great store of Fresh-fish, large Mullets, young Bass, Shads, 
and several other sorts of very good well-tasted Fish. On 
Saturday the 17th, we went down to the Cape to see the 
English Cattle, but could not finde them, though we rounded 

1 Clams. 


the Cape : And having an Indian Guide with us, here we rode 
till the 24th instant; the winde being against us, we could 
not go up the River with our Ship; in which time we went 
on shoar, and viewed the land of those quarters. On Satur 
day we weighed, and sayled up the River some four leagues 
or thereabouts. Sunday the 25th, we weighed again, and 
towed up the River, it being calm, and got up some fourteen 
leagues from the Harbours mouth, where we morecTour 
Ship. On Monday the 26 October, we went down with the 
Yoal 1 to Necoes, an Indian Plantation, and viewed the Land 
there. On Tuesday the 27th, we rowed up the main River 
with our long-Boat and twelve men, some ten leagues or 
thereabouts. On Wednesday the 28th ; we rowed up about 
eight or nine leagues more. Thursday the 29th was foul 
weather, "$f~much rain and winde, which forced us to make 
Huts, and lye still. Friday the 30th, we proceeded up the 
main River, seven or eight leagues. Saturday the 31, we got 
up three or four leagues- more, and came to a Tree that lay 
athwart the River: but because our Provisions were neer 
spent, we proceeded no further, but returned downward the 
remainder of that day; and on Monday the second of Novem 
ber, we came aboard our Ship. Tuesday the third, we lay 
still to refresh ourselves. On Wednesday the 4th, we went 
five or six leagues up the River to search a branch that ran 
out of the main River towards the N. W. In which branch 
we went up five or six leagues: not liking the Land, we re 
turned on board that night about midnight, and called that 
place Swampy-branch. Thursday the fifth instant, we staid 
aboard; on Friday the 6th we went up Greens River, the 
mouth of it being against the place we rode with our Ship. 
On Saturday the 7th, we proceeded up the said River some 
fourteen or fifteen leagues in all, and found that it ended in 
several small branches; the Land for the most part being 
marshy and swamps, we returned towards our ship, and got 
aboard in the night: Sunday the 8th instant we lay still, and 
on Monday the 9th we went again up the main River, being 
well provided with Provisions and all things necessary, and 
proceeded upwards till Thursday noon 12th instant, at which 
time we came to a place where two Islands were in the middle 

1 Yawl. 


of the River, and by reason of the crookednesse of the River 
at that place, several Trees lay athwart both branches, which 
stopped up the passage of each branch, that we could proceed 
no further with our Boat; but we went up the River side by 
land some three or four miles, and found the River to enlarge 
it self: So we returned, leaving it as far as we could see up a 
long reach running N. E. we judging our selves from the 
Rivers mouth North near tjfty leagues]; we returned, viewing 
the Land on both sides the "River, and found as good tracts 
of land, dry, well wooded, pleasant and delightful as we have 
seen any where in the world, with great burthen of Grasse 
on it, the land being very level, with steep banks on both 
sides the River, and in some places very high, the woods 
stor d with abundance of Deer and Turkies every where; we 
never going on shoar, but saw of each also Partridges great 
store, Cranes abundance, Conies, which we saw in several 
places; we heard several Wolves howling in the woods, and 
saw where they had torn a Deer in pieces. Also in the River 
we saw great store of Ducks, Teile, Widgeon, and in the 
woods great flocks of Parrakeeto s; l the Timber that the woods 
afford for the most part consisting of Oaks of four or five 
sorts, all differing in leaves, but all bearing Akorns very good : 
we measured many of the Oaks in several places, which we 
found to be in bignesse some two, some three, and others 
almost four fathoms; in height, before you come to boughs 
or limbs, forty, fifty, sixty foot, and some more, and those 
Oaks very common in the upper parts of both Rivers; Also 
a very tall large Tree of great bignesse, which some do call 
Cyprus, the right name we know not, growing in Swamps. 
Likewise Walnut, Birch, Beech, Maple, Ash, Bay, Willough, 
Alder and Holly; and in the lowermost parts innumerable 
of Pines, tall and good for boards or masts, growing for the 
most part in barren sandy ground, but in some places up 
the River in good ground, being mixed amongst Oaks and 
other Timber. We saw several Mulberry-trees, multitudes of 
Grape-Vines, and some Grapes which we did eat of. We 
found a very large and good tract of Land on the N. W. side 
of the River, thin of Timber, except here and there a very 
great Oak, and full of Grasse, commonly as high as a mans 

1 The Carolina paroquet, now almost extinct. 


middle, and in many places to his shoulders, where we saw 
many Deer and Turkies; also one Deer with very large horns, 
and great in body, therefore called it Stag-Park: it being a 
very pleasant and delightful place, we travelled in it several 
miles, but saw no end thereof. So we returned to our Boat, 
and proceeded down the River, and came to another place 
some twenty five leagues from the Rivers mouth on the 
same side, where we found a place no lesse delightful than 
the former; and as far as we could judge, both Tracts came 
into one. This lower place we called Rocky-point, because 
we found many Rocks and Stones of several bignesse upon 
the Land, which is not common. We sent our Boat down the 
River before us; our selves travelling by Land many miles, 
were so much taken with the pleasantnesse of the Land, that 
travelling into the woods so far, we could not recover our 
Boat and company that night. On Sunday the morrow fol 
lowing we got to our Boat, and on Monday the 16th of No 
vember, we proceeded down to a place on the East-side of 
the River some twenty three leagues from the Harbours 
mouth, which we calPd Turkie-Quarters, because we killed 
several Turkies thereabouts. We viewed the Land there, and 
found some tracts of good Land, and high, facing upon the 
River about one mile inward, but backwards some two miles 
all Pine-land, but good pasture-ground: we returned to our 
Boat, and proceeded down some two or three leagues, where 
we had formerly viewed, and found it a tract of as good Land 
as any we have seen, with as good Timber on it. The banks 
of the River being high, therefore we called it High-Land Point. 
Having viewed that, we proceeded down the River, going on 
shoar in several places on both sides, it being generally large 
Marshes, and many of them dry, that they may more fitly 
be called Medows: the wood-land against them is for the 
most part Pine, and in some places as barren as ever we saw 
Land, but in other places good Pasture-ground: And on Tues 
day the 17th instant, we got aboard our Ship, riding against 
the mouth of Green s River, where our men are providing 
wood, and fitting the Ship for the Sea : In the interim, we took 
some view of the Land on both sides of the River there, find 
ing some good Land, but more bad, and the best not com 
parable to that above. Friday the 20th instant was foul 


weather, yet in the Afternoon we weighed, and went down 
the River some two leagues, and came to Anchor against the 
mouth of Hilton s River, and took some view of the Land 
there on both sides, which appeared to us much like unto 
that at Green s River. Monday 23. we went with our Long 
boat well victualled and manned up Hilton s River; and when 
we came three leagues or thereabouts up the said River, we 
found this and Green s River to come into one, and so con 
tinued for four or five leagues, which causeth a great Island 
betwixt them. We proceeded still up the River, till they parted 
again, keeping up Hilton s River on the Lar-board side, and 
followed the said River five or six leagues further, where we 
found another large branch of Green s River to come into 
Hilton s, which maketh another great Island. On the Star 
board side going up, we proceeded stil up the River some 
four leagues, and returned, taking a view of the Land on 
both sides, and now judge our selves to be from our ship 
some eighteen leagues W. and by W. One league below this 
place came four Indians in a Canoa to us, and sold us several 
baskets of Akorns, which we satisfied for, and so left them; 
but one of them followed us on the shoar some two or three 
miles, till he came on the top of a high bank, facing on the 
River, we rowing underneath it, the said Indian shot an 
Arrow at us, which missed one of our men very narrowly, 
and stuck in the upper edge of the Boat, which broke in pieces, 
leaving the head behind. Hereupon we presently made for 
the shoar, and went all up the bank except four to guide 
the Boat; we searched for the Indian, but could not finde. 
him: At last we heard some sing further in the Woods, 
which we thought had been as a Chalenge to us to come and 
fight them. We went towards them with all speed, but 
before we came in sight of them, we heard two Guns go off 
from our Boat, whereupon we retreated with all speed to 
secure our Boat and Men: when we came to them, we found 
all well, and demanded the reason of their firing the Guns: 
they told us that an Indian came creeping on the Bank as 
they thought to shoot at them, therefore shot at him a great 
distance with Swan-shot, but thought they did him no hurt, 
for they saw him run away. Presently after our return to 
the Boat, while we were thus talking, came two Indians to 


us with their Bows and Arrows, crying Bonny, Bonny: we 
took their Bows and Arrows from them, and gave them 
Beads, to their content. Then we led them by the hand 
to the Boat, and shewed them the Arrow-head sticking in 
her side, and related to them the businesse; which when 
they understood, both of them manifested much sorrow, and 
made us understand by signes, that they knew nothing of it: 
so we let them go, and marked a Tree on the top of the bank, 
calling the place Mount-Skerry. We looked up the River as 
far as we could discern, and saw that it widened it self, and 
came running directly down the Countrey: So we returned, 
and viewed the Land on both sides the River, finding the 
banks steep in some places, but very high in others. The 
banks sides are generally Clay, and as some of our company 
doth affirm, some Marie. The Land and Timber up this 
River is no way inferiour to the best in the other, which 
we call the main River: So far as we discovered, this seems 
as fair, if not fairer than the former, and we think runs further 
into the Countrey, because there is a strong Current comes 
down, and a great deal more drift-wood. But to return to 
the business of the Land and Timber: We saw several plats 
of Ground cleared by the Indians after their weak manner, 
compassed round with great Timber-Trees; which they are 
no ways able to fall, and so keep the Sun from their Corn 
fields very much; yet nevertheless we saw as large Corn 
stalks or bigger, than we have seen any where else : So we pro 
ceeded down the River, till we found the Canoa the Indian 
was in who shot at us. In the morning we went on shoar, 
and cut the same in pieces: the Indians perceiving us coming 
towards them, run away. We went to his Hut, and pulled it 
down, brake his pots, platters, and spoons, tore his Deer 
skins and mats in pieces, and took away a basket of Akorns: 
So we proceeded down the River two leagues, or thereabouts, 
and came to another place of Indians, bought Akorns and 
some Corn of them, and went downwards two leagues more: 
at last we espied an Indian peeping over a high bank: we 
held up a Gun at him ; and calling to him, said, Skerry : pres 
ently several Indians appeared to us, making great signes of 
friendship, saying, Bonny, Bonny, and running before us, 
endeavouring to perswade us to come on shoar; but we 


answered them with stern countenances, and said, Skerry, 
taking up our guns, and threatening to shoot at them; but 
they cryed still Bonny, Bonny: And when they saw they 
could not prevail, nor perswade us to come on shoar, two 
of them came off to us in a Canoa, one padling with a great 
Cane, the other with his hand; they came to us, and laid 
hold of our Boat, sweating and blowing, and told us it was 
Bonny on shoar, and at last perswaded us to go ashoar with 
them. As soon as we landed, several Indians, to the number 
of near forty lusty men, came to us, all in a great sweat, and 
told us Bonny: we shewed them the Arrow-head in the Boats- 
side, and a piece of the Canoa which we had cut in pieces: 
the chief man of them made a large Speech, and threw Beads 
into our Boat, which is a signe of great love and friendship; 
and made us to understand, when he heard of the Affront 
which we had received, it caused him to cry: and now he 
and his men were come to make peace with us, making signes 
to us that they would tye his Arms, and cut off his head 
that had done us that abuse; and for a further testimony of 
their love and good will towards us, they presented to us two 
very handsom proper young Indian women, the tallest that 
we have seen in this Countrey; which we supposed to be the 
Kings Daughters, or persons of some great account amongst 
them. These young women were ready to come into our 
Boat; one of them crouding in, was hardly perswaded to go 
out again. We presented to the King a Hatchet and several 
Beads, also Beads to the young women and to the chief men, 
and to the rest of the Indians, as far as our Beads would go: 
they promised us in four days to come on board our Ship, 
and so departed from us. When we left the place, which 
was presently, we called it Mount-Bonny, because we had 
there concluded a firm Peace. Proceeding down the River 
two or three leagues further, we came to a place where were 
nine or ten Canoa s all together; we went ashoar there, and 
found several Indians, but most of them were the same which 
had made Peace with us before: We made little stay there, 
but went directly down the River, and came to our Ship before 
day. Thursday the 26th of November, the winde being at 
South, we could not go down to the Rivers mouth: but on 
Friday the 27th, we weighed at the mouth of Hilton s River, 


and got down one league towards the Harbours mouth. On 
Sunday the 29th, we got down to Crane-Island, which is four 
leagues or thereabouts above the Entrance of the Harbours 
mouth. Now on Tuesday the first of December, we made a 
purchase of the River and land of Cape-Fair, of Wattcoosa, 
and such other Indians as appeared to us to be the chief of 
those parts: they brought us store of Fresh-fish aboard, as 
Mullets, Shads, and other very good Fish: this River is all 
Fresh- water fit to drink. Some eight leagues within the 
mouth, the Tide runs up about thirty-five leagues, 1 but stops 
and riseth a great deal farther up; it flowes at the Harbours 
mouth S.E. and N. W. six foot at Neap-Tides, and eight foot 
at Spring-Tides: the Chanel on the Easter-side by the Cape- 
shoar is the best, and lyes close aboard the Cape-land, being 
three fathoms at High-water, in the shallowest place in the 
Chanel just at the Entrance; but as soon as you are past that 
place half a Cables length inward, you shall have six or seven 
fathoms, a fair turning Chanel into the River, and so con 
tinuing four or five leagues upwards; afterwards the Chanel 
is more difficult in some places six or seven fathoms, four 
or five, and in other places but nine or ten foot, especially 
where the River is broad. When the River comes to part, 
and grows narrow, there is all Chanel from side to side in 
most places; in some places you shall have five, six, or seven 
fathoms, but generally two or three, Sand and Oaze. We 
viewed the Cape-land, and judged it to be little worth, the 
Woods of it shrubby and low, the Land sandy and barren; 
in some places Grass and Rushes, and in other places nothing 
but clear sand: a place fitter to starve Cattel in our judge 
ment, then to keep them alive; yet the Indians, as we under 
stand, keep the English Cattle down there, and suffer them not 
to go off the said Cape, as we suppose, because the Countrey- 
Indians shall have no part with them, and as we think, are 
fallen out about them, who shall have the greatest share. 
They brought aboard our Ship very good and fat Beef several 
times, which they could afford very reasonable; also fat and 
very large Swine, good cheap penny-worths: but they may 

1 The punctuation should apparently be, "all fresh water fit to drink, some 
eight leagues within the mouth. The tide runs up about thirty-five leagues, but," 
etc. The author is still speaking of the Cape Fear River. 


thank their friends of New-England, who brought their Hogs 
to so fair a Market. Some of the Indians brought very good 
Salt aboard us, and made signes, pointing to both sides of the 
Rivers mouth, that there was great store thereabouts. We 
saw up the River several good places for the setting up of 
Corn or Saw-mills. In that time as our businesse called us 
up and down the River and Branches, we kill d of wild-fowl, 
four Swans, ten Geese, twenty nine Cranes, ten Turkies, forty 
Duck and Mallard, three dozen of Parrakeeto s, and six or 
seven dozen of other small Fowls, as Curlues and Plovers, etc. 

Whereas there was a Writing left in a Post at the Point 
of Cape Fair River, by those New-England-men that left 
Cattel with the Indians there, the Contents whereof tended 
not only to the disparagement of the Land about the said 
River, but also to the great discouragement of all those that 
should hereafter come into those parts to settle : In Answer to 
that scandalous writing, We whose names are under-written 
do affirm, That we have seen facing on both sides of the 
River, and branches of Cape-Fair aforesaid, as good Land, 
and as well Timbered, as any we have seen in any other part 
of the world, sufficient to accommodate thousands of our 
English Nation, lying commodiously by the said River. 

On Friday the 4th of December, the winde being fair, we 
put out to Sea, bound for Barbadoes; and on the 6th day 
of January, 166|, we came to Anchor in Carlisle-Bay; 1 and 
after several known apparent dangers both by Sea and Land, 
have now brought us all in safety to our long-wish d-for and 
much desired Port, to render an Accompt of our Discovery, 
the verity of which we aver. 




A Copy of the Spanyard s first Letter. 

I am come to this Town of Infidel-Indians, to seek some 
English, which my Governour and Captain-General, Don 

1 The chief roadstead of Barbados. 


Alonso de Arangows, de Colis, 1 Cavallier, and Knight of the 
Order of St. James, for his Majesty, had notice that there 
was a Ship lost in that Port in which you are, that the men 
might not run any hazard of their lives, as those with me 
here have. Don Adeleyers, with the Governor of the Garison 
of S. Augustine, are gone to ransome and free the Subjects 
of the King your Master, Charles the Second: Wherefore I 
advise you, that if these Indians (although Infidels and 
Barbarians) have not killed any of the Christians, and do 
require as a gift or courtesie for those four men, four Spades, 
and four Axes, some Knives, and some Beads, and the four 
Indians which you have there, you deliver them, and that for 
their sakes that shall sayl on this Coast: you may send a 
Boat, who when she comes athwart the Port of St. Ellens, 
may hoist an Ancient 2 twice or thrice, and I will do the 
same. The shortnesse of the dispatch I desire, for I want 
provision for my Soldiers, and the way is large. Your Servant 
desires you would give me a speedy Answer; and what may 
be done in your service, I shall do very willingly: And if 
you have none that can interpret the Spanish Tongue, you 
may .write in your own, for here are your Countrey-men that 
can understand it: but if you can, let it be in Spanish. 

From the Capt. ALANSO ARGUELES. S 
From St. Ellens the 22 of Sep- 
temb. 1663. 

The Copies of our Letters sent to the English and Spaniards at 
St. Ellens, with the Answer of Mr. William Davis, and the 
Spaniards also, here inclosed. 

Loving Friends and Country-men, 

Wee are come up the River with our Ship, and are resolved 
to come through by Combiheh, to St. Ellens, and to get you 
away by fair means, or otherways. If that will not do, we 
have five of your company already: and the Captain of Edi- 
stow, and one more are Prisoners with us, whom we intend 
to keep till we have rescued all the English Prisoners out of 

1 Don Alonso Aranjuez y Cotes, governor of Florida. 

2 Ensign. 3 Alonso de Arguelles. 


the hands of the Indians. Send us word by this Bearer what 
you know concerning the Spanyards; for the youth Morgan 
tells us that the Spanyards are come with Soldiers to fetch you 
away. Fail not to inform us how things are. Nothing else 
at present, but remain 

Your friend and Servant 

From on Board the Adventure, 
Septemb. 21. 1663. 

An Answer to the Spanyards Letter not understood. 

Honoured Sir, 

Whereas wee received a Letter from you, the Contents 
whereof we understand not, because none of us could read 
Spanish: Our businesse is to demand and receive the English 
Prisoners from the hands of the Indians, and then they shall 
have their Indians which we have detained on Board, with 
satisfaction for their pains. We understand not at present 
that we have any businesse with you. Not else at present, 
but remain 

Your Friend and Servant in what I may, 


From on Board the Adventure, 

Septemb. 23. 1663. 
To his honoured Friend the Spanish 
Captain at St. Ellens. 

An Answer to Mr. William Davis his Lines written to us in 
the Spanyard s Letter, Viz. 

Mr. William Davis, 

Wee received your Lines in the Spanish Letter, but hear 
nothing of your coming to us. Let your Keepers send you, 
and that without delay; for you may assure them, That we 
will be gone, and carry the Indians away with us, except they 
send the English suddenly on Board, and then they shall have 


their Indians upon our receipt of the English. Not else at 
present, but thank the Spanish Captain for the Pork and 
Venison he sent us. Remain 

Your loving Friend 

From on Board the Adventure, 

September 24. 1663. 
To Mr. William Davis at St. Ellens. 


Wee have received your second Letter, and give you no 
Answer, for the Reason mentioned in our former Letter to 
you. Please to inform the Indians, That if they bring not the 
English Prisoners on Board us without further delay, we are 
resolved to carry their Indians we have on Board away: But 
if they will bring the English, they shall have theirs, with satis 
faction. Also we thank you for your Venison and Pork. 
Not else at present, but remain 

Your Friend and Servant in what I may 

From on Board the Adventure, 

Septemb. 24. 1663. 
To his Honoured Friend, the Spanish 
Captain at St. Ellens. 

A Copy of the Spanyard s second Letter. 

My Governour and Capt. General, as soon as he had News 
that a Ship, by Nation English, was lost in that Port in which 
you now are, sent me with Soldiers of the Garison of St. 
Augustine in Florida, as they have at other times done, to 
free them from death; for which cause I came to this Port of 
St. Ellens, where I found all these Indians in a fright, fearing 
that you will do them some mischief: So having found four 
men of those that were lost, I thought good to advise you, that 
you might carry them in your company, giving some gifts to 
those Indians which they desire; which is, four Spades, four 
Axes, some Knives, and some Beads. This they desire, not 
as payment, but onely as an acknowledgment of a kindness 


for having saved their lives; which they have always done as 
Naturals who have given their obedience to the King our 
Master. And they do also desire you to let go those four 
Indians which are there: You may send a Boat when you 
discover the Points of St. Ellens; may hoist an Ancient two 
or three times, and I will do the same. I desire your Answer 
may be sodain; for I am scarce of Provisions, and the way 
is somewhat long: and if you have no body who understands 
Spanish, you may write in English, for here are your Countrey- 
men who will interpret it. 

By the Captain ALANSO ARGUILES. 
From St. Ellens, Septemb. 
23. 1663. 

Proposals made to all such Persons as shall undertake to become 
the first Setters on Rivers, Harbours, or Creeks, whose 
Mouth or Entrance is Southwards or Westwards of Cape 
St. Romana in the Province of Carolina, and execute the 
same at their own hazard and charge of Transportation, 
Ammunition, and Provisions, as is hereafter expressed, etc. 


Imprimis, It is agreed and consented to by us Thomas 
Mudyford, and Peter Colleton, Esquires, who are impowered 
by the Lords Proprietors to treat in their behalf; That in 
consideration of the good service which Captain Anthony 
Long, Captain William Hilton, and Mr. Peter Fabian have 
done in making so clear a Discovery on that Coast, They shall 
each of them enjoy to them and their Heirs for ever one thou 
sand Acres of Land apiece upon the said River, Harbour, or 
Creeks, on such places as they shall desire, not taken up before. 


Item, To Master Pyam Blowers, and Master John Han 
cock, five hundred Acres apiece, in manner as aforesaid. 


Item, To all the Sea-men and Adventurers in the said 
Ship, one hundred Acres apiece in manner as aforesaid. 



Item, To every person that hath subscribed and paid, or 
hath subscribed and shall pay within two moneths next after 
the Date hereof, unto the Treasurer appointed by the Com 
mittee for defraying the Charge of the late Discovery, 1 and 
towards the publique Stock, five hundred Acres of Land, be 
sides what they are otherwayes to receive and enjoy each for 
every thousand pounds of Sugar, and so for greater or lesser 
quantity proportionally, to possesse and enjoy the same in 
manner as aforesaid; the said Adventurers having promised, 
That the severall and respective Persons above-intended, 
shall within five years next ensuing, have one Person white or 
black, young or old, transported at their Charge as aforesaid, 
on that or some other parcel of Land in the Province, for 
every hundred of Acres of Land that is or shall be due to 
them for their adventures as aforesaid: But when once taken 
up, to settle the same within one year after it is once taken 
up, or lose the Land. 


Item, To every Person that goes, or sends an Agent at his 
or their own cost with the first Ship or Fleet, or within six 
weeks next after the first Ship or Fleet that shall be set out 
from this Island (none to be accompted as first Setlers but 
such as do send in the first Fleet) Armed with a good Fire 
lock, ten pounds of Powder, and twenty pounds of Bullet, or 
Lead, and Victualled for six moneths, shall have one hundred 
Acres of Land, and the like quantity of Acres for every Man 
servant that he carrieth so armed and provided, to the per 
son at whose charge they shall be transported as aforesaid. 

1 Between April 16, 1672, and December 11, 1679 (see Warrants for Lands 
in South Carolina, 1672-1679, Columbia, S. C., 1910), warrants for five hundred 
acres of land each were issued to the following persons for their " disbursing on 
the discovery of this Province by Cap 1 : Hilton": John Godfrey and George 
Thompson, May 11, 1672; Thomas Clutterbuck, of Barbados, June 8, 1672; 
Thomas Norvill and Bartholomew Reese, September 30, 1672. John Godfrey 
also received a warrant, September 5, 1674, for two hundred acres of land for 
coming himself and bringing one servant under the terms of the fifth proposal. 
The early land records of South Carolina show many people settled under the 
terms of the other proposals. 



Item, To every person that shall second the first Under 
takers, that is to say, shall go within two months next after 
those that are accompted as first Setlers, armed and provided 
as aforesaid, seventy Acres of Land, and seventy Acres for 
every Man-servant that he or they shall carry or send Armed 
and provided as aforesaid. 


Item, To every person provided as aforesaid, that shall go 
within two years after the first undertakers, fifty Acres of 
Land, and as much to him or them for every Man-servant he 
or they shall carry or send, armed and provided as aforesaid. 


Item, To every Free-woman above the age of twelve years, 
that shall go, or be carried thither within the first five years, 
forty Acres of Land. 


Item, To all Male-Children above the age of fourteen years, 
the same quantity that is allowed to Free-men, and on the 
same Conditions. 


Item, The Lords Proprietors will grant unto every Parish 
one hundred Acres of Land for the Church and other publique 


Item, To every person that hath subscribed, and shall pay 
to the above-mentioned Discovery, who shall go or send an 
Agent within the first five years next after the first Setlers, 
forty Acres of Land; and as much to them for every Man 
servant they shall carry or send within that time armed and 
provided as aforesaid, and the like quantity for all others so 
transporting themselves or servants within the first three 
years, who are not Subscribers. 



Item, To every Man-servant that shall go with the first 
Undertakers, fifty Acres of Land; and to such as go with the 
second Adventurers thirty Acres, and for all other servants 
that shall go within the first five years, twenty Acres, and for 
every Woman-servant ten Acres, to become due at the Expira 
tion of the first Term of their servitude in that Countrey. 


Item, To the Owner of every Negro-Man or Slave, brought 
thither to settle within the first year, twenty acres; and for 
every Woman-Negro or Slave, ten acres of Land ; and all 
Men-Negro s, or slaves after that time, and within the first five 
years, ten acres, and for every Woman-Negro or slave, five 



Item, That all the before-mentioned parcels of Land given, 
or to be given, allotted or granted to any person or persons 
whatsoever, shall be held and enjoyed to them, their Heirs 
and Assigns for ever, in free and common Soccage, according 
to the Tenure of East-Greenwich within the County of Kent, 
within the Kingdom of England (and not in Capite, or by 
Knights-service) paying as a fine once for all to the Lords 
Proprietors, or their Agents impowered to receive the same, 
one half-peny per acre for every Acre of Land that is or shall 
be taken up as aforesaid, or the value of the said half-peny 
per Acre, when the person who is to receive it shall receive 
his Deed or Copy of Record for his Land so taken up; and in 
lieu of all, and all manner of Rents, Services, Fines, Taxes 
and Impositions whatsoever, one ear of Indian Corn for every 
hundred acres of Land so taken up, at a certain time and 
place prescribed, if lawfully demanded. 


Item, It is further agreed, That every person shall or may 
take up their Land, or any part thereof, where they please, in 


any place not before taken up: Provided they do therein sub 
mit to such Method as the Governor and Council for the time 
being shall judge most safe and convenient. 1 


Item, That the Lords Proprietors shall grant to the Free- 
Holders the Priviledge of choosing an annual Assembly, 
wherein by the consent of the said Lords, or their Delegates, 
they shall be impowered to make Lawes, and them confirm, 
publish, and abrogate, as in the great Charter is expressed; 
and that the Assembly may lawfully, without the consent of 
the Governour, complain to the said Lords of such Grievances 
as lye upon the People. 


Item, That forasmuch as the Lords Proprietors or their 
Delegates may not be at all times there present, to consent to 
such Lawes as are or shall be thought necessary; In such 
Case all Lawes and Orders made by the Governour, Council 
and Assembly, shall be in force untill the Denyal thereof by 
the Lords Proprietors shall be to them signified under their 
Hands in Writing. 


Item, That the said Free-Holders shall have the freedome 
of Trade, Immunity of Customes, and Liberty of Conscience, 
and all other Priviledges made good unto them as amply and 
as fully as is at large expressed in the great Charter granted 
to the said Lords Proprietors from His Majesty. 

1 The governor and council of South Carolina for many years directed the 
surveyor general, in their warrant for a tract of land, not to lay it off " within the 
compass of any lands heretofore layd out or marked to be layd out for any other 
person or Towne nor prejudiciall to any such lines or bounds and if the same 
happen upon any navigable River or any River capable of being made navigable " 
to "allow only the fifth part of the depth thereof by the waterside." 



THIS brief description of Carolina was first published in 
London in 1666 and was one of several pamphlets published 
with the view of increasing the value of the Lords Proprietors 
real estate. It was printed for Robert Home, but it is uncer 
tain whether he wrote it or not. While it described the settle 
ments in North Carolina it described the climate, soil and 
other natural conditions of the entire province so favorably 
that it materially aided the Proprietors in securing settlers 
for the lower part of the province as well as for the upper 
part. It was reprinted in Historical Collections of South 
Carolina, by B. R. Carroll (New York, 1836). The original 
pamphlet contained a crude and incorrect map of Carolina 
which Carroll did not reproduce in his reprint, but which is in 
a manner reproduced in Hawks s History of North Carolina, 
Vol. II. 



A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina, on the Coasts 
of Floreda, and more particularly of a New Plantation 
begun by the English at Cape Feare, on that River now by 
them called Charles-River, the 29th of May, 1664. 

Wherein is set forth the Healthfulness of the Air; the Fertility 
of the Earth, and Waters; and the great Pleasure and Profit 
will accrue to those that shall go thither to enjoy the same. 
Also, Directions and advice to such as shall go thither whether 
on their own accompts or to serve under another. Together 
with a most accurate Map of the whole Province. 

London, Printed for Robert Home in the first Court of Gresham- 
Colledge neer Bishopsgate-street. 1666. 1 

A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina, Etc. 


CAROLINA is a fair and spacious Province on the Con 
tinent of America: so called in honour of His Sacred Majesty 
that now is, Charles the Second, 2 whom God preserve; and 
His Majesty hath been pleas d to grant the same to certain 
Honourable Persons, who in order to the speedy planting 
of the same, have granted divers privileges and advantages 
to such as shall transport themselves and Servants in con 
venient time; This Province lying so neer Virginia, and yet 
more Southward, enjoys the fertility and advantages thereof; 
and yet is so far distant, as to be vf reed from the inconstancy 
of the Weather, which is a great cause of the unhealthful- 
ness thereof; also, being in the latitude of the Barmoodoes* 
may expect the like healthfulness which it hath hitherto 
enjoy d, and doubtless there is no Plantation that ever the 
English went upon, in all respects so good as this : for though 

1 Title-page of original. * See post, p. 140, note. Bermudas. 



Barmoodoes be wonderful healthy and fruitful, yet is it but 
a Prison to the Inhabitants, who are much streightned for 
want of room, and therefore many of them are come to Caro 
lina, and more intend to follow. 1 There is seated in this 
Province two Colonies already, one on the River Roanoak 
(now called Albemarle River) and borders on Virginia; the 
Other at Cape Feare, two Degrees more Southerly; of which 
follows a more perticular Description. 

This Province of Carolina is situate on the main Conti 
nent of America, between the degrees of 30. and 36. and hath 
on the North, the South part of Virginia; on the South is 
bounded by the 30 degree of Latitude not yet fully discovered ; 
on the East is Mare Atlanticum, part of the great Ocean; 
and on the West the wealthy South Sea is its Confines. 

The perticular Description of Cape Feare. 

In the midst of this fertile Province, in the Latitude of 
34 degrees, there is a Colony of English seated, who Landed 
there the 29 of May, Anno 1664. and are in all about 800 
persons, who have overcome all the difficulties that attend 
the first attempts, and have cleered the way for those that 
come after, who will find good houses to be in whilst their 
own are in building; good forts to secure them from their 
enemies; and many things brought from other parts there, 
increasing to their no small advantage. The entrance into 
the River, now called Cape-Feare River, the situation of the 
Cape, and trending of the Land, is plainly laid down to the 
eye in the Map annexed. The River is barred at the en 
trance, but there is a Channel close abord the Cape that will 
convey in safety a ship of 300 Tons, and as soon as a ship is 
over the Bar, the River is 5 or 6 fathom deep for a 100 miles 
from the Sea; this Bar is a great security to the Colony 

1 The same reason for desiring the opening up of Carolina to settlers was 
given by the Barbadian "adventurers" when they sent out the second Hilton 
expedition. Believing that Barbados was overcrowded, they not only wanted 
Carolina opened up to settlers, but believed that settlers of Carolina could there 
produce "wine, oil, currants, raisind, silks, etc., the planting of which will not 
injure other Plantations, which may very well happen if there were a very great 
increase of sugar works or more tobacco, ginger, cotton, and indigo made than 
the world will vent." Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, p. 157. 


against a forreign Invasion, the channel being hard to find 
by those that have not experience of it, and yet safe enough 
to those that know it. 

The Earth, Water, and Air. 

The Land is of divers sorts as in all Countryes of the 
world, that which lyes neer the Sea, is sandy and barren, but 
beareth many tall Trees, which make good timber for several 
uses; and this sandy gound is by experienced men thought 
to be one cause of the healthfulness of the place: but up 
the River about 20 or 30 mile, where they have made a Town, 
called Charles-Town, 1 there is plenty of as rich ground as 
any in the world. It is a blackish mold upon a red sand, and 
under that a clay, but in some places is rich ground of a grayer 
colour, they have made Brick of the Clay, which proves very 
good; and Lime they have also for building. The whole 
Country consists of stately Woods, Groves, Marshes and 
Meadows; it abounds with variety of as brave Okes as Eye 
can behold, great Bodies tall and streight from 60 to 80 foot, 
before there be any Boughs, which with the little under-wood 
makes the Woods very commodious to travel in, either on 
Horseback or a foot. In the barren sandy ground grow 
most stately Pines, white and red Cedars, Ash, Birch, Holly, 
Chesnut and Walnut-trees of great growth and very plenti 
ful: There are many sorts of fruit Trees, as Vines, Medlars, 
Peach, Wild Cherries, Mulbury-Trees, and the Silk-worm 
breeding naturally on them, with many other Trees for Fruit 
and for Building, for Perfume and for Medicine, for which 
the English have no name; also several sorts of Dying Stuff, 
which may prove of great advantage; The Woods are stored 
with Deer and Wild Turkeys, of a great magnitude, weighing 
many times above 50Z. a piece, 2 and of a more pleasant tast 
than in England, being in their proper climate; other sorts 
of Beasts in the Woods that are good for food; and also 

1 This short-lived Charles Town on Cape Fear River should not be con 
founded with the later and permanent Charles Town on Ashley River. 

2 There are many wild turkeys still left in parts of both North Carolina and 
South Carolina, but none that will approach in size the birds here described, and 
the oldest hunters in either state cannot recall ever having seen one of such size. 
A wild turkey of twenty-five pounds would now be considered unusually large. 


Fowls, whose names are not known to them. This is what 
they found naturally upon the place; but they have brought 
with them most sorts of seeds and roots of the Barbadoes 
which thrive very well, and they have Potatoes, and the 
other Roots and Herbs of Barbadoes growing and thriving 
with them; as also from Virginia, Barmoodoes, and New- 
England, what they could afford: They have Indico, Tobacco 
very good, and Cotton- wool; Lime-trees, Orange, Lemon, 
and other Fruit-Trees they brought, thrive exceedingly : They 
have two Crops of Indian-Corn in one year, and great in 
crease every Crop; Apples, Pears, and other English fruit, 
grow there out of the planted Kernels: The Marshes and 
Meadows are very large from 1500 to 3000 Acres, and up 
wards, and are excellent food for Cattle, and will bear any 
Grain being prepared; some Cattle both great and small, 
which live well all the Winter, and keep their fat without 
Fodder; Hogs find so much Mast and other Food in the 
Woods, that they want no other care than a Swine-herd to 
keep them from running wild. 1 The Meadows are very 
proper for Rice, 2 Rape-seed, Lin-seed, etc., and may many of 
them be made to overflow at pleasure with a small charge. 
Here are as brave Rivers as any in the World, stored with 
great abundance of Sturgeon, Salmon, Basse, Plaice, Trout, 
and Spanish Mackrill, with many other most pleasant sorts 

1 There are ranges in the Low-Country of South Carolina where the same con 
ditions, both as to cattle and hogs, still exist. 

2 Several of the early promoters of the settlement of Carolina suggested or 
advised the cultivation of rice, and that their efforts were not in vain is attested 
by the fact that within a few years after the first settlements had been made in 
the province a considerable quantity of rice was being raised annually. By 1691 
it had become such an industry in South Carolina that the General Assembly of 
the province, on September 20, passed an act securing patent rights in his inven 
tion to Peter Jacob Guerard, who had "lately invented and brought to per 
fection, a Pendulum Engine, which doth much better, and in lesse time and 
labour huske rice, than any other heretofore hath been used within this Province." 
The statement often found in works on South Carolina that Landgrave Thomas 
Smith, while governor of South Carolina (1693-1694), introduced the cultivation 
of rice into the province by obtaining a bag of seed from Madagascar and planting 
it in his garden and distributing the seed so raised is shown by this and many 
other records to be more or less fiction. The warrants for lands show that Land 
grave Smith and his family arrived in South Carolina July 10, 1684, and at that 
time rice was already a commodity produced in the province. 


of Fish, both flat and round, for which the English Tongue 
hath no name. Also, in the little Winter they have, abun 
dance of Wild Geese, Ducks, Teals, Widgeons, and many 
other pleasant Fowl; and (as it is said before) the Rivers 
are very deep and navigable above 100 miles up; also there 
are wholsome Springs and Rivulets. Last of all, the Air 
comes to be considered, which is not the least considerable 
to the well being of a Plantation, for without a wholsom Air 
all other considerations avail nothing; and this is it which 
makes this Place so desireable, being seated in the most 
temperate Clime, where the neighbour-hood of the glorious 
Light of Heaven brings many advantages, and his con 
venient distance secures them from the Inconvenience of his 
scortching beams. The Summer is not too hot, and the 
Winter is very short and moderate, best agreeing with Eng 
lish Constitutions. Cape Feare lyes about 34 degrees from 
the Equator, the Nights nor Days are so long, when at longest 
as in England, by somewhat above two hours. A remark 
able Instance of the Healthfulness of the Place, is, That at 
the first setting down of the Colony, when they had no house 
nor harbour, but wrought hard all day, in preparing Wood 
to build, and lay in the open Air all night, yet not one of 
them was ill, but continued well all the time; they Sympa 
thize most with the Barmoodoes, which is the healthfullest 
spot in the World, and yet the last year they had a Feaver 
and Ague that troubled them much, which also was at Cape- 
Feare, but was not dangerous to any that took care of them 
selves, and had things convenient. This place had been 
aimed at many years since. Sir Walter Rawleigh had a design 
to have planted it. Those of the Barmoodoes, whose Habi 
tations are too streight for them, have with longing desire 
waited for the discovery of this place that is neer their own 
Latitude, where they may expect the same healthfulness they 
do now enjoy, which is now perfected as to the first Settle 
ment, and wants nothing but a diligent prosecution of so noble 
an Enterprize. 

If therefore any industrious and ingenious persons shall 
be willing to pertake of the Felicites of this Country, let 
them imbrace the first opportunity, that they may obtain 
the greater advantages. 


The chief of the Privileges are as follows. 

First, There is full and free Liberty of Conscience granted 
to all, so that no man is to be molested or called in question 
for matters of Religious Concern; but every one to be obedient 
to the Civil Government, worshipping God after their own 

Secondly, There is freedom from Custom, for all Wine, 
Silk, Raisins, Currance, Oyl, Olives, and Almonds, that shall 
be raised in the Province for 7. years, after 4 Ton of any of 
those commodities shall be imported in one Bottom. 

Thirdly, Every Free-man and Free-woman that transport 
themselves and Servants by the 25 of March next, being 1667. 
shall have for Himself, Wife, Children, and Men-servants, for 
each 100 Acres of Land for him and his Heirs for ever, and 
for every Woman-servant and Slave 50 Acres, paying at most 
%d. per acre, per annum, in lieu of all demands, to the Lords 
Proprietors: Provided always, That every Man be armed 
with a good Musquet full bore, 101. Powder, and 20Z. of Bullet, 
and six Months Provision for all, to serve them whilst they 
raise Provision in that Countrey. 

Fourthly, Every Man-Servant at the expiration of their 
time, is to have of the Country a 100 Acres of Land to him 
and his heirs for ever, paying only \d. per Acre, per annum, 
and the W^omen 50. Acres of Land on the same conditions; 
their Masters also are to allow them two Suits of Apparrel and 
Tools such as he is best able to work with, according to the 
Custom of the Countrey. 

Fifthly, They are to have a Governour and Council ap 
pointed from among themselves, to see the Laws of the As 
sembly put in due execution; but the Governour is to rule 
but 3 years, and then learn to obey; also he hath no power to 
lay any Tax, or make or abrogate any Law, without the Con 
sent of the Colony in their Assembly. 

Sixthly, They are to choose annually from among them 
selves, a certain Number of Men, according to their divisions, 
which constitute the General Assembly with the Governour 
and his Council, and have the sole power of Making Laws, and 
Laying Taxes for the common good when need shall require. 


These are the chief and Fundamental privileges, but the 
Right Honourable Lords Proprietors have promised (and it 
is their Interest so to do) to be ready to grant what other 
Privileges may be found advantageous for the good, of the 

Is there therefore any younger Brother who is born of 
Gentile blood, and whose Spirit is elevated above the common 
sort, and yet the hard usage of our Country hath not allowed 
suitable fortune; he will not surely be afraid to leave his 
Native Soil to advance his Fortunes equal to his Blood and 
Spirit, and so he will avoid those unlawful ways too many of 
our young Gentlemen take to maintain themselves according 
to their high education, having but small Estates; here, with 
a few Servants and a small Stock a great Estate may be raised, 
although his Birth have not entituled him to any of the Land 
of his Ancestors, yet his Industry may supply him so, as to 
make him the head of as famous a family. 

Such as are here tormented with much care how to get 
worth to gain a Livelyhood, or that with their labour can 
hardly get a comfortable subsistance, shall do well to go to 
this place, where any man what-ever, that is but willing to 
take moderate pains, may be assured of a most comfortable 
subsistance, and be in a way to raise his fortunes far beyond 
what he could ever hope for in England. Let no man be 
troubled at the thoughts of being a Servant for 4 or 5 year, 
for I can assure you, that many men give mony with their 
children to serve 7 years, 1 to take more pains and fare nothing 
so well as the Servants in this Plantation will do. Then it is 
to be considered, that so soon as he is out of his time, he hath 
Land, and Tools, and Clothes given him, and is in a way of 
advancement. Therefore all Artificers, as Carpenters, Wheel- 
rights, Joyners, Coopers, Bricklayers, Smiths, or diligent 
Husbandmen and Labourers, that are willing to advance their 
fortunes, and live in a most pleasant healthful and fruitful 
Country, where Artificers are of high esteem, and used with 
all Civility and Courtesie imaginable, may take notice, that 

TJiere is an opportunity offers now by the Virginia Fleet, 
from whence Cape Feare is but 3 or 4 days sail, and then a 
small Stock carried to Virginia will purchase provisions at a 

1 As apprentices. 


far easier rate than to carry them from hence; also the freight 
of the said Provisions will be saved, and be more fresh, and 
there wanteth not conveyance from Virginia thither. 

If any Maid or single Woman have a desire to go over, 
they will think themselves in the Golden Age, when Men paid 
a Dowry for their Wives; for if they be but Civil, and under 
50 years of Age, some honest Man or other, will purchase them 
for their Wives. 

Those that desire further advice, or Servants that would 
be entertained, let them repair to Mr. Matthew Wilkinson, 
Ironmonger, at the Sign of the Three Feathers, in Bishopsgate- 
Street, where they may be informed when the Ships will be 
ready, and what they must carry with them. 

Thus much was convenient to be written at present, but a 
more ample Relation is intended to be published in due time. 




FOLLOWING up their activity in behalf of Carolina in send 
ing out an expedition to the coast of Carolina under Captain 
William Hilton, in August, 1663, and in obtaining, soon 
thereafter, liberal concessions for settlers from the Lords 
Proprietors, 1 the Barbadian planters next took up, in that 
same year, the project of establishing a settlement near Cape 
Fear on the coast of what is now North Carolina. This under 
taking they accomplished the next year. The settlement was 
made pn the Charles (Cape Fear) River in May, 1664, and 
was called Charles Town. 2 Colonel John Yeamans, an influ 
ential planter of Barbados, and Lieutenant-Colonel Robert 
Sandford, formerly of Surinam and later of Barbados, were 
of great assistance to the Proprietors in this enterprise, 3 and ? 
when the settlement was organized by the Proprietors into a 
government under the name of Clarendon County, they ap 
pointed Sandford secretary and register of Clarendon County, 
November 14, 1664, 4 and on January 11, 1664/5, they ap 
pointed Colonel John Yeamans lieutenant-general and gover 
nor of Carolina. 5 On account of the previous activities of the 
latter in behalf of Carolina Sir John Colleton had given the 

1 Ante, pp. 35, 57-61. 

2 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, pp. 154-155, 157, 160, 161- 
162; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 1, 13, 53; W. J. 
Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, pp. 335-337; Colonial Records 
of North Carolina, I. 43-46. 

8 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, pp. 267, 379; Collections 
of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 56. 

4 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, p. 254; Colonial Records of 
North Carolina, I. 71-72. 

5 Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 95-97. 



other Proprietors "a good character of his abilities and 
loyalty . . . with an assurance that he will vigorously attempt 
the settling of a Colony to the southward of Cape Romania/ 
and the Proprietors induced the King "to confer the honor of 
a Knight baronet upon him and his heirs/ which was done 
January 12, 1664/5. 1 

The Proprietors having instructed Governor Yeamans to 
place a colony in that part of the province of Carolina south 
ward and westward of Cape Romania, he organized an expedi 
tion in Barbados in 1665 to explore the lower coast of Carolina 
to select a proper site. His fleet, consisting of a fly boat of 
150 tons, a small frigate and a sloop, sailed from Barbados in 
October, 1665. Early in November the fleet reached the 
mouth of Charles (Cape Fear) River. In attempting to enter 
the river without a pilot, during a gale, the fly boat was 
stranded and destroyed, all on board, of whom Sir John was 
one, reaching the shore in safety, but the greater part of their 
provisions and clothes and of the arms, powder, and other 
military stores sent by the Proprietors for the defence of the 
proposed settlement were lost. 

Governor Yeamans found the settlers at Charles River in 
such a needy condition that he sent the sloop to Virginia to 
secure provisions for them, and himself returned to Barbados 
in the frigate. Before leaving he directed that should the 
sloop miscarry in its voyage to Virginia the vessel of Captain 
Edward Stanyarne, then in the harbor, but bound for Bar 
bados, should be hired by Sandford for his use in making the 

1 Sir John Yeamans was the eldest son of John Yeamans (died in 1645), a 
brewer, of Bristol, England; was born at Bristol and was baptized at St. Mary 
Redcliffe, February 28, 1611. He attained the rank of colonel in the Royalist 
army. About 1650 he settled in Barbados and engaged in planting. The minutes 
of the council of Barbados from July, 1660, to March, 1664, show that he was a 
member of that body during that period. Dictionary of National Biography, 
biographies of Robert Yeamans and Sir John Yeamans; The South Carolina 
Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XI. 107-122; Calendar of State Papers, 
Colonial, 1574-1660, pp. 484, 494; 1661-1668, pp. 1, 46, 154, 169, 195. 


explorations, in case Captain Stanyarne returned before the 
sloop. On its return voyage from Virginia the sloop was 
wrecked on Cape Lookout and two of its men were lost. While 
returning from Barbados Captain Stanyarne went deranged 
and jumped overboard and was drowned. His vessel, in 
charge of his survivors, reached Charles River in due season 
and Sandford assumed charge thereof and started out, June 
14, 1666, to explore the lower coast, as he had been directed to 
do by Governor Yeamans. Nearly a month later, July 12, 
1666, he returned to Charles River and landed at Charles 
Town. He at once addressed a letter to the Lords Proprietors, 
enclosing an account of his expedition. Accompanying his 
letter and narrative was a corroborative statement by the 
officers who accompanied him, dated July 14, 1666. These 
three documents were among the papers of the Lords Propri 
etors retained by the Earl of Shaftesbury (Lord Ashley), 
which passed from one of his successors to the next until the 
late Earl of Shaftesbury (the ninth earl, who died in 1886) 
deposited them in the British Public Record Office. They 
constitute "No. 7" of "Bundle 48" of "Section IX." of 
"Shaftesbury Papers." An abstract of these papers was 
published as section 1243 of the Calendar of State Papers, 
Colonial, 1661-1668 (by W. Noel Sainsbury, of the British 
Public Record Office), in 1880. Soon thereafter such of the 
"Shaftesbury Papers" as related to South Carolina were 
transcribed by Mr. Sainsbury for the city council of Charleston, 
at the instance of Hon. William A. Courtenay, the then mayor 
of Charleston. Mr. Courtenay used these transcripts in pre 
paring his address for the centennial celebration in 1883 of 
the one-hundredth anniversary of the incorporation of Charles 
ton, and subsequently printed some of them as appendices to 
the annual Year Book of Charleston. Sandford s narrative 
was published in the issue for 1885. Subsequently the city 
council (at the suggestion of Mr. Courtenay) presented the 


transcripts of the Shaftesbury papers to the South Carolina 
Historical Society and they were published in volume V. of 
Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, Sandford s 
voyage covering pages 57-82 thereof. In 1907 it was re 
printed in Mr. Courtenay s The Genesis of South Carolina. 

Robert Sandford, the author of this narrative, was an 
Englishman who, some years prior to August 17, 1662, along 
with other Englishmen, settled on the river Surinam, where 
they established a government "subject to the laws of Eng 
land, elective in the people, who yearly were to appoint all 
members thereof." One Byam, having been elected to the 
head of this government three successive years, according to 
the constitution, built up a strong party about him, and, over 
ruling the smaller faction, decreed the continuance in power 
of his party, claiming as his authority for so doing, a proclama 
tion by the King, which, however, he refused to show. Dissat 
isfaction with Byam for exacting a heavy imposition upon the 
people and for calling the colony into arms, and a quarrel over 
a Dutch shallop seized as a prize, precipitated a rebellion 
against his authority. He seized all who had disputed his 
authority and brought them to trial by court-martial. The 
prisoners who pleaded not guilty, without being heard, were 
hurried away in irons and then fined and exiled. Sandford 
was one of those so fined and banished. He proceeded to 
England, where his complaints, dated August 17, 1662, were 
laid before His Majesty s Privy Council, September 12, 1662, 1 

Sandford next settled in Barbados, where he " gained a 
very advantageous employment under Sir Jas. Drax." He 
was a member of the Assembly of Barbados in 1663 when that 
body became engaged in a quarrel with Lord Willoughby, the 
governor of Barbados. With Speaker Farmer and two other 
members he was seized under a warrant from the governor 
and imprisoned for high treason. Finding no witnesses 

1 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, pp. 104, 108. 


against them the Council ordered them discharged, but, 
through the contrivance of Willoughby, Farmer and Sandford 
were sent aboard the governor s ship and taken to England, 
where they laid their grievances before the King and Council. 1 
Sandford next attracted the attention of the Lords Pro 
prietors of Carolina, who consulted him in regard to the 
settlement of their province. He and Henry Vassall dined 
with the proprietors August 22, 1664, and among the items 
entered on the expense account of the Proprietors is one 
for this dinner to Sandford and Vassall at the meeting with 
them "about a treaty w th them Conserneing Carolina." 2 In 
November following Sandford was appointed secretary and 
register of Clarendon County, as heretofore recited, and re 
paired to the Charles River settlement, and in 1665 was in 
the assembly of Clarendon County. The next year he made 
the explorations here described. 

1 Ibid., pp. 364-366, 584. 

2 Ibid., p. 379; Transcripts of Letters and Documents in the British Public 
Record Office relating to South Carolina (MS.), I. 2 (in the office of the Historical 
Commission of South Carolina); Collections of the South Carolina Historical 
Society, V. 56-57. 


A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina, 
Formerly called Florida, in the Continent of- the Northern 
America, from Charles River near Cape Feare, in the County 
of Clarendon, and the Lat. of 34 Deg:, to Port Royall, in the 
North Lat: of 32 Deg: begun Uth June, 1666; 

Performed by Robert Sandford, Esq, Secretary and Chiefe 
Register for the Lords Proprietors of their County of Claren 
don, in the Province aforesaid. 

To the Right Hono ble Edward, Earle of Clarendon, Lord High 
Chancellor of England; George, Duke of Albemarle, Capt.- 
Gener 11 of all his Maf ies forces in the Kingdome of Eng 
land, Scotland and Ireland and Master of the Horse; Wm. 
Lord Craven; John Lord Berkeley; Anthony Lord Ashley, 
Chancellor of the Excheq r ; S r George Cartrett, Vice-Cham- 
berlaine of His Maf ies Household; S r Wm. Berkeley, Knt., 
and S r John Colleton, Knt. and Baronett, The true and 
absolute Lords Proprietors of all the Province of Carolina: 

Right Honor ble , 

IT is not presumption but Duty that presents this Narra 
tive (however rude and imperfect) to soe Illustrious, I had 
rather say a Constellation than a Corporation; the matter 
related was performed under your Auspice in your Country 
and by your servant. It measures to you, my Lords, (as his 
foot did Hercules) the greatnes of your Soveraignes Guift, 
and to the World the greatness of your trust and favour 
with him. It shews you in Prospective how lasting a Renowne 
you may adde to your already most glorious Names, How 



boundles a Grandeur to your longest Posterity. None indeede 
but God and the King can move your hearts to doe these 
great things for yourselves and Nation. Yett that such a 
Notion be effected may and shall bee the prayers of, Right 
Hono ble , 

With all submission, readiness and fidelity, 
Your Lord ppes servant, 


The Port Royal Discovery. 

THE Right Hono ble the Lords Proprietors of the Prov 
ince of Carolina, in prosecution of his sacred Ma tie8 pious 
intentions of planting and Civillizing those his towns and peo 
ple of the Northerne America, which Neighbour Southward on 
Virginia (by some called Florida) found out and discovered by 
S r Sebastian Cabott in the yeare 1497 att the Charges of 
H. 7, King of England, etc., Constituted Sir John Yeamans 
Baronett their Lt.-Generall, with ample Powers for placeing 
a Colony in some of the Rivers to the Southward and West 
ward of Cape St. Romana, Who departing from the Island 
Barbados in Octob. 1665 in a Fly-boate of about 150 Tonns, 
accompanyed by a small Friggatt of his owne and a Sloope 
purchased by a Comon purse for the service of the Colonyes, 
After they had beene separated by a great storme att Sea 
(wherein the Friggatt lost all her Masts and himselfe had like 
to have foundred, and were all brought together againe in 
the beginning of November to an anchor before the Mouth 
of Charles River neere Cape Feare in the County of Clarendon, 
part of the same province newly begunn to be peopled, and 
within the Lt.-Gen lls Commission), They were all blowne 
from their anchors by a suddaine violent Gust, the Fly-boat 
S r John was in narrowly escapeing the dangerous shoales of 
the Cape. But this proved but a short difference of their 
fate, ffor returning with a favourable wind to a second viewe 
of the entrance into Charles River, but, destituted of all 
pilates, save their own eyes (which the flattering gale that 
conducted them did alsoe delude by covering the rough visage 
of their objected dangers with a thick veile of smooth waters) 
they stranded their vessel on the Middle ground of the har- 


hours mouth, to the Westward the Channell, where the Ebbe 
presently left her, and the wind with its own multeplyed 
forces and the auxiliaryes of the tide of flood beat her to 

The persons were all saved by the Neighbourhood of the 
shore, but the greatest part of their provision of Victualls, 
clothes, etc., and of the Magazine of Armes, powder and 
other Military furniture shipped by the Lords Proprietors for 
the defence of the designed Settlement perished in the waters. 
The Lt.-Gen 11 purposed at first imediately to repair his Frig- 
gatt (which together with the Sloope gote safely into the 
River when the Fly-boate was driven off) and to send her 
backe to Barbados for recruits whilest himselfe in person 
attended the yssue of that discovery which I and some other 
Gentlemen offered to make Southwards in the Sloope. But 
when the great and growing necessityes of the English Colony 
in Charles River (heightened by this disaster) begann clamour- 
ously to crave the use of the Sloope in a Voyage to Virginia 
for their speedy relief, S r John altered that his first resolu 
tion, and permitting the Sloope to goe to Virginia retorned 
himselfe to Barbados in his Friggatt. Yett that the designe 
of the Southerne settlement might not wholy fall, Hee con 
ditioned with the freighters of the Sloope that in case shee 
miscarryed in her Virginia voyage they should hire Capt. 
Edward Stanyarn s 1 vessell (then in their harbour but bound 
for Barbados) to performe the Discovery, and left a Comis- 
sion with mee for the effecting it upon the retorne of the 
Sloope or Stanion, which should first happen. 

The Sloope in her comeing homeward from Virginia loaden 
with Victuall being ready by reason of her extreme rottennes 
in her timbers to sinke was driven on shoare by a storme in 
the night on Cape Lookeout (the next headland to the North 
and Eastward of Cape Feare and about 20 Le. distant); her 
men all saved except two, and with many difficultyes brought 
by their boate through the great sound into Albemarle River 
neere the Island Roanoake (within this same Province of 
Carolina) to the English plantation there. 

1 The correct spelling of this name is Stanyarne and it is pronounced as if 
spelled Stanion. It will be observed that Sandford spelled it in three different 
ways all wrong in two paragraphs. 


Capt. Stanyon in returning from Barbados, weakely 
maned and without any second to himselfe driven to and 
agen on the Seas for many weekes by contrary winds and 
conquered with care, vexation and watching, lost his reason, 
and after many wild extravagancyes leapt overboard in a 
frenzye, leaveing his small Company and Vessel to the much 
more quiett and constant, though but little more knowing 
and prudent conduct of a child, who yett assisted by a miracu 
lous Providence after many wanderings brought her safe 
to Charles River in Clarendon, her desired Port and Haven. 

I had now a Vessell to performe my Southerne Expedition 
but disfurnished of a Master and none here skilled in Navi 
gation to be persuaded to the Voyage, least therefore a worke 
soe necessary to promote the settlement of this Province 
should be poorely left without an attempt, Myselfe undertooke 
the Office, though noe better capacitated for it then a little 
reading in the Mathematicks had rendred mee with the helpe 
of a fewe observations made whilst a passenger in some late 
Sea Voyages to divert their tedium. 

On the 14th June 1666 I entered on my charge, neere six 
months after the date of my Commission (soe long had theise 
various accidents detained mee), and on the 16th I left Charles 
River sayling Westward with a faire gale att East alongst 
that goodly and bold bay which on her two Capes, Feare 
and Romania, as on two homes, procures all dangers of 
Flatts and shoales from her owne more gentle bosome. To 
make her yett more signall I named her Berkly Bay from 
the Right Hon ble John Lord Berkly and S r Wm. Berkly, 
two of her noble Lords Proprietors. 

I was accompanyed by Capt. George Cary, Lt. Samuell 
Harvy, Lt. Joseph Woory, Ens. Henry Brayne, Ens. Richard 
Abrahall and Mr. Tho. Giles, and severall other inhabitants 
of the County of Clarendon * to the number of 17 besides 
myselfe (and the shipps Company, which alas were but two 
men and a boy). With mee I tooke a smale shalloope of some 
three tonns belonging to the Lords Proprietors and appointed 
by the Lt.-Gen 11 for that service, in which I placed Ens. 

1 Of these Gary, Harvey, Brayne, and Giles had been members of the assem 
bly of Clarendon County in 1665. Collections of the South Carolina Historical 
Society, V. 60, 61. 


Henry Brayne of some Experience in Sea matters * and two 
other men, soe reserveing Eighteene of all sorts in the biggest 
vessel, whose burden alsoe exceeded scarce fiveteene Tonns. 

The 19th in the night it being very cloudy and darke and 
hee att our helme unawares bringing our Vessell astayes, we 
lost Company of our Shalloope. The 22d about 7 o clock in 
the morning wee made the land and a fair River to Leward of 
us (haveing beene driven out to Sea by a Southwest winde 
from the 18th to the 21st, when a strong Easterly gale brought 
us in with the shoare againe). Wee bore up to this River 
and a great way kept our depth of six and five fathom water 
without any signe of breakers. Att length it shoaled, and 
Wee could plainely discerne a breach in the Eastern board. 
The River when wee first made it bore N. W. by W. of us, 
and by this time we had brought it to N. W. by N. : being 
therefore come into two fath. water and judging our selves on 
the banke of the visible Easterne shoalings Wee steered more 
Westerly and presently deepened our Water to three fathom 
and soe upwards. But the wind being at East and the Water 
ebbing, if wee had gonne more Westerly Wee could not have 
luff d in; Wherefore I resolved (Noe breach appearing all 
before mee) to runn in directly with the River which nowe 
bore N. N. W., and in standing in that Course one heeve of 
the lead Wee had but 11 foot water, but the next was two 
fathom, which depth and betweene that and two fathom and 
a halfe continued a great while, and as we approached the 
Westerne point of the Entrance it deepened soe that those 

1 And also with "the portugall language." After this expedition he was a 
"greate encourager" of the Carolina "designe" and in 1669 was given command 
of the Proprietors frigate Carolina, and settled at Ashley River with the first 
colony to settle in what is now South Carolina in 1670. In that year he claimed 
to have "the best stock of any three men in the Collony" and asked for 5,000 
acres of land "for the monys, sugars servant and else that I was out at Cape 
Faire and for my first discoverie with Coll. Sandford." He commanded the 
Carolina until 1671, when Lord Ashley declared that he was "not satisfied with 
Brain in any of the voyages he hath made." He was in Carolina in 1672, and 
on January 30, 1676/7, received a warrant for 1,100 acres of land. He evidently 
died in South Carolina, as an inventory of his estate is among the records of the 
court of ordinary of the province. Collections of the South Carolina Historical 
Society, V. 88, 141, 142, 143, 150, 157, 215, 216, 317, 340, 476; Warrants for 
Lands in South Carolina, 1672-1679, pp. 124-125. 


aboard the point Wee found five and six fathom water and 
soe upwards to nine fathom all the way in. It was halfe 
Ebbe at least when Wee entred, and I am very much per 
suaded that if Wee had gonne soe farr Westerly as till the 
River had borne North or N. N. E., wee had found a much 
deeper Channell, for though it blew a very fresh gale att East 
(which here is alongst shore and somewhat upon the Westerne 
Coast), yett we could not discerne any appearance of Flatts 
at all to the Westward. 

Being come about foure or five miles within the River I 
anchored, and a Canoa with two Indians came presently 
aboard mee and told mee that was the Country of Edistoh, 
and that the chiefe towne or seate of the Casique was within 
on the Westerne shoare somewhat lower downe towards the 
Sea, by which relation I guessed this to be the same River 
that some English in a former discovery mentioned by the 
name of Grandy (if it be not rather the French Gironde *) 
and only sawe of att Sea but entered not; that it might noe 
longer remaine under an uncertaine distinction I called it 
from the name of my Lieutenant, Harvy Haven. It lyes 
about 32 d. 3 m. and the markes to knowe it by as you come 
from Sea are these: The North East side is a bluffeland, 
rounding from the River and stretching East into the Sea, 
hence a lodge of breakers runn out South before the Harbour s 
mouth, on which wee borrowed when wee made such shoale 
water in our Entrance. The Southwest side makes a sharpe 
lowe flat point bare of trees, a pretty way from the Entrance 
West, and then shews a hammocke or two of thicke shrubby 
trees. From this point the Coast tends S.W. and then W.S.W. 
Just within the Entrance is a shewe of a faire Creeke on the 
Starboard side and another on the West or larbord side. 
Almost oposite from the uper side of the East side Creeke a 
Marsh Island runns out West and Southerly almost cross the 
River, Edged to the Seaward with a banke of Oyster shells, 
discernable a good way to Sea as you come from the North- 

1 The North Edisto. Ribault, the French explorer, named the rivers along 
this coast after the rivers of France. B. R. Carroll, in his Historical Collections 
of South Carolina, I. xxxiv, gives a comparative list of these rivers, but it is errone 
ous. He gives the Grande as the Broad, which is, of course, wrong. The Indian 
town was on the island now known as Edisto Island. 


ward, and particularly meett with two lowe trees which in 
the offing and before the Oyster banke is discovered seeme as 
Vesieble riding within the River. It flowes here East and 
West neere eight foote perpendicular at spring tides. The 
Woods on each side entring, to us seemed to consist most of 
live Oake, the land levell, of an habitable height generally, 
with steepe redd bankes here and there appeareing over the 
Marshes, on which in many places wee could see the fields of 
Maiz greenly florishing. 

The next day, being the 23rd June, I went with my boate 
into a Creek on the East shoare opposite to where the Vessell 
rode, a very faire and deepe Creeke or River goeing North 
and Easterly to appearance a long way. 1 Being gone about 
a mile up I landed and, according to my instructions, in pres 
ence of my Company took a formall possession by turffe and 
twigg of that whole Country from the Lat. of 36 deg. North 
to 29 d. South and West to the South Seas by the name of 
the Province of Carolina, for Our Soveraigne Lord Charles the 
Second, King of England, and his heirs and successors, and to 
the use of the Right Hono ble Edward, Earle of Clarendon, 
George, Duke of Albermarle, William Lord Craven, John 
Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, S r George Cartrett, 
S r William Berkeley and S r John Colleton, their heirs and 
assigns, according to the Letters Patents of Our Soveraigne 
Lord the King. I ranged a little on either side this Creeke, 
passed through severall fields of Maiz or Indian Corn, and 
following the guidance of a small path was brought to some of 
the Indians Habitations. I found all the land that I passed 
over, whether I went back or alongst the side of the Creeke, 
a rich fatt soyle, black mould on the topp and under mixt 
with a soft redd marie, which and a stiffe Clay I after found 
the most generall foundation of all the land. Noe Swamps, 
noe Sandy land. On the Outside of the woods some single 
scattring Pine trees, but of the sort which is called Spruce. 
The rest and the Generality of the timber being Oak, Maple, 
Ash, Wallnutt, Popler, Bayes, and the trees tall and straight 
but not very large, growing closer together than I have seene 
in any other part of this Province (the reason I guesse of their 
being so slender). They are for the most part a well seized 

1 Bohicket Creek. 


building timber, and some fewe wee sawe of Oak and Maple 
that would beare three or foure foot over a very great burthen 
upon the ground; and much of it of such growth as wee 
knowe to be an excellent feeding for Cattle, and so thick and 
high that it made our travelling very tedious. 

The next day I went some miles up the maine River, and 
finding a creek alsoe on the East side * which opened some 
groves of Pine trees to our veiwe I putt in there purposely to 
see that sort of Land, and found this if any the Swamps of 
this Country, for this Creeke carryed us into Low broken 
Marshes and Islands of these pine trees lying almost levell 
with the water. Wee landed on some of them, found them 
firme and dry (though severall dayes and but the very night 
before wee had store of raine) and without any signes of 
haveing ever beene overflowed. Yett they are seemingly soe 
seated as that great store of raine and frequent must necessarily 
stand in them. The pines are all spruce; the soyle a fatt 
blacke mould with a scarce discernable mixture of sand 
founded alsoe, either on marie or Clay as the other lands and 
bearing a very great burthen, and though on the outside Wee 
sawe only pine trees yett being entered the Wood wee found 
also Oake and severall other timber trees of a very large seize. 
Att a venture wee called these kind of lands pine swamps. 
But I esteeme them a very profitable tillable ground, and 
some of my Company did after this see an Indian planted 
field of this sort which they told me bore as tall Maiz as any. 
We rowed a long way up the Creeke, and besides these swamps 
sawe and ranged through very spacious tracts of rich Oake 
land, and yett Wee were not past the Oyster bankes and fre 
quent heepes of shells, nor the salt water. Att my returne 
downe the River I sent some ashoare to range on the West 
side who did instantly affirme that the lands there were of an 
equall excellency with the best of those Wee had other where 
viewed, and that they believed itt an impossible injunction to 
be putt to march to the end of the tracts. Being therfore 
well satisfyed with the successe of our discovery hitherto, I 
wayed and stood downe the River intending a short stay att 
the landing place neerest to the cheife Seate of Edistowe 
which the Indian had intreated of mee that they might with 

1 Ladinwah Creek. 


the lesser trouble come aboard mee to trade. When Wee 
were here a Capt. of the Nation named Shadoo (one of them 
which Hilton had carryed to Barbados *) was very earnest 
with some of our Company to goe with him and lye a night att 
their Towne, which he told us was but a smale distance thence. 
I being equally desirous to knowe the forme, manner and popu- 
lousnesse of the place, as alsoe what state the Casique held 
(fame in all theire things preferring this place to all the rest 
of the Coast) and foure of my Company, vizt: Lt. Harvy, Lt. 
Woory, Mr. Thomas Giles and Mr. Henry Woodward, for- 
wardly offring themselves to the service, haveing alsoe some 
Indians aboard mee who constantly resided there night and 
day, I permitted them to go with this Shadoo. They retorned 
to me the next morning with great Comendations of their 
entertainment, but especially of the goodnesse of the land 
they marcht through and the delightfull situation of the 
Towne. Telling mee withal that the Cassique himselfe ap 
peared not (pretending some indisposition) but that his state 
was supplyed by a Female, who received them with gladnes 
and Courtesy, placeing my Lt. Harvey on the seat by her. 2 
Their relation gave myselfe a Curiosity (they alsoe assureing 
mee that it was not above foure Miles off) to goe and see that 
Towne: And taking with mee Capt. George Gary and a file of 
men I marched thitherward followed by a long traine of In 
dians, of whome some or other always presented himselfe to 

1 P. 40, supra. 

a By a deed, dated March 10, 1675, "the Casseques naturall borne Heires 
and sole owners and Proprietors of great and the lesser Cassoe lying on the River 
of Kyeawah the River of Stonoe and the freshes of the River of Edistoh," for 
themselves, their "subjects and Vassalls" conveyed the "said parcell and parcells 
of land called by the name and names of great and little Cassoe with all the Tim 
ber on said land and all manner of the appurtenances any way belonging to any 
part or parts of the said land or lands" to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina. The 
deed is signed (with marks and seals) by the great cassique, three lesser cassiques, 
eleven Indian captains and fourteen women captains, the consideration being 
"a valuable parcell of cloth, hatchetts, Beads and other goods and manufactures." 
It is probable that the signatures of the women were secured to serve the purpose 
of a renunciation of dower, the deed being otherwise legally executed. Seven 
white men witnessed it. (Records of the Register of the Province of South 
Carolina, 1675-1696, p. 10 a manuscript volume in the office of the Historical 
Commission of South Carolina.) Numbers of other similar deeds executed later 
by Indians and signed by their women captains are on record in South Carolina. 


carry mee on his shoulders over any the branches of Creekes 
or plashy corners of Marshes in our Way. This walke though 
it tend to the Southward of the West, and consequently leads 
neere alongst the Sea-Coast, Yett it opened to our veiwe soe 
excellent a Country both for Wood, land and Meadowes as 
gave singular satisfaction to all my Company. Wee crossed 
one Meadowe of not lesse then a thousand Acres, all firme 
good land and as rich a Soyle as any, clothed with a ffine 
grasse not passing knee deepe, but very thick sett and fully 
adorned with yeallow flowers; a pasture not inferiour to any 
I have seene in England. The wood lands were all of the 
same sort both for timber and mould with the best of those 
we had ranged otherwhere, and without alteration or abate 
ment from their goodnes all the way of our March. Being 
entered the Towne wee were conducted into a large house of 
a Circular forme (their gene rail house of State). Right against 
the entrance way a high seate of sufficient breadth for half a 
dozen persons on which sate the Cassique himselfe (vouch- 
safeing mee that favour) with his wife on his right hand (shee 
who had received those whome I had sent the evening before). 
Hee was an old man of a large stature and bone. Round the 
house from each side the throne quite to the Entrance were 
lower benches filled with the whole rabble of men, Women and 
children. In the center of this house is kept a constant fire 
mounted on a great heape of Ashes and surrounded with little 
lowe furrows. Capt. Gary and my selfe were placed on the 
higher seate on each side the Cassique, and presented with 
skinns, accompanied with their Ceremony es of Welcome and 
friendshipp (by stroaking our shoulders with their palmes and 
sucking in theire breath the whilst). The Towne is scituate 
on the side or rather in the skirts of a faire forrest, in which at 
severall distances are diverse feilds of Maiz with many little 
houses straglingly amongst them for the habitations of the 
particular families. On the East side and part of the South 
it hath a large prospect over meadowes very spatious and de- 
lightfull. Before the Doore of their Statehouse is a spacious 
walke rowed with trees on both sides, tall and full branched, 
not much unlike to Elms, which serves for the Exercise and 
recreation of the men, who by Couple runn after a marble 
bowle troled out alternately by themselves, with six foote 


staves in their hands, which they tosse after the bowle in their 
race, and according to the laying of their staves wine or loose 
the beeds they contend for; an exercise approveable enough 
in the winter, but some what too violent (mee thought) for 
that season and noonetime of the day. From this walke is 
another lesse aside from the round house for the children to 
sport in. After a fewe houres stay I retorned to my Vessell 
with a greate troope of Indians att my heeles, the old 
Cassique himself e in the number, who lay aboard mee that 
night without the society of any of his people, some scores 
of which lay in boothes of their own imediate ereccon on the 

While I lay here I had perfectly understood that the 
River went through to another more Westerly, and was pas 
sable for our Vessell, and alsoe that it was not much more 
then a tides worke through, this increased my desire of pass 
ing this way. Especially being persuaded that this next 
River was Jordan (Hilton intimateing as much in his Journall 
and Mapp), 1 Wherefore on the 27th of June, with the helpe 
of the tide of flood (the winde being contrary) I turned upp 
the River, so having oportunity to try the whole Channell, 
which I found generally five, and between that and six fathume 
deepe and bold home to each shoare till wee were come about 
10 miles from the Harbours mouth, when the River was con 
tracted between the Marshes. Yett here (except in one or 
two places where some flatts narrowed the passage) wee sel- 
dome found less than five fathum water. The River being 
narrowe and variously winding, noe Gale would att any time 
serve us long, so that wee were forced for the most part to 
towe through, and that often against the winde, which proved 
very tedious; nor could we passe but by day, which with 
lying two tides a ground to stopp some Leakes, made it 
Sunday morning the first of July before wee came into the 
next Westerly River, 2 and by it into the Sea again, though by 
the Travers I tooke of our Course I found it performable with 
light boates in one tide of flood and an Ebbe. The passage 
is generally betweene drowned marshes, a great breadth be- 

1 There are two considerable rivers lying between the North Edisto and the 
Jordan (Combahee): the South Edisto and the Ashepoo. 

2 They evidently passed through Dawhoo River to the South Edisto. 


tweene the River and wood, especially on the Island side. On 
the East or maine side of the Marsh is much narrower, and in 
many places the River runns close under the banke of wood 
land, which wee had the oportunity to view, and found it to 
continue its excellency without change or diminution. The 
Indians alsoe that inhabitt the inner parts of it assureing us 
that it was all alike. The next Westerly River is a pretty 
faire river, not less broad than Harvey Haven, but its Chan- 
nell more crooked, narrowe and shallowe. The West side of 
itt (as wee found afterwards) is but a necke of land, having a 
Creeke or two which seeme to goe through into the West 
River. It is for the Generality drowned Marshes alsoe yett 
in some places the banke is high, Crowned here and there with 
smale ground of wood, consisting of dry plantable Land, 
surrounded a good space with a firme Meadowe or pasture 
Land, and presenting most delectable Seates for summer 
recesses. I did a little wounder to see the Sea and noe appar 
ent open passage first to the Westward as I expected (still 
imaginning this to be the River Jordan). And when I was 
come out of it into the Sea, and sawe none of these marks 
which Hilton had prefixed to Jordan I was in a great puzzle 
to know where wee were gott, Nothing of the Coast makeing 
like those drafts which Hilton had given of itt. But the winde 
first dying into a calm and then again blowing contrary, with 
some Menaces of an Evening storme, I putt into the River 
againe, and being anchored went a shoare on the East point of 
the Entrance, where I found Shadoo (the Capt. of Edistow, 
that had been with Hilton att Barbados), and severall other 
Indians come from the Towne by Land to see for our comeing 
forth, of whome I asked whether this was the River which 
Hilton was in. They told me noe, but itt was the next River. 
This assured mee that Jordan was yett further, and that 
Hilton had noe knowledge of this River and soe could not lay 
it downe. I demanded the name of this River. They told 
mee Edistowe still, and pointed all to be Edistowe quite home 
to the side of Jordan, by which I was instructed that the In 
dians assigne not their names to the Rivers but to the Coun- 
tryes and people. Amongst these Indians was one who used 
to come with the Southern Indians to trade with us att Charles 
Towne in Clarendon, and is knowne by the name of Cassique. 


Hee belongeth to the Country of Kiwaha, 1 and was very 
earnest with mee to goe with my Vessell thither, assuring mee 
a broad deep entrance, 2 and promising a large welcome and 
plentiful entertainment and trade. I told him I must first goe 
to Port Royall, and that in my retorne I would see his Coun 
try; but for his better security hee would needs accompany 
mee to Port Roy all, and soe be my pilate (as hee made mee 
understand) for their River. And presently hee sent away 
his companion to give notice to the cheife Cassique of the 
place of my intention that hee might prepare for my comeing, 
and himself went on board with mee. That Evening blewe a 
storme of winde att S.W. (the frequent Somer storm on this 
Coast) soe violent that (though in the River) I durst not trust 
to my ordinary roade, but kept my sheet anchor under foot. 

