ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY
REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
GENERAL EDITOR, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, PH.D., LL.D.
DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON
NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
1650 — 1708
*•- It**'* $ ,^o
SSs
ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY
NARRATIVES
OF EARLY CAROLINA
165O— 1708
EDITED BY
ALEXANDER S. SALLEY, JR.
SECRETARY OF THE HISTORICAL COMMISSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA
WITH TWO MAPS AND A FACSIMILE
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
NEW YORK
COPYRIGHT, 1911, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Printed in the United States of America
All rights reserved. No part of this book
may be reproduced in any form without
the permission of Charles Scribner's Sons
NOTE
WITH the assistance of Mr. Salley, the general editor makes
the following comments upon the maps reproduced in this volume:
The " Generall Mapp of Carolina," used as frontispiece, is re
produced from the somewhat larger map (8J by 6 inches) which
appeared in the first volume of Richard Blome's Description of the
Island of Jamaica, with the Other Islands and Territories in America,
to which the English are Related (London, 1672). It will be ob
served that it is adorned with the eight coats of arms of the propri
etors. Of these Mr. Salley says that they "are almost heraldically
correct, but several of the proprietors quartered their family arms
with those of other sides of the respective houses, and their seal of
the province, containing their eight coats of arms, displays these
quarterings." The map extends from Cape Henry in Virginia to
some distance down the coast of Georgia, perhaps as far as the
Altamaha. The portion of it relating to North Carolina may be
compared with the John White map of 1585 or 1586, printed in
the volume of this series entitled Early English and French Voyages,
page 248.
The map as a whole reflects the imperfect knowledge available
in London at the time when it was made. It will be seen that the
compiler has fallen into marked confusion of mind respecting the
position of Charles Town. The first settlement of that name had
been located some twenty or thirty miles up the Cape Fear River.
The Charles