With the riseing of the morne I weighed and stood out to 
Sea, haveing an easie gale at N.E. and a Tide of Ebbe. My 
Course out lay S. E. between two bankes of shoales lesse then 
half a mile distant. I chose rather to keepe in the Sounding 
of the Easterne than of the West Flatts, both because the 
winde was Easterly and soe I could beare up from them when 
I would, and alsoe because haveing both in goeing out and 
comeing in the day before borrowed on the Westerne shoalings, 
I should by this Easterly Course take knowledge of the whole 
Channell. I was scarce shott a mile without the Eastermost 
point of the Entrance but the winde wholly left mee, and the 
Ebbe (which the flatts on either side makeing soe faire a land, 
I expected should sett directly out to Sea) did runn with soe 
strong a Current over the Easterne Sands that att the second 
heave of my lead I was cast from two fathum into six foot 
water, and I drewe fine into a rowling Sea on the very edge of 
a breach. I had no way but imediately to lett fall one anchor, 
soe to stay the Vessell from precipitating on her ruine whilst I 
might carry forth another anchor to warpe her into deepe 
water. The first was presently downe, but to gett out the 

1 Kiawah (pronounced Keewah). 

2 The present Charleston Harbor. Kiawah was the Indian name of the 
present Ashley River and the country adjacent thereto. The pride which the 
casskjiie of Kiawah took in his harbor and his country was responsible for the 
settling there of the first English colony in South Carolina. The same pardon 
able pride in the place is still characteristic of the inhabitants of the Kiawah 


second, which way to confirme our safety, proved hughesly 
difficult. We lay in soe tumbling a Sea that our boate could 
not bee brought to our bowe without danger of staveing. I 
had but two men with mee entred to Sea labour, and the most 
spirrited and active part of my Company were Gentlemen but 
little used to any labour. One of the Seamen must necessarily 
stay within board to deliver the Anchor and Cable that was to 
be carryed out. However the danger made every one give 
his best helpe, and with much adoe the boate is brought to the 
bowe and the Anchor putt into her, but all our strength could 
not stemme that tide of Ebbe which had hurried us into the 
perill, and must therefore be encountred in the way to bring 
us out, but a storne wee fall against the whole force of our 
Oares. A second attempt is made with doubled strength, but 
one breakes his Thoales, another his Oare, and nowe cumbred 
with our owne uslesse number in a boate of scarce equall 
seize wee became rather weaker then att first, yett wee have 
no other way left but this to prevent our wreake (Heaven not 
yeilding us one breath of aide). Therefore to worke wee goe 
againe and refix our boate, but in theise past fruitless perform 
ances soe much time had beene spent as had given the Ebbing 
tide a further advantage against us, to the almost perfecting 
our destruction, for by this time the Vessell by her repeated 
stroakes as it were to rescue herself from those inhospitable 
sands, gave us warning that her condition was well neere 
desperate, yett out goes our boate againe, and God mercifully 
improved our strength to the getting forth an Anchor, though 
not much further then our Vessell s length, yett soe farre as 
brought us into two fathum water, the banke on which wee 
had grounded proving steepe to, by reason of which wee the 
more easily wrought ourselves out of those unkinde embraces, 
and to the praise of the Almighty Deliverer were snatcht from 
either an instant descending into the open Gorge of the un- 
sated Ocean, or the more slowe and painfull progresse to our 
ends in a naked Exposure amongst Nations whose piety it is 
to be barbarous and Gallantry to be inhumane. This ill en 
tertainment made us brand the place with the name of Port 
Perill. It lyes in the Lat. of 32 d. 25 m. or thereabouts; and 
may be knowne when you are in the very Entrance by its 
Easterne point, which is a lowe point of Land bare of trees or 


other growth save a fewe stragling shrubbs, hence the River 
goes in N. N. W. and N. W. by N., a smale Creeke running in 
East just within the point. The Coast hence to the Eastward 
tends neerest E. by N. with Sandy bayes, and appeares even 
and bluff e, with trees when you are in the Offing. The Westerne 
part of the Entrance lyes within as in a deepe bay, and beare 
from the East point N. N. by W. or W. N. W. about two 
miles. It is a bare sandy bay, with a fewe shrubbs next the 
River * and thinne scatring Pine trees. More Southerly the 
Coast thence Westward tends S. S. W., and all betweene this 
and Jordan shewes with severall hummacks like broken land 
or Islands when you are off before itt, and especially next to 
Port Perill appears a wide opening as of a River, but it is 
nothing but bare sandy bayes or Oyster bankes with lowe 
Marshes behinde them. 2 Jordan, or as wee now call it 
Yeamans Harbour from the name of our Lt.-Generall, opens 
about two Leagues to the Westward of this between two 
bluffe lands, from the Westermost of which the North East 
end of an Island (which from Capt. Gary wee named Gary 
Island 3 ) runns out E. S. E. and makes all the Coast between 
it and Port Perill lye in the forme of a deepe bay. All be 
tween Yeamans Harbour and Port Perill are shoales and 
foule ground, which from the West point of Port Perill runne 
out S. E. before the mouth of Yeamans Harbour to almost 
an even range with the outermost face of Gary Island. From 
the East point of Port Perill a rowe of breakers range themselves 
parrallell with the Westerne shoales, and were the same which 
had like to have proved soe fatall to us at our comeing out, 
thence neere a League within Port Perill are three distinct 
groves of trees elevated on pretty high bankes with lowe 
Marshes in each intervall. They lye neere E. and West, and 
when you are so farre South and Westerly as that the lowe 
sandy point off the Entrance wholy disappeares these shewe 
themselves as though the mouth of the River were betweene 
two bluffe lands with a round woody Island in the middle of 
itt. In steering in if you come from the South and Westward, 

1 The Ashepoo, lying about halfway between South Edisto Inlet (through 
which the South Edisto empties into the sea) and the mouth of the Combahee 

a St. Helena Sound. 3 The Hunting Islands. 


keepe East in three fathum water till you bring this seeming 
Island to touch the Easterne bluffe, head and then stand in 
N. W. by N. and N. W. with the head land, rather takeing 
the Soundings of the Easterne flatt then of the W. if the winde 
will permitt, and you will have two fathum water little more 
or lesse all the way in att lowe water. As you come neere in 
you will discerne the Easterne lowe sandy point between you 
and that bluffe land and the sandy bayes along the Easterne 
Coast. Steering in with that sandy point and you will deepen 
and have five fathum water close aboard it. 

After we were gott cleare of the Sands, the Ebbe being 
donne and the Gale springing up, wee made Sayle and stood 
out to Sea, but wee were not gott farre ere the winde shifted 
to South East, and the flood sett soe strong into the narrowe 
bay that wee could neither board it out nor gaine to the West 
ward of the Shoales which lye before Yeamans Harbour soe to 
runne in there, wherefore I came to an Anchor in three fathum 
water till the Ebbe at least might helpe us to worke out against 
the winde. Whilst wee rode here wee espyed to our great 
rejoyceing the Shalloope whome wee left the 19th of June in 
the night. She was come forth of Yeamans Harbour, and stood 
to and againe before the Southwest Coast, betweene it and 
Cary Island, to shewe herself, not being able to come out to 
us for the same reason that kept us imbayed. Wee alsoe 
fired a gunn and putt out our Colours to lett her knowe that 
wee sawe her, but could not gett to her for the flatts that 

To goe into Yeamans Harbour Hilton s direction is (and 
itt seemed true to mee as I lay before itt, though I went not 
in) to goe in on the West side of the shoalings which are 
opposite to the mouth thereof and which are contiguous 
with the flatts of Port Perill, giving a ledge of breakers that 
lye before the Southwest Cape of the Entrance a smale birth, 
and soe to steere with the North East land of the Entrance, 
and the least depth he sayes is two fathum at lowe water, 
and soe upwards to six or seaven fathum when you come neere 
under the said Easterne Land. But I have understood since 
from Ens. Brayne that between that ledge of breakers which 
lye before the Southwest Cape and the end of Cary Island 
is a Channell, which hee affirmes has about three fathum 


water where shoalest, which alsoe when you are past that 
ledge of breakers sett over to the North East land of the 
Harbours mouth. The Ebbe now beginning to make wee 
weighed and plyed off to Sea with some difficulty, boarding 
it out of the dangerous and foule bay wherein till about 
three Leagues from shoare the deepest water wee could finde 
was scarce three fathum, and in our turning wee generally 
into a fathum and a halfe on each side, and this though it 
was high water a place to be attempted with Care when 
the winde is off as now it is. By night wee were gott cleere 
of all danger into six and seaven fathum water. I stood off 
and on all night, and in the morning found my self off the 
Sea board side of Cary Island. In the middle betweene two 
openings this Island fills up almost the whole space betweene 
Yeamans Harbour and Port Royall. To seaward it makes an 
even smooth land, pretty bluffe, with trees, and tends South 
West and North East about three Leagues in length. It 
shewes two smale openings neere equi-distant from either 
end and from each other. From the Westermost opening att 
Westward the Coast is bold Five fathum water; within half 
a league of the shoare more Easterly it is not soe deepe. 

The morning was Calme, and soe continued till about 
two a Clock afternoon, when a fresh gale sprang up att North 
East, which in a short time opened to us Woory Bay and 
the mouth of Port Royall. Woory Bay, of Lt. Woory, is 
made by the South Westerly end of Cary Island 1 and the 
Southermost Cape or head land without Port Royall, called 
from the first discoverer Hilton Head, which is the farthest 
land in sight as you come from the North East along by the 
end of Cary Island, whence it beares neerest S. W. and is 
bluffe, with trees large and tall, which as you approach them 
seeme to looke their topps in the Sea. Port Royall mouth 
seems opens in the bottome of this bay neerest to the W^esterne 
side thereof; the opening is wide, little lesse then two leagues, 
the Westermost land of it running out almost South to Hilton 
Plead, and laying in like a halfe bent bo we. Makeing the 
West side of Woory Bay from the East side of Port Royall 
the land tends away East Northerly into Giles Streights r 

1 Chaplin s Island, westernmost of the Hunting Islands. 

2 Trenchard s Inlet. 


(the passage on the backside of Gary Island named soe from 
Mr. Thomas Giles) and formes the bottum of Woory Bay. 
Before this part of the Coast and the end of Carey Island, 
in all the Easterly part of the bay, its shoales and very uneven 
ground unsafe to meddle with towards the Eastermost angle 
of it; oposite to the entrance into Giles Streights, lyes a 
Sand Hill pretty high, with some smaller about it, visible a 
good distance off in comeing from the Westward. As you 
part from Gary Island steere away S. W. with Hilton Head 
and you will come thwart the Channell of Port Royall, which 
you will finde by the deepning of your water from five to 
seaven fathum and upward. It lyes neerer towards the 
West land, and runns in N. N. W. towards the Easterne land 
of the Entrance (by us called Abrahall Point *), having seldom 
so little as seaven fathum water. All the way in the shoales 
in the East part of the bay lye poynting out a good way 
to Sea, therefore it will be safe for shipps of burthen to keepe 
out till they have brought Hilton Head to beare about N. N. E. 
from them. When I had opened Woory Bay sayling S. W. 
along by the end of Gary Island, I had brought the Sand Hills 
within a Steerne of mee. I luffed into the bay to try the 
Soundings of that Eastermost part of itt, and after a little 
while came on the shoalings, and found them soe uneven that 
it was ordinary to differ two fathum in the heave of a lead. 
Being therefore satisfyed with the dangerousnes of this part 
of the bay, I bore up againe and stood away with Hilton Head 
crosse some of the shoales till I came to seaven, eight and 
to about tenn fathum water. Then I steered away with the 
body of the West land betweene Hilton Head and the Entrance 
of Port Royall, and shoale my water by degrees to six fathum 
(which depth continued a good while) and att length to five 
and foure fathum and to three within lesse then a mile of the 
wood side. Then I brought my tacks aboard and stood 
North Easterly to gett into the Channell againe, and after 
some time deepened my water to five, six and seaven fathum. 
I then steered away with the East land of the River within 
Abrahall Point, still deepning my water, till at length the 
Ebbe being strong and wee makeing fresh way against it 
with a large winde, I could not for a good space strike ground 

1 Bay Point. 


with my leads. About midnight the third of July I came to 
an Anchor within the River 1 in seaven fathum water (the 
least depth I could then finde) a little above the Entrance 
into Brayne Sound, 2 or the passage which goes through to 
Yeamans Harbour, soe called from Ens. Brayne, who twice 
sailed itt. I would advise all who enter Port Royall to goe 
in upon the Soundings on the West side of the Channell till 
they come a good way within Hilton Head, that side being 
the evenest ground and freest from all danger. They may 
keepe in six and seaven fathum all the way in, and then as 
they steere more Easterly towards Abrahall Point they will 
finde itt much deeper. It flowes here E. S. E. 

The next morning I removed opposite to the principall 
Indian Towne and there anchored before itt, where I had 
not ridd long ere the Cassique himself came aboard mee with 
a Canoa full of Indians, presenting mee with skinns and 
bidding mee welcome after their manner. I went a shoare 
with him to see their Towne which stood in sight of our Ves- 
sell. Found as to the forme of building in every respect like 
that of Eddistowe, with a plaine place before the great round 
house for their bowling recreation, att th end of which stood 
a faire woodden Crosse of the Spaniards ereccon. But I 
could not observe that the Indians performed any adoracon 
before itt. All round the Towne for a great space are severall 
fields of Maiz of a very large growth. The soyle nothing in- 
feriour to the best we had seen att Eddistowe, apparently more 
loose and light, and the trees in the woods much larger and 
rarigd at a greater distance, all the ground under them bur- 
thened exceedingly, and amongst it a great variety of choice 
pasturage. I sawe here besides the great number of peaches 
which the more Northerly places doe alsoe abound in, some 
store of figge trees very large and faire, both fruite and plants, 
and diverse grape vines which though growing without Cult 
ure in the very throng of weedes and bushes were yett filled 
with bunches of grapes to admiracon. It was noe smale 
rejoyceing to my Company (who began to feare that after 
Edistowe they should see nothing equally to content them) 
to finde here not only a River so much superiour to all others 

1 Broad River above the entrance of the Port Royal River. 
3 Port Royal River. 


on the Coast Northward, but alsoe a Country which their 
fancyes though preengaged could scarce forbeare to preferre 
even that which but a little before they had concluded peere- 
lesse. The Towne is scited on an Island 1 made by a branch 
which cometh out of Brayne Sound and falleth into Port 
Royall about a mile above where wee landed, 2 a scituacon 
not extraordinary here, rather the whole Country is nothing 
else but severall Islands made by the various intervenings 
of Rivers and Creekes, yett are they firme good Lands (ex 
cepting what is Marsh) nor of soe smale a sieze, but to con- 
tinne many of them thousands of acres of rich habitable wood 
land, whose very bankes are washed by River or Creek, which 
besides the fertility adde such a Comodiousnesse for portage 
as few Countryes are equally happy in. 

After a few hours stay to view the land about the Towne, 
I retorned to my Vessel! and there found Ens. Brayne with 
his Shalloope, come that morning through Brayne Sound 3 
from Yeamans Harbour, att the mouth of which wee had 
seene him two days before. He told mee that the same 
morning that I made Harvey Haven he came in with the 
shoare more to the Estw d and sayled along it till towards 
Evening, when hee entred Yeamans Harbour supposing it 
Port Royall, and not findeing mee there nor any knowledge 
of mee, and guessing that I might be more Southerly hee 
came through to Port Royall and acquainted himselfe with 
Wommony the Cassiques sone (who had alsoe been att Bar 
bados) 4 whome hee easily prevailed with to beare him Com 
pany from place to place into severall Creeks and branches 
betweene this and Yeamans Harbour, soe becoming both his 
Guide and proteccon that hee had by this meanes a large 
leasure and oportunity of veiwing all that part of the Coun 
try, which hee did soe loudly applaud for land and rivers 
that my Companies Comendacons of Eddistowe could scarce 
out noise him. Sufficiently satisfyed with this relation (con 
firmed by those with him) I resolved to loose noe time in a 
second search of that parte, but to goe a tides worke up the 
maine River and see the body of the Country, and att my 
retorne to enter a faire Creek on the West shoare opposite 

1 Parris Island. 

1 Pilot s Creek. Ribault called it Chenonceau. 

And Morgan River. See pp. 40, 90. 


to where the Vessell rode/ and soe to veiwe that side which 
Ens. Brayne had not medled with, being the more desirous 
alsoe to trye this Creek because the Indians reported that it 
lead to a great Southerne River which peirceth farre into the 
Continent, 2 and I suppose may be the Frenchmans River 
May, or the Spaniards St. Matthias. With the Flood there 
fore and a favorable fresh Gale of winde I sayled up the River 
in the Shalloope neere thirty miles, passed where it divides 
itself e into two principall branches, the Westermost of which 3 1 
went upp, and conceiveing myself e no we high enough I landed. 
Here I found the Ground presently within to rise into a pretty 
hill, and as I ranged further I crossed severall fine falls and 
riseings of land and one brooke of sweete water which rann 
with a mourmoring course betweene two hills, a rarity towards 
the sea Coast (to which our former searches had beene con 
fined in which wee had not seene any fresh water but in wells, 
which inconveinency was not to be borne with were it not 
to be healved by the easie sinking of wells every where). 
The land here was such as made us all conclude not onely a 
possibility that Eddistowe might be, but a certainty that it 
was exceeded by the Country of Port Roy all. Being fully 
tired with our March through a ranke growth of vines, bushes 
and grass, which every where fettered our leggs and pre- 
claimed the richnes of the soyle, I retired to my boate, and 
with the Ebbe towards our Vessell wee passed diverse faire 
Creekes on each side the River but entred none, haveing not 
much time to spare, and being satisfyed by the sorts of wood 
wee sawe and the banks that the land was all of like good 
ness to what we had already veiwed (only in one place the 
land seemeing lower then usuall and with a great mixture of 
pine or rather spruce). I went in there, and after I was some 
what within the woods found it very plashy and water standing 
everywhere in holes about ankell deepe or deeper, caused as 
I think by the late raine which had fallen somewhat plenti- 

1 Scull Creek.^ 

2 Savannah River, called by the Indians Westoboo and by the Frenchmen 
May. The name May is still preserved in that section in the name of a river 
lying between the Broad and Savannah rivers. 

8 It is uncertain whether the "two principall branches" here referred to are 
Whale Branch and the main river above the entrance of Whale Branch or the 
Tulifinny and Coosawhatchie, which form the Broad. 


fully, for there appeared noe signe of constant swampishnes 
(as in the Cipresse swamps more Northerly) nor anything 
that might discourage the manureing it. The morning was 
pretty faire spent ere I came downe to the Vessell againe, 
wherefore I made haste and changed my Company and then 
crossed the River into that Westerne Creeke I spoke of, 
which after three or four miles opened into a great sound 1 
full of Islands of different sizes Southwards. It went into 
the Sea by two or three out letts in our sight Westward. We 
still opened newe branches, some bigger, some lesse, like 
those wee had already passed and found to crumble the 
Continent into Islands. I spent the remainder of this day 
and the best part of the next in this sound, went a shoare on 
Severall Islands, found them as good firme land as any wee 
had seene, exceedingly timbred principally with live Oake 
and large Cedar and Bay trees then any I had seene before 
on all the Coast. In one of them wee entred a pleasant Grove 
of spruce, shadeing a very cleare pasture of fine grasse in 
which wee rouzed a brave heard of Deere, and thence called 
it the Discoverer s Parke. 2 This Island continnes some hun 
dred of acres, and both wood and Marsh, proper for planting, 
grazeing and for feeding swine, and all the Islands of this 
Sound that were in our veiwe (some few smale ones ex- 
cepted that were onely Marsh) are in all appeareance alike 
good, proportionable to their biggnes with high bankes richly 
crowned with timber of the largest size. So that of what we 
sawe in this Sound onely might be found habitations for thou 
sands of people with conveniencyes for their stock of all kinds 
in such a way of accomodacon as is not comon. And if the 
Sound goe through to such a great River as the Indians talk 
off (which seems very probable) it will putt in addiconall 
value upon the Settlem te that shal be made in it. It abounds 
besides with Oyster bankes and such heapes of shells as which 
noe time cann consume, butt this benefitt it hath but in 
comon with all the Rivers betweene this and Harvey Haven, 
which are stored with this necessary materiall for lime for 
many ages, and lying soe conveniently that whatever neer 
River or Creeke you cann thinke fitt to sett a house there 
you may place your lime kill alsoe and possibly in the banke 
just by or very neere finde clay for your bricke tile, and the 

1 Calibogue Sound. 2 Bull s Island, Beaufort County. 


great and frequent sculls * of fish wee mett with gives us ex- 
pectacon of advantage and employment that way alsoe. In 
sume we could see of nothing here to be wished for but good 
store of English Inhabitants, and that wee all heartily prayed 
for. I gave my name the Honour of calling this Sound by it, 
and doe believe that if this place be setled by us, it may hence 
receive a longer duracon then from any accesse within the 
reach of a rationall hope. 

Within night I retorned to the Vessell, and the next day 
being the 7th of July I tooke in some fresh water purposing 
that night to leave Port Royall and retorne homeward, haveing 
in the discovery 2 already made, exceeded all our owne and 
therfor confident to answere all other expectacons, besides 
each mans proper occasion hastened him, and the Considera 
tion of the Charge of the Vessell hired att five and twenty 
pounds sterling per month made us earnest not to detaine 
her a minute of time unnecessarily. Wee alsoe designed our 
selves some daies to see the Country of Kywaha, one of whose 
Inhabitants remained still with us for that only purpose. 
But a little before night the Cassique of Port Royall came 
aboard and brought with him a propper young fellowe whome 
hee made mee to understand to bee his Sister s sonne. Hee 
demanded of mee when I would retorne thither, and shewing 
mee the moone asked whether within three times of her corn- 
pleating her orbe, I told him noe, but in tenn monthes I 
would. Hee seemed troubled att the length of time and 
as it were begged me to come in five. But I continued my 
first given number. Att length hee gave mee this young 
fellowe, told mee hee should goe and retorne with mee and 
that I must clothe him, and then hee asked mee when I would 
sayle. I told him presently that night, but hee very much 
importuned mee to stay until the next day that hee might 
prepare mee some venison, and made signes as hee parted 
that if in the morning hee should not see mee hee should Crye, 
and soe hee left mee and the Indian with mee. I was some 
what pleased with the adventure, haveing before I came on 
the Discovery wished that if I liked the Country I might 
prevaile with the Indians to lett one of their Nacon goe with 
mee, I leaveing an English man in their roome for the mutuall 
learning their language, and to that purpose one of my Com- 

1 Schools. 2 Meaning "exploration." 


pany Mr. Henry Woodward, a Chirurgeon, had before I sett 
out assured mee his resolucon to stay with the Indians if I 
should thinke convenient, 1 wherefore I resolved to stay till 
the morning to see if the Indians would remaine constant in 
this Intencon, according to which I purposed to treate fur 
ther with them on the morrowe, therefore I went a shoare 
to their Towne, tooke Woodward and the Indian with mee 
and in presence of all the Inhabitants of the place and of 
the fellows relacons asked if they approved of his goeing along 
with mee. They all with one voyce consented. After some 
pause I called the Cassique and another old man (his second 
in authority) and their wives, and in sight and heareing of 
the whole Towne delivered Woodward into their charge, tell 
ing them that when I retorned I would require him att their 
hands. They received him with such high testimonyes of 
Joy and thankfullnes as hughely confirmed to mee their great 
desire of our friendshipp and society. The Cassique placed 
Woodward by him uppon the Throne, and after lead him forth 
and shewed him a large feild of Maiz which hee told him 
should bee his, then hee brought him the Sister of the Indian 
that I had with mee telling him that shee should tend him and 
dresse his victualls and be careful of him that soe her Brother 
might be the better used amongst us. I stayed a while being 
wounderous civilly treated after their manner, and giveing 
Woodward formall possession of the whole Country to hold as 
Tennant att Will of the right Hono ble the Lords Proprietors, I 
retorned aboard and imediately weighed and fell downe. 

An Indian that came with mee from Edistowe with In 
tencon to goe no further then Port Royall seeing this kindnes 
and mutuall obligation betweene us and the people of this 
place, that his Nacon or tribe might bee within the League, 
voluntarily offered himselfe to stay with mee alsoe, and 
would not bee denyed, and thinking that soe hee should be the 
more acceptable hee caused himselfe to be shoaren on the 
Crowne, after the manner of the Port Royall Indians, a fashion 
which I guesse they have taken from the Spanish Fryers, 

1 Dr. Woodward had probably conceived the idea of making himself very 
useful to the Lords Proprietors by a careful study of the country and the Indians. 
This he did now and in after years, and the splendid Indian .trade which was sub 
sequently built up and carried through the port of Charles Town was due in no 
small measure to his enterprise. See his relation, post, pp. 125 seq. 


thereby to ingratiate themselves with that Nacon; and indeed 
all along I observed a kinde of Emulacon amongst the three 
principall Indians of this Country (vizt.) those of Kywaha, 
Eddistowe and Port Royall concerning us and our Freindshipp, 
each contending to assure it to themselves and jealous of the 
other though all be allyed, and this notwithstanding that they 
knewe wee were in actuall warre with the Natives att Claren 
don and had killed and sent away many of them, ffor they 
frequently discoursed with us concerning the warre, told us 
that the Natives were noughts, their land Sandy and barren, 
their Country sickly, but if wee would come amongst them 
Wee should finde the Contrary to all their Evills ; and never 
any occasion of dischargeing our Gunns but in merryment 
and for pastime. 

The 10th of July in the morning I was fayre before the 
River that leadeth into the Country of Kywaha, but the Indian 
of the place who undertooke to bee my Guide, and stayed all 
this while with mee for that onely purpose, would not knowe 
it to be the same, but confidently and constantly affirmed to 
mee that it was more Easterly, and att length when I was 
almost neere enough to goe in, with greate assurance and 
joy hee shewed mee a head land not farre off which hee 
affirmed the entrance to bee. This confidence of his made 
mee stand away, but by that time I had sayled some two 
Leagues. Hee sawe his error when it was too late, for nowe 
the winde was soe that I could not fetch the River againe, 
and if it had beene fayre I was sure not to enter it before 
night, and I did not like the complexcon of the Heavens soe 
well as to trye that night upon the Coast. 

The River lyes in a bay * betweene Harvey Haven and 
Cape St. Romana, wherein wee found 7 or 8 fathum water 
very neere the shoare, and not the least appearance of shoales 
or dangers in any part of itt. It shewes with a very faire 
large opening cleare of any fflatts or barreing in the Entrance 
onely before the Easterne point wee sawe a breach but not 
farre out. I persuade myself e that it leads into an Excellent 
Country, both from the Comendacon the Indian give itt and 
from what I saw in my ranging on the Easterne part of Harvey 
Haven the next Neighbouring land to this. Wherefore in 
hopes that it may prove worthy the Dignity I called it the 

1 Charleston Harbor. 


River Ashley, from the Right Hon ble Anthony Lord Ashley, 
and to take away every little remaine of forraigne title to 
this Province, I blotted out the name of St. Romane putt 
before the next Easterly Cape, and writt Cape Cartrett in the 
roome, 1 to evidence the more reall right of S r George Cartrett, 
as hee is a Lord Proprietor of Carolina. 

The 12th of July about noon I entred Charles River, and 
before darke night landed att Charles Towne in the County of 
Clarendon, to the great rejoiceing of our friends, who yett 
received not our persons more gratefully then they did the 
sound Comendacons which they heard from every one of us 
without one dissonant note of that never enough to be valued 
Country which wee had seene and searcht, in which may be 
found ample Seats for many thousands of our Nation in a 
Sociable and comfortable Vicinity, secured from any possible 
general and from all probable particle Massacres, with such 
other accomodacons to boote as scarce any place cann 
parralell, in a clime perfectly temperate to make the habi- 
tacon pleasant, and where such a fertile Soyle cannot faile 
to yeild soe great a variety of Produccons as will not onely 
give an absolute selfe subsistance to the place without all 
manner of necessary forraigne dependance, but alsoe reach a 
trade to the Kingdome of England as great as that shee has 
with all her Neighbours, and render our Soveraigne Lord the 
King within his owne Dominions and the Land possessed by 
his Naturall English subjects universall Monarch of the 
Traffique and Comodity of the whole World. 


For a further Confirmacon hereof take this Testimoniall 
given of this Country by the Principall Gentlemen with mee 
in this Discovery, who have attested under their hands as 
much as I have sayd, and yett noe more then what thou 
sands had they beene there would alsoe have affirmed 



Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed haveing accom 
panied Lt.-Colo 11 Robert Sandford in a Voyage of Discovery 

1 But Cape Remain it remains to this day. 


on the Coast and Rivers of this Province to the Southward 
and Westward of Cape St. Romane as farre as the River Port 
Royall, and being all of us persons well experienced in the 
nature and quallity of the severall Soyles in these Regions, 
and some of us by means of our Travells throughly acquainted 
with most part of America, Northerne and Southerne Conti 
nent and Islands, doe hereby declare and Testefie to the 
whole world that the Country which wee did search and see 
from the River Grandy, nowe Harvey Haven, to Port Royall 
inclusive, doth for richnes and fertillity of soyle, for Excel 
lency of Rivers, havens, Creekes and sounds, for abound- 
ance of good Timber of diverse sorts, and many other requisites 
both to land and Sea building, and for sundry rare accomo- 
dacons both for Navigation and Plantacon Exceed all places 
that wee knowe in proporcon of our Nacon in the West Indies, 
and wee doe assure Our selves that a Colony of English here 
planted, with a moderate support in their Infant tendency, 
would in a very short time improve themselves to a perfect 
Common Wealth, Injoying a Self sufficiency of all the prin- 
cipall Necessaryes to life and abounding with a great variety 
of Superfluity for the Invitacon of foraigne Comerce and 
trade, and which for its Scite and produccons would be of 
more advantage to our Native Country, the Kingdome of 
England, and to the Grandeur of Our Soveraigne Lord the 
King, his Crowne, and dignity then any (wee may say all) 
his other Dominions in America. 

And wee doe further avouch that this Country may bee 
more securely settled and cheaply defended from any the 
attempts of its native Inhabitants then any of those other 
places which our Countrymen have refined from the Dross 
of Indian Barbarisme. 

In Witness whereof wee have hereunto sett our hands 
this 14th of July, 1666. 









IN consequence of the high praise which Sandford gave the 
Lords Proprietors of Carolina of the country about Port Royal 
after his explorations in that vicinity in 1666 they determined 
to effect a settlement there, and organize a government for 
that part of their province which lay southward and west 
ward of Cape Carteret (Romain). Accordingly, in August, 
1669, they sent out from England a fleet of three vessels 
(the Carolina, the Port Royal and the Albemarle ), under Joseph 
West, with about one hundred and fifty settlers for Port 
Royal. The fleet reached Barbados in October, but while 
there it was struck by a gale and the Albemarle was wrecked. 
The Three Brothers, a shallop, was employed at Barbados to 
take the place of the Albemarle and the fleet proceeded on its 
way. The Port Royal subsequently parted from the other 
vessels and in January, 1670, was cast away near Abaco, 
one of the Bahama Islands. The passengers all reached the 
shore by the aid of the small boat and built a boat in which 
they reached Eleuthera, another of the Bahama Islands, 
where they hired a shallop and sailed to New Providence, 
whence most of them obtained transportation to Bermuda, 
which the other two vessels had already reached. At Ber 
muda a sloop was procured to take the place of the Port Royal 
and the fleet proceeded on its way. 1 

The fleet soon encountered bad weather again and the 
Three Brothers was separated from the other vessels and did 

1 Year Book of the city of Charleston, 1883, appendix; Collection* of tht 
South Carolina Historical Society, V. ; MeCrady s History of South Carolina 
under the Proprietary Government. 



not reach Carolina until the latter part of May, 1670. On 
May 15, on account of bad weather, it was forced to put in 
at the island of St. Catharine. Among its passengers was 
Maurice Mathews, who prepared a narrative of the advent 
ures of the vessel from this time until it reached Carolina. 
This narrative was sent to Lord Ashley and was among those 
of his papers deposited in the British Public Record Office 
some years ago by his descendant, the late Earl of Shaftes- 
bury. It bears the following endorsement by John Locke, 
the famous philosopher, then secretary to Lord Ashley: 
"Mr. Mathews relacon of S* Katherina Ashley River 70." * 

Among the passengers in the Carolina was Nicholas Car- 
teret, who prepared a narrative of the adventures of his 
party from February 26, 1670, when the fleet left Bermuda, 
until the arrival of the Carolina and the Bermuda sloop at 
Ashley (Kiawah) River, where a settlement was made in 
April, 1670. This narrative was also among the papers of 
Lord Ashley deposited in the British Public Record Office 
by his descendant, and bears the following endorsement by 
Locke: "M r Carterets relation of their Planting at Ashley 
River 70." 2 

In a letter, dated at Albemarle Point (the name which the 
settlers had given to their settlement on Ashley River) June 
27, 1670, Joseph West, who was in command of the fleet 
containing the settlers on its passage over, and who was now 
deputy for the Duke of Albemarle (George Monck), gave 
Lord Ashley a narrative of events at Albemarle Point (sub 
sequently Charles Town) from May 28, 1670, to that date. 
This letter was another of Lord Ashley s papers deposited in 
the British Public Record Office by his descendant. It is 
endorsed by Locke: "Joseph West 27 June 70 To my L d 
Ashley. Ashley River." 3 

1 Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 169-171. 
> Ibid., pp. 165-168. 3 Ibid., pp. 173-174. 


When Joseph West left England with the fleet containing 
the settlers for Port Royal he took with him a commission 
for a governor of that part of Carolina lying southward and 
westward from Cape Carteret (Romain) and instructions to 
Sir John Yeamans, who had apparently relinquished the 
governorship of Carolina upon his return to Barbados from 
Cape Fear in 1666, to fill it out with his own name as governor 
if he desired the position, or, in case he did not desire it, that 
of any one else he might choose. At Barbados Sir John 
joined the fleet and sailed with it to Bermuda. There he filled 
out the commission with the name of William Sayle, an old 
man who had been a colonel in the British army and had 
subsequently been governor of Bermuda. Governor Sayle 
proceeded to Carolina with the fleet and assumed the govern 
ment. In a communication to Lord Ashley, dated at Albe- 
marle Point September 9, 1670, the Governor and Council 
gave the Proprietors a statement of occurrences in the prov 
ince for some time previously. This narrative was also one 
of the papers of Lord Ashley deposited in the British Public 
Record Office. 1 

These narratives by several of the first settlers of South 
Carolina were among the "Shaftesbury Papers" transcribed 
from the originals in the British Public Record Office about 
1882 by Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury for the city of Charleston. 
Portions of them were incorporated into Mayor Courtenay s 
address at the centennial celebration, in 1883, of the incor 
poration of Charleston, which was printed in the Year Book 
of Charleston for 1883, and they were printed in full, together 
with all other transcripts of the "Shaftesbury Papers," in 
the fifth volume of Collections of the South Carolina Historical 
Society (Richmond, Va., 1897). 

1 IUd., pp. 178-181, 


Mr. Mathews s "relacon" of St. Katherina: 1 

ON Saturday May the 15th we came to an anchor in St. 
Katherina, 2 a place of about the Latt. of 31 degrees, where 
wee intended to wood and watter. The Indians very freely 
came aboard whom wee entertained from this day to the 18, 
they traded with us for beads and old clothes, and gave our 
people bread of Indian corne, peas, leakes, onyons, deare 
skins, hens, earthen pots, etc. Upon the 16 day came aboard 
an Indian, semi-Spaniard, w th a present of bread, etc., to 
our Master, and promised him Porke for truck. Severall of 
our people had been just at theire houses and told us of brave 
plantations with a 100 working Indians and that they want 
nothing in the world. Our Master upon the 17 instant, about 
8 in the morning, with his mate and Mr. Rivers, three seamen 
and one man servant which had been theire just before, went 
ashoare with truck to buy porke for the sloupes use, theire 
were two men servants more which went ashore ag* the 
sloupe to cut wood, etc., and one woman with a girle to wash 
some Linnien at the wattering place, our Master promised to 
be aboard next tyde, but he came not. We hollowed to them 
right ashoare about 4 of the clocke but they made no answere. 
This raised a doubtfull feare in us. That night we kept a 
strickt watch and next day about 10 of the clock we heard a 
drume, and presently saw 4 Spaniards armed with muskets 

1 Maurice Mathews, the author of this narrative, was an Englishman of 
good family, his "Uncle s the Chalanors" being friends of Lord Ashley. He 
sailed from England with his servants in the Carolina, but changed to the Three 
Brothers at Barbados. In Carolina he at once took a prominent part in public 
affairs. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 332, 362. 

2 An island off the coast of the present State of Georgia. The Spaniards 
maintained a mission there called Wallie. 



and swords with the drume came downe one of these and 
standing behind a tree holding forth a white cloath hailed us 
and bid us yield and submit to the soveraignty of Sto. Do 
mingo and told us it were better soe for o r Capt. was in 
chaines. I holding up a white shirt told him, if we should 
have our people, we would depart in peace, but he cryed No, 
No, and giveing the word to some in the wood, Indians and 
Spaniards, wee received a volley of Musket shott and a cloud 
of arrows which the Indians shott upright, and soe they con 
tinued for an houre and a half, then they left of, and com 
manded three of us ashoare. We told them we would send 
one with Letters to them, and sent them a boy ashoare, who 
swimed with a note to the Master and another to the fryer, 
the note to the fryer treated of free passage with all our people. 
The boy they received courteously, cloathing him at the watter 
side with deare skins, etc. A little after, they bid us not use 
any armes, and they would the like. And bid us expect an 
answer to o r letter. We were glad of this and agreed, but 
about half an houre after, they commanded shippe and all 
ashoare. We told them we had neither winde nor boat to 
obey them (not a breath of winde stirring) and gave them 
faire words, intending with the first winde to gett without 
shott, but they fired and shott at us feirecely, then a small 
breeze arising of the lande and we with much adoe having 
weighed o r small bower and cut o r best, hoisted sayle and 
away, and came to an anchor out of theire reach; but before 
this, I being at the helme, John Hankes (one of the sea men) 
shott at them, which made all keep behind trees. We hauling 
out three muskets had not a bullet, till at last we found sev- 
erall upon the deck, which re-shooting did a little help us, as 
we stood to our sailes ; but they fired still, but by God s mercy 
hit nobody, but our sailes were much damaged. The next 
day about noone we hoisted and away, turneing it out, they 
still keeping watch on the shoare. Saturday May the 19th 
we sailed about the shoare with the winde at South, this night 
we came to anchor in two fathoms and a halfe watter. The 
next morning we weighed anchor and steered alongst shoare, 
about 10 of the clocke we made a cannew coming of the shoare 
towards us, which proved to be of 4 Indians, they with signes 
of friendship came aboard. We entertained them courteously. 


They told us the place right ashoare from thence was Odis- 
tash * and as we understood them, told us there were English 
at Keyawah. They further told us of a Cap^n Sheedou, 
and made signs that he would speak with us, upon this we 
detained the chiefest of them and sent one ashoare to that 
persone they spake of, with a Letter to desire him to come 
aboard without much company. The three Indians that 
went with our messenger ashoare promised to returne after 
sun set. About twilight they returned with our messenger 
and Capt. Sheedou and one Capt. Alush (who were at Bar- 
badoes 2 ) and many more. This Sheedou told us that the 
English with two shipps had been at Port Royall and were 
now at Keyawah, he further promised us on the morrow to 
carry 3 us thither. About 9 of the clock came another can- 
nowe, but we sent them after a little stay away, being all too 
numerous. The next morning we came to saile for Keyawah 
where we found the Barmudian Sloupe going out a fishing, 
who piloted us into Keyawah river. 

Mr. Carteret s Relation of their Planting at Ashley River 70. 4 

Barmuda, Febr y 26th, sayling from thence we came up 
with the land betweene Cape Romana and Port Royall, and 
in 17 days the weather being faire and the winde not friendly 
the Longe boate went ashoare the better to informe as to the 
certainty of the place where we supposed we were. Upon its 

1 Edisto. 

2 Shadoo and Alush. See pp. 40, 90, 101, supra. 

3 An instance of the early use in South Carolina of the word carry in this 
sense. It is now quite commonly used in that sense in South Carolina. 

4 Nicholas Carteret, the author of this narrative, was one of the passengers 
who sailed from England with his servants on the frigate Carolina. In May 
following the settling of the colony on the Ashley River he made a voyage to Vir 
ginia on the Carolina, which had been sent thither for supplies, returning in 
August. In September he went to Barbados in the Carolina and was there 
May 20, 1671, on which date he there witnessed the will of Sir <John Yeamans. 
He held lands at Accabee, an Indian locality on the Ashley River, in 1672. In 
1677 the Council issued a warrant to the surveyor-general to lay off 700 acres of 
land for him, but in 1678 the surveyor-general was directed to lay off the same 
land for Edward Mayo. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. ; 
The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XI. 115; Warrants 
for Lands in South Carolina, 1672-1679, pp. 125, 190. 


approach to the land few were the natives who upon the 
strand made fires and came towards us whooping in theire own 
tone and manner, making signes also where we should best 
land, and when we came ashoare they stroaked us on the 
shoulders with their hands, saying Bony Conraro Angles, 
knowing us to be English by our collours (as we supposed). 
We then gave them brass rings and tobacco, at which they 
seemed well pleased, and into the boate after halfe an houre 
spent with the Indians we betooke ourselves. They liked our 
company soe well that they would have come aboard with us. 
We found a pretty handsome channell about 3 fathoms and a 
halfe from the place we landed to the shippe, through which 
the next day we brought the shipp 1 to anchor feareing a con 
trary winde and to gett in for some fresh watter. A day or 
two after the Governor whom we tooke in at Barmuda 2 with 
several others went ashore to view the Land here, some 3 
Leagues distant from the shipp, carrying along with us one of 
the eldest Indians who accosted us on the other day, and as 
we drew to the shore a good number of Indians appeared, clad 
with deare skins, having with them their bows and arrows, 
but our Indian calling out Appada they withdrew and lodged 
theire bows and returning ran up to the middle in mire and 
watter to carry us ashore, where when we came they gave us 
the streaking complim* of the country and brought deare 
skins, some raw, some drest, to trade with us, for which we 
gave them knives, beads and tobacco and glad they were of 
the Market. By and by came theire women clad in their, 
Mosse roabs, bringing their potts to boyle a kinde of thicken 
ing which they pound and make food of, and as they order it 
being dryed makes a pretty sort of bread. They brought also 
plenty of Hickery nutts, a wallnut in shape and taste, onely 
differing in the thickness of the shell and smallness of the 
kernell. The Governor and severall others walking a little 
distance from the watter side came to the Hutt Pallace of his 

1 This was evidently the bay now known as Bull s Bay, and this first landing 
was evidently made on the north end of Oniseecau, or Bull s Island. The water 
and country thereabout were known as Seewee, and the local Indians as the See- 
wee Indians. The name is still preserved in a small bay a few miles west of 
Bull s Bay. 

3 William Sayle. 


Ma ty of the place, who meeteing us tooke the Governor on 
his shoulders and carryed him into the house in token of his 
chearfull entertainment. Here we had nutts and root cakes, 
such as their women useily make, as before, and watter to 
drink for they use no other lickquor as I can learne in this 
countrey. While we were here, his Ma tye s three daughters 
entered the Pallace all in new roabs of new mosse, which they 
are never beholding to the taylor to trim up, with plenty of 
beads of divers collours about their necks. I could not 
imagine that the savages would so well deport themselves, 
who coming in according to their age and all to salute the 
strangers, stroaking of them. These Indians understanding 
our business to St. Hellena told us that the Westoes, a range- 
ing sort of people reputed to be the Mandatoes, had ruinated 
that place, killed severall of those Indians, destroyed and 
burnt their habitations and that they had come as far as 
Keyawah doeing the like there, the Casseeka of which place 
was within one sleep of us (which is 24 hours for they reckon 
after that rate) with most of his people whome in two days 
after came aboard of us. 

Leaveing that place, which is called Sowee, carrying * the 
Casseeka of Kayawah with us, a very ingenius Indian and a 
great linguist in this maine, the winde being very lofty soe 
that we could not deale with the shoare, we drove to the South 
ward of Port Roy all, where we made a faire opening and finde- 
ing by observation and otherwayes the contrary, we stood five 
minutes to the Northward and soe gott the shipp into Port 
Royal river (the opening there appeared not to us as Colo n 
Sanford did relate) 2 ag* which shoales ley of about five leagues 
to sea. W. N. W. Hilton head boare from us when we steared 
in, and in stearing in W. N. W and N. W. b. W. we had 2 1-2 
fathoms at low water with breakers on both sides. But when 
you are within you have 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 fathoms water and a 
clear river. I cannot say much of the channel, being but a 
Landman, but this, the Governor, Capt. Brayne and myself 
took the Longe boate to goe upon discovery and stood of to 
sea about 5: or 6: miles close aboard the Northwardmost 
Breakers. We had no lesse then 5 fathoms at low water the 
tyde being spent and the winde proving calm we were forst to 

1 See p. 116, note 3. See pp. 98, 99, supra. 


make in for the shoare with the tyde of flood. Leaveing this 
to Capt. Brayne, who will give you a more perfect acct. than 
I can. A small kinde of whale, white about the head and 
jowle, is very plenty in this river. In two hours time I be 
held about 10 or 11 of the kinde, and some pretend and under 
take to say to be of the sperme kinde, that were worth the 
experim* to find out the truth of it. We were two dayes at 
anchor ere we could speake with an Indian. When we did, 
they confirmed what we heard at So wee. We weighed from 
Port Roy all river and ran in between St. Hellena and Combohe, 
where we lay at anchor. All the time we staide neare the 
place where the distressed Indian sojourned, who were glad 
and crying Hiddy doddy Comorado Angles Westoe Skorrye 
(which is as much as to say) English very good friends, Westoes 
are nought. They hoped by our arrival to be protected from 
the Westoes. Often making signs they would engage them 
with their bowes and arrows, and wee should with our guns. 
They often brought us veneson and some deare skins w ch wee 
bought of them for beads. Many of us went ashoare at St. 
Hellena and brought back word that the land was good land 
supplyed with many Peach trees and a competence of timber, 
a few figg trees and some cedar here and there and that there 
was a mile and a half of cleare land fitt and ready to plant. 
Oysters in great plenty, all the islands being rounded with 
banks of the kinde, in shape longer and scarcely see any one 
round, yet good fish though not altogether of soe pleasant 
taste as yo r Wallfleet oysters. Here is alsoe wilde Turke 
which the Indian brought but is not soe pleasant to eate of as 
the tame, but very fleshy and farr bigger. The sloupe w ch 
wee have with us, bought at Barmuda, was dispatcht to Kay- 
awah to vie we that land soe much comended by the Casseeka, 
brings back a report that that lande was more fit to plant in 
than St. Hellena which begott a question, whether to remove 
from St. Hellena theither or stay. Some were of opinion it 
were more prudent forthwith to plant provisions where they 
were, than betake themselves to a second voyage, though 
small, it would not prove a better change, the enterance into 
that harbour being as difficult as the other. The Governor 
adhearing for Kayawah and most of us being of a temper to 
follow though wee knew no reason for it, imitating the rule of 


the inconsiderate multitude cryed out for Kayawah, yet some 
dissented from it yet being sure to take a new voyage but 
difident of a better convenience, those that inclyned for Port 
Royall were looked upon straingely, so thus we came to Kay 
awah. The land here and at St. Hell a is much at one, the 
surface of the earth is of a light blackish mould, under that is 
whiter and about 3 or 4 feet is a clay some read w th blew 
vaines and some blew w th read vaines, soe is all the land I 
have seen. 

Letter of Joseph West. 1 


June the 27th, 1670. 
May it Please Yo r Lo p : 

In my last to yo r Lo p , dated the 28th of May, I gave yo r 
Lo p an account by the way of Virginia of our proceedings in 
Carolina, and how we came to quitt Port Royall and to begin 
our settlement at Kyawaw. May it please yo r Lo p , since the 
departure of the ship for Virginia, wee sent the Shallop 3 back 
againe to St. Katherina, with 2 letters, one for the Governour 
of St. August ines, the other for the ffryer at St. Katherina, to 
demand the men that were detained there by the Spaniards, 

1 Joseph West, the writer of this letter, was, July 27, 1669, commissioned 
by the Lords Proprietors "Governo r and Comander in Cheife of o r fleet and 
the persons embarqued in it, bound for Carolina, or that shall embarque in our 
s d fleet before its arriveall in Barbadoes; . . . w ch place yo u are to execute 
till another Govern 1 for y 1 parte of o r Province y 1 lyes to the Southward or West 
ward of Cape Carterett shall appeare w th Comission under o r hands and Great 
Scale of o r Province, to whom yo u are then to submitt, and this Comission to 
become voyd to all intents and purposes." In, August he sailed with the fleet 
for Barbados, stopping on the way at Kinsale, Ireland, to add a few more peo 
ple to his colonists. At Bermuda he was superseded by Governor Sayle, but 
received the appointment of deputy to the Duke of Albemarle. In South Caro 
lina he at once took a leading part in public affairs and subsequently served 
three terms as governor of the province. 

2 Albemarle Point was located on a low bluff, the first high land on the 
north side of a winding creek, a flat point of dark pine forest projecting into the 
wide marshes of Ashley River. Across a narrow neck behind the town a palisade 
and ditch enclosed about nine acres. Beyond this was the village of the Kiawah 
Indians. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 173. 

8 Three Brothers. 


(yo r Lo p B kinsman, Mr. Rivers, being one of them,) and when 
the Shallop came thither 2 or 3 of our people went ashoare 
contrary to orders, without hostage and the ffryer rec d them 
seemingly w th much kindness and told them upon his ffaith 
they should not be wronged. Whereupon there was 4 of our 
men went to his house, where he treated them very civilly and 
told them that our men were at St. August ines, not as prisoners, 
but had their liberty about the town and were entertained at 
an English man s house ; but when our men were taking theire 
leave of the ffryer he, betweene a complement and constraint, 
detained 2 of them, 1 upon pretence that hee could not lett 
them goe till hee had an answer from St. Augustines. Where 
upon after 3 days stay our men in the Shallop being informed 
by the Indians that there were 3 ships at St. Augustines w cb 
would come to surprise the Shallop, were forced to weigh 
anchor for their security and come for Kyawaw, leaving those 
two men more behind at the ffryer s house. Now more yo r 
Lo p may please to know that wee are forced to send the Bar- 
badoes Shallop to Bermuda for a supply of provisions, for 
feare the ship should miscarry at Virginia for we have but 7 
weekes provision left and that onely pease at a pint a day a 
man, the country affording us nothing, w ch makes it goe very 
hard with us, and wee cannot employ our servants as wee 
would because we have not victualls for them. Our corne, 
potatoes and other things doe thrive very well of late, praised 
be God, but we cannot have any dependance on it this yeare, 
but if we have kindly supplys now, wee doe not question but 
to provide for ourselves the next yeare, and that it will prove 
a very good settlement and answer yo r Lo p 8 expectacon, 
w ch is the desire of 

Most humble and faithfull serv*, 

For the Right Hono^ le Anthony Lord Ashley, at 

Little Exeter House, in the Strand, London. 

1 Captain Joseph Bailey and John Collins. 


Letter of Governor Sayle and Council. 

ALBEMARLE POINT, Sep r 9th, 1670. 
May it Please Yo T Honors: 

In observance of our dutyes wee shall not omitt any oppor 
tunity of giving yo r Honors a faithfull acct. of all our pro 
ceedings in this place. Pursuant thereunto wee here doe offer 
to yo r Honors, that for some time since the dispatch of the 
Carolina from this place to Virginia and the sloop to Bermuda 
to bring provisions and other supplyes that yo r Honors care 
had intended for us, wee have been put to purchase our main 
tenance from the Indians, and that in such small parcells, 
as we could hardly get another supply before the former 
was gonelin which time of our so great exigencyes, the Span 
iard not "Being ignorant of it, sent out a party of their Indians 
ag* us, as we received intelligence from the Indians that are 
our friends, who lay for some time in a place called Stonoe 
neare our river s mouth untill the Carolina ffriggot arrived 
here, w ch was the 22th of Augt. last, 1 in w ch time we receiv d 
severall allarums though they never yet came soe far as to 
action, more than when Mr. Henry Braine came upon the 
coast and went ashoare 2 in his long boat, thinking to meet 
with our owne Indians being soe neare the River s mouth. 
They fired upon him and his company with small shott, 
notwithstanding that the s d Indians had shewed them a 
white flagg. But before that time we had put ourselves in a 
reasonable good posture of receiveing them though they had 
come much in odds, having mounted our great guns and 
fortifyed ourselves as well as time and the abilityes of our 
people would give leave, and moved good courage in our 
people, besides the assistance of some Indians that were our 

After the shipps arrived we sent out a party of our Indians 
with two of our own people to discover their camp, but when 

1 The Carolina reached Virginia June 6 and left there August 8. 

3 On the low, narrow sandy island now called Morris Island. Behind this 
island are marshes and beyond the marshes is James Island and behind that the 
Stono River. Following the Indian custom that section of country would have 
been called Stono, which coincides with the statement above as to the location 
of the hostile Indians. 


they expected to come upon them the Spanish Indians were 
retreated back againe, as our Indians informe us, at the 
noise of our great gunns, but whether there were any Spaniards 
among them we cannot yet receive certaine intelligence, 
other than one, who according to our Indians description we 
judge to be a ffryer. Neither can we as yet know the number 
of Indians that lay ag* us, they exceeding the number of an 
Indian s acct. 

The Carolina s safe arrivall has very much incouraged 
our people. The more for that she has brought us provisions 
of Indian corne, pease and meale for eight months, soe as wee 
make no question but (by God s assistance) thoroughly to 
defend and maintain yo r Honors interests and our rights in 
this place till wee receive a further aid, which wee very much 
stand in need of. That soe plantations may be managed 
and yo r Honors finde what wee endeavour to persuade, that 
this country will not deceive yo r Honors and others expecta- 
cons. For which purpose wee have dispatched the Carolina 
to Barbadoes, where wee understand are a considerable num 
ber of people ready to be shipped for this place, that she 
may make a returne before winter, w ch will conduce much 
to the safety of this place and the ease of our people, that 
have been too much overprest with watching already, and 
what wee must stand to upon every occasion. And yet, 
blessed be God, wee have not lost above foure of our people, 
who dyed upon distempers usual in other parts, soe far may 
be yo r Honors be further convinced of the healthfulnesse of 
the place. 

The stores of all sorts doe very much want a supply, espe 
cially cloathing, being all disposed of allready and many of 
the people unsatisfyed, and the winter is like to prove pretty 
sharp. The powder was all damnified, especially when the 
sterne of the ship broke in, soe as there is a great necessity 
of ten barrells of powder more. 

Wee have received some cowes and hoggs from Virginia, 
but at an imoderate rate, considering the smalnesse of their 
growth, 30s. for a hog, a better than w ch may be bought in 
England for 10s. If yo r Honors had a small stocke in Ber 
muda from thence may be transported to this place a very 

wheri fch ! 

Israelites prosperity decayed wnen iijneir prein 
were wanting, for where the Arke of God is, PI i ire is) 
and tranquility. That the want thereof may ;f|<|ft r b e kb 
to yo r Honors or this place, are the prayers (fflJfi 

Yo r Honor s njiSMfaittJiffl 
Humble sei wkits. 

Jos. DALTON, Sec. 

FLOR. fym 

STE. Btrafjf 







1 Henry Brayne stated, in a letter to Lord Ashley, dated 
that he had "6 head of Cattle that my people have milk enoi%l|fa ice .fit 
that he had "there alsoe 7 hoggs," three sheep, 6 geese, 8 ttt VS a 
chickens. Collections of the South Carolina Historical 

3 Braziletto, resembling brazil wood, and used as a 

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f " 


li t ivfelva 



IT will be recalled that in the summer of 1666 Robert 
Sandford, secretary of Clarendon County, Carolina, made a 
voyage of discovery to Port Royal and vicinity, on the coast 
of what is now South Carolina, and that upon his departure 
one of his party, Dr. Henry Woodward, remained there with 
the Indians. 1 Dr. Woodward spent some time among the 
natives, by whom he was treated with the greatest considera 
tion, and was able to learn much of the country and of the 
language, customs, and character of the Indians. After a 
time the Spaniards, hearing of his presence among the Indians, 
sent to Port Royal and made him a prisoner and took him 
to St. Augustine. Soon after this Captain Robert Searle, 
the buccaneer, surprised the town and released all of the 
English prisoners there incarcerated. He took Dr. Wood 
ward to the Leeward Islands, where he shipped as surgeon 
on a privateer in order to defray his expenses to England, as 
he desired to give Lord Ashley an account of Carolina. The 
privateer was wrecked near Nevis in a hurricane on August 17, 
1669, and Dr. Woodward was cast ashore on that island, and 
was there when the fleet under Joseph West, bound for Port 
Royal, stopped there about December 9, 1669. He at once 
volunteered to join the new colony, was accepted, and re 
turned to Carolina with the fleet. He immediately became a 
conspicuous figure in the Ashley River colony, and from his 
knowledge of and influence with the Indians was of great 
benefit to the government in dealing with them. 2 

1 See p. 105, supra. 

2 Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 190-192, 220, 158- 
159; The South Carolina "Historical and Genealogical Magazine, VIII. 29-33. 



In October, 1674, some Indians who were strangers to the 
people of Charles Town, the name by which the town on the 
Ashley River was now known, 1 appeared at the plantation 2 
of the Earl of Shaftesbury (formerly Lord Ashley 3 ) near there 
for the purpose of trading. Dr. Woodward s good offices were 
called into service and he went up from town to meet them. 
He found them to be of the Westo tribe, and determined to 
go with them to their country and establish commercial and 
friendly relations with them in behalf of the province. He 
departed from the Earl of Shaftesbury s plantation Octo 
ber 10, 1674, and, after attaining a reasonable measure of 
success in the expedition, returned to that place November 6, 
1674. On December 31, 1674, he addressed a letter to the 
earl giving him an account of the expedition. 4 This narrative 

1 When the town was first settled upon Ashley River it was called Albemarle 
Point, but by an order of Lord Ashley, dated November 1, 1670, it was officially 
named Charles Town. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 210. 

a St. Giles, a signiory on the Ashley River, above Charles Town, which sub 
sequently came to be known as Ashley Barony. The Fundamental Constitutions 
of Carolina provided that a signiory and a barony should each consist of 12,000 
acres of land. A signiory was the estate of a Proprietor and each of the eight 
Proprietors was entitled to a signiory in each county. A barony was the estate 
of a Landgrave or a Cassique; each Landgrave being entitled to four and each 
Cassique to two. By order of the Grand Council of that part of the province 
which ky southward and westward from Cape Carteret (Romain), March 4, 
1672/3, a large tract of land on the Ashley River above Charles Town was re 
served for the Earl of Shaftesbury, who soon after established a plantation there 
and placed it in charge of Andrew Percival, described by the earl as one " Who 
hath a Relacon to my Family." On March 18, 1675, a formal grant of a signiory 
on Ashley River was made to Anthony, earl of Shaftesbury. He called his estate 
St. Giles after St. Giles, his family seat in Dorsetshire. The South Carolina His 
torical and Genealogical Magazine, XI. 75-91. 

1 Anthony Ashley Cooper, son of Sir John Cooper, Bart., of Rockbourne, 
Southampton, and Anne, daughter and sole heiress of Sir Anthony Ashley, Knt, 
of Wimborne St. Giles, Dorset, was born July 22, 1621, and succeeded his father 
March 23, 1631; was actively engaged in public affairs during the civil wars, 
first espousing the royal cause and later that of Parliament and finally aiding in 
the Restoration; was elevated to the peerage, by the title of Baron Ashley of 
Wimborne St. Giles, Dorset, April 20, 1661, and was advanced to the earldom 
of Shaftesbury, April 23, 1672. His stormy political career is a part of Englisk 

4 Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 456-462. 


was among the papers left by the Earl of Shaftesbury and 
deposited in the British Public Record Office by his descendant 
some years ago, was one of the papers transcribed for the city 
council of Charleston by Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury about 1882, 
and was published in the fifth volume of Collections of the 
South Carolina Historical Society (pp. 456-462) in 1897. 


CAROLINA: Dec br 31: 1674 
Right Hono bl 

HAVEING received notice at Charles Towne from Mr. 
Percyvall that strange Indians were arrived at y r L dshp8 
Plantation, Immediately I went up in the yawle, w[h]ere I 
found according to my former conjecture in all probability 
that they were the Westoes not understanding ought of their 
speech, resolving nevertheless (they having first bartered 
their truck) to venture up into the maine w th them they 
seeming very unwilling to stay the night yet very desireous 
that I should goe along w th them. The tenth of Oct ber being 
Saturday in the afternoon I accordingly set forth, the weather 
raw and drizzling, they being ten of them and my selfe in 
Company. We travelled the remaining part of that afternoon 
West and by North thorough y r L d ships land towards the 
head of Ashley River, passing divers tracks of excellent oake 
and Hickery land, w th divers spatious Savanas, seeming to 
the best of my judgment good Pastorage. As we travelled 
this day I saw (as divers other times likewise in my journey) 
w[h]ere these Indians had drawne uppon trees (the barke 
being hewed away) the effigies of a bever, a man, on horseback 
and guns, Intimating thereby as I suppose, their desire for 
freindship, and comerse w th us. The weather continuing wett 
wee tooke up our quarters, haveing steered exactly by compass 
from St. Giles Plantation according to the fore named Course. 
The Indian being diligent in makeing two barke-covered Hutts, 
to shelter us from the injury of the weather, this night as 
well as the afternoone proved tedious, having had soe large 
a vacation from my travels, the diet before almost naturalized 
now seemed unpleasant, and the ground altogether was 
uneasy for lodginge. Soe soon as the day appeared wee set 



forth steering West and by South. After wee had passed 
the head of Ashley River I found the land indifferently good. 
In the afternoon wee entered a large tracke of Pines, which 
continued untill we came w th in two or three miles of that 
part of ^Edistaw River w[h]ere wee crossed over. The land 
seemeth fertyl along the banks of this River, whose head 
they report to bee about four score mile up in the main from 
the part wee passed, being then twenty mile or something 
more distant from w[h]ere divideing himselfe he makes the 
pleasant plant n of JEdistawe. Here killing a large buck wee 
tooke up our rendeavouze w th two mile of the river, glad of 
the opportunity of lying in two of their hunting hutts. Uppon 
Monday morning four of the company went to give notice of 
our comeing. Wee following steered W^est S. West, the land 
Piny except along the skirts of small rivulets, many of which 
wee passed this day. The weather all over cast. This 
evening wee provided shelter, the night proveing extreame 
wett. Wee supped w th two fatt Turkeys to helpe out w th 
our parcht corne flower broth. The following day proveing 
as bad as the night, wee forsooke not the benefitt of our 
hutts. Uppon Wednesday morneing wee sett forth, nothing 
at all varying our former course. This day wee had a sight 
of JEdistawe River bearing north west by north of us, the 
soyle very promiseing, and in some places excellently tymbered. 
In the afternoon wee shott a fatt doe which, proportionably 
divideing amongst them, was carried along by them for our 
better comons at night, quartering along the sides of a pleasant 
run. Thursday wee tooke our journey dew West, passing 
many large pastorable Savanas, the other land promising very 
well. This day wee shott two Bucks. The best of both 
w th a fatt Turkey wee carried along w th us, for our better 
accomodation at night. Fry day wee traveled West and by 
South, haveing towards three the afternoon a sight of the 
mountaines, which bore northwest of us, passing the head 
of Port Royall river over a tree, w[h]ere the river intricately 
runs through large vallies of excellent land, at the begining 
of the adjoyning Hills, along whose banks in a mighty thicke 
wood wee tooke up our Quarters. The ensuing day wee 
went over many fattigous hills, the land especially the vallies 
being excellent good, our course West a little Southwardly. 


In the afternoon wee mett two Indians w th their fowling peeces, 
sent by their cheife to congratulate my arrivale into their 
parts, who himselfe awaited my comeing w th divers others at 
the Westoe River. The ridge of hills through which the 
river runs then being in sight bore West and by North. The 
banks of this river seeme like white chalky cliffs and are at 
least one hundred foot perpendicular, opposite to which 
banks uppon a sandy poynt were two or three hutts under 
whose shelter was their cheife w th divers others in his com 
pany. The two Indians wee met had a canoe ready to pass 
us over, w[h]ere soe soon as wee landed, I was carried to 
the Cap t8 hutt, who courteously entertained mee w th a good 
repast of those things they counte rarietys amonge them. 
The river here being very deep w th a silent current trended 
North and by West and South and by East nearest. Soe 
soone as the raine ceased wee sett upp the fertyle banks of 
this spatious river. Haveing paddled about a league upp* 
wee came in sight of the Westoe towne, alias the Hickauhaugau 
which stands uppon a poynt of the river (which is undoubtedly 
the river May) 1 uppon the Westerne side soe that the river- 
encompasseth two-thirds thereof. When we came w th in- 
[sight] of the towne I fired my fowling peece and pistol w ch 
was answered with a hollow and imediately thereuppon they 
gave mee a vollew of fifty or sixty small arms. Here was a 
concourse of some hundred of Indians, drest up in their 
anticke fighting garbe. Through the midst of whom being 
conducted to their cheiftaines house, the which not being 
capable to containe the crowd that came to see me, the smaller 
fry got up and uncouvered the top of the house to satisfy 
their curiosity. The cheife of the Indians made long speeches* 
intimateing their own strength (and as I judged their desire 
of freindship w th us). This night first haveing oyled my 
eyes and joynts with beares oyl, they presented mee divers 
deare skins, setting befoore me sufficient of their food to satisfy 
at least half a dozen of their owne appetites. Here takeing 
my first nights repose, the next day I veiwed the Towne, 
which is built in a confused maner, consisting of many long 
houses whose sides and tops are both artificially done w th 

1 The Savannah River was then known as the May. The Westo town stood 
on the west side of the river, some distance above the site of Augusta, Georgia. 


barke, uppon the tops of most whereof fastened to the ends of 
long poles hang the locks of haire of Indians that they have 
slaine. The inland side of the towne being duble Pallisadoed, 
and that part which fronts the river haveing only a single 
one. Under whose steep banks seldom ly less than one 
hundred faire canoes ready uppon all occasions. They are well 
provided with arms, amunition, tradeing cloath and other 
trade from the northward for which at set times of the year 
they truck drest deare skins furrs 1 and young Indian Slaves. 
In ten daies time that I tarried here I viewed the adjacent 
part of the Country. They are Seated uppon a most fruit- 
full soyl. The earth is intermingled w th a sparkling substance 
like Antimony, finding severall flakes of Isinglass in the 
paths. The scales of my Indian shooes in which I travelled 
glistened like sylver. 2 The clay of which their pots and pipes 
are made is intermingled w th the like substance. The wood 
land is abounding w th various sorts of very large straite tim 
ber. Eight daies journey from the towne the River hath its 
first falls West N. West, w[h]ere it divides it selfe into three 
branches, 3 amongst which dividing branches inhabit the 
Cowatoe* and Chorakae 5 Indians w th whom they are at 
continual warrs. Forty miles distant from the towne north 
ward they say lye the head of ^Edistaw river being a great 
meer or lake. 6 Two days before my departure arrived two 
Savana Indians living as they said twenty days journey West 
Southwardly from them. 7 There was none here that under- 

1 This trade was soon diverted to Charles Town and that town developed 
into very nearly, if not quite, the richest and most important trade centre on the 
American continent. 

2 Mica scales. Their silvery appearance gave the name Silver Bluff to a 
well-known point on the Savannah River in Aiken County, South Carolina. 

3 The Salwege, Tugaloo, and Seneca rivers. The main stream of the Seneca 
is known higher up as the Keowee and the main stream of the Tugaloo as the 

4 Caouitas, or Cowetas, a Muscogee tribe settled on the Salwege 1674-1691, 
retiring in the latter year to the Ocmulgee and in 1715 to the Chattahoochee. 

6 The Cherokees, who inhabited that section of South Carolina until the 
termination of the Revolutionary War. 

6 The headwaters of the Edisto are east or southeast of this point and there 
is nothing like a lake there. 

7 Near the Gulf, west of Appalachicola River. By 1680 they had advanced 
to the Savannah and soon pushed the Westo tribe out of the province. They 


stood them, but by signes they intreated freindship of the 
Westoes, showeing that the Cussetaws, Checsaws and Chio- 
kees l were intended to come downe and fight the Westoes. 
At which news they expeditiously repaired their pallisadoes, 
keeping watch all night. In the time of my abode here they 
gave me a young Indian boy taken from the falls of that 
River. The Savana Indians brought Spanish beeds and 
other trade as presents, makeing signes that they had comerce 
w th white people like unto mee, whom were not good. These 
they civilly treated and dismissed before my departure. Ten 
of them prepared to accompany mee in my journey home, 
returning by the same ways that I came, killing much game 
w th two large she beares uppon the way through much ram 
the fresshes being mightly encreased. The 5th of nov br wee 
our selfes carrying our trade upon barke logs swam over 
^Edistaw River and the 6 th of that Instant in safety I arrived 
at yo r Hon rs Plantation at the Head of Ashley River. For 
good reasons I permitted them not to enter y r Plantation, 
but very well satisfyed dispatcht them homewards that 
evening, whom I againe expect in March w th deare skins, furrs 
and younge slaves. 

In this relation as in all things else I am 
y L 8hipps ffaithfull Servant 


Discovery. A ffaithful relation of 
my Westoe voiage begun from the head 
of Ashley River the tenth of Oct r and 
finished the sixth of Nov br {following. 
[Endorsed by Locke]: Carolina. H. 
Woodward. To the E. of Shaftesbury 
31 Dec. 74. 

were good friends of the English. In 1708, says Governor Archdale, they had 
three towns (near Sand Bar Ferry) and 150 men, but in 1715 they retired to the 

1 The Cusitaws lived about the heads of the Oconee and Salwege rivers; the 
Chickasaws below Muscle Shoals on the Tennessee River and the Keyokees above. 
Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 461. 



IN 1680 His Majesty s ship Richmond was sent out for ser 
vice in American waters. Aboard thereof forty-five French 
Protestants were sent to South Carolina with a view of settling, 
them there to cultivate silk. The officers of the ship were 
given instructions from the king to enquire into the state of 
Carolina while on duty in that quarter. The Richmond 
arrived at Charles Town in April, 1680, and returned to 
England some time in 1682. In the latter year the following 
pamphlet, written in the form of a letter to a friend, detailing 
the natural advantages of that part of Carolina in the vicinity 
of Charles Town, was published. The authorship is generally 
credited to Thomas Ashe. The pamphlet is one of several 
that were designed to advertise the Lords Proprietors real 
estate. Its author spent some time in and about Charles 
Town during the ship s absence from England, and his account 
of the air, climate, soil, products, commodities, flora, and 
fauna of the section at that time is quite glowing, but not 

In 1836 this pamphlet was reprinted at New York in the 
first volume of Historical Collections of South Carolina, by 
B. R. Carroll. 



Carolina; or a Description of the Present State of that Country, 
and the Natural Excellencies therof, viz., the Healthfulness 
of the Air, Pleasantness of the Place, Advantage and Use 
fulness of those Rich Commodities there plentifully abounding, 
which much encrease and flourish by the Industry of the 
Planters that daily enlarge that Colony. 

Published by T. A. Gent, Clerk on Board his Majesties Ship 
the Richmond, which was sent out in the Year 1680, with 
particular Instructions to enquire into the State of that 
Country, by his Majesties Special Command, and Returned 
this Present Year, 1682. 

London, Printed for W. C. and to be Sold by Mrs. Grover in 
Pelican Court, in Little Britain, 1682. 1 

To the Reader. 

You may please to understand, that the first Discovery 
of this Country was at the Charge of King Henry the Seventh, 
as you will find in this Book; and that as it hath pleased God 
to add such a Jewel to the Crown of England, so I doubt not 
but in a few years it will prove the most Beneficial to the 
Kingdom in General of any Colony yet Planted by the Eng 
lish, which is the more probable from the great Concourse 
that daily arrives there, From the other Plantations, as well 
as from England, Ireland, etc., being drawn and invited 
thither by the Healthfulness of Air, Delicacy of Fruits, the 
likelyhood of Wines, Oyls and Silks, and the great Variety 
of other Natural Commodities within specified, which well 

1 Title-page of original. 


considered, will sufficiently evidence the Truth of what I 
Assert; that I may contribute what lies in my Power for 
a further Satisfaction to those Gentlemen that are curious 
concerning the Country of Carolina, they may find a small 
Description thereof, with a Map of the first Draught, Pub 
lished by Mr. Richard Blome, and Printed for Dorman New 
man, in the Year 1678 in Octavo, 1 and one larger in Mr. 
Ogleby s America since the publishing of these, there is by 
Order of the Lords Proprietors newly published in one large 
Sheet of Paper, a very spacious Map of Carolina, with its 
Rivers, Harbors, Plantations, and other Accommodations, 
from the latest Survey, and best Informations, with a large 
and particular Description of the Entrances into Ashly and 
Cooper^Rivers; this Map to be sold for 1 s. by Joel Gascoyne, 
near Wapping Old Stairs, and Robert Green in Budge Row, 
London, 1682. 2 

A Compleat Discovery of the State of Carolina, in the Year 1682. 

THE Discourses of many Ingenious Travellers (who have 
lately seen this part of the West Indies) have for Salubrity 
of Air, Fertility of Soyl, for the Luxuriant and Indulgent 
Blessings of Nature, justly rendered Carolina Famous. That 
since my Arrival at London, I have observed many with 
pleasing Idseas, and Contemplations, as if ravisht with Admira 
tion, discourse of its Pleasures: Whilst others more actively 
prest and stimulated, have with vehement and ardent Desires 
willingly resolved to hazard their Lives, Families, and Fort 
unes to the Mercy of the Wind, Seas and Storms, to enjoy 
the Sweets of so desirable a Being. 

Having spent near three Years Abroad, in which time I 
had a fair Opportunity of a Survey of great part of our Eng- 

1 The reference is to Richard Blome s Description of the Island of Jamaica, 
with the other Isles and Territories in America, to which the English are related 
(London, 1672 and 1678). The account of Carolina in Blome s Present State 
of His Majesty s Isles and Territories in America (1685) is a mere copy of Sam 
uel Wilson s Account of the Province of Carolina, printed next in the present 
volume, pp. 161-176, infra, while that in the 1687 edition of that work is a 
garbled version of the same. The book next mentioned is John Ogilby s Amer 
ica (London, 1670, 1671, etc.). 

J There is a specimen of the Gascoyne map in the Library of Congress. 


lish America. You my Worthy Friend, knowing in what 
Character I went abroad, and understanding of my being at 
Carolina, did obligingly request (that at Leisure) I would col 
lect such Notices of my own whilst there, with those Remarques 
and Observations which I had learnt from the most Able 
and Ingenious Planters, who have had their Residence on the 
place from its first being Colonized: You desiring to be 
assured whether the true State of the Country did answer 
the Reports of Common Fame. Which in Compliance with, 
and in Obedience to your Commands, I have undertaken. 

Carolina derives her name either from our present Illus 
trious Monarch, under whose glorious Auspices it was first 
establisht an English Colony, in the Year One Thousand Six 
Hundred and Seventy, and under whose benign and happy 
Influence it now prospers and flourishes. Or from Charles the 
Ninth of that Name King of France, in whose Reign a Colony 
of French Protestants were transported thither, at the encour 
agement of Gasper Coligni, Admiral of that Kingdom; the 
place of their first Settlement named in Honour of their Prince 
Arx Carolina; 1 but not long after, that Colony, with Monsieur 
Ribault their Leader, were by the Spaniard at once cut off 

1 The name was not derived from either source. By letters patent, bearing 
date at Westminster October 30, 1629, Charles I. granted to Sir Robert Heath, 
his attorney-general, "all that River or Rivelett of S* Matthew on the South side 
and all that River or Rivelett of the great passe on the North side, and all the 
lands Tenements and Hereditaments lying, beeing and extending within or be 
tween the sayd Rivers by that draught or tract to the Ocean upon the east side and 
soe to the west and soe fare as the Continent extands," declaring " that we of our 
free grace certain knowledge and meere motion doe thinke fit to erect the sayd 
Region Territory and Isles into a Province and by the fulnes of our power and 
Kingly Authority for us our heires and successors, we doe erect and incorporate 
them into a province and name the same Carolina or the province of Carolina. " 
Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 5-13. The name Arx Carolina (Fort 
Charles) applied only to Ribault s fort and not to the country, and by the time 
of the Heath grant had become merely a theme for antiquarians. When Charles 
II. granted the same territory to eight of his "beloved cousins and councellors, " 
March 24, 1663, he in his grant applied the same name to it in the same official 
words which his royal father had used in the Heath patent in 1629. That the 
name applied by Charles I. was regarded by the Lords Proprietors as having 
been in force and effect from the date of the Heath grant is attested by the open 
ing words of the first set of their Fundamental Constitutions for Carolina: "Our 
Soveraigne Ld. the King haveing out of his royal grace and bounty granted unto 
us the province of Carolina," etc. 


and destroy d. 1 Since which, nor French, nor Spaniard have 
made any Attempt for its Re-Settlement. Carolina is the 
Northermost part of the spacious and pleasant Province of 
Florida; it lies in the Northern temperate Zone, between the 
Latitude of Twenty Nine, and Thirty Six Degrees, and Thirty 
Minutes: It ; s bounded on the East, with the Atlantick or 
Northern, on the West, with the Pacifick or Southern Ocean, 
on the North, with Virginia, on the South, with the remaining 
part of Florida. The Air of so serene and excellent a temper, 
that the Indian Natives prolong their days to the Extremity 
of Old~Ag AncTWhere the English hitherto have found no 
Distempers either Epidemical or Mortal, but what have had 
their Rise from Excess or Origine from Intemperance. In 
July and August they have sometimes Touches of Agues and 
Fevers, but not violent, of short continuance, and never Fatal. 
English Children there born, are commonly strong and lusty, 
of sound Constitutions, and fresh ruddy Complexions. 2 The 
Seasons are regularly disposed according to Natures Laws; 
the Summer not so torrid, hot and burning as that of their 
Southern, nor the Winter so rigorously sharp and cold, as 
that of their Northern Neighbours. In the Evenings and 
Mornings of December and January, thin congealed Ice, with 
hoary Frosts sometimes appear; but as soon as the Sun ele 
vates her self, above the Horizon, as soon they disappear and 
vanish; Snow having been seen but twice in ten Years, or 
from its first being settled by the English. 

The Soil near the Sea, of a Mould Sandy, farther distant, 
more clayey, or Sand and Clay mixt; the Land lies upon a 
Level in fifty or sixty Miles round, having scarce the least 

1 The French colony at Fort Charles was not destroyed by the Spaniards, 
but, becoming dissatisfied, returned to France. The second settlement of French 
men made under the patronage of Admiral Coligny was made in Florida and 
that was destroyed by the Spaniards. 

2 As the condition here described continued for many years thereafter, it 
would seem that the anophele, or malarial mosquito, which has greatly changed 
conditions in the lower part of South Carolina, is a more recent importation, 
brought perhaps in slave ships, or evolved from other mosquitos which had 
been biting negroes with the germs of malaria brought from Africa. The de 
velopment of the method of cultivating rice by flowing the fields has probably 
had much to do with the increase of malaria; it has vastly increased the number 
of mosquito hatcheries, and has interfered greatly with the natural drainage of 
the country. 


Hill or Eminency. It s cloathed with odoriferous and fragrant 
Woods, flourishing in perpetual and constant Verdures, viz. 
the lofty Pine, the sweet smelling Cedar and Cyprus Trees, 
of both which are composed goodly Boxes, Chests, Tables, 
Scrittores, and Cabinets. The Dust and Shavings of Cedar, 
laid amongst Linnen or Woollen, destroys the Moth and all 
Verminous Insects: It never rots, breeding no Worm, by 
which many other W T oods are consumed and destroyed. Of 
Cedar there are many sorts; this in Carolina is esteemed of 
equal Goodness for Grain, Smell and Colour with the Bermu- 
dian Cedar, which of all the West Indian is esteemed the 
most excellent; that in the Caribbe Islands and Jamaica being 
of a courser kind, Oyl and the Spirit of Wine penetrating it; but 
with this they make Heading for their Cask, which the sharpest 
and most searching Liquors does not pierce. With the Berry 
of the Tree at Bermudaz, by Decoction, they make a very 
wholesome and sovereign Drink. This Tree in the Sacred Writ 
is famous, especially those of Lebanon, for their Stately 
Stature; but those in the West Indies I observed to be of a 
low and humble height. The Sassafrass is a Medicinal Tree, 
whose Bark and Leaves yield a pleasing Smell : It profits in all 
Diseases of the Blood, and Liver, particularly in all Venereal 
and Scorbutick Distempers. There are many other Fragrant 
smelling trees, the Myrtle, Bay and Lawrel, several Others to 
us wholly unknown. Fruit Trees there are in abundance of 
various and excellent kinds, the Orange, Lemon, Pomegranate, 
Fig and Almond. Of English Fruits, the Apple, Pear, Plumb, 
Cherry, Quince, Peach, a sort of Medlar, and Chesnut. Wall- 
nut Trees there are of two or three sorts; but the Black 
Wallnut for its Grain, is most esteem d: the Wild Wallnut or 
Hiquery-Tree, gives the Indians, by boyling its Kernel, a 
wholesome Oyl, from whom the English frequently supply 
themselves for their Kitchen uses: It s commended for a 
good Remedy in Dolors, and Gripes of the Belly; whilst new 
it has a pleasant Taste; but after six Moneths, it decays and 
grows acid; I believe it might make a good Oyl, and of as 
general an use as that of the Olive, if it were better purified 
and rectified. The Chincopin Tree bears a Nut not unlike 
the Hazle, the Shell is softer: Of the Kernel is made Choco 
late, not much inferiour to that made of the Cacoa. 


The Peach Tree in incredible Numbers grows Wild : Of the 
Fruit expressed, the Planters compose a pleasant refreshing 
Liquor; the Remainder of the Fruit serves the Hogg and 
Cattle for Provision. The Mulberry Tree every-where amidst 
the Woods grows wild: The Planters, near their Plantations, 
in Rows and Walks, plant them for Use, Ornament and 
Pleasure: What I observed of this Fruit was admirable; the 
Fruit there, was full and ripe in the latter end of April and 
beginning of May, whereas in England and Europe, they 
are not ripe before the latter end of August. A Manufactory 
of Silk well encouraged might soon be accomplisht, considering 
the numerousness of the Leaf for Provision, the clemency and 
moderateness of the Climate to indulge and nourish the Silk 
worm: To make tryal of its Success, was the Intention of 
those French Protestant Passengers transported thither in His 
Majesties Frigat the Richmond being Forty Five, 1 the half of a 
greater Number designed for that place; but their Design 
was too early anticipated : the Eggs which they brought with 
them being hatch d at Sea, before we could reach the Land, 
the Worms for want of Provision were untimely lost and 
destroyed. 2 The Olive Tree thrives there very well. Mr. 
James Colleton, Brother to Sir Peter, one of the Honourable 
Proprietors, brought an Olive Stick from Fyall, (one of the 
Western Islands) cut off at both Ends to Carolina, which put 
into the Ground, grew and prospered exceedingly; which 
gave so great an Encouragement, that since I left the place, 
I hear that several more were brought there, there being great 

1 From the record of warrants issued for the laying out of lands to settlers 
within two or three years after the arrival of this French colony we learn that the 
governor and deputies issued a warrant November 16, 1680, for "a manor of 
foure thousand acres" to Jacob Guerard, one of the principal promoters of the 
enterprise, and made a number of lesser grants in the next four years to various 
persons of French name who were certainly or probably connected with it. 

2 Numerous efforts to raise silk in South Carolina were made at subsequent 
times and with varying success. Sir Nathaniel Johnson, Knt., undertook its 
culture during the latter part of the seventeenth century. He called his planta 
tion Silk Hope in compliment to his undertaking. About the middle of the 
eighteenth century Mrs. Elizabeth (Lucas) Pinckney was quite successful in 
its culture for several years. She once presented to the Princess of Wales (mother 
of George III.) a dress woven from silk which she had raised, and there is still 
in the family of her descendants a dress made from silk raised by her. 


Hopes, that if the Olive be well improved, there may be 
expected from thence perhaps as good Oyl as any the World 
yields. 1 

Vines of divers sorts, bearing both Black and Gray Grapes, 
grow, climbing their highest Trees, running and over-spread 
ing their lower Bushes: Five Kinds they have already dis- 
tinguish d, three of which by Replantation, and if well culti 
vated, they own, will make very good Wine; some of which 
has been transported for England, which by the best Pallates 
was well approved of, and more is daily expected, t is not 
doubted, if the Planters as industriously prosecute the Propa 
gation of Vineyards as they have begun; but Carolina will 
in a little time prove a Magazine and Staple for Wines to the 
whole West Indies; and to enrich their Variety, some of the 
Proprietors and Planters have sent them the Noblest and 
Excellentest Vines of Europe, viz. the Rhenish, Clarret, the 
Muscadel and Canary, etc. His Majesty, to improve so hope 
ful a Design, gave those French we carried over their Passage 
free for themselves, Wives, Children Goods and Servants, 
they being most of them well experienced in the Nature of 
the Vine, from whose Directions doubtless the English have 
received and made considerable Advantages in their Improve 

Trees for the Service of building Houses and Shipping, 
besides those and many more which we have not nam d; 
they have all such as we in England esteem Good, Lasting, 
and Serviceable, as the Oak of three sorts, the White, Black 
and Live Oak, which for Toughness, and the Goodness of its 
Grain is much esteemed: Elm, Ash, Beech, and Poplar, etc. 
Into the Nature, Qualities, and Vertues of their Herbs, Roots 
and Flowers, we had little time to make any curious Enquiry: 
This we were assured by many of the knowing Planters, that 
they had Variety of such whose Medicinal Vertues were rare 
and admirable. The China grows plentifully there, whose 
Root infus d, yields us that pleasant Drink, which we know 
by the Name of China Ale in England: in Medicinal Uses 
it s far more excellent. Monsieur Tavernier, in his late 

1 Olives have been raised in South Carolina in greater or less quantities from 
its first settlement to the present. In 1837 there was a very severe frost which 
killed most of the trees then growing, and since then not many have been grown. 


Voyages to Persia, 1 observes that Nation, by the frequent 
use of Water in which this Root is boyl d, are never troubled 
with the Stone or Gout: It mundifies 2 and sweetens the 
Blood: It s good in Fevers, Scurvy, Gonorrhoea, and the 
Lues Venerea. They have three sorts of the Rattle-Snake 
Root which I have seen; the Comous, or Hairy, the Smooth, 
the Nodous, or Knotted Root: All which are lactiferous, or 
yielding a Milkie Juice; and if I do not very much in my 
Observations err, the Leaves of all these Roots of a Heart 
had the exact Resemblance: They are all Sovereign against 
the Mortal Bites of that Snake, too frequent in the West 
Indies: In all Pestilential Distempers, as Plague, Small 
Pox, and Malignant Fevers, it 7 s a Noble Specifick; when 
stung, they eat the Root, applying it to the Venemous Wound; 
or they boyl the Roots in Water; which drunk, fortifies and 
corroborates the Heart, exciteing strong and generous Sweats: 
by which endangered Nature is relieved, and the Poyson 
carried off, and expelled. 

Gardens as yet they have not much improved or minded, 
their Designs having otherwise more profitably engaged them 
in settling and cultivating their Plantations with good Pro 
visions and numerous Stocks of Cattle; which two things by 
Planters are esteemed the Basis and Props of all New Plan 
tations and Settlements; before which be well accomplished 
and performed, nothing to any purpose can be effected; and 
upon which all Intentions, Manufactories, etc., have their 
necessary Dependance. But now their Gardens begin to be 
supplied with such European Plants and Herbs as are neces 
sary for the Kitchen, viz. Potatoes, Lettice, Coleworts, Pars 
nip, Turnip, Carrot and Reddish: Their Gardens also begin to 
be beautified and adorned with such Herbs and Flowers which 
to the Smell or Eye are pleasing and agreable, viz. The 
Rose, Tulip, Carnation and Lilly, etc. Their Provision which 
grows in the Field is chiefly Indian Corn, which produces a 
vast Increase, yearly, yielding Two plentiful Harvests, of 
which they make wholesome Bread, and good Bisket, which 
gives a strong, sound, and nourishing Diet; with Milk I 
have eaten it dress d various ways: Of the Juice of the 
Corn, when green, the Spaniards with Chocolet, aromatized 

1 J. B. Tavernier, Six Voyages (Paris, 1676-1679). > Clears. 


with Spices, make a rare Drink of an excellent Delicacy. 1 
I have seen the English amongst the Caribbes roast the green 
Ear on the Coals, and eat it with a great deal of Pleasure. 2 
The Indians in Carolina parch the ripe Corn, then pound it 
to a Powder, putting it in a Leathern Bag: When they use it, 
they take a little quantity of the Powder in the Palms of 
their Hands, mixing it with Water, and sup it off: with this 
they will travel several days. In short, it s a Grain of Gen 
eral Use to Man and Beast, many thousands of both kinds in 
the West Indies having from it the greater part of their Sub 
sistence. The American Physicians observe that it breeds 
good Blood, removes and opens Oppellations 3 and Obstruc 
tions. At Carolina they have lately invented a way of make- 
ing with it good sound Beer; but it s strong and heady: By 
Maceration, when duly fermented, a strong Spirit like Brandy 
may be drawn off from it, by the help of an Alembick. 

Pulse they have of great Variety, not only of what Europe 
yield, viz. Beans, Pease, Callavance, Figolaes, and Bonavist, 
etc., 4 but many other kinds proper to the place, and to us 
unknown: Green Pease at the latter end of April, at my 
being there, I eat as good as ever I did [in] England. Straw 
berries, Rasberries, Billberries, and Blackberries grow fre 
quently up and down the Woods. Hemp and Flax thrives 
exceeding well; there grows a sort of wild Silk Pods, calPd 
Silk-Grass, of which they may make fine and durable Linnen. 

What Wheat they have planted has been rather for Experi 
ment and Observation, whether it would be agreeable to the 
Soil and Climate, than for any Substance for themselves, or 
for Transportation abroad; what they have sown, the Plant 
ers assured us grew exceeding well ; as also Barly, Mr. Linch 8 
an ingenious Planter, having whilst we were there very good 

1 During the war between the United States and the Confederate States 
"coffee" made from parched corn was an everyday drink of the Southern people. 

1 This is still done by Southerners, who relish it quite as much now as did 
their countrymen of 1682. 

* Oppilation, i. e., constipation. 

4 Calabashes, figs (?), and kidney beans. 

* Jonah Lynch, ancestor of Thomas Lynch and his son, Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
both of whom were delegates from South Carolina to the Continental Congress 
at the time of the passage of the Declaration of Independence and the latter of 
whom signed that document 


growing in his Plantation, of which he intended to make Malt 
for brewing of English Beer and Ale, having all Utensils and 
Conveniences for it. Tobacco grows very well; and they 
have of an excellent sort, mistaken by some of our English 
Smoakers for Spanish Tobacco, and valued from 5 to 8s. the 
Pound; but finding a great deal of trouble in the Planting 
and Cure of it, and the great Quantities which Virginia, and 
other of His Majesties Plantations make, rendring it a Drug 
over all Europe; they do not much regard or encourage its 
Planting, having already before them better and more profit 
able Designs in Action. 1 Tarr made of the resinous Juice 
of the Pine (which boyPd to a thicker Consistence is Pitch) 
they make great quantities yearly, transporting several Tuns 
to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and the Caribbe Islands. 2 Indigo 
they have made, and that good: The reason why they have 
desisted I cannot learn. 3 To conclude, there grows in Caro 
lina the famous Cassiny, 4 whose admirable and incomparable 
Vertues are highly applauded and extolled by French and 
Spanish Writers: It is the Leaves of a certain Tree, which 
boyPd in Water (as we do Thea) wonderfully enliven and 
envigorate the Heart, with genuine easie Sweats and Trans 
pirations, preserving the Mind free and serene, keeping the 
Body brisk, active, and lively, not for an hour, or two but 
for as many days, as those Authors report, without any 
other Nourishment or Subsistance, which, if true, is really 
admirable; they also add, that none amongst the Indians, 

1 A little tobacco was raised in South Carolina continuously from this time 
until just before the Revolution, when Thomas Singleton came from Virginia 
and put an impetus to its cultivation which greatly increased its production for 
many years thereafter. Then its cultivation greatly decreased until about 
twenty-five years ago, when, through the efforts of F. M. Rogers, of Darlington 
County, and The News and Courier, of Charleston, it once more resumed a con 
spicuous place among the agricultural products of South Carolina. 

2 Within the next half-century pitch, tar, and turpentine had become three 
of the most important products exported from Charles Town, which probably 
led the world in the exportation of those commodities at that time. 

8 The cultivation of indigo was also revived about the middle of the eigh 
teenth century, principally through the efforts of Moses Lindo, a Jew from Lon 
don and an indigo dealer, who removed to Charles Town and encouraged its 
cultivation. See the chapter on Moses Lindo in Barnett A. Elzas, The Jews oj- 
South Carolina. 

* Cassena or yapon, ilex cassine. 


but their great Men and Captains, who have been famous 
for their great Exploits of War and Noble Actions, are ad 
mitted to the use of this noble Bevaridge. At my being 
there I made Enquiry after it; but the Ignorance of the 
Planter did not inform me. Sponges growing on the Sandy 
Shoars, I have gathered good and large; for which Sarnos in 
times past was famous, supposed by the Ancients to be the 
only place in the World where they grew: a courser sort I 
have seen pull d up by Fishers, fishing among the Rocks 
of the Island of Berbadoes. Ambergrise is often thrown on 
their Shoars; a pretious Commodity to him who finds it, if 
Native and pure, in Worth and Value It surpasses Gold; 
being estimated at 5 and 6 Pound the Ounce, if not adul 
terated. What it is I shall not decide, leaving it to the Judg 
ment of the more Learned, whether it be the Excrement of 
the Whale, because sometimes in dissecting and opening 
their Bodies it s there discovered. 1 I think as well it may 
be argued the Excrements of other Creatures, Birds and some 
Beasts greedily desireing and affecting it, especially the Fox, 
who eating it, by Digestion it passes through his Body; after 
some Alteration it s again recovered, and is that which we call 
Fox Ambergrise. Others, that it is a bitumious Substance, 
ebullating or boiling up from the Bottom of the Sea, and float 
ing on the Surface of the Waters, is condensed by the circum 
ambient Air: of which Opinion is the Learned Sennertus. 2 
Some that it is a Plant of a viscous oleaginous Body, really 
growing at the bottom of the Sea, the swift and violent Motion 
of the Waters in Storms causing an Eradication or Evulsion 
of the Plant, forcing it to the adjacent Shoars; that its most 
plentifully found after Storms is certain: if true, as an intelli 
gent man informed me, who lived many years at the Bermudaz, 
and among the Behama Islands, who saw at the Behama a 
piece of Ambergrise weighing thirty pound (for its bigness 
famous in those Parts) having perfect and apparent Roots, 
equal to the Body in worth and goodness. Others, that it s 
the liquid resinous Tears of some odoriferous Tree, hanging 
over Seas or Rivers, coagulated in that Form which we find 
it. Dr. Trapham, an ingenious Physician in Jamaica, differs 

1 It is in fact a morbid secretion of the liver or intestines of the sperm whale. 
*A famous German physician (1572-1637). 


little from this last opinion, thinking it the Gummous Juice 
of some Fragrant Plant which grows on Rocks near the Sea, 
whose Trunks broken by the rude and boysterous Waves, 
emit that precious Liquor. In Medicinal and Physical uses 
it has a high esteem, being prescribed in the richest Cordials, 
admirable in the languishes of the Spirit Faintings, and 
Deliquium of the Heart; given as the last remedy to agoniz 
ing Persons. In Perfumes of Linnen, Wollen, Gloves, etc., 
there is none esteemed more costly or precious. It s of differ 
ent Colors, Black, Red, the Nutmeg, and Gray Color are held 
the best. 

The great encrease of their Cattel is rather to be admired 
than believed: not more than six or seven years past the 
Country was almost destitute of Cows, Hogs and Sheep, now 
they have many thousand Head. The Planter in Winter 
takes no care for their Provision, which is a great Advantage; 
the Northern Plantations obliging the Planters to spend great 
part of their Summer to provide Fodder and Provision for 
their Cattle, to preserve them from starving in the Winter. 
The Cows the Year round brouzing on the sweet Leaves grow 
ing on the Trees and Bushes, or on the wholesome Herbage 
growing underneath: They usually call them home in the 
Evening for their Milk, and to keep them from running wild. 
Hogs find more than enough of Fruits in the Summer, and 
Roots and Nuts in the Winter; from the abundance of their 
Feeding, great numbers forsake their own Plantations, run 
ning wild in the Woods, 1 the Tyger, Wolf, and wild Cat, 2 
by devouring them, oftentimes goes Share with the Planter; 
but when the Stock encreases and grows strong, the older 
surround the younger, and boldly oppose, and oftentimes 
attack their Invaders. Their Sheep bears good Wooll; the 
Ewes at a time often have 2 or 3 Lambs; they thrive very 
well, the Country being so friendly to their Natures, that it s 
observed, they are neither liable or incident to any known 
Disease or Distemper. Of Beasts bearing Furrs, they have 

1 This condition is occasionally to be found in the lower part of South Caro 
lina now. 

2 The only member of the tiger family still to be found in South Carolina is 
an occasional catamount, the smallest member of the family. The wolf is ex 
tinct. Wild cats are still plentiful. 


great store of Variety, whose Skins serve the Indians for 
Cloathing and Bedding, and the English for many uses, besides 
the great Advantage made of them, by their being sent for 
England. Deer, of which there is such infinite Herds, that the 
whole Country seems but one continued Park, insomuch, that 
I have often heard Captain Matthews, an ingenious Gentleman, 
and Agent to Sir Peter Colleton for his Affairs in Carolina, 
that one hunting Indian has yearly kilFd and brought to his 
Plantation more than an 100, sometimes 200 head of Deer. 1 
Bears there are in great numbers, of whose Fat they make 
an Oyl which is of great Vertue and Efficacy 2 in causing the 
Hair to grow, which I observed the Indians daily used, by 
which means they not only keep their Hair clear and pre 
served from Vermine, but by the nourishing faculty of the 
Oyl, it usually extended in length to their middles. There 
are Bevors, 3 Otters, Foxes, Racoons, Possums, Musquasses,* 
Hares and Coneys, Squirrels of five kinds, the flying Squirrel, 
whose delicate Skin is commended for comforting, if applied 
to a cold Stomack, the Red, the Grey, the Fox and Black 
Squirrels. Leather for Shoes they have good and well tann d : 
The Indians have also a way of dressing their Skins rather 
softer, though not so durable as ours in England. 

Birds the Country yields of differing kinds and Colours: 
For Prey, the Pelican, Hawk, and Eagle, etc. For Pleasure, 
the red, copped and blew Bird, which wantonly imitates the 
various Notes and Sounds of such Birds and Beasts which it 
hears, wherefore, by way of Allusion, it s calPd the mocking 
Bird ; for which pleasing Property it s there esteemed a Rarity. 
Birds for Food, and pleasure of Game, are the Swan, Goose, 
Duck, Mallard, Wigeon, Teal, Curlew, Plover, Partridge, the 
Flesh of which is equally as good, tho smaller than ours in 

1 Deer are still plentiful in the lower part of South Carolina. On one plan 
tation where the shooting of does has been long prohibited by the owner a friend 
of the editor counted fourteen does in one day s hunt and bagged a buck besides. 

1 See p. 132, supra. Bears are also plentiful in some sections of the lower 
part of South Carolina. 

3 Probably the last beaver in South Carolina was killed in Edgefield County 
about 1888, according to newspaper reports at the time. 

* " It s a little creature feeding on Sweet Herbs, whose Codds scent as sweet 
and strong as Musk, lasting a long time, if handsomely inclosed in Cotton Wooll." 
(Note in original.) 


England. Pigeons and Parakeittoes. 1 In Winter huge Flights 
of wild Turkies, oftentimes weighing from twenty, thirty, to 
forty pound. There are also great Stocks of tame Fowl, viz. 
Geese, Ducks, Cocks, Hens, Pigeons and Turkies. They have a 
Bird I believe the least in the whole Creation, named the 
Humming Bird; in bigness the Wren being much superiour, 
in magnitude not exceeding the Humble Bee, whose Body in 
flying much resembles it, did not their long Bills, between 
two and three Inches, and no bigger than Needles, make the 
difference. They are of a deep Green, shadow d with a Murry, 
not much unlike the color of some Doves Necks; they take 
their Food humming or flying, feeding on the exuberant 
Moistures of sweet odoriferous Leaves and Flowers. I have 
frequently seen them in many parts of the West Indies, but 
never observed them to have any Musical Air, but a loud Note 
to Admiration, crying Chur, Chur, Chur, etc., which at the 
distance of half a mile is plainly heard: their Eggs, of which 
they produce three or four young at a time, not unlike small 
white Pease: they continue between the Tropiques the whole 
year round, as I have observed at Berbadoes and Jamaica; 
but I am informed, that in the more Northern parts of Amer 
ica they sleep the whole Winter; at Berbadoes the Jews 
curiously skin these little Birds, filling them with fine Sand, 
and perfuming their Feathers, they are sent into Europe as 
pretty Delicacies for Ladies, who hang them at their Breasts 
and Girdles. 

There are in Carolina great numbers of Fire Flies, who 
carry their Lanthorns in their Tails in dark Nights, flying 
through the Air, shining like Sparks of Fire, enlightning it 
with their Golden Spangles. I have seen a larger sort at 
Jamaica, which Dr. Heylin in his Cosmography, 2 enumerates 
amongst the Rarities and Wonders of Hispaniola, an Island 
under the King of Spain, distant between 20 and 30 Leagues 
from Jamaica: These have two Lights above their Eyes, and 
a third in their Tails; in dark nights they shine like Candles: 

1 In December, 1885, or 1886, the editor saw a passenger pigeon in Orange- 
burg County, South Carolina. Since that time very few have been seen in the 
state. The Carolina paroquet appears to be extinct in South Carolina. See 
Arthur Trezevant Wayne, Birds of South Carolina (Charleston, S. C., 1910). 

* Peter Heylin, Cosmographie (London, 1657, and other editions). 


for which I have often at a distance mistaken them, supposeing 
them to have been the Lights of some adjacent Plantation; 
and in this I have not been the first that has been so deceived. 
Amongst large Orange Trees in the Night, I have seen many 
of those Flies, whose Lights have appeared like hanging 
Candles, or pendant Flambeaus, which amidst the Leaves 
and ripe Fruit yielded a Light truly glorious to behold: with 
3 of these included in a Glass Bottle, in a very dark Night I 
have read very small Characters: When they are kill d, their 
Igneous or Luminous Matter does not immediately, (till half 
an hour, or an hour after their Deaths) extinguish. 1 

As the Earth, the Air, etc., are enrich d and replenished 
with the Blessings of the most High, the Seas and Rivers of 
the same bounty equally participate in the Variety of excellent 
and wholesome Fish which it produces, viz. Sturgeon, of 
whose Sounds Iceing-glass, 2 of whose Roes Caviare are made: 
Mullet, a delicious sweet Fish, of whose Roes or Spawn Botargo 
is made: Whale, Salmon, Trouts, Bass, Drum, Cat-fish, whose 
Head and glaring Eyes resemble a Cat; it 7 s esteemed a very 
good Fish; it hath a sharp thorny Bone on its Back, which 
strikes at such as endeavour to take it: which by Seamen 
is held venemous: yet I saw one of our Seamen, the back of 
whose Hand was pierced with it, yet no poysonous Symptoms 
of Inflammation or Rancor appeared on the Wound, which 
quickly heaPd, that I concluded it was either false, or that of 
this Fish there were more kinds than one : Plaice, Eels, Crabs, 
Prawns twice as large as ours in England: Oysters of an Ob 
long or Oval Form; their number inexhaustible; a man may 
easily gather more in a day than he can well eat in a year; 
some of which are margiritiferous, yielding bright round 
Oriental Pearl. 

The Tortoise, more commonly call d by our West Indians 
the Turtle, are of three sorts, the Hawks-Bill, whose Shell is 
that which we call the Turtle or Tortoise Shell; the Green 
Turtle, whose shell being thin is little regarded; but its Flesh 
is more esteemed than the Hawks-bill Tortoise: The Logger 
head Turtle, or Tortoise has neither good shell or Flesh, so is 

1 A firefly swallowed by a toad has been observed to illuminate the whole 
anatomy of the toad in X-ray fashion. 
* Isinglass. 


little minded or regarded. They are a sort of creatures 
which live both on Land and Water. In the day usually keep 
ing the Sea, swiming on the surface of the Water, in fair 
Weather delighting to expose themselves to the Sun, often 
times falling asleep, lying, as I have seen several times, without 
any Motion on the Waters, till disturbed by the approach of 
some Ship or Boat, being quick of hearing, they dive away. 
In the Night they often come ashore to feed and lay their 
Eggs in the Sand, which once covered, they leave to the 
Influence of the Sun, which in due time produces her young 
ones, which dig their Passage out of the sand immediately 
making their way towards the Water. At this Season, when 
they most usually come ashore, which is in April, May and 
June, the Seamen or Turtlers, at some convenient distance 
watch their opportunity, getting between them and the Sea, 
turn them on their Backs, from whence they are unable ever to 
rise, by which means the Seamen or Turtlers turn 40 or 50 
in a night, some of 2, 3, 400 weight: If they are far distant 
from the Harbor or Market to which they design to bring 
them, they kill, cutting them to pieces, which Salted they 
Barrel: This is the way of killing at the Caymana s, an Island 
lying to the Leeward of Jamaica. Turtle, BarrePd and Salted, 
if well conditioned, is worth from 18 to 25 shillings the Barrel. 
If near their Market or Harbor they bring them in Sloops 
alive, and afterwards keep them in Crauls, which is a par 
ticular place of Salt Water of Depth and Room for them to 
swim in, pallisado d or staked, in round above the Waters 
Surface, where, upon occasion they take them out, and kill 
them, and cutting them to pieces, sell their Flesh for two 
pence or three pence the pound: the Belly, which they call 
the Callope of the Turtle, pepper d and salted, or roasted and 
baked, is an excellent Dish, much esteemed by our Nation 
in the West Indies: the rest of the Flesh boiPd, makes as 
good and nourishing Broath, as the best Capon in England, 
especially if some of the Eggs are mixt with it; they are some 
white, and others of a yellow or golden Colour, in largeness 
not exceeding a Walnut, wrapt in a thin Skin or Membrane, 
sweet in Taste, nourishing and wholesome: and of this prop 
erty, that they never grow hard by boiling: the Liver is 
black; it freely opens and purges the Body: if little of it be 


eaten, it dies the Excrements of a deep black Colour: The 
Fat in Color inclines to a Sea Green; in Taste it s sweet 
and luscious, equalling, if not surpassing the best Marrow, 
if freely eaten it deeply stains the Urine of its Color : It s of 
of a very penetrating piercing quality, highly comended in 
Strains and Aches : Of it the Turtlers oftentimes make an Oyl, 
which in Lamps burns much brighter and sweeter than com 
mon Lamp or Train Oyl. In general, the Flesh is commended 
for a good Antiscorbutique and an Antivenereal Diet; many 
in the former, and some that have been far gone in Consump 
tions, with the constant use alone of this Diet, have been 
thoroughly recovered and cured in 3 or 4 months. It hath 
3 Hearts, by thin Pellicules only separated, which has caused 
some to Philosophize on its Amphibious Nature, alluding to 
those participating and assimulating Qualities which it has to 
the rest of the Universe, it swiming like a Fish, laying Eggs 
like a Fowl, and feeding on Grass like an Ox. This I am 
assured of, that after it 7 s cut to pieces, it retains a Sensation 
of Life three times longer than any known Creature in the 
Creation: Before they kill them they are laid on their Backs, 
where hopeless of Relief as if sensible of their future Condi 
tion, for some hours they mourn out their Funerals, the Tears 
plentifully flowing from their Eyes, accompanied with passion 
ate Sobs and Sighs, in my Judgment nothing more like than 
such who are surrounded and overwhelmed with Troubles, 
Cares and Griefs, which raises in Strangers both Pity and 
Compassion. Compleatly six hours after the Butcher has 
cut them up and into pieces, mangled their Bodies, I have 
seen the Callope when going to be seasoned, with pieces of 
their Flesh ready to cut into Stakes, vehemently contract 
with great Reluctancy rise against the Knife, and sometimes 
the whole Mass of Flesh in a visible Tremulation and Concus 
sion, to him who first sees it seems strange and admirable. 
There is farther to the Southward of Carolina, especially about 
the Shears and Rivers of His[pa]niola and Cuba a Fish in 
Nature something like the former, calFd the Manacy or Sea- 
Co w, of an extraordinary Bigness, sometimes of 1000 pound 
weight: It feeds on the Banks and Shoar sides on the grassy 
Herbage, like a Tortoise; but that which is more wonderful 
of this Creature is, that she gives her young Ones Suck from 


her Duggs; she is headed like a Cow, of a green Colour, her 
Flesh by some esteemed the most delicate in the World, sweeter 
than the tenderest Veal, sold at Jamaica, where it s sometimes 
brought for 6d. the pound: It hath a stone in the Head which 
is a gallant Remedy against the Pains and Dolors of the 
Stone; so are the Bones of its Body to provoke Urine, when 
pulverized and exhibited in convenient Liquors. Its Skin 
makes excellent Whips for Horses, if prudently us d, which 
are very serviceable and lasting; with one of these Manaty 
Strapps, I have seen a Bar of Iron cut and dented: It cuts 
so severe and deep, that by the Public Authority at Jamaica, 
Masters are forbidden and prohibited with it to strike their 
White Servants. 

There is in the mouth of their Rivers, or in Lakes near 
the Sea, a Creature well known in the West Indies, calPd the 
Alligator or Crocodile, whose Scaly Back is impenitrible, re 
fusing a Musquet Bullet to pierce it, but under the Belly, 
that or an Arrow finds an easie Passage to destroy it; it lives 
both on Land and Water, being a voracious greedy Creature, 
devouring whatever it seizes on, Man only excepted, which 
on the Land it has not the courage to attacque, except when 
asleep or by surprize: In the Water it s more dangerous; 
it sometimes grows to a great length, from 16 to 20 foot, 
having a long Mouth, beset with sharp keen Teeth; the Body 
when full grown as large as a Horse, declining towards the 
Tail; it s slow in motion, and having no Joynt in the Verte- 
braes or Back Bone, but with its whole length is unable to 
turn, which renders it the less mischievous; yet Nature by 
Instinct has given most Creatures timely Caution to avoid 
them by their strong musky Smell, which at a considerable 
distance is perceiveable, which the poor Cattle for their own 
Preservation make good use of: their Flesh cuts very white; 
the young ones are eatable; the Flesh of the older smells so 
strong of Musk, that it nauseates; their Stones at least so 
called, are commended for a rich, lasting perfume. 

Mettals or Minerals I know not of any, yet it s supposed 
and generally believed, that the Apalatean Mountains which 
lie far up within the Land, yields Ore both of Gold and Silver, 
that the Spaniards in their running Searches of this Country 
saw it, but had not time to open them, or at least, for the 


present were unwilling to make any farther Discovery till 
their Mines of Peru and Mexico were exhausted, or as others, 
that they were politically fearful that if the Riches of the 
Country should be exposed, it would be an Allure to encourage 
a Foreign Invader, Poverty preserving, Riches oftentimes the 
cause that Property is lost, usurped and invaded; but whether 
it be this or that reason time will discover. 

The Natives of the Country are from time immemorial, 
ab Origine Indians, of a deep Chesnut Colour, their Hair 
black and streight, tied various ways, sometimes oyPd and 
painted, stuck through with Feathers for Ornament or Gal 
lantry; their Eyes black and sparkling, little or no Hair on 
their Chins, well limb d and featured, painting their Faces 
with different Figures of a red or sanguine Colour, whether 
for Beauty or to render themselves formidable to their Ene 
mies I could not learn. They are excellent Hunters; their 
Weapons the Bow and Arrow, made of a Read, pointed with 
sharp Stones, or Fish Bones; their Cloathing Skins of the 
Bear or Deer, the Skin drest after their Country Fashion. 

Manufactures, or Arts amongst them I have heard of none, 
only little Baskets made of painted Reeds and Leather drest 
sometimes with black and red Chequers coloured. In Medicine, 
or the Nature of Simples, some have an exquisite Knowledge; 
and in the Cure of Scorbutick, Venereal, and Malignant Dis 
tempers are admirable: In all External Diseases they suck 
the part affected with many Incantations, Philtres and Charms: 
In Amorous Intrigues they are excellent either to procure Love 
or Hatred: They are not very forward in Discovery of their 
Secrets, which by long Experience are religiously transmitted 
and conveyed in a continued Line from one Generation to 
another, for which those skilPd in this Faculty are held in 
great Veneration and Esteem. Their Religion chiefly consists 
in the Adoration of the Sun and Moon: At the Appearance of 
the New Moon I have observed them with open extended 
Arms then folded, with inclined Bodies, to make their Adora 
tions with much Ardency and Passion: They are divided into 
many Divisions or Nations, Governed by Reguli, or Petty 
Princes, which our English call Cacicoes. 1 Their Diet is of 
Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, with Indian Maiz or Corn; their Drink 

1 Cassiques. 


Water, yet Lovers of the Spirits of Wine and Sugar. They 
have hitherto lived in good Correspondence and Amity with 
the English, who by their just and equitable Cariage have 
extreamly winn d and obliged them; Justice being exactly 
and impartially administred, prevents Jealousies, and main 
tains between them a good Understanding, that the Neigh 
bouring Indians are very kind and serviceable, doing our 
Nation such Civilities and good Turns as lie in their Power. 

This Country was first discovered by Sir Sebastian Cabott, 
by the order, and at the expence of King Henry VII. from 
which Discovery our Successive Princes have held their Claim, 
in pursuance to which in the Seventeenth Year of His Majesties 
Reign it was granted unto his Grace George Duke of Albe- 
marle, unto the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Clarendon, 
William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord 
Ashley now Earl of Shaftsbury, 1 to the Honourable Sir George 
Carteret, and Sir John Colleton, Knights and Baronetts, to 
Sir William Berkeley Knight, with a full and plenipotentiary 
Power, to Colonize, Enact Laws, Execute Justice, etc. The 
Regalia s of Premier Sovereignty only reserved. The Principal 
place where the English are now settled lies scituated on a 
point of Land about two Leagues from the Sea, between 
Ashly and Cooper Rivers, so named in Honour to the Right 
Honourable the Earl of Shaftsbury, a great Patron to the 
Affairs of Carolina. The place called Charles Town, by an 
express Order from the Lord Proprietors in the Year One 
thousand six hundred and eighty, their Ordnance and Ammu 
nition being removed thither from Old Charles Town, which 
lay about a League higher from Ashly River, both for its 
Strength and Commerce It s very commodiously scituated 
from many other Navigable Rivers that lie near it on which 
the Planters are seated; by the Advantage of Creeks, which 
have a Communication from one great River to another, at 
the Tide or Ebb the Planters may bring their Commodities 
to the Town as to the Common Market and Magazine both 

1 George Monck was the family name of the Duke of Albemarle; Edward 
Hyde that of the Earl of Clarendon; William Craven that of the Earl of Craven; 
John Berkeley that of Lord Berkeley, and Anthony Ashley Cooper that of Lord 
Ashley. The other three proprietors being only baronets or knights bore only 
their family names. 


for Trade and Shipping. The Town is regularly laid out into 
large and capacious Streets, which to Buildings is a great 
Ornament and Beauty. In it they have reserved convenient 
places for Building of a Church/ Town-House and other 
Publick Structures, an Artillery Ground for the Exercise of 
their Militia, and Wharfs for the Convenience of their Trade 
and Shipping. At our being there was judged in the Country 
a 1000 or 1200 Souls; but the great Numbers of Families from 
England, Ireland, Berbadoes, Jamaica, and the Caribees, 
which daily Transport themselves thither, have more than 
doubled that Number. The Commodities of the Country as 
yet proper for England, are Furrs and Cedar : For Berbadoes, 
Jamaica and the Caribbee Islands, Provisions, Pitch, Tarr 
and Clapboard, for which they have in Exchange Sugar, Rumm, 
Melasses and Ginger, etc., such things which are proper and 
requisite for the Planter to be stored with before he leaves 
England for his better Settlement there at his Arrival, chiefly 
Servants: All kind of Iron Work for the clearing of Land, 
pruning of Vines, for the Kitchen and for Building. Commodi 
ties proper for the Merchant to Transport thither for his 
Advantage, Cloathing of all kinds, both Linnen and Woollen, 
Hats, Stockins, Shoes; all kind of Ammunition, Guns, Fowling- 
pieces, Powder, Match, Bullet, Nails, Locks and Knives; all 
Haberdashers Ware; Cordage, and Sails for Shipping, Spirits 
and Spices, viz., Cloves, Nitmegs and Cinnamon. Finally, to 
encourage People to Transport themselves thither, the Lord 
Proprietors give unto all Masters and Mistresses of Families, 
to their Children, Men-Servants and Maid-Servants if above 
sixteen years of Age, fifty to all such under forty Acres of 
Land to be held for ever, annually paying a Peny an Acre 
to the Lord Proprietors to commence in 2 Years after it s 

Sir, Thus in an Abstract I have given you the Draught 
of this excellent Country, begining with its Name, Scituation, 
etc., and when first settled, regularly proceeding to the Nature 

1 At the southeast corner of the streets now known as Meeting and Broad. 
A church was erected soon after and called St. Philip s. St. Michael s Church 
now stands on the spot, a new St. Philip s having been built elsewhere at a sub 
sequent date. 


of the Soil, Quality of the Air, the Diseases and Longevity of 
its Inhabitants, the Rarity of its produce in Trees, Fruits, 
Roots and Herbs, Beasts, Fish, Fowl and Insects; the Nature 
and Disposition of the Indians, the Progress the English 
have made since their first Settlement, what Commodities 
they abound with, in what defective; in all which from the 
Truth I have neither swerved nor varied : Indeed in some other 
things I might have farther enlarged and expatiated, which 
I shall refer to a Personal Discourse, when I have the Honour 
fco wait upon you again; in the mean time I am 

Your humble Servant 




THE Lords Proprietors of Carolina evidently believed in 
advertising, if we judge by the frequency (for their time) 
with which they published pamphlets extolling the virtues 
of their province as a place for settlers. In 1682 one of these 
was published in London, giving a history of the Ashley 
River settlement in Carolina, an account of the natural re 
sources of that part of the province, the advancement which 
the settlers had made, the methods of obtaining lands there, 
the necessary articles for settlers to take with them, and the 
mode of getting there. Its author was Samuel Wilson, who 
had been secretary to the Earl of Craven, one of the Lords 
Proprietors, for his Carolina affairs for four years preceding, 
and had thoroughly familiarized himself with conditions in 
South Carolina. While the pamphlet is written with the 
enthusiasm of a partisan, it can be corroborated from many 
contemporaneous sources, and is good history. It is copied 
into Richard Blome s Present State of His Majesty 1 s Isks and 
Territories in America (London, 1685) and, in a garbled form, 
into the 1687 edition of that work. 

This pamphlet was reprinted in 1836 in Historical Collections 
of South Carolina (New York), by B. R. Carroll. Carroll s 
text varies from that of the original pamphlet so often that 
it would seem that he used a different edition in making his 
copy, possibly a later edition of the pamphlet. 


An Account of the Province of Carolina, in America : together 
with an Abstract of the Patent, and several other Necessary 
and Useful Particulars, to such as have thoughts of trans 
porting themselves thither. Published for their Information. 

LoriJon: Printed by G. Larkin, for Francis Smith, at the Ele 
phant and Castle in Cornhil. 1682. 1 

To the Right Honourabk William Earl of Craven Pallatine, 
and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors 
of the Province of Carolina. 

MAY it please your Lordships, 

Finding by my Conversation with People who have an 
Inclination to try their Fortunes in America, that your 
Province of Carolina had not its due valuation for want of 
being made known to the World, and not hearing of any 
that had undertaken it, I looked upon it as a Duty incum- 
bunt upon me, who have had the Honour to be your Secre 
tary in your Carolina- Affairs now four years, to Publish the 
ensuing Treatise; whereby is made known the Greatness of 
your Soveraign s Gift to your Selves, and to the World the 
Greatness of your Trust and Favour with Him; and to those 
that have a desire of settling there, to what kind of Countrey 
and Climate they Transport Themselves: Wherein I have 
most strictly kept to the Rules of Truth, there not being any 
thing that I have written in Commendation of your Province, 
which I cannot prove by Letters from thence now in my 
possession, and by Living Witnesses now in England. 

I should not have been thus presumptuous to adventure upon 
this Work, and to have crav ; d for it your Lordships Patronage, 

1 Title-page of original. 


had not the Employment I have under you (which hath given 
me frequent Opportunities of discovering the Humanity and 
Softness with which you Treat all Those who apply to you, 
your constant Endeavours for the Good of all those who 
come under your Government in Carolina, and the great care 
you have taken by your admirable Constitution of Govern 
ment, which you have there settled, for the lasting security, 
peace and well being of all the Inhabitants of your Province) 
induced me to beleive that the same goodness with which 
you treat others, will be extended to me, and that you will 
pardon my present presumption, and all the other Imper 
fections of, 

May it please your Lordships, 
Your Lordships most Faithful and 
Obliged, Humble Servant, 


An Account of the Province of Carolina, in America. 

CAROLINA is that part of Florida * which lies between 
twenty nine and thirty six Degrees and thirty Minutes of 
Northern Latitude : On the East it is washed with the Atlantick 
Ocean, and is bounded on the West by Mare Pacificum (or the 
South Sea) and within these bounds is contained the most 
healthy Fertile and pleasant part of Florida, which is so much 
commended by the Spanish Authors. 

This Province of Carolina, was in the Year 1663 Granted 
by Letters Pattents in Propriety of his most Gracious Majesty, 
unto the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Clarendon, George 
Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkely, 
Anthony Lord Ashly, now Earl of Shaftsbury, Sir George 
Carteret, and Sir John Colleton, Knights and Barronets, Sir 
William Berkeley Knight, by which Letters Pattents the 
Laws of England are to be of force in Carolina: but the Lords 

1 While the Atlantic coast of North America was first discovered and par 
tially explored by Sebastian Cabot, it was the Spanish explorer, Juan Ponce de 
Leon, who gave the name Florida to the southern portion of it, and despite the 
fact that the English were able to defend their claim to it and gave it the name 
Virginia, many even of the British empire continued to call it Florida long 
after the English had laid out their provinces and established governments there. 


Proprietors have power with the consent of the Inhabitants 
to make By-Laws for the better Government of the said 
Province: So that no Money can be raised or Law made, 
without the consent of the Inhabitants or their Representa 
tives. They have also power to appoint and impower Gov- 
ernours, and other Magistrates, to Grant Liberty of Con 
science, make Constitutions, etc., With many other great 
Priviledges, as by the said Letters Pattents will more largely 
appear. And the said Lords Proprietors have there setled 
a Constitution of Government, whereby is granted Liberty 
of Conscience, and wherein all possible care is taken for the 
equal Administration of Justice, and for the lasting Security 
of the Inhabitants both in their Persons and Estates. 

By the care and endeavours of the said Lords Proprietors, 
and at their very great charge, two Colonys have been setled 
in this Province, the one at Albemarle in the most Northerly 
part, the other at Ashly River, which is in the Latitude of 
thirty two Degrees odd Minutes. 

Albemarle bordering upon Virginia, and only exceeding it 
in Health, Fertility, and Mildness of the Winter, is in the 
Growths, Productions and other things much of the same 
nature with it: Wherefore I shall not trouble the Reader 
with a perticular Description of that part; but apply my self 
principally to discourse of the Collony at Ashly-River, which 
being many Degrees more Southward than Virginia, differs 
much from it in the Nature of its Clymate and Productions. 

Ashly-River was first setled in April 1670, the Lords Pro 
prietors having at their sole charge, set out three Vessels, with 
a considerable number of able Men; eighteen Moneths Victuals, 
with Clothes, Tools, Ammunition, and what else was thought 
necessary for a new Settlement, and continued at this charge 
to supply the Collony for divers years after, until the Inhabi 
tants were able by their own Industry to live of themselves; 
in which condition they have been for divers years past, and 
are arrived to a very great Degree of Plenty of all sorts of 
Provisions. Insomuch, that most sorts are already cheaper 
there, than in any other of the English Collonys, and they 
are plentifully enough supplied with all things from England 
or other Parts. 

Ashly-River, about seven Miles in from the Sea, divides 


it self into two Branches; the Southernmost retaining the name 
of Ashly-River, the North Branch is called Cooper-River. In 
May 1680, the Lords Proprietors sent their Orders to the 
Government there, appointing the Port-Town for these two 
Rivers to be Built on the Poynt of Land that divides them, 
and to be called Charles Town, since which time about an 
hundred Houses are there Built, 1 and more are Building daily 
by the Persons of all sorts that come there to Inhabit, from 
the more Northern English Collonys, and the Sugar Islands, 
England and Ireland; and many persons who went to Caro 
lina Servants, being Industrious since they came out of their 
times with their Masters, at whose charge they were Trans 
ported, have gotten good Stocks of Cattle, and Servants of 
their own; have here also Built Houses, and exercise their 
Trades: And many that went thither in that condition, are 
worth several Hundreds of Pounds, and live in a very plentiful 
condition, and their Estates still encreasing. And Land is 
become of that value near the Town, that it is sold for twenty 
Shillings per Acre, though pillaged of all its valuable Timber, 
and not cleared of the rest, and Land that is clear d and 
fitted for Planting, and Fenced, is let for ten Shillings per 
annum the Acre, though twenty miles distant from the 
Town, and six men will in six weeks time, Fall, Clear, Fence in, 
and fit for Planting, six Acres of Land. 

At this Town, in November 1680. There Rode at one 
time sixteen Sail of Vessels (some of which were upwards of 
200 Tons) that came from divers parts of the Kings Dominions 
to trade there, which great concourse of shipping, will un 
doubtedly in a short time make it a considerable Town. 

The Eastern Shore of America, whether it be by reason 
of its having the great Body of the Continent to the Westward 
of it, and by consequence the North-west Wind (which Flows 
contrary to the Sun) the Freezing- Wind, as the North-East is 

1 A town was laid out there in 1672, and some of the lots had been granted 
out and a few had been built upon prior to 1680, when, by order of the Proprietors, 
the seat of government was removed to the new site, and the removal of the in 
habitants rapidly followed. The site of the old town is now upon the plantation 
of Mr. E. T. Legare, and the society of Children of the American Revolution has 
lately erected a stone about a quarter of a mile from the site to mark it. The 
stone, however, contains the erroneous statement that it marks the site of the 
old town. 


in Europe, or that the Frozen Lakes which Lye-in, beyond 
Canada, and lye North and West from the Shore, Impregnate 
the Freezing Wind with more chill and congealing qualities, 
or that the uncultivated Earth, covered for the most part 
with large shading Trees, breathes forth more nitrous Vapours, 
than that which is cultivated; or all these Reasons together, 
it is certainly much more cold than any part of Europe, in 
the same Degree of Latitude of thirty nine and forty, and 
England and those parts of America about the Latitude of 
thirty nine and forty, and more North, though about six 
hundred Miles nearer the Sun than England; is notwithstand 
ing many degrees colder in the Winter. 

The Author having been informed by those that say they 
have seen it, that in those Parts it Freezeth above six Inches 
thick in a Night, and great Navigable Rivers are Frozen over 
in the same space of time; and the Country about Ashly- 
River, though within nine Degrees of the Tropick, hath seldom 
any Winter that doth not produce some Ice, though I cannot 
yet learn that any hath been seen on Rivers or Ponds, above 
a quarter of an Inch thick, which vanisheth as soon as the 
Sun is an hour or two high; and when the Wind is not at 
North-west, the Weather is very mild. So that the December 
and January of Ashly River, I suppose to be of the same 
Temperature with the latter end of March, and beginning of 
April in England. This small Winter causeth a fall of the 
Leaf, and adapts the Country to the Production of all the 
Grains and Fruits of England, as well as those that require 
more Sun; insomuch, that at Ashly-river the Apple, the Pear, 
the Plum, the Quince, Apricock, Peach, Medlar, Walnut, Mul 
berry and Chesnut, thrive very well in the same Garden to 
gether with the Orange, the Lemon, Olive, the Pomgranate, 
the Fig and Almond; Nor is the Winter here Cloudy, Overcast 
or Foggy, but it hath been observed that from the twentieth 
of August to the tenth of March, including all the Winter 
Months, there have been but eight overcast days; and though 
Rains fall pretty often in the Winter, it is most commonly in 
quick Showers, which when past, the Sun shines out clear 

The Summer is not near so hot as in Virginia or the other 
Northern American English Collonys, which may hardly gain 


belief with those that have not considered the reason; which 
is its neerness to the Tropicks, which makes it in a greater 
Measure than those Parts more Northward partake of those 
Breezes, which almost constantly rise about eight or nine of 
the Clock, within the Tropicks, and blow fresh from the East 
till about Four in the Afternoon; and a little after the Sea 
breeze dys away, there rises a North-wind, which blowing 
all night, keeps it fresh and cool. In short, I take Carolina, 
to be much of the same nature with those Delicious Countries 
about Aleppo, Antioch, and Smyrna: but hath the Advantage 
of being under an equal English Government. 

Such, who in this Country have seated themselves near 
great Marshes, are subject to Agues, as those who are so 
seated in England; but those who are planted more remote 
from Marshes or standing Waters, are exceeding healthy; 
insomuch, that out of a Family consisting of never less than 
twelve Persons, not one hath died since their first Arrival 
there, which is nine years; but what is more, not one hath 
been sick in all that time; nor is there one of the Masters of 
Families that went over in the first Vessels, dead of Sickness 
in Carolina, except one, who was seventy and five years of 
Age before he came there, 1 though the number of those 
Masters of Families be pretty considerable: divers persons 
who went out of England Ptisical, and Consumptive, have re 
cover d, and others subject in England to frequent fits of the 
Stone, have been absolutely freed from them after they have 
been there a short time; nor is the Gout there yet known. The 
Ayr gives a strong Appetite and quick Digestion, nor is it with 
out suitable effects, men finding themselves apparently more 
lightsome, more prone, and more able to all Youthful Exer 
cises, than in England, the Women are very Fruitful, and the 
Children have fresh Sanguine Complexions. 

The Soyle is generally very fertile, but hath some sandy 

1 Paul Smith, who was put down on the list of the passengers in the Carolina, 
one of the ships that brought over the first settlers, as a master, or head of family, 
died prior to June 29, 1672, when the governor and deputies directed the sur 
veyor-general to lay out fifty acres of land to parties who had purchased it of the 
heirs of Paul Smith, deceased. Possibly he was the head of family to whom 
the writer here refers. See A. S. Salley, Jr., Warrants for Lands in South Caro 
lina, 1672-1679, pp. 16, 48. 


tracts so as to make an agreable variety, but even this Land 
produceth good Corne and is excellent pasture; Wheat, Rye, 
Early, Oates, and Peas, thrive exceedingly, and the ground 
yeilds in greater abundance than in England, Turnips, Parsnips, 
Carrots, Potatoes, and Edoes, a substantial wholesome nourish 
ing Root grow well, and all excellent in their kindes, they have 
near twenty sorts of Pulse that we have not in England, all of 
them very good food, insomuch that the English Garden Bean 
is not regarded. 

Near the Sea the Trees are not very large, they grow 
pritty neare together; farther up they are larger, and grow 
farther asunder, and are in most parts free from Underwood, 
so that you may see near half a mile amongst the bodyes of 
large tall timber trees, whose tops meeting make a very pleas 
ing shade, yet hinders not grass, myrtle and other sweet 
scenting shrubs here and there from growing under them: 
Amongst these Groves of Timber Trees are here and there 
Savana s, (or grassy plains) of several magnitudes clear of 
Trees, which have occasioned some that have seene them to 
compare Carolina to those pleasant Parks in England, that 
have abundance of tall Timber Trees unlop d, here you may 
hunt the Hare, Fox, and Deere all day long in the shade, and 
freely, spur your horse through the Woods to follow the chase. 

This Country hath the Oak, Ash, Elm, Poplar, Beech, and 
all the other Sorts of useful Timber that England hath, and 
divers sorts of lasting Timber that England hath not, as Cedar 
white and red, Cypress, Locust, Bay and Laurell Trees, equal 
to the biggest Oaks, large Mirtles, Hickery, black Wallnut and 
Pynes big enough to Mast the greatest Ships, and divers other 
sorts, which I cannot enumerate. 

The Woods abound with Hares, Squirrels, Racoons, Pos 
sums, Conyes and Deere, which last are so plenty that an 
Indian hunter hath kilPd nine fatt Deere in a day all shott by 
himself, and all the considerable Planters have an Indian 
hunter which they hire for less than twenty shillings a year, 
and one hunter will very well find a Family of thirty people 
with as much Venison and Foul, as they can well eat. Here 
are also in the woods great plenty of wilde Turkeys, Partridges, 
something smaller than those of England, but more de[l]icate, 
Turtle Doves, Paraquetos, and Pidgeons; On the grassy plaines 


the whistling Plover and Cranes and divers sorts of Birds un- 
knowne in England. 

Carolina doth so abound in Rivers, that within fifty miles 
of the Sea you can hardly place your self seven miles from a 
Navigable River, and divers are navigable for good big Ves 
sels above three hundred miles: 1 The Rivers abound with 
variety of excellent Fish, and near the Sea with very good 
Oysters, in many of which are Pearl : the Author having seen 
Pearl that have been taken out of some of them bigger than 
Rouncival Pease and perfectly round. On the Rivers and 
brooks are all the winter moneths vast quantitys of Swan, 
wild Geese, Duck, Widgeon, Teale, Curlew, Snipe, Shell Drake 
and a certaine sort of black Duck that is excellent meat, 
and stayes there all the year. 2 

Neat Cattle thrive and increase here exceedingly, there 
being perticular Planters that have already seven or eight 
hundred head, and will in a few years in all probability, have 
as many thousands, unless they sell some part; the Cattle are 
not subject to any Disease as yet perceiv d, and are fat all the 
Year long without Fother, the little Winter they have, not 
pinching them so as to be perceiv d, which is a great advantage 
the Planters here have of the more Northern Plantations who 
are all forc d to give their Cattle Fother, and must spend a 
great part of their Summers Labour in providing three or four 
Months Fother for the Cattle in the Winter, or else would have 
few of them alive in the Spring, which will keep them from 
ever having very great Heards, or be able to do much in Plant 
ing any Comodity for Forreign Markets; the providing Winter 
Food for their Cattle, taking up so much of their Summers 
Labour; So that many Judicious Persons think that Carolina 
will be able by Sea, to supply those Northern Collonys, with 
salted Beef for their Shipping, cheaper than they themselves 
with what is bred amongst them; for, considering that all the 
Woods in Carolina afford good Pasturage, and the small Rent 

1 There are only three rivers in South Carolina that extend inland from the 
sea so much as three hundred miles: the Edisto, the Santee, and the Peedee. 
There are about a dozen more that are from fifteen to one hundred miles long 
that are navigable by steamers almost to their sources. 

* The only duck that stays in South Carolina all the year now is the wood 
duck, known locally as the summer duck. See Wayne, Birds of South Carolina. 


that is paid to the Lords Proprietors for Land, an Ox is raised 
at almost as little expence in Carolina, as a Hen is in England. 
And it hath by experience been found that Beef will take salt 
at Ashly-Biver any Month in the Year, and save very well. 

Ewes have most commonly two or three Lambs at a time ; 
their Wool is a good Staple and they thrive very well, but 
require a Shepherd to drive them to Feed, and to bring them 
home at night to preserve them from the Wolves. 

Hogs increase in Carolina abundantly, and in a manner 
without any charge or trouble to the Planter, only to make 
them Sheds, wherein they may be protected from the Sun and 
Rain, and Morning and Evening to give them a little Indian 
Corn, or the pickings and parings of Potatoes, Turnips, or 
other Roots, and at the same time blowing a Horn, or making 
any other constant noyse, to which being us d, they will after 
wards upon hearing it, repair home, the rest of their Food they 
get in the Woods, of Masts, and Nuts of several sorts; and when 
those fail, they have Grass and Roots enough, the ground 
being never frozen so hard as to keep them from Rooting, these 
conveniencies breeds them large, and in the Mast time they are 
very fat, all of which makes the rearing of them so easy, that 
there are many Planters that are single and have never a 
Servant, that have two or three hundred Hogs, of which they 
make great profit; Barbados, Jamaica, and New-England, af 
fording a constant good price for their Pork; by which means 
they get wherewithal to build them more convenient Houses, 
and to purchase Servants, and Negro-slaves. 

There have been imported into Carolina about an hundred 
and fifty Mares, and some Horses from New- York and Rhoad- 
Island, which breed well, and the Coalts they have are finer 
Lim d and Headed than their Dams or Sires, which gives great 
hopes of an excellent breed of Horses, as soon as they have 
gotten good Stalions amongst them. 

Negros By Reason of the mildness of the Winter thrive and 
stand much better, than in any of the more Northern Collonys, 
and require less clothes, which is a great charge sav d. 

With the Indians the English have a perfect freindship, 
they being both usefull to one another. And care is taken 
by the Lords Proprietors, that no Injustice shall be done 
them; In order to which they have established a Particular 


Court of Judicature, (compos d of the soberest and most dis- 
interessed Inhabitants) to determine all differences that shall 
happen between the English and any of the Indians, this they 
do upon a Christian and Moral Consideration, and not out of 
any apprehension of danger from them, for the Indians 
have been always so engaged in Wars one Town or Village 
against another (their Government being usually of no greater 
extent) that they have not suffered any increase of People, 
there having been several Nations in a manner quite extir 
pated by Wars amongst themselves since the English setled 
at Ashly River: This keeps them so thin of people, and so 
divided, that the English have not the least apprehensions 
of danger from them; the English being already too strong 
for all the Indians within five hundred Miles of them, if they 
were united, and this the Indians so well know, that they 
will never dare to break with the English, or do any Injury 
to any particular person, for fear of having it reveng d upon 
their whole Nation. 

The Lords Proprietors do at present grant to all persons 
that come there to Inhabit as follows, viz. To each Master 
or Mistriss of a Family fifty acres, and to every able son or 
man servant they shall carry or cause to be transported into 
Carolina fifty acres more, and the like for each Daughter or 
woman servant that is marriageable, and for each child, man 
or woman servant under sixteen years of age, forty acres, 
and fifty acres of Land to each servant when out of their 
time, this Land to be injoy d by them and their Heirs for ever, 
they paying a Penny an Acre Quit-rent to the Lords Pro 
prietors, the Rent to commence in two years after their 
taking up their Land. But forasmuch as divers persons who 
are already Inhabitants of Carolina, and others that have 
Intentions to transport themselves into that Province, desire 
not to be cumbered with paying of a Rent, and also to secure 
to themselves good large convenient tracts of Land, without 
being forc d to bring thither a great number of servants at 
one time; The Lords Proprietors have been Prevailed upon, 
and have agreed to sell to those who have a mind to buy 
Land, after the rate of fifty pound for a Thousand Acres, 
reserving a Pepper-Corn per annum Rent when demanded. 

The way of any ones taking up his Land, due to him 


either by carrying himself or servants into the Country, or 
by purchasing it of the Lords Proprietors, is after this manner ; 
He first seeks out a place to his mind that is not already 
possessed by any other, then applyes himself to the Governour 
and Proprietors Deputys, and shew what rights he hath to 
Land, either by Purchase or otherwise; who thereupon issue 
out their Warrant to the Surveyor-General to measure him 
out a Plantation containing the number of acres due to him; 
who making Certificate that he hath measur d out so much 
Land and the Bounds, a Deed is prepar d of course, which is 
signed by the Governour and the Lords Proprietors Deputys, 
and the Proprietors Seal affixed to it, and Registered, which 
is a good Conveyance in Law of the Land therein mentioned 
to the party and his Heirs for ever. 

I have here, as I take it, described a pleasant and fertile 
Country, abounding in health and pleasure, and with all 
things necessary for the sustenance of mankind, and wherein 
I think I have written nothing but truth, sure I am I have 
inserted no wilful falshood: I have also told you how men 
are to have Land that go there to Inhabit. But a rational 
man will certainly inquire, When I have Land, what shall I 
doe with it? what Comoditys shall I be able to produce that 
will yeild me mony in other Countrys, that I may be inabled 
to buy Negro slaves (without which a Planter can never do 
any great matter) and purchase other things for my pleasure 
and convenience, that Carolina doth not produce? To this I 
answer, That besides the great profit that will be made by 
the vast heards of Cattle and Swine, the Country appears to 
be proper for the Commoditys following, viz. 

Wine. There are growing naturally in the Country five 
sorts of Grapes, three of which the French Vignaroons who are 
there, judge will make very good Wine, and some of the Lords 
Proprietors have taken care to send plants of the Rhenish, 
Canary, Clarret, Muscatt, Madera, and Spanish Grapes, of all 
which divers Vinyards are planted; some wine was made this 
year that proved very good both in colour and taste, and an 
indifferent good quantity may be expected the next year: 
The Country hath gentle rising hills of fertile sand proper 
for Vines, and further from the Sea, rock and gravel, on which 
very good grapes grow naturally, ripen well, and together, 


and very lushious in taste, insomuch as the French Protestants 
who are there, arid skill d in wine, do no way doubt of pro 
ducing great quantitys and very good. 

Oyl. There are severall Olive trees growing, which were 
carryed thither, some from Portugal, and some from Ber 
mudas and flourish exceedingly, and the Inhabitants take 
great care to propagate more, so that in all probability it 
will be an excellent Oyl-Country. 

Silk. There is in Carolina great plenty of Mulberry Trees, 
such as are by experience found to feed the Silk-worm very 
well, yea as well as the white Mulberry, but there is of that 
sort also, which are propagated with a great deal of ease, a 
stick new cut and thrust into the ground, seldom failing to 
grow, and so likewise if the seed of them be sown. 

Tobacco. Tobacco doth here grow very well, and is nearer 
to the nature of the Spanish Tobacco than that of Virginia. 

Indigo. Indigo thrives well here, and very good hath been 

Cotton. Cotton of the Cyprus and Smyrna sort will grow 
well, and good plenty of the Seed is sent thither. 

Flax and Hemp. Thrives exceedingly. 

Good plenty of Pitch and Tar is there made, there being 
particular persons that have made above a thousand barrels. 

Here is good plenty of Oake for Pipe staves, which are 
a good Commodity in the Maderas, Canaryes, Barbados, and 
the Leeward Islands. 

Sumack. Sumack growes in great abundance naturally, so 
undoubtedly would Woad, Madder and Sa-Flower, if planted. 

Drugs. Jallop, Sassaparilla, Turmerick, Sassafras, Snake- 
root, and divers others. 

In short, This Country being of the same Clymate and 
Temperature of Aleppo, Smyrna, Antioch, Judea, and the 
Province of Nanking, the richest in China, will (I conceive) 
produce any thing which those Countrys do, were the Seeds 
brought into it. 

The Tools that men who goe thither ought to take with 
them are these, viz. An Ax, a Bill, and a Broad Hoe, and 
grabbing Hoe, for every man, and a cross cut Saw to every 
four men, a Whip-saw, a set of Wedges and Fraus and 
Betle-Rings to every family, and some Reaping Hooks and 


Sythes, as likewise Nails of all sorts, Hooks, Hinges, Bolts 
and Locks for their Houses. 

The Merchandizes which sell best in Carolina, are Linnen 
and Woollen, and all other Stufs to make clothes of, with 
Thread, Sowing Silk, Buttons, Ribbons, Hats, Stockings, 
Shoes, etc., which they sell at very good rates, and for these 
goods any man may purchase the Provision he hath need of. 

The Passage of a man or woman to Carolina is five Pound, 
Ships are going thither all times of the year. Some of the 
Lords Proprietors, or my self, will be every Tuesday at 11 of 
the clock at the Carolina-Coffee-house in Burching-Lane near 
the Royal Exchange, to inform all people what Ships are 
going, or any other thing whatsoever. 1 

1 Then follows in the pamphlet a seven-page abstract of the patent. 



AMONG those who settled in South Carolina in the year 
1682 was Thomas Newe, who arrived in Charles Town May 12. 
He was the son of William Newe, butler of Exeter College, 
Oxford; a man of excellent education, being a graduate of 
Oxford with the degree of Master of Arts/ and well equipped 
to take a leading part in the affairs of the province, but, un 
fortunately, he died before the year was out. On December 1, 
1682, Governor Morton appointed John Beresford, Esq., 
administrator of his estate and, at the same time, directed 
Robert Daniell, Richard Codner, and John Norton to make an 
inventory and appraisement of his property. The inventory 
shows that he had accumulated some cattle, household goods 
and furniture, and some books, 2 and had also run into debt to 
the extent of 53. 6s. Id. 3 Three letters which he wrote to his 
father during his brief sojourn in South Carolina, and which 
give very interesting accounts of the province at that time, 
have been preserved. They are to be found in MS. Rawlinson 
D. 810 in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. MS. Rawlinson 
D. 810 is a volume of miscellaneous collections partly tran 
scribed from collections of Hannibal Baskerville, of Bayworth, 
Berks, but chiefly written by his son Thomas, relative to their 

1 Foster, in his Alumni Oxonienses, p. 1060, has this entry: "Thomas Newe, 
s. William, of Oxford city, pleb., Exeter Coll., matric. 7 March, 1672-3, aged 17; 
B. A. 1676, M. A. 1679." 

" These were Heylin s Geography, appraised at 1, a dictionary, at 15s., a 
Roman history, at 1. 2s., a Greek dictionary, at 5s., and twenty-three other 
books, at 1. 10s. 

3 Records of the Court of Ordinary of South Carolina, 1672-1692 (MS. in 
the office of the Historical Commission of South Carolina), pp. 131-132. 



family, their friends, and the University of Oxford, and of the 
most varied nature. Thomas Newe s letters are imbedded in 
the description of Exeter College, as follows : 

Exeter College. . . . This Colledge is Capacious and large 
enough to entertaine and lodge 120 people (so saith Mr. Crabb 
and Mr. Oliver Schollers in t) but my friend Mr. Newe the present 
Butler saith it is capacious enough for 150 people. . . . 

The Gentlemen which I can remember that have been and 
now are of my acquaintance in this Colledge are these. . . . Mr. 
Newe my loving friend and Butler of this Colledge as aforesaid, 
who had an ingenous son sometimes a Sch oiler of this House; 
who went one of the earliest Planters to Carolina whose loss, with 
his dear father I do much lament as being deprived by his death 
of further intelligence from those parts; yet to make him live what 
we can in our Memory take here an account of that plantation, as 
it came in letters from him before any narrative of that place was 
put in print. 1 

These letters were used by Professor Charles M. Andrews 
in his Colonial Self-Government. Professor Andrews called 
the attention of Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, managing editor of 
the American Historical Review, to them, and Doctor Jameson 
printed them, with an introduction and annotations, in the 
Review for January, 1907 (vol. XII., pp. 322-S27). 2 

1 The pamphlets of both Ashe and Wilson appeared in the same year in 
which these letters were written, 1682. 

* The editor has made liberal use here of Doctor Jameson s introduction and 
notes, and begs to acknowledge his obligation to Doctor Jameson s work. 


May the 17th, 1682, from CHARLES TOWN on 
Ashley River by way of Barbadoes in the 

Most Honourd Father: 

THE 12th of this instant by the providence of God after a 
long and tedious passage we came to an Anchor against Charles 
town at 10 in the night in 3^ fathom water, on the sixth we 
made land 60 miles to the South of Ashley River against which 
we came the 8 but could not get in by reason of contrary winds 
sooner then we did. We had little or nothing observable in 
the whole voyage, but the almost continual S.W. winds. God 
be thanked I had my health very well except a day or two of 
Sea sickness but most of the other passengers were much 
troubled with the scurvy; Of 62 that came out of England we 
lost 3, two of them were seamen, one dyed of the scurvey, the 
other fell overboard, the third was a woman in child bed, her 
child died shortly after her. As for the Countrey I can say 
but little of it as yet on my one [own] knowledge, but what I 
hear from others. The Town which two years since had but 
3 or 4 houses, hath now about a hundred houses in it, all 
which are wholy built of wood, tho here is excellent Brick 
made, but little of it. All things are very dear in the Town; 
milk 2 d a quart, beefe 4 d a pound, pork 3 d, but far better 
then our English, the common drink of the Countrey is Molos- 
sus and water, I don t hear of any mault that is made hear as 
yet. The English Barly and Wheat do thrive very well, but 
the Indian corn being more hearty and profitable, the other is 
not much regarded. I am told that there is great plenty of 
all things in the Countrey, whither I intend to go as soon as 
conveniently I can dispose of my goods, which I fear will not 



be soon, nor to such advantage as we expected. 1 Severall in 
the Country have great stocks of Cattle and they sell so well 
to new comers that they care not for killing, which is the 
reason provision is so dear in the Town, whilst they in the 
Country are furnisht with Venison, fish, and fowle by the In 
dians for trifles, and they that understand it make as good 
butter and cheese as most in England. The land near the sea 
side is generally a light and sandy ground, but up in the Coun 
try they say there is very good land, and the farther up the 
better, but that which at present doth somewhat hinder the 
selling [settling] farther up, is a war that they are ingaged in 
against a tribe of Barbarous Indians being not above 60 in 
number, but by reason of their great growth and cruelty in 
feeding on all their neighbours, they are terrible to all other 
Indians, of which, there are above 40 severall Kingdoms, the 
strength and names of them all being known to our Governer 
who upon any occasion summons their Kings in. We are at 
peace with all but those common enemies of mankind, those 
man eaters before mentioned, by name the Westos, 2 who have 
lately killed two eminent planters that lived far up in the 
Country, so that they are resolved now if they can find their 
settlement (which they often change) to cut them all off. 
There is a small party of English out after them, and the most 
potent Kingdome of the Indians armed by us and continually 
in pursuit of them. When we came into Ashley river we found 
six small vessels in the Harbour, but great ones may and have 
come in by the assistance of a good Pilot, and if they can make 
good wine hear, which they have great hopes of, and this year 
will be the time of tryall which if it hits no doubt but the place 
will flourish exceedingly, but if the vines do not prosper I 
question whither it will ever be any great place of trade. On 
Sunday the 14th of this instant a small vessell that came from 
Mewis 3 hither, was cast away upon the Bar, but the men and 

1 He evidently expected to do as many of the foremost men of South Caro 
lina had done and as many more of them subsequently did. They accumulated 
capital in trade and then took up planting and grew wealthy thereby. 

2 See Woodward s Westoe Voiage, pp. 130-134, supra, for an account of the 
Westocs. They rose against the English settlements in 1673, 1680, and 1681, 
but were defeated each time. See Collections of the South Carolina Historical 
Society, V. 4G1; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1681-1685, pp, 508-510. 

a Nevis. 


goods were all saved. This is the first opportunity I have had 
to write since I came from England but I hope to find more 
opportunityes here, then I had at Sea, this with my most 
humble duty to yourself and my Mother, my kind love to my 
sister and Brothers being all from 

Your most duetifull and obedient son 


My duty to my Grandmother and my love to all my rela 
tions and friends that enquire concerning me. 

May 29th, 1682, by way of 

Most Honoured Father: 

The 17th of this Instant by way of Barbados in the Samuel, 
being the l rst opportunity since my departure from England, 
I sent you a letter wherein I gave you an account of our safe 
arrival, but not of the Voyage, that I leave to my Journall 
which I intend to send by the first Ship that goes directly for 
England, with my knowledge of the Countrey of which I have 
not seen much yet, but one thing I understand (to my sorrow) 
that I knew not before, the most have a seasoning, but few 
dye of it. I find the Commonalty here to be mightily dissatis 
fied, the reason is 3 or 4 of the great ones, for furs and skins, 
have furnished the Indians with arms and ammunitions 
especially those with whome they are now at War, for from 
those they had all or most of their fur, so that trade which 3 
or 4 only kept in their hands is at present gone to decay, and 
now they have armed the next most potent tribe of the In 
dians to fight the former, and some few English there are out, 
looking after them, which is a charge to the people and a stop 
[to] the further setling of the Countrey. 1 The Soyl is gen- 

1 Dr. Henry Woodward had built up a fine trade with the Westo Indians, 
in which he was personally interested. In 1680 the Savannah Indians pushed 
eastward from their towns near the Gulf, west of the Appalachicola River, to 
the Westoboo (Savannah). In the same year, the Westoes, in violation of a 
treaty they had made with the governor, killed, or captured for slaves, some 
Indians of the coastal tribes near Charles Town, and war was declared upon 
them by the whites. Dr. Woodward was accused of having furnished the Westoes 
with arms to use against the friendly Indians and prohibited from trading or 
negotiating with them. He was subsequently fined for his conduct, but the 


erally very light, but apt to produce whatsoever is put into it. 
There are already all sorts of English fruit and garden herbs 
besides many others that I never saw in England, and they 
do send a great deal of Pork, Corn and Cedar to Barbados, 
besides the victualling of severall Vessels that come in here, 
as Privateers and others which to do in the space of 12 years 
the time from the l rst seating of it by the English, is no small 
work, especially if we consider the first Planters which were 
most of them tradesmen, poor and wholy ignorant of husbandry 
and till of late but few in number, it being encreased more the 3 
or 4 last years then the whole time before, the whole at presen[t] 
not amounting to 4000, 1 so that their whole Business was to 
clear a little ground to get Bread for their Familyes, few of 
them having wherewithall to purchase a Cow, the first stock 
whereof they were furnished with, from Bermudas and New 
England, from the later of which they had their horses which 
are not so good as those in England, but by reason of their 
scarcity much dearer, an ordinary Colt at 3 years old being 
valued at 15 or 16 Us. as they are scarce, so there is but little 
use of them yet, all Plantations being seated on the Rivers, 
they can go to and fro by Canoo or Boat as well and as soon 
as they can ride, the horses here like the Indians and many of 
the English do travail without shoes. Now each family hath 
got a stock of Hogs and Cows, which when once a little more 
encreased, they may send of to the Islands cheaper then any 
other place can, by reason of its propinquity, which trade alone 
will make it far more considerable than either Virginia, Mary 
land, Pensilvania, and those other places to the North of us. 

I desire you would be pleased by the next opportunity to 
send me over the best herbalist for Physical Plants in as small 
a Volume as you can get. There was a new one just came out 
as I left England, if I mistake not in 8 V0 . that was much com 
mended, the Author I have forgot, 2 but there are severall in 

Lords Proprietors pardoned him. See Journal of the Grand Council of South 
Carolina, 1671-1680 (Columbia, S. C., 1907), pp. 84-85. While hostilities were 
on with the Westoes the English furnished the Savannahs with arms with which 
to drive out their rivals, the Westoes, which they did in 1681. 

1 See p. 158, supra. 

* Perhaps this was John Ray s Methodus Plantarum Nova (London, 1682, 
octavo). If he received the "herbalist" it probably was included in the twenty- 
three books appraised in his inventory at 1. 10s. See p. 179, supra. 


the Colledge that can direct you to the best. If Mr. Sessions, 
Mr. Hobart or Mr. White, should send to you for money for 
the passage of a servant, whether man or boy that they Judge 
likely, I desire you would be pleased to send it them, for such 
will turn to good account here; and if you please to enquire 
at some Apothecarys what Sassafrass (which grows here in 
great plenty) is worth a pound and how and at what time of 
the year to cure it, let me know as soon as you can, for if the 
profit is not I am sure the knowledge is worth sending for. 
Pray Sir let me hear by the next how all our friends and rela- 
cions do, what change in the Colledge, and what considerable 
alteracion through the whole Town; I have now nothing more 
to speak but my desire that you may still retain (what I know 
you do) that love with which I dayly was blest and that readi 
ness in pardoning whatsoever you find amiss, and to believe 
that my affections are not changed with the Climate unless 
like it too, grown warmer, this with my most humble duety 
to yourself and my mother, my kind love to my sister and 
Brothers and all the rest of our Friends I rest 

Your most dutifull and obedient son, 

From Charls Town in Carolina. 

From CHARLS TOWN, August the 23, 

Most Honourd Father. 1682 

In obedience to your commands, I am ready to embrace 
every opportunity of sending to you, this is the 3rd, The 2 
first by way of Barbados, the l rst of the 17th, the 2 nd of the 
29th of May, which I hope you will receive long before this 
comes to your hands. This place affords little news, nothing 
worth sending. The llth of June a French Privateer of 4 
Guns 30 men whereof 10 were English men brought in here a 
Spanish prize of 16 Guns and a 100 men, which by the French- 
mens confession they had never taken, had it not been for the 
English, they have allready spent most of it and are providing 
to be gone againe. 

The 30th of July cam an Indian to our Governour and told 
him that 800 Spaniards were upon their march coming from 
St. Augustine (a place belonging to our Proprietors about 150 


miles to the South of us, where the Spaniards are seated and 
have a pretty strong Town) to fall upon the English, upon 
which the Council met 3 times and ordered 20 great Guns 
that lay at a place where the town was first designed to be 
made, to be brought to Charls Town, and sent Scouts at a 
good distance (knowing which way they must come) to discover 
their strength and the truth of it, which if they had seen any 
thing were to return with all speed, and 700 men were to have 
met them, which were to lay in Ambuscade in a Cave, swam 1 
where the Spaniards were to come, through a Marsh, that 
every step they would be up to their middle. Our people 
were so far from being afraid that they mightily rejoyced at 
the news of it, wishing that they might have some just cause 
of War with the Spaniards, that they might grant Commis 
sions to Privateers, and themselves fall on them at St. Augus 
tine. 2 as we understand since this was the ground of the report, 
The Spaniards thinking themselves to be abused by a nation 
of Indians that lived betwixt them and us, marched out to 
cut of that Nation, to which this Indian belonged, which (as 
it is usual with the Indians) reported that they were 800, 
whereas some of the Privateers have been there, and say that 
they are not able to raise above 300 men. we have 100 Priva 
teers here all shar like though not at the taking of the prize, 
which if our Governour would suffer them would fain fall on 
the Spaniards at St. Augustine; it is not likely if the Spaniards 
were so strong as the Indian reported, that they would send 
out such strength against them, For when the English have 
any war with a Nation of the Indians tho at 150 miles dis 
tance they think 20 English and 30 or 40 friendly Indians to 
be a sufficient party. The Indians are sent before to discover 
where the other Indians lay who if they see but [gap in MS.] 
of their enemyes they will returne with great speed and greater 
fear to the English reporting they saw 200. 

The 20th of August I saw a Comet in the North East about 
2 hours before day, the 21 it was seen in the west. 3 Sir of 
those goods you gave me of my Brothers, I have sold some, 

l Sic. 

1 "These sentiments were vividly manifested when the Spaniards actually 
did attack, in 1686." Jameson. 

3 Halley s comet was then visible. 


and most of them I bought in London, but I can not yet make 
any returne; for money here is but little and that Spanish 
which will not go for so much in England by 4 or 5 s in the li. 
Our pay is what the Countrey affords, as Corn, Pork, Tar and 
Cedar, the 3 first are fit only for the Islands. I know not 
whether the last will pay charges to England it can t be af 
forded under 30 or 32 s profit in London, if you please you 
may enquire what it will yield in Oxon, and if you think it 
worth sending, and know how to dispose of it, I will take care 
to send it by the first, after I know your mind. Sir I have 
sent to Mr. Sessions for these following goods which are the 
best I can think of and I desire you, that you would let him 
have as much money as will buy them. Nuttmegs to the 
value of 5 li, Pepper 50 s, Cinnamon 25 s, Cloves and Mace 25 s, 
J a C of large Beads, blue and white, or white with streaks of 
blue or black, or blew with beads blew and white, or white 
with streaks of blew or black, 1 [gap] of blew Duffals, a quarter 
of a Cask of brandy, ^ doz white Castors, at about 8 or 10 s 
per piece, and one good French hat, 2 or 3 [gap] of fine thread 
to make lace, 500 small needles and 20 [gap] of that tape 
which is now in fashion to make lace with, 8 or 10 doz. of knives 
from 2 s 06 d to 5 s per doz., one good \gap] coat for my 
self and 2 C 1 of pigeon shot. Sir I desire you with these 
things to send me J C of Shomakers thread and one of my 
Brothers shop books if you have one that is not used. Sir I 
beseech you pardon my presumption since twas your good 
ness made me so by your usuall readiness in granting my 
former requests. Pray present my humble duety to my 
Mother and my Grandmother, my kind love to my sister and 
Brothers and the rest of our Relations and be confident that 
I will be industrious to improve whatsoever you shall commit 
to my charge and to approve my self 

Your most Dutifull and obedient Son, 


*/. e. t hundredweight. 




IN 1695 a small colony, or "church," as its promoters 
termed it, was organized in Dorchester, Massachusetts, for 
the purpose of settling in South Carolina. In the records of 
the First Church at Dorchester it appears that on October 20, 
1695, Joseph Lord, Increase Sumner, and William Pratt were 
11 dismissed" (transferred) from that church for "The gather 
ing of A church for the South Coralina," l and in the same 
records for two days later the following appears: 

ocktober the 22 being ower lecktuer day was sett apart for the 
ordering of M r Joseph lord for to be pastuer to A church gathered 
that day for to goe South Coralina to settell the gospell ther and 
the names of the men are thes 

Joshua Brooks ) - ~ , 

Nathaniel Billings \ of Concord 

William Norman Coralina 

William Adams Sudbury 

Increase Sumner ) ^ , 
William Pratt | 

George Foxe Reading 

Simon Daken Concord 

thes with M r . Joseph lord did enter into a most solem Covenant to 
sett up the ordinances of Jesus Christ ther if the lord caryed them 
safely thither accordin to gospell truth withe a very large profeson 
of ther faithe. 2 

William Norman had been living in South Carolina for 
some years previously. On April 10, 1684, the Governor and 
Lords Proprietors deputies had issued a warrant to the sur- 

1 Records of the First Church at Dorchester, New England (1891), p. 13. 
* Ibid., p. 109. 



veyor-general to lay out 320 acres of land for him; that being 
the amount allowed to him under a late concession of the 
Lords Proprietors for the arrival in the province of himself, 
his wife, his son William, two servants and a negro that had 
been assigned to him by Matthew English, 1 and the land so 
allowed was laid out for him on the east side of the Ashley 
River above Booshoee (Dorchester) Creek, September 22, 
1684. 2 It is probable that, being a Congregationalist, he 
wanted a church of that denomination near him and, for the 
purpose of securing it, suggested the organization of this 
colony for South Carolina. The colony, or church, sailed 
from Boston December 5, 1695, as is shown by the following 
entry on the records of the First Church at Dorchester: 

December 5 th , 1695 The church for Carolina set sail from 
Boston Dec 14 th at night the skiff was neer run und r water the 
Stormy wind being so boisterous. They kept a day of pray on 
board: and safely Landed at Carolina Decemb r the 20 th the other 
vessells had a Moneths Passage this but about 14 days. 3 

William Pratt, originally of Weymouth, Massachusetts, 
removed to Dorchester in that colony in 1690. He is named 
in the record of the meeting of October 22, 1695, as a member 
of the " church gathered that day for to goe South Carolina." 
He kept a journal of the voyage from Boston to South Carolina 
and of various experiences in South Carolina for some time 
after his arrival therein. On February 8, 1695/6, he left 
Charles Town and returned to Massachusetts, where he re 
mained for nearly a year. He again sailed from Boston for 
South Carolina, January 8, 1696/7, and again he kept a journal 
of his voyage and of events occurring in South Carolina after 
his return thither. This journal is now in the hands of one of 

1 "Warrants for Lands, 1672-1692" (MS. in office of Historical Commission 
of South Carolina), p. 296. 

The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, VI. 64-65. 
Records of the First Church at Dorchester, New England (1891), p. 145. 


Elder Pratt s descendants, Mr. Joshua Eddy Crane, librarian 
of the Taunton Public Library, of Taunton, Massachusetts, 
who very kindly allowed it to be copied for publication here. 
Parts of it have been printed heretofore. Rev. James Stacy 
printed certain portions in his History of the Midway Congrega 
tional Church, Liberty County, Georgia (Newnan, Ga., 1899), 
and Mr. Henry A. M. Smith quoted parts of it from Mr. Stacy s 
work in an article, entitled "The Town of Dorchester, in 
South Carolina A Sketch of Its History," in The South 
Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine for January, 
1905 (vol. VI., no. 1). The entries below, intermixed with 
recipes, etc., are made on the blank leaves of a pocket almanac. 
Their order is confused. The arrangement adopted on the 
following pages is believed to be chronological. All the his 
torical entries are here printed. 

Elder Pratt (he became "ruling elder" of the Dorchester, 
South Carolina, church in 1697) returned to Weymouth after 
a few years, then removed to Bridgewater, then to Easton, 
Massachusetts, where he died in 1713. The Puritan church, 
long maintained in this New England settlement on Ashley 
River, was in the eighteenth century transferred into Georgia. 



ON Dec. the 3. 1695. We the Church that was gathered 
in order to bring the gospel ordinences to South Carolina at 
this time sum of us went into a longbote to go on board the 
Brigantine fnndship of boston in newingland in order to 
our passing to Carolina but mising the vessell at first we by 
reason of the strength of the wind could not come up with 
here again but were constrained to endure the cold 3 or 4 
hours before we could get at any land til at length we got 
to dorchester Neck and from there returned to boston all in 

December the 5 We set sail in the aforesaid vessell to go 
on our voyage and haveing a moderate and stedy gale on 
the saboth evening which was the 8 day of the month and 
the 4th day of our being upon the sea we were in the latitude 
of the capes of Virginia, this evening the wind began to bluster 
being at norwast and the day foloing blew hard continually 
incresing its strengh so that on munday the 9th day of the 
month, in the evening we wer fain to lie by, i. e. take in all 
the sails except the main course which being reafed was left 
to give [illegible] as well as to stedy her, the helm being lashed 
to leward. So we continued til tusday night, and about mid 
night the wind was risen so high that the vessel had like to 
have sunk, by reson that that small sail was enough then to 
run her under water, and had lik to have don it but the sea 
men made way for the vessel to rise, by furling the mainsail 
and bearing up before the wind, we were fain to scud thus, 
excepting sumtimes when the wind abated, as by fits for a 
short time it did, at which times we lay by as before all the 
next day and part of the day folowing. either on wedensday or 
thursday, we agreed to set apart friday to seek the lord by 
fasting and prayer and to beg of him prosperous winds and 



weather, on thursday about noon the wind began to fall and 
the sun to shine out, which it had not don so as that ther 
mit be any observasion after our going out before, so that on 
friday we could with sum comfort cary on the work of the 

On Saturday, the 10th day of our voyage, we found that 
we were got on allmost as far southward as the latitude of 
31, and wanted much westing, for the northwest wind had 
driven us southestward. on sabbath day which was the 
15 th day of the month, we were so favered with wind as that 
we went with great spead, on our course. 

On Munday and so forward the wind often shifted, yet not 
so as to hindr our going on in our desired course tho we could 
not go w th so much speed as we desired, thursday morning, 
being the 19 th day of the month, we came in sight of the 
land of Carolina, but were by a disappointment hindered from 
geting in that day: but the next day we got in thro 7 divine 
goodness, being the 20 th day of desember. 

when we cam to the town our vessell fired 3 guns and the 
peopel to welcom us to the land fired about 9 guns which 
was more then usiall and when we came to an ancor being 
in the evening, many of the peopel being worthy gentelmen 
came on bord us and bid us welcom to Carolina and invited 
many of us ashore and to ther housis. I was among the 
rest kindly entertained that night. I keept in Charsltoun 
about a week and then was caried by water up to m r normons. 
increce Sumnor and I war kindly reseved and entertained by 
the lady Extol 1 and tho two other men war indevering to 
get into faviour with the ladey and other neighbers and to 
obtain the land at ashly rever and, that we mit not obtain 
it, yet thay could not prevail: for as soon as we came the 
lady and others of the neigbers did more hily esstem of us 
then of the other as thay told us and rejoysed at our com 
ing tho ther was no more of the church then increse sumner 
and I, and after we had discorsed secretly with them, thay 
war not only very kind to us, but allso used all menes and 
touk great pains to obtain our setteling upon ashly rever and 

1 Lady Rebecca Axtell, widow of Landgrave Daniel Axtell, whose plantation 
(Newington) lay on Booshoee Creek. See The South Carolina Historical and 
Genealogical Magazine, VI. 174-176. 


that we shuld indever to perswad our pastr and the Church 
to settel their. 

our minister l was at this time up at landgrave morttons 2 
and som of the church, and others of the chu ch at Charlstoun. 
our minister and church war strongly perswaded by the 
lieut 1 generall blak 3 and many others to go to new london 
to settel, 4 and upon that acount wer perswaded to go to 
landgrave mortons w c was neer this place. 

about a week after we went by land to Charlstoun and war 
caryed by water up to land grave mortons, we, many of us 
together, went to vew the land at newlundon. after two days 
we returned to land grave morttons. 

m r lord cald me aside and I had much discors with him 
and when he heard what I had to say consarning ashly rever 
and conserning new lundon, m r lord was wholy of my mind 
and willing to tak up, upon thos condishons that we discorsed 
about, at ashly rever, which condishons war keept privet, 
betwen to or 3 of us. when I sougth arnestly to god for wisdom 
and counsel god was grasious to me, for which I have great 
caus to prais his name, as well as for many other signol marsys. 5 
we keept sumthing secrit from others which was greatly for 
our benifit. 

we came from there to m r curtesis 8 and from ther to m r 

1 Rev. Joseph Lord. Graduated from Harvard College in 1691, he proba 
bly taught school in Dorchester, Massachusetts, from 1692 to 1695. In the 
autumn of the latter year he was ordained minister of the emigrating church. 
After about twenty years in South Carolina he returned to New England. In 
1720 he was installed pastor of the church in Chatham, Massachusetts, and 
died there in 1748. His wife was a daughter of Governor Thomas Hinckley of 
the Plymouth Colony. 

3 Landgrave Joseph Morton, son of the former Governor Joseph Morton, 
whom he had succeeded as landgrave upon his death. 

3 Joseph Blake, a nephew of the great English admiral, Robert Blake, and 
at that time governor of South Carolina. He was subsequently made a land 
grave and, having purchased the share of John, Lord Berkeley, in Carolina be 
came a Proprietor in 1698. His plantation (Plainsfield) was on Stono River, near 
New Cut. 

4 New London, subsequently called Willtown, was a town which had been 
founded on the Edisto, or Ponpon, River a few years previously. On May 10, 
1682, the Lords Proprietors had directed the laying out thereof, directing that 
it be called London. See The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Maga 
zine, January, 1909 (X. 20-32). 

* Signal mercies. 6 Daniel Courtis. 


gilbosons. 1 we were very kindly entertained at every place 
wher we came, but wher we came we herd of sum of thos that 
came from Newingland that had ben giltey of gros miscareges 
w was a trobel to us, but m r gilbeson cald me aside and 
had much discors with me. afterward he told me he was 
very glad that I came to Carolina and that he had seen me 
and had opertunity to discors with me. he told me he was 
much discureged to see the il careg of thos that came from 
new ingland, but afterward he was bater satisfied and told 
me he did think ther was a great diferenc betwen the par 
sons 2 that cam from newingland. tho many did manifest 
their dislik of bad parsons that came from newingland yet 
thay wer glad of the coming of good parsons, we tarried their 
2 or 3. days being kindly entertained and when we came 
away thay gave us provission for our voyag doun to Charls- 
toun and wer very kind to us. from thenc we came to governor 
blakes wher we wer kindly entertained and we dind with them 
and after sum discors with governor blak we came to mrs 
bamers 3 wher we lodge all night being very kindly entertained, 
next day the peppel being very kind, we had a comfortable 
voyag doun to Charlstoun, being the 14 th of Janir. 4 the 
16 th of January was the eleksion day at Charlstoun. after 
this m r lord and sume of the church came up to ashley rever 
and upon the saboth after, being the 26 th day of Janry, m r 
lord precht at m r normons hous upon that texte in 8 rom 1 
vrs. ther was many that came to hear, of the neigbers round 
about and gave diligent atension. 

the second day of feburary being sabath day m r lord 
preched at ashly rever upon that texte 1 pet 3. 18. most 
of the neightbors came to hear, all the next neigbrs and 
severell parsons came about 10 mils to hear, the sacriment 
of the lords supper was administered that day and 2 decons 

at this time ther was great Joy among the good pepel tho I 
have sumtims ben il and afraid of sicknes or of on troble or 
other that would happen, yet god hath ben very grasious to 
me and hath heard my request from time to time and helped 
me and shoed me great marsy and when I was redy to be 

1 James Gilbertson. 2 Persons. 3 Mrs. Beamer. 

* 1696. 


discureged many tims god incureged me again and delivered 
out of my trobles. 

the first day of feburary being the last day of the week 
and the sacriment to be administred and many of us wer 
to come away on second day morning to Charlstoun to com 
to newingland, we set apart sum time in the afternoun to 
pray unto god and ther was much of the spirit of good brethe- 
ing in that ordinenc and when we touk our leves of our Chris 
tian frinds ther was weeping eyes at our departuer and we 
had many a blesing from them. 

the 6th of feburary 1 we went over the water to m r revers 2 
and from thenc to m r w m Russels and 7 th day of the month 
we traveld about James s island as it is called and saw a place 
wher ther seemed to have ben a fort mad for [illegible] an 
acre of land and the walls about it was made with oister- 
shels and earth [illegible] that came from north Carolina is 
John meers. 

An account of our Voyage From S Carrolina to Boston 
New England with Capt Hill In the Brigantien Friendship. 

on Saturday Feb: 8 th 1695/6 In the afternoone wee fell 
downe as far as the look-out on Suilifunts 3 Island. 

when I came from newengland to South Carolina with my 
family we came out of boston the 8 th day of Janeuery in the 
year 1696/7 and we sat sail from nantasket, for Carolina, the 
11 th day the 2 nd day of the week, the 15 th day of the month, 
the 6. day of the week it began to be stormmy wind and Rain, 
and the 16 day being the 7 th day of the week it began in 
the morning to be very violent and we shipt in abundenc of 
water, at that time we lost the bolsplet, 4 and it continued very 
stormy, we then sat to praying espesially on saterday night, 
but on the saboth we had sum mettegasion but afterward it 
gru mor stormmy again and much rain and on the 4 th day of 
the week being the 20 th day of the month about midnight 
our mast fel doun. but in all these trobles ther was much of 

1 1696. 

1 Mr. Rivers. The name Rivers is still identified with James Island. 
* Sullivan s. 4 Bowsprit. 


marsy mixed with it for alltho the wind was very high and 
stormy yet it was very fair for us, and that we sumtims [had?] 
sum metigasion espesially after earnest prayer, allso that when 
our mast fel doun, it fel Right along about the medel of the 
vesell toward the storn and did not break the pump but fel 
just by it, the mast being so ex ceding heavy if falen over 
the sid of the vesel we mit have ben all lost. 

on the 6 th day of the week 22 nd day of the month, we with 
the free consent of the master and mat and marchant, we all 
of us together keept a solum day of fasting and prayer, and on 
the next day we had calm wether and a comfortable oper- 
tunity to gat up an other smal mast which was a great help to 
us. we had allso a fair wind and on the saboth day we had 
a frash gal and fair and had much caus to prais god and on 
munday the wind was fair but so much of a calm that ther 
was opertunity to lenkthen our mast and mad it beter for 
sailing, after this much calm wether but fair winds until we 
came in sight of the land, but god haveing a design to try 
and prove us furdor and to sho his pour and faithfullnes and 
yet furder to humble us and to mak us to pris marsys the mor 
ca[u]sed a violent storm to aris and drive us of from land 
again for above a fortnite, but on the 23 rd of feburary brought 
us all safe to land, for which we promised to prais his holy 

the 23. day of march in the year 1697. 1 the church and 
others that wer concarnd did draw loots, the 24th day that all 
meet together to stak out and mark ther loots in the trading 
town, on both days when thay meet to gether on thos ocasions 
ther was love and unity and pece in what was acted. 

The Reverent M r Peairpoint 2 dyed, in Charlstown in 
Carolina the third day of January in the year 1698. 

A letel after this ther was many dyed with the smal pox 

1 1696/7. Elder Pratt adopted the "new style" of dating here. For a 
table showing the result of the drawing of lots see The South Carolina Historical 
and Genealogical Magazine, VI. 73-75. 

3 Rev. Benjamin Pierpont, pastor of the Independent Congregational meet 
ing (White Meeting) in Charles Town. In recording his death Elder Pratt 
again adopted the "new style" of dating. 


that distemper groing mor mortal then before, 1 and the 24th 
day of feburary foloing ther was a great fire in Charlstown 
which burnt doun a great part of the town and a few days 
before the fire ther was an earth quak in Charlstown. 

A fast in secret. 

the 28 day of august in the year 1699 I keept a day of 
fasting and prayer in secret alltho at the begining of my enter 
ing upon the work of the [day?] I found much unability and 
discuragings in my self and lettel liklihoud that I shuld hold 
out to go thorow the work of the day alon. but at the begin 
ing i beged gods help and asistants and god was pleased so to 
help me so that I hild out comfortablely until it was near 
night alltho I begun under discuragments yet g d . was pleased 
so to asist and incuragment me afterward as that I was much 
incuraged and ended the work of the day with much comfort. 

A fast, the 20 th day of Jun. 1700 the church of christ at 
dor chest, keep a day of fasting and prayer to seek unto god 
for rain, the next day it pleased god to send great showers of 
rain and much refreshed the earth and revived the corn. 

The 3 rd day of September or, the 4 day [ ] 2 1700 

ther was A haurricane in South Carolina. 

governer blak dyed the 6 th of September 1700. 3 

the 8 th day of October in the year 1700 was apointed to 
chous men for an asembly. 

the 25. of Jun. 1701 a day of fasting and prayer for rain. 

1 See McCrady, History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Govern 
ment, 1670-1719, p. 308. 

* Blank in manuscript. 

3 Langdon Cheves, Esq., in his genealogy of the Blake family in The South 
Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine for April, 1900 (I. 153-166), 
puts it on the 7th. 




IN 1698-1699 Edward Randolph, Surveyor-General of His 
Majesty s Customs for North America, arrived in Charles 
Town, South Carolina, on one of his official visits. He soon 
sent a report on his work to the Board of Trade and Planta 
tions, into which he incorporated his personal observations 
as to conditions in South Carolina, thereby giving his report 
considerable value as a narrative of contemporaneous history. 
His account contains some erroneous observations, due, 
doubtless, to the fact that he had been but a short time in 
the province and had not become fully conversant with its 
affairs. He seems, however, to have been very highly im 
pressed with the natural resources, commercial advantages, 
existing industries, and general prospects of the province, for 
he not only wrote enthusiastically as to them, but requested 
that he be allowed to make Charles Town his chief place of 
residence. It is likely that he saw the ease with which the 
merchants and planters of South Carolina acquired wealth 
and desired to "try his fortune." 

This report is preserved in the British Public Record Office 
in the records of the Board of Trade, Proprieties, volume 25, 
pp. 448 to 459, and a transcript of it constitutes pp. 88-95 
of volume 4 of Public Records of South Carolina, a series of 
transcripts of papers in the British Public Record Office 
relating to South Carolina, now in the custody of the Historical 
Commission of South Carolina. It was printed in full by 
Professor William J. Rivers in A Sketch of the History of South 
Carolina (Charleston, 1856), pp. 443-447, and an abstract 
of it was printed in volume I. of Collections of the South Carolina 
Historical Society (Charleston, 1857), pp. 210-211. 



E. Randolph to the Lords of Trade, 16 March, 1698-1699. 

May it please y T Lordships, 

After a dangerous voyage at Sea, I landed at Charles 
Town, in the Province of So. Carolina, and soon after my 
arrival, I administered the Oath to Mr. Jos. Blake, one of the 
Proprietors and Governor of this Province. 1 But he is not 
allowed of by his Ma tya Order in Council to be Govr., the 
Act of Parlt. for preventing frauds being not taken notice of 
by the Proprietors. 2 

There are but few settled Inhabitants in this Province, 
the Lords have taken up vast tracts of land for their own 
use, as in Colleton County and other places, where the land 
is most commodious for settlement, which prevents peopling 
the place, and makes them less capable to preserve themselves. 3 
As to their civil Governt., tis different from what I have met 
with in the other Proprieties. Their Militia is not above 
1500 Soldiers White men, but have thro the Province gener 
ally 4 Negroes to 1 White man, and not above 1100 families, 
English and French. 4 

1 About the middle of the year 1696 John Archdale, one of the Proprietors 
of Carolina and Governor of South Carolina, retired to England, appointing 
Joseph Blake deputy governor to serve in his stead. By a letter, dated April 25, 
1697, the Proprietors appointed him governor. (Public Records of South Caro 
lina, 197-198.) 

s Parliament had passed an act in 1695, in order to prevent frauds, requiring 
the consent of the King to such appointments by proprietary governments; the 
Proprietors of Carolina had appointed Blake without complying with that act. 

3 This was a most pessimistic view. While it is true that the Proprietors 
had taken up a matter of forty-eight to sixty thousand acres (four or five baronies) 
for themselves in Colleton County, there were still a few hundred thousand acres 
of excellent planting lands left in that county. 

4 Estimating one soldier for every five white inhabitants would make the 
white population of the province 7,500 a number which the editor believes from 



Their Chief Town is Charles Town, and the seat of Govt. 
in this Province, where the Governor, Council and Triennial 
Parliamt. set, and their Courts are holden, being above a 
league distance from the entrance to their harbour mouth, 
w ch is barred, and not above 17 foot water at the highest 
tide, but very difficult to come in. The Harbour is called 
by the Spaniards, St. George; it lyes 75 leagues to the North 
ward of St. Augustine, belonging to the Spaniards. It is 
generally laid down in our English maps to be 2 deg., 45 min., 
within the southern bounds of this Province. In the year 1686, 
one hundred Spaniards, w th Negroes and Indians, landed at 
Edistoe, (50 miles to the southward of Charles Town,) and 
broak open the house of Mr. Joseph Moreton, 1 then Governor 
of the Province, and carried away Mr. Bo well, 2 his Brother- 
in-law, prisoner, who was found murdered 2 or 3 days after; 
they carried away all his money and plate, and 13 slaves, to 
the value of 1500 sterling, and their plunder to St. Augustine. 
Two of the Slaves made their escape from thence, and returned 
to their master. Some time after, Govr. Moreton sent to 
demand his slaves, but the Govr. of St. Augustine answered it 
was done without his orders, but to this day keeps them, and 
says he can t deliver them up w th out an ord r from the King 
of Spain. About the same time they robbed Mr. Grimball s 
House, the Sec. of the Province, whilst he attended the Council 
at Charles Town, and carried away to the value of over 1500 
sterl g . They also fell upon a settlement of Scotchmen at 
Port Royal, where there was not above 25 men in health to 
oppose them. The Spaniards burnt down their houses, 
destroyed and carried away all that they had, because (as 
the Span d8 pretended) they were settled upon their land, 
and had they at any time a superior force, they would also 
destroy this town built upon Ashley and Cooper Rivers. 

many years study of the public records to be about the correct one. The pro 
portion of negroes to whites was nothing like four to one in 1699. It was scarcely 
two to one. Governor Johnson and his council estimated in 1708 that the total 
population of the province was 8,180, almost equally divided between whites and 
negroes. In the same year Oldmixon estimated the population at 12,000. The 
editor is of opinion that the total population at this time was about 16,000 
7,500 whites and 8,500 negroes. 

1 Joseph Morton. The name is pronounced as if spelled Moreton. 

3 Edward Bowell. 


This whole Bay was called formerly St. George s, which they 
likewise lay claim to. The Inhabitants complained of the 
wrong done them by the Spaniards to the Lords Proprietors, 
and humbly prayed them (as I have been truly informed) to 
represent it to His Ma ty , but they not hearing from the Lord 
Prop", fitted out two vessels with 400 stout men, well armed, 
and resolved to take St. Augustine. But Jas. Colleton came 
in that time from Barbadoes with a Commission to be Govr., 
and threatn d to hang them if they proceeded, whereupon 
they went on shore very unwillingly. The Spaniards hearing 
the English were coming upon them for the damages, they 
left their Town and Castle, and fled into the woods to secure 
themselves. The truth is, as I have been credibly informed, 
there was a design on foot to carry on a Trade with the 

I find the Inhabitants greatly alarmed upon the news 
that the French continue their resolution to make a settling 
at Messasipi River, from [whence] they may come over land 
to the head of Ashley River w th out opposition, tis not yet 
known what care the Lords Prop intend to take for their 
preservation. Some ingenious gentlemen of this Province 
(not of the Council) have lately told me the Deputies have 
talked of mak g an Address to the Lords Prop rs for relief, 
But tis apparent that all the time of this French War 
they never sent them one barrel of powder or a pound of 
lead to help them. They conclude they have no reason to 
depend upon them for assistance, and are resolved to for 
sake this Country betimes, if they find the French are settled 
at Meschasipi, or if upon the death of the King of Spain 
these Countries fall into the hands of the French, 1 as in 
evitably they will (if not timely prevented), and return with 
their families to England or some other place where they may 
find safety and protection. It was one of the first questions 
asked by several of the Chief men at my arrival, whether His 
Ma ty will please to allow them half pay for 2 or 3 years at 
furthest, that afterwards they will maintain themselves and 

1 In 1699 the death of King Charles II. of Spain was daily expected (he died 
in 1700), and it was known that his death would be the signal for aggressive move 
ments on the part of the French, whence came the War of the Spanish Succession, 
called in the colonies Queen Anne s War. 


families (if they have any) in making Pitch and Tar and plant 
ing of Indian Corn. His Majesty will thereby have so many 
men seasoned to the Country ready for service upon all occa 
sions, five such men will do more service by sea or land then 
20 new rais d men from home, they may be brought hither 
in the Virginia outward bound ships, 100 or 150 men in a 
year, till they are made up 1000, it will save the charge of 
transporting so many another time 2 or 3000 leagues at sea. 
I heard one of the Council (a great Indian Trader, 1 and has 
been 600 miles up in the Country west from Charles Town) 
discourse that the only way to discover the Meschasipi is 
from this Province by land. He is willing to undertake it if 
His Ma ty will please to pay the charge w ch will not be above 
400 or 500 at most; he intends to take with him 50 white 
men of this Province and 100 Indians, who live 2 days journey 
east from the Meschasipi, and questions not but in 5 or 6 
months time after he has His Ma ty 8 commands and instruc 
tions to find out the mouth of it and the true latitude thereof. 

The great improvement made in this Province is wholly 
owing to the industry and labour of the Inhabitants. They 
have applied themselves to make such commodities as might 
increase the revenue of the Crown, as Cotton, Wool, Ginger, 
Indigo, etc. But finding them not to answer the end, they 
are set upon making Pitch, Tar and Turpentine, and planting 
rice, and can send over great quantityes yearly, if they had 
encouragement from England to make it, having about 5,000 
Slaves to be employed in that service, 2 upon occasion, but 
they have lost most of their vessels, which were but small, 
last war by the French, and some lately by the Spaniards, so 
that they are not able to send those Commodities to England 
for a market, neither are sailors here to be had to man their 

I humbly propose that if His Ma ty will for a time suspend 
the Duties upon Commodities, and that upon rice also, it will 

1 James Moore. 

8 This estimate is about right. This was considerably over half the negro 
population of the province. The remaining slaves were used as servants and 
tradesmen and as laborers about Charles Town. A misprint in Rivers s work 
(A Sketch of the History of South Carolina} makes this figure 50,000 instead of 


encourage the Planter to fall vigilantly upon making Pitch 
and Tar, etc., w ch the Lords Prop re ought to make their 
principal care to obtain from His Ma ty , being the only way 
to draw people to settle in their Province, a place of greatest 
encouragement to the English Navy in these parts of the 
world. Charles Town Bay is the safest port for all vessels 
coming thro 7 the gulf of Florida in distress, bound from the 
West Indies to the Northern Plantations; if they miss this 
place they may perish at sea for want of relief, and having 
beat upon the coast of New England, New York, or Virginia 
by a North West Wind in the Winter, be forced to go to 
Barbadoes if they miss this Bay, where no wind will damage 
them and all things to be had necessary to refitt them. My 
Lords, I did formerly present Your Lordships with proposals 
for supplying England with Pitch and Tar, Masts and all o r 
Naval Stores from New England. I observed when I were at 
York in Septr. last, abundance of Tar brot. down Hudson s 
River to be sold at New York, as also Turpentine and Tar 
in great quantities from the Colony of Connecticut. I was told 
if they had encouragement they could load several Ships 
yearly for England. But since my arrival here I find I am 
come into the only place for such commodities upon the 
Continent of America; some persons have offered to deliver 
in Charlestown Bay upon their own account 1000 Barrels of 
Pitch and as much Tar, others greater quantities provided 
they were paid for it in Charles Town in Lyon Dollars l passing 
here at 5s. p r piece, Tar at 8s. p r Barrel, and very good Pitch 
at 12s. p r Barrel, and much cheaper if it once became a trade. 
The season for making those Commodities in this Province 
being 6 mos. longer than in Virginia and more Northern 
Plantations, a planter can make more tar in any one year 
here with 50 slaves than they can do with double the number 
in those places, their slaves here living at very easy rates 
and with few clothes. 2 

The inclosed I received from M. Girard, 3 a French Prot- 

1 Dutch dollars, bearing as a symbol the lion of Brabant or of the Netherlands. 

* This description of the naval stores business, then in its infancy, in Charles 
Town doubtless contributed a mite toward the splendid development it reached 
thirty or forty years later. 

a Guerard. See p. 143, note 1, supra. 


estant living in Carolina. I find them very industrious and 
good husbands, but are discouraged because some of them 
having been many years Inhabitants in this Province are 
denied the benefit of being Owners and Masters of Vessels, 
which other the Subjects of His Majesty s Plantations enjoy, 
besides many of them are made Denizons. 1 If this Place were 
duly encouraged, it would be the most useful to the Crown 
of all the Plantations upon the continent of America. I 
herewith enclose to Your Lordships a Draft of the Town and 
Castle of St. Augustine, with a short description of it by a 
Gentleman who has been often there, It s done exactly true, 
more for service than for show. The Spaniards now, the 
French, if ever they get it, will prove dangerous neighbours to 
this Province, a thing not considered nor provided against by 
the Lords Proprietors. I am going from hence to Bermuda, 
with His Ma tys Commissioners, to administer the Oath to 
the Govr. of that Island, with a Commission for the Judge 
and other Officers of the Court of Admiralty erected there, 
from whence I believe it necessary to hasten to the Bahamas 
Islands, where a Brigantine belonging to New England was 
carried in as a wreck. The Master and Sailors being pursued 
by some persons who had commission from Govr. Webb, 2 
believing they were chased by Spaniards, forsook their Vessel 
and went on shore among the Natives to save their lives. 
All which is humbly submitted by 

Your Lordship s 

Most humble Servant, 


The want of a small Vessel to support the loss of the 
Frigate, which was appointed by the Lords Commiss rs of the 

1 Many of the French Protestants, or Huguenots, were naturalized in Eng 
land before coming to America, but in 1696 the General Assembly of South Caro 
lina passed "An Act for Making Aliens Free" by which nearly all of the rest of 
them were naturalized. Many of the French Protestants had been serving in 
the General Assembly before that time and some of them were members of the 
same assembly that naturalized their countrymen. See Journals of the Commons 
House of Assembly for 1692, 1693, and 1696, and of the Grand Council for 1692, 
all recently printed by the Historical Commission of South Carolina and edited 
by the editor of this volume. 

a Colonel Nicholas Webb, governor of the Bahama Islands. 


Admiralty to transplant me from one Plantation to another, 
makes me stay a great while at one place for a passage to 
another, which is uncertain, difficult and dangerous. 

I have by the extreme of cold last Winter in Maryland 
and Pennsylvania, and by my tedious passage in the Winter 
time from New York to this place, got a great numbness in 
my right leg and foot. I am in hopes this warm climate will 
restore me to my health. I have formerly wrote to your 
Board and the Commiss rs of H. M. Customs, the necescity of 
having a Vessel to transport me from one Plantation to another. 

I humbly pray Your Lordships favour to direct that the 
little residence I am to make in these parts of the World, 
may be in this Province, and that a Vessel well manned may 
be sent me hither, which may answer all occasion, my inten 
tions being not to lye idle, for when the Hurricane times come 
in these parts of the World, I can go securely to Virginia, 
Maryland and Pennsylvania and New England, without fear 
of being driven from those Plantations by North West Winds, 
and when they come I can pass from one Plantation to another 
without difficulty. 



IN 1703 the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
Foreign Parts authorized John Blair to go as a missionary to 
the settlers of North Carolina, and he was, accordingly, 
ordained to the ministry for that purpose April 12, 1703. He 
set out for his mission in October following and on January 
14, 1704, landed in Virginia; ten days later he arrived at his 
destination in North Carolina. He found the people among 
whom he labored backward in religious matters and little dis 
posed to aid in the support of a minister of the Established 
Church if of any at all. After a hard struggle for some 
months, during which he spent nearly all of the little bounties 
he had received from Queen Anne and other philanthropic 
sources, he returned to England and wrote a narrative of his 
experiences for the information of the Society. It is very 
indefinite as to the locality of his place of residence while in 
North Carolina, but from some slight indications given on 
that point it would appear to have been in the Pamlico 
settlement on Pamlico Sound. 

Mr. Blair s narrative is preserved in London in the North 
Carolina letter book of the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts. A transcript of it has been printed 
in The Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 600-603, which 
has been followed here. 


I WAS ordained, in order to go to the plantations, 12th 
April, 1703, and then received the queen s bounty of 20, 1 
and, soon after, my Lord WeymouthV bounty of 50; upon 
which I lived in England till the 1st of October following, 
which, together with my fitting out for such a voyage and 
country, consumed the most part of my money. I had like 
wise 5 sent me by my lord of London to Portsmouth, and 
when I landed in Virginia I had no more than 25. 

I landed in Virginia, 14th of January, 1704; and, as soon 
as I could conveniently travel, I waited upon the governor, 
and immediately after made the best of my way into the 
country where I was bound. 

I arrived amongst the inhabitants, after a tedious and 
troublesome journey, 24th ditto. I was then obliged to buy 
a couple of horses, which cost me fourteen pounds, one of 
which was for a guide, because there is no possibility for a 
stranger to find his road in that country, for if he once goes 
astray (it being such a desert country) it is a great hazard 
if he ever finds his road again. Beside, there are mighty 
inconveniences in travelling there, for the roads are not only 
deep and difficult to be found, but there are likewise seven 
great rivers in the country, over which there is no passing 
of horses, except two of them, one of which the Quakers have 
settled a ferry over for their own conveniency, and nobody 
but themselves have the privilege of it ; so that at the passing 
over the rivers, I was obliged either to borrow or hire horses, 
which was both troublesome and chargeable, insomuch that 

1 Queen Anne s Bounty was instituted in 1704 for the benefit of the poorer 
clergy, the Queen appropriating to their relief a branch of her income which had 
originally come to the Crown from the "first-fruits and tenths" of church livings 
in Henry VIII. s time. 

1 Viscount Weymouth, a benevolent privy-councillor of Queen Anne. 



in little more than two months I was obliged to dispose of the 
necessaries I carried over for my own use, to satisfy my creditors. 

I found in the country a great many children to be bap 
tized, where I baptized about a hundred; and there are a 
great many still to be baptized, whose parents would not conde 
scend to have them baptized with god-fathers and god-mothers. 

I married none in the country, for that was a perquisite 
belonging to the magistrates, which I was not desirous to 
deprive them of. 

I preached twice every Sunday, and often on the week-days, 
when their vestries met, or could appoint them to bring their 
children to be baptized. 

I called a vestry in each precinct, in my first progress 
through the country, to whom I gave an account of my Lord 
Weymouth s charitable bounty in supporting my mission 
among them, and likewise of the good designs the honorable 
society had for them, as I was informed by Mr. Amy 1 that 
they had settled 50 per annum for the maintenance of two 
clergymen amongst them; and likewise a proposal that Dr. 
Bray 2 desired me to make to them, that, upon their procuring 
good glebes, he doubted not that there might be a settlement 
made for the advantage of the Church, such as there is in the 
island of Bermudas, viz., two slaves and a small stock in each 
precinct, and that to be continued good by the incumbent 
to his successor, which will be a lasting estate to the Church. 

They have built in the country three small churches, and 
have three glebes. 

In the three chief precincts, there is a reader established in 
each, to whom they allow a small salary, who reads morning 
and evening prayer every Lord s day, with two sermons, and 
I took care to furnish them with books from the library 3 
before I came away. 

I remained very well satisfied in the country till their 
Assembly sat, which was on 1st March, where I expected they 

1 An officer of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. 

2 Rev. Dr. Thomas Bray, who practically founded the Society for the Prop 
agation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts and who for years labored assiduously 
for its success. 

3 Meaning no doubt the library which had been established in the province 
by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, founded by Dr. Bray. See 
Steiner, in American Historical Review, II. 72. 


would propose a settlement for my maintenance; and they 
taking no care of it, together with my then circumstances, 
which were but very indifferent, discouraged me very much, 
and occasioned my first thoughts of returning to England; 
for I was informed before I went thither that there was 30 
per annum, settled by law, 1 to be paid in each precinct for 
the maintenance of a minister, which law was sent over hither 
to be confirmed by their lords proprietors, and it being supposed 
not to be a competency for a minister to live on, was sent 
back again without confirmation, whereof the Quakers took 
the advantage, and will endeavor to prevent any such law 
passing for the future, for they are the greatest number in 
the Assembly, and are unanimous, and stand truly to one 
another in whatsoever may be to their interest. For the 
country may be divided into four sorts of people: first, the 
Quakers, who are the most powerful enemies to Church 
government, but a people very ignorant of what they pro 
fess. The second sort are a great many who have no re 
ligion, but would be Quakers, if by that they were not obliged 
to lead a more moral life than they are willing to comply 
to. A third sort are something like Presbyterians, which 
sort is upheld by some idle fellows who have left their law 
ful employment, and preach and baptize through the country, 
without any manner of orders from any sect or pretended 
Church. A fourth sort, who are really zealous for the interest 
of the Church, are the fewest in number, but the better sort 
of people, and would do very much for the settlement of the 
Church government there, if not opposed by these three pre 
cedent sects; and although they be all three of different pre 
tensions, yet they all concur together in one common cause 
to prevent any thing that will be chargeable to them, as they 
allege Church government will be, if once established by law. 
And another great discouragement these poor people have, 
is a governor who does not in the least countenance them in 
this business, but rather discourages them. 2 

Finding it impossible to travel through the country at 
that rate I began, I was resolved to settle in one precinct, 
but the people, all alleging that my Lord Weymouth s charity 

1 Act of 1701. 

1 Governor Henderson Walker (d. April 14, 1704) is probably meant 


was universally designed for the whole country, would not 
consent to it; which bred some disturbance amongst them, 
upon which I was advised, by some of the best friends of the 
Church, to come over and represent their condition to the 
honorable society, not only of their want of ministers but 
likewise of inhabitants to maintain them; and their desires, 
they complying with my necessities, was a powerful argument, 
considering I was then reduced to my last stake, and knew 
not where, or upon what account, to be further supplied. 
Besides, such a solitary, toilsome, and hard living as I met 
with there were very sufficient discouragements. I was dis 
tant from any minister one hundred and twenty miles, so that 
if any case of difficulty or doubt should happen, with whom 
should I consult? And for my travelling through the country, 
I rode one day with another, Sundays only excepted, about 
thirty miles per diem in the worst roads that ever I saw; 
and have sometimes lain whole nights in the woods. 

I will now endeavor to show you how inefficient a single 
man s labors would be amongst so scattered a people. In the 
first place, suppose him minister of one precinct (whereas 
there are five in the country), and this precinct, as they are 
all bounded with two rivers, and those rivers at least twenty 
miles distant, without any inhabitants on the road, for they 
plant only on the rivers, and they are planted at length upon 
those rivers at least twenty miles, and to give all those inhabi 
tants an opportunity of hearing a sermon, or bringing their 
children to be baptized, which must be on the Sabbath, for 
they won t spare time of another day, and must be in every 
ten miles distant, for five miles is the furthest they will bring 
their children, or willingly come themselves; so that he 
must, to do his duty effectually, be ten or twelve weeks in 
making his progress through one precinct. 

You may also consider the distance that the new colony 
of Pamtico is from the rest of the inhabitants of the country, 
for any man that has tried it would sooner undertake a voyage 
from this city to Holland than that, for beside a pond of five 
miles broad, and nothing to carry one over but a small perry- 
auger, 1 there are about fifty miles desert to pass through, 
without any human creature inhabiting in it. I think it 
likewise reasonable to give you an account of a great nation 

1 Periagua. 


of Indians that live in that government, computed to be no 
less than 100, 000, * many of which live amongst the English, 
and all, as I can understand, a very civilized people. 

I have often conversed with them, and have been frequently 
in their towns: those that can speak English among them 
seem to be very willing and fond of being Christians, and in 
my opinion there might be methods taken to bring over a 
great many of them. If there were no hopes of making them 
Christians, the advantage of having missionaries among them 
would redound to the advantage of the government, for 
if they should once be brought over to a French interest (as 
we have too much reason to believe there are some promoters 
amongst them for that end by their late actions), it would 
be, if not to the utter ruin, to the great prejudice of all the 
English plantations on the continent of America. 

I have here in brief set down what I have to say, and 
shall be ready to answer to any questions the honorable 
society shall think convenient to ask me concerning the 
country; and shall be both ready and willing to serve them 
anywhere upon such encouragement as I can live, according 
to my education, after my Lord Weymouth ceases to lay his 
commands on me. 

I have made a considerable losing voyage of it this time, 
both by my troublesome travelling in America, and likewise 
by being taken into France, where I was a prisoner of war 
nine weeks, and was forced to make use of my credit for my 
sustenance; and have lived in the same circumstances since I 
came to England, without any manner of relief, which has been 
very troublesome to me, all of which has brought me con 
siderably in debt, near 35, and now in no way to pay it, 
without my charitable benefactor or the honorable society 
judge my labors worthy a reward. 

1 This estimate is far in excess of the correct figure. There was no nation 
of Indians in that quarter at that time that contained more than a tenth of that 
number, and all neighboring tribes combined scarcely a fourth thereof. Mr. 
James Mooney, in The Simian Tribes of the East (Washington, 1894), pp. 8-9, 
says: "On the lower Neuse and its tributaries, the Contentnea and the Trent, 
and extending up about as far as the present site of Raleigh, were the Tuskarora, 
the most important tribe of North Carolina east of the mountains. Before they 
rose against the whites in 1711 they were estimated at 1,200 warriors, or perhaps 
5,000 souls, but their terrible losses in the ensuing war, amounting to 400 in one 
battle and 1,000 in another, completely broke their power." 



No sooner had the Lords Proprietors of Carolina effected a 
settlement in that part of the province subsequently known 
as South Carolina than it became an object of jealousy to the 
Spaniards in Florida, and several attempts to destroy it were 
made by them. 1 This hostile attitude of the Spaniards soon 
provoked a counter spirit in the people of South Carolina and 
a determination on their part to invade Florida and destroy 
St. Augustine at the first favorable opportunity. 

Upon the death of Governor Blake, September 7, 1700, 
the Lords Proprietors deputies met on the llth of that month 
and elected ("according to the Instructions or Rules of Gov 
ernment from the Lords prop rs . to Coll Phill Ludwell") 
James Moore, one of the deputies, governor. 2 Governor 
Moore had for many years cherished an ambition to invade 
Florida. The opportunity came now while he was governor. 

1 See pp. 185, 186, 205, supra; and McCrady, History of South Carolina 
under the Proprietary Government. 

2 The account of the election of Moore given by various historians from 
Hewat to McCrady is entirely erroneous. The Proprietors having furnished a 
mode of procedure in instructions on the subject to Governor Ludwell it was 
strictly followed and the election of Moore was entirely consistent therewith. 
There were two landgraves and four other deputies at the meeting. The name 
of the senior landgrave in the province, Bellinger, was presented first and he 
received one vote, that of Landgrave Morton. Deputies LeNoble, Gibbes, 
Daniell, and Moore voted against him. The name of Landgrave Morton "was 
then presented and he received the votes of Landgrave Bellinger and Deputies 
LeNoble and Gibbes, Deputies Daniell and Moore voting against him. Both 
landgraves were objected to on the ground that they had accepted offices from 
the Crown while still holding commissions as Lords Proprietors deputies. There 
being no other landgrave in the province the deputies, following their instructions, 
proceeded to elect one of the deputies governor, and James Moore received a 
majority of the votes and was declared governor. ("Public Records of South 
Carolina," V. 70-71.) 



He learned in 1702, before he had any knowledge of Queen 
Anne s declaration of war against Spain, that the Spaniards 
in Florida had planned to invade South Carolina by land with 
900 Indians. The plot was discovered by friendly Creek 
Indians and disclosed to South Carolina traders in their nation. 
These traders gathered 500 Creeks and defeated the invaders. 
A land and naval expedition was then sent by the General 
Assembly of South Carolina to invade Florida. Governor 
Moore led the land forces and Robert Daniell, one of the 
Proprietors 7 deputies, led the naval armament, but they did 
not accomplish their undertaking and returned in disappoint 
ment. 1 

In January, 1703, the General Assembly met, and imme 
diately entered into discussion of plans for again invading 
Florida, and for paying the expenses of the late expedition. 
A bill to raise 4000 was passed in the Commons House over 
the opposition of certain Dissenters in that body, who forth 
with withdrew therefrom in anger. The next day they 
returned to the House and offered to resume their seats if 
the other members of the Commons House would join them 
in the assertion of their rights. The other members spurned 
their offers and insulted them. Their withdrawal broke a 
quorum and thereby estopped legislation that was very 
important for the welfare of the province. This enraged the 
populace of Charles Town and when the obstructing members 
appeared on the streets they were set upon by a mob. They 
sought redress at the hands of Governor Moore and other 
local officials, but obtained no sympathy. They then tried 
petitioning to the Lords Proprietors for redress at their hands. 
They sent one of their number, John Ash, to England to lay 
their petition before and plead their cause with the Lords 
Proprietors, but the Proprietors gave little attention to their 
complaint. Ash then began to prepare a pamphlet giving 

1 McCrady, History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government. 


the Dissenters 7 side of the controversy, but died before he had 
completed it. Ash s place was soon taken by Joseph Boone, 
another of the leaders of the Dissenters in South Carolina, 
who came with a new petition and new complaints to the 
Proprietors. He met with no better success in convincing 
the Proprietors of the wickedness of their government than 
had Ash. Boone next enlisted the sympathy of Daniel Defoe, 
the noted fiction-writer and publicist, who prepared the succeed 
ing brief of the Dissenters case for the information of Par 
liament. Defoe s case is based entirely on the ex parte state 
ments of the discontented Dissenters, who, while respectable 
people, constituted a very small portion of the population of 
South Carolina. A decided majority of the people of the 
province were of the Church of England, and aligned with 
them were the French Protestants, several hundred in number, 
and a few Jews and persons of other religious persuasions; 
nor were all of the Dissenters in the province opposed to 
Governor Moore and his governmental policies. Defoe had 
never lived in South Carolina and was not familiar with con 
ditions in the province. His narration of the preceding and 
current political history of the province, therefore, cannot be 
given full credence as such, although it is interesting. His 
pamphlet was printed in London in 1705, and has become 
the principal source for this episode in the history of South 
Carolina, notwithstanding the existence of the journals of the 
Commons House of Assembly of South Carolina, the corre 
spondence of the public officials of the province, and the records 
of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, all of which fail to sus 
tain his and the Dissenters statements concerning this noted 


Party-Tyranny, or an Occasional Bill in Miniature; as now 
Practiced in Carolina. Humbly offered to the Consideration 
of both Houses of Parliament. 

London, Printed in the Year 1705. 1 

As it has been always the Care of the Commons of England, 
to Defend the English Subjects from all manner of Invasions 
of their Liberty; the Authors of this, thought it a Duty, and 
it seems to be the Duty of every part aggrieved, to apply to 
their Common Remedy in all their Oppressions; where they 
have reason to expect Relief in all Cases that merit their 
Cognizance, and who are indeed proper Judges, whether the 
Cases of which they Complain, merit their Cognizance, or no. 

The Doors of the House of Commons are ever Open to 
receive the just Complaints of the People, and no Man how 
ever Mean or Despicable he be, but has a full Liberty to 
bring his Grievances to their Feet, and has Reason to expect 
suitable Redress. 

If it be the proper Business of the House of Commons, to 
Redress the Subject s Grievances, it must be the proper Duty 
of the Subjects, to lay that Grievance they Expect Redress 
in, before them: The House of Commons are but Men; they 
are a Select Number chosen from the General Body, to rep 
resent the whole, and due Deference ought to be paid to both 
their Dignity and Capacity; but still they are but Men, and 
cannot be supposed to know the Grievances of the Subject 
they should relieve, till they are laid before them, and till 
they are fairly and properly represented. 

And this is both the Reason, and we hope the sufficient 
Justification of this Book: It contains a short, but true 
Abridgement of High-Church-Tyranny, it is an Occasional 

1 Title-page of original. 




Humbly ofl be Conf 

both Houics of PA R 


From a copy in the Library of Congress 


Bill in Miniature; 1 tis a Compendium of Various Kinds of 
Oppressions practised on the English Subjects, by Fellow- 
Subjects in the Face of that Government, which being Estab- 
lish t on the Neck of Tyranny, has openly declared against all 
sorts of Invasion of English Liberty. 

If any Man shall say this Matter is not Cognizable in 
Parliament, and that the People of Carolina are not rep 
resented here, having a Parliament of their own, by whom 
they are to be Determined, that they are therein entirely 
under the Government of themselves, and that these Oppres 
sions are the Act and Deed of their own Representative, and 
therefore their own Act and Deed, I shall take leave to Answer. 

Tis true, by the Constitution of Carolina, they are under 
the Government of themselves, and perhaps if their Consti 
tution were rightly Administred, it may be allowed the best 
Settlement in America. But as the Wisdom of their Con 
stitution is known, and unquestioned, without doubt those 
able Heads that settl d their Government, did not forget, 
that even those Representative Assemblies, especially in the 
Infancy of the Government, might be corrupt, or might by 
Bribery or other ill Practices, be ModelPd and Influenc d in 
Matters of Parties, to Oppress and Injure the People they 
acted for. That especially in their Infancy and the Paucity 
of Electors, they might be Obtruded upon the People by 
Clandestine Methods, the Management and Artifices of Gov 
ernors, and Men of Design, might have great Opportunities 
from the Power and Purse of the People to byass and awe the 
Elections; and having filPd their Assembly with Men of their 
own Principles, all manner of Mischiefs might ensue to the 
Destruction of the Colony, Overthrow of the Settlement and 
Ruin of the Inhabitants. 

And if any Man ask me, why then did they not make 
Laws, to direct the People in such Cases what to do, I cannot, 
but Answer for them, as I verily believe they would have 
Answered for themselves had they been alive. 

That when any Body of Men Representative, or other 
Acting by, or for a Constitution, from whom they receive their 

1 The Occasional Bills of the period from 1702 to 1719 in English history were 
bills against occasional conformity to the Established Church, intended to pre 
vent Dissenters from securing municipal office. 


Power, shall Act, or do, or make Laws and Statutes, to do 
anything destructive of the Constitution they Act from, that 
Power is Ipso facto dissolved, and revolves of Course into the 
Original Power, from whence it was derived. 

From hence it must follow, that upon known Depredations 
of Common Liberty, Breach of the Capitulations of Govern 
ment, between the Governors and the People of Carolina; 
the People without doubt, by Right of Nature as well as by 
the Constitution, revolves under the immediate Direction and 
Government of the English Empire, whose Subjects they were 
before, and from whom their Government was deriv d. 

It remains here, to lay down what these Capitulations I 
speak of are, by which the people of Carolina ought to be 
governed, and in the Breach whereof they are Oppress t; 
and then to descend to the black Relation, how those Postu 
late are broken and unregarded, how these people are Injured 
and Tyrannized over, what Redress ought to be given them 
by their Governours the Proprietors, How that Redress has 
been legally sought for, and humbly petitioned for but in 

I shall then Examine, not only, how far the People have a 
Right to dispence the Engins of this Sub-Tyranny; but how 
far the Constitution it self is dissolved, and the People have a 
Right to Establish their being there so far as their Free-hold 
extends; Upon such Foundations of Justice and Liberty, as 
that it may no more be in the Power of Usurping Thieves and 
Oppressors, to injure and disturb them. 

In Order to the first, the Reader may please to take the 
following Abridgement of the Constitution of the Collony, as 
the Ground Plot by which, tho it be short, he will plainly 
Discover, upon what Exact Basis of Right and Property this 
Government was Erected, and how, plainly, by the Encroach 
ments of the present Gentlemen, the People are Injured, the 
Constitution in it self Destroyed and Inverted, and the People 

Free . . . To Choose for their Own share, 
What Case of Government they please to wear, 
If to this Lord, or that, they do Commit 
The Reins of Rule. . . . 
All Men are bound in Conscience to submit; 


But then that Lord must give his free assent, 
To Postulata s of the Government. 
Which if he breaks, he Cuts off the Entail, 
And Right retreats to it s Original. 

An Abridgement of the Settlement of Carolina. 

To Understand the true Foundation and Establishment of 
the present Plantation of Carolina, it is necessary to Observe: 

That this Colony, tho discovered, and in part possest, even 
before that part of America, call d Virginia, to which it is 
contiguous; yet lay for several Ages of Time unimproved and 
neglected, till about the Year , When a particular Account 
of its Fertility, the wonderful agreableness of the Climate, the 
Pleasantness and Health of its Scituation, Advantages of 
Produce, Fitness for Trade, and all Manner of Improvement, 
being brought to some Gentlemen of Quality and Estates in 
England, they resolv d to encourage the planting this Country, 
and in particular, resolv d to settle it upon some better Foun 
dations of Government, than the rest of the English Colonies 
seem d to stand upon; as the only Thing, .which added to 
the rest of its Advantages, wou d best encourage the speedy 
Planting it, and draw Inhabitants in great Numbers from 
other Plantations to this New Settlement; These Gentlemen 
being truly sensible of that known and undisputed Maxim 
of Government, That the Number of Inhabitants, is both the 
Wealth and Strength of a Nation. 

In Order to this, they first obtain a Grant of the Province 
from King Charles the Second, to them and their Heirs, as 
Absolute Lords and Proprietors of the Country. 

But the Reader is desir d not to forget, that this Grant 
or Charter of King Charles the Second, had two Restrictions 
or Saving Articles in it, which, indeed, were not Proviso s 
of Capitulation, but Proviso s of Necessity. I ll explain my 
self presently, the Salvo s were these, 

1. Saving always the Faith, Allegiance, and Soveraign 
Dominion due to us, our Heirs, and Successors for the same. 

2. Saving also the Right, Title and Interest, of all, and 
every our Subjects of the English Nation, which are now 
planted within the Limits and Bounds aforesaid. 

See the Printed Charter, p. 3. 


These I call Proviso s of Necessity, because nothing can 
depute more Power, than it possesses. 

I. The King could not part with the Allegiance and Do 
minion due to the English Crown, without consent of Parlia 
ment. For, 

1. That had been, to have alienated Part of the English 
Government from the Crown. 

2. It had been, to consign some of his Subjects over to 
the Government of another Prince without their Consent. 

II. The King could not grant the Right, Title and Inter 
est of those of his Subjects already planted there, for that 
was none of his own; and he could no more transfer their 
Property, than their Allegiance. 

I bespeak the Reader, bearing with this Digression, as what 
he will see just Reason for, and a good use made of by and by: 
But for the present he may Observe. 

1. That the Government of Carolina is dependant upon 
England, and subject to the Laws, Government and Direction 
of the English Crown; and consequently their Grievances are 
cognizable in the Parliament of England. 

2. There were Inhabitants in Carolina before the Grant 
made to the present Proprietors 1 which Inhabitants had a 
Right both to the Government as well as Possession; which 
King Charles the Second, neither did, nor cou d grant by 
Charter, or otherwise to any Body. 

3. As their Allegiance to the English Crown cou d not be 
transfer d by Gift or Charter, so neither could the Protection 
of the English Government be deny d them; and therefore, 
the Parliament of England has an undoubted Right to redress 
their Grievances, and to relieve them against all the Oppressions 
of their pretended Governours of what kind soever. And this 
is my Reason for the Argument. 

This Charter is a Creation of the Proprietors, both Tem 
poral and Spiritual Lords of the Country, and gives them full 
Spiritual Dominion, as to Building and Forming Churches, 
with the Patronage, and Advowsion of them, the Dedication, 
Consecration, but limited to the Rites of the Church of Eng 
land ; a Continued Badge of their Dependance on this Kingdom, 

1 At Chowan, in what is now North Carolina. A few New Englanders had 
also tried to raise cattle on the Charles (Cape Fear) River, but did not effect a 
permanent settlement. 


both in Spiritual Matters, as well as Temporal. The Tenure 
of this Regality is also held of the Mannor of Greenwich in 
the County of Kent, in Free and Common Soccage, paying 
to the Crown, as of the said Mannor, twenty Marks Yearly 
as a Quit-Rent, and a Fourth part of all Gold and Silver Oar, 
which shall be found. 

Nor was the Proviso for the Right of the People already 
planted, or to be planted, at all forgot in this Charter of the 
King; for in the first Empowering Clause of the Charter, it is 
expressly said, 

"To ordain, make, enact, and under their Seals to publish 
any Laws whatsoever. But how, 

By and with the Advice, and Assent, and Approbation of 
the Freemen of the said Province, or the greater Part of them. 

Vide the printed Charter, p. 4. 

This is incerted to remind those Gentlemen, that Assem 
bling the Freemen of Carolina to make Laws, etc., was not a 
Voluntary Act of their own Clemency, but what they were 
oblig d to, by the very Charter from whence they derive 
their Authority. 

Nor was it a Restriction of the meer Grace of the King, 
but according to the Native Right of the Freemen, Inhabi 
tants of Carolina settled there before, provided for in the 
Clause before-mentioned, whose Right, even the King him 
self, had no Power to Dissolve or Transfer. 

In making the Laws these Assemblies are empowered to 
Enact and Execute, It is further Remarkable, and of which, 
I hope, good Use will be made, His Late Majesty Charles the 
Second, lays another Double Restriction. 

1. "Provided such Laws be consonant to Reason. 

2. "As near as may be conveniently, agreeable to the 
Laws of England." 

His Majesty knew, that Law is the Result of Reason, and 
that the Sovereignty of Reason over all the Actions of Men, 
cannot be invaded, but that Laws offered by whatever Society 
of Men against Reason, are void of course, and therefore ex 
pressly prepared them to expect it. 

In the next place, His Majesty plainly signifies, that all 
their Laws ought to be corresponding with the English Consti 
tution, Convenience of the People, Anglice, The Publick Good 


only excepted; by which is inferr d, that Reason and the 
Publick Good are the principal Ends of all Law, and are to 
supersede all the Power granted to the Proprietors of Carolina, 
as indeed they ought to do all Humane Power committed to 
Man in the World. 

Upon these and Sundry other Conditions was the first 
Charter or Grant made to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, 
dated the 24th of March, 15 Car. II. A Second Grant or 
Charter verbatim by the first, only Enlarging the Bounds, was 
granted to the same Lords Proprietors, dated the 30th of 
June 17 Car. II. and the Proprietors by these Two Charters 
are, Edward, Earl of Clarendon; George, Duke of Albemarle; 
William, Earl of Craven ; John, Lord Berkeley ; Anthony, Lord 
Ashley, afterwards Earl of Shaftsbury; Sir George Carteret, 
Sir John Colleton and Sir William Berkeley. 

Pursuant to these Charters, The Proprietors went on with 
the Settlement of this Colony, and knowing that on the good 
Government of the Province, and the large Priviledges granted 
to the Inhabitants, depended very much the Encouragement 
to Strangers of all Nations, as well as to the English, to Trans 
port themselves, Families, and Estates thither, and conse 
quently the Prosperity of the Colony, 

They form d the Government of the said Province into a 
Publick Instrument, which they call the Fundamental Consti 
tution of Carolina, consisting of 120 Articles, which in the 
last Article are declared, shall be and remain, the Sacred and 
Unalterable Form and Rule of Government of Carolina for ever. 1 

These Articles are afterwards abridg d into One and Forty, 
containing the full Substance, Intent and Meaning of the 
aforesaid One Hundred and Twenty, and being first sign d 
and sealed to by the Lords Proprietors, as the Pacta Con- 
venta of Government, are presented to, and accepted by the 
Freemen, Freeholders and Inhabitants, and agreed to be past, 
in a Full and Free Parliament or Assembly, as the Sacred 
and Unalterable Conditions, on which they Consent to be 
Governed and Directed, and to which they submit. 

1 Of the various forms in which the Fundamental Constitutions exist, that 
first printed was one (in 120 articles) bearing date March 1, 1669/70. This is 
reprinted in N. C. Col. Rec., I. 187-205, in Thorpe s Federal and State Consti 
tutions, V. 2772-2786, in Old South Leaflets, no. 172, and elsewhere. The origi 
nal draft, preserved among the Shaftesbury papers, is printed in the Thirty-third 
Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1872), pp. 258-269. 


An Abridgement of the Constitutions, Consisting of 41 Articles. 

The Preamble sets forth, That K. Cha. the lid. having 
Granted to the Proprietors the Province of Carolina, with all 
the Royalties Privileges, etc., 

For the better Settlement of the Government of the said 
Province, the said Lords Proprietors agree to the following 
Form of Government to be perpetually Establish t, and which 
they oblige themselves to in the most binding Ways that can 
be Devis d. 

The First five Articles contain the Regulation of Authority 
and Division of the Government into: 1. The Proprietors 
Court, to Consist of the Palatine, and seven Proprietors, and 
in the Absence of the Governor, and such Deputies as they 
Assign: This Court to have all the Supream Power Granted 
to the Proprietors in the Charter, as Calling and Dissolving 
Parliaments, Pardoning Offences, etc. 

The 6th to the 19th Article regulates the Parliament, to 
Consist of the Proprietors or their Deputies by themselves; 
The Landgraves and Casticks 1 in the Upper-House, and Free 
holders in the Lower-House; this is their King, Lords, and 
Commons, and the Manner Exactly Regulated to the Simily, 
with Limitations and Quallifications for Electing, and being 
Elected, and the Privileges and Office of each House settled. 

To the 22d Article Exclusive is settled the Division of the 
Province into Counties, the Limitation of every ones Quantity 
in Possession, the Tryal of Causes and Crimes per Pares, the 
Choosing and Deputing the Governour, the Admitting Free 
men, Establishing Religion, Churches, etc. 

To the 38th Article they determine what Society of Men, 
and on what Terms shall be Esteemed a Church, and the 
Regulating Religious Matters, wherein the only Religious 
Quallifications, by which any Man is Admitted a Member of 
any Church, and of the Government are these two: 

1. That he believes there is a God, 

2. That God is Publickly to be Worshiped. 

A Third Article Obliging all People to bear Witness in 
Cases Required to Truth, either by Oath or some Equivalent, 
is added. 

1 Cassiques. 


The 39th Article is positive. 

"No Person whatsoever shall Disturb, Molest, or Perse 
cute another for his Opinion in Religion, or Way of Worship." 
The two last Articles settle the Freemens Power over their 
Slaves, and the Form of Signing the Constitutions by all 
Persons admitted into Office or Trust. 

And the Conclusion of these Articles are thus, 
Those Fundamental Constitutions in Number Forty One, 
and every Part thereof shall be and remain the inviolable 
Form and Rule of Government of Carolina for ever. 

Witness our Hands and Seals 11 April, 1698. 

A. ASHLEY, for Sir John Colleton. 



These Constitutions I know have obtain d upon the World, 

to be the Contrivance of the Old Earl of S bury; 2 but I 

think, I have very good Authority, to assure the World Mr. 
Lock 3 had the Right of Parentage to the former; whether I 
ought to contend for either the Policy or Humane Understand 
ing, in Right of either of these Great Men in the Contrivance 
or no, I shall not debate. I am certain of this, they handed 
the Infant Government into the World without Leading- 
strings, and turn d it loose before it cou d stand alone; by 
which means, like young Romulus, it has got a Wolf to its 
Nurse, and is like to be bred up a Monster. 

Tis true, these Constitutions were not actually past in any 
Assembly, and so may be objected against, as not so binding 
as in other Cases they would be. 

But they were sign d by the Proprietors, and in the Infancy 
of the Settlement by the Inhabitants, as they came there to 
Settle; and were only referr d to a Parliament or Assembly 
when the Colony was considerable enough to require it. 

In these Parliaments, these People have always opposed 
passing the Constitutions, fearing without doubt, to come 
under the Fetters of the Law, and a just Government; and 
knowing the Measures they designed to take, were destructive 

1 The eldest proprietor, at this time Lord Bath, was called the palatine. 
* Shaftesbury. 3 John Locke the philosopher. 


of the very Being and Nature of the Government; and there 
fore being unwilling to have the Obstruction of any Settled 
Constitutions, they always rendred the Proposal contemptible, 
and banter d the Colony with the frequent Attempts to pass 
them, laying them by, as useless Trifles not worth Notice, 
tho they were indeed the Fundamentals of the Government. 
It remains now to examine, how the Gentlemen now con- 
cern d have acted in Correspondence to 

1. The Powers granted to the Proprietors, 

2. The Pacta Conventa with the People, and in this En 
quiry it will come to be examined: 

1. Whether the Powers assembled there, have been sum- 
mon d according to the Constitution. 

2. Whether the Freeholders, and none but such have 
elected the Persons, who have imposed these Laws, and have 
had a Free Choice. 

3. Whether these Laws have the due Qualification re- 
quir d by the Charter, viz. 

1. To be consonant to Reason. 

2. To the Utility of the Subject. 

3. To the Preservation of Right and Property: The 
Words expressly set down in the Charter. 

4. Whether if not, they are not void in their own Nature. 

5. Whether the Lords Proprietors not redressing these 
Abuses when humbly addrest to by the Inhabitants, have 
not broken the sacred, unalterable Conditions of the Govern 

6. Whether this Fracture of the Constitution, does not 
empower the Inhabitants of Carolina who purchased Estates, 
and settPd there on these Conditions, and of whose Right his 
Late Majesty made such Provision in his Charter, have not a 
full Power to settle such other Government and Constitutions, 
as shall correspond with the Freedom and just Rights of the 
Province, tho without the Consent of the said Lords. 

7. Whether all this Matter is Cognizable in the Parlia 
ment of England, and the Proprietors, of Carolina subject to 
such Determination as shall be made there. 

It lies before us now, to Examine, How these Gentlemen 
have acted, in Correspondence to the Powers granted by the 


Charters to the Propritors, and the Constitutions or Pacta 
Conventa made with the People. 

Before this is enter d upon, I must determine, who I 
mean by those Gentlemen; for this Paper, as tis a Complaint 
of Fact, may be also expected to be a Charge against particular 
Persons also. 

To this is answer d, The Proprietors in one Sence may 
be the Persons charg d here, as being answerable for all the 
irregular Practices of those that act under them; since every 
Man is really the Actor of what is done by his Authority, 
and every Man is tacitely the Author of what is in his Power 
to hinder, and which he ought to hinder. 

But as here is no Need to fly to a speculative Charge, 
when the Agents and Instruments of these Mischiefs are known 
and plain, and to be found upon the Spot; so let the Charge 
lye in its constructive Part where it will, tis plain, where it 
more immediately lies, by the following Instances to which I 
refer, and the Persons will be but too easily known there. 

But yet this Account cannot pretend to clear the Pro 
prietors, from being both Agents and Principals, at least 
some of them, in that they have constantly had the particu 
lars of these Things, laid before them in the humble Petitions 
of the Inhabitants; which they to their great Charge and 
Trouble, have sent over to England by Members of their own 
Body, purposely Deputed as Embassadors to the Proprietors; 
viz. John Ash, Esq; who died here in the Negotiation of those 
Affairs, and is now succeeded by Mr. Jos. Boon, as will appear 
in the Prosecution of this Paper. 

The submissive Letters, the humble Applications, the Pe 
titions and Remonstrances of the People of all Perswations, 
and of the Conforming Minister of the Place, demonstrate, that 
the Oppression is universal, the Grievance extraordinary, and 
that the Proprietors have been duely informed of it all. 

I think, it will most naturally occur, that if these Gentle 
men, who, God knows, are ill qualified for Government, do not 
redress the Grievances of the People, some Body else must; 
and for that purpose, the present Application is made to the 
Commons of England assembled in Parliament; where pub- 
lick Grievances never fail of Redress, and where all sorts of 
Tyranny has been the Sacrifice to Justice. 


The Government of this Province has had the usual Mis 
fortune of those People, who are left to the Conduct of Mer 
cenaries; the Gentlemen-Proprietors, or Lords (call them what 
you will) are very honest Gentlemen; but are here plac d 
above their Sphere; they are Gentlemen of Birth and Fort 
unes, and well enough instructed in Things within their 
Quality, but they never learnt to be kings; they have not 
taken in the Hint of Pater Patrice, they don t know, that a King 
must be the Father of his People; and that there is a sort of 
Patriarcal Affection, as well as Obligation, between a King 
on the Throne, and the People He Governs, which obliges 
them to treat them with Gentleness, listen to their Complaints, 
and redress their Grievance; they need have gone no farther, 
than to their own Sovereign, to have seen a Pattern of this 
Pious Care, and have reflected, how Sollicitous Her Majesty 
appears for the General Good; how pleas d and thankful, 
when Prosperity Crowns their Affairs; how affectionately 
Concerned, when any Calamity attends Her People, either 
publick as in the Great Storm, or private in the Case of Trade; 
as in the Disaster of Mr. Pitkin s ill treating them: How con- 
cern d did Her Majesty appear for the Widows and distressed 
Families of the Seamen that perisht in the Storm ! how bounti 
fully relieve them! and the like. Whence does this proceed? 
God Almighty, for the Good of Nations, furnishes Princes, 
born to Crowns and Kingdoms, with the suited Affections 
for these Circumstances of Government, and thereby fullfils 
the promise of making them Nursing Fathers, and Nursing 

The Propriety-Monarchs are born without these Affections, 
like a Landlord to his Tenant, they have their Eyes upon the 
Rent; their Concern/if any, is not of Affection, but of Interest; 
they are Step-fathers and Strangers in the Government, and 
they have shown it; for their Ears have been stopt, and shut 
to the Complaints of their Oppressed People; they govern 
them by Sub-Tyrants, and connive at their Tyrannies, because 
they are not furnished with the Affection of Love to the 
People they govern. 

That this is no Scandal, and I hope, no needless Digression 
I shall refer to the Judgment of the Impartial Part of Mankind, 
after Reading the true State of the Colony, as now suppressed, 


and under the Government of a Party, and of the Tyranny 
practised there, and this will be best represented by themselves. 

I shall then describe the true Posture of it, as it would rea 
sonably be allowed to be, under a State of Liberty and En 
couragement; in the Result of which, the Imprudence and ill 
Policy, as well as Injustice of the Proprietors, will appear in 
suffering a flourishing Colony, thus to languish under their 

The first thing I shall refer to for a Prospect of the Griev 
ance before us, is the Representation of the Inhabitants, 
directed to the Proprietors, sign d by above 100 of the principal 
Merchants, Freeholders and Planters, with several Members 
of the Assembly; and sent over by John Ash, Esq; who, with 
great Difficulty and Hazzard, got away to Virginia, where his 
Powers and Instructions were Convey d after him; the Govern 
ment there using all possible Endeavours to prevent him. 
The Address is as follows. 

To the Right Honourable John Granvill, Esq; Palatine, 1 and to 
the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of 
the Province of Carolina. 

The Representation and Address of several of the Members of 
this present Assembly returned for Collet on County, and 
other Inhabitants of this Province, whose Names are here 
unto Subscribed. 

May it please your Lordships, 

Altho the miserable Estate of this Colony will be suffi 
ciently known to your Lordships, from the Relation of John 
Ash, Esq; who is fully intrusted by us to remonstrate our 
grievances to your Lordships; yet we think our selves exceed 
ingly bound and obliged to lay before you, what we think 
does concern your Lordships Honours, and the Peoples Rights 
and Priviledges: For if the Question were about matters of 
small moment, we should be asham d to be importunate, and 
unwilling to give the least trouble to your Lordships; but 
considering that the very Foundation of our lawful Rights, 
hath of late been struck at by Persons, who have more regard 

1 Granville, afterward Lord Granville, had succeeded Lord Bath as palatine. 


to their private Interest than the Publick good, we humbly 
conceive, that it cannot stand with the Duty we owe to our 
selves as English-men, or to our Posterity, to sit down contented 
with less than that which every Liege and Freeborn Subject 
of the Crown of England may, and of Right ought to have. 
And therefore least our silence should be prejudicial to so 
important a Cause, we humbly crave your Lordships leave, 
faithfully and impartially to represent to you the great and 
notorious Violations and Infringments of our Laws and 
Liberties, under which we suffer. 

We shall go no further back, but date the unhappy Causes 
and Grounds of our Complaints from, and immediatly after, 
the Death of the late Governor Blake; for the Choice and 
Election of a Governor to succeed him being intrusted with 
your Lordships Deputies here, that Person amongst your said 
Deputies who made the strongest party in the Councel, did 
carry the Government, by perverting the Design, and breaking 
through the Rules and Instructions agreed to by your Lord 
ships for such Election. 1 And this manifestly appeared in 
the unjust Election of the late Governor Moore, in prejudice 
of Landgrave Morton s Title, who (after he was Elected by a 
Majority of the Councel then present) was objected against 
by the said Moore, and excluded, only because he had ac 
cepted of a Commission from the King: 2 And as the said 
Moore acquired and obtained the Government of this Province 
by Fraud, Flattery and trifling Exceptions, as aforesaid, so 
has he endeavour d ever since to manage all things by base 
and indirect Methods, and crafty Projects, which made his 
Government miserably unfortunate to us all. The great 
and Personal Debts and Necessities which the said late Gov- 
ernour Moore had to struggle with, may well be thought to 
have put him upon, and prompted him to Designs, to enrich 
himself at the hazard of publick Peace and Welfare: And 
because these his designs could not possibly be effected by 

1 They scrupulously followed the Proprietors instructions, as the minutes 
of the Council show. If the proceedings were improperly recorded on the journal 
it is strange that Landgraves Bellinger and Morton of the minority party made 
no complaint of it. 

The same objection was made to Bellinger. The objection was a valid 
one; the logical position for loyal deputies of the Proprietors to take. 


himself alone, he knew very well, that to engage the Council 
to his Interest, and to have an Assembly chosen to his liking, 
would be the way effectually to compleat and accomplish 
his Ends and Purposes; Thereupon tis manifest, there being 
Vacancies in the Council, for Persons fit and worthy to rep 
resent your Lordships, and your Lordships Pleasure not being 
then signifi d and known therein, those very Vacancies were 
supply d by such Persons whom he beforehand knew, and 
was well satisfy d and assured, would be for his Use and 
Purpose; and it s as well known, that the Debates and Con 
sultations of the Council have all along been carry d on, and 
managed to the ends aforesaid. 

And pursuant to his said Design, he did by indirect Prac 
tices endeavour, that such an Assembly might be chosen, as 
would be agreeable in their Temper and Disposition with his 
Designs and Resolutions; This was to be brought about, 
though the very Foundation of our English Rights and Liber 
ties were undermined, and utterly subverted in the attempt. 

I. We therefore, in the first place, humbly represent to 
your Lordships, and we do Assert and Maintain, That it is 
one of the Fundamental Rights and unquestionable Privi- 
ledges belonging to Englishmen, That all Elections of their 
Representatives to serve in Parliament, ought to be free and 
indifferent, without any Prayer or Commandment to the 
contrary, and that no Alien born out of the Allegiance to the 
Crown of England, unless he be otherwise especially qualify d, 
ought to Elect for, or be Elected to serve as a Member of 
Assembly; 1 all which, notwithstanding, at the Election of 
Members of Assembly to serve for Berkly County made in 

1 So early as 1692, perhaps earlier, six out of the twenty members of the 
Commons House were French Protestants who had settled in the province after 
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and their return had been made by a 
French Protestant sheriff. Each subsequent House up to Moore s administra 
tion contained several French Protestants, and one, Henry LeNoble, who had 
anglicised his name to Noble, sat in Blake s council as a Proprietor s deputy and 
afterward participated in the election of Moore as governor and was a member 
of his council. During the intervening years three Dissenters, Smith, Archdale, 
and Blake, governed the province. It was only when a Churchman became the 
head of the government and his administration was supported by the Frenchmen 
that the Dissenters raised any serious objection to Frenchmen voting for officers 
and being elected to offices. 


the Month of November, 1701, There were several great 
Abuses made and committed, against the ancient Usages and 
Customs of this Province, and contrary to Law, particularly 
an Act Intituled, An Act for Regulating Elections, etc., and 
to the great dissatisfaction, and manifest Prejudice of the 
several Inhabitants of this Province, Candidates and others. 
For so it was, may it please your Lordships, that at the said 
Election, much Threatnings, many Intreaties, and other 
unjustifiable Actions were made use of, and illegal and un 
qualify d Votes given in to the Sheriff; and by him Receiv d 
and Return d, particularly the Votes of very many unqualify d 
Aliens were taken and enter d, 1 the Votes of several Members 
of the Council were filed and Received, a great number of 
Servants and Poor and indigent Persons, voted promiscuously 
with their Masters and Creditors, as also several free Negroes 
were Receiv d, and taken for as good Electors as the best 
Freeholders in the Province. 2 So that we leave it with your 
Lordships to Judge, whether admitting Aliens, Strangers, 
Servants, Negroes, etc., as good and qualify d Voters, can be 
thought any ways agreeable to King Charles s Patent to 
your Lordship s, or the English Constitution or Government. 

II. We represent to your Lordships, that when at the 
Meeting of the Assembly, divers Candidates, by Petition by 
them Exhibited, pray d to be heard against the Return of 
the Sheriff for Berkly County of the Election aforesaid, and 
insisted upon their Right, and that the Sheriff s Return was 
false and illegal, and the said Assembly the better and more 
impartially, to inquire into the ill Practices of the said Elec- 

1 It is not at all probable that there were "very many unqualify d Aliens" 
in South Carolina at the time. The enabling act of 1696 had naturalized nearly 
every alien in the province who had not been naturalized in England before set 
tling in South Carolina, and had made it so easy for aliens to become citizens 
that it is hardly likely that any settled colonists of alien birth had neglected to 
become qualified electors, especially when it is shown by records that when a 
Frenchman, who had not yet been naturalized, was elected to the Commons 
House in 1692 he was not allowed to take his seat. 

3 An early example of pure democracy. The only requirement prescribed 
for an elector by the Fundamental Constitutions was that he own fifty acres of 
land, or its equivalent in securities. As every male settler, servants not excepted, 
received fifty, or more, acres for settling in Carolina it is hardly likely that ther 
were very many illegal votes taken. 


tion, did first of all resolve to begin upon Priviledges and 
Elections, that the late Governour Moore, to prevent such 
Inquiry, did several times Prorogue the said Assembly. 1 

III. That when the said Assembly were at last suffer d 
to sit, the Inquiry and Examination into the Sheriff s Return 
of the last Election was obstructed, and industriously pre 
vented, by setting on foot an ill laid design of raising Forces 
to attaque St. Augustine. 

IV. That notwithstanding your Lordships repeated Com 
mands to your Deputies, to procure a good regulation of the 
Indian Trade, on which our friendly Correspondence with all 
our neighbouring Indians, and the Peace and Safety of this 
Colony chiefly depends, yet the said late Governor Moore 
has been by his Artifices, the Chief (if not the Only) Occasion 
of obstructing the same, designing nothing less than ingrossing 
the same for himself and Accomplices; having already almost 
utterly ruin d the Trade for Skins and Furs (whereby we 
held our chief Correspondence with England) and turned it 
into a Trade of Indian or Slave-making, whereby the Indians 
to the South and West of us are already involved in Blood 
and Confusion, a Trade so odious and abominable, that every 
other Colony in America (altho they have equal temptation) 
abhor to follow. 

V. That the said late Governor Moore did grant Commis 
sions to Anthony Dodsworth, Robert Mackoone, and others, 
to set upon, assault, kill, destroy, and take Captive as many 
Indians as they possible could, the Profit and Produce of 
which Indian Slaves were turn d to his private use; whereas 
such undertakings, unjust and barbarous in themselves, will 
in all Probability draw upon us an Indian War, with all the 
dreadful Consequences of it. 

VI. We represent to your Lordships, that the late unfort 
unate, ill contrived, and worse Managed expedition against 
St. Augustine, was principally set on Foot by the said late 
Governor and his Adherents; and that if any Person in the 

1 From the journals of the Commons House it appears that this action was 
taken more because certain dissatisfied members of that house absented them 
selves from the meetings thereof and thereby prevented quorums than because 
of any effort to prevent inquiring into the behavior of the sheriff of Berkeley 


said late Assembly undertook to speak against it, and to 
shew how unfit and unable we were at that time for such an 
Attempt, he was presently look d upon, by them, as an Enemy 
and Traytor to his Country, and revil d and affronted in the 
said Assembly, altho the true Design of the Expedition, 
was no other then catching and making Slaves of Indians 
for private advantage, and Impoverishing the Country; And 
this will plainly appear, when your Lordships know that your 
Country is brought more in Debt at this time, and upon this 
occasion, then ever since its first Settlement, if we put all the 
Debts we have ow d together; and that the Expedition was 
to enrich themselves will appear particularly, because what 
soever Booty, as rich Silks, great Quantity of Church-Plate, 
with a great many other costly Church Ornaments and Uten 
sils taken by our Souldiers as [at] St. Augustine, are now de- 
tain d in the Possession of the said late Governor and his 
Officers, contrary to an Act of Assembly made, for an equal 
Division of the same among the Souldiers. 

VII. That the said Governor would have had the said 
Expedition against St. Augustine begun and undertaken 
before the War with Spain was Proclaim d here; and this 
was vehemently urg d by his Interest in the said Assembly, 
but with much ado, being put to the Vote, was carried in 
the Negative. And when at last the Expedition was Ordered, 
the Management of the said late Governor was such, in all 
its Steps, particularly in relation to his shameful retreat, 
and burning the Country s Vessels, that we are asham d to 
mention the same till we have a Free Assembly, before 
which the matter may be fairly try d, which is the only 
thing the said late Governor and his Adherents are most 
afraid of. 

VIII. That in the said late Assembly, the Constitutions 
sent by Major Daniel were offered for their passing, Urg d 
with great strength of Reason, for to have them Pass d by 
Mr. Ash, but they were opposed by Mr. Trott, Mr. Howes, 
and others the said Governor s Creatures, and several reflect 
ing words used by the said Trott and Howes concerning them, 
exposing the Constitutions as Ridiculous and Void in them 
selves, (thereby endeavouring, notwithstanding your Lordships 
care of us) to keep the People in an unsettled Condition, that 


from time to time, they might the more easily be imposed on 
by them. 

IX. That after the People Returned from St. Augustine, 
the time for the said Assembly to meet, according to the last 
Prorogation, was just at hand; when they met, they went 
upon the Inquiry of the Charges the Country had been at in 
the said Expedition, and were upon Debate for the finding 
out Ways and Means for the Payment of the Countries Debts, 
for securing the Colony, for the settling of Elections for the 
future, and for granting as much Freedom to the French, and 
other Aliens, as could be granted by the Assembly, or the 
French reasonably expect. A Bill for the better Regulating 
Elections, pass d the lower House twice, and was sent up to 
the said Governor and Council, where it was rejected without 
so much as a Conference ; upon which several of the Members, 
jealous of their Priviledges, and being so order d by those 
that sent them, left the House, first entring their Protestation, 
a copy of which Mr. Ash has to shew your Lordships, and to 
which we refer You. 

X. But what we have yet to represent to your Lordships, 
makes very deep Impressions on us, and is not to be thought 
on by us, but with the greatest Regret and Concern. For 
altho the Members of the late Assembly, who Protested, and 
did leave the House as aforesaid (hoping that the next Day 
they might find things in better order, and some temperating 
Means found out, which might have given some tolerable 
Assurance of having their Liberties secured) went every one 
of them to the House on the Morrow, and frankly offer d 
to sit longer, if the rest of the Assembly would joyn with 
them to Assert their Rights; but instead of any compliance, 
they were Abus d, ReviFd, and treated with the most reflecting 
Language imaginable, very unbecoming an Assembly. And 
we further Represent to your Lordships, that after such 
Abuse given them in the House, several of the said Members, 
viz. the said John Ash, Esq; Landgrave Thomas Smith, and 
others, were Assaulted and set upon in the open Street, with 
out any Provocation or Affront by them given, or offer d. 
The said Thomas Smith was set upon by Lieutenant Colonel 
George Dearsby, 1 who with his Sword drawn, and the Point 

1 A misprint for Dearsle^v. 


held at the said Smith s Belly, swore he would Kill him, and 
if he had not been prevented, would have done the said Smith 
some considerable Mischief to the endangering of his Life. 
The said John Ash walking along the Street, was assaulted 
by a rude, drunken, ungovernable Rabble, headed, encouraged 
and abetted by the said Dearsley, Thomas Dalton, Nicholas 
Nary, and other Persons, Inhabitants, who set upon the said 
Ash, used him Villanously and Barbarously, and that Even 
ing, when he the said Ash was retir d into a Friend s Chamber 
for Security, the same armed Multitude came to the House 
where the said Ash was, and demanded him down, assuring 
him at the same time that they would do him no hurt, but 
only wanted to discourse with him, upon which Assurance he 
came down to them; who notwithstanding, being encourag d 
and assisted by Captain Rhett, and others, drew him by Force 
and Violence on board his the said Rhett s Ship, reviling and 
threatning of him as they drag d him along; and having gotten 
him on board the said Rhett s Ship, they sometimes told him 
they would carry him to Jamaica; and at other times threat 
ning to Hang him, or leave him on some remote Island. 

XI. That the said late Governor had the same day 
(immediately before the Riot began) treated a great many 
of the Persons concern d therein, and used such Expressions 
to them, as gave them, next their drink, the greatest Encour 
agements for what they acted, by telling them, that the pro 
testing Members would bring the People on their Heads for 
neglecting to pay the Country s Debts, which if it should 
happen, he knew not who could blame them; in the mean 
time he thank d them for their close adherence to him in all 
his Concerns. And after the Riot began (of part of which he 
was an Eye-witness) having first drank with some of them, 
he withdrew himself out of the way, thereby giving them 
greater Incouragement to proceed in their Tumultuous Prac 
tices, and by his Example and Absence, discouraging the 
inferior Officers from executing their Duty. 

XII. That whilst the said Riot continu d, which was 
four or five Days, Landgrave Edmond Bellinger, who was a 
Justice of the Peace, there being no other to be seen that 
understood his Office, went out to Suppress and Record the 
aforesaid Riot, bi j t the Rioters no sooner saw him, than they 


calFd him all the opprobrious Names they could think of, 
and the said Rhett came up to him, and struck him over the 
Head with his Cane, and continu d beating and striking of 
him for a considerable time, as by the said Record herewith 
sent your Lordships, will more fully appear. 

XIII. That the said Rioters beat and abused Mr. Joseph 
Boone, and put him in danger and fear of his Life, without 
any Provocation by him given or offer d; and that for four 
or five days successively, and at other times after, the said 
Rioters unusually Arm d and Weapon d, to the great Terror 
of the People, and f right ned and terrify d Persons, that they 
were forc d to leave the Town, their Affairs and Interests 
exposed to the Mercy of a licentious Rabble. 

XIV. That some of the said Rioters, whilst the Riot was 
at the Church, went one Night to the House of John Smith, 
a Butcher in Charles Town; and there being a Woman big 
with Child in the said House, they with Force open d the 
door, threw her down, and otherwise mis-used her, that she 
brought forth a dead Child, with the Back and Skull broken. 

XV. That the said John Ash, Thomas Smith, James 
Byres, Joseph Boon, and others, complained to the said late 
Governor and his Council, setting forth the Abuses and Bar 
barous Usages they had met withal from the aforesaid Rioters, 
and the Danger they were yet in, for that the said Rioters 
were still in Arms, etc., but they met with no other Satis 
faction from them, then that the said late Governor shifted 
off the Matter; by saying, it was a Business fit for a Justice 
of the Peace; and being ask d by James Byres, whether or 
not he look d on himself, as Governor, oblig d to keep the 
Peace of the Province? He reply d ; that was a Question he 
was not oblig d to Answer. 

XVI. That before the next Sessions of the Peace, holden 
for the said Province, Sir Nathaniel Johnson was proclaim d, 
and took upon him the Government; and then Mr. Trott 
had a Commission to be Judge, and the said late Governor 
was made Attorney General; so that it was in vain to expect 
any Relief or Remedy here: However, the said Edmond 
Bellinger, did what in him lay, to have the said Riot inquired 
into, gave in the Record thereof to the Bench, and some of 
the Grand Jury urg d to have it presented, but to no purpose. 


for some of the Abettors of the Rioters being of the Jury, 
and making Friends there, stopt the whole Proceeding. 

XVII. We further represent to your Lordships, that con 
trary to the Rights and Priviledges which we ought to Enjoy, 
the last Election of Members to serve for Berkly County, was 
managed with greater Injustice to the Freemen of this Province 
than the former; For at this last Election, Jews, 1 Strangers, 
Sailors, Servants, Negroes, and almost every French-man in 
Craven and Berkly County, came down to Elect, and their 
Votes were taken, and the Persons by them Voted for, were 
Returned by the Sheriff, to the manifest wrong, and Prejudice 
of other Candidates. 

Things standing with us, as is before faithfully represented 
to your Lordships, we thought it our Duty, since we can 
have no Remedy or Relief in Carolina, to apply our selves to 
your Lordships, whose Paternal care and Concern for us, we 
Question not, will be signally evidenced and extended unto 
us upon such occasions, and in such extremities: For when 
once our Lawful Rights and Priviledges are deny d us, when 
Forreigners and Strangers shall make our Laws, when we 
can have no Protection from those who ought, and are In 
trusted by your Lordships, to see the Laws executed, when, 
in a word, force is made the Arbiter of all differences, and all 
things reduc d to a State of Confusion, it is surely a time, if 
ever there be one, for a People to Complain, and miserable 
are those Subjects, who must be Hector d and Domineered 
over by their fellow Subjects, even by those who have hardly 
any other way to support their decayed Fortunes, but at the 
Expence of the Publick. It may be worth your Lordships 
while, to Reflect what might have been the occasion, that 
so few Persons of Interest, Honor, and Education come 
amongst us, 2 and that good People go, and are going from 

1 There were at this time five or six wealthy and influential Jews among the 
leading merchants of Charles Town. Four of them had been included in the 
naturalization act passed in 1696, and the others were probably qualified also. 
Under the Fundamental Constitutions Jews were not denied the right of suf 
frage, and every Jew in Charles Town, so far as we are informed, had the re 
quired amount of property. 

* The contemporaneous records show that an exceptionally large percentage 
of those who had previously settled in South Carolina were persons of interest, 
honor, and education. The government that they conducted, the trade they 


us, when the Colony is in a thriving Condition; certainly it is 
because the English Liberties, that all Her Majesty s Subjects 
in all other Places in Her Dominions Justly claim, are notori 
ously trampFd on, to the great discouragement of Settlers. 
As to the French, they have hitherto liv d peaceably, and with 
due encouragement amongst us; but when we see and consider, 
that they are often made Tools of, and imposed upon, and 
perswaded by ill designing Persons here, to carry on sinister 
designs to the General disadvantage of the Country, and how 
easily they are drawn into Errors, by reason they have not a 
right understanding of our Language, and are ignorant of our 
Laws, 1 we can t imagine that we do them any hurt, by making 
good and wholesome Laws for us and them, since we Oblige 
them by no other Laws whatsoever, or upon any Account, 
than what we ourselves are Obliged by, and live under. 
What then have we to entreat for and pray of your Lordships? 
Nothing less, than that your Lordships would be pleased to 
establish the peace of this Colony on such a sure Foundation, 
that it may be beyond the Wit and Malice, and out of the 
Power of ill designing Men to disturb it for the time to come. 
And lastly, we on behalf of our selves and Her Majesty s leige 
Subjects, Inhabitants of this Province, do more especially 
pray and desire your Lordships, that you would be pleased to 
give directions for calling a free General Assembly, which 
will undoubtedly Assist your Lordships to Redress and Remove 
the Grievances aforesaid, settle the Peace and Prosperity of 

built up, the wealth they accumulated, and the general ability and culture they 
displayed in various ways, would attest that, even if we had not a knowledge of 
their antecedents and connections. 

1 The greater part of the Frenchmen had been in the province upward of 
twenty years; some of them had been there a longer period, and many of them 
had lived in England or Ireland before settling in South Carolina. They had 
become thoroughly imbued with English ideas and ideals; many of them had 
joined the Church of England; some had already anglicised their names; many 
of them wrote excellent English and it is fair to assume that they also spoke it 
equally well; their children scarcely spoke French at all and it is doubtful if 
their grandchildren could speak it, save such as enjoyed the advantage of a pri 
vate tutor at home or of schooling abroad. The evidence is that the Huguenots, 
who constituted but three or four per cent, of the population of South Carolina 
when they first reached the province, were almost immediately so thoroughly 
absorbed by the English as to lose very soon all of their French individuality save 
their family names; and even those were in many instances anglicised. 


this Colony, and procure their chearful Obedience which 
ought to be Render d to your Lordships, under Her present 
Majesty, carrying with it the offer of our Fortunes and best 
endeavours for Her Majesty s and your Lordships Honours, as 
a real Testimony of our thankfulness. 
Carolina 26 June, 1703. 

Sign d by 150 of the Inhabitants. 1 

The Gentleman, who brought this, a Member of their 
Parliament and Considerable Freeholder, faithfully delivered 
it to His Excellence the Prince Palatine, 2 for such, I suppose, 
he would be called, from whom how little Encouragement he 
received, to hope for a Redress of the Grievances of the Coun- 
trey, he would have told the World if he had hVd to finish 
a Tract, which tis a great loss to the World he did not: En- 
tituled The present State of Affairs in Carolina; Two Sheets 
whereof were printed before he died; 3 but his Death has pre 
vented what is but too imperfectly supplied by these Sheets, 
for which the Author asks the Readers Charity; it being im 
possible he should be equally touched with a Sence of the 
Miseries of the Colony, with One who had so great a share 
as Mr. Ash, both of the Property and the Suffering. 

The loss this Gentleman s Death was to the Collony, was 
as to this Negotiation, as well as possible, supplyed by their 
sending a second Agent to the Proprietors: viz. Mr. Joseph 
Boon, by whom the following Petition was with like ill Success 
brought to the Proprietors; the failing in which frequent 
Application, causes this publick Appeal to the World for 
the Justice of their Application to the Parliament of England; 
where it is not doubted, they will meet with a suitable Assist 

I think, I need add nothing to this melancholly Description 
of the barbarous Treatment of this Innocent People, tho I 
could furnish the World with innumerable Particulars. Nor 
cou d I make a greater Satyr upon the Conduct and Character 
of the Gentlemen Proprietors than to say, that all those 
Humble Representations met with no Redress from them; but 

1 Reprinted in Rivers s Sketch of the History of South Carolina, pp. 453-460. 

8 Lord Granville. 

3 For this fragment, see the next division of this volume. 


on the contrary, all Application to them has hitherto been 
fruitless, and has met with Repulses, too unbecoming the 
Reasonableness of their Cause, to say no worse of it. 

The Petition of the Inhabitants brought over by Mr. 
Boon is as follows; and is Sign d by above 180 Persons of the 
principal Freeholders of the Countrey. 

To His Excellency, John Lord Granville Palatinej and to the rest 
of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of the Province 
of Carolina. 

May it please Your Lordships, 

By an Address sent your Lordships by John Ash, Esq; 
bearing Date the 26th of June, 1703, Several of the Inhabi 
tants of this part of Your Province, set forth to Your Lord 
ships the Undue Election of the present Assembly; and besides, 
the heavy Taxes they have laid on Us, and the severe Impo 
sitions on Trade (the Consequences of the vain Attempt on 
St. Augustine.) We are more particularly to make our Com 
plaints to Your Lordships, of the Great and UnparallePd 
Breach they have made in the Charter, granted Your Lord 
ships by K. Charles the II. and of our Priviledges therein con 
tained. The Assembly having been prorogued on the 10th 
of May; it was however called together by Proclamation, to 
Sit the 6th of April : And having continued together seven or 
eight Days, with little or no Business before them (to the 
great Surprize of the generality of the people) on a suddain, 
without any previous Notice, on the 4th of May a Bill was 
brought into the House (the Copy whereof We have herewith 
sent Your Lordships) to Exclude by a Sacramental Test, all 
Dissenters from Sitting in the Common s House of Assembly. 
This Bill was hurried on so, that on the 6th it Past the House ; 
there being, after all their Endeavours, but Twelve for it, 
and Eleven against it; whereof several where Members 
of the Church of England. In the Upper House, tho it 
Past with less Opposition, yet the Landgrave Joseph Mor 
gan * was deny d the Liberty of Entring his Reasons for his 

! Morton. 


We are unable (My Lords) to describe, the Consternation 
of the Generality of the People at these Violent Proceedings: 
All moderate Persons are extreamly dissatisfy d, and the Dis 
senters themselves under the last degree of Confusion and 
Discontent; desiring, with Grief of Heart, that Your Lord 
ships, in Your Great Wisdom and Goodness, will take Their 
present Condition into Your Serious Considerations, and Order 
a Repeal of the aforesaid Act, so Prejudicial to Their Libertys; 
for which They humbly offer to Your Lordships these follow 
ing Reasons. 

1. K. Charles the lid. having by His Charter to Your 
Lordships, given His Subjects, the Freemen and Freeholders 
of this Province by Themselves, or Their Delegates, the 
Priviledge of Advising and Consenting with Your Lordships, 
to all such Laws as shall be Made here; and the Dissenters 
being a very large Part of the Freemen, and Freeholders, and 
incouraged to Transport Themselves, Families, and Estates, 
hither by the said Priviledges, are notwithstanding, Excluded 
from the Priviledge of being Delegates, or Representatives of 
the People in Their Assemblys by the said Act, to the Mani 
fest Violation of the Charter. 

2. The Dissenters, in all the rest of Her Majesty s Govern 
ments in America, being by no Laws Excluded from being 
Chosen into Assemblys in the respective Colonys, And the 
Dissenters here, having a Right thereunto in this Govern 
ment, not only as Freemen, but by the Concessions in the 
Charter, have the greater Reason to complain of Their present 

3. We cannot too feelingly Assure Your Lordships, that 
the said Act, tends not only to the great Prejudice, and utter 
Discouragement of Her Majesty s good Subjects, the Dissent 
ers here, in rending from them that fundamental Priviledge, 
which They and Their Ancestors have peaceably Enjoy d 
ever since the First Settlement of this Colony; but will also 
be a very great Discouragement to Them in Their several 
Trades, and Employments, and a fatal Discouragement of 
the further, and better Settlement of this Part of Your Lord 
ships Province. 

For a further Account of these Things, we refer Your Lord 
ships to Mr. Joseph Boone, by whose Hands We send this to 


Your Lordships, desiring You to give Credit to what he shall 
further Offer to Your Lordships, on Our Behalf. Wishing 
Your Lordships good Health and Prosperity, We are 

Your Lordships 

Most Humble, and most 

Obedient Servants. 

The Lady Blake Widow of the late Governor, at the same 
time took the freedom to represent to the Proprietors, the 
matter of Fact of this Proceeding in a most pathetick and 
extraordinary manner, by Letter as follows: 1 

May it please your Lordships, 

The Share my Son has the Honour to have with your 
Lordships in the Propriety of this Province, together with the 
publick Concern I have for the Propriety thereof, oblige me 
at this time to give you this Trouble, and to lay before your 
Lordships a short Representation of the many Grievances the 
People are oppressed with. 

The precipitate and fatal Undertaking against St. Augus 
tine, and the Consequences thereof carried on by a Party, 
have involv d the Countrey in a Debt of about Ten thousand 
Pounds, to the Ruin of our Trade, the Loss of our Credit 
abroad, 2 and infinite Dissatisfactions at home. 

Towards Satisfaction of which Debt, an Act was con- 
triv d for forcing the Currency of Bills of Credit to the value 
of Six thousand Pounds, these Bills were declared Current in 
all Payments, and the Refuser of them fineable in double the 
value of the Sum refused, whereby the boldest Stroke has been 
given to the Property of the Settlers in this Province, that 

1 Elizabeth (Axtell) Blake, widow of Landgrave Joseph Blake (who was 
one of the eight Proprietors at the time of his death in 1700) and daughter of 
Landgrave Daniel Axtell. Her father and her husband had both been Dissenters. 
Her father-in-law, Benjamin Blake, had been bitter in his criticisms of the Church 
of England in his lifetime. Her husband s first wife was a daughter of the first 
Landgrave Morton (the governor) and the sister of the then Landgrave Morton. 
Her prejudices, therefore, were strongly with the Dissenters. Her minor son, 
the second Landgrave Joseph Blake, owned one of the Proprietary shares ; n 

* Exaggerated views. 


ever was known in any Country, not govern d by arbitrary 
Power: And the bad Consequences of this forc d Currency 
in Relation to Trade with Strangers are so great, that they 
can scarcely be expressed, without being more prolix than 
the Bounds of a Letter can allow. Your Lordships very well 
know, that if the Kingdom of England did not conceive such a 
Method destructive of the Peoples Property, and of the 
utmost Danger to Commerce, they cou d not need any Pro 
jection of Ways and Means, for raising of what Money the 
Government s Affairs do require, But there has nothing of 
this been weighed by your Lordships Deputies here, or by the 
pack d Members of our Commons House of Assembly: Besides 
all this, the People are not satisfy d how many Bills are 
truly sent abroad; and the great Concern Mr. James Smith 
alias Serureir, 1 (who cheated the Scot s Company of a con 
siderable Sum of Money, and with his Keeper made his Escape 
from London hither) had in this Contrivance, doth give a 
Jealousie of indirect Practices therein so prevalent among the 
People as must end in Confusion and Disorder. 

Neither have they stopt here, but to our present Amaze 
ment, and the Increase of our Fears of their evil Designs for 
the future, they have proceeded to pass an Act for the Exclu 
sion of all Dissenters from their Right to sit in the Commons 
House of Assembly, and obliging them to take the Sacrament 
according to the Rites of the Church of England. In the same 

1 James LeSerurier was the son of James LeSerurier, a merchant of St. 
Quentin in northern France, who fled as a refugee to South Carolina after the 
revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The elder LeSerurier became a wealthy 
merchant of Charles Town and his son became a merchant in London at some 
time prior to May 21, 1697, the date of the making of the will of his father, which 
was proved October 4, 1706. His mother was Elizabeth Leger, of another of 
the most prominent of the Huguenot families that settled in South Carolina. 
Her will, which was made September 26, 1721, shows that she was then of the 
parish of St. Anne, Westminster, England. We are uninformed as to the merits 
of these charges against the younger Serurier, but as he was a member of one of 
the wealthiest and most influential of the Huguenot families and a brother-in-law 
of Henry LeNoble (or Noble, as he had anglicised his name), another of the 
most conspicuous of the Huguenots, who was then a Proprietor s deputy and a 
member of the Grand Council and siding with the Church party, and as he con 
tinued to be highly regarded in South Carolina, it is likely that there was con 
siderable partisan bitterness at the bottom of these charges. The Scots Company 
referred to is that which founded the unfortunate settlement at Darien. 


Act inserting a Clause, to qualifie the most profligate of them 
selves for Admission into Assemblies by a Declaratory Oath, 
altho they never take the Sacrament: This Act (after much 
under-hand Dealing) was pass d in a hurry and carry d by 
Twelve only against Eleven, the above Mr. Smith, who has 
neither Interest nor Reputation, being one of the Number 
of the Twelve. 

By the Artifices of these Men, the honest and well-meaning 
People have been all along set against your Lordships Consti 
tutions, they therefore seeing that by passing of them, their 
indirect and arbitrary Proceedings would be in a great Measure 
prevented; But now the Eyes of the People are somewhat 
more open d, and they begin to be sensible of the Delusions 
and Oppressions they have been involved in. Your Deputies 
decline offering the Constitutions to the People, altho your 
Lordships (as I am well informed) have often of late Com 
manded it of them. 

I know, that there has already been made to your Lord 
ships by Mr. John Ash, a Representation of the People s 
Sufferings here, and that there will be at this time, and upon 
this Occasion, a farther Account of these Affairs sent your 
Lordships by many of the good People in the Behalf of them 
selves and others, most sensibly affected with the Loss of 
these Priviledges, which by King Charles His Charter to your 
Lordships, has been the Right and Usage of their Ancestors 
and themselves, ever since the first Settlement of the Province : 
And my earnest Request to your Lordships is, That in your 
great Wisdom, you would be pleas d to give them such a Hear 
ing and speedy Redress, as may conduce most to the Glory 
of God, your Lordships Honour, and the Welfare and Pros 
perity of your Colony, and you will highly oblige 

Your Lordships 
Most Humble Servant. 

It may be observed, That during the Negotiation of Mr. 
Ash, and the Interval before the sending Mr. Boon, the Party 
carried on their Excesses, and added to the Grievances Com- 
plain d of before; by setting on foot that most barbarous and 
unheard of Law against the Dissenters mentioned in the above 
Letter and Address; the Copy whereof is as follows: 


An Act for the more effectual Preservation of the Government of 
this Province, by requiring all Persons that shall hereafter 
be chosen Members of the Commons House of Assembly, 
and sit in the same, to take the Oaths and subscribe the 
Declaration appointed by this Act; and to conform to the 
Religious Worship in this Province, according to the Church 
of England; and to receive the Sacrament of the Lord s 
Supper, according to the Rites and Usage of the said Church. 

As nothing is more contrary to the Profession of the Christian 
Religion, and particularly to the Doctrine of the Church of Eng 
land, than Persecution for Conscience only, NEVERTHELESS, 

Whereas it hath been found by experience, that the admitting 
of Persons of different Perswasions and Interest in Matters of Re 
ligion, to sit and vote in the Commons House of Assembly, hath 
often caused great Contentions and Animosities in this Province, 
and hath very much obstructed the publick Business; and whereas 
by the Laws and Usage of England, all Members of Parliament 
are obliged to conform to the Church of England, by receiving the 
Sacrament of the Lord s Supper, according to the Rites of the said 

Be it therefore enacted, by his Excellency John, Lord Gran- 
ville, Palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and 
Proprietors of this Province, by and with the Advice and Consent 
of the rest of the Members of the General Assembly, now met at 
Charles-Town, for the South- West Part of this Province, and by 
the Authority of the same, That every Person that after the Rati 
fication of this Act, shall be chosen a Member of the Commons 
House of Assembly that hath not, within the Space of Twelve 
Months before such his Election, received the Sacrament of the 
Lord s Supper, according to the Rites and Usage of the Church of 
England, as established by Law, such Person after his Election, 
and before he be permitted to sit and vote in the said House, shall 
receive the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper, according to the Rites 
and Usage of the Church of England, in some publick Church, 
upon some Lord s Day, commonly called Sunday, immediately 
after divine Service and Sermon; and every of the said Persons, 
in open Assembly, in a full House duly sitting, with their Speaker 
in his Chair, shall deliver a Certificate of such his receiving of the 
said Sacrament as aforesaid, under the Hand of the respective 
Minister, or shall make proof of the Truth thereof by Two credible 
Witnesses at least upon Oath. 


But whereas some Persons scruple the Receiving the Sacrament 
of the Lord s Supper, by reason they fear they are not rightly fitted 
and prepared to partake of that Ordinance, who do nevertheless, 
out of real Choice, conform to the Church of England, as estab- 
lish d by Law, and do sincerely profess the Same, and do not ab 
stain from the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper, out of any Dislike 
to the Manner and Form of the Administration thereof, as used by 
the Church of England, and prescribed in the Communion-Office, 
in the Book of the Common-Prayer of the said Church, 

Be it therefore enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That every 
Person that after the Ratification of this Act, shall be chosen a 
Member of the Commons House of Assembly in this Province, in 
case he hath not received the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper, ac 
cording to the Rites and Usage of the Church of England, as is 
before prescribed by this Act, then every such Person before he 
vote in the said Commons House of Assembly, or sit there during 
any Debate in the said House, after their Speaker is chosen, shall 
upon his Oath taken on the Holy Evangelists, declare as follows: 

I, A. B., Do solemnly and sincerely, in the Presence of God, 
profess, testify and declare, That I am of the Profession of the 
Church of England, as Establish d by Law; and that I do conform 
to the Same, and usually frequent the said Church for the publick 
Worship of God; and that I do not abstain from the Sacrament of 
the Lord s Supper, out of any Dislike to the Manner and Form of 
the Administration thereof, as used by the said Church of England, 
and as it is prescribed in the Communion-Office, in the Book of 
Common-Prayer of the said Church; and that I am not, nor for 
One Year past, have not been in Communion with any Church or 
Congregation, that doth not conform to the said Church of Eng 
land, nor received the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper in such 
Congregation; and that as a Member of this House of Assembly, 
I will endeavour the Good and Welfare of the said Church of Eng 
land, as established by Law: So help me God. 

W 7 hich said Oath or Declaration of Conformity shall be sol- 

iemnly and publickly made, and subscribed by every Member of 

thbisaid Commons House of Assembly (that doth not produce a 

Certificate, or other Proof of his having received the Sacrament. 

of the Lord s Supper, as before prescribed by this Act,) between 

.the Hours of Nine in the Morning, and Four in the Afternooii, al 

the Table in the said House, and whilst a full House is sitting with 

their Speaker in his Chair: And every such Person that shall upon 

Oath -make, and subscribe such Declaration of Conformity to the 

..Church. of England;, is hereby declared to be sufficiently qualified 

to be a Member of the Commons House of Assembly, as if he had 


received the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper according to the 
Usage of the Church of England, as is above prescribed by this Act. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That 
all Persons that after the Ratification of this Act shall be chosen 
Members of the General Assembly, before they vote in the Com 
mons House of Assembly, or sit there during any Debate in the 
said House of Commons, after their Speaker is chosen, shall on 
the Holy Evangelists take the Oaths appointed to be taken, instead 
of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy by one Act of Parlia 
ment, made in the First Year of the Reign of the late K. William 
and Q. Mary, entituled. An Act for the Abrogating of the Oaths 
of Supremacy and Allegiance, and appointing other Oaths, and 
shall make and subscribe the Declaration appointed to be made 
and subscribed in the Act made in the Thirtieth Year of the Reign 
of the late King Charles the Second, entituled, An Act for the more 
effectual Preserving the King s Person and Government, by dis 
abling Papists from sitting in either Houses of Parliament. And 
shall also take the Oath appointed to be taken by one Act of Par 
liament made in the First Year of the Reign of Her present Maj 
esty, entituled, An Act to declare the Alterations in the Oath ap 
pointed to be taken by the Act, entituled, An Act for the further 
Security of Her Majesty s Person, and the Succession of the Crown 
in the Protestant Line; and for extinguishing the Hopes of the 
pretended Prince of Wales, and all other Pretenders, and their 
open and secret Abettors, and for declaring the Association to be 
determined; Which Oaths and Declaration in every succeeding 
Assembly shall be solemnly and publickly made and subscribed 
betwixt the Hours of Nine in the Morning, and Four in the After 
noon, by every Member of the Said Assembly, at the Table of the 
said House, and whilst a full House is sitting, with their Speaker 
in his Chair. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if 
any Person, that shall hereafter be elected a Member of the Com 
mons House of Assembly, shall presume to sit and vote in the said 
Commons House after their Speaker is chosen, before he hath re 
ceived the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper, according to the Rites 
and Usage of the said Church of England, or upon Oath and sub 
scribed such Declaration of Conformity to the Church of England 
as is prescribed by this Act, and hath also taken the Oaths, and 
made and subscribed the Declaration, as required by this Act; 
every Person so offending shall forfeit for the first time he shall so 
sit, the Sum of Fifty Pounds current Money of this Province; and 
for every Day after that he shall so sit, the Sum of Ten Pounds, 
the one half to the Palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute 


Lords and Proprietors of this Province, to and for the Support of 
the Government of this Province, and the contingent Charges 
thereof, to be disposed of by Ordinance of the General Assembly; 
and the other half to him or them that shall sue for the same within 
Six Months after the Offence committed, by Action of Debt, Suit, 
Bill, Plaint, or Information in any Court of Record in this Prov 
ince, wherein no Essoign, Protection, Privilege, Injunction, or 
Wager of Law, or Stay of Prosecution, by Non Vult ulterius Prose- 
quiy or otherwise, shall be admitted or allow d. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That in 
case any Person shall be returned a Member of the Commons 
House of Assembly, who shall refuse to qualifie himself as required 
by this Act, and so cannot be permitted to sit and vote in the said 
House, that then in such Case it shall be lawful for those Members 
of Assembly, that are qualified to sit and vote in the said House of 
Assembly, to order the Sheriff of the County to lay the Poll or List 
of the several Candidates, and the Numbers of them that voted for 
each of the Candidates, and admit that Person or Persons, that 
hath the greatest Number of Votes next to them, Members that 
were returned to sit and vote as a Member or Members of the said 
Commons House of Assembly, provided they do qualifie them 
selves as is above directed by this Act: And in case there is not a 
sufficient Number of the other Candidates, that are qualified, as 
aforesaid, to fill up the Vacancies, that then a new Writ shall be 
issued out for such Number as is so wanting. 

Read Three times, and ratified in open Assembly, the Sixth 
Day of May, Anno Domini, 1704. 


This is the famous Exclusive Act: A Law in it self so 
ridiculous, so partial, so calculated for the Ruine of the Colony, 
that nothing but mad Men, that depended upon being Superior 
in Power to all humane Authority, the People should apply 
to, would have ever brought upon the Stage of the World: 
A Law that gives such a Test of its Makers, that it fills Strangers 
with Amazement, at the Impudence of it, makes their own 

1 This Act proved the undoing of the theretofore victorious party, for the 
manifest unfairness of the majority in resorting to so tyrannical a measure 
(although the very inhibition the Dissenters had wished to put upon the Hugue 
nots) not only solidified the Dissenters, but caused many Churchmen to join 
them, and at the next election the Dissenters won. 


Friends abandon them, and they that would advocate for the 
Thing in general, yet blush at the horrid Particulars. 

A Law, that contrary to all Laws universally made, which, 
however ill designed, have pretence of publick Good, has 
thrown off the very Mask of Modesty; and openly declares, 
no Villany can unqualify for a part in the Government, but a 
Conscientious Scruple may. 

A Law that has the Impudence to declare War against the 
Christian Religion, and the Church of England, in the frontice 
Piece, and begins with a Non obstante to both of them. 

That having first own d what it Enacts, to be Unchristian 
and Hetrodox, has the face, to begin with a Nevertheless in 
Capital Letters, damning the Laws of God, and of the Church, 
as well as of the Country, to a positive Submission to a Rabble 
of Sham-Representatives. 

A Law that, turning the first Paragraph into the Genuine 
English, which the Words will, without any straining, or 
partial Construction, bear, begins in this sense: 

Whereas the Laws of God, the Laws of Nature and Reason, 
the Christian Religion, the Doctrine of the Church of England, and 
the Constitution of this Country, are directly against, and do clearly 
condemn the Law now making, yet in Defiance to them all, in order 
to carry on our own private Resolutions, for the Enriching our 
selves, and the Destruction of this Colony, we have resolved to 
Enact; and be it Enacted, etc. 

Blush, Gentlemen-Proprietors, and be asham d for your 
Petty Sub-Tyrants; that, like the Lord s Servants in the 
Gospel, beat and abuse their Fellow-Servants, and Eat and 
Drink with the Drunken, and with a Detestation suitable to 
your own Honour, and the Nature of the Crimes, publish your 
Dislike of these Things, and immediately apply your selves to 
reforming the Abuses of your Subjects, who, tho in one 
Sense they are your Subjects, in another Sense, as Englishmen, 
are your Fellow-Subjects to the Crown and General Govern 
ment of the English Empire, and that are under the Govern 
ment of a Princess; Who, as She hates Tyranny in all its 
Parts, carefully avoids it in Her Own Administration, Vigor 
ously struggles with it in Europe, and Fights to loose the 
World from General Bondage, will never suffer Her Own 


Subjects to Tyrannize over one another, nor any part of Her 
People to oppress the rest. In Her Majesty s Equal Admin 
istration, you may assure your selves, these injur d People will 
have Redress; and the barefac d Villany, with which they 
have been thus treated, will ripen Matters so, for the Royal 
Justice, that it cannot Escape a Necessary Correction. 

Prevent it, Gentlemen, by a timely Redress, and let Her 
Majesty see, that Her pious Examples of Peace will animate 
you, to extend it to all the parts of Her Subjects under your 
Direction; for certainly, when Her Majesty exhorts us all to 
Peace and Union, and promises Her Royal Favour to those that 
promote it, it cannot be understood, that all Her Majesty s 
Dominions should Enjoy it, but Carolina. 

Hitherto you have seen the General Complaint of the 
Inhabitants of Carolina, and how they have been Tyranniz d 
over, and barbarously treated in the Country. 

I conclude this Treatise, by giving Account of the Recep 
tion they met with here, in their peaceable Application to 
their Palatine and Board of Proprietors for Redress. 

Mr. Ash, as is related, being arriv d here with the Re 
monstrance and humble Petition of the Inhabitants, apply d 
himself in the Name of the People, by whom he was sent, to 
their Excellencies the Proprietors; and delivering his Petition, 
etc., found it was impossible to obtain any Redress; either 
for the publick, or his own private Abuses, which were intol 
erable; and therefore resolv d to publish the Account, but 
dy d before it was finished; and his Papers being sent over 
to his Relations there, were treacherously deliver d to the 
Governor s Agents, whose Guilt Dictated to them, That they 
were exposed in them; and several private Letters of the 
Inhabitants to Mr. Ash, being among them, they are now 
prosecuting and insulting the said Inhabitants for those Let 
ters, to terrify others from transmitting a true Account of 
the Oppressions practiced upon them. 

As in the Interval of Mr. Ash s Negotiations, the Exclusive 
Bill was pass d, as I have noted, and Mr. Boon sent over with 

it as before; he applyed himself to my Lord G 11 Palatine 

(as he calls himself) for all Men know that by the Right of 
the Constitution, even that Mock Title is none of his Due. 
Having laid the Case before his Excellence (as he loves to be 


calPd) Mr. Boon desir d a Board of the Proprietors might be 
calPd, which his Lordship promised, but never perform d 
till after about 7 Weeks Attendance and Sollicitation. 

At this Board^ one Mr. Arsdale, 1 now a Proprietor, and 
formerly the very well respected and upright Governor of 
Carolina, vigorously opposed the passing this Exclusive Bill; 
and gave such Reasons against it, as his Lordship, who all the 
World knows, does not always make use of his Profound Skill 
of Reasoning, not being able to Answer, had Recourse to the 
true Methods of all Tyrants, positive Will, and answered in 
this Arbitrary and Imperious Manner: 

"Sir, You are of one Opinion, and I am of another, and 
our Lives may not be long enough to End the Controversy. 
I am for this Bill, and this is the Party that I will Head and 

This is so much the Picture of the Answer of King James, 
to the Humble and Peaceable Address of the Bishops, when 
he sent them to the Tower; 2 that a Body would wonder the 
Tale of one, should not warn his high Mightiness against the 
Practice of the other. 

But let us go on, and see how the sweet and delicious 
Taste of Tyranny had swallowed up all the Justice of this 
Mountebank Prince. 

Mr. Boon, the present Agent for the Oppressed People, hum 
bly mov d his Excellence to be Heard by Council against this 
Barbarous Act. Hark now, Gentlemen, to the haughty An 
swer of an insulting, pedant Prince, to a Request so reasonable. 

"What Business has Council here? it is a Prudential Act 
in me, and I ll do as I see fit; I see no Harm at all in the 
Bill, and am resolv d to pass it." 

Accordingly, Sic Volo, sic Jubeo, 3 he Sign d it that Day, 
the Board consisting but of three Persons, and he having 
Power by a Proxy for Two in himself; and tho we must in 
Justice acknowledge, that some of the Gentlemen Proprietors 
were against it, yet by that Means they were over-ruTd and 
the Bill pas t. 4 

1 John Archdale. He was a Dissenter. 

1 In 1688. "So I will, so I order." 

4 There were eight shares. Lord Granville voted his own share, that of 
the minor Lord Ashley, and that formerly belonging to Seth Sothell. Carteret, 


By this Arbitrary Proceeding, the Liberties of Carolina 
are trampled under foot, and the People s Properties subjected 
to all manner of Insults and Oppression. 

Mr. Boon had a Petition against this Bill to present him, 
sign d by the principal Merchants of London, Trading to 
Carolina; but he saw himself foreclosed by absolute Power, 
and that he had to do with a Monarch, on whom the Cries 
and Prayers of his oppressed Subjects made no Impression. 

For this Cause, he now addresses himself to the Honourable 
House of Commons, and hopes, that from the Premises, it 
will be allow d of, in behalf of the oppressed People of Carolina, 
that they have not taken this Course but as the last Resort; 
all manner of humble, dutiful, and peaceable Application to 
their Governors, having been first in vain attempted, to obtain 
a just Redress. 

What have the peaceable Subjects of this Province done, 
that they alone must be oppressed, when all the rest of Her 
Majesty s People enjoy the Blessing of a Government, the 
best constituted, and under the best, most moderate, and 
most equal Administration in the World? 

This Law in its Nature appeared so black, that even in 

this very Assembly afterwards, viz. , Some Members 

mov d to have it Repealed, and the Act pass d to Repeal it 
in the Lower House, which they call * but in the Upper 

House, where the Engines of this Confusion Sat, and had a 
more particular Influence, and which they call the Court of 
2 there it was rejected Nemine Contradicente. 

It would swell this Book too much, to give a particular 
Account of the flourishing Circumstances of this Colony 
before these things, and of the fatal Effects already felt on 
their Trade, especially on the Number of Inhabitants, which 
is allow d by all, to be the Wealth, Strength, and Prosperity 
of a Country: These Proceedings not only discouraged People 
from going to Settle, where all things are in such Confusions, 
and Hurries, and where Men are not safe in their Houses and 
Families, nor in the Streets; but many Families (well settl d 
and flourishing) daily Remove, and others are preparing to 

Colleton, and Craven were the other shareholders voting. The shares of Archdale 
and young Blake were the two not voted. 

1 Blank. The Commons House. * Palatine court. 


quit the Place, chosing to abandon a Settlement, where their 
Industry is subjected to such Violences, and they are not sure 
to enjoy (peaceably) the Fruit of their Labour. 1 

There is yet another Scandal these Proceedings lye under, 
which carries in it some Reflection on the Great Persons con- 
cern d; and that is, That these Proceedings, being Contem 
porary with Times of Occasional Bills, Tackings, dangerous 
Experiments, and the like in England, received their Life and 
Motion from the same Original, and prosecuted the same 
Design, being under the Power and Government of some of 
the same Persons. This Observation has several Aspects. 

1. England may here see the Consequence of Tackings, 
Occasional Bills, etc., in Miniature, and what the Designs of 
the Party are in general, viz. the absolute Suppression of 
Property, as well as Religion; or in short, both Civil and 
Ecclesiastical Tyranny. 

2. Carolina may have reason to think their Oppressions 
were at least encouraged from the same Expectation they had 
of Success in the like Design here; and not expecting a Dis 
appointment here, no wonder, if they acted as People that 
thought they should never give any Account, either to God or 

3. Her Majesty has here an Exceeding Testimony, to the 
Necessity of Party-Peace, which her Royal Wisdom Dictated 
before, was the only Happiness of Her People; and which 
the same Party of Men, were carefully destroying here, as 
these did there. 

4. Here may be seen, the Great Assurance this Party 
acted with, that depending they should succeed here, durst 
attempt the persecuting their Fellow-Subjects there. 

5. ? Tis plain, what is the Design of Occasional Bills in 
general; which, where they durst appear to show themselves, 
Demonstrate tis not to prevent Hypocrisy, but to plunder 
and destroy their Neighbours; and that any Man may come in 
to the Administration, let his Manners be never so corrupt, 
and that provided he be not tainted with the Sin of defending 

1 An exaggeration. No such condition existed at the time. A few people 
removed from Charles Town to other parts of the province in consequence of the 
dissensions, and business became a little stagnant because of the trouble with 


his Liberty, nor with the Scandal of being a Man of Con 
science, he is own d fit to be a Member of this Society. 

I believe, I may freely challenge all Mankind, ever since 
there were Governments in the World, to show a like Test of 
Qualification, where Men conscious to themselves, that if they 
lock t the door against Rogues, against profligate, unqualify d 
Rakes, they should shut themselves out, open d the Door to 
all that were scandalously unfit for any thing, and bolted it 
upon none but those who could not swear themselves regard 
less of Conscience. 

But while we are hinting here at the People that push on 
these Extravagancies, we ought to clear the Church of Eng 
land, as a Church, as far as possible, from the Guilt of an 
Action so Horrid. 

For tho here is a seeming Appearance for the Church of 
England, and some shew of Regard to her, yet as the Doctrine 
of the Church abhors such Practices, so the worthy and 
reverend Minister of the Church of England there, has shared 
with the deepest, in the Suffering Part, from the Violences 
and Fury of those People, because he would not joyn with 
them in the same Excesses, against the Laws of the Place, 
the Liberty and Religion of the Inhabitants, and the known 
Capitulations of the Government. 1 

Nor can they Charge this Gentleman with Phanaticism, 
or Partiality, who, tis known, was so far from that, thai 
it was some time here before he could satisfy his Conscience 
to take the Oaths, and lost several Advantages because of it. 

Yet this Gentleman abhorring such Unchristian Violences, 
and not being to be prevaiPd upon to joyn with them, has 
been insulted by them in the most barbarous and villanous 
manner, even in the Streets, his Gown torn off from his Back, 
whipt with a Horse-whip, and in a most unseemly manner 
beaten and abused, as by his many and frequent Complaints 
made to the Proprietors (tho never regarded) will appear. 

Nor does their Rage end here; but the Party now are 

1 Rev. Edward Marston, of St. Philip s Church, opposed the unfair action of 
the provincial government in depriving Dissenters of the right to sit in the Com 
mons House and became involved in quarrels with Governor Johnson and the 
Assembly. Mr. Marston s conduct in these quarrels was far from blameless. 
See McCrady s History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government. 


resolved to have him turn d out, tho he is marry d, settled, 
and has a Family of Children upon the Place, depending upon 
his being fixed there for his Life; knowing that his blameless 
Conversation would be uncapable of forfeiting that Settle 

It would require a History as large as the Rest of this Book, 
to set down the Barbarities this Gentleman has met with, and 
which he has fully represented to some Reverend Divines 

here; and perhaps Dr. S hope 1 may better know, why 

no Redress is obtained for him, while an Ignorant, Illiterate, 
and Untaught Person, to say no worse of him, is encouraged 
and supported by this Party, to Insult and Depress the other. 

Nor are their Proceedings altogether unlike what in former 
times was practised here, since they are now Erecting a little 
High Commission Court to Govern the Clergy, and to whom 
they shall be always subject; by which twill be always true, 
That when ever a Clergy-man has Courage, either to reprove 
their Vices, or oppose any of their Arbitrary Proceedings, 
they shall be lyable to the Censure of those very Men they 
ought to reprove. 

This Gentleman was so far from obtaining any Redress 
in the Case we hint here, that to requite him, we are informed 
they resolve to have him out. 

Nor is he the first, but two several Clergy-men before him 
have been so treated, turn d out, and reduc d, that both of 
them went distracted, and dyed in Misery and Distress. 2 

Twould sully this Paper, and turn the sad Account to a 
History of Immoralities, to bring upon the Stage the Char 
acters of the People: Men are best known by their Actions; 
and we leave this unparallePd Act of Parliament as a Standard 
for them to be match d by, if ever Providence should suffer 
a Society of such Men, to get Legislative Power into their 
Hands, in any part of the World. 

If this be the Effect of Occasional Bills, and English Per 
secution, no wonder it was declared contrary to the Christian 
Religion; but sure these are the first Men that ever made a 

1 George Stanhope, dean of Canterbury. 

* This statement is a gross perversion of facts; no such treatment was given 
to any ministers before Mr. Marston s day or after, and, therefore, there was no 
such resultant consequence. 


Law, tho it has been elsewhere push t at, with a Nevertheless 
upon its Title, to its being contrary to the Christian Religion. 

It can therefore no longer be doubted, but when these 
things come to be considered in an English Parliament, such 
Redress will there be obtained, as may secure English Liberty, 
wherever it pleases God to establish English Government; 

That no part of the Subjects of this Nation be oppressed 
by others; and that while Great Men obtain the Liberty of 
their Estates, and the Property and Security of their Inheri 
tances; they may not Erect Petty-Tyrannies under them, 
and skreen Men of profligate Principles, from the Resentment 
of the Government; 

That Men may not be wheedled in by the pretence of a 
free Possession of Estate and Liberty, and on Condition of a 
just Government; first, to wander into remote Wildernesses 
with their Estates and Families, then industriously Plant, 
Cure, Manage and Improve their Estates, and at last, have 
their Labours discourag d by Tyrannick and Barbarous Insults, 
their Estates sunk and lessened, by being subjected to Arbitrary 
Taxations, for the Executing improbable and preposterous 
Projects, and their Persons unqualify d without a Crime, to 
appear in the Assembly of their Country, where all these 
Injuries might, in a legal manner, be redress d and repair d. 1 

x The following pamphlet relating to this question was subsequently pub 
lished: The Humble Address of the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and 
Temporal in Parliament Assembled, Presented to Her Majesty on Wednesday the 
Thirteenth Day of March, 1705, Relating to the Province of Carolina, and the 
Petition therein mentioned, With Her Majesties most Gracious Answer Thereto. 
(London, Printed by Charles Bill, and the Executrix of Thomas Newcomb, 
deceas d, Printers to the Queens most Excellent Majesty, 1705, folio, 4 pp.) 

The first two pages consist of the title-page and order to print, dated March 
13, 1705; page 3 contains the Address of the Lords and the Queen s answer, and 
page 4 "The Humble Petition of Joseph Boone Merchant on behalf of himself 
and many other Inhabitants of the Province of Carolina, and also of several 
Merchants of London, Trading to Carolina, and the Neighboring Colonies of 
Her Majesty in America." The latter has been reprinted in Rivers s Sketch 
of the History of South Carolina, pp. 461-463. There are seventeen signatures 
to it and of these Boone was the only man whose name is in the least conspicuous 
in the records of the day. 



DURING the seven years preceding the death of Governor 
Joseph Blake in September, 1700, South Carolina was governed 
by three governors who were all Dissenters. Upon the death 
of Blake the Lords Proprietors 7 deputies met to choose a 
governor. Under the mode of procedure laid down by the 
Proprietors for such elections Landgrave Joseph Morton, a 
Dissenter and a son of a former governor of the province, was, 
in right of being a landgrave, entitled to the preference over 
the untitled deputies, provided he obtained a majority of the 
votes of the deputies and no valid objection were raised 
against him by any deputy. On the ballot for Morton he 
received three votes for governor and two were cast against 
him. Deputies Moore and Daniell objected to him on the 
ground that he had accepted the appointment from the Crown 
as judge of the admiralty in South Carolina while still holding 
a commission from the Proprietors as a deputy. This being 
a valid objection, and no one dissenting but Morton, the depu 
ties proceeded to the election of one of the untitled deputies 
and James Moore was elected. 

Moore had come into the province about 1675 and shortly 
afterwards married Dame (Margaret Foster) Yeamans, widow 
of Sir John Yeamans, a former governor of the province. 
During the first few years of his residence he managed planta 
tions for Dame Yeamans and Captain William Walley, but later 
he engaged in trading with the Indians, at which he became 
very enterprising and successful. As that branch of business 
in Carolina was a constant source of quarrels and bickerings in 
both private and official sources, due primarily to the unre- 



liable character of the Indians, Moore made many enemies 
and was often the target for personal abuse. He proved him 
self to be a valuable man to the province, however, and the 
Proprietors frequently honored him with their commands. 

No sooner had Moore been elected governor, however, 
than the greatest aspersions yet cast upon his character were 
hurled at him. His former enemies were reinforced by a 
faction who had become dissatisfied over his defeat of Morton 
for governor. The fact that he was of the faith of the Church 
of England was sufficient to arouse the jealousy of the Dis 
senters, who had hoped for a continuation of their party in 
power by the election of Morton. Chance had put Dissenters 
at the head of the government since the spring of 1692, Thomas 
Smith and Joseph Blake having been elected by the deputies 
by virtue of being landgraves and Archdale and Blake (second 
term) assuming the government in right of being Proprietors. 
This was the first real test of strength between Churchmen and 
Dissenters and. when the latter lost they began to raise dis 
sensions. The quarrel finally waxed so warm that the minority 
faction sent an agent to England to lay their grievances before 
the Proprietors, Parliament, or the Crown, whichever would 
heed their prayers. This agent was John Ash, a member of 
the Commons House for Colleton County, who theretofore had 
played no conspicuous part in the affairs of the province. 
Not meeting encouragement from the Proprietors, Ash pre 
pared for publication a statement of the Dissenters side of the 
controversy and had had two pages of it printed when he 
died. His statement of the case is an impassioned one and 
plainly shows his bias, is filled with personal abuse of and sar 
castic references to the party in power, vitiates the truth in 
so many particulars as to render it unreliable in any, and 
should not be taken too seriously by students of the history of 
South Carolina. 


The Present State of Affairs in Carolina, by John Ash, Gent., 
Sent by several of the Inhabitants of that Colony, to deliver 
their Representation thereof to, and seek Redress from, the 
Lords Proprietors of that Province : Together with an Ac 
count of his Reception, by the Honourable the Lord Gran- 
mil, their Palatine, President, or Chief of the Proprietors. 

ON the Death of Joseph Blake, Esq; Governour, and one 
of the Proprietors of Carolina, the Proprietors Deputies met, 
according to their Instructions in such Cases, proceeded to 
elect a new Governour; and by them Landgrave Joseph 
Morton was Elected Governour. But James Moor, Esq; one 
of the said Deputies, knowing the Party he had amongst 
Deputies, and nothing regarding how Disloyal, how Derogatory 
from the just Right of the English Throne that Objection was, 
objected against the said Landgrave Joseph Morton, That he 
the said Joseph Morton had made a Breach of the Trust 
reposed in him by the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors, 
etc. by accepting of a Commission for Judge of the Admiralty 
from King William, when at the same Time he had a Commis 
sion from the said Proprietors for the said Office, in whom the 
Disposal of the same was: Now, besides the Disloyalty of 
this Objection, it was also false; for it appears not by the 
Charter, That the Proprietors can impower any one to try 
Persons for Facts committed out of their Dominions, and 
which is necessary for such Judge; yet such was his Interest, 
that on this his Objection, Landgrave Morton was rejected, 
and the said James Moore Elected and declared Governour. 
Of this Landgrave Morton Informed, and Complained to the 
Proprietors, but to no purpose. 

The Power thus boldly gotten, Mr. Moore resolves to make 
the best use of it: and therefore finding himself too poor, even 



with the Countenance of his Office, to make any considerable 
Profit of the Indian Trade, he lays a Design of getting it wholly 
into his Power. This he attempted by getting a Bill brought 
into the Assembly at the latter end of the Year 1700, Inti 
tuled, A Bill for Regulating the Indian Trade, but so con- 
triv d as to have made him wholly Master of it. But Mr. 
Robert Stephens, Mr. Trott (then no Courtier) and some others 
so plainly shew d its ill Aim, that it was thrown out of the 
Assembly, 1 as it was again in the beginning of the Year 1701. 
On which Mr. Moore perceiving, That that Assembly could not 
be prevailed with to answer his Ends, he dissolved the Assembly, 
and about the latter End of that Year a new one was chosen, 2 

1 The contemporaneous records show that there was a necessity for the regu 
lation of the Indian trade. What Governor Moore s plan was is not revealed by 
the journal of the Commons House, but the following report, made to the House, 
November 13, 1700, and the only action taken on the subject, shows nothing to 
warrant the above statement: 

"Reported from the Committe, ord rd to Attend the Govern o r , by Ralph 
Izard Esq r : That his Hon r hath Considered of Severall Methods, for the Regu 
lation of the Indian Trade But This House haveing Thoughts To make this a 
short Sessions, The Time will be to short to make an Act for Regulateing that 
Trade, Therefore if This House will appoynt a Committe To Consider of such 
methods as may be Thought necessary for makeing that Trade secure to the 
Publick Betweene this sessions and the next adjournm* he will Assist therein and 
order Those Indian Traders Down that have opprest the natives, and keepe 
them here till said Adjournment, or Take security for their Appearance and 
Allso Give orders, To severall of the Indian Kings to be here Likewise." 

On the 15th the House "Ordered That Ralph Izard Esq r : and m r Robert 
Stevens be a Committe to Prepare a Bill for the Regulateing the Indian Trade 
[and several other bills] against the next meeting after this Sessions," and the 
next day the House adjourned for the session. 

a No session was held at the beginning of 1701, the next session convening 
January 7, 1701/2, and there was, therefore, no dissolving of the Assembly nor 
election of a new House in that year. In a message to the Commons House 
January 15, 1701/2, Governor Moore made the following recommendation: 
"That you Consider of a way to remove the abuses done to the Yamasee Indians 
by them that live among and Trade with them, and of makeing them Easie in 
Our Neighbourhood and friendship, So as that they may not have reason to 
return to the Spaniards. 

"That you think of some way to prevent the Tallabooses and other Indians 
now our friends their trade and acquaintance with the ffrench till some way may 
be found to secure us from the dangers and Mischiefs which that Trade and 
acquaintance will bring on us. 

"That you think of some way to Confirm the Cussatoes w ch live on Ochasa 
Creek and the Savannos in the Place they now live in, and to Our friendship 


at the Election of which, tho the Right of Electing be by the 
Charter in the Freeholders only, he so Influenced the Sheriff, 
that Strangers, Servants, Aliens, nay Malatoes and Negroes 
were Polled, and Returns made accordingly. Such as at the 
Place opposed those Practices, were abused, nay, assaulted by 
Mr. Moore s Favourites. By this Means, having got several 
into the Assembly, of neither Sense nor Credit, but such as 
would Vote as he would have them, he there kept them from 
being thrown out on the Petition of those who were unjustly 
excluded by their being Returned, by repeated and strangely 
procured Adjournments and Prorogations, until the Procla 
mation of our New War with France and Spain arrived. 1 

they being the Only People by whom Wee may expect Advice of an Inland 

After various discussions, during which the House several times called upon 
Governor Moore for papers and advice, it was finally resolved: "That a Bill be 
Prepared against next Sitting Wherein provision may be taken that Indian 
Traders shall pay for Lycences and that a Clause be added to send a Commissary 
or two to the Southward and that there be a perticular Care Taken of the Yam- 
massees, And allso that there be provission in the said Act Concerning all Debts 
of the Indians." 

That resolution was adopted January 29 and closed legislation relating to 
Indian affairs for the session. On February 3 the House adjourned till the first 
Wednesday in September. On February 12 writs for a new election were issued 
to the sheriffs under the hand of Governor Moore and Deputies Daniell, Bellinger, 
Noble, Dearsley, and Parris, the election to be held March 11 and the new assem 
bly to convene April 1. It is evident, therefore, that Moore s plan, if he had one, 
for controlling the Indian trade, had nothing to do with the dissolution of the 
House or the issuing of writs by the governor and deputies for a new election. 

1 The high sheriff of Berkeley County, holding the election at Charles Town 
for Berkeley and Craven counties, returned the twenty having the highest vote 
as follows: Dr. Charles Burnham 392, Capt. John Guppell 357, Major Charles 
Colleton 340, Col. Thomas Broughton 250, Capt. Job Howes 227, William 
Smith (merchant) 226, John Buckley 224, Col. Stephen Bull 221, Landgrave 
Thomas Smith 221, George Logan 218, Nicholas Trott 218, Serurier Smith 217, 
Capt. John Godfrey 217, Capt. James Risbee 217, Capt. David Davis 216, Henry 
Wigington 212, Richard Beresford 212, Major Benjamin Waring 208, Capt. 
George Smith 204, Major William Smith 200. He further reported that Capt. 
Abraham Eve had received 199 votes and that there were "Tenn Moore Votes 
for him and Majo r W- Smith which were objected against as unquallified to 
Vote, which is Humbly Submitted to the House to Judge of whether Unquallified 
or not. Therefore Returne the said Cap* Eve." 

Almost immediately upon organizing the House proceeded to consider the 
contest, Joseph Boone, Robert Fenwick, and John Croskeys being the contest 
ants of the seats of Major Benjamin Waring, Major William Smith, and Richard 


Then possessing the People by Stories with hopes of mighty 
Plunder, he got a Design that he had proposed to the Assembly 
before, of going against St. Augustin, a Fort belonging to 
Spain, a little to the Southward of Carolina, to be approved, 
tho in truth it was no more than a Project of Freebooting 
under the specious Name of War, for neither the Preparation 
nor the Performance will permit any one to believe it was 
meant for any other Purpose, or the least Good of the Colony. 1 
However, it was approved, and Two Thousand Pounds 
were raised to equip his Honour and his Comrades out for 
their beloved Exercise of Plundering, and Slave-catching. This 
they performed well enough, but carrying on the Pretence too 
far, and coming to sit down before the strong Castle of St. 
Augustin, while they were sending their Plunder to Jamaica 
by their trusty Officers, under Colour of seeking Supplies, 
sending for Bombs and Mortars, in the midst of all their Riot 
and Misrule, they were alarm d by the coming of Four Vessels 
into the Harbour, in which were (they say) 200 Enemies. At 
first, being encouraged by Wine up to a Height above per 
forming any Thing, the General Moore resolves bravely to 
put on Board his Eight Vessels then riding in the Harbour, 
all their Goods and Plunder, and with his few Men about 500, 
Fight thro the Enemy, and so come Home. But the Pillow, 
which often lets out Heat to make way for Caution, changed 
this his Resolution; So the next Day, having destroyed as 
many of his own Ships, and as much of his War Stores and 

Beresford. It will be observed that no contest was made of the election of George 
Smith, who received fewer votes than either Beresford or Waring. He was a 
Dissenter, a brother of Landgrave Thomas Smith. The House, however, ordered 
him to withdraw also during the investigation. The House then summoned all 
of those whose right to vote had been challenged to appear on Monday, April 6, 
and "Shew what Right they have to voting/ naming them in the resolution. 
On that day no quorum appeared. The journal shows that it was the desire 
of Governor Moore for the House to meet and proceed with business, but that 
his enemies desired neither to transact the business for which the House was 
called nor to hold the investigation of the election which they had demanded. 
As almost every voter named as unqualified could have shown his right to vote, 
as can still be shown by extant records, the charges would have fallen. After 
war was declared against Spain Governor Moore was able to get the House to 
work and it soon found too much real work to do to bother with a trumped up 

1 See pp. 221, 222, supra. 


Provisions as the haste they were in would allow, he retreats 
with such Caution and Dispatch, that he lost not one Man 
by the Enemy. 

This Expedition, whatever the Governour or General (if 
you please) got by it, brought a Debt on the Country (besides 
the 2000 1. first raised) of near 6000 I, for the Payment of 
which (and Security of the Country, as was said) the Assembly 
was called; they enquire into the Debt, bring in a Bill to raise 
the Sum, consider of defending the Southward open to the 
Enemy; but of that the Courtiers made but a Jest, even in 
the House, and it yet is (as I hear) neglected; as also a Bill 
for Regulating Elections for the Future, for to the Breaches 
of the Freeholders Rights, our present Miseries they saw were 
plainly owing, nor had those Members, who sat by Means of 
those illegal Practices, the Courage to oppose it; so it past 
the Assembly, but being sent up to the Governour in Council 
it was there thrown out; on which Fifteen Members (the As 
sembly consists of Thirty) left the House, resolving no longer 
to cover with their Authority the Pernicious Practices of the 
Ministry, since nothing useful for the Country could be obtained. 

On this several of Mr. Moore s Favourites, after having been 
treated by him (and thereunto encouraged, as is said) headed 
the Rabble, and in a riotous Manner, sought after (threatning 
openly to murther them) several Persons thought the chief 
Opposers and Mislikers of Mr. Moore s Management; some 
they met with, Members of the Assembly, one Deputy, several 
rich Merchants, and good Planters, Confining, Striking and 
Abusing them; and for several Days continuing these Dis 
orders, particularly breaking open a House one Night on a 
poor Woman, and so abusing her, that thereupon she brought 
forth a dead Child, whose Scull, Arm, and Back-bone was 
broken, and one Eye forc d out of its Head, as the Chyrurgion, 
who delivered her, deposed; but this Violence not producing 
that Submission as was expected, that Assembly was Dis- 
solv d. 

Of this Riot, Complaint was several times, while it lasted, 
made to Mr. Moore ; but he would not try to suppress it, nor, 
when in some Measure over, would he take any Care that they 
should be Prosecuted; nor so much as oblige such of them, 
as Landgrave Thomas Smith regularly demanded Security 


of the Peace from, to give the same : Nay, one Mr. Stephens, 
who was not in Town then, but heard he was named by the 
Rioters as one of the proscribed, going with several who had 
been injur d, to see how Mr. Moore would receive them, was, 
while sitting by Mr. Moore at his own Table, by a Servant of 
Mr. Moore s pulPd backwards by the Hair of his Head, struck 
and wounded, and all only for his impertinent Curiosity, as 
he was told on that Occasion. He desires the Governour to 
bind this his Servant to his good Behaviour, and oblige him 
to appear to answer this Action at the next Sessions, but noth 
ing was done. The now Governour, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, 
was hereby obliged to take on him the Government. To him 
immediately the Injured apply d for Justice, but are denied; 
and, tho the Grand Jury, a little after he took on him his 
Office, after having received a Record of the Riot from Land 
grave Bellinger on his own View, and on his Examination of 
Witnesses and Depositions in relation to the Outrage com 
mitted on the Woman with Child, presented it to the Court as 
a great Grievance, that this Riot was not looked into, nor 
the Rioters prosecuted, yet no Justice against them could be 
obtained, the Judge giving for Answer, It was before the Council 
his Superiors. The present Governour, That it was an Action 
done before his coming to the Government, that he thought 
the time of Prosecution lapsed, but would take care the like 
should be no more. 

Then a new Assembly was called, and at the Election for 
Berkley and Craven County, (for in Colleton County there was 
no Opposition) the Violences in Mr. Moore s Time, and all 
other illegal Practices were with more Violence repeated and 
openly avow d by the present Governour and his Friends. On 
this Joseph Morton and Edmund Bellinger, Landgraves, and 
Deputies of the Lords Proprietors, all the other Members 
of Colleton County, and several of the greatest Worth and 
Reputation in Berkeley County prevailed with me to come for 
England, and represent to our Proprietors our miserable 
State; which (when I should be gone, for before they durst 
not) they said they would write down, subscribe, and with 
Letters of Credence, send to me to Virginia, where they knew 
I was to wait for Convoy. This they did, and I received them, 
and not only what they promised, but an Account of what ex- 


traordinary Advances the late and present Governours made, 
by help of their new Assembly, to their desired absolute and 
tyrannick Power, and particularly their Practices on one John 
Martin, to squeeze from him 60 I. for the present Governour, 
whereas the other had been content with Fifty, for that Fa 
vour, which they would perswade John Martin was necessary 
for him: But he thought this too oppressive, so makes his 
Escape, not daring to stay in that Country. But before he 
goes, discovers a Design Mr. Moore had of Employing him the 
said John Martin in a private Trade with the French, in which 
its more then likely others were to be concerned. Tis true, I 
can t, by the Evidence I have here, legally convict them of 
this Design of holding Commerce with Her Majesty s Enemies; 
but I think the original Letter I have of Captain Moore s to 
John Martin, the strange Bond on the Breach of their Confeder 
acy, by the present Governour extorted from John Martin s 
Brother Patrick, and his Securities, of which I have a Copy, as 
also the Illustration of some obscure Expressions in the Letter 
made by John Martin himself, which are that the Respects 
to be sent by Mr. Valentine the Jew, 1 was the 60 I. required, 
Our Business, the private Trade with the French, will hardly 
let one doubt but they had such a Design. 

The Treacheries, Oppressions and Hostilities committed 
by J. Moore, Esq; on the Natives before this our War with 
Spain, and which now under that Colour, tho on such as are 
neither subject to them, nor have injur d us, much increased, 
are Acts so barbarous, so inconsistent with the Profit and 
Safety a good Correspondence with them would afford us, that 
I dare but mention it, lest it let me into a Description too 
large for this Paper; nor for the same Reason can I here give a 
full Account of that partial Prosecution which the same James 
Moore, as Attorney-General, made against one Alford 
his Servant or Trader, accus d of having hir d and assisted 
an Indian Slave in Murthering his Master John Henry, Servant 
or Trader to Mr. James Stanyarn, not for any Quarrel that 
was between them, but only to remove a too successful Com 
petitor in that Trade of which the Grand Jury held at Charles 
Town in 2 last complain d, desired the Tryal therefore 

1 Simon Valentyn, a wealthy and respected Jew who at that time was a mer 
chant in Charles Town. * Blank in original pamphlet. 


to be deferred till the Witnesses wanting might be present, 
and the Indian, who, confessing the Fact was condemn d, 
might till the Tryal should be over, be Reprieved; all which 
the said James Moore with heat opposed, tho the Judge 
thought it reasonable, and answered their Desire. 

To confirm and strengthen the Truth of this my Relation, 
I have thought fit to offer to the Reader the Representation as 
drawn by those who sent me, whose Names are Subscribed; 
as also the Minutes of the Election of Mr. Moore, and the 
Message from the Grand Jury to the Court about the Riot. 



SIR WILLIAM BERKELEY, one of the original Proprietors of 
Carolina, died July 13, 1677. By his will he devised his share 
in Carolina to his widow. On May 20, 1681, she sold it to 
John Archdale, of England, who took the title in the name 
of his son Thomas. Subsequently Dame Berkeley married 
Philip Ludwell and, disregarding her former sale to Archdale, 
she and her husband in 1682 joined in another sale of the 
share in Carolina to Thomas Amy in trust for four of the other 
Proprietors: the Duke of Albemarle, the Earl of Craven, Lord 
Carteret, and Sir John Colleton. Subsequently, in 1705, the 
four cestuis que trust executed a deed to John Archdale of the 
same share the legal title still remaining in Amy. 

Notwithstanding the complications over the title, Arch- 
dale was all along recognized as a Proprietor, and in 1695, 
when the Proprietors were responding to a popular demand 
in South Carolina that one of their number be sent over as 
governor, he was prevailed upon by the other Proprietors to 
accept the governorship. When he arrived in South Carolina 
and claimed the governorship in right of being a Proprietor 
his right was readily recognized by Governor Blake, who 
relinquished the office to him. He assumed the government 
at a time when patience and forbearance were necessary. The 
people had had turbulent times with the government from 
1686 to 1692, and were just recovering from their troubles. 
James Colleton (governor from 1686 to 1690) had been arro 
gant and tyrannical and the people had finally arisen against 
him and expelled him from the province, and Seth Sothell, a 



Proprietor, coming upon the scene just then was recognized 
as governor. 

Sothell was neither broad enough nor intelligent enough 
to cope with the situation, and there was soon almost as 
much dissatisfaction with his administration as there had 
been with Colleton s. The Proprietors forced him out in 
1692, and appointed Col. Philip Ludwell, of Virginia, to suc 
ceed him. Conditions improved during the next three years 
under Ludwell, Landgrave Thomas Smith, who succeeded Lud 
well, and Landgrave Joseph Blake, who succeeded Smith, but 
many of the people believed that a proprietor could settle 
their differences and bring about better feelings, and so it 
came to pass that Proprietor Archdale was persuaded to become 

Archdale was a Quaker, and a man of tact and ability. He 
patiently strove to establish harmony between discordant ele 
ments, to materially advance the welfare of the province and 
to improve the condition of the Indians. He succeeded to a 
marked degree in almost all of his endeavors. Having accom 
plished the object of his mission to South Carolina, he returned 
to England in 1696, leaving Landgrave Joseph Blake once 
more at the head of the government. Blake was prudent and 
wise and succeeded in keeping the province in the condition 
in which Archdale left it, but unfortunately he died in 1700, 
and upon the election of James Moore as his successor new 
troubles arose that were not allayed for seven or eight years. 
While the factional strife was on, Archdale, the good Friend, 
stepped into the breach once more and tried to pour oil on 
the troubled waters. He adopted the plan of publishing a 
pamphlet, wherein he gave a brief sketch of Carolina, a more 
extended account of his administration and achievements 
therein, and an exhortation to the warring factions to come 
together. His pamphlet was first printed in 1707 and has 
since been reprinted several times. In 1836 it was included 


by B. R. Carroll in his Historical Collections of South 

Archdale s name has been preserved in South Carolina in 
the name of one of the oldest and most picturesque streets of 


A New Description of that Fertile and Pleasant Province of 
Carolina: with a Brief Account of its Discovery, Settling, 
and the Government Thereof to this Time. With several 
Remarkable Passages of Divine Providence during my Time. 

By John Archdale: Late Governour of the same. 

London, Printed for John Wyat, at the Rose in St. Paul s Church 
yard, 1707. 1 

To the Courteous Readers. 

I FIND myself under an Obligation to Apologize for some 
part of the ensuing Treatise that seems to Applaud my own 
Actions in Carolina; but I desire you to consider, that a sort 
of Necessity draws from me this Description and Account 
of the Government of Carolina: And I can assure the Reader 
that I write not to Introduce my self again, as Governour of 
the same; (yet my Opinion and Judgment is, that a Mod 
erate, Discreet Man from England, which now yields many a 
one, such a one that hath not been concerned in their Broils, 
would be their most suitable Governour, when it shall seem 
proper to remove the present one) For I believe no Entreaties 
could move me to it; but I write to give the Country it self 
its true and due Praise, and to clear my self from the Malitious 
Aspersions of some that feared my antient Treatment of the 
People would revive again their Affections to me, to ruin 
their present Designs; for the moderate Party Politickly 
spreading a Report, as they thought that I was coming over 
to redress the Grievancies of the Country; they thereupon 
contrived an Act to Fetter my Power, by putting it out of 

1 Title-pajre of the original 


my Power for two Years to call a New Assembly; but no such 
Act being approved on here, their Fetters would have proved 
like Sampsons Cords, easily broken asunder; But this may be 
of great Benefit to many Readers, in Considering the muta 
bility of humane Affairs; That I, that had so large Powers 
from the Lords Proprietors, which I entirely exercised for 
the Peoples Good; should as an ungrateful requital be so 
Crampt by their Power, as not to be capable to Redress their 
Solid Grievances: For I believe, I may at the least truly 
declare, that not one Inhabitant in four, would have Signed 
that Excluding Act, which had not the Queen declared Null 
and Void, would have speedily ruined that Colony: For it was 
not the meer Mob that was against it, like that generally in 
the Scotland Petitions/ but the most considerable Persons of 
the place that removed with free Estates into those Parts; so 
I shall dismiss my Reader, to the Consideration of what I have 
written, with this Further Remark of the Learned and pious 
Bishop of Salisbury, 2 who by his Travels observed that the 
most Fertile Soile of Italy, under the Ecclesiastical State of 
Rome, was by ill Government so Decay d; that the Grisons 
Country tho naturally far more Barren, yet became more 
Fruitful and Pleasant than the other, through the free and 
generous Government Administred in that State: Who in 
his Travels was no Disgrace to the Protestant Clergy of the 
Church of England, and whose Moderation hath appeared 
unto all Men. That the Reader may see the Moderation of 
the Sober, moderate Church-men and Dissenters in a free 
Assembly, I think good to Conclude with the Clause of a 
Militia Act, which runs thus; 

And whereas there be several Inhabitants call d Quakers, 
who upon a Conscientious Principle of Religion, cannot bear 
Arms, and because in all other Civil Matters they have been 
Persons Obedient to Government, and very ready to disburse 
their Monies in other necessary and publick Duties. Be it 
therefore Enacted, that all such whom the present Governour 
John Archdale Esq; shall judge that they refuse to bear Arms 
on a Conscientious Principle of Religion only shall by a Certifi 
cate from him be Excused. 

1 Against the Episcopal Church in Scotland. 
a Gilbert Burnet, the histori&v 


A Description of Carolina. 

BEFORE I give a particular Description of Carolina, I 
think good to make some general Remarks on the Divine 
Providence of the Almighty and Omniscient God, who hath 
so stated the various Scenes of Nature, as to accomplish his 
Divine Will in fulfilling whatsoever stands recorded in the 
Holy Scriptures: (Now that Scene of Divine Providence which 
seems to be appropriated to our Times, is the dawning Day 
for the Accomplishment of various Promises, not only that 
Christ should be given as a Light to enlighten the Gentiles, 
and to be the Glory of his People Israel, which Glory is not 
yet revealed, as hinted at by Paul, Rom. 10. But again, 
Psal. 2. That God will give unto Christ the Heathen for his 
Inheritance, and the utmost Parts of the Earth for his Pos 
session; as also, Isa. that the Earth shall be filled with the 
Knowledge of God, as the Waters covers the Seasj and Dan. 12. 
that many should run too and fro, and Knowledge should be 
increased in the Earth; with many more Promises of the like 
Nature, which plainly intimates, That the Mysteries of the 
Kingdom of God are to be unsealed in the last Days: To 
the which that Excellent Poet Davies 1 intimates in Queen 
Elizabeth s Days, in these Words, 

O thou bright Morning Star, thou rising Sun, 
Who in these latter Days hast brought to light, 

Those Mysteries that since the World begun, 
Lay hid in Darkness and eternal Night. 

And because in all the Grand Scenes of Divine Providence, 
some preparative Stroakes are generally made as Preludiums 
to what is quickly to ensue, the Art of Printing, to beget 
Knowledge, hath been reserved for this last Age; as also the 
Compass to convey Knowledge, as aforesaid; and the Dis 
covery of Gunpowder hath been another Medium to subdue 
Millions of People that lay under a Barbarous and Brutish 
State: As for Example, in Mexico, where was a Temple 
dedicated to their chief Idol larger than PauPs 2 whose Walls 

1 Sir John Davies, Nosce Teipsum. 
1 I.e., St. Paul s Cathedral in London. 


were two Inches thick bespread or beplaister d with Human 
Blood, sacrificed to their Deities or Devils: And although I 
cannot excuse the Barbarity or Cruelty of the Spaniards 
towards them, yet, as on God s part, it was justly brought 
upon them, who thereby gave them their own Blood to drink, 
in lieu of what they had most barbarously shed of their Neigh 
bours. And indeed, Providence seemed wholly to design this 
Bloody Work for the Spanish Nation, and not for the English, 
who in their Natures, are not so Cruel as the other; witness 
the Inquisition, its Cruelty being most established in Spain. 
And, courteous Readers, I shall give you some farther Emi 
nent Remark hereupon, and especially in the first Settlemeent 
of Carolina, where the Hand of God was eminently seen in 
thining the Indians, to make room for the English. As for 
Example in Carolina, in which were seated two Potent Nations, 
called the Westoes, and Sarannah, 1 which contained many 
Thousands, who broke out into an unusual Civil War, and 
thereby reduced themselves into a small Number, and the 
Westoes, the more Cruel of the two, were at the last forced 
quite out of that Province, and the Sarannahs continued 
good Friends and useful Neighbours to the English. But 
again, it at other times pleased Almighty God to send unus 
ual Sicknesses amongst them, as the Smallpox, etc., to lessen 
their Numbers; so that the English, in Comparison to the 
Spaniard, have but little Indian Blood to answer for. Now 
the English at first settling in small Numbers, there seemed a 
Necessity of thining the barbarous Indian Nations; and 
therefore since our Cruelty is not the Instrument thereof, it 
pleases God to send, as I may say, an Assyrian Angel to do 
it himself. Yet will I not totally excuse the English, as being 
wholly clear of the Blood of the Indians in some Respects, 
which I at present pass over. But surely we are all much to 
blame, in being so negligent of executing the proper Means 
for their Soul s Salvation, which being a gradual Work, the 
introducing a Civilized State would be a good and stable Pre 
paratory for the Gospel State; even as the Divine Hand of 
Providence prepared us by the Romans, as all Historians 
mention that relate to us. I shall farther add one late more 
immediate Example of God s more immediate Hand, in making 

1 Savannah. 


a Consumption upon some Indian Nations in North Caralina, 
and that was in my time at the River Pemlicoe, and some 
Nations adjoyning: This is a late Settlement, began about 
eight Years since. When I was in the North about eleven 
Years since, I was told then of a great Mortality that fell 
upon the Pemlicoe Indians; as also, that a Nation of Indians 
called the Coranine, a bloody and barbarous People, were 
most of them cut off by a neighbouring Nation: Upon which 
I said, that it seemed to me as if God had an Intention speedily 
to plant an English Settlement thereabouts; which accordingly 
fell out in two or three Years, although at that time not one 
Family was there. I shall make one more general Remark, 
before I come more particularly to treat of Carolina; and 
that is, in short, to give an Account how this vast Continent 
of America was discovered, that lay hid for many Ages. The 
Reader may reasonably guess, that before the Knowledge of 
the Compass, Navigation was very imperfect, as also the 
Knowledge of the Globe; yea, so Ignorant was former Ages 
that one Vigilius, a Gentleman of Italy, was adjudged a 
Heretick, for affirming Antipodes; so that the Providential 
seeming Casualty of Human Affairs, appeared rather to make 
the Discovery, than any premeditated Skill or Art of Man. 
For, according to the best Accounts, a certain Spanish Colonel 
sailing into the West Ocean towards the Isles of the Canaries, 
by a forcible continued Easterly Wind, the Vessel was drove 
upon the American Coast; but being ill provided for such a 
Voyage, by Hunger and Hardship all died save the Pilot 
and three or four more ; who afterwards returning back, came 
to the Maderaes, and after that died at the House of one 
Christopher Colon or Columbus, born in the Territory of 
Genoa; and the said Pilot left him his Maps and Cards of his 
Voyage; and he himself having some Skill in Navigation, 
was much affected with the Relation, and was very desirous 
to prosecute the same ; but wanting of Wealth to get Shipping, 
and Protection from some European King, to secure the 
Riches he should come to possess, he first made an Essay by 
his Brother Barthor Colon upon Henry VHth of England, 
at that time a Wealthy Prince; but he rejecting the same as a 
fantastical Matter, as the Discoveries both of Nature and 
Grace are at the first looked upon by most ; for the Beginning 


of the Reformation quickly succeeding this grand Discovery 
of the New World, was as lightly esteemed -at first in the 
Spiritual Appearance of it. But Colon or Columbus, not 
wholly daunted at the first Repulse, was introduced into the 
Favour of the King and Queen of Spain, about Anno 1490, the 
same Year that the Moors lost Granada, their principal Hold 
at that time in Spain; and then he was furnished with three. 
Ships, and departed for the Indies in the Kalends of Sep 
tember, 1491, and fell in first with the Canaries, not long before 
discovered, Anno 1405, inhabited by savage and wild People; 
he sailing thence 33 Days, and discovering no Land, his Men 
mutinied, and designed to cast him into the Sea; but he with 
gentle Words and large Promises, appeased their Fury, and 
putting them off some few Days, he discovered Land, so long 
looked for; and so by Degrees settled the same, as Historians 
at large declare. 

Now, candid Readers, I have introduced you into the general 
Discovery and Spanish Settlement in America; I shall now 
proceed to shew unto you the Occasion of the Settlement of 
Carolina, that lies in the very Heart of America. 

I have hinted how Henry the VHth having lost the Oppor 
tunity of possessing the Spanish Mines of Mexico, the Fame 
of which raised up the Spirit of the said Henry to get some 
Share in this American Continent; he therefore, about Anno 
1500, furnished Sr. Sebastian Cabot with Shipping, who was 
born at Bristol, though his Father was a Venetian, to make a 
farther Discovery, who fell upon the Coast of Florida, and 
having sailed along the Continent a considerable way North- 
East, returned again, but made no Settlement that time. And 
although the English were the first Discoverers of this Noble 
and Fertile Tract of Land, from the Latitude of 25 to 36^; 
yet was no Colony planted in it, till several of the English 
Nobility stir d up with a pious Zeal, to propagate the Christian 
Religion; and with a Heroick Spirit, to enlarge the Dominion 
of the Crown of England, procured a large and ample Patent, 
with extraordinary Privileges both for themselves, and the 
People that would Plant and Inhabit them, as appears by the 
Patent of Cha. II. unto George Duke of Albermarle, Edw. E. 
of Clarendon, W. Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkley, Anthony 
Lord Ashley, now E. of Shaftsbury, Sir George Cartwright/ 

1 Carteret. 


after that Lord Cartwright, and Sir John Colleton Knight and 
Baronet, who were thereby created the true and absolute 
Lords and Proprietors of the Province of Carolina, and the 
same to be held in Capite of the Crown of England, to Them, 
their Heirs, and Assigns for ever; which said Province begins 
at the Latitude of 29 Degrees, and reaches to the Latitude 
of 36^ North Latitude; and the said Province is to enjoy 
all the Privileges and Liberties that the Bishop of Durham 
hath or ought to have. These aforesaid Lords therefore 
entered into a joynt Stock, and fitted out Ships on their own 
proper Charges, to transport People and Cattle thither, to the 
Value of about 12000 Pounds, besides several Thousands laid 
out by single Proprietors, to advance the Colony; and all 
their Rents and Incomes have since the Beginning been also 
expended in publick Services. 

I shall now come to the particular Description of the 
Country itself, and that not by a bare Report, but as an 
Eye Witness. I have hinted how Sir Sebastian Cabot, at 
the Charge of Henry Vllth, first discovered that part of the 
Continent which is called Florida, which begins at Cape 
Florida, in the Latitude of about 25, and runs North East to 
36^. Now Carolina only is its Northern Part, viz. from 29 
Degrees to 36J, and is indeed the very Center of the habitable 
Part of the Northern Hemisphere; for taking it to be Habit 
able from the Equinoctial to 64 Degrees, the Center of Caro 
lina lies in about 32, which is about the Middle of 64, lying 
parallel with the Land of Canaan, and may be called the 
Temperate Zone comparatively, as not being pestered with 
the violent Heats of the more Southern Colonies, or the 
extream and violent Colds of the more Northern Settlements. 
Its Production doth answer the Title of Florida, quia regio est 
Florida, being indeed a most Fertile and flourishing Region, 
every thing generally growing there, that will grow in any 
Parts of Europe, there being already many sorts of Fruits, as 
Apples, Pears, Apricocks, Nectarines, etc., and they that once 
tast of them, will for the future despise the watry and washee 
Tast of them here in England; yet doth their Plenty make 
them the Food of the Swine of their Country; for from a Stone 
in 4 or 5 Years they come to be bearing Trees of a considerable 
Bigness; likewise all sorts of Grain, as Wheat, Barly, Peas, etc., 
and I have measured some Wheat Ears 7 or 8 of my Inches 


long. It produces also Rice the best of the known World, being 
a Commodity for Returns home ; as also Pitch, Tar, Buck, Dear, 
Bear-Skins, and Furs, though the last not so good as the 
Northern ones: And it hath already such Plenty of Provisions, 
as Beef, Pork, etc., that it furnishes in a great measure, Bar- 
badoes, Jamaica, etc. The Natives are somewhat Tawny, 
occasioned, in a great measure, by Oyling their Skins, and by 
the naked Raies of the Sun: They are generally very streight 
Bodied, and Comely in Person, and quick of Apprehension; and 
I believe, if managed discreetly, may many of them, in a 
few Years, become Civilized, and then very capable of tjie 
Gospel of Christ. The Indians are great Hunters, and thereby 
not only serviceable to kill Dear, etc., for to procure Skins 
for Trade with us, but those that live in Country Plantations 
procure of them the whole Dear s Flesh, and will bring it 
many Miles for the Value of about six Pence, and a wild 
Turky of 40 Pound, for the Value of two Pence Engl. Value. 
There is also vast Quantities or Numbers of wild Ducks, 
Geese, Teal, and exceeding Plenty of Fish, etc., and that which 
makes Provisions so cheap, is the shortness of the Winter, 
where they need not to mowe for Winter Fodder, and so can 
employ their Hands in raising other Commodities as aforesaid. 
It is Pity they should be farther thin d with Civil Quarrels, 
being their Service is in all Respects so necessary: And indeed 
I my self their late Governour, prevented the Ruin and Destruc 
tion of two small Nations. The Manner of it was thus; 

Two Indians in drinking Rum quarelled, and the one of 
these presently kilPd the other; his Wife being by, immedi 
ately, with a Knife, smote off his Testicles, so as they hung 
only by a Skin: He was pursued by my Order, I happening 
to be then that way, being about 16 Miles from Town, and 
was taken in a Swamp, and immediately sent to Custody 
into Charles Town; and the Nation to whom the slain Indian 
belonged unto, was acquainted with it, whose King, etc., 
came to the Governour, and desired Justice on that Indian; 
some of the Indian s Friends would have brought him off, as 
is usual; But nothing but his Life would satisfie that Nation, 
so he was ordered to be shot by the Kinsman of the murthered 
Indian. Before he went to Execution, the Indian King to 
whom he belonged, told him, that since he was to die, he 


would have him to die like a Man: and farther he said, I 
have often forwarn d you of Rum, and now you must lose 
your Life for not taking my Council ; I hope it will be a warning 
to others. When he came to the Tree, he desired not to be 
tyed to it, but to stand loose, for, said he, I will not budge 
or stir when he shoots me; so he was shot in the Head, and 
immediately died. Now the Manner of the Indians in such 
Cases, is to War one Nation against the other to revenge 
any Blood-shed; and being ordered Satisfaction this way, no 
War ensued. 

The Soil of Carolina near the Sea is of a Sandy Mould, 
appearing ten times more Barren than it proves to be: Yea, 
there is vast Quantities of Vines in many Parts on the Sea 
Shore, bearing multitude of Grapes, where one would wonder 
they should get Nourishment. But farther distant up in the 
Country, the Land is more mixed with a blackish Mould, 
and its Foundation generally Clay, good for Bricks, it is 
beautified with odoriferous and fragrant Woods, pleasantly 
green all the year; as the Pine, Cedar, and Cypress, insomuch, 
that out of Charles-Town for three or four Miles, call d the 
Broadway, is so delightful a Road and Walk of a great breadth, 
. so pleasantly Green, that I believe no Prince in Europe, by 
k all their Art, can make so pleasant a Sight for the whole Year : 
in short, its natural Fertility and easy Manurement, is apt to 
make the People incline to Sloth; for should they be as Indus- 
trous as the Northern Colonies, Riches would flow in upon 
them: And I am satisfied, that a Person with 500Z. discreetly 
laid out in Old England, and again prudently managed in 
Carolina, shall in a few Years, live in as much Plenty, yea 
more, than a Man of 300Z. a Year in England; and if he con 
tinue Careful, not Covetous, shall increase to great Wealth 
as many there already are Witnesses, and many more might 
have been, if Luxury and Intemperance had not ended their 
Days. As to the Air, it is serene and exceeding pleasant, and 
very healthy in its natural Temperament, as the first Planters 
experienced, seldom having any raging Sickness but what 
has been brought from the Southern Colonies, by Vessels 
coming to the Town, as the late Sickness may intimate; to 
the which may be added the Intemperance of too many: 
What may properly belong to the Country, is to have some 


gentle touches of Agues and Feavers in July and August, 
especially to New-comers. It hath a Winter Season to beget 
a new Spring, and thereby the Air is made more suitable to 
our Temperament. I was there, at twice, five Years, and had 
no Sickness, but what once I got by a careless violent Cold: 
And indeed, by my Observation, I did perceive that the 
Feaver and Agues were generally gotten by carelessness in 
their Cloathing, or Intemperance as aforesaid. What I 
write is not to encourage any to depend upon Natural Causes, 
but prudently to use them with an Eye to God, the Great 
Lord of the Universe and Disposer of all Humane Affairs; yet 
hath he justly and wisely decreed, that such as every one 
sows, such shall he reap. 

Carolina also abounds with many Rivers, now found to be 
more Navigable than was at first believed; 1 and it was pru 
dently contrived, not to Settle at the first, on the most Navi 
gable, but on Ashly and Cooper River, whose Entrance is 
not so bold as others, nor having so much Water; so that 
the Enemy and Pirates, etc., have been disheartened from 
disturbing the Settlement until this Year where they were 
repuls d with the loss of about Three Hundred Men. 2 The New 
Settlers have now great Advantage over the first Planters, 
being they can be furnish d with Stocks of Cattle and Corn, 
etc., at reasonable Rates: As also, they have an advantage in 
seating a new River with Indians at Peace with them, and the 
choice of the best Land: And I understand two New Rivers 
are about seating one in the South, the other in the North; 3 

1 The possibilities of some of them, so far as navigation is concerned, have 
not yet been determined. Although the width and depth of the Edisto above 
Jacksonborough and of its two upper forks are sufficient to accommodate steamers 
they do not ply their waters because of the snags and sandbars that obstruct the 

2 This reference is to the invasion by a French fleet in August, 1706. After 
several days of fighting, the militia troops of South Carolina defeated the French, 
inflicting severe losses upon them. The most conspicuous defender of the prov 
ince was Col. William Rrhett, who had been greatly maligned a few years before 
by the Dissenter faction in local politics. See McCrady s History of Sorih 
Carolina under the Proprietary Government, pp. 396-401. 

8 New London, or Willtown, on the Edisto, to the South, had been estab 
lished for several years. See The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical 
Magazine, X. The second reference is to James Town (French) on the Santee 
River. (Ibid., IX.) 


and if it please God that the Union succeed with Scotland, 
the principal place in Carolina, call d Port-Royal, may be 
seated with English and Scots in a considerable Body, because 
t is a bold Port, and also a Frontier upon the Spaniard at 
Augustine, which is but a weak Settlement, about 200 Miles 
to the South West of it. The Scots did, about 20 Years 
since, begin a Settlement with about 10 Families, 1 but were 
disposs d by the Spaniards. how might the Scots, that 
go now as Switzers 2 to serve Foreign Nations, how might 
they, I say, strengthen our American Colonies, and increase 
the Trade of Great Britain, and enrich themselves both at 
Home and Abroad. I could plainly demonstrate what a 
great Advantage Carolina is to the Trade of England, by 
consuming our Commodities from Home thither, and by bring 
ing great Duties to the Crown, by importing Goods or Com 
modities thence: For Charles-Town Trades near 1000 Miles 
into the Continent ; but to enlarge thereupon, would too much 
enlarge this Treatise: But notwithstanding all the Discour 
agements it hath met withal, which are many, yet 17 Ships 
this Year, came laden from Carolina with Rice, Skinns, Pitch 
and Tar, etc., in the Virginia Fleet, besides several straggling 
ones: And indeed London would be much too big, if it were 
only the Metropolis of England, if it were not also the Metrop- 

1 This settlement was effected by Lord Cardross in 1685, and was destroyed 
by Spaniards in 1686. (See p. 205, supra.) The following warrant shows who 
composed the colony: 

" Carolina SS. 

"You are forthw th to cause to be admeasured and laid out unto Henry Lord 
Cardross eight hundred and fifty Acres of Land being so much due to him for the 
Arriveall of himself, william Stevenson, Peter Allen, Alexand 1 M r tis, James Mar- 
tine, Carpenter and Martha his Wife, James Martine Junio , Anna Martine, 
Deborah Martine, Priscilla Martine, Charles Campble, Mary Huttchison, Mar 
tha Martine, spinster, Moses Martine, mary Martine, Mary Foulton, and James 
Foulton, in some convenient place not yett laid out or m r ked to be laid out for 
any other person or use observeing the Lords Propriet instruccons bearing date 
the 21 th day of Septemb r . 1682 and A Certificate fully specifying the scituacon 
and bounds thereof you are to returne to us w" 1 all convenient speed and for y r 
so doeing this shall be y r sufficient Warr*. Dated this 6 th day of Octob r . 1685. 
To Stephen Bull Esq r JOSEPH MORTON 

Surveyo f Gen 11 ROB T . QUARRY 

* /. <?., mercenaries like the Swiss. 


oils of America. I wish I could write as large in the Propa 
gation of the Christian Religion amongst the Natives, but the 
Gospel Spirit is not yet so gloriously arisen, as to seek them 
more than theirs, as Paul intimates: Yet I believe, that in 
time Trade may be a means, to introduce the Gospel both in 
the West and East Indies, with some other Discoveries that 
are a breaking forth in Nature, as the Time and Season for 
it ripens. 

And, Christian Reader, since I am fallen upon this Subject, 
which is one great Branch of the Patent, as hinted before, 
which was to propagate the Gospel of Christ; I doubt there 
hath been a great defect therein, so shall give a brief Essay 
to answer that pious Clause aforesaid. 

And because the Patent is granted for Propagating the 
Gospel; and the most peculiar Obligation consequentially 
thereby lies on those of the Church of England: I shall in 
the first place give my Advice to them on the Indians behalf: 
I do therefore adjudge it reasonable and just, that a certain 
Portion of Land be set apart for that use, to be added to a 
proportionable Income from the Society ad Propagandum 
fidem, to be prudently administered to Missionaries who have 
Zeal, Courage and Fidelity for such a Work; and that the 
Government, on no pretence of their Service in the Plantations, 
divert them from their Commissionated Service; for if so, a 
lazy Spirit will quickly lay hold on them, and Flesh and 
Blood will plead for ease; for Hardships and Perils will attend 
them: Wherefore, as Christ said, T is prudent first to count 
the Cost before they enter into the Work. In the next place 
I advise, That such Missionaries be well skill d in Chymistry, 
and some natural Genius to seek the Virtues in Herbs, Metts 
and Minerals, etc., and the prudent Conduct of such Skill, 
might introduce them into a good Opinion with the Indians; 
and let them understand that we were once such as them 
selves, but were by a Noble Heroick Nation reduc d into a 
Civiliz d State; and then had the Gospel preach d to us by 
Just and Holy Men who sought our Salvation with the hazard 
of their Lives, etc. Let them have sent with them (and if 
not far from the English) some English Children, to introduce 
familiarity with the Indian Children, that so they may be 
brought to learn Letters, etc. 


I remember I have read in History of a Welsh Prince, 
who advised his Sons, ready to Quarrel about the Division of 
his poor and barren Lands, that they should sail to the West 
ward, where they would meet with better Land, and Terri 
tories large enough for all their Posterities. 

Now I may apply this spiritually; If Christian Magistrates 
and Ministers would forsake their Quarrels for poor Trifles 
and barren Opinions, and encourage each other to plant 
substantial practicable Truths; they may now sail East or 
West, and meet with People to make a plentiful Harvest on, 
both in a Temporal and Spiritual respect, which should re 
dound more to their Glory and Advantage, than all their 
Unchristian Quarrels and Practices to promote unfruitful 
Doctrines that are computed to have shed more Christian 
Blood than all the Heathenish Ten Persecutions. I hope the 
Reader will not think this Mixture of Spirituals with Tem 
porals improper or impertinent, since the original Design of 
the Patent was the Promotion of both. 

I shall next proceed to treat of the Government, as granted 
by King Charles II. to the Eight Lords Proprietors aforesaid, 
who again, by common consent, centered that Power in Four 
of them, viz. in a Palatine of their own election, and Three 
more who were impower d to execute the whole Powers of 
the Charter, and is calPd a Palatines Court; their Deputies 
in Carolina executing the same, as from their Principals they 
are directed: For each Proprietor hath his Deputy there. 
The Charter generally, as in other Charters, agrees in Royal 
Privileges and Powers; but especially at that time it had an 
Over-plus Power to grant Liberty of Conscience, altho at 
Home was a hot Persecuting Time; as also, a Power to 
Create a Nobility, yet not to have the same Titles as here in 
England, and therefore they are there by Patent, under the 
Great Seal of the Provinces, calPd Landgraves and Cassocks, 1 
in lieu of Earls and Lords: and are by their Titles to sit with 
the Lords Proprietors Deputies, and together make the Upper- 
House, the Lower-House being elected by the People; and 
these Landgraves are to have four Baronies annexed to their 
Dignities, of 6000 Acres each Barony; and the Cassocks two 

1 Cassiques. 


Baronies, of 3000 * each; and not to be separated away by 
Sale of any part; only they have power to let out a third 
Part for three Lives, for to raise Portions for younger Chil 
dren. And many Dissenters went over, Men of Estates, as 
also many whom the variety of Fortune had engaged to seek 
their Fortunes, in hopes of better Success in this New World: 
And truly such as better improved their new Stock of Wit, 
generally had no cause to repent of their Transplantation into 
this Fertile and Pleasant Land: Yet had they at first many 
Difficulties and Dangers to cope withal, and therefore the 
most desperate Fortunes first ventured over to break the Ice, 
which being generally the Ill-livers of the pretended Church 
men, altho the Proprietors commissionated one Collonel 
West their Governour, a moderate, just, pious and valiant 
Person; yet having a Council of the loose Principled Men, 
they grew very unruly, that they had like to have Ruin d 
the Colony, by Abusing the Indians, whom in Prudence they 
ought to have obliged in the highest degree, and so brought 
an Indian War on the Country, 2 like that in the first Planting 
of Virginia, in which several were cut off; but the Governour 
by his Manly prudence, at last, extinguished the same in a 
great measure, and so left Matters a little better settled to 
Governour Jos. Morton, in whose time General Blake s 
Brother, 3 with many Dissenters came to Carolina; which 
Blake being a wise and prudent person, of an heroick temper 
of Spirit, strengthen d the Hands of sober inclined People, 
and kept under the First Loose and Extravagant Spirit; but 
not being able to extinguish it, it broke out and got head 
in the Government of James Coletin of Barbadoes, and Sir 
Peter Colleton s Brother: And this Party grew so strong 
among the Common People, that they chose Members to 
oppose whatsoever the Governour requested; insomuch that 
they would not settle the Militia Act, tho their own Security 

1 A barony consisted of 12,000. Each landgrave was entitled to four baronies 
and each cassique to two. 

3 The Churchmen in whom the Quaker Archdale could see so much evil, 
were, as a rule, the ablest and most progressive men in the province, and their 
treatment of the Indians had not nearly so much to do with bringing on the war 
as had the inborn treachery of the Indians. 

3 Benjamin Blake. 


(in a Natural way) depended on it. And the grounds of 
their farther Strength, was by reason of the Discontent the 
People lay under about the Tenure of their Lands, and pay 
ment of their Quiterance 1 which was afterwards rectified by 

me. After Colleton 2 succeeded one Smyth, 3 a wise and 

sober, moderate and well-living Man, who grew so uneasy 
in the Government, by reason that he could not satisfy the 
People in their Demands, that he writ over An. 1694, "That 
it was impossible to Settle the Country, except a Proprietor 
himself, was sent over with full power to Heal their Grievances, 
etc." And now let the Reader consider, that the ensuing 
Account hath been for several Years supprest by me, least I 
should thereby seem to exalt my own Actions; but there is 
now at this Juncture some more than ordinary Cause so to 
publish the same as follows: For the Proprietors took Gov- 
ernour -Smyth s Letter under Consideration; and the Lord 
Ashly was pitched upon by all the Lords, who was then in 
the Country, a Person every way qualified for so Good a 
Work; 4 who desired to be excused, because his Fathers 
Affairs lay upon his Hands; upon which Account I was then 
pitched upon, and intrusted with Large and Ample Powers; 
and when I arrived, I found all Matters in great Confusion, 
and every Faction apply d themselves to me in hopes of Relief; 
I appeased them with kind and gentle Words, and so soon 
as possible call d an Assembly to whom I spoke as follows: 

Friends and Representatives of the People. 

The Occasion of my coming hither I think good to acquaint 
you withal at this time, that so you may the better judge of the 
Proprietors and my own Intentions in this my Undertaking. 

There came various Letters from Carolina, signifying the great 
Discontent and Division the People lay under; but especially one 

1 Quit^rents. 

2 The objection to Colleton was not due to any turbulent spirit in the people, 
but to their love of liberty and constitutional government. Colleton totally dis 
regarded the constitution and the law and was arrogant and tyrannical, and the 
people revolted against his government and drove him from the province. 

3 Thomas Smith. 

4 This Lord Ashley was afterward the third earl of Shaftesbury, the celebrated 
philosophical writer. His grandfather, the first earl and original Proprietor, was 
dead; his father was an invalid. 


dated presently after Sir Peter Colleton s Death; wherein it was 
intimated, That except a Proprietor himself came over, it was im 
possible to reconcile the Matter; so the Lord Ashley was nominated, 
but his Affairs not permitting, the Matter was moved to me; and 
after a very mature Deliberation, and by the Encouragements of 
several Carolinians then in England my Going was concluded on; 
and they have endued me with a Considerable Power of Trust, 
and I hope I shall faithfully and impartially answer their Expecta 
tions: And I believe I may appeal to your Serious Rational Ob 
servations, whether I have not already so allay d your Heats, as 
that the distinguishing Titles thereof are much withered away; 
and I hope this Meeting with you, will wholly extinguish them, so 
that a solid Settlement of this hopeful Colony will ensue, and by so 
doing, your Posterity will bless God for so Happy a Conjunction; 
and the Proprietors will not repent of this Great Trust reposed in 
me, nor my self repine at the many Dangers and Hardships I have 
undergone to my arrival hither: And now you have heard of the 
Proprietors Intention of sending me hither, I doubt not but the 
Peoples Intentions of Choosing you were much of the same nature; 
I advise you therefore, to proceed soberly and mildly in this weighty 
Concern; and I question not but we shall answer you in all Things 
that are reasonable and honourable for us to do: And now Friends, 
I have given you the reason of my Coming, I shall give you the 
Reasons of my calling you so soon, which was the consideration of 
my own Mortality, and that such a considerable Trust might not 
expire useless to you; for my Commission is recorded to be no 
President 1 to future Governours: as also a late Petition of many of 
the Inhabitants of this Colony: I hope the Consideration hereof 
will quicken and direct you into a speedy Conclusion of what the 
People may reasonably expect from you; and I hope the God of 
Peace will prosper your Counsels herein. 

The Assembly reply; 

To the Right Honourable John Archdale Esq; Governour of Carolina. 

May it please your Honour, 

We heartily thank Almighty God for your Honours Safe Ar 
rival in this Place, after so many Difficulties and Dangers, mention d 
in your Honours most acceptable Speech; and we return your 
Honour our most sincere and hearty Thanks for the Progress your 
Honour has already made since your Arrival towards the Settle- 

1 Precedent. 


ment of this Place; but our most particular Thanks again are for 
your candid Expressions, and the good Favour and great Kindness 
shewn to the People of this Place; and do assure your Honour, 
That we on our Parts, will heartily endeavour to give our utmost 
Assistance to the attaining your so much desired Wish, the perfect 
Settlement of this Place, which will redound to the Honour of the 
Lords Proprietors and the Happiness of the People. 

But, Courteous Readers, after this fair Blossoming Season 
to produce Peace and Tranquility to the Country, some en- 
deavour d to sow Seed of Contention, thereby to nip the 
same; insomuch that they sat Six Weeks under Civil Broils 
and Heats; but at length recollecting their Minds into a 
cooler Frame of Spirit, my Patience was a great means to 
overcome them; so that in the conclusion all Matters ended 
amicably, as the Address intimates. 

The Humble Address and Recognition of Thanks by the Commons 
assembled in Charles- Town. To the Right Honourable the True 
and Absolute Lords Proprietors; and to the Right Honourable 
John Archdale, Esq; Governour of Carolina. 

Right Honourable, 

We the Representatives of the Free-men of South Carolina, 
being profoundly sensible of your most gracious Inclinations, Con- 
descentions and Honours in Commissionating and Investing the 
Right Honourable John Archdale, Esq; Governour, with such 
large and ample Powers for the encouragement of us the Inhabi 
tants of this your Colony, which was so highly necessary conducing 
to the Peopling, Settling and Safety thereof, do most humbly Recog 
nize, and most sincerely and cordially thank your Lordships for 
the same, and for the Remission of some Arrears of Rents, the un 
deniable manifestation of your Honours Paternal care of us, liv 
ing in this your Colony: And we the Commons now assembled, 
no less sensible of the prudent, industrious and indefatigable Care 
and Management of the said Powers by the Right Honourable 
Joh. Archdale Esq; do in most humble Manner acknowledge the 
same; and that we doubt not but that the Fruits thereof will be 
the Peace, Welfare, and Tranquility, Plenty, Prosperity and Safety 
of this Colony and the People therein; For the Acts of Grace you 
have so seasonably condescended unto, have removed all former 
Doubts, Jealousies, and Discouragements of us the People; and 
hath laid a firm and sure Foundation on which may be erected * 


most glorious Superstructure to the Honour of the Lords Pro 
prietors and you our Governour, which we do, and forever shall 
be obliged most heartily to own as the Production of the Wisdom, 
Discretion, Patience and Labour of the Honourable John Archdale, 
Esq; our Governour; of whom we the Commons request, to return 
this our Recognition of Thanks to your Lordships; and we shall 
humbly pray, etc. 


But it may be queried by the Reader, But what was 
the Effect of all this? To the which I answer, That the 
Fame hereof quickly spread it self to all the American Plan 
tations, as several Letters I received intimated; among which 
I shall mention One from New-England, from a single Person 
of Note there, on the behalf of a Number of People, and is 
as follows, bearing Date from Ipswich 26th June, 1696. 

Great Sir, 

I had not thus boldly intruded my self in this manner, or been 
the least Interruption to your publick Cares, but that I am com 
manded to do this Service for a considerable Number of House 
holders, that purpose (with the Favour of God s Providence, and 
your Honours Countenance) to Transport themselves into South 
Carolina: For we having heard the Fame of South Carolina, as it 
now stands Circumstanced with the honour of a true English Gov 
ernment, with Virtuous and Discreet Men Ministers in it, who 
now design the promoting of the Gospel for the increase of Virtue 
amongst the Inhabitants, as well as outward Trade and Business 
and considering, that the well Peopling of that Southern Colony 
of the English Government or Monarchy may, with God s Blessing, 
be a Bulwark (a) to all the Northern Parts, and a Means to gain 
all the Lands to Cape Florida (which are ours by the first Discov 
ery of Sir Sebastian Cabot, at the Charges of K. Henry VII, to the 
Crown of England; and being credibly informed of the Soil and 
Climate, promise, that all adventurers, with the Favour of God, 
shall reap Recompence as to Temporal Blessings. 

Sir, These and such like Reasons have encouraged and pro 
duced the aforesaid Resolutions: And farther, Sir, your great Char- 

"(a) It is remarkable that the French Landed at Sewee, where many of the 
New-England Men were planted, and beat off the French, and killed many of 
them, and this was Ten Years after this Letter/ (Note in original.) 

1 Amory 


acter doth embolden us, for it is such as may be said, without Flat 
tery, as was said of Titus Vespasian, that noble Roman, Ad grati- 
ficandum assiduus Natura fuit: 1 So praying for Blessings upon 
your honourable Person, Concerns and Province, I rest, etc. 

Now that the Reader may plainly discern, that the Al 
mighty and Omnicient God, takes cognizance of Human 
Affairs, and directs them by a wise and prudent Chain of 
Causes, I shall relate some remarkable Passages that happened 
quickly after that I entered upon the Government, which 
was the 17th of August, 1695. There is a Nation of Indians 
calPd the Yammasees, who formerly hVd under the Spanish 
Government, but now live under the English, about 80 Miles 
from Charles-Town. Some of these Indians going a Hunting, 
about 200 Miles to the Southward, met with some Spanish 
Indians that lived about Sancta Maria, not far from Augustine, 
the Seat of the Spanish Government; and taking them Pris 
oners, brought them Home, designing to sell them for Slaves 
to Barbadoes or Jamaica as was usual; but I understanding 
thereof, sent for their King, and ordered him to bring these 
Indians with him to Charles-Town, which accordingly he did: 
There were three Men and one Woman; they could speak 
Spanish, and I had a Jew for an Interpreter, so upon examina 
tion I found they profess d the Christian Religion as the Papists 
do; upon which I thought in a most peculiar manner, they 
ought to be freed from Slavery; and thereupon ordered the 
King to carry them to Augustine, to the Spanish Governour 
with a Letter, desiring an Answer relating to the receit of them; 
who having received them, sent me the following Letter: So 
far as relates to this Affair, I copy it forth: 


I have received your Letter with the four Indians, three Men 
and one Woman, being the same that were taken from a Town of 
my Jurisdiction; and I do promise, If ever it lies in my power to 
manifest a reciprocal Kindness, I shall gratefully do the same; and 
shall always keep and observe a good Correspondence and Friend 
ship with you, as our Soveraigns at home, being in strict Alliance 
and Amity expect from us, etc. 

1 " He was by nature assiduous in obliging. " 


After this he sends over an Indian civilized King, with a 
fresh return of Thanks, but complains of Mischief done to his 
Indians by some of our Indians; to the which I answered, 

That I knew nothing before, and did not approve of it; and 
found, on Enquiry, that the Indians call d the Apalachicoloes had 
kilFd three Churchcates, and were conducted by White Men; but 
I have taken care for the future, by sending an Express to com 
mand them, that they do not commit any Acts of Hostility on any 
of your Indians, and do expect there be given the like Orders to 
your Vassals: And surely you cannot be ignorant of the Temper 
of the Indians as well as my self, how hard a matter it is to keep 
them from taking Revenge for any Injuries received, to the third 
and fourth Generation; making personal Murders oftentimes Na 
tional Quarrels; notwithstanding which, I hope to prevent it for 
the future, being that they live in great Obedience to our Govern 
ment; but if they should happen to do any small Mischief to each 
other, I desire you not to send any more White Persons amongst 
them, least you thereby make the Quarrel National. I do assure 
you that nothing shall be wanting on my part to maintain a good 
Amity and Friendship with you, and I doubt not of the same on 
your part: So wishing you Health and long Life; 

I am 

your assured Friend 


Now to shew the Providence of God in the Affair of trans 
mitting the Indians back, as I intimated before, it happened 
that some few Months after that an English Vessel from 
Jamaica, bound to Carolina, was Cast-away to the Southward 
of Augustine amongst barbarous Indians, who in a wonderful 
manner were preserved from being murdered by them, so that 
they came at last to Augustine; and when the Spanish Gov- 
ernour heard of it he sent them all things necessary, retaliating 
my Kindness in a peculiar manner. Two of these were call d 
Robert Barrow and Edward Wardell, publick Friends, 1 Men 
of great Zeal, Piety and Integrity. 

Another eminent Remark of Divine Providence was as 
follows: One Colonel Bull of the Council, trading with some 
Northern Indians near Cape Fear, told me that those Indians 

1 /. e., Quaker ministers. 


desired to come under the English Government; the Reason 
of it was this; some of our Neighbouring Indians had killed 
and taken Prisoners some of the Cape Fear Indians, and sold 
them for Slaves; and complaining to the Traders, they told 
them, that if they came under the English Government the 
other Indians durst not touch them: So they came, and I 
told them that I had heard of their barbarous Cruelty on Men 
Cast-away on their Coast; I therefore now expected a Civil 
Usage from them, to any that should unhappily be Cast-away 
on their Coast; which they promised, and faithfully per- 
form d, as follows. 

For about Six Weeks after a Vessel coming from New- 
England with 52 Passangers, was Cast-away at Cape Fear, 
who finding that it was the Place of savage Indians, despaired 
of their Lives; but being willing to preserve Life as long as 
they could, they Trench d themselves in, and took some pro 
visions with them : The Indians quickly came down, and with 
Signs of Friendship, laying their Hands on their Breasts, 
invited them out, and shew d them Fish and Corn: But they, 
not willing to trust them, kept still in their Retrenchment 
till Famine began to creep on, and then, like the Samaritan 
Lepers, in the 2 Kings, vii. Chap, who being like to perish 
with Famine, ventured to go to the Host that beseiged Samaria, 
as at large is there related: So these being ready to starve, 
some few ventured out to the Indians, who received them 
kindly and furnish d them with Provisions for the rest, who 
thereby being embolden d, came all forth, and were by the 
King at his Town well treated; and four or five of them came 
to Town, and I procured a Vessel to fetch them to Charles- 
Town, which is about 100 Miles from thence, and all came 
safe but one Child that died. But now I shall wind up and 
conclude the Scene of my Government, having settled the 
Country; I returned for England, being not sent for Home, 
and left one Blake l Governour, who became a Proprietor, 

1 As Joseph Blake was a landgrave his selection to succeed Archdale was a 
mere form. In 1698 he purchased from the Lords Proprietors the forfeited share 
in Carolina of John, Lord Berkeley, who had failed to keep up his assessments. 
He had been commissioned governor by the Proprietors without first securing 
the assent of the Crown and for that reason the Crown would not recognize him 
as governor until the Proprietors explained that he was acting governor in the 


and continued to manage Matters to the general satisfaction 
of the Country for about four or five Years, but then dying, 
the Lords Deputies chose one Capt. More for Governour, until 
the Lords should Commissionate one from England. In his 
time began the War with France and Spain; and being a 
Man of an active spirit, and hoping to advance his Fortune 
by an Exploit against Augustine, without any Orders from 
England, 1 he proposed his Mind to an Assembly, who con 
descending thereunto, he march d against Augustine, took the 
Town, the Inhabitants, with their Substance, flying into the 
Castle, and they having no Mortars could not bring them to 
yield; but the Besieged sending to the Havanah, a Spanish 
Town on Cuba, procured 4 or 5 small Men of War, who came 
to their Relief before Major Daniel could come from Jamaica, 
who was by Governour More sent thither for Mortars; and 
so More was forc d to break off the Siege, and return to Charles- 
Town; which vast expence upon such an Infant Colony, was 
ready to make a Mutiny among the People; for many Vessels 
had been press d to that Service, which being burn d by the 
Governour s Order, because they should not fall into the 
Spaniards Hands, the Masters demanded Satisfaction; and an 
Assembly being calFd, great Debates and Divisions arose, 
which, like a Flame, grew greater and greater: In the midst 
of which, Sir Nath. Johnson s Commission came for to be 
Governour, who by a Chimical Wit, Zeal and Art, trans 
muted or turned this Civil Difference into a Religious Con 
troversy; 2 and so setting up a Standard for those call d the 
High-Church, ventured at all to exclude all the Dissenters out 
of the Assembly, as being those principally that were for a 
strict Examination into the Grounds and Causes of the Mis- 
right of a Proprietor under the Fundamental Constitutions. After that the oath 
was administered to him by Edward Randolph, an officer of the Crown. See p. 
204, supra. 

1 Archdale, like all of Moore s Dissenter critics, ignores the fact that an 
attempt had been made by the Spaniards with Indian allies to invade South 
Carolina. See p. 222, supra. 

3 Sir Nathaniel was not responsible for the religious turn of the trouble. 
The Dissenters drew the religious lines at the outset, and the Churchmen, an 
gered to the extreme by the Dissenters pestiferous conduct, and taking advan 
tage of the power brought by their repeated successes, went to the extreme of 
adopting a tyrannical plan for excluding Dissenters from the Commons House. 


carriage of the Augustine Expedition; which was, after great 
Complaints of undue Elections, and by the great Subtilty and 
Activity of the Governing Party, carry d by one Man, to 
exclude the Dissenters by a more severe and rigid Exclusion, 
than the Occasional Bill designed here in England, to the 
which I refer the Reader; and was afterwards, by the general 
Complaint of that Party to the House of Lords, adjudged so 
severe and illegal, as to cause an Address to the Queen, which 
she was pleased to accept, and to command the Lord s Pro 
prietors not to suffer the same to be further put in execution, 
and declared the same Law void and null; as also an Act to 
establish the Church of England there, and a Maintenance for 
the same; which, notwithstanding its splendid gloss, savour d 
so much of a persecuting Spirit, and of a haughty Dominion 
over the Clergy it self, that it was declared void and null 
by the Queen s gracious and prudent Command to the Lord s 
Proprietors; which I hope will so far allay and cool that fiery 
Spirit in the Government, as to make room for a more peace 
able and healing Spirit, when any one not concern d in the 
Broils arrives, Commissionated for that End and Purpose: 
And indeed they have been fairly alarum d by the late Assault 
upon them by the French and Spaniards; in which affair 
Sir Nath. Johnson, as a Souldier, behaved himself with great 
Courage and Prudence; but that is not a sufficient Qualifi 
cation to reconcile intestine Heats and Broils, which, like a 
Canker, will enfeeble the vital Spirit of that Colony; for the 
united strength of those term d the High-Church and Dis 
senters, are little enough to secure the same: And beside, the 
immediate Hand of God by the late Pestilential Feaver, is not 
only a sign of His Displeasure against their Unchristian Broils, 
but it hath thereby so weakened and thined the People, that 
it seems impossible for the High-Church to be a sufficient 
Strength to support that Colony, it being the Southern Bul 
wark of our American Colonies on that vast Continent. 1 

1 The Church Act of 1704 was rejected by the Proprietors because it con 
tained so many objectionable features as to make it obnoxious to the Crown, 
but in 1706 another act, freed of those objectionable features, was passed estab 
lishing religious worship in the province in accordance with the tenets of the 
Church of England. This act proved a great blessing to the province, and was 
an agency for the more rapid development thereof. It gave an impetus to edu 
cation and culture, and its influence for good was far-reaching and permanent. 


It is stupendious to consider, how passionate and prepos 
terous Zeal, not only vails but stupifies, oftentimes, the 
Rational Powers: For cannot Dissenters Kill Wolves and 
Bears, etc., as well as Church-men; as also Fell Trees and 
Clear Ground for Plantations, and be as capable of defending 
the same generally as well as the other. Surely Pennsyl 
vania can bear witness to what I write; and Carolina falls 
no way short of it in its Natural Production to the industrious 
Planter: But our late Accounts intimate the Repeal of the 
two former Laws, which may be a preparatory Stroak, if dis 
creetly managed, to allay their Annimosities. I would not 
be supposed to Justify every Step of the Dissenters which they 
made in these Broils, being their first Agent seem d not a Per 
son suitably qualified to Represent their State here, not that 
he wanted Wit but Temper, which is a necessary Qualification 
in Persons in that Employ: But it is not my Business to 
Open the Sore, but to Heal it, if possible; and now 1 we are 
like to have some considerable Numbers of Scotch Britains, 
Men generally Ingenious and Industrious, who are like to 
disperse themselves into our American Colonies, who are a 
People generally zealous for Liberty and Property, and will 
by no Perswasion be attracted to any part where their Native 
Rights are invaded, or who rather expect an Enlargement 
thereof in a Wilderness Country, than an Abridgement 
thereof, as that prudent Management of William Penn hath 
established in his Colony, and was first intended for Carolina, 
in a Scheme laid by the Earl of Shaftsbury, etc., but secretly 
over-thrown by that Party of High pretended Church-men 
that have lain Latent from the Beginning, as I have before 
intimated. Our Colonies are very weak at this time, but the 
Divine Hand of Providence seems to be ready to supply our 
Deficiency by a Union, contrary to that Spirit that hath 
wrought the Dissentions in Carolina. Now if the Reader be 
so curious as to Query how I did so speedily and solidly Heal 
their former Annimosities, as I have before intimated, I shall 
gratify his Curiosity herein: My Power was very large, yet 
did I not wholly exclude the High-Church Party at that time 
out of the essential Part of the Government, but mix d two 
Moderate Church-men to one High-Church Man in the Council, 
whereby the Ballance of Government was preserved peaceable 

1 By reason of the union of England and Scotland, 1707. 


and quiet in my Time, and so left and continued several 
Years, whilst Blake whom I left Governour lived. And the 
said Blake, though accounted in some measure a Dissenter, 
yet did he procure the Act for about 150Z. a Year to be settled 
on a Church of England Ministry, which continues to this 
Day. And indeed in such Mixture as I have intimated, the 
High-Church Party was useful to me, being Men of good 
Parts, very useful under Good Conduct; their Advice being 
by me found very necessary in many particular Cases. 

But to proceed farther in this Treatise, the Design whereof 
is to make Carolina a suitable Bulwark to our American 
Colonies: I can farther plainly demonstrate, that False Meas 
ures have been taken for that Infant Settlement that should 
have been Strengthened with Encouraging Terms, for all sorts 
of Dissenters to enjoy Liberty and Property in whatsoever 
their laborious Hands Improves from a Wilderness possessed 
by Wolves, Bears and barbarous Indians, who ruin d them 
selves, by intestine Wars, to make room for us; and we more 
Foolish, because more Capacitated by Human Policy to 
strengthen our selves against a Foreign Power, yet suffer a 
sort of Transmigration of the Wolfish and Brutish Nature to 
enter our Spirits, to make our selves a Prey to our Enemies, 
that seek to Revenge themselves for our foolish Attempt and 
unchristian Usage on the Inhabitants of Augustine, where the 
* Plunder of their Churches or Places of Worship intailed on it 
such a Curse, that much of it fell into the Hands of the French, 
the Ship being taken near England, and the whole Design of it 
for Negroe Slaves, ruin d thereby. 

Now as some there seeks to set up a sort of an arbritrary 
Vestry to inhance the Labours of the Industrious Dissenters, 
who have enough to do to maintain their own Ministry; how 
unreasonable doth it look to force Maintenance from them, 
by excluding their true Representatives, to compass so foolish 
a Design in the most untimely Season that possibly could hap 
pen to that Country ; for one of the most considerable amongst 
them writ over to his Friend in England, That without that 
Excluding Act they could not have obtain d the other. Now 
as the Civil Power doth endanger it self by grasping at more 
than its Essential Right can justly and reasonably claim; so 
the High-Church by over-toping its Power in too great a 
Severity, in forsaking the Golden Rule of doing as they would 


be done by, may so weaken the Foundation of the Ecclesiastical 
and Civil State of that Country, that so they may both sink 
into a ruinous condition by losing their Main Sinews and 
Strength, which (as Solomon saith) lies in the multitude of its 
Inhabitants : And this I am satisfied in, and have some experi 
mental reason for what I say, That if the extraordinary Fer 
tility and Pleasantness of the Country had not been an alluring 
and binding Obligation to most Dissenters there settled, they 
had left the High-Church to have been a Prey to the Wolves 
and Bears, Indians and Foreign Enemies: But I hope now 
they will see their Folly, and embarque in one common In 
terest, and thereby they will reap the Benefit of our Union 
at Home, by Numbers of Industrious and Ingenious Scottish 
Britains, who otherwise will never come to be imposed upon 
by a High-flown Church Party; and without such a Strength 
I see not how it can stand long, let the Government be in any 
Hand whatsoever. I have discharged my Conscience in a 
Christian and truly British Spirit, that desires nothing more 
than the Spiritual and Temporal Welfare of Great Britain; 
and hope, pray for, and cordially desire the long and pros 
perous Reign of our most gracious Queen, whom the Divine 
Hand of Providence hath placed on the Throne, to be as a 
Nursing Mother to all Her Children committed to Her Charge. 
And I also heartily wish that the inferior Sphere of the Royal 
Power committed in Trust to the Lords Proprietors of that 
Province of Carolina, may Govern it with a measure of the 
same Prudence, Justice, and truly Christian Affection, as She 
more imediately Governs the entire Body of Her Subjects. 

Now since the Reader may expect the Names of the pres 
ent Proprietors, they are as follows; 

JOHN Lord GRANVILL, Palatine. 

John Lord Cartwright, 
William Lord Craven, 
Maurice Ashley, Brother 

and Heir Apparent to 

the Earl of Shaftsbury, 

1 Joseph Blake, the then Proprietor, was at that time about six years of age. 

J The original share of the Earl of Clarendon was sold after the earl s death 

to Seth Sothell. Sothell died about 1694, intestate and without heirs, and his 

Sir John Colleton, Baronet, 
Jos. Blake, Esq; 1 
Nicholas Trott, 2 Esq; 
John Archdale. 


I am now willing to give my Advice to heal up the present 
Breaches, Rents and Divisions amongst the Inhabitants of 
Carolina; and I am somewhat encouraged hereunto by the 
Good Success I formerly had amongst them, as I have at 
large declared; and I have Reasons, both Spiritual and Tem 
poral for this my Admonition. On a Spiritual Account I would 
have all to consider that their Lot is fallen, by the Divine 
Hand of Providence, into the American Canaan, a Land that 
flows with Milk and Honey; which ought to be a pressing 
Engagement on every Soul to bless God in a most peculiar 
manner for those Temporal Enjoyments that many other 
Nations and Provinces want the Benefit of: And let them con 
sider, that altho God had some peculiar Love for the Children 
of Israel, yet they held their Land of Canaan on Terms and 
Conditions; and their Disobedience and Neglect of God s 
Laws, occasioned God to remove them out of the same; Yet 
before He utterly Excluded them, he brought various Cor 
poreal Punishments upon them to alarum them to Repentance, 
and a forsaking of the Evil of their Ways: And when His 
Chastising Hand did not prevail upon them, their Utter De 
struction immediately ensued. Now it is apparent that God 
has brought a Pestilential Fever amongst the Carolinians, that 
hath swept away many in the Town, which ought to stir up 
a Consideration] in the Remainder of them, that it is His 
infinite Mercy that hath spared them: Let them also consider 
that God hath shaken the Rod of his Power over their Heads 
by a Foreign Enemy, which many times is an Occasion to 
Unite, not only to a General and Common Defence, but also 
it creates an Affection where before it was wanting: But if 
upon these and the like Considerations, no Good Effect ensue 
thereby, it is then a dangerous Prognostick that more severe 
Judgments will follow. It is recorded in the Holy Scriptures; 
O that Men would consider their Ways; for the Act of Con 
sideration is much in the Soul s power; and is one of the 
Powers being purchased by Christ for us after the Fall, whereby 
a Capacity comes to be awaken d in us, to choose the Good 

share was sequestered by the other Proprietors under provisions of the Funda 
mental Constitutions and assigned to Thomas Amy, September 29, 1697. Upon 
the marriage of Amy s daughter with Nicholas Trott, of London, cousin of Judgfc 
Nicholas Trott, of South Carolina, Amy assigned him the share in Carolina as a 
marriage portion. 


and refuse the Evil; and I believe the Soul never exerts it, 
but that some secret Concomitancy of God s Power is witness d 
thereby to the benefit of every such Soul. One thing more I 
would lay to their Consideration, That by intestine Quarrels 
and Annimosities they loose the essential Badge of Christianity, 
and so can never be Instruments to propogate the Gospel 
amongst the Heathen, who will never be won to the Gospel 
of Peace by the Banner of War. Much more might be said 
on a Spiritual Account, but this at present may suffice : I shall 
now proceed on a Temporal Account, to reason them into a 
Unity; and that is first, because their own Lives will be 
more comfortable under a friendly Conversation; and, sec 
ondly, it will encourage others to come amongst them, which 
will wonderfully strengthen the Colony and increase Trade, 
and make their Lands of considerable more value. 

Now, altho I seem principally to lay the Occasional 
Quarrel on the High-Church Party, yet I would not be so 
understood as to clear the other in all respects; for in Heats 
and Annimosities many unjustifiable Words and Actions may 
arise and be committed: I am satisfied whence the original 
Spring of them arose, but because they are generally dead 
on both sides, Christian Charity forbids the raking into their 
Ashes; and t is pity their Quarrels should surrvive them: 
They shall never find Fewel here, so far as lies in my power. 
I can truly say, I write with Love and Affection to the whole 
Body of the Inhabitants; having been so considerable a Pro 
moter of Planting the said Colony with Men of Piety and 
Industry, and that brought considerable Free Estates with 
them, insomuch that were they all removed again out of it, 
whose coming thither I occasioned, it would be a thin Colony: 
I could name them, but forbear at present: So I am not for 
excluding any, as I have hinted; for I am satisfied that it is 
possible to Reconcile and Unite them, there being a great 
President 1 of Wisdom and Christian Affection in the Govern 
ing Powers at Home in the Union of 2 Kingdoms into 1 Common 
Interest, 2 for the Strength and Advantage of both, and Dis 
advantage of our Enemies Abroad and at Home: And I can 
truly say, I re Joyce to see effected what for some Years I have 

1 Precedent. 

a The Union of England and Scotland had been effected on March 6, 1707 


so much desired, and so earnestly endeavoured, in my Capacity 
and Station, upon all argumentative Occasions; which have 
not been a few, and with considerable Persons of eminent 
Quality, who have not despised the Reasons I have given for 
the same. 

Since I wrote the former Part I understand that Silk is 
come unto great Improvement, some Families making 40 or 
50Z. a Year and their Plantation Work not neglected; little 
Negro Children being serviceable in Feeding the Silk-worms, 
etc. And I must give Sir Nathaniel Johnson the Reputation 
of being the principal Promoter hereof, and of a considerable 
Vineyard also. I further understand, That the Inhabitants 
work up the Silk into Druggets mix d with Wool, which is an 
excellent Wear for that Country: And so advantageously is 
the Country scituated, that there is little or no need of Pro 
viding Fodder for Cattle in the Winter; so that a Cow is 
grased near as cheap as a Sheep here in England; but all 
these Natural Conveniences and Benefits may be blasted 
through imprudent Discouragement, that may hinder fresh 
Inhabitants from coming amongst them. what need is 
there of Wisdom to nourish up an Infant Colony with all 
sorts of industrious People, as is in a great measure presidented 
in Pennsylvania, etc., and was the Beginning of the Carolina 
Settlement; and I hope will be the future Method to strengthen 
the same: And hereby the Design of the Patent will be truly 
answer d which is the Propagation of the Gospel of Peace 
among the Heathen, and the Enlargement of the Dominion of 
the Crown of England, which is now already spread many 
Hundred of Miles to the Westward; which Design was in 
geniously laid and begun by Governour Blake in his Time. 
And that discret Preparative Stroak of Trade that he begun, 
which if prudently and wisely managed, it may beget such a 
Familiarity and Interest with the Indians, as in time to intro 
duce a Spiritual Benefit by the Preaching of the Gospel of 
Christ among them i 1 For God oftentimes by the wise adapting 

1 While there is very little evidence of any increase of " Spiritual Benefit " 
having come to the Indians by this "Stroak of Trade," it did greatly expand 
Charles Town s trade, so that within a few years its traders were going as far as 
the Mississippi River and Indians were bringing skins and furs all the way from 
the Great Lakes and Canada. 


of Temporal Causes, makes them to co-operate for the pro 
duction of Spiritual Benefits: And so the Romans by a Civil 
Taxation fulfilled the Prophecy of Christ to be Born at 
Bethlehem ; and this Taxation figured forth Christ 1 who was 
to lay a Spiritual Yoke on all the Sons of Men : For Taxation 
imports the Yoke of the Civil Power upon them. 

Since what I have before written the former mentioned 
Acts that gave so bad an Influence on the Carolina Affairs, 
are both of them actually repealed, so that once more there 
seems to present it self a fair Prospect for an amiable Recon 
ciliation, if true and proper Method be pursued for the encour 
agement of all that desire to retire into this New World to 
lead an industrious, quiet, godly and sober Life, without that 
disquieting and turmoiling Care which naturally attends most 
European Affairs. Now, candid Readers, I shall Conclude 
with what our blessed Lord and Saviour hath intimated, That 
the Harvest is great and the Labourers few, and that it is our 
Duty to pray to the Lord of the Harvest that he would be 
pleased to send more Labourers into the Harvest, Matth. 9. 
Chap. 37, 38. Ver. Now these Labourers seems to me to be 
such as will take Pains and venture their Lives for to propa 
gate the Gospel of Christ amongst these barbarous Nations, 
which God, as I have before intimated, hath discovered in 
this last age of the World: And it is my Belief, that Christ 
will intercede to have this Prayer answered, and will incline 
the Hearts of many to begin this glorious Work. 1 

1 The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts sent Rev. 
Samuel Thomas to South Carolina in 1702 as a minister to the Yemassee Indians, 
but he found the task such an impossible one that he gave it up and labored most 
usefully among the whites. See The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical 
Map&ine, IV., V. 



IN 1708 John Oldmixon, Whig pamphleteer and historical 
writer, published in London a work -entitled The History of the 
British Empire in America, two chapters whereof deal with 
South Carolina. The first chapter deals with the history of 
the province and the second with its geography. The former 
consists of a desultory and frequently erroneous history of the 
province up to the administration of Governor James Moore 
(1700-1703), followed by another lengthy brief in behalf of 
the Dissenter faction in the political controversy that had 
just shaken the province, the greater part of the chapter 
being devoted to that one episode. Nothing new was added 
to that controversy save a few lively imaginings, while many 
whole passages were inaccurately repeated from the earlier 
pamphlets by Defoe, Boone, and Archdale. The geography is 
also quite erroneous. Not only did the writer confuse names 
and places, but put in some topographical features that had 
no existence. 

Oldmixon stated in his preface that he had read each chapter 
of his book to inhabitants of the colonies that he wrote of, 
and that every statement he had made had been acknowledged 
to be correct, and that his statements could be relied upon. 
So far as South Carolina was concerned, it is evident that 
whoever he read that part of his history to if he really read 
it to anyone from South Carolina was as ignorant of the 
subject as Oldmixon himself was. It is quite evident that 
the iatter had never been to South Carolina and had very 
little information respecting it save what he had acquired 
from the several pamphlets relating to the political controversy 



between the Dissenters and the Churchmen during the admin 
istrations of Moore and Johnson. 

A new edition of Oldmixon s work, with a few unimportant 
additions, was published in 1730, and in 1836 B. R. Carroll 
reprinted the chapters on South Carolina in his Historical 



Containing an Account of the Discovery and Settlement of this 
Province, and of all the Wars, Factions, Disturbances, and 
other Events there, from that time to the present. 

WE are not ignorant of the pretences of the concerned 
in this Province, who affirm, twas discovered by Sebastian 
Cabot. Mr. Archdale, one of the Proprietors, in his printed 
Description of Carolina, says, Henry the Vlllth about the 
Year 1500. furnished Sir Sebastian Cabot with Shipping, (He 
was born at Bristol, tho his father was a Venetian,) to make 
a discovery; and he fell upon the Coast of Florida, and hav 
ing sail d along the Continent a considerable way North-East, 
returned. But this does not appear in any authentick His 
torian; nor that Sir Sebastian Cabot ever got so far to the 

Carolina is the Northern part of the vast Region of 
America, which was discovered by John Ponce de Leon, in 
the year 1512. He made Land about 30 Degrees from the 
^Equator, near the River of San Mattseo, the most Southerly 
part of this Province. He saiPd thither from the Island of 
Porto Rico, and gave the Country the Name of Florida, for 
that the Face of it has the Resemblance to a continual 
Spring. 1 

1 " Castell, of America." (Marginal note in the original, referring to W. 
Castell, A Short Discoverie of the Coasts and Continent of America, London, 



The Spaniards, who passionately desir d to secure it to 
themselves, eight years afterwards sent Vasquez de Ayllon to 
make a further discovery of it, as belonging to Charles V. in 
whose Name de Leon had taken Possession of it. He came 
upon the North Coast, and calPd the North North- West River 
by the Name of Jordan. He did nothing memorable, except 
this infamous Action, of inviting many of the Natives aboard 
his Ships, where when he had got them, he hoisted Sail, and 
carry d them into miserable Bondage. 

In the Year 1526. Charles V. Emperor of Germany and 
King of Spain, sent Pamphilio Narvesi 1 to Florida, who 
dtay d so long in the South- West part of this Country, which 
is the most barren, that, says my Author, they were fain to 
eat one another, his Crew having spent their Provisions. 

Ten years afterwards Ferdinando de Soto came hither in 
the search of Gold and Silver Mines, having a little Army 
of 900 Foot, and 500 Horse. Himself, and three Parts of his 
Soldiers, dy d, either thro 7 Want, or by Sickness, or the In 
dians; and the rest were led back by Lewis Moscos to New 
Spain, tho not without great Difficulty, for the Natives setting 
upon them several times in their march, kilPd all that fell 
into their Hands. 

This unfortunate and expensive Expedition so discouraged 
the Spaniards, that for several Years they made no more 
Attempts in these Parts, and indeed they searched no further 
than that Part of the Continent which lies opposite to the 
Gulph of New Spain, and not within and beyond the Streights 
of Bahama, which includes that part of the Country we are 
now treating of, and which is the most fertile and rich, abound 
ing in several merchantable Commodities. 

The French perceiving the Spaniards neglected this long 
Tract of Land, Admiral Coligny, in the Reign of Charles IX. 
procured two of the King s Ships to be sent thither, the Com 
mand of which he gave to Jean Ribaut, who after a Voyage 
of Two Months, arrived at the River of Dolphins, between that 
of San Mattseo, and that of May, lying about the 30th Degree. 

The next River to that of May, he calFd the Seine. The 
next to that, the Somme; then the Loire; then the Charente, 
and the Garonne. At the Mouth of Albemarle River, then 

1 Panfilo de Narvaez. 


calPd the Great River; the Port being safe and commodious, 
he built a Fort, which he called Charles Fort, and gave it the 
Name of Port Royal, in 32 Degrees of Latitude, bordering on 
Virginia, now North Carolina, where the first Settlement was 
made by any European Nation. 1 

The Civil Wars raging in France, Ribaut s soldiers mutiny d 
for want of Supplies. The Natives, t is true, were very kind 
to them, out of Hatred to the Spaniards; but they could not 
furnish them with many Necessaries which they wanted; and 
the Admiral was so engag d in Politicks at home, that he had 
not Leisure to provide for the Wants of his Colony. So 
Ribaut having made some Discoveries in the North-East part 
of Florida, returned to France, and in his Return, if Credit 
may be given to an Old Author, 2 his Company were reduced to 
such Extremity, that they kill d and eat one of their own Men; 
and probably would have done so by others, had they not 
accidentally met with an English Ship, the Master of which 
furnish d them with some Provisions. A peace being con 
cluded 2 Years after in France, between the Papists and the 
Protestants, Coligny, who was then in Favour at Court, pro- 
cur d other Ships to be sent to this Country, which was now 
call d Carolina, from Fort Charles, as that was from the French 
King. 3 The Command of those Ships, and the Men aboard, 
was given to Lewis Laudoner, 4 who was order d to carry on 
the Settlement. He arriv d here the 20th of June, 1564. 
with 3 Ships, and was kindly received by the Indians, but could 
find no Gold and Silver Mines, tho he spent much Labour 
and Time in search after them. His Provisions being almost 
all gone, and the Natives either unable, or unwilling to fur 
nish him with more, Laudoner resolv d to return also to 
France; and as he was preparing to depart, Jean Ribaut 
arrived with 3 Ships, which had so good an Effect on the In- 

1 Charles Fort, or Arx Carolina, was not at the mouth of the river which 
the author calls Albemarle or Great (Broad), but was on an island formed by 
that river, Port Royal River, which empties into it some distance above its mouth, 
and Pilot s Creek, which connects the two rivers. 

2 Castell, according to a note by Oldmixon in his original work. 

3 There is nothing in evidence to show that the country was ever called Caro 
lina prior to the patent to Sir Robert Heath, October 30, 1629. 

* Rene Laudonniere. 


dians, that they seem d to be as welcome to them as to the 
French. The Kings of Homoloa, Seravatri, Almacam, Malica, 
and Castri, waited upon Ribaut, to congratulate his Arrival, 
and promised to conduct him to the Apalatsean Mountains, 
which part Carolina from Virginia. 

The French conceived great Hopes of this Settlement, but 
all vanished on the Arrival of the Spaniards, who with a 
Squadron of Ships and Land Forces, drove the French out 
of their Forts, kilPd Ribaut, and 600 Men, after having given 
them Conditions of life, and oblig d Laudoner, with a few of 
his Countrymen who remain d alive, to return to France. 1 

The French King took no notice of this Act of Violence 
committed on his Subjects, because they were Protestants; 
and indeed tis thought Coligny intended by this Settlement, 
to secure a Retreat for himself, and his Brethren of the Re- 
form d Religion, in case they were conquered in France. 
Peter Melanda 2 commanded the Spaniards, who dislodg d 
the French, and so provok d the Indians by his Cruelty and 
Injustice, that they were very ready to revenge themselves 
when Opportunity offer d, as it did not long after; for Capt. 
De Gorgues, 3 a French Gentleman, at his own cost, fitted out 
three stout Ships, and with 280 Men saiPd to Carolina, where 
he took the Fort, and put all the Spaniards within it to the 
Sword. They had built two other Forts, which he easily 
reduced, and serv d the Garrisons as he did that of Fort 
Charles. He demolish d them, and was assisted by the Kings 
of Homoloa, and Seravatri. 

The French travelled into the Dominions of the great 
King of Apalacha, 4 near the Mountains, where they converted 
many Indians to Christianity. These Indians were more civil 
than those to the Northward, their King s Dominions larger, 
and their Manners, in a great measure, resembled the Mexicans. 

We do not find that Monsieur de Gorgues made any Settle 
ment here; or that the Spaniards attempted to recover the 
Country; which from the Year 1567, lay deserted by all 

1 This second French settlement was not on Carolina soil, but in Florida. 

3 Pedro Menendez. 3 De Gourgues. 

4 "Dav. of Kid, p. 247." (Note in original, meaning to refer to John Davies 
of Kidwelly, History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666, a translation from the 
French of Ce"sar de Rochefort, or Francisco Raymundo.) 


European Nations, till the Reign of King Charles II. of Eng 
land. 1 In the Year 1622. several English Families flying from 
the Massacre of the Indians in Virginia and New-England, 
were driven on these Coasts, and settled in the Province of 
Mallica, near the Head of the River of May, where they acted 
the Part of Missionaries among the Mallicans and Apalachites. 
The King of the Country is said to have been baptiz d; and 
in the Year 1653. Mr. Brigstock, an Englishman, went to 
Apalacha, where he was honourably entertained by his Coun 
trymen, who were there before him; and from his Relation 
of the Country ours is taken. 

It will not be unacceptable to the Curious, to see a Descrip 
tion of Carolina, as it was before the English settled there, 
which we find very distinctly in a Discourse, Printed A. D. 
1644. The nearest River of any Note, to Virginia, falling into 
the Sea, is the Jordan, which lies in 32 Degrees; from whence, 
about 20 Leagues downwards to the South, is the Promontory 
of St. Helen, near Port-Royal, which the French chose for 
the best and surest Place to begin their Plantations. 2 Between 
the River Jordan and St. Helens, are Oristanum, Ostanum, 
and Cayagna; Oristanum lying 6 Leagues from St. Helens; 
Ostanum 4 Leagues from Oristanum; and Cayagna 8 Leagues 
from Ostanum. From St. Helens to Dos Baxos Haven is 
5 Leagues. From thence to the Bay de Asapo, 3 Leagues; 
thence to Cafanusium 3, to Capula 5, to Saron 9, to S. Alcany 
14, and to S. Peter 20 Leagues, lying in 31 Degrees of Latitude. 
The next Place is San Mattaeo, 4 Leagues from St. Peter. 

Twill be difficult for an Inhabitant of the present Carolina, 
to reconcile all these Names to the Modern, and the old De 
scription to the New; wherefore we shall not pretend to it, 
at least but occasionally, and where we can be almost sure 
that we are in the right. 

This Country having been abandoned by all European 
Nations, for near 100 years, it seemed reasonable then, that 
any one who would be at the Expence of settling upon it, 
and cultivate it, should possess it; and the Pretence of Sebas 
tian Cabot s discovering it, gave the Crown of England a 
Title to it, which King Charles II. asserted: For some Noble- 

1 "Ibid." (Note in original.) 

1 "Castell, p. 33." (Note in original.) 


men and Gentlemen begging it of him, he made a Grant of 
it, by a Pattent, bearing date the 24th of March, 1663, to 
Edward Earl of Clarendon, then Lord High Chancellour of 
England, George Duke of Albemarle, William Lord Craven, 
John Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carta- 
ret, Sir William Berkley, and Sir John Colliton: "Who," to 
use the Words of the grand Charter, " being excited with a 
laudable and pious Zeal, for the Propagation of the Gospel, 
begg d a certain Country in the Parts of America not yet 
cultivated and planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous 
People, who had no Knowledge of God, etc., wherefore the 
King granted them all that Territory in his Dominions in 
America, from the North End of the Island called Lucke- 
Island, which lies in the Southern Virginian Sea, and within 
36 Degrees of N. Latitude; and to the West as far as the 
South Seas; and so Southerly, as far as the River San Mattseo, 
which borders on the Coast of Florida, and is within 31 Degrees 
of North Latitude, and so West, in a direct Line, as far as the 
South Seas aforesaid:" With all Royal Fisheries, Mines, 
Power of Life and Limb, and every thing necessary in an 
absolute Propriety, paying a Quitrent of 20 Marks Yearly. 

We are not to enter into the Merits of the Cause, nor 
inquire by what Right King Charles became possess d of this 
Province, and Carolina to be a part of his Dominions in 
America; tis enough for us, that he gave the Proprietaries 
such a Charter, and that they proceeded towards a Settlement 
by virtue of it : which was in a few Years effected. Whatever 
has been said of the French and Spaniards, tis but just, that 
if one Nation does not think a Country worth cultivating, and 
deserts it, another, who has a better Opinion of it, may enter 
upon it, by the Law of Nature and Reason. 

The Proprietaries, after they had got their Charter, gave 
due Encouragement for Persons to settle in this Province, 
and there being express Provision made in it for a Toleration, 
and Indulgence to all Christians in the free Exercise of their 
Religion, great numbers of Protestants, Dissenters from the 
Church of England, retir d thither. 

This Toleration appears so firm by this Charter, that we 
wonder any Palatine could presume to break in upon it. 
The King granted the Proprietaries full and free License, 


Liberty and Authority, by such legal Ways and Means, as 
they shall think fit, to give unto such Person and Persons, 
inhabiting, and being within the said Province, or any Part 
thereof, who really in their Judgments, and for Conscience sake, 
cannot, or shall not conform to the Liturgy, Form and Cere 
monies of the Church of England, and take and subscribe the 
Oaths, and Articles, made and established in that behalf, or 
any of them, such Indulgences and Dispensations in that 
behalf, for, and during such Time and Times, and with such 
Limitations and Restrictions, as they, etc., shall think fit. 

Let us now see what the Proprietaries did, pursuant to 
the Power the King had invested them with, to grant Liberty 
of Conscience. We cannot have a better Authority than the 
Case of the Dissenters in Carolina, publish d lately by a gen 
tleman of this Province. 1 

The first Proprietors were so sensible that nothing could peo 
ple that Province, and enrich it, but an universal and absolute 
Toleration, that they made the most express and ample Provision 
for such a Toleration that ever was made in any Constitution in 
the World, as may be seen in the 96, 101, 102, 106 Articles of the 
Fundamental Constitutions: Which provide, as the Lords Pro 
prietors word it in those Constitutions, That "since the Natives 
of that Place, who will be concern d in our Plantations, are utterly 
Strangers to Christianity, whose Idolatry, Ignorance, or Mistake, 
give us no Right to expel or use them ill, and that those who remove 
from other Parts to plant there, will unavoidably be of different 
Opinions concerning Matters of Religion, the liberty whereof they 
will expect to have allow d them; and that it will not be reasonable 
for us, on this account, to keep them out; therefore, that sure Peace 
may be maintained, amidst the Diversity of Opinions, and our 
Agreement and Compact with all Men may be duly and faithfully 
observed, the Violation whereof, upon what Pretence soever, can 
not be without great Offence to Almighty God, and great Scandal 
to the true Religion which we profess : And also that Jews, Heath 
ens, and other Dissenters, from the Purity of the Christian Religion, 
may not be scar d, and kept at a Distance from it, but by having 
an Opportunity of acquainting themselves with the Truth and 
Reasonableness of its Doctrines, and the Peaceableness and Inof- 
fensiveness of its Professors, may by good Usage and Persuasion, 
and all those convincing Methods of Gentleness and Meekness, 

1 The margin refers to pp. 27, 36, of Defoe s pamphlet of that title. 


suitable to the Rules and Designs of the Gospel, be won over to 
embrace, and unfeignedly receive the Truth." Therefore the said 
Constitutions provided for their Liberty, but declar d, "That no 
Person above seventeen Years of Age, shall have any Benefit or 
Protection of the Law, which is not a Member of some Church or 
Profession, having his Name recorded in some one religious Record." 1 

Thus did these Lords Proprietors take care, that Persons 
of all Professions in Religion should be protected and secur d 
in the free Exercise of them; and the Reader thus prepossessed 
with the Laws of the Country, on which the Government of 
the Colony is intirely founded, will be the better able to judge 
of the Principles of those Men, who, in the Sequel of this 
History, we shall find endeavouring to over-turn the most 
considerable Articles of these Fundamentals; for great Num 
bers of Protestant Dissenters from the Church of England, 
removing with their Families to Carolina, when there were so 
many Inhabitants, that a Form of Government was necessary, 
the Proprietaries agreed on that abovemention d, calPd, the 
Fundamental Constitutions, consisting of 120 Articles, sign d 
by the Duke of Albemarle, then Palatine of the Province; the 
Lord Craven, the Lord Ashley, Sir John Colleton, the Lord 
Cornbury, the Lord Berkley, Sir George Cartaret, the 1st of 
March 1699. 2 Which Constitutions, as is expressed in the 
last Article, shall be, and remain the sacred and unalterable 
Form and Rule of Government in Carolina for ever. 

They were drawn up by that famous Politician the Earl 
of Shaftsbury, one of the Proprietors, and the only one that 
could be suspected of having the least Inclination to favour 
the Dissenters. The first Article of these Fundamentals, is, 
that a " Palatine shall be chosen out of one of the Proprie 
taries, who shall continue during Life, and be succeeded by 
the eldest of the other Proprietaries. " The Palatine has the 
executive Power in most Cases, and the rest of the Proprie 
taries have their Places and Privileges. Mr. Archdale, in the 
before-mentioned treatise says, 

They centered all their Power in four of them, viz. in a Pala 
tine of their own choosing, and three more, who were authoris d 

1 Oldmixon s quotation is not perfectly accurate. 

Misprint for 1669; the reference is to the second or revised constitution, 
dated March 1, 1669/70. Cornbury was the son of Clarendon, now in exile. 


to execute the whole Powers of the Charter. This is call d the 
Palatine s Court; and their Deputies in Carolina execute it as they 
are directed by their Principals. 1 

By the Fundamental Constitutions, there are to be three 
Hereditary Noblemen in every County, one call d a Land 
grave, and two calPd Cassiques. The Parliament consists of 
the Proprietors, or their Deputies, the Governour and Com 
mons; and by the Fundamentals should have 25 Landgraves, 
and 50 Cassiques to make a Nobility: But the Number of 
Landgraves and Cassiques is very small, and they are not 
summoned to make an Upper-house, on that Account; so the 
Governour and the Proprietors Deputies arrogate that Title. 
The Commoners are chosen by the Free-holders of every 
County, as the Commons in England; and all were at first to 
sit in one House, and have equal Votes. This Parliament 
should meet once in every two Years, and oftener, if Occasion 
require. The Courts of Justice are, besides those of the 
Palatine s Court, the Chief Justice s Court, the High-Constable s 
Court, the Chancellor s Court, the Treasurer s Court, the 
Chamberlain s Court, the High-Steward s Court: Besides 
which, there are the Great Council and the Hundred Courts. 
Mr. Archdale, on this head, tells us, 2 

The Charter generally, as in other Charters, agrees on Royal 
Privileges and Powers, but especially at that Time it had an over 
plus Power to grant Liberty of Conscience, tho at home was a hot 
persecuting Time; as also a Power to create a Nobility, yet not 
have the same Titles as here in England: And therefore they are 
there by Pattent, under the Great-Seal of the Province, call d Land 
graves and Cassiques, in lieu of Earls and Lords, and are by their 
Titles to sit with the Lords Proprietors Deputies, and together 
make the Upper House, the Lower House being elected by the 
People. These Landgraves are to have four Baronies annex d to 
their Dignities, of 6000 Acres each Barony; and the Cassiques two 
Baronies, of 3000 each, and not to be divided by Sale of any Part. 
Only they have Power to let out a third Part for three Lives, to 
raise Portions for younger Children. 

Every County has a Sheriff and four Justices of the Peace. 
Every Planter pays Id. an Acre Quit-Rent to the Proprie- 

1 See p. 294, supra. * See pp. 294, 295, supra. 


taries, unless he buys it off. All the Inhabitants and Free 
men, from 16 to 60 Years old, are bound to bear Arms, when 
commanded by the Great Council. 1 

The Proprietaries entered into a Joint-Stock, and fitted 
out Ships on their own proper Charges, to transport People 
and Cattle thither, which Expence amounted to 12000L 
besides as much or more disburs d by single Proprietors to 
advance the Colony; and all their Rents and Incomes have 
since the Beginning been laid out in publick Services. 

Many Dissenters of good Estates went over, and many 
other Persons in hopes to mend their Fortunes. And if they 
could tell how to improve the Opportunities that were put 
into their Hands there, they had seldom any Reason to repent 
of going thither. 

Tho the Difficulties and Dangers they met with at first 
were a little discouraging, all free Persons, who came over, 
were to have 50 Acres of Land for themselves, 50 more for 
each Man-Servant, and 50 more for each Woman-Servant 
Marriageable; and not Marriageable, 40 Acres. Each Ser 
vant out of his or her Time was to have 50 Acres, paying the 
Quit-Rent of Id. an Acre. 

The Proportion of Land was much greater by the first 
Instructions which the Proprietaries sent their Governours, 
but they afterwards thought fit to reduce it to the present 
Allotment. Some Gentlemen who did not care to be liable 
to the Yearly Quit-Rent of Id. an Acre, bought their Lands 

The common Rate of purchasing now, is 201. for a 100 
Acres, and 10s. a Year Quit-Rent. The Proprietors, in all 
their Leases, never forget to except all Mines, Minerals, and 
Quarries of Gemms and precious Stones. 

Things being thus establish d, the Lords Proprietaries 
appointed Col. William Sayle, to be Governour of their Prov 
ince, about the Year 1670. 2 The first Plantations that came 

1 Grand Council. 

2 The Proprietors sent a commission for a governor of South Carolina to Sir 
John Yeamans, of Barbados, in 1669, with the fleet bearing the first settlers for 
South Carolina, leaving the place for the name blank, and requested him to fill 
in the blank with his own name if he desired the position, or with that of someone 
else in case he did not desire it. Sir John selected Col. William Sayle, of Bermuda. 


to any Perfection, were about Albemarle and Port-Royal 
Rivers. 1 But Ashley and Cooper Rivers drew People that 
way, for the Convenience of Pasture and Tillage, for which 
Reason that Part of the Country became most inhabited. 

In 1671. The Proprietors sent Cap. Halsted with a Supply 
of Provisions and Stores for the Colony, and created James 
Cartaret, Sir John Yeomans, and John Lock, Esq; Land 

The Constitutions having been found deficient in some 
Cases, Temporary Laws were added, and the Form of Gov 
ernment settled thus. 

A Governour named by the Palatine. 
A Council ] 7 Deputies of the Proprietors, 
consisting } 7 Gentlemen chosen by the Parliament, 
of J 7 of the eldest Landgraves and Cassiques. 

An Admiral. High-Steward. 

A Chamberlain. High-Constable. 

Chancellor. Register of Births, Burials, 

Chief- Justice. and Marriages. 

Secretary. Register of Writings. 

Surveyor. Marshal of the Amiralty. 


All which were nominated by the Proprietors respect 
ively. The Quorum of the Council were to be the Governour 
and 6 Councillors, of whom 3 at least were to be Proprietors 
Deputies; and because there were not Inhabitants to make a 
Parliament, according to the Fundamental Constitutions, twas 
order d to consist of the Governour, the Deputies of Pro 
prietors, and twenty Members chosen by the free-holders; 
of whom ten were to be elected by Berkley s County, and 
ten by Colliton County; which number was encreas d, as 
more Counties were laid out, and more People came to settle 
in the Province. 

1 No settlement "that came to any perfection" was made about either of 
those rivers. The first settlers were intended for a settlement at Port Royal, but 
after reaching that point they changed their plans and settled on the west bank 
of the Ashley River. They stayed at Port Royal only two or three weeks, and 
made no settlement. 


The Temporary Laws were made in the Year 1671. At 
which time William, Earl of Craven, was Palatine. On 
which Office he enter d, after the Death of the Duke of Albe- 
marle; who, as has been said, was Palatine, when the Fun 
damental Constitutions were sign d, but dy d soon after. In 
the same Year Cap. Halsted was ordered to make Discoveries 
up Ashley River, and a Model of a Town was sent, which it 
will be well, if the People of Carolina are able to build 100 
Years hence, but the Proprietaries, as appears by their Con 
stitutions and Instructions to their Governours, thought 
twas almost as easy to build Towns, as to draw Schemes. 

The next Governour to Col. Sayle was Sir John Yeomans, 
Baronet ; in whose time many of the before-mentioned Trans 
actions happen d, but we have not been able to distinguish 
the Events in his Government from those in Sayle s. 1 

About the Year 1680. the Proprietaries made Joseph 
West, Esq; one of the first Planters, their Governour. 2 He 
was a Man of Courage, Wisdom, Piety, and Moderation: And 
such an One was necessary in his time; for tho many Dis 
senters had fled from the Rage of their Enemies in England, 
yet there were not wanting Men of other Principles, who by 
Factions disturb d the Peace of the Infant-Colony. Mr. 
Archdale s Word will, in this case, be more acceptable to the 
Reader: 3 

The most desperate Fortunes first ventured over to break the 
Ice, which being generally the ill Livers of the pretended Church 
men, tho the Proprietaries commissionated one Col. West their 
Governour, a moderate, just, pious, and valiant person; yet having 
a Council of the loose principled Men, they grew very unruly, and 
had like to have ruin d the Colony, by abusing the Indians, whom 
in Prudence they ought to have obliged in the highest degree, and 
so brought an Indian War on the Country, like that in the first 
planting of Virginia, in which several were cut off; but the Gov 
ernour, by his manly Prudence at least in a great measure extin- 
guish d the Flame, which had a long time threatned the Dissolu 
tion of the Colony. 

1 Joseph West served as governor for over a year between Sayle and Yeamans. 
He succeeded Sayle March 4, 1671, and was superseded by Yeamans April 19, 

* West succeeded Yeamans August 13, 1674, and served to June, 1682. 

* See p. 295, supra. 


The two Factions were that of the Proprietaries and that 
of the Planters, like Court and Country Party in England. 
This Division got to such a Head, that one Mr. John Culpeper, 
was sent Prisoner to England, with a Charge of High-Treason 
against him, for raising a Rebellion in Carolina; for which he 
was try d at Westminster-Hall, and upon hearing the Matter, 
it appeared only to be a disorderly Quarrel among the Planters 
and Inhabitants of the Province, so he was acquitted. 

Col. West held a Parliament in Charles Town, A. D. 1682. 
In which several Acts were pass d and ratify d by him, (An 
drew Percivall, Esq; William Owen, Esq; and Maurice Mat 
thews, Esq; Deputies of the Proprietaries); as, "An Act for 
High-ways, for suppressing Drunkenness and profane Swearing, 
for Observation of the Lord s Day, and for settling the Militia." 1 

Twas in this Governour s Time, that the Westoes, a 
Nation of the Indians, were troublesome to the Colony, and 
attempted the Subversion of this hopeful Settlement, as the 
Act of Parliament to raise Money for repelling them words it. 
There was not much Blood shed, or Money spilt; for 4 or 500 1. 
paid the Charge of the War, and other publick Expences. 

The Lords Proprietaries erected a Commission for Maurice 
Matthews, Esq; William Fuller, Esq; Jonathan Fitz, Esq; 
and John Boon, Esq; to decide all Causes between the English 
and Indians. And Mr. West is charged with dealing in Indians: 
For which, and opposing the Proprietaries Party, he was 
removed, in the Year 1683. and Joseph Moreton, Esq; ap 
pointed Governour in his stead. 2 

Twas about this time, that the Persecution rais d by the 
Popish Faction, and their Adherents, in England, against 

1 Sessions of Parliament, or, as it soon came to be known, the General As 
sembly, in which legislation had been enacted, had been held almost every year 
from 1671. 

2 Landgrave Joseph Morton superseded West in June, 1682. The charge 
against West of dealing in Indian slaves was not a valid one, and the real reason 
of his removal was doubtless to make room for Morton, whose influence at that 
time was in demand. He was an influential Dissenter. Some Dissenters, fear 
ing a Popish successor to Charles II. , were leaving England. Axtell, Morton, 
and Blake had induced many to settle in South Carolina. As governor, Morton 
would induce many more to come. By this policy the Proprietors gave the Dis 
senters a position in South Carolina politics that eventually split the people of 
the province into two bitter factions. 


the Protestant Dissenters, was at the height; and no Part 
of this Kingdom suffered more by it than Somerset-shire. 
The Author of this History hVd at that time with Mr. Blake, 
Brother to the famous General of that name, being educated 
by his Son-in-law, who taught School in Bridgwater, 1 and 
remembers, tho then very young, the Reasons old Mr. Blake 
us d to give for leaving England: One of which was, That 
the Miseries they endur d, meaning the Dissenters then, were 
nothing to what he foresaw would attend the Reign of a Popish 
Successor; wherefore he resolv d to remove to Carolina: And 
he had so great an Interest among Persons of his Principles, 
I mean Dissenters, that many honest substantial Persons 
engaged to go over with him. 

I must prevent all prejudice to what I have said, by 
declaring that this book is written by one who is not himself 
a Dissenter, but verily believes, the true Church of England 
is the most orthodox, and the most Pure Church in the World. 
And by the true Church of England, he understands all those 
who live up to the doctrine it professes; who by their Piety, 
Charity, and Moderation, are Ornaments of our Holy Religion, 
and who do not blindly espouse a Name out of Interest, or 
from the Impressions of Education; who pity, and not hate, 
such as dissent from them; who are loyal to their Prince, 
submissive to their Superiours, true to their Country, and 
charitable to all: Of such a temper is every true Church-man; 
and may their number daily encrease, till we are all of One 
Mind, and One Religion, as we have but One God, and One 

If the reader will pardon this Digression, he shall have no 
more; and so much twas necessary to say, that he may 
not think, whatever is said of Mr. Blake, or his Brethren, is 
out of respect to his Profession, but as a Christian: For tho 
I doubt not there may be many good Christians of the same 
principles, I should esteem them more, if they would be con- 
vinc d, and conform; that the Union so often recommended 
by our Gracious and Glorious Queen Anne, may be universal. 

I say the more of Mr. Blake, because his Family is one 
of the most considerable in this Province; where he arrived 

1 The only son-in-law of Benjamin Blake of whom we can now cite a record 
WB William Dry, who married his daughter Elizabeth Blake. 


in the Year 1683. 1 with several other Families, the followers 
of his fortune. What Estate he had in England, he sold, 
to carry the Effects along with him; and tho the Sum was 
not many Thousands, if it did at all deserve the plural Num 
ber; yet twas all that his great Brother left him, tho for 
several Years he commanded the British Fleet; and in a 
time when our Naval Arms were victorious, and the treasures 
of New-Spain seldom reach d home. 

By Mr. Blake s Presence in Carolina, the Sober Party, 
we call them so in opposition to Mr. Archdale s 111 Livers, 
began to take Heart, and the other to be discouraged in their 
irregular Courses. The Gentleman I just mentioned, in his 
Description of Carolina, writes thus: 2 "In Governour More- 
ton s time, General Blake s Brother, with many Dissenters, 
came to Carolina; which Blake being a wise and prudent- 
Person, of an heroick Temper of Spirit, strengthened the 
Hands of sober inclin d People, and kept under the first loose 
and extravagant Spirit," etc. The Governour, as we are told, 
marry d Mrs. Elizabeth Blake, 3 his Daughter; and by this 
Alliance, the Strength of their Party was so encreas d, that 
we hear little of the other till Mr. Colliton s government. 

There being some Complaints against Mr. Matthews, and the 
other Commissioners for deciding Causes between the English 
and the Indians, they were discharg d and the Commission 
abrogated. The Lords Proprietaries order d the Indians 400 
Miles from Charles Town, to be taken into their protection. 

1 On March 28, 1683, the Grand Council directed the surveyor-general to 
lay out 1000 acres to Benjamin Blake "being soe much purchased by him from 
the right hono ble : the pallatine and the rest of the Lords and absolute Proprieto": 
of this province a conveyance under their hands and Scales bearing date th sixth 
day of June Anno Dni 1682." 

a See p. 295, supra. 

3 Oldmixon was confused in this matter, as in others. Elizabeth, daughter 
of Benjamin Blake, married William Dry (p. 330, note 1). Governor Morton s 
will shows that his wife s name was Elinor. It also contains a mention of a 
brother-in-law Edward Bowell. Being an old man himself he was necessarily 
much older than any child of Benjamin Blake. It is possible that Elinor was 
a second wife whom he married late in life and that she was Benjamin Blake s 
daughter and that Bowell was brother-in-law by another connection, but it is 
more likely that Oldmixon s confusion was due to the fact that the first wife of 
Benjamin Blake s son Joseph was Deborah, daughter of Governor Morton. In 
his will, made in 1685, Governor Morton mentions his daughter Deborah Blake. 


The County of Berkley, between Stono and Sewee, was 
now laid out; and soon after Craven County, on the North 
of Berkley; and Colliton County, on the South: All which 
Counties were divided into Squares of 12000 Acres, for the 
several Shares of the Proprietaries, Landgraves and Cas- 

Mr. Moreton, at his entering upon his Office, calPd a Par 
liament, which met in Form, and pass d several Acts; as, 
"For raising 500Z. for defraying the Publick Charge of the 
Province; for regulating the Surveyor General s Fees; for 
raising the Value of Foreign Coin; for Trial of small and 
mean Causes under 40s. for Damages of protested Bills of 
Exchange; for ascertaining Publick Officers Fees; to sus 
pend Prosecution for Foreign Debts; to inhibit the trading 
with Servants or Slaves; for laying out, and making good 
High- ways; for preventing the taking away Boats and Canoos; 
for marking of all sorts of Cattle; to prevent unlicens d Tav 
erns and Punch-houses, and ascertaining the Rates and Prices 
of Wine, and other Liquors; to prevent Runaways. 7 All 
which Acts were sign d by Joseph Moreton, Esq; Governour, 
John Godfrey, Esq; John Boon, Esq; James Moor, Esq; 
Maurice Matthews, Esq; Andrew Percival, Esq; Arthur 
Middleton, Esq; Counsellors and Deputies; and Mr. Joseph 
Oldys, Clerk to the Parliament. At this time, Robert Gibs, 
Esq; was Treasurer of the Colony; John Moor, Esq; Sec 
retary; John Boon, Esq; Robert Daniel, Esq; Mr. Bernard 
Schinkingh, Mr. Peter Hearn, and Cap. Florence O Sullivan, 
were appointed Commissioners for stating and passing the 
Publick Accounts. Maurice Matthews, Esq; was also Sur 
veyor-General. The Trade of dealing in Indians continu d, 
and several of the Proprietors Deputies were concerned in it: 
Whether the Governour, Mr. Moreton, favour d it or not, we 
cannot undertake to determine. Tis certain, he did not long 
enjoy his Office; For it appears by the Copies of the Original 
Instructions sent by the Proprietaries to his Successor, that 
in the following Year the Pallatine made Sir Richard Kyrle 
Governour. He was a Gentleman of Ireland; and dying 
within the Year, Joseph West, Esq; was again chosen Gov 
ernour by the Council; and being a Man of great Interest, 
the Proprietaries thought fit to confirm him in his Govern- 


ment: 1 But they turn d out Maurice Matthews, Esq; James 
Moor, Esq; and Arthur Middleton, Esq; from being Deputies 
and Councillors, for disobeying their Orders, and sending 
away Indians. They also displaced their Secretary John 
Moor, Esq; and put Rob. Quarry, Esq; in his Place. 

Thus we see the Latter has enjoy d honourable Offices 
many Years in the American Colonies; with the Interest of 
which he must, by this means, be very well acquainted. 

In Mr. West s second Government, the Right Honourable 
the Lord Cardrosse removed to Carolina, and, with ten Scots 
Families, settled at Port-Royal, esteem d the most convenient 
Place in this Province for Commerce, as being the best Port. 
The Lord Cardrosse having been disgusted with the Govern 
ment of the Province, for some ill Usage he met with, return d 
to Scotland, and the Spaniards dislodg d the Scots who had 
seated themselves on that fine River. This Lord was of the 
House of Buchan, and in King William s Reign enjoy d the 
Title of Earl of Buchan. 
r~~~l)issenters continuing to come hither from all Parts of 
(England, the Colony thriv d and encreas d in Numbers am 

James Colliton, Esq; of Barbadoes, Brother to Sir Peter 
Colliton, Baronet, a Proprietary, being honoured with the Title 
of Landgrave, left the Island he liv d in, and transported 
himself and Family to Carolina, where he seated himself at 
old Charles Town, on Cooper-river, built a handsome House 
there; and being made Governour, 2 his Seat is to this day 
calPd the Governour s House. Had this Gentleman had as 
much Honour and Capacity as his Brother Sir Peter, we 
should have had no Occasion to Excuse our selves for keeping 
to the Truth of History in his Behalf. One of his Successors 
writes in this Manner of his Government: 3 "The Party Gov 
ernour Moreton had gone a great way in suppressing, grew 

1 Upon the death of Kyrle the Council chose Robert Quary as governor. He 
was superseded by West, under appointment by the Proprietors, in the spring of 

3 Joseph West retired from the governorship toward the end of 1685 and was 
succeeded by Joseph Morton, who was succeeded by Landgrave James Colleton 
in 1686. 

"Mr. Archdale s Description of Carolina." (Note in margin of original. 
See pp. 295, 296, supra.} 


now so strong among the Common People, that they chose 
Members to oppose whatsoever the Governour requested; 
insomuch that they would not settle the Militia Act, tho 
their own Security depended on it, and that it would be 
Grounds of their further Strength." The reason of the Dis 
content the People lay under, were Disputes about the Tenure 
of their Lands, and Payment of their Quit-rents, which were 
not settled till Mr. Archdale s Government. 

Mr. Colliton calPd a Parliament, A.D. 1687. This Assembly 
not liking the Proprietaries Fundamental Constitutions; and 
thinking they could supply the Deficiencies in them, appointed 
a Committee to examine them: And these Gentlemen drew 
up a new Form of Government, differing in many Articles 
from the former; to which they gave the Title of Standing 
Laws, and Temporary Laws. This Committee were James 
Colliton, Esq; Governour, Paul Grimball, Esq; and William 
Dunlop, Esq; Deputies; Bernard Schinking, Thomas Smith, 
John Farr, and Joseph Blake, Esqs; Commoners. But neither 
the Lords Proprietaries, nor the People of Carolina accepted 
of them; and thus the Fundamental Constitutions keep their 
Ground to this Day. 

Mr. Colliton gave such Discontent in his Administration, 
that he was banish d the Province; a fate few Governours of 
Colonies were ever so unhappy as to meet with. 

Mr. Archdale tells us, Mr. Smith succeeded Mr. Colliton, 
and that he succeeded Mr. Smith; but then the latter must 
have been twice Governour: For we find several other Gen 
tlemen, who had that Title and Office before the Year 1694. 
when Mr. Archdale says, Governour Smith wrote over to the 
Proprietaries, to advise them to send one of their Number to 
Carolina. For Col. Robert Quarry was Governour about the 
year 1690. After him, Mr. Southwell. And in the Year 
1692. Col. Philip Ludwell held this Government. In which 
tis certain, he was succeeded by the above-mention d Thomas 
Smith, Esq; Landgrave of this Province. 

We are not doubtful of any Error in this Order of the 
Governours, except in Mr. Southwell s; our informations 
having been uncertain as to him. 1 

Sothell succeeded Colleton, Ludwell Sothell and Smith Ludwell. Old- 
mixon s guesswork was not accurate. 


"Mr. Smith/ 7 says Mr. Archdale, "was a wise, sober, 
well-living Man; who grew so uneasy in the Government, 
by Reason he could not satisfy People in their Demands, 
that he wrote over, Anno. 1694 It was impossible to 
settle the Country, except a Proprietary himself was sent 
thither, with full Power to hear their Grievances/" The 
Proprietaries took Governour Smith s Letter into Considera 
tion, and the Lord Ashley was pitched upon by all the Lords 
as a Person every way qualify ; d for so good a Work; but he 
desir d to be excused, on Account of his particular Affairs in 
England. Upon which Mr. Archdale, was chosen by the 
Proprietaries, to be sent over with large and ample Powers. 
Which having receiv d, he embark d and saiPd to Carolina. 
When he arriv d, and entered upon the Government, in August, 
1695. he found all Matters in great Confusion, and every 
Faction apply d themselves to him, in hopes of Relief. In 
order to which he summon d an Assembly, and made a kind 
Speech to them. The Parliament chose Jonathan Amary 
Esq; to be their Speaker; and having presented a dutiful 
Address to the Governour, proceeded to do Business 1 . But 
the Divisions among them were so great, that had not Mr. 
Archdale exercis d a great deal of Patience, neither his Power 
as Governour, nor his higher Title of Proprietary, could have 
brought that Assembly to any Temper; which he at last 
effected, and the Disorders of the Province were remedy d. 

The Parliament presented an Address of Thanks to the 
Governour, to be transmitted to the Proprietaries, and all 
things ended well. In his time the Tammasees, 1 an Indian 
Nation, who formerly liv d under the Spanish Government, 
and now under the English, made an Incursion into the 
Territories of another Indian Nation, near Sancta Maria, not 
far from St. Augustino, took several Prisoners, and intended 
to sell them for Slaves at Barbadoes, or Jamaica, as had been 
usual among them. Mr. Archdale hearing of it, sent for the 
King of the Tammasees, and ordered him to bring those Indians 
to Charles Town, which he did. They were Papists; and the 
Kings of England and Spain being at that time Confederates, 
the Governour gave the King of the Tammasees Orders to 
carry them to St. Augustino, with a Letter to the Governour; 

1 Yemassees. 


which may serve to give us an Idea of the Power of an Indian 
King, who receives Orders from a Governour of a small 
Province, as Carolina was then at least, whatever it is now. 

The Spaniard who commanded in St. Augustino, returned 
Mr. Archdale a Letter of Thanks; and not long after another 
Indian King was sent by the Spanish Governour, with a Letter 
of Complaint, of wrong done the Spanish Indians by those 
ally d to the English. 

The Spanish Indians were called Churchcates; of whom 
the Apalachicoloes, English Indians, had kill d three. The 
Governour commanded that Nation, and all others depending 
on the English, to forbear molesting those within the Spanish 
Jurisdiction; which had so good an Effect, that when Mr. 
Robert Barrow, Mr. Edward Wardell, and other Englishmen, 
were afterward cast away to the Southward of Augustino, the 
barbarous Indians offered them no hurt; and when they 
arrived at that Town, the Governour supply d them with all 

Col. Bull, one of the Council, and a greater Trader with 
the Indians, engag d that Nation which dwelt about Cape 
Fear, to submit to the English, who however were afraid to 
trust them; for a Vessel coming from New-England, being 
shipwrack d on that Coast, the Passengers, to the Number of 
52, despair d of their Lives from those Barbarians, but resolv d 
to defend themselves as well as they could: Accordingly they 
entrench d in their little Camp. The Indians came down, and 
by Signs of Friendship invited them to come forth; which 
they were afraid to do. At last, when their Provisions were 
almost all spent, some of them ventur d out, were kindly 
received, and furnish d by the Indians with Necessaries. The 
King invited them to his Town, treated them; and 4 or 5 of 
them travelling to Charles Town, gave the Governour notice of 
their Misfortunes; which hearing, he sent a Ship to fetch the 
rest ; and they arrived safely at the Capital of Carolina. 

In Mr. Archdale s Time, two Indians quarrelling in their 
Drinking, one of them presently kilPd the other; whose Wife 
being by, immediately dismembered the Murderer, to revenge 
her Husband s Death, cutting off his Privities with a Knife. 
The Governour happening to be near the Place where the 
Murder was committed, order d the Criminal to be pursued. 


He was taken in a Swamp about 16 Miles from the Town; to 
which he was sent under a Guard. The Nation to whom the 
slain Indian belonged, hearing of his Death, their King came 
to Mr. Archdale, and desir d Justice upon the Murderer. 
Some of whose Friends would have bought him off as usual; 
but nothing less than his Death would satisfy the injur d 
Nation; and, according to the Custom of his Country, the 
Governour ordered him to be shot by the Kinsman of the 
Deceas d. As he was leading to Execution, his King came to 
him, and bid him die like a Man, since he must die, adding, 
he had often forewarned him of Rum, the Liquor which he 
was drunk with when he kill d the Man, and now he must 
loose his Life for not taking his Council. 

When he came to the Tree, he desir d not to be ty d to it, 
but to stand loose, saying, I will not stir when he shoots me. 
So he was shot in the Head, and fell down dead. 

This Piece of Justice hindered a War between the Nations 
to which these two Indians belong d. The Indians inhab 
iting the Country about the River Pemlico, were almost all 
consumed by a Pestilential Disease, while this Governour was 
in Carolina; and the Coranines, a bloody and barbarous 
People, were most of them cut off by a neighbouring Nation. 

In his Time several Families remov d from New-England, 
to settle at Carolina, and seated themselves on the River 
Sewee, in North Carolina. These are all the Events which 
happened during Mr. Archdale s Government, at least he has 
thought fit to communicate no more to the Publick; and as 
inconsiderable as they may appear to some Persons, who are 
us d to turn over the Grecian and Roman Histories, if they 
will give themselves the Trouble to examine the Affairs of 
these two Empires, they will find them as trivial, in the begin 
ning at least, if they can distinguish the History from the 

We cannot expect much Business in the Infancy of a 
Colony; and yet Carolina is not so young, but Factions have 
been as rampant there, as if the People had been made wanton 
by many Ages of Prosperity. 

Mr. Archdale, to use his own Phrase, Returned for England, 
being not sent for Home. And Joseph Blake, Esq; Son of 
the before-mention d Mr. Blake, being become a Proprie- 


tary, 1 was look d upon as the fittest Person to succeed him in 
his Government; in which Office he behav d himself to the 
Satisfaction of the Country, which he governed with equal 
Prudence and Moderation. 

In his time, Major Daniel brought from England new 
Constitutions, consisting of 41 Articles, wherein as ample 
Provision was made for Liberty of Conscience, as in the 
Fundamental Constitutions. These new Laws were call d, 
the last Fundamental Constitutions, and sign d by John Earl 
of Bath, Palatine; Anthony Lord Ashley, the Lord Craven, 
the Lord Cartaret, the Earl of Bath, Sir John Colliton, Will 
iam Thornburgh, merchant, Thomas Amy, and Wil. Thorn- 
burgh; but they were never confirmed in Parliament at 

Mr. Blake, tho he was himself a dissenter, finding there 
was no settled Maintenance for the Church of England min 
ister, procured an Act of Assembly (in which there were a 
great Number of Dissenters) for the settling a very convenient 
House with a Glebe, two Servants, and 150Z. per Annum 
upon the Minister of Charles Town for ever. Twas by his 
Influence that Act past, and he gave his Assent to it; he, as 
Governour, having a negative Voice to all Bills. His Lady 
also was one of the greatest Benefactors towards the Orna 
ments of the Church. And this Friendship deserv d a more 
grateful Return than they met with from those who suc 
ceeded in the Government. 

Mr. Blake dying about the Year 1700. after he had been 
Governour 4 or 5 Years, the Proprietaries Deputies met, 
according to their Instructions in such Cases, and proceeded 
to the Election of a new Governour; which Post is generally 
conferred on the eldest Landgrave, if there s no Objection 
to him, and no Person sent from England with that Character. 

Joseph Moreton Esq; being the eldest Landgrave, 2 was 
elected Governour by the Deputies: but Capt. James Moor, 

1 Blake did not become a Proprietor for two years after becoming governor. 
Landgrave Thomas Smith, who had died in 1694, had willed him his patent as 
landgrave, and, being in the Council, he was, as a landgrave, chosen governor 
by the Council. The Proprietors also issued him a patent as landgrave. 

* Edmund Bellinger was the oldest landgrave and was ballotted for first, 
but received but one vote out of five members of the Council voting, and the 
same objection was raised to him that was made against Morton. 


one of these Deputies, knowing the Party he had among 
them, objected against Mr. Moreton, as if he had made a 
Breach of the Trust repos d in him by the true and absolute 
Lords and Proprietaries, by accepting of a Commission from 
King William, to be Judge of the Admiralty, when he had at 
the same time a Commission from the Lords Proprietaries 
for the same Office. 

Tho this Objection was answered by Mr. Moreton s Friends; 1 
"That it did not appear by the Charter, the Proprietaries can 
empower any one to try Persons for Facts committed out of 
their Dominions, which is necessary for such a Judge;" and 
the Proprietaries could not grant it; yet such was Mr. Moor s 
Interest, that on this his Objection Mr. Moreton was set 
aside, and his Opponent Mr. Moor chosen Governour. Mr. 
Moreton informed and complain d to the Proprietaries, but 
was never redrest. 

From this Election I date the Rise of all the Misfortunes 
that have since befallen this Colony, and that have given the 
Government of England so much Trouble. 

The Earl of Bath was dead, and his Son, John Lord Gran- 
ville, lately advanced to the House of Peers, was Palatine. 
All the World knew how zealous that Gentleman had been for 
promoting a Bill against Occasional Conformists in England, 
and that he shew d his Aversion to Dissenters even in the 
Court of Stannaries in the West, 2 while he was Warden. 
The Bitterness of his Spirit appeared in the Speeches he made 
to the Representatives of that Court; and was such, that he 
was not long employed by a Government, which is founded on 
Principles of Justice and Moderation; which has in all things 
promoted Union, and which has united the Hearts of all the 
Subjects of the British Empire more than all the Princes 
could do since the Conquest, and many Ages before it. 

In an ill time therefore did this Palatine countenance the 
Divisions in Carolina, by encouraging this and the succeeding 
Governour in their vain Endeavours, to establish that for a 
Law there, which had been rejected with such Marks of 
Abhorrence in England by our Illustrious Representatives. 

1 Landgrave Morton alone offered a protest against the validity of the ob 
jection offered to him by Deputies Daniell and Moore. 

* The court having jurisdiction over the region of tin mines in Cornwall. 


Mr. Moor was easily confirmed in his new Dignity by 
the Palatine; and as he is said to have sought after it, to 
enrich himself, so he made use of it to that end, he being in 
mean Circumstances, if the Representation of the principal 
Inhabitants of the Colony does not deceive us. 

Let us give the Reader the proper Words, that we may 
not be accus d of Partiality, which we detest in all things 
that hurt the Truth. But we know very well, that Faction 
will often accuse Fact of Partiality; and an Historian may 
write Things true, and yet by writing the Truth only of one 
Side, and concealing what is to its Disadvantage, it may give 
a plausible Appearance to a bad Cause; wherefore we solemnly 
declare, that after a full Enquiry we have not been able to 
learn any thing that could excuse the Disorders we are about 
to relate, and vindicate the Administration in Carolina, while 
the Lord Granville was Palatine. Whether that Lord or his 
Governours ought to be blam d most, let the World judge. 

Mr. Moor, says the author of the above-mention d Re 
presentation, 1 having thus boldly gotten the Government, 
resolv d to make the best use of his Authority, and finding 
himself too poor, with the Countenance of his Office, to make 
any considerable Profit of the Indian Trade, he laid the Design 
of getting it wholly into his Power. He to that end procured 
a Bill to be brought into the Assembly, then sitting, for 
regulating the Indian Trade: which Bill was so drawn, that 
had it past, he would have engross d all that beneficial Com 
merce. But Mr. Robert Stephens and Mr. Nicholas Trott 
(who had not then forsaken the Country Interest) and some 
others, so plainly shew d the ill Aim of that Act, that twas 
thrown out of the Assembly: Which Mr. Moor dissolv d, 
perceiving they would not answer his Ends. 

We do not think our selves obliged to keep to the Words 
of this Representation, which are too rough in some Places; 
but we keep religiously to the Sense; and having refer d the 
Reader in the Margint to our Authority, he cannot suppose we 
endeavour to impose on him. 

The Governour calPd a new Assembly about the latter 
end of the Year 1701. At the choosing of which, tho the 
Right of Electing be in the Freeholders only, he so influenced 

1 "Case of Diss. in Car., p. 29, 30." (Note in original.) 


the Sheriff, that Strangers, Servants, Aliens; nay, Malatoes 
and Negroes were polFd, and returned. 

Such as at the Place of Election opposed these Practices, 
were abus d, and some assaulted by Mr. Moor s Favourites. 
By this means having got several into the Assembly, Men 
of no Sense and Credit, who would vote as he wou d have 
them; he there kept them from being thrown out, on the 
Petition of those who were unjustly excluded. 

Colliton County sent a Representation against him to the 
Palatine, containing in Substance the same, as that we have 
spoken of before; therefore we cannot suspect the Truth 
of it. 

When the Governour was afraid any of the Members 1 
he was sure was in his Interest would be turn d out, on Pe 
titions, 2 he prorogued the Assembly: And when at last they 
were suffered to sit, the Inquiry into the Sheriff of Berkley 
County s Return was obstructed, by setting on foot an ill 
contrived Design of raising Forces to attack St. Augustino, a 
Fort belonging to the Spaniards, to the Southward of Carolina. 
If any Member of the Assembly undertook to speak against 
it, and to shew how unable the Province was at that time to 
undertake such an Expedition, he was presently look d upon 
by him, and his Adherents, as an Enemy and Traitor to his 
Country; 3 and accordingly revil d and affronted; tho the 
true Design of the Expedition, as the Representation from 
Colliton County tells us, was no other than catching and 
making Slaves of Indians for private Advantage. He would 
have had this Military Enterprize been undertaken before the 
War with Spain was proclaim d; but the Assembly carry d 
that in the Negative. 

Before we treat of this Expedition, we must observe 
what past further in the Assembly. Mr. John Ash, one of 
the Members, propos d to have the last Fundamental Constitu- 

1 "Ibid., p. 34." (Note in original.) 

2 There was no reason for Moore s party to fear investigation ; there was no 
prospect of any of their number being turned out, and the journal shows that 
Moore prorogued the House from time to time because no quorum could be 
obtained because the Dissenters absented themselves to prevent Moore s meas 
ures from being adopted, and perhaps because they realized that an investiga 
tion of their charges of fraud would show that there had been little, or no, fraud, 

3 "P. 35." (Note in original.) 


tions, which Mr. Daniel brought over, confirmed; but he 
was opposed by Mr. Trott and Mr. How, the Governour s 
Creatures. 1 

This Mr. Trott had himself been Governour of Providence/ 
and behav d himself so arbitrarily, that he was complain d 
of to King William some Years before. Trott and How ex- 
pos d the Constitutions as ridiculous; and the Country was 
thus left in an unsettled Condition. 

There s one Article in this Representation which is very 
extraordinary: That the said late Governour Moor did grant 
Commissions, to Anthony Dodsworth, Robert Mackoone and 
others, 3 to set upon, assault, kill, destroy, and take as many 
Indians as they possibly could; the Profit and Produce of 
which Indian Slaves were turn d to his private Use. Whereas 
such Undertakings, unjust and barbarous in themselves, will 
in all Probability draw upon us an Indian War. 

We have said enough to give an Idea of the Condition the 
People of Carolina were in under such a Government, and 
have taken it all from Memorials presented by their Agents 
to the Lords Proprietaries. The next thing that comes in 
our way is the War of Augustino. 

Two Thousand Pounds were rais d by an Act of the Assem 
bly, to defray the Charge of this Expedition. The Governour 
prest as many Merchant Ships as were necessary to transport 
the Troops he intended to embark; who were order d to 
rendezvous at Port Royal. 

The Number of Men which were listed for this Enterprize 
were 1200, 600 English, and 600 Indians. Col. Moor took the 
Command on himself, as General of all the Forces that should 
be rais d within the Limits of his Government. 

Col. Rob. Daniel, a very brave Man, commanded a Party 
who were to go up the River in Periaga s, 4 and come upon 
Augustino on the Land side, while the Governour sail d 

1 "Ibid." (Note in original.) 

3 New Providence or Nassau in the Bahamas. But the Nicholas Trott who 
had been governor of that island was not the Nicholas Trott who now held high 
position in South Carolina. Nicholas Trott of London, the son-in-law of 
Thomas Amy (see p. 307, note 2 supra), was the man who had been governor 
of New Providence. 

3 "Coll. County Repr., Article 5." (Note in original.) 

* Periaguas. 


thither and attacked it by Sea. They both set out in August, 
1702. Col. Daniel in his Way took St. John s, a small Spanish 
Settlement; as also St. Mary s, another little Village, belonging 
to the Spaniards. After which he proceeded to Augustino, 
came before the Town, enter d and took it; Col. Moor not 
being yet arriv d with the Fleet. 

The Inhabitants having notice of the Approach of the 
English had pack d up their best Effects, and retir d with 
them into the Castle, which was surrounded by a very deep 
and broad Moat. 

They had laid up Provisions there for 4 Months, and 
resolv d to defend themselves to the last Extremity. How 
ever Col. Daniel found a considerable Booty in the Town. 
The next Day the Governour arriv d, and a Council of War 
was immediately call d, in which twas resolv d to land. 

Accordingly the Governour came ashore, and his Troops 
following him, they entrench d, posted their Guards in the 
Church, and block d up the Castle. The English held the 
Possession of the Town a whole Month, but finding they could 
do nothing for want of Mortars and Bombs, they dispatch d 
away a Sloop for Jamaica; but the Commander of the Sloop, 
instead of going thither, came to Carolina, out of Fear or 
Treachery. Finding others offer d to go in his stead, he pro 
ceeded in the Voyage himself, after he had lain some time at 

The Governour all this while lay before the Castle of 
Augustino, in Expectation of the Return of the Sloop: Which 
hearing nothing of, he sent Col. Daniel, who was the Life of 
the Action, to Jamaica, on the same Errand. 

This Gentleman being hearty in the Design, procured a 
Supply of Bombs, and return d towards Augustino. But in 
the mean time two Ships appear d in the Offing, which being 
taken to be two very large Men of War, the Governour thought 
fit to raise the Siege, and abandon his Ships, with a great 
Quantity of Stores, Ammunition, and Provision, to the Enemy. 
Upon which the two Men of War enter d the Port of Augustino, 
and took the Governour s Ships. Some say he burnt them him 
self. Certain it is, they were lost to the English, and that 
he return d to Charles-Town over Land, 300 Miles from 
Augustino. The two Men of War that were thought to be so 


large, prov d to be two small Frigats, one of 22, and the other 
of 16 Guns. 

When Col. Daniel came back to Augustino, he was chas d, 
but got away; and Col. Moor retreated with no great Honour 
homewards. The Periagas lay at St. John s, whether the Gov- 
ernour retired, and so to Charles Town, having lost but two 
Men in the whole Expedition. Arratommakaw, King of the 
Yanioseaves, who commanded the Indians, retreated to the 
Periagas with the rest, and there slept upon his Oars, with 
a great deal of Bravery and Unconcern. The Governour s 
Soldiers taking a false Alarm, and thinking the Spaniards 
were coming, did not like this slow Pace of the Indian King 
in his Flight; and to quicken him in it, bad him make more 
Haste: But he reply d, No; tho your Governour leaves you, 
I will not stir till I have seen all my Men before me. 

The First Representation, calPd also, The present State of 
Affairs in Carolina* reflects a little too bitterly on Col. Moor 
on this Head; and one would suspect the Truth of what it 
contains, if it was not confirmed by the second. We are told 
there, They sent Plunder to Jamaica by their trusty Officers, 
under colour of seeking Supplies, and sending for Bombs and 
Mortars. Which is a malicious Turn given by Col. Moor s 
Enemies to Col. Daniel s going to Jamaica, who by the Dis 
patch he made there shew d he went really for Mortars; and 
had the Governour staid till he had returned, the Castle of 
Augustino had perhaps now been in English Hands; for the 
Spaniards had not above 200 Men aboard the two Frigats. 2 
This Expedition, as unfortunate as it was in it self, was much 
more so in the Consequence of it; for it brought a Debt of 
6000Z. on the Province. The Assembly had been under a 
Prorogation during the Governour s Absence, and when he 
returned they met. The first thing they went upon, was 
to raise Money to pay off the Debt above-mentioned, and 
then they took into Consideration the Danger of the Country, 
as it lay exposed to the Southward. But while these Bills 

1 "Coll. County Repr., p. 30." (Note in original.) 

2 And just as Governor Moore was misrepresented about the plunder he 
sent to Jamaica by Daniell just so was he misrepresented in other respects. 
The failure of his expedition was due to cowardice or traitorousness on the part 
of some of his officers, as is even here partially shown by Oldmixon. 


were passing, another for the better regulating Elections, 
pass d the Lower House twice, and was sent up to the Gov- 
ernour and Council, by whom t was rejected without so much 
as a Conference. Upon which several of the Members, jealous 
of their Privileges, and being so ordered by those that sent 
them, entered their Protestation, and left the House; 1 but 
returned the next Day, offering to sit longer if the rest of the 
Assembly would join with them, in asserting their Right. The 
Whole Assembly consists of but 30 Members, and 15 of them 
protested against the irregular Proceedings of the Governour. 
Instead of tempering Matters, when they returned to the 
House, they were abus d and treated with the most scandalous 
Reflections, unbecoming an Assembly that represented a 
whole Province. And as they were insulted within doors, 
they were assaulted without; for a Day or two after Lieut. 
Col. George Dearsby drew his Sword upon Thomas Smith, 
Esq; a Landgrave, and once Governour of the Colony, 2 
threatning his Life. John Ash, Esq; a Member of the 
Assembly, was not only abus d in the Streets by a Company 
of Drunken Fellows, but forc d aboard a Ship belonging to 
Cap. Rhett, and threatned to be hang d, or sent to Jamaica, 
or left on some Desart-Island. This Mr. Ash is the Man who 
was employed as Agent for the People of Carolina, to repre 
sent their Grievances in the first Memorial, call d, The Present 
State of Affairs in Carolina] and the Persons who thus bar 
barously treated him, were George Dearsby, Nicholas Nary, 
Thomas Dalton, and others, whom, says the Representation 
of Colliton County, Article xi. the Governour had treated 
immediately before the Riot began, and us d such Expressions 
to them, as gave them, next their Drink, the greatest Encour 
agements for what they acted; telling them, 3 The Protesting 
Members would bring the People on their Heads for neglecting 
to pay the Country s Debts. After the Riot began, of Part 
of which he was an Eye- Witness, having first drunk with some 
of them, he withdrew himself out of the way. This Riot con- 

1 "See the Representation of the Members of Colliton County" (Note in 

8 This Landgrave Thomas Smith (1664-1738) was the son of the former 
governor, who died in 1694. 

3 "P. 36." (Note in original.) 


tinu d 4 or 5 Days; and Edmund Bellinger, Esq; a Landgrave, 
and Justice of Peace, attempting to suppress it, was call d 
opprobrious Names by the Rioters, and Rhett can d him for a 
considerable time. The Rioters assaulted Mr. Joseph Boon, a 
Merchant, deputed by Colliton County, to present the above- 
mention d Second Representation to the Palatine and Lords 
Proprietaries, and put him in Danger and Fear of his Life, 
without any Provocation. The same they did by Mr. James 
Byres; who with the rest complained to the Governour; and 
receiving no Satisfaction, they ask d him, whether he did not 
look on himself, as Governour, obliged to keep the Peace of 
the Province: The Governour reply d, That s a Question I am 
not oblig d to answer. He told them, twas a Justice of Peace s 

The Rioters went one Night to the house of one John 
Smith, a Butcher in Charles-Town, and forcing open the 
Door, threw down a Woman big with Child, and otherwise 
misusing her; she brought forth a dead Child, with the Back 
and Skull broken. These Instances are enough to shew any 
Man the Temper of this Governour and his Party; who were 
the same that stickled so much for the unhappy Bill we must 
speak of in the Sequel of this History. What followed upon 
this Riot, is told us in a late Tract, which I shall make use of 
in the Author s own Words, 

As this Riot was rais d encouraged and countenanced by the 
said Governour and Council; 1 And as no Assistance could be 
obtained to quell it, so all Methods to enquire into, and punish it, 
have been rendered ineffectual, and the Course of Justice intirely 
stop d. For Sir Nathaniel Johnson was made Governour in the 
Room of the said Moor. The said Governour Moor was presently 
made Attorney General; and Mr. Trott, another of the chief Abet 
tors of the Riot, the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; who in 
this Province is sole Judge. Sir Nathaniel Johnson was General 
of the Leward Islands, in the Reign of the late King James; but 
he quitted his Government upon the Revolution, and retir d to 
Carolina, where he liv d privately till the Death of the late King 
James. Upon which he first took the Oaths to the Government; 
and some time after was made Governour of the Province. And 
he has since his being Governour appointed such Sheriffs, as pre- 

1 "Case of Dis. in Car., 19." (Note in original.) 


vent all Prosecutions of this Riot at their Assizes or Quarter Ses 
sions (which are the only Courts of Justice in this Province) where 
Crimes of this Nature can be try d; and where the said Mr. Trott 
is sole Judge, by returning such Jurors as were known Abettors of 
the said Riot: So that there is a total Failure of Justice, and nothing 
but Corruption in the whole Frame and Administration of Govern 

Colliton-County Representation tells us particularly, that 
Mr. Bellinger did what in him lay to have the said Riot in- 
quir d into. He gave in the Record of it to the Bench; and 
some of the Grand Jury urg d to have it presented, but to 
no purpose. The first Representation informs us, that the 
Grand Jury presented it to the Court as a great Grievance, 
that the Riot was not look d into, and the Rioters prosecuted; 
yet no Justice against them could be obtained ; the Judge 
giving for Answer, Twas before the Council, his superiors: 
The present Governour, That it was an Action done before 
his coming to the Government; that he thought the time of 
Prosecution laps d, but would take care the like should be no 

This Answer had in the last part of it a Face of Moderation; 
and such an Air was necessary, because an Assembly was 
about being elected. "The Conspirators/ as my Author 
terms them, 1 "saw that a new Parliament might set all things 
to rights again, and therefore when the time of a new Election 
came, which, according to their Constitution, is once in two 
Years; they resolv d to procure a Commons House of Assem 
bly of the same Complexion with the former, and by more 
illegal Practices. If those they had us d in the former Elec 
tions would not do their Business, their Designs took Effect; 
and such a Commons House of Assembly was returned, as 
fully answered their Expectations." 

The first Representation brought over by Mr. Ash, in 
forms us, That at the Election for Berkley and Craven 
County, the Violence in Mr. Moor s Time, and all other illegal 
Practices, were with more Violence repeated, and openly 
avow d by the present Governour, and his Friends. 

The second Representation adds, Jews, Strangers, Sailors, 
Servants, Negroes, and almost every Frenchman in Craven 

1 "lb., p. 20." (Note in original.) 


and Berkley Counties, came down to elect, and their Votes 
were taken, and the Persons by them voted for, were ret urn d 
by the Sheriffs. 

The Assembly meeting, chose Job How, Esq; to be their 
Speaker, and this was that Parliament, who, to oppress the 
Protestant Dissenters, brought in a Bill contrary to the first 
and last Fundamental Constitutions, to the true Interest of 
the Colony, and the right of every Freeholder there. Twas 
entitl d, An act for the more effectual Preservation of the 
Government, by requiring all Persons that shall hereafter be 
chosen Members of the Commons House of Assembly, and 
sit in the same, to, etc., and to conform to the religious Wor 
ship in this Province, according to the Church of England, 
and to receive the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper according 
to the Rights and Usage of the said Church. 

Every Dissenter that was turn d out of the House, by 
virtue of this Act, made room for the most bigotted of the 
Faction to get in; for it provided, that the Person who had 
the most Votes next to such Dissenter, should be admitted 
in his place; and those that opposed the Dissenters being 
generally, according to the before-mentioned Author, Men of 
violent and persecuting Principles, the Faction secured the 
Power in their own Hands. 

There were 12 Members for this Bill, and 11 against it, 
in the Lower House; and in the Upper, Joseph Moreton, Esq; 
a Landgrave, and one of the Proprietary s Deputies was 
deny d the Liberty of entering his Protest against it. The 
Bill pass d the 6th of May, A. D. 1704. and was sign d by Sir 
Nathaniel Johnson, Col. Thomas Broughton, Col. James Moor, 
Robert Gibbs, Esq; Henry Noble, Esq; Nicholas Trott, Esq; 

The Governour and Proprietaries Deputies, upon passing 
this Act, allarm d all the Dissenters, who according to the 
Orthodox Minister of Charles Town, the Reverend Mr. Mars- 
ton s Letter to the Reverend Dr. Stanhope, 1 are the soberest, 
most numerous, and richest People of this Province; and this 
Assembly was compos d of many Men of very loose and cor 
rupt Morals. 

We have shewn .in the Beginning of the History of Caro 
lina, that by the Fundamentals of the Province, the Dis- 

* "Case of Diss., part 2, p. 57." (Note in original.) 


senters could not be justly excluded from any Rights of the 
Members of it ; we have shewn here what a sort of Convention, 
and by what Government countenanced, this Assembly was; 
and there s no need of exaggerating Matters, to make the 
thing look black; wherefore we shall proceed in our History. 

It cannot be imagined that a People who had been us d 
so ill, wou d sit still, and tamely bear such barbarous Usage: 
especially considering those that were concern d in the Riot 
were some of the worst, and those that suffered by it, some 
of the best Men in the Province. 

Col. Joseph Moreton, and Edmund Bellinger, Esq; Land 
graves, and Deputies of the Lords Proprietaries, all the other 
Members of Colliton County, and several of the greatest 
Worth and Reputation in Berkley County, prevailed with 
Mr. Joseph Ash to come for England, to represent the miser 
able State of the Province to the Proprietaries. 

The Faction being apprehensive of their Danger in such 
a Proceeding, did their utmost to prevent Mr. Ash s Voyage; 
and twas not without the greatest Difficulty that he got 
away from Carolina to Virginia, where his Powers and Instruc 
tions were convey d to him, as Agent for the Gentlemen and 
Inhabitants above-nam d. 

Coming to England, he apply d himself to the Lord Gran- 
ville, then Proprietary of the Province: But finding he was 
entirely in the Interests of the prevailing Party in Carolina, 
he despaired of seeing the Grievances he came to complain of, 
redress d: He therefore drew up the first Representation, often 
cited in this Treatise, printed a Sheet of it, and intended to go 
through with it; but dy d before he could finish it; and his 
Papers, after his Death, were betray d into his Enemies Hands. 

How this Agency was lik d in Carolina, we may suppose; 
and that the Author of The Case of the Dissenters in Carolina, 
does not impose upon us, in telling us, The Governour and 
his Agents prosecuted and insulted several of the Inhabitants, 
and particularly Landgrave Smith, on the account of some 
private Letters which they sent to the said Ash, while he was 
in Virginia and England, and which were found among the 
Papers betray d to the Governour s Agents. 

Mr. Ash may probably represent Things with too much 
Partiality, especially if what Mr. Archdale says of him be 


true; 1 "Their first Agent seem d not a Person suitably 
qualified to represent their State here, not that he wanted 
Wit, but Temper/ 

What Share the Governour had in this Business, appears 
also in the same Tract. 2 "Sir Nathaniel Johnson by a Chy- 
mical Wit, Zeal, and Art, transmuted or turn d this Civil Differ 
ence into a religious Controversy; and so setting up a Standard 
for those called High Church, ventured at all to exclude all 
the Dissenters out of the Assembly, as being those principally 
that were for a strict Examination into the Grounds and 
Causes of the Miscarriage of the Augustino Expedition. 77 

The Party did not stop here; for on the 4th of Novem 
ber an Act past, and was sign d by the Governour, and the 
Deputies above-nam d; entitPd, "An Act for establishing 
Religious Worship in this Province, according to the Church 
of England; and for the erecting of Churches for the Publick 
Worship of God, and also for the Maintenance of Ministers, 
and the building convenient Houses for them." 3 

Which Act Mr. Archdale acquaints us, "notwithstanding 
its splendid Gloss, savour d of a persecuting Spirit, and of a 
haughty Dominion over the Clergy itself; for they set up a 
High Commission Court, giving them Power to place and dis 
place Ministers, and act much in the Nature of the High Com 
mission Court erected by King James II. in England." These 
Commissioners were Sir Nathaniel Johnson, Thomas Brough- 
ton, Esq; Col. James Moor, Nicholas Trott, Esq; Col. Robert 
Gibbes, Job How, Esq; Ralph Izard, Esq; Col. James Risbee, 
Col. George Logan, Lieut. Colonel William Rhett, William 
Smith, Esq; Mr. John Stroude, Mr. Thomas Hubbard, Richard 
Beresford, Esq; Mr. Robert Seabrook, Mr. Hugh Hicks/ 
John Ashby, Esq; Capt. John Godfrey, James Serurier, alias 
Smith, Esq; and Mr. Thomas Barton. 

It will not be improper to give a Character of this James 
Serurier, who has been mightily employed by the present 
Government in Carolina; and we cannot do it better, than in 
using the same Words Mrs. Blake, Mother of the Proprietary 
Joseph Blake, Esq; writes to the Lords Proprietaries. 5 

1 "Description of Carolina, p. 25." (Note in original.) 

"P. 23." (Note in original.) 3 "P. 24." (Note in original.) 

4 Hugh Hext. 5 See p. 250, supra. 


Towards the Satisfaction of the Augustino Debt, an Act was 
contrived, for forcing the Currency of Bills of Credit to the Value 
of 6000/. These Bills were declar d current in all Payments, and 
the Refuser of them sueable in double the Value of the Sum re- 
fus d; whereby the boldest Stroke has been given to the Property 
of the Settlers in this Province, that ever was known in any Country 
not governed by Arbitrary Power. And the bad Consequences of 
this forc d Currency, in Relation to trade with Strangers, are so 
great, that they can scarcely be exprest. But there has nothing of 
this been weigh d by your Lordship s Deputies here, or by the 
pack d Members of our Commons House of Assembly. Besides 
all this, the people are not satisfy d how many Bills are truly sent 
abroad; and the great Concern, Mr. James Smith, alias Serurier 
(who cheated the Scots Company of a considerable Sum of Money, 
and with his Keeper made his Escape from London hither) had 
in this Contrivance, gives a Jealousy of indirect practices. 

By this the Reader understands what Inconveniences the 
Augustino Expedition brought upon the Colony, and what 
sort of Persons were Promoters of this Occasional Bill in 
America. But to shew that this Faction in the Assembly 
had nothing less in their View, than the real Advancement of 
Religion, and the Church of England; 1 the Reverend Mr. 
Edward Marston, minister of that Church in Charles Town, 
was censur d by them, for three Passages of a Sermon preach d 
there by him; two of which Passages were not in the said Ser 
mon; and that which was amounted to no more, than that the 
Clergy had a Divine Right to a Maintenance. They deprived 
him of his Salary settl d on him by Act of Parliament, and of 
50Z. besides due to him by an Act of Assembly: Tho the 
chief Reason was his having visited Mr. Landgrave Smith, 
when he was in Custody of a Messenger, being committed by 
the Commons House, and living Friendly with the Dissenters. 

Of this Assembly the same Reverend Divine says, "They 
made some very odd and unjustifiable Laws, which have 
occasioned great Feuds and Animosities here. 772 And in his 
Representation to the Lords Proprietaries; "Most of the 
late Members of Assembly have been constant Absenters from 

1 "Case of Diss. Car., p. 23." (Note in original.) 

1 "See his letter to Dr. Stanhope, Part 2, p. 57." (Note in margin of origi 
nal, with subsequent references to pp. 62, 63, 67, 60, 58.) 


the Holy Sacrament: So tis no Wonder they have inserted 
an absurd Oath in a late Act, etc. I cannot think it will be 
much for the Credit and Service of the Church of England 
here, that such Provisions should be made, for admitting the 
most loose and profligate Persons to sit and vote in the making 
of our Laws, who will but take the Oath appointed by the 
late Act." And of the High Commissioners tis said, " Eleven 
of the Twenty were never known to receive the Sacrament of 
the Lord s Supper." 

And that this furious Faction were no Friends to the 
Church of England is plain, by their Design to wrest the 
Ecelesiastical Jurisdiction out of the Hands of the Right 
Reverend Father in God, Henry Lord Bishop of London. 1 
Mr. Marston being threatened in Col. Risbee s House, "That 
at the next Sessions of Assembly he should see the Bishop 
of London s Jurisdiction abolish d there. 7 And of this 
Carolina Parliament he adds further, "Our Lower House of 
Assembly imprison by a Vote of the House, sine die, and bid 
Defiance to the Habeas Corpus Act, tho made in Force there 
by an Act of Assembly." The Governour was very "cholerick 
with the Minister, because he had made Landgrave Smith a 
Visit, at the House of the Messenger; and a Bully lash d 
him causelesly with his Whip, and tore his Gown from his 
Back. His Creatures also in the Assembly were the Occasion 
of his Sufferings." 

If I am accus d of being partial in representing this Matter, 
I answer, that besides the Memorials publish d by the Agent 
of Carolina, Mr. Archdale s Tract and others, I have diligently 
inquir d into the Truth of the Fact, and have not been able 
to learn the least hint that makes against it, or vindicates 
the Party that is complain d of, and were powerfully protected 
by the Lord Granville; notwithstanding it was made out to 
him, that the Assembly in passing the Occasional Bill in 
Carolina, 2 were guilty of the most notorious ill Practices, and 
were Men of corrupt Principles and Manners. That Bill was 
brought into the House the 4th of May, and carry d so pre 
cipitately, that it past the 6th, four Days before the time 
to which they were prorogu d. There never were above 23 
Members present, from the 26th of April to the 6th of May. 

1 Bishop Henry Compton. a "Part I., p. 38." (Note in original.) 


There was but one more for it than against it ; and of the latter 
many were Members of the Church of England. 

There s one thing very remarkable in the Act, which is the 
Stile: "Be it enacted, by his Excellency John Lord Granville, 
and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of 
Carolina," etc. A Stile never assum d by them till very 
lately. 1 From whence we may observe how pleas d that 
Faction is every where with the Despotick and Absolute 
Power, insomuch as to usurp the Name, when they cannot 
obtain any thing more. The Case of the Dissenters in Carolina, 
is so full of Irregularities in the Course of this Affair, that 
we must refer the Reader to it. We have taken the most 
material, and now are to see what was done in England re 
lating to this Matter. 

The principal Merchants in London trading to Carolina, 
drew up a Petition to the Lord Granville against passing 
this Act, or to order its Repeal. Which Petition they lodg d 
with Mr. Boone, the Agent of Carolina, who solicited the 
Palatine seven Weeks before he could prevail to have a 
Board of Proprietaries calPd. 

Mr. Arehdale, one of the Proprietaries, opposed the rati 
fying of the Bill against the Dissenters at the Board, and 
with such solid Reasons, that tis amazing to find the Palatine 
make this short Answer to all of 7 em: "Sir, you are of one 
Opinion, and I am of another; and our Lives may not be long 
enough to end the Controversy: I am for this Bill, and this 
is the Party that I will head and countenance." 

What other Tone could he have talk d in had he been 
Sultan of Carolina? Mr. Boon pray d he might be heard 
by Council. The Palatine reply d, "What Business has 
Council here? It is a prudential Act in me; and I will do 
as I see fit. I see no harm at all in this Bill, and am resolv d 
to pass it." He should have added, Car tel est noire Plaisir. 2 

As all Methods to procure Justice from this Board were 
ineffectual, in the Case of the Dissenters, the same were 

1 The earliest original acts of the General Assembly of South Carolina now 
in possession of the state of South Carolina were enacted in 1690 (Sothell s ad 
ministration) and they are worded in exactly that "stile," save that "William 
Earl of Craven Palatine" appears instead of "John Lord Granville." 

a The customary subscription of the edicts of the kings of France. 


they in Mr. Marston s Case, and the Abuses he met with 
from the Party, the Lord Granville was resolv d to head 
and countenance. And what that Party was in England, 
and how they have seen their unreasonable Attempts banTd 
and exploded, is too well known, to need any Remembrance 

The Bill which occasioned all the Complaints in Caro 
lina, having past thus illegally and arbitrarily, the Dissenters 
in this Province being notoriously known to be above two thirds 
of the People, 1 and the richest and soberest among them, 
according to Mr. Marston s Evidence, twas not likely that 
they would suffer themselves to be insulted and persecuted 
without seeking Redress. The very Assembly who past the 
Bill, about half a year afterwards past another to repeal it, 
when the House was full; but it was lost in the Upper House; 
and the Governour, in great indignation, dissolved the Com 
mons House, by the Name of the Unsteady Assembly. 2 The 
Society for propagating the Gospel in America and else 
where, meeting in St. Paul s Church, taking the Act for 
the Establishing Religious Worship, etc., into Consideration, 
resolv d not to send or support any Missionaries in that 
Province, till the said Act, or the Clause relating to the Lay 
Commissionaries, was annuFd. 

There being no Hopes of any Redress of the Grievances 
the Inhabitants of this Colony suffered in Carolina, nor from 
the Lords Proprietaries in England, they resolv d to bring the 
Matter before the House of Lords in England, not doubting 
but to have entire Justice done them by that august Assembly; 
where the Language of their Palatine was never heard from 
the Throne, at least in this Reign, or the last; both which 
are the Glory of the British Annals. 

Mr. Boon was not only empowered by the principal inhabi 
tants of Carolina to act as their Agent, but he was assisted 
in his Agency by several eminent Merchants of London, who 
sign d the Petition to the House of Lords; as Mr. Micaiah 
Perry, Mr. Joseph Paice, Mr. Peter Renew, Mr. Christopher 
Fowler, and others. 

The Effect of which was, after a full hearing of the Cause 
at the Lord s Bar, that most Honourable House, who have 

1 "P. 12." (Note in original.) 3 "P. 41." (Note in original.) 


done such great Things for the Liberties of England, voted 
an Address to the Queen, in behalf of the Province of Carolina: 
But the Reader cannot be better satisfy d, than to have it in 
their own Words; by which the State of the Case will be best 
seen. 1 

The House having fully and maturely weigh d the Nature of 
.these two Acts, found themselves oblig d in Duty to Your Majesty, 
and in Justice to your Subjects in Carolina (who by the Express 
Words of the Charter of Your Royal Uncle King Charles II. granted 
to the Proprietors, are declared to be the Liege People of the Crown 
of England, and to have Right to all the Liberties, Franchises, and 
Privileges of Englishmen, as if they were born within this Kingdom: 
And who by the Words of the same Charter, are to be subject to no 
Laws, but such as are consonant to Reason, and as near as may 
be to the Laws and Customs of England) to come to the following 

First, That it is the Opinion of this House, that the Act of the 
Assembly of Carolina, lately pass d there, and since sign d and 
seal d by John Lord Granville, Palatine, for himself, and for the 
Lord Cartarett, and the Lord Craven, and Sir John Colliton, four 
of the Proprietors of that Province, in order to the ratifying it, 
entitled, "An Act for the establishing Religious Worship in this 
Province, according to the Church of England, and for the erecting 
of Churches for the publick Worship of God, and also for the Main 
tenance of Ministers, and building convenient Houses for them," 
So far forth as the same relates to the establishing a Commission 
for the displacing the Rectors or Ministers of the Churches there, 
is not warranted by the Charter granted to the Proprietors of that 
Colony, as being not consonant to Reason, repugnant to the Laws 
of this Realm, and destructive to the Constitution of the Church 
of England. 

Secondly, That it is the Opinion of this House, That the Act 
of the Assembly of Carolina, entitled, "An Act for the more effectual 
Preservation of the Government of this Province, by requiring all 
Persons that shall hereafter be chosen Members of the Commons 
House of Assembly, and sit in the same, to take the Oaths, and 
subscribe the Declaration appointed by this Act, and to conform 
to the Religious Worship in this Province, according to the Rites 
and Usage of the said Church," lately pass d there, and sign d and 

1 " The Humble Address of the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and 
Temporal in Parliament assembled, Die Martii 12, 1705." (Note in original; 
see also p. 264, note 1, supra.) 


seal d by John Lord Granville, Palatine, for himself, and the Lord 
Craven, and also for the Lord Cartarett, and by Sir John Colliton, 
four of the Proprietors of that Province, in order to the ratifying 
of it, is founded upon Falsity in Matter of Fact, is repugnant to the 
Laws of England, contrary to the Charter granted to the Proprietors 
of that Colony, is an Encouragement to Atheism and Irreligion, 
destructive to Trade, and tends to the depopulating and ruining 
the said Province. 

May it please your Majesty; 

We your Majesty s most dutiful Subjects, having thus humbly 
presented our Opinions of these Acts, we beseech your Majesty to 
use the most effectual methods to deliver the said Province from 
the arbitrary Oppressions, under which it now lies; and to order 
the Authors thereof to be prosecuted according to Law. 

To which Her Majesty was graciously pleas d to answer: 

I thank the House, for laying these Matters so plainly before 
me; I am very sensible of what great Consequence the Plantations 
are to England, and will do all that is in my Power to relieve my 

It appeared to the House, that some of the Proprietors 
absolutely refus d to join in these Acts. This Matter being 
referred to the Lords of the Committee of Trade, they ex- 
amin d into it; and finding all the Fact charg d upon the 
Promoters of these Bills, true, represented to Her Majesty. 
the 24th of May, 1706, That the making such Laws is an 
Abuse of the Power granted to the Proprietors by their Charter, 
and will be a Forfeiture of such Power. They further humbly 
offered to her Majesty, That she would be pleas d to give 
Directions for re-assuming the same into her Majesty s Hands 
by Scire Facias, in her Majesty s Court of Queen s Bench. 
Which Representation was signed by the Right Honourable 
the Lord Dartmouth, the Honourable Robert Cecil, Esq; 
Sir Philip Meadows, William Blathwayte, Esq; Matthew 
Prior, Esq ; and John Pollexfen, Esq. 

On the 10th of June, her Majesty was pleas d to approve 
of the said Representation; and accordingly having declared 
the Laws mention d therein to be null and void, did Order, 
That for the more effectual Proceeding against the said Charter 
by way of Quo Warranto, Mr. Attorney, and Mr. Solicitor 


General do inform themselves fully concerning what may be 
most necessary for effecting the same. 

Thus did our most Gracious Sovereign hear the Cry of 
the Oppressed, right the Innocent, and do Justice on the 
Oppressor. For no Distance of Country can put any of her 
Subjects out of her Protection; nor no Difference of Opinion 
(provided they are kept within the Bounds of Duty and Re 
ligion) prevent her favouring alike all her People, and doing 
her utmost to make them all happy, as the infinite God has 
made her Reign to her self, and her Empire in a distinguished 

The Assembly which passed these two memorable Acts 
were dissolv d in the following Year, and a new one sum- 
mon d to meet at Charles Town. At the Election, Craven 
and Berkley Counties were so streightned by the Qualifying 
Act, that they had not 20 Men to represent them, unless they 
would choose a Dissenter, or a Man not fit to sit in the Assem 
bly. Nineteen of the Party against the Occasional Bill were 
chosen, and one Mr. Job How was elected by the Interest of 
the Goosecreek Faction, a Branch of the former. The French, 
who were Free-holders, voted for them, being induc d to it,, 
by a Frenchman s being set up for a Candidate. They also 
procured Masters of Ships, particularly Cap. Cole, who lay in 
the Harbour, to vote on their Side. This Election was made 
in the Town, and the Faction gave out, an Assembly was 
chosen, who would repeal the Church-Act, and not pay the 
Augustino Debt, threatning if they did, the House and Town 
should quickly be too hot to hold them. 

In Colliton County, there were but 14 Men would qualify 
themselves: Therefore none of the Dissenters appeared, and 
there were but 10 Votes out of 200 that appeared at the 
Election. The 10 Electors voted for 14 Candidates, and the 
Sheriff returned 10 that had the Majority of Votes. 

On Jan. 2. 1705. the Members met, but not enough to 
make a House, and choose a Speaker. Mr. Stephens, one of 
the Members, ask d Mr. How, in the Governour s Presence, 
to attend; but he refused. Before Night the House was 
compleat, and waited on the Governour, and ask d if he 
would direct them to choose a Speaker? He Answer d, he 
thought twas too late, but if they would venture they must 


do it with speed, for he was not well, and twould endanger 
his Health to sit up. So they presently chose Mr. Seabrook, 
and presented him to the Governour; who approved of the 

The next Day the House met, the Speaker in the Chair, 
and the Members were calPd upon to qualify themselves: 
Six did, and three more were ready to do it, and Debates 
arising about Qualifying, the House adjourn d. 

The House meeting again, a Report was, as tis said, 
industriously spread, that the Members had forfeited 501. 
a Man for adjourning before they were qualify d. Mr. How 
and Mr. Wiggington attended in their Places, and offered to 
qualify themselves; but Mr. Born well coming with a Message, 
the House waited on the Governour; who spoke to this Purpose : 


You are building on a wrong Foundation, and then the Super 
structure will never stand; for you have dissolved your selves by 
adjourning, before there was a competent Number of Members to 
adjourn, and I cannot dissolve you if I would, you not being a 
House. All this I know very well, as being my self many Years a 
Member of the House of Commons in England; and therefore as 
I am Head, I would advise you to go back no more to the House, 
but go every Man about his own Business: For if you should per 
sist in settling and making Laws, besides incurring the Penalties 
of the Act, the Laws would be of no force, etc. 

The Speaker refused to return to the Chair, and the Mem 
bers dispersed. The Governour and Council disowning the 
Assembly, Mr. Wiggington declared, Twas his Opinion the 
House was dissolved. But their Dissolution was aggravated, 
by the Pleasure the Government took in making them Felo 
de se, their own Murderers. 1 

Then another Assembly was calPd, the Choice of which 
was carry d on with greater Violence than the former. Job 

1 The journal prior to January 31, 1704/5, has been lost, but if the above 
statement is correct the General Assembly which met on the 2nd was dissolved 
after several days, new writs were issued, a new election was held, and the new 
House met before January 31st all with a haste that was not duplicated on any 
other occasion in the history of the province, so far as is shown by authentic 


How, Esq; was chosen Speaker, and the Members for the 
most Part qualify d themselves according to the Qualifying 
Act. The Faction had not then heard of the Proceedings 
against them in England, which indeed were not come to a 
Conclusion. They continued their Irregularities as if they 
were the most innocent Men in the Province, and the only 
true Patriots. They pass d an Act for their Continuance 
two Years after the Death of the present Governour, or the 
Succession of a new one: The Reason is told us in the Pre 
amble, " Whereas the Church of England has of late been so 
happily established among them, fearing by the Succession of 
a new Governour, the Church may be either undermined, or 
wholly subverted, to prevent that Calamity befalling them, 
be it enacted/ 7 etc. Mr. Job How, Speaker of the Assembly, 
dying some time after, Col. William Rhett was chosen in his 
Place. But what has been since done in these Affairs, we 
know not more than in general, that the two Acts have been 
repeaPd, and the Party who drove things on with such Fury, 
have entirely lost their Credit, and that the Proprietaries are 
oblig d to them for the cause now depending; wherein if they 
are cast, the Government of the Province will be forfeited to 
the Crown. They may thank themselves for it, or at least 
their late Palatine the Lord Granville; for since the foregoing 
Pages were written, that Lord dy d. 

How things may be manag d now, is not difficult to be 
foreseen, from the good Intelligence between the Persons we 
have just mention d; and the Fall of this Faction is a terrible 
Example to all Colonies, not to let any Prejudice or Passion 
hurry them on to do things which they cannot answer to their 
Superiours in England. 

Tis not yet known who will be Palatine of this Province, 
there being some Disputes in the Succession. Tis suppos d 
the Lord Craven will succeed the late Lord Granville, who 
assign d his Propriety to the Duke of Beaufort. 



Containing a Geographical Description of Carolina; as also an 
Account of the Climate, Soil, Product, Trade, First Inhabi 
tants, etc. 

Tis very well known, that the Province of Carolina has 
been a long time divided into two separate Governments, the 
one called North Carolina, and the other South Carolina; 
but the latter being the more populous, goes generally under 
the Denomination of Carolina, and as such we have treated 
of it in the foregoing Pages. The Proprietaries of North 
Carolina are the Proprietaries of South Carolina; tho the 
Governours are different, in other things they are exactly 
the same And we shall put them together in the Geographical 
Description; as also in our Account of the Climate, Soil, 
Product, Trade, first Inhabitants, etc. 

Carolina, as has been said, contains all the Coast of North 
America, between 31 and 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude. 
Its breadth is not to be computed, King Charles II. having 
granted the Proprietors all the Land Westward in a direct 
Line from the above mentioned Degrees to the South Seas. 
Tis in Length three hundred Miles. Its Situation is most 
convenient for Trade, the Coast pleasant and safe, not stormy, 
or frozen in the Winter. 

As to the Climate, Mr. Archdale says of it, Carolina is 
the Northern Part of Florida, viz. from 29 Degrees to 36, 
and is indeed the very Center of the habitable Part of the 
Northern Hemisphere; for taking it to be habitable from 
the Equinoctial to 64 Degrees, the center of Carolina lies in 
about 32. which is about the middle of 64, lying Parallel 
with the Land of Canaan, and may be called the temperate 
Zone comparatively, as not being pester d with the violent 
Heats of the more Southern Colonies, or the Extremes and 
violent Colds of the more Northern Settlements. Its Pro 
duction answers the Title of Florida, quia Regio est Florida. 
Carolina North and South is divided into 6 Counties; of 
which two are in North Carolina, Albemarle and Clarendon; 


and four in South, Craven, Berkley, Colliton, and Cartarett 
Counties. 1 

The first is Albemarle County, to the North, bordering on 
Virginia. Tis water d by Albemarle River; and in this 
Part of the Country lies the Island Roanoke, where Philip 
Amidas and Arthur Barlow, whom Sir Walter Rawleigh sent 
to Virginia, landed. This County may be said to belong to 
Virginia, as New England, etc., did, which justifies King 
Charles s Grant. When Carolina was first settled, Albemarle 
was more planted than any of the other Counties, and con 
sisted of near 300 Families. But the Plantations upon Ashley 
River in time grew upon it so much, that most of the Planters 
here removed thither. This River is full of Creeks on both 
Sides of it, which for Breadth deserve the Name of Rivers, 
but they do not run far into the Country. At Sandy Point, 
it divides it self into two Branches, Noratoke and Notaway; 
and in the North Point lives an Indian Nation, call d the 
Mataromogs. Next to Albemarle is Pantegoe River; between 
them is Cape Hattoras, mentioned in the History of Virginia. 
Next to it is Neuse River. The Coranines, an Indian Nation, 
inhabit the Country about Cape Look out. 

Next to Albemarle is Clarendon County; in which is the 
famous Promontary, call d Cape Fear, at the Mouth of Claren 
don River, call d also Cape Fear River. Hereabouts, a Colony 
from Barbadoes formerly settled. The Indians in this Neigh 
bourhood are reckoned the most barbarous of any in the 
Province. The next River is nam d Waterey River, or Win- 
yann, about 25 Leagues distant from Ashley River: Tis 
capable of receiving large Ships, but inferior to Port Royal, 
nor is yet inhabited. There s another small River between 
this and Clarendon River call d Wingon River, and a little 
Settlement honour d with the Name of Charles Town, but so 
thinly inhabited, that tis not worth taking Notice of. We 
come now to South Carolina, which is parted from North by 
Zantee River. 2 The adjacent Country is call d, 

1 "Des. of Car., p. 6." (Note in original. See p. 288, supra.) The name 
of Carteret County was changed to Granville after Archdale s time as governor. 

The Cape Fear River was called the Charles at the time of the settlement of 
the Barbadian colony thereon. The Wateree River is a branch of the San tee. 
Winyah Bay indents the coast just above the mouth of the Santee. There is no 


Craven County; it is pretty well inhabited by English 
and French; of the latter there s a Settlement 1 on Zantee 
River, and they were very instrumental in the irregular 
Election of the Unsteady Assembly. The next River to 
Zantee is Sewee River; 2 where some Families from New 
England settled: And in the Year 1706, the French landing 
there, they were vigorously oppos d by this little Colony; 
who beat off the Invaders, having forc d them to leave many 
of their Companions dead behind them. This County sends 
10 Members to the Assembly. We now enter 

Berkley County, passing still from North to South. The 
Northern Parts of this Shire are not planted, but the Southern 
are thick of Plantations, on Account of the two great Rivers, 
Cooper and Ashley. On the North Coast there s a little River 
calFd Bowal River; which, with a Creek, forms an Islands, 
and off the Coasts are several Isles, nam d the Hunting-Islands, 
and Sillivant s Isle. Between the latter and Bowal River, is a 
Ridge of Hills; which, from the Nature of the Soil, is call d 
the Sand-Hills. 3 The River Wando waters the North- West 
Parts of this County, and has several good Plantations upon it, 
as Col. Daniel s on the South Side, and Col. Dearsby s lower 
down on the North. It runs into Cooper River, near the 
latter, and they both unite their Streams with Ashley River 
at Charles Town. The late Assembly enacted, "That a 
Church should be built on the South-East of Wando River, 
and another upon the Neck of Land, lying on the North- 
West of Wando/ 7 but we do not see that this Act was obey d. 4 

Charles Town, the Capital of this Province, is built on a 

such river as the Wingon between Winyah and North Carolina. Two rivers 
run into Winyah Bay from that territory: the Peedee and the Waccamaw. 
There was no Charles Town then in Carolina other than that between the Ashley 
and Cooper rivers. The Barbadian settlement on the Cape Fear had been called 
by that name, but it had been abandoned before the Ashley River settlement was 

1 On this French settlement, James Town, see Mr. H. A. M. Smith in The 
South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, IX. 220-227. 

3 Seewee is not a river, but a bay. 

3 There is no river in that quarter and there are no such sandhills as are here 
described. All of the coastal islands just to the northward of Charleston are 
sandy and the wind piles this sand into dunes, but there are no hills near that 

4 Churches were built in both parishes about that time. 


Neck of Land between Ashley and Cooper Rivers, but lying 
most on Cooper River, having a Creek on the North Side, and 
another on the South. It lies in 32 Deg. 40 Min. N. Lat. 
2 Leagues from the Sea. It is the only free Port in the Prov 
ince, which is a great Discouragement to it, and a vast Injury 
to Trade: " Tis fortify d more for Beauty than Strength." 
It has 6 Bastions, and a Line all round it. Towards Cooper 
River are Blake s Bastion, Granville Bastion, a Half Moon, and 
Craven Bastion. On the South Creek are the Pallisades, and 
Ashley Bastion; on the North a Line; and facing Ashley 
River are Colliton Bastion, Johnson s cover d Half-Moon, with 
a Draw-bridge in the Line, and another in the Half-Moon, 
Carterett Bastion is next to it. If all these Works are well 
made, and can be well mann d, we see no Reason why they 
should not defend as well as beautify the Town; which is a 
Market Town, and thither the whole product of the Province 
is brought for Sale. Neither is its Trade inconsiderable; for 
it deals near 1000 Miles into the Continent: However, tis 
unhappy in a Bar, that admits no Ships above 200 Tuns. Its 
Situation is very inviting, and the Country about it agreeable 
and fruitful: The High- ways extremely delightful, especially 
that call d Broad-way, which for three or four Miles make a 
Road and Walk so pleasantly green, that, 1 says my Author, I 
believe no Prince in Europe, by all his Art, can make so 
pleasant a Sight for the whole Year. There are several fair 
Streets in the Town, and some very handsome buildings; as 
Mr. Landgrave Smith s House on the Key, with a Drawbridge 
and Wharf before it; Col. Rhett s on the Key: also Mr. 
Boon s, Mr. Loggan s, Mr. Schinking s, and 10 or 12 more, 
which deserve to be taken Notice of. As for publick Edifices, 
the Church is most remarkable : Tis large and stately enough; 
but the Number of the Professors of the Anglicane Worship 
encreasing daily, the Auditory begin to want Room, and 
another Church. This is dedicated to St. Philip; and by the 
Act, which appointed the High Commission Court, twas 
enacted, "That Charles Town, and the Neck between Cooper 
and Ashley River, as far up as the Plantation of John Bird, 
Gent, on Cooper River, inclusive, is, and from henceforth shall 
for ever be a distinct Parish, by the Name of St. Philip s in 

1 "Archd., p. 9. " (Note in original. See p. 290, supra.) 


Charles Town;" and the Church and Csemetry then in this 
Town were enacted to be the Parish Church and Church- 
Yard of St. Philip s in Charles Town. Mr. Williams was the 
first Church of England Minister in Carolina: A Person of 
whom since Mr. Marston has said so much, we shall say no 
more. One Mr. Warmel was sent over after him. The 
Reverend Mr. Samuel Marshal was the first established Minister 
at Charles Town; and his Successor was Mr. Edward Marston, 
the present Rector of St. Philip s; he came over seven Years 
ago. Mr. Kendal, Minister of Bermudas, was invited to this 
Colony; and Mr. Corbin, an Acquaintance of Mr. Marston s, 
coming by chance, he got him settl d in this Province. 

The Society for Propagating the Gospel sent over one 
Mr. Thomas, to convert the Roman Catholick Indians; but. 
he did not obey his Mission. 1 On the contrary, twas by his 
Influence on some Men of Interest here, that Mr. Kendal was 
displaced: Upon which he went distracted. 

Mr. Warmell was also us d so ill by him, that he also 
dy d distracted; and Mr. Corbin was forc d to leave the 
Colony, by the causeless Quarrels of the Inhabitants; in which 
the Dissenters had the least Hand. Twas by their Procure 
ment that the 150/. a Year, etc., was settled on the Orthodox 
Minister of this Church. The Church stands near the cover d 
Half Moon. 

There s a Publick Library in this Town, and a Free-School 
has been long talk d of: Whether founded or not, we have 
not learn d. The Library is kept by the Minister for the 
time being. It owes its Rise to Dr. Thomas Bray; as do 
most of the American Libraries, for which he zealously solicited 
Contributions in England. 

Not far off, by Cartarett Bastion, is the Presbyterian 
Meeting-house; of which Mr. Archibald Stobe is Minister. 2 
Between Colliton and Ashley Bastion is the Anabaptist Meet 
ing-house, Mr. William Screven Minister. The French Church 

1 "See Mr. Marston s Letter to Dr. Stanhope, Part 2, Case of Dissent., p. 
58." (Note in original.) The contemporaneous records on both sides of the 
ocean show Rev. Samuel Thomas to have been a splendid man, whose work in 
South Carolina was of great benefit to the people. The statement that he caused 
these two ministers to die distracted is absurd. 

a Archibald Stobo, an ancestor of former President Roosevelt. 


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From a copy of Ramsay s " History of South Carolina," in the N 

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Carolina," in the New York Public Library 


is in the Chief Street : Besides which there is a Quakers Meet 
ing-house, in the Suburbs of it, properly so call d, on the other 
Side of the Draw-bridge, in the Half Moon, toward Ashley 

To the Southward is the Watch-house; and the most 
noted Plantations in the Neighbourhood of Charles Town, 
are Ferguson s, Underwood s, Gilbertson and Garnett s. 

We may see by this Description that the Town is full of 
Dissenters, and would flourish more, were not the Inhabitants 
uneasy under the Government there. For one may imagine 
they who fled from England, to avoid Persecution, cannot be 
well pleas d to meet with it in America; or to cross the Atlan- 
tick, to live under Oppression abroad, while their Relations 
and Friends at home enjoy all the blessings of a peaceful and 
gentle Administration. 

There are at least 250 Families in this Town, most of 
which are numerous, and many of them have 10 or 12 Children 
in each; in the whole amounting to about 3000 souls. 

In Charles Town the Governour generally resides, the 
Assembly sit, the Courts of Judicature are held, the Publick 
Offices are kept, and the Business of the Province is transacted. 

The Neck of Land between Cooper and Ashley Rivers 
is about 4 Miles over; and the Banks of both of these are 
well planted. The chief Settlements on Cooper River are 
Mathew s, Green s, Gray s, Starkey s, GrimbolPs, Dickeson s, 
and Izard s; the latter on Turkey Creek. About a Mile from 
thence is the mouth of Goose-Creek, which is also very well 
planted. Here Mr. William Corbin above-mention d liv d, 
and had a Congregation of Church of England Men; and one 
of the Churches propos d to be built by the Assembly which 
pass d the two fatal Acts we have spoken of, was to be erected. 1 

Mr. Thomas, a Missionary sent by the Society before- 
mention d, settled here, by Capt. How s and Col. Moor s Sollic- 
itations; as did Mr. Stackhouse, and the Reverend Dr. Lejau. 

Mr. Marston in his Letter to the Reverend Dr. Stanhope, 
accuses Mr. Thomas of being the Occasion of the ill Usage 
that made Mr. Kendal run distracted. He Complains he never 

1 There had been a church there so early as 1702. The new church was 
commenced soon after the passage of the Church Act of 1706 and was finished 
about 1711. It still stands one of the oldest church edifices in America. 


had University Education, saying. That the best Service 
your Society can do this young Man, Mr. Thomas, is, to 
maintain him a few Years at one of our Universities, where 
he may better learn the Principles and Government of the 
Church of England, etc., and some other useful Learning, 
which I am afraid he wants. 

Sir John Yeaman s, and Mr. Landgrave Bellenger s Plan 
tations are here; as also Col. Gibbs s, Mr. Schinking s, and 
Colliton s Company. Between this and Back River are Col. 
Moor s and Col. Quarry s plantations. 

Back River falls into Cooper River, about 2 Miles above 
Goose Creek, and its Western Branch a little higher. Here 
another Church was proposed to be built. The most noted 
Plantations are Capt. Comming s, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson s, 
bordering on the Barony of Mr. Thomas Colliton. 

We must now take a View of Ashley River, where we 
first meet with Mr. Landgrave West s Plantation on one 
side, 1 and Col. Gibbs s on the other. Mr. Baden s over against 
Col. Godfrey s; Mr. Simond s opposite to Dr. Trevillian s; and 
Mr. Pendarvis s to Mr. West s, Mr. Colliton s to Mr. Marshal s, 
and others, almost contiguous. 

This Part of the Country belongs to the Lord Shaftesbury. 
On the South-West of Ashley River is the great Savana. 
One of the Churches intended to be erected in this County, 
was to have been built on Ashley River. 

Dorchester is in this Shire, bordering on Colliton County. 
Tis a small Town, containing about 350 Souls. There s a 
Meet ing-House belonging to the Independants, the Pastor of 
which is Mr. John Lord. 2 Next to it is Stono River, which 
divides Berkley from Colliton County, To which we must now 
proceed, observing only that Berkley County sends ten Mem 
bers to the Assembly. The same does, 

Colliton County; which Stono River waters, and is join d 

1 Landgrave Joseph West had long since died. On March 7, 1691/2, Miles 
Forster, of the " Citty of New Yorke Merchant Sole Executor of the Last Will and 
Testament of Joseph West, Esq late of the s d . Citty deceased and formerly of 
South Carolina" executed a power of attorney to Thomas Smith of South Caro 
lina to recover all property belonging to West s estate in South Carolina. (Rec 
ords of the Register of the Province of South Carolina, 2, 200-201.) 

* See p. 196. note 1, supra. 


by a Cut, 1 near Mr. Blake s Plantation, to Wadmoolaw River. 
The North-East Parts of this Division of the Province is full 
of Indian Settlements; and the Stono and other Rivers, form 
an Island, calPd Boone s Island, a little below Charles Town, 
which is well planted and inhabited. The two chief Rivers 
in this County are North Edistow, and South Edistow. At 
the Mouth of the Latter is Col. Paul GrimbolPs Plantation; 
and for two or three Miles up the River, the Plantations are 
thick on both sides, as they continue for three or four Miles 
higher on the North-side, and branching there, the River 
meets with the North Edistow. 

Two Miles higher is Wilton, by some call d New London, 
a little Town, consisting of about 80 Houses. 2 Landgrave 
Moreton, Mr. Blake, Mr. Boon, Landgrave Axtel, and other 
considerable Planters, have Settlements in this Neighbourhood, 
which is Sir John Colliton s Precinct. 

A Church was to have been built on the South-side of 
the Stono, had that Project gone on, and the Act taken effect. 
This County has 200 Freeholders, that vote in Election for 
Parliament Men. There s an Orthodox Church in this Pre 
cinct, of which Mr. Williams is Minister. 

Carterett County is not yet inhabited, but is generally 
esteem d to be the most fruitful and pleasant Part of the 
Province; this and Colliton County are distinguish^ from 
the other by the Name of the Southward. In it is the great 
River Cambage, which joining with the River May, forms 
with the Sea Island Edelano. 3 

The country upon the River May was inhabited by the 
Westoes, an Indian Nation already mentioned. There s a 
pleasant Lake and Valley in it; and the first English that 
came to Carolina, thought of settling hereabouts; but the 
Indians advis d them to the contrary, because the Harbour 
of Port Royal was the finest in Florida, and would have 
tempted the Spaniards to disturb them. 

1 New Cut. 

2 See Mr. H. A. M. Smith s article on Willtown or New London in The 
South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, X. 20-32. 

3 There was no river Cambage. Possibly the Combahee was meant, but 
that does not unite with what was then called the May (Savannah). There was 
no Island Edelano. It is difficult to tell whether the writer meant Edisto Island 
or St. Helena Island. In either case he was wrong. 


The Scots settled here, under the Lord Cardross, but 
were soon forc d to abandon their Settlements, as has been 
elsewhere hinted. Port Royal River lies 20 Leagues from 
Ashley River, to the South, in 31 Degrees, 45 Minutes, North 
Latitude. It has a bold Entrance, 17 Foot low Water on the 
Bar. The Harbour is large, commodious, and safe for Ship 
ping, and runs into a fine fruitful Country, preferable to the 
other Parts of Carolina. It spends its self, by various 
Branches, into other large Rivers. This Port is not 200 
Miles from Augustino, and would be a great Curb to the 
Spaniards there, where their Settlement is not very consid 

Next to it is the River of May, and then San Mattseo; 
which is the last of any Note in the English Florida, a Name 
this Province highly deserves. 

The Air of this Country is healthy, and Soil fruitful, 1 of a 
sandy Mould, which near the Sea appears ten times more 
barren than it proves to be. There s a vast Quantity of 
Vines in many Parts on the Coasts, bearing abundance of 
Grapes, where one would wonder they should get Nourish 
ment. Within Land the Soil is more mix d with a black 
ish Mould, and its Foundation generally Clay, good for 

Its Products are the chief Trade of the Inhabitants, who 
send it abroad, according as the Market offers; and tis in 
demand in America or Europe. But the Chief Commerce 
from hence is to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leward Islands. 
Yet their Trade to England is very much encreas d; for not 
withstanding all the Discouragements the People lie under, 
seventeen Ships came last Year, laden from Carolina, with 
Rice, Skins, Pitch, and Tar, in the Virginia Fleet, besides 
stragling Ships. 

Its principal Commodities are Provisions, as Beef, Pork, 
Corn, Pease, Butter, Tallow, Hides, Tann d Leather, Hogs 
head and Barrel Staves, Hoops, Cotton, Silk; besides what 
they send for England. Their Timber Trees, Fruit Trees, 
Plants, and Animals, are much the same with those in Virginia; 
in which History may be seen a large Account of them: But 

1 "Arch., p. 8." (Note in original. See p. 288, supra.) 


since Mr. Archdale has been a little particular in his, and has 
added a short Description of the Natives, etc., we will com 
municate what he says to the reader. 1 

Tis beautify d with odoriferous Woods, Green all the Year; 
as Pine, Cedar, and Cypress. Tis naturally fertile, and easy to 
manure. Were the Inhabitants industrious, Riches would flow in 
upon them; for I am satisfy d, a Person with 500/. discreetly laid 
out in England, and again prudently manag d in Carolina, shall in 
a few Years live in as much Plenty, as a Man of 300/. a Year in 
England; and if he continues careful, not covetous, shall increase 
to great Riches, as many there are already Witnesses, and many 
more might have been, if Luxury and Intemperance had not ended 
their Days. 

As to the Air, tis always serene, and agreeable to any Constitu 
tions, as the first Planters experienced. There s seldom any raging 
Sickness, but what is brought from the southern Colonies; as the 
late Sickness was, which rag d, A. D. 1706. and carry d off abun 
dance of People in Charles Town, and other Places. 

Intemperance also has occasioned some Distempers. What 
may properly be said to belong to the Country is, to have some gentle 
Touches of Agues and Fevers in July and August, especially to new 
Comers. It has a Winter-Season, to beget a new Spring. I was 
there, adds my Author, at twice, five Years, and had no Sickness, 
but what I got by a careless violent Cold; and indeed I perceiv d 
that the Fevers and Agues were generally gotten by Carelesness in 
Cloathing, or Intemperance. 

Everything generally grows there that will grow in any part of 
Europe, their being already many sorts of Fruits, as Apples, Pears, 
Apricocks, Nectarines, etc. They that once tast of them, will de 
spise the watry washy Tast of those in England. There s such 
Plenty of them, that they are given to the Hogs. In 4 or 5 Years 
they come from a Stone to be bearing Trees. 

All sorts of Grain thrive in Carolina, as Wheat, Barley, Peas, 
etc. And I have measur d some Wheat-ears 7 or 8 of our Inches 
long. It produces the best Rice in the known World, which is a 
good Commodity for returns Home; as is also Pitch, Tar, Buck, 
Doe, Bear Skins, and Furs, though the last not so good as the 
Northern Colonies. 

It has already such Plenty of Provisions, that it in a gree* 
measure furnishes Barbadoes, Jamaica, etc. There are vast Num 
bers of wild Ducks, Geese, Teal; and the Sea and Rivers abound 

1 "P. 9, p. 7." (Note in original. See pp. 290, 291, 288, 289, 291, supra.) 


in Fish. That which makes Provisions so cheap, is the Shortness 
of the Winter: For having no need to mow for Winter Fodder, they 
can apply their Hands in raising other Commodities. 

The Rivers are found to be more navigable than was at first 
believ d; and t was then prudently contrived, not to settle on the 
most navigable; but on Ashley and Cooper River, those Entrances 
are not so bold as the others; so that Enemies and Pirates have 
been disheartened in their Designs to disturb that Settlement. 

The new Settlers have now great Advantages over the first 
Planters, since they can be supply d with Stocks of Cattle and Corn 
at reasonable Rates. 

I shall conclude this Account of Carolina, with an Extract 
of a Letter from thence, from a Person of Credit; in whose 
Words I communicate it to the Publick: He Speaks of the 

The many Lakes we have up and down breed a Multitude of 
Geese, and other Water-Fowl. All along Port-Royal River, and 
in all this part of Carolina, the Air is so temperate, and the Seasons 
of the Year so regular, that there s no Excess of Heat or Cold, 
nor any troublesome Variety of Weather: For tho there is every 
Year a kind of Winter, yet it is both shorter and milder than at 
Ashley or Cooper River; and passes over insensibly, as if there 
was no Winter at all. This sweet Temperature of Air, causes the 
Banks of this River to be covered with various Kinds of lovely Trees; 
which being perpetually green, present a thousand Landskips to the 
Eye, so fine, and so diversify d, that the Sight is entirely charm d 
with them. The ground is very low in most Places near the River; 
but rises gradually, at a distance, with little Hills, adjoining to 
fruitful Plains, all cover d with Flowers, without so much as a Tree 
to interrupt the Prospect. Beyond these are beautiful Vales, 
cloath d with green Herbs, and a continual Verdure, caus d by the 
refreshing Rivulets that run through them. There are a great 
many Thickets, which produce abundance of Simples. The 
Indians make use of them for the Cure of their Diseases. There 
are also Sarsaparilla, Cassia Trees, Gumms, and Rosin, very good 
for Wounds and Bruises; and such a prodigious Quantity of 
Honey, which the Bees make every where, that the Store of it is 
not to be exhausted. Of this they make excellent Spirits, and 
Mead as good as Malaga Sack. 1 The Bees swarm five or six 
times. There s a kind of Tree, from which there runs an Oil of 

1 Sherry. 


extraordinary Virtue, for the Curing Wounds. And another 
Tree, which yields a Balm, thought to be scarce inferior to that of 

Silk is come to a great Improvement here, some Families 
making 40 or 50 Pound a Year, and their Plantation Work 
not neglected, their little Negro Children being serviceable 
in feeding the Silk- Worms. And we must do Sir Nathaniel 
Johnson the Justice, to own he has been the principal Promoter 
of this Improvement, as also of Vineyards. He makes yearly 
3 or 400Z. in Silk only. 

But tis objected, Since the Climate is so proper, since 
Grapes are so plentiful, and the Wine they make so good, 
why is there not more of it? Why do we not see some of it? 

To which I answer, That the Inhabitants either think 
they can turn their Hands to a more profitable Culture, or 
impose upon us in their Reports; for I would not think 
them so weak, as to neglect making good Wine, and enough 
of it, if they could, and thought it worth their while. 

They manufacture their Silk with Wool, and make Drug 
gets. The French Protestants have set up a Linnen Manu 
facture; and good Romalls 1 are made here. 

A French Dancing-Master settling in Craven County, 
taught the Indians Country-Dances, to play on the Flute 
and Hautboit, and got a good Estate; for it seems the Bar 
barians encourag d him with the same Extravagance, as we 
do the Dancers, Singers, and Fidlers, his Countrymen. 

Tho we have said enough of the Virginian Indians, who 
are much the same with the Carolinian; yet since we find Mr. 
Archdale speaks of them in particular, let the Reader see 
what he has said of em. 

Providence was visible in thinning the Indians, to make Room 
for the English. There were two potent Nations, the Westoes and 
Sarannas, who broke out into an usual Civil War before the Eng 
lish arriv d; and from many Thousands reduced themselves to a 
small Number. The most cruel of them, the Westoes, were driven 
out of the Province; and the Sarannas continued good Friends, and 
useful Neighbours to the English. It pleas d God also to send 

1 Kerchiefs or small shawls. 


unusual Sicknesses among them; as the Small-Pox, etc. 1 The Pem- 
lico Indians in North Carolina, were lately swept away by a Pesti 
lence; and the Caranine, by War. The Natives are somewhat 
tawny, occasioned chiefly by oiling their Skins, and by the naked 
rays of the Sun. They are generally streight body d, comely in 
Person, quick of Apprehension, and great Hunters; by which they 
are not only very serviceable, by killing Deer, to procure Skins for 
Trade with us; but those that live in Country-Plantations procure 
of them the whole Deer s Flesh, and they will bring it many Miles 
for the Value of about 6d. and a wild Turkey of 40 Pound, for the 
Value of 2d. 

They have learn d one of their worst Vices of the English, 
which is, Drinking; and that occasions Quarrels among them, 
one of which we have mentioned in the time of Mr. Archdale s 
Government. As to what he would excite us, to their Con 
version to Christianity, tis a Project which, like a great many 
other very good ones, we rather wish than hope to see effected. 

Mr. Thomas was sent to instruct the Yammosees in the 
Christian Religion, and had an Allowance of 50Z. a year from 
the before-mentioned Society, besides other Allowances: But 
finding it an improper Season, his Mission is respited; the 
Reason is, those Indians revolted to the English from the 
Spaniards; and not being willing to embrace Christianity, tis 
fear d they would return to their old Confederates, if any 
means were made use of to that purpose. 

This Country is in a very flourishing Condition; the 
Families are very large, in some are 10 or 12 Children; and 
the Number of Souls in all is computed to be 12000. The 
Children are set to Work at 8 Years old. The ordinary Women 
take care of Cows, Hogs, and other small Cattle, make Butter 
and Cheese, spin Cotton and Flax, help to sow and reap 
Corn, wind Silk from the Worms, gather Fruit, and look 
after the House. 7 Tis pity this People should not be easy in 
their Government; for all their Industry, all the Advantages 
of the Climate, Soil, and Situation for Trade, will be useless 
to them, if they live under Oppression; and Pennsylvania 
will have no occasion to complain, that she tempts away her 
Inhabitants; being a new Beauty, a fairer, and consequently a 
powerful Rival. 

1 "P. 2, 3." (Note in original. See pp. 285, 289, supra.) 




We shall conclude this History and Account of Carolina, 
with a List of the present Proprietaries, and chief Officers of 
this Colony. 

William Lord Craven, 
Henry Duke of Beaufort, 
The Honourable Maurice 
Ashley, Esq; Brother to 
the Earl of Shaftsbury, 
John Lord Cartarett, 
Sir John Colliton, Baronet, 
Joseph Blake, Esq; 
John Archdale, Esq; 
Nicholas Trott, Esq; 


Sir Nath. Johnson, Governour, sallary 200Z. a Year. 

Col. James Moor, 

Col. Thomas Brought on, 

Col. Rob. Gibbs, 

Mr. Nich. Trott, 

Mr. - . Ward, 

Mr. Hen. Noble, 


Speaker of the Assembly, William Rhett, Esq. 

The Secretary, - Ward, Esq; his Salary 60Z. a Year. 

The Chief Justice, Mr. Trott, 60Z. 

The Judge of the Admiralty-Court, Col. James Moor, 4QL 

Surveyor General, -- How, Esq; 40Z. 

Attorney General, Col. James Moor, 60. 

Receiver General, the same, 60Z. 

Naval Officer, Mr. Trott, 40Z. 

Collector of the Customs, Col. Thomas Broughton. 

Agent for the Colony in England, Mr. Joseph Boone. 


Abaco, wreck near, 111. 

Abrahall, Richard, 85; testimonial 
relative to Sandford s explorations, 

Adventure, ship, 33. 

Albemarle, George, Duke of, patent 
granted to, 33, 287. 

Albemarle, ship, wreck of the, 111. 

Albemarle County, 166; description 
of, 361. 

Albemarle Point, location, 120 n; 
West s narrative of events at, 112; 
see also Charles Town. 

Allibone s Dictionary of American Au 
thors, 36. 

Alumni Oxonienses, by Foster, 179 n. 

Alush, 40, 90, 101, 116 n. 

America, discovery of, 286-287. 

America, by John Ogilby, 139 n. 

America, Winsor s Narrative and Criti 
cal History of, 29 n. 

American Historical Review, 180, 215 n. 

Amory, Jonathan, speaker, 299, 335. 

Amy, Thomas, 338; received share in 
Carolina from Seth Sothell, 308 n. 

Andrews, Charles M., Colonial Self- 
Government, 180. 

Anne, Queen, bounty, 214, 214 n. 

Apachancano, see Opechancanough. 

Apalachicola River, 133 n. 

Apalachicoloes, 336. 

Apalachites, 321. 

Appamattuck guide, see Pyancha. 

Aranjuez y Cotes, Don Alonso, Gover 
nor of Florida, 54. 

Archdale, Gov. John, 204 n, 307; op 
poses the passage of the Exclusion 
Act, 259, 259 n; claim to governor 
ship, 279, 335; sale of Berkeley s 
share to, 279; establishes harmony 
in South Carolina, 279; pamphlet 
printed, 280-281 ; New Description of 
that Fertile and Pleasant Province of 
Carolina, 282-310; introduction to 
readers, 282-283; comments on the 

Exclusion Act, 283; remarks on 
Divine Providence, 284-285; sketch 
of the discovery of America by Co 
lumbus, 286-287; comments on the 
propagation of the Gospel, 293, 294; 
entrusted with mission to South 
Carolina, 296, 297; letter of the 
Carolina Assembly to, 297; letter of 
thanks from the Commons in Charles 
Town, 298-299; letter relative to 
transportation of New Englanders 
to South Carolina, 299-300; letter 
to the Spanish governor, 300-301; 
returns to England, 302; efforts to 
pacify Dissenters and Churchmen, 
305; comments on government of 
Carolina, 307; advice relative to 
conditions in Carolina, 308-309; 
comments on the silk industry in 
Carolina, 310; Parliament presents 
address of thanks to, 335; settles 
differences between the English and 
Spanish Indians, 335-336; opposes 
ratification of bill against Dissenters, 

Arguelles, Capt. Alonso de, letters from, 
53-54, 56-57. 

Arratommakaw, King of the Yani- 
oseaves, conduct in the expedition 
against St. Augustine, 344. 

Arx Carolina, see Fort Charles. 

Ash, John, 252; presents petition rela 
tive to election abuses, 258, 268, 274, 
345, 349; The Present State of Affairs 
in Carolina, 269-276; objection to 
election of Governor Morton, 269; 
election of Governor Moore, 269; 
Moore s plan to gain the Indian 
trade, 270, 270 n, 271 n; the As 
sembly dissolved, 270, 270 n.; elec 
tion abuses, 271, 271 n.; Moore s 
plan to take St. Augustine, 272; 
results of expedition, 273; various 
riots under Moore s governorship, 
273-274; appointed to present peti- 




tion, 274; extortions practised, 275; 
proposes confirmation of the Funda 
mental Constitutions, 341-342. 

Ashby, John, 350. 

Ashe, Thomas, Carolina, or a De 
scription of the Present State of that 
Country, 138-158; first discovery of 
the country, 138; object of going to 
Carolina, 140; derivation of the 
name Carolina, 140; settlements at 
Fort Charles, 141, 141 n.; descrip 
tion of the country, 141-142; variety 
of trees, 142-143; the cultivation of 
silk, 143; vineyards, 144; building 
material, 144; roots and herbs, 144- 
145; vegetables, grain and tobacco, 
145-147; other productions de 
scribed, 148-149; cattle and game, 
150-155; minerals, 155-156; de 
scription of the natives, 156-157; 
settlement of Charles Town, 157- 

Ashepoo River, 92 n., 96, 96 n. 

Ashley, Lord, see Shaftesbury, Earl of. 

Ashley Barony, 128 n. 

Ashley River, 94 n.; location, 106- 
107; Mr. Carteret s Relation of their 
Planting at Ashley River, 116-120. 

Ashley River settlement, 94, 94 n.; 
beginning of, 112, 166; climate, 168; 
founding of a church, 195, 196, 197; 
productions, 168. 

Axtell, Lady Rebecca, entertains Elder 
William Pratt, 195, 195 n. 

Bahama Islands, 124; West s explora 
tion party wrecked on the, 111. 

Bandoleer, 41 n. 

Barbados Adventurers, Corporation of 
the, 34. 

Barbados, important colony, 33; Hil 
ton s exploration party returns to, 

Barony, definition of, 128 n., 295 n. 

Barrow, Robert, 301, 336. 

Barton, Thomas, 350. 

Baskerville, Hannibal, 179. 

Bath, John, Earl of, 338; eldest Pro 
prietor, 232 n. 

Beamer, Mrs., 197 n. 

Bellinger, Landgrave Edmund, 349; 
attempts to suppress riot, 346, 347. 

Beresford, Richard, 350; votes for, 
271 n. 

Berkeley, Lord (John Berkeley), patent 
granted to, 33, 287. 

Berkeley, Sir William, 8, 8 n.; letters 
patent granted to, 33; death, 279. 

Berkeley Bay, named, 85. 

Berkeley County, 332, 366; descrip 
tion of, 362. 

Berkeley Island, named, 15. 

Bermuda, sloop obtained at, to replace 
the Port Royal, 111. 

Birds of South Carolina, by A. T. 
Wayne, 151 n. 

Blair, Rev. John, sent out as mission 
ary to North Carolina, 213; hazard 
ous journey, 214; arrival in Virginia, 
214; ordination, 214; preachings 
and baptisms, 215; maintenance, 
216; different religious sects, 216; 
difficulties of labor, 217; distances 
between settlements, 217; account 
of the Indians, 217-218; prisoner 
of war in France, 218. 

Blake, Benjamin, 295, 295 n.; arrival 
in Carolina, 331. 

Blake, Elizabeth (Axtell), 250 n., let 
ter relative to conditions in Carolina, 

Blake, Gov. Joseph, 196, 196 n., 260 n., 
268; appointed deputy governor of 
South Carolina, 204, 204 n.; rule 
in South Carolina, 280; purchases 
share of Lord Berkeley, 302 n.; 
succeeds Governor Archdale, 302, 
302 n., 338, 338 n.; procures main 
tenance for Church of England min 
ister, 306, 338; Proprietor of Caro 
lina, 307; death, 221, 267, 338. 

Bland, Edward, pamphlet of, 3-4; 
title-page of the original pamphlet, 
5; Discovery of New Brittaine, 5-19, 
23; permission granted to make 
discoveries, 7; exploring party meets 
Indians, 8-9; invited to home of 
Oyeocker, 9; visited by Chounter- 
ounte, 9; Indian tells them of dan 
gers, 10; journey to Meherrin, 10-11; 
Indians at Meherrin entertain, 11; 
sends message to Tuscarora Indians, 
11; leaves Meherrin, 12; journey to 
Roanoke River, 12-13; arrival at 
river, 14; kindness of Indians, 14- 
15; names rivers, etc., 15; Oye 
ocker refuses to lead, 16; names 
New Brittaine, 16; reaches Brew- 



ster s River, 17; treachery of Ind 
ians to, 17-19; dealings with Oc- 
connosquay, 17; returns to Meherrin, 
18; arrival at Fort Henry, 19. 

Blandina River, named, 15; descrip 
tion of, 16-17. 

Blandina River Indians, treachery of 
Appachancano, 16. 

Blome, Richard, Description of the 
Island of Jamaica, 139, 139n.; Pres 
ent State of His Majesty s Isles and 
Territories in America, 139 n, 163. 

Blowers, Pyam, reward for discoveries 
on the Carolina coast, 57. 

Board of Trade, report to, by Edward 
Randolph, 203. 

Boone, Joseph, petition presented by, 
247, 264 n., 353, 354; comments 
by Daniel Defoe, 258-260; appointed 
on the commission to decide dif 
ferences between the English and the 
Indians, 329; assault on, 346. 

Bowell, Edward, imprisoned by Span 
iards, 205. 

Bray, Rev. Dr. Thomas, 215, 215 n., 

Brayne, Henry, 85, placed in command 
of vessel by Sandford, 86; biographi 
cal sketch, 86 n.; meets Sandford, 
101; testimonial relative to Sand- 
ford s explorations, 108; letter to 
Lord Ashley, 124 n. 

Brayne Sound, 100. 

Braziletto, 124 n. 

Brewster, Sackford, 3, 5, 8, 19. 

Brewster s Island, named, 13. 

Brewster s Point, named, 15. 

Brewster s River, named, 13. 

British Empire in America, The His 
tory of the, by John Oldmixon, 315. 

Broad River, 100 n. 

Broughton, Col. Thomas, 256, 350; 
votes for, 271 n. 

Buckley, John, votes for, 271 n. 

Bull, Col. Stephen, 336; votes for, 
271 n.; tale relative to the Indians, 

Bull s Bay, 117 n. 

Bull s Island, Beaufort County, 103 n. 

Burnet, Bishop Gilbert, 283. 

Burnham, Dr. Charles, votes for, 271 n. 

Cabot, Sebastian, 165 n., furnished 
with ships, 287, 317; expedition to 

Florida coast, 287, 288; discovery of 
Carolina, 157. 

Cacores, description of, 27-28. 

Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 
1661-1668, 67 n., 77 n., 78 n., 79, 
80 n. 

Calibogue Sound, exploration of, 103, 
103 n. 

Caouitas, 133, 133 n. 

Cape Carteret (Romain), 111, 113, 

Cape Fear Indians, treatment of the 
English, 302; treatment by other 
Indians, 302. 

Cape Fear River, 33; Hilton explores 
country around, 34; description of 
the sail of Hilton s party up, 45-49; 
purchase of the river and land, 52; 
description of the country around, 
67-68, 68-70; settlement made, 77; 
casting away of an English vessel on, 

Cardross, Lord (Henry Erskine), settle 
ment made by, 292, 292 n., 333; 
returns to Scotland, 333. 

Caribby Islands, History of the t by 
John Davies, 320 n. 

Carlisle Bay, 53. 

Carolina, Province of, brief description 
published in London, 65; location, 
66-67, 141, 165, 288, 360; source of 
name, 66, 88, 140, 140 n., 319, 319 n.; 
climate, 141, 168-169, 288, 290-291, 
360; soil, 141-142, 290, 368; trees, 
142-143, 144, 170, 290; silk indus 
try, 143, 143 n., 310; vineyards, 144, 
174-175; roots and herbs, 144-145; 
gardens, 145; grain, 146; vegetables, 
146; indigo, 147, 147 n.; tobacco, 
147, 147 n.; ambergris, 148-149; 
cattle and game, 149-150, 170, 171- 
172, 289; birds, 150-151; fire-flies, 
151-152; fish, 152-155, 171; pro 
ductions and commodities, 175-176, 
288-289, 368; rivers, 291, 361, 361 n. 
362, 362 n., 370; charter granting 
extension of boundaries, 33; excur 
sions into, letter of Francis Yeardley 
relative to, 25-29; expedition to ex 
plore coast, 33-35; grant for the 
province, 33; Hilton s expedition 
reaches coast, 34; inducements to 
settle in, 35; terms to subscribers of 
the expedition fund, 35; rewards for 



discoveries made in, 57-58; pro 
posals made to the first settlers, 
57-61; grants to settlers, 71-73, 
158, 173, 322; formal possession 
taken by Sandford, 88; map of, 139; 
settlement by the French, 140, 141, 
141 n.; natives and their customs, 
156, 172-173, 289; letters patent, 
165; power of the Lords Proprietors, 
165-166; method of obtaining land, 
173-174; letters of Thomas Newe 
relative to conditions in, 181-187; 
constitution, 225, 227-233; address 
to the Proprietors from Colleton 
County, 236-248; petition from 
certain freeholders, 248-250; letter 
from Elizabeth Blake relative to 
conditions in, 250-252; act against 
the Dissenters, 253-256, 256 n.; 
election abuses and contests, 271, 
271 n., 272 n., 341, 345; first dis 
coveries of, 287; provisions for 
transportation and settlement, 288, 
326; advantages of trade with, 292; 
propagation of the gospel, 293, 294, 
311, 311 n., 322; powers and officers 
of the government, 294-295; diffi 
culties and dangers of the govern 
ment, 295; governors, 295, 296, 334; 
to be made a bulwark to the colonies, 
306; names of Proprietors, 307; 
comments by Governor J. Archdale, 
307; advice of the governor relative 
to conditions in, 308-309; repealing 
of injurious acts, 311; expeditions 
sent by Admiral Coligny, 318, 319; 
arrival of Rene* Laudonniere, 319; 
expedition of Captain De Gourgues, 
320; conflict between French and 
Spanish under Ribaut and Laudon 
niere, 320; description of, before the 
English settlement, 321; patent 
granted the Earl of Clarendon, 322; 
powers given to the Proprietors, 
322-323; conduct of the Proprietors, 
323; religious toleration, 324; Con 
stitutions drawn up by the Pro 
prietors, 324; Palatine s powers, 
324-325: Fundamental Constitutions, 
325-326; division of, 326, 360; Ash 
ley River settlement, 327, 327 n.; 
Captain Halsted sent with provisions, 
327; form of government, 327; 
aaodel of a town, 328; date of tem 

porary laws, 328; differences be 
tween Proprietors and planters, 329; 
counties, 332, 360-361, 362, 365, 366- 
367; settlement of the Scots in, 
333; new form of government drawn 
up, 334; no vindication for disorders 
in, 340; act establishing the Church 
of England, 350; illegality of the 
Church Act of 1704, 352; repeal of 
act, 354; address to the Queen in 
behalf of, 355-356; Assembly dis 
solved, 357; Assembly disowned by 
the governor, 358; list of Proprietors 
and chief officers, 373; Account of 
the Province of Carolina, 139 n.; 
Carolina, or a Description of the 
Present State of that Country, by 
Thomas Ashe, 138-158; Descrip 
tion of Carolina, 331, 333 n.; The 
Humble Address, etc. Relating to 
the Province of Carolina, 264 n.; 
The Present State of Affairs in Caro 
lina, 345; see also North Carolina; 
South Carolina. 

Carolina, ship, 111; letter of Governor 
Sayle relating to expedition of, 122- 

Carroll, B. R., Historical Collections of 
South Carolina, 163, 281, 316. 

Carteret, Sir George, patent granted 
to, 33, 288. 

Carteret, James, appointed Land 
grave, 327. 

Carteret, Lord, see Granville, Lord. 

Carteret, Nicholas, narrative relative 
to the settlement at Ashley River, 
112; biographical sketch, 116 n.; 
Relation of their Planting at Ashley 
River, 116-120; kind reception by 
the Indians, 117; landing on Bull s 
Island, 117; trade with the Indians, 
117, 119; food prepared by the Ind 
ian women, 117; arrival at Port 
Royal River, 118; goes with Captain 
Brayne to explore channel, 118-119; 
whales found in river, 119; descrip 
tion of St. Helena, 119. 

Carteret County, description of, 367. 

Cartwright, Sir George, see Carteret, 
Sir George. 

Gary, Capt. George, 85; accompanies 
Sandford on visit to Edisto, 90-91; 
testimonial relative to Sandford s ex 
plorations, 108. 



Gary Island, named, 96, 96 n.; situa 
tion, 98. 

Cassiques, of the Indians, 90-104, 
passim; under the Proprietors, 294. 

Castell, W., A Short Discoverie of the 
Coasts and Continent of America, 317 
n., 321 n. 

Chaplin s Island, 98 n. 

Charles I., King of England, grants 
Carolina to Heath, 3, 319 n. 

Charles II., King of England, grants 
patent for Carolina, 321-322. 

Charles II., King of Spain, death, 206 n. 

Charles V., sends Panfilo de Narvaez 
to Florida, 318. 

Charles IX., 318. 

Charles Fort, 41, 41 n.; location, 319, 
319 n. 

Charles Island, named, 15. 

Charles River, see Cape Fear River. 

Charles Town, Ashley River, 261 n.; 
named, 128, 128 n.; location and de 
scription of, 157-158, 205, 362-364; 
settlement of, 167, 167 n.; arrival 
of Thomas Newe, 181; letter of 
thanks to Governor Archdale from 
the Commons in, 298-299; expan 
sion of trade, 310 n.; churches and 
ministers, 363-365, 366; public 
library, 364; population, 365. 

Charles Town, Cape Fear River, de 
scription of, 68, 68 n.; settlement 
made, 77. 

Charleston, Year Book of the city of, 
35, 79, 111 n. 

Charleston Harbor, 94 n., 106 n. 

Chatooga River, 133 n. 

Chawan Indians, king of, 13-14; grave 
of great man; 14. 

Chawan River, 8, 9, 12. 

Cherokee Indians, 133, 133 n. 

Chickahominy River, 13. 

Chounterounte, visits the English, 9, 
10; apprehensions of danger to the 
English, 10. 

Chowan, North Carolina, 228 n.; see 
also Chawan. 

Church Act, of 1704, 224-225, 248-249, 
251-252, 257; text of, 253-256; 
Archdale on, 304-307; Oldmixon on, 
348-352; Proprietors sustain, 258- 
260, 353-354; House of Lords dis 
approves, 355-356; Queen Anne 
annuls, 356-357. 

Church Act, of 1706, 304, 304 n. 

Church of England, 223, 268; Arch- 
dale on, 308-309; Oldmixon on, 330; 
see also Church Act. 

Churchcates, 336. 

Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde), 
patent granted to, 33, 287. 

Clarendon County, description of, 361. 

Clutterbuck, Thomas, 58. 

Codner, Richard, 179. 

Coligny, Admiral Gaspard de, sends 
ships to America, 318; procures 
ships for a second expedition, 319. 

Colleton, Maj. Charles, votes for, 271 n. 

Colleton, Gov. James, settles in Charles 
Town, 333; chosen governor, 333; 
character, 333; expelled from the 
province, 279, 296 n., 334. 

Colleton, Sir John, 260 n., 307, 338; 
patent granted to, 33, 288; presented 
set of proposals for encouragement of 
settlers in Carolina, 35. 

Colleton County, 204, 204 n., 332; 
address to the Lords and Proprietors 
of Carolina, 236-248; complaints 
against the government, 237; elec 
tion abuses, 238-240, 245, 347-348, 
357; ruin of Indian trade, 240; 
charges relative to expedition against 
St. Augustine, 240-242; enumera 
tion of riots, 243-244; description of, 

Colliton County, Representation of the 
Members of, 345 n. 

Colonial Records of North Carolina, 
77 n., 140 n., 213, 230 n. 

Colonial Self-Government^ by C. M. 
Andrews, 180. 

Columbus, Christopher, attempt to 
obtain ships for expedition, 286; 
furnished with vessels by the King 
and Queen of Spain, 287; departure 
for the Indies, 287. 

Combahee (Jordan) River, 38, 42; 
Hilton s party sail up, 34; en 
trance to, 43-44; description of the 
land around, 44-45; explored by 
Sandford, 92, 92 n., 93. 

Compton, Bishop Henry, 352, 352 n. 

Cooper, Anthony Ashley, see Shaftes- 
bury, Earl of. 

Cooper River, 167. 

Coranines, 286, 337. 

Cosmographie, by Peter Heylin, 151 n. 



Courtenay, William A., The Genesis of 
South Carolina, 35-36. 

Cowetas, 133 n. 

Crane, Joshua Eddy, 193. 

Crane Island, 52. 

Craven, William, Earl of, 338; patent 
granted to, 287; Proprietor of Caro 
lina, 307; made Palatine, 328. 

Craven County, 332; election abuses, 
347-348, 357; description of, 362. 

Culpeper, John, sent to England as a 
prisoner, 329. 

Currituck Inlet, 25 n. 

Cusitaw Indians, 134, 134 n. 

Dalton, Thomas, 345. 

Daniel, Maj., new constitution brought 
from England, 338. 

Daniel, Col. Robert, 177; commanded 
land division in the expedition 
against St. Augustine, 342-343; 
captures St. John s and St. Mary s, 
343; takes St. Augustine, 343; 
escape of, 344. 

Danvers, Sir John, 5 n. 

Davies, Sir John, 248 n. 

Davies, John, of Kidwelly, History of 
the Caribby Islands, 320 n. 

Davis, Capt. David, votes for, 271 n. 

Davis, William, letters to, 55-56. 

Dawhoo River, 92 n. 

Dearsley, Lieut.-Col. George, 242, 243, 
271 n., 345. 

Defoe, Daniel, 223; text of his pamphlet, 
Party-Tyrany in South Carolina, 
224-264; duty of the English House 
of Commons, 224; remarks on the 
constitution of Carolina, 225-233; 
criticism of the Proprietors and 
government of South Carolina, 233- 
236, 247-248; address to Lord Gran- 
ville, 236-247; complaint relative 
to violations of laws, 237; charges 
against Governor Moore, 237-238; 
election abuses, 238-239, 245; reg 
ulations of the Indian trade, 240; 
commissions granted to destroy 
Indians, 240; complaints regarding 
expeditions against St. Augustine, 
240-242; charges relative to as 
saults and riots, 242-245; French 
imposed upon, 246; petition brought 
to Proprietors by Joseph Boone, 
247-250; letter from Lady Blake to 

the Proprietors, 250-252; Act of 
Exclusion against the Dissenters, 
253-256; comments on the Act by, 
256-257; comments on reception of 
petitions presented by John Ash and 
Joseph Boone, 258-260; conclusions 
relative to elections, 260-264. 

De Gourgues, Capt. Dominic, expedi 
tion to Carolina, 320; no settlement 
made, 320. 

Dictionary of American Authors, 36. 

Dictionary of National Biography, 78 n. 

Dissenters, Exclusion Act passed 
against, 253-256, 256 n., 303, 303 n., 
304, 348; Rev. Edward Marston op 
poses action taken against, 262, 
262 n., 351; test of strength between 
Churchmen and Dissenters, 268; 
troubles with the Churchmen, 305; 
Archdale s efforts to pacify, 305, 353; 
held by the pleasantness of the coun 
try, 307; persecution in England 
against, 329-330; reasons for leav 
ing England, 330; increase settle 
ments, in Carolina, 333; Dissenters 
in Carolina, The Case of the, 349, 353. 

Dodsworth, Anthony, commission from 
Governor Moore to destroy Indians, 

Dorchester, Carolina, 191, 192, 195- 
197; description of, 366. 

Dorchester, Mass., church sent to South 
Carolina, 191, 192, 193. 

Dorchester, New England, Records of 
the First Church at, 191 n., 192, 192 n. 

Edisto, 39, 40. 

Edisto Island, 87 n. 

Edisto River, 44; formation of, 39 n; 
description of the land around, 44- 
45; discovered by Sandford, 87. 

Eleuthera, 111. 

Eve, Capt. Abraham, votes for, 271 n. 

Exclusion Act, 253-256, 256 n.; com 
ments by Daniel Defoe, 256-258; 
comments by Governor Archdale, 
283; danger of the, 306-307; see 
also Church Act, of 1704. 

Exeter College, 180. 

Fabian, Peter, 53; sent to explore the 
Carolina coast, 33; reward for dis 
coveries, 57. 

Farmer, Robert, 8. 



Farmer s Chase, 8. 

Farrar, John, 29, 29 n. 

Farrar, Virginia, 29. 

Fast Days, 200. 

Federal and State Constitutions, by 
Thorpe, 230 n. 

Fitz, Jonathan, appointed on the com 
mission to decide differences be 
tween the English and the Indians, 

Florida, discovery of coast, 37; ex 
pedition from South Carolina sent 
to invade, 222; plans for a second 
invasion of, 222; visited by Sebas 
tian Cabot, 287, 288; expedition of 
Hernando de Soto to, 318; Pdnfilo 
de Narvaez sent to, 318; Spaniards 
claim to, 318; Vasquez de Ayllon 
sent to, 318; discoveries by Jean 
Ribaut, 319. 

Fort Charles, 140 n. ; settlements made 
at, 141, 141 n. 

Fort Henry, Eland s arrival at, 19. 

Fowler, Christopher, 354. 

France, civil wars in, 319; peace be 
tween Papists and Protestants, 319. 

French, defeated by South Carolina 
troops, 291 n.; in Florida, 140, 141, 

French Protestants, in South Carolina, 
209 n., 238 n. 

Friendship, brigantine, leaves Boston 
for South Carolina, 194. 

Fuller, William, appointed on commis 
sion to decide differences between 
the English and the Indians, 329. 

Fundamental Constitutions, 230-232, 
328, 338; opposition to, 342. 

Gibbes, Col. Robert, 256, 350. 

Gilbertson, James, 197 n. 

Giles, Thomas, 85, 90; testimonial 
relative to Sandford s explorations, 

Godfrey, Capt. John, 58, 350; votes 
for, 271 n. 

Grandy River, see Edisto River. 

Granville, Lord, (John Carteret), 232, 
259, 338; address from Assembly of 
Colleton County, 236-248; petition 
relative to complaints from certain 
freeholders in Carolina, 248-250; 
Proprietor of Carolina, 307; as 
Palatine countenances divisions in 

Carolina, 339; favors Governor 
Moore, 340; interests with prevail 
ing party in Carolina, 349; refusal 
to call Board of Proprietors, 353. 

Green s River, 49. 

Grimball, Mr., house robbed by Span 
iards, 205. 

Guerard, Peter Jacob, 69 n., 143 n., 
208, 208 n. 

Guppell, Capt. John, votes for, 271 n. 

Halsted, Capt., sent with provisions 
to Carolina, 327; ordered to make 
discoveries on the Ashley River, 328. 

Hancock, John, reward for discoveries 
on the Carolina coast, 57. 

Harvey, Lieut. Samuel, 85, 90; testi 
monial relative to Sandford s ex 
plorations, 108. 

Harvey Haven, 87, 101. 

Haynokes, resisted Spanish invasions, 

Heath, Sir Robert, grant from Charles 
I., 3, 319 n. 

Henry VII., 138; furnished Sebastian 
Cabot with ships, 287; lost oppor 
tunity of possessing Mexican mines, 

Henry VIII., furnished Sebastian 
Cabot with ships, 317. 

Hext, Hugh, 350. 

Heylin, Peter, Cosmographie, 151 n. 

Hickauhaugan, see Westo town. 

High Commission Court, 350. 

Hilton, Capt. William, expedition under, 
to explore Carolina coast, 33-35; 
party reaches Carolina, 34; sails 
up Combahee River, 34; explores 
country about the Cape Fear River, 
34; sights coast of Florida, 37; en 
ters harbor to Jordan River, 38, 38 n. ; 
treatment by the Indians, 39; sends 
boat to St. Ellens, 39, 40; Indians 
deliver up some English prisoners, 
40; treachery of Indians, 40-41; 
sends letter to English prisoners, 41; 
prisoners demanded from Indians, 
42; dealings with the Spaniards, 42; 
sails for Port Royal, 43; description 
of course, 43-44; description of the 
Edisto River and the country 
around it, 44-45; exploration of the 
Cape Fear River, 45-49; dealings 
with Indians around the Cape Fear 



River, 49-51; arrives at Hilton s 
River, 51; purchases Cape Fear 
River and land, 52; sails for Bar 
bados, 53; letters from, 54-56. 

Hilton Head Island, 36; location rela 
tive to Gary Island, 98. 

Hilton s expedition, reward to mem 
bers for discoveries on the Carolina 
coast, 57. 

Hilton s River, exploration of, 49-51. 

Historical Collections, by B. R. Car 
roll, 316. 

Hocomawanack River, see Roanoke 

Home, Robert, Brief Description of 
the Province of Carolina, 65-74. 

Hotten, J. C., Original Lists of Persons 
. . . who went from Great Britain to 
the American Plantations, 1600-1700, 
23 n. 

Howes, Capt. Job, votes for, 271 n., 
350, 357; elected speaker, 348, 358- 

Hubbard, Thomas, 350. 

Huguenots, 209 n., 246 n.; see also 
French Protestants. 

Humble Address, etc., Relating to the 
Province of Carolina, 264 n. 

Hunting Islands, see Gary Island. 

Hyde, Edward, see Clarendon, Earl of. 

Indians, meet Eland s party, 8-9; 
visit Hilton s party, 39; deliver up 
some English prisoners, 40; treach 
ery toward Hilton, 40-41; more 
prisoners demanded from, 42; Hil 
ton s dealings with Indians around 
Cape Fear River, 49-51; present 
gifts to Sandford, 100; kind reception 
to Nicholas Carteret and party, 117; 
trade, 117; food prepared by the 
women, 117; dress of the women, 
117, 118; reception of Dr. Wood 
ward s party, 132; treatment by 
the English in Carolina, 172-173; 
Blair s intercourse with, 218; popu 
lation, 218, 218 n.; bill relative to, 
270, 271, 271 n.; cruelty of the Eng 
lish, 285; reduction of numbers, 
285, 286, 337, 371-372; trouble be 
tween Indians under the English and 
Spanish rule, 300-301, 335-336; 
Colonel Bull s tale relative to, 301- 
302; treatment of the Cape Fear Ind 

ians, 302; kind reception of Rene* 
Laudonniere, 319; conversion to 
Christianity, 320, 321; massacre of 
the English in Virginia and New Eng 
land, 321; trade with, 310, 310 n., 
332; commission appointed to de 
cide differences with the English, 
329; commission dissolved, 331; 
friendliness to the English, 336; 
justice for murder committed, 336- 
337; war prevented, 337; commis 
sions given by Governor Moore for 
the destruction of, 342; Samuel 
Thomas sent as missionary to, 
372; description of, 372; see also 
Apalachicoloes; Apalachites; Arra- 
tommakaw; Blandina River Ind 
ians; Cacores; Caouitas; Cape Fear 
Indians; Cassique Indians; Cha- 
wan Indians; Cherokee Indians; 
Chounterounte; Coranines; Cusitaw 
Indians; Haynokes; Mallicans; Me- 
herrin Indians; Nessoneicks; Notta- 
way kings; Occonacheans; Occonos- 
quay; Opechancanough; Oyeocker; 
Pemlico Indians; Pyancha; Roan 
oke Indians; Savannah Indians; 
Sewee Indians; Stono Indians; 
Wattcoosa Indians; Westo Indians; 
Woodford Indians; Yemassee Ind- 

Iroquois Indians, see Meherrin Indians. 

Izard, Ralph, 270 n., 350. 

Jamaica, Island of, Description of the, 
by Richard Blome, 139, 139 n. 

James Island, 122 n., 198. 

Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, 256; efforts 
to raise silk, 143 n.; those injured 
in riots apply to governor for jus 
tice, 274; responsibility for religi 
ous troubles, 303, 303 n., 350; be 
havior of, 304. 

Jordan River, see Combahee River. 

Journal of the Grand Council of South 
Carolina, 184 n. 

Journals of the Commons House of 
Assembly, 209 n. 

Keowee River, 133 n. 
Kiawah, see Ashley River settlement. 
Kyrle, Sir Richard, appointed govern 
or, 332. 



Ladinwah Creek, exploration of, and 
description of the country, 89, 89 n. 

Laudonniere, Rene", arrival in Carolina, 
319; kind reception by the Indians, 
319; search for gold and silver 
mines, 319; returns to France, 320. 

LeSerurier, James, jr., see Smith, 

LeSerurier, James, sr., 251 n. 

Letters of Early Colonists, 1670, 109, 

Locke, John, 232; appointed a land 
grave, 327. 

Logan, Col. George, 350; votes for, 
271 n. 

Long, Capt. Anthony, 53; sent to ex 
plore coast of Carolina, 33; reward 
for discoveries, 57. 

Lord, Rev. Joseph, 191; ordained 
minister of emigrating church from 
Dorchester, Mass., 196 n. 

Ludwell, Col. Philip, succeeds Gov. 
Sothell, 280. 

Mackoone, Robert, commission from 
Gov. Moore to destroy Indians, 342. 

Maharineck, see Meherrin. 

Mallicans, 321. 

Marrow of History, by Sir Walter 
Raleigh, 7. 

Marston, Rev. Edward, opposes action 
against the Dissenters, 262, 262 n.; 
censure of, 351; persecution, 352. 

Martin, John, extortions from, 275. 

Mathews, Maurice, narrative of the 
Three Brothers, 112; biographical 
sketch, 114 n.; anchors at St. 
Katherina, 114; treatment by the 
Indians, 114-116; appointed on 
commission to decide differences 
between the English and the Ind 
ians, 329; complaints against, 331. 

May River, see Savannah River. 

Meherrin, Eland s journey to, 10-11; 
Indians entertain explorers, 11; 
explorers return to, 18. 

Meherrin Indians, 10, 10 n., 11, 12. 

Meherrin River, description of, 12. 

Mene"ndez, Pedro, 320 n. 

Methodus Plantarum Nova, by John 
Ray, 184 n. 

Midway Congregational Church, His 
tory of the. by Reverend James 
Stacy, 193. 

Militia Act, 295; non-settlement, 334. 

Modyford, Col., 34; presents set of pro 
posals for encouragement of settlers 
in Carolina, 35. 

Monck, George, see Albemarle, George, 
Duke of. 

Mooney, James, The Siouan Tribes 
of the East, 218 n. 

Moore, Gov. (Col.) James, 207, 207 n., 
256, 350; succeeds Gov. Joseph Blake 
and defeats Joseph Morton, 221, 267, 

269, 280, 303, 339; marriage, 267; op 
position of enemies, 268; introduces 
bill regulating Indian trade, 270, 
270 n., 340; dissolves Assembly, 

270, 270 n., 341, 341 n.; election 
abuses under, 271, 271 n., 272 n.; 
expedition against St. Augustine, 
272-273, 341, 342-343; riots under 
governorship of, 273-274, 345-347; 
complaints against, 275-276, 345; 
opposes Morton, 338-339; new As 
sembly called, 340; commissions 
given for destruction of the Indians, 
342; misrepresentation of, 344, 
344 n. 

Morgan River, 101 n. 

Morris Island, 122 n. 

Morton, Gov. Joseph, 196, 196 n., 349; 
loses slaves, 205; attacked by Span 
iards, 205; appointed governor, 329, 
329 n.; opposition to as governor, 
267, 269, 338-339; acts passed, 332; 
protests against validity of objec 
tions to his election, 339, 339 n. 

Mount-Bonny, Hilton s treaty of peace 
with the Indians, 51. 

Narvaez, Panfilo de, sent by Charles V. 
to Florida, 318. 

Nary, Nicholas, 345. 

New Brittaine, discovery, 5-6; journal 
relative to discovery, 8-19; named, 

New England, colonists from, 191-200, 
299; Indian massacres in, 321. 

New London, 196, 196 n., 291 n.; 
description of, 367. 

Newcomb s Forest, named, 11. 

Newe, Thomas, biographical sketch, 
179-180; letters to father relative 
to conditions in Carolina, 181-187; 
arrival at Charles Town, 181; con 
ditions in the town, 181; prospects 



for trade, 181-182, 184; war with 
the Indians, 182; furs and skins ex 
changed by the Indians for arms 
and ammunition, 183; exports to 
Barbados, 184; writes home for 
book on plants, 184; wants to know 
the price of sassafras in England, 
185; capture of Spanish by the 
French and English, 185; an Indian 
reports the plan of an attack by the 
Spanish, 185-186. 

Newxes, 27. 

Noble, Henry, 256. 

Norman, William, grant of land, 192. 

North Carolina, 8-19, 25-29, 360; 
condition of the church in, 215, 216; 
Colonial Records of North Carolina, 
77 n., 140 n., 213, 230 n.; see also 
Carolina, Province of. 

Norton, John, 179. 

Norvill, Thomas, 58. 

Nottaway Creek, 8. 

Nottaway Kings, 9. 

Nottaway town, 8. 

Occasional bills, 225, 225 n.; see also 
Church Act. 

Occonacheans, 16. 

Occonnosquay, 17. 

Oconee River, 134 n. 

Ogilby, John, America, 139, 139 n. 

Old South Leaflets, 203 n. 

Oldmixon, John, The History of the 
British Empire in America, 315; 
criticism on work of, 315-316; ex 
tracts from, 317-373. 

Oniseecau, see Bull s Island. 

Opechancanough, 11; makes war on 
the Tuscaroras, 13; treachery tow 
ard Blandina River Indians, 16. 

Original Lists of Persons . . . who 
went from Great Britain to the Ameri 
can Plantations, 1600-1700, by J. C. 
Hotten, 23 n. 

Oyeocker, invites Eland s party to 
his home, 9; acts as guide, 9, 13, 
14, 15, 16, 19. 

Paice, Joseph, 354. 

Parris Island, named, 41 n.; location, 

41 n., 101. 

Pawhatan, see Powhatan. 
Pemlico Indians, 286. 
William. 305. 

Penna Mount River, description of 
land around, 9. 

Pennant, Capt. Elias, 3, 5, 8, 19. 

Pennant s Bay, naming of, 15. 

Periaguas, 342, 342 n. 

Perry, Micaiah, 354. 

Petersburg, Virginia, 8 n. 

Pierpont, Rev. Benjamin, death in 
Charles Town, 199, 199 n. 

Pilot s Creek, 101 n. 

Pinckney, Mrs. Elizabeth (Lucas), 
143 n. 

Ponce de Leon, Juan, 165 n.; dis 
coveries, 317; names Florida, 317. 

Port Royal, named, 37 n., 319; de 
scription of, 43, 44-45, 292, 368; 
Sandford s search for, 94-98; arrival 
at the mouth of, 98; explorations, 
98-101; location, 98-100; Sandford 
proposes to leave, 104; expedition 
sent to make settlement about, 111; 
attacked by Spaniards, 205; see 
also St. Ellen s. 

Port Royal, ship, 111. 

Porto Rico, Island of, Ponce de Leon 
sails from, 317. 

Powhatan, King of, strangles King of 
Chawan, 14. 

Pratt, Elder William, sent to South 
Carolina from church in Dorchester, 

191, 192; journal of voyages, 191- 

192, 194-200; biographical sketch, 
192-193; sails from Boston, 194, 
198; coast of Carolina sighted, 195; 
reception by the people of Carolina, 
195; interviews people in regard to 
founding church, 195-196; goes to 
Charles Town, 196; criticism of the 
people from New England, 197; 
elections at Charles Town, 197; 
drawing of lots, 199, 199 n.; deaths 
from small-pox, 199-200; fast days, 

Proprietors of Carolina, and Hilton 
Adventurers, 33, 34, 287, 288; pub 
lish Home s Description, 65; send 
out Yeaman s expedition, 77-78; 
send settlers to Port Royal, 111; 
letters to, 109-124; publish Ashe s 
pamphlet, 137; Wilson s, 163; legal 
position of, 227-230; frame Funda 
mental Constitutions, 230-232; con 
duct of government by, 233-236, 
294-296, 322-328; Representation 



of Colleton County to, 236-247; 
petition to, 248-249; letter of Mrs. 
Blake to, 250-252; sustain Church 
Act, 257-260, 353-354; Ashe s re 
monstrance to, 269-276; elections 
by, 279, 280, 326, 328; conduct of, 
294-296; letter of Commons to, 
298-299; list of, 307. 

Public Records, Deputy-Keeper of the, 
Thirty-third Report of the, 230 n. 

Pyancha, 19; an Appamattuck guide 
of Eland s party, 8, 9; makes a 
sign in the path, 13, 14; tells of 
treachery, 16; advice of, 18. 

Pyancha s Park, named, 14; Eland s 
party quartered at, 15. 

Quakers, 214, 216, 283. 

Quary, Robert, chosen governor, 333, 

333 n. 
Quit-rents, 296 n. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, observation on 
35 degrees latitude, 7-8; Marrow of 
History, 7. 

Randolph, Edward, arrival at Charles 
Town, 203, 204; letter to the Board 
of Trade, 204-210; administers 
oath to Joseph Blake, 204, 303 n.; 
population statistics, 204, 204 n., 
205 n.; attack on Gov. Morton s 
house by the Spaniards, 205; de 
struction of property by the Span 
iards, 205; English plan to take St. 
Augustine, 206; fear of French settle 
ment on the Mississippi, 206; 
Moore s quest of the Mississippi, 207, 
207 n.; great improvements made 
in Carolina, 207; commodities, 207, 
208; draft of town and castle of St. 
Augustine, 209; need of vessel for 
transportation of, 209-210; suffers 
from cold, 210. 

Ray, John, Methodus Plantarum Nova, 
184 n. 

Reese, Bartholomew, 58. 

Renew, Peter, 354. 

Rhett, Col. William, 291 n., 345, 350; 
succeeds Job Howes as Speaker, 359. 

Ribaut, Jean, placed in command of 
ships sent to America, 140, 318; 
names rivers, 318-319; mutiny of 
soldiers, 319; discoveries in north 
east part of Florida, 319; returns 

to France, 319; returns to Carolina, 

319; reception by the Indians, 319- 

320; death, 320. 

Rice, cultivation of, introduced, 69. 
Richmond, ship, expedition to South 

Carolina, 137. 
Risbee, Col. James, 350; votes for, 

271 n. 
Rivers, Professor William J., A Sketch 

of the History of South Carolina, 

198 n., 203, 264 n. 
Roanoke Indians, 13, 14; present 

child for baptism, 28. 
Roanoke River, 11, 12, 13, 13 n. 
Remain, Cape, 111, 113, 116. 

Sabin, Joseph, 4. 

Sainsbury, W. Noel, 113. 

St. Augustine, 209; rescue party sent 
from, 34; expedition of Governor 
Moore against, 272-273, 303; letter 
to Spanish governor from Governor 
Archdale, 300-301; kindness of 
governor to English castaways, 301 ; 
Colonel Daniel commands land divi 
sion in the expedition against, 342- 
343; the English take possession, 
343; result of expedition, 344. 

St. Catherine, island of, 112, 114, 114 n. 

St. Ellen s, 38; Hilton s expedition in 
vited by Indians to visit, 39, 40; 
Hilton s dealings with the Indians 
at, 40-42; see also Port Royal. 

St. George s Bay, 206. 

St. Giles, 128 n., 130. 

St. Helen s, see St. Ellen s. 

St. Helena Island, 38; description of 
the land, 119. 

St. Helena Sound, 38, 38 n., 39; loca 
tion, 96. 

St. Katherina, relation of, by M. Math- 
ews, 114-116. 

Salisbury, Bishop of, 283. 

Salwege River, 133 n., 134 n. 

Samuel, ship, 181, 182. 

Sandford, Robert, promoter of the set 
tlement at Charles Town, 77; secre 
tary and register of Clarendon 
County, 77; starts out to explore 
lower Carolina coast, 79; biograph 
ical sketch, 80-81; letter from, 82-83; 
sails from Charles River, 85; names 
Berkeley Bay, 85; companions and 
provisions, 85-86; arrival at the 



Edisto River, 87; takes possession 
of land, 88; explores river and sur 
rounding country, 88-89; enter 
tained by Shadoo, 90; description 
of Indians and their town, 90-92; 
explores the Combahee River, 92, 
92 n., 93; search for Port Royal, 
94-98, 127; arrival at the mouth of 
Port Royal, 98; explores Port Royal 
and vicinity, 98-101; Indians pre 
sent gifts, 100; meets Ens. Brayne, 
101; further explorations, 101-103; 
prepares to leave Port Royal, 104; 
leaves Henry Woodward among the 
Indians, 105, 105 n.; arrival at 
Charles Town, 107; testimonial from 
companions relative to explorations, 
107-108; Relation of a Voyage on the 
Coast of the Province of Carolina, 

Savannah Indians, 133, 133 n., 134; 
good friends to the English, 285. 

Savannah River, 132, 132 n.; explora 
tion of 102, 102 n., 103; description 
of the country around, 367. 

Sayle, William, appointed governor in 
Carolina, 113, 326, 326 n.; letter rel 
ative to the expedition of the Car 
olina, 122-124; purchases supplies 
from the Indians, 122; ill-will of 
the Spaniards, 122; Capt. Brayne 
fired upon, 122; Indians sent out 
to discover camp of the Spanish 
Indians, 122; safe arrival of the Car 
olina with supplies, 123; the Caro 
lina sent to Barbados for more 
people, 123; cattle received from Vir 
ginia, 123; need of a minister, 124. 

Scull Creek, 102 n. 

Seabrook, Robert, 350; chosen Speak 
er, 358. 

Searle, Capt. Robert, releases prisoners 
at St. Augustine, 127. 

Seewee Indians, 117 n. 

Seneca River, 133 n. 

Serurier Smith, see Smith, James. 

Sewee, French landed at, 299 n. 

Shadoo, 116 n.; entertains Sandford s 
party, 90, 93-94. 

Shaftesbury, first Earl of (Anthony 
Ashley Cooper), 259 n., 338; letters 
patent granted, 33; biographical 
sketch, 128 n.; plantation, 128, 
128 n. 

Shaftesbury, third Earl of (Anthony 
Ashley Cooper), declines governor 
ship, 296, 296 n.; Proprietor, 307. 

Short Discoverie of the Coasts and Con 
tinent of America, by W. Castell, 
317 n. 

Signiory, definition of, 128 n. 

Silver Bluff, South Carolina, 133, 133 n. 

Siouan Tribes of the East, by James 
Mooney, 218 n. 

Slaves, 207, 207 n. 

Smith,frJames, alias LeSerurier, James, 
251, 251 n., 350; votes for, 271 n.; 
character, 351. 

Smith, John, attack on the house of, 

Smith, Paul, 169 n. 

Smith, Gov. Thomas, 268, 345, 345 n.; 
successor to Governor Colleton, 296, 
296 n.; letter of, 335; resigns gov 
ernorship, 335. 

Smith, Landgrave Thomas, 273, 345, 
345 n.; votes for, 271 n. 

Smith, Maj. William, 350; votes for, 
271 n. 

Society for Promoting Christian 
Knowledge, 215 n. 

Sothell, Seth, 259 n.; appointed gov 
ernor, 279-280; bought share of 
the Earl of Clarendon, 307 n. 

Soto, Hernando de, expedition to New 
Spain, 318. 

South Carolina, 360; Hilton s account 
induces settlers to go to, 35; explo 
ration party under Hilton, 35-36; 
"Shaftesbury Papers" relative to, 
79; founding of a church, 195; ac 
count of William Pratt s journey 
from New England, 198-199; mi 
litia, 204, 204 n.; population, 204, 
204 n., 205 n.; commodities, 207- 
208; aliens, 239 n.; jealousy of 
Florida Spaniards, 221; plot of 
Spaniards to invade, 222; plans for 
a second invasion of Florida, 222; 
constitution, 225, 227-233; Defoe s 
criticism of the Proprietors and 
government, 233-236; letter rel 
ative to purpose of New Englanders 
to go to, 299-300; Archdale sent on 
mission to, 296, 297; Birds of South 
Carolina, 151 n.; Collections of the 
South Carolina Historical Society, 
35, 77 n., 80, 81 n., Ill n., 112 n.. 



113, 114 n., 116 n., 120 n., 124 n., 
127 n., 128 n., 129, 134 n., 137, 
203; The Genesis of South Carolina, 
by Wm. A. Courtenay, 35-36, 80; 
Historical Collections of South Car 
olina, by B. R. Carroll, 87 n., 163, 
281, 316; History of South Carolina 
under the Proprietary Government, 
by McCrady, 111 n., 200 n., 221 n., 

262 n., 291 n.; Journal of the Grand 
Council of South Carolina, 184 n.; 
A Sketch of the History of South 
Carolina, by Rivers, 38 n., 203, 207 
n., 264 n.; South Carolina Historical 
and Genealogical Magazine, 78 n., 
116 n., 128 n., 192 n., 193, 196 n., 
199 n., 200 n., 291 n., 367 n.; War 
rants for Lands in South Carolina, 
116 n.; see also Carolina, Province of. 

Sowee, 118, 119. 

Spaniards, plot to invade South Caro 
lina, 222; see also St. Augustine. 

Spanish rusk, 42. 

Spanish settlement in America, origin 
of, 287. 

Spanish war, 303; see also St. Augus 

Speights Bay, expedition sails from,(33. 

Spikes Bay, see Speights Bay. 

Stacy, Rev. James, History of the Mid 
way Congregational Church, Liberty 
County, Georgia, 193. 

Stanard, W. G., Virginia Colonial 
Register, 23 n. 

Stanhope, George, dean of Canterbury, 

263 n. 

Stannaries, Court of, 339, 339 n. 

Stanyarne, Capt. Edward, 84, 84 n.; 
death of, 79, 85; Sandford assumes 
charge of vessel of, 79, 85. 

Stephens, Robert, 270, 270 n., 340. 

Stono Indians, 40, 40 n. 

Stono River, 40 n., 122, 122 n. 

Stroude, John, 350. 

Sugar cane, 15. 

Sullivan s Island, 198, 198 n. 

Sumner, Increase, 191. 

Tavernier, J. B., 145 n. 

Thomas, Rev. Samuel, sent as minis 
ter to the Yemassee Indians, 311 n.; 
sent as a missionary to Charles 
Town, 365, 366. 

Thompson, George. 58. 

Thornburgh, William, 338. 

Thorpe, F. N., Federal and State Con- 
stitutions, 230 n. 

Three Brothers, ship, 111; reaches Car 
olina, 112. 

Thurloe, John, State Papers of, 24. 

Trott, Nicholas, member of the As 
sembly, 256, 270, 271, n., 308 n., 340, 
342, 350. 

Trott, Nicholas, of London, Proprietor, 
307, 308 n.; governor of New Prov 
idence, 342 n. 

Tugaloo River, 133 n. 

Tuscarora Indians, 9 n.; meet Eland s 
party, 11-12; desire to trade with 
Bland, 12; Appachancano makes war 
on, 13; courtesy to Yeardley s com 
pany, 27-28; visit at Yeardley s 
house, 28. 

Valentyn, Simon, 275, 275 n. 

Vasquez de Ayllon, Lucas, sent to 
Florida, 318; imprisonment of na 
tives, 318. 

Virginia, benefits to be obtained from 
settlement in, 6; massacre of the 
English by the Indians, 321; Vir 
ginia Colonial Register, by W. G. 
Stanard, 23 n. 

Walker, Gov. Henderson, 216 n. 

Wardell, Edward, 301, 336. 

Waring, Maj. Benjamin, votes for, 
271 n. 

Wattcoosa Indians, 52. 

Wayne, A. T., Birds of South Carolina, 
151 n. 

Webb, Col. Nicholas, governor of the 
Bahama Islands, 209 n. 

Werowance, 11, 12, 16, 17, 18. 

West, Joseph, commander of expedi 
tion to settle around Port Royal, 
111; fleet wrecked on the Bahama 
Islands, 111; narrative of events at 
Albemarle Point, 112; commission 
for a governor in Carolina, 113; bi 
ographical sketch of, 120 n.; letter 
of, 120-121; letters sent demanding 
men detained by the Spaniards, 120; 
treachery of the Spanish, 121; boat 
sent to the Bermudas for provisions, 
121; appointed governor, 328, 328 
n., 332; character, 328; holds a 
Parliament in Charles Town, 329. 



Westo Indians, 128, 130, 285, 367; 
troublesome to the colony, 329. 

Westo town, description of, by Dr. H. 
Woodward, 132, 132 n., 133. 

Weymouth, Viscount, bounty, 214, 
214 n. 

Wigginton, Henry, 358; votes for, 
271 n. 

Wilkinson, Matthew, 73. 

Willtown, see New London. 

Wilson, Samuel, Account of the Prov 
ince of Carolina, 139 n., 164-176; 
location of Carolina, 165; patents 
granted, 165-166; powers of the Pro 
prietors, 166; settlement at Albe- 
marle, 166; Ashley River settlement, 
166-167; description of Charles 
Town, 167, 167 n.; climate, 168- 
169; description of soil, trees, cattle, 
etc., in Carolina, 170-172; considera 
tion for the Indians, 172-173; grants 
of land allowed to each settler, 173- 
174; list of productions, 174-176. 

Wilton, see New London. 

Wood, Capt. Abraham, 3, 5, 8, 19. 

Woodford Indians, 18. 

Woodford River, see Meherrin River. 

Wood s Journey, naming of, 15. 

Woodward, Dr. Henry, 90; left with 
the Indians by Sandford, 105, 105 n.; 
A Faithful Relation of My Westoe 
Voiage, 1674, 125-129; work among 
the Indians, 125-129, 183; travels 
toward the Ashley River, 130; 
crosses the Edisto, 131; description 
of the land, 131; passes the head 
of the Port Royal River, 131; re 
ception by the Indians at Westo, 
132; curiosity of the Indians, 132; 
gifts received, 132; style of Indian 
houses, 132-133; description of the 
inhabitants of Westo and the sur 

rounding country, 132-133; arrival 
of the Savannah Indians, 133-134; 
plantation at the head of Ashley 
River reached, 134. 

Woory, Joseph, 85; testimonial rela 
tive to Sandford s explorations, 108. 

Woory Bay, formation of, 98-99. 

Yeamans, Sir John, biographical sketch, 
77, 78 n.; appointed governor of 
Carolina, 77, 328; promoter of the 
Charles Town settlement, 77; knight 
ed for activities in Carolina, 78, 78 n. ; 
organizes an expedition to ex 
plore coast, 78, 83; wrecking of ex 
ploring party, 78; settlers at Charles 
River in needy condition, 78; au 
thority to plant colonies, 83; depart- 
ture from Barbados, 83; wreck of 
vessel at entrance to Charles River, 
83; lends vessel to aid colonists on 
the Charles River, 84; appointed 
landgrave, 327. 

Yeamans, Margaret Foster, marriage 
to Gov. James Moore, 267. 

Yeamans Harbor, situation, 96, 97; 
entrance, 97-98. 

Yeardley, Francis, biographical sketch, 
23; letter narrating excursions into 
Carolina, 25-29; description of the 
country, 25; Indian desires to have 
his child educated, 26; wife protects 
Indian, 26; sends material to build 
house for Roanoke chief, 26-27; 
courteously received by Tuscaroras, 
27-28; meeting of Indians at house 
of, 28; Indian child baptized, 28; 
turf with arrow presented to, 28, 29. 

Yemassee Indians, 300, 372; Rev. 
Samuel Thomas sent as minister to 
the, 311 n.; seize other Indians as 
prisoners, 335. 





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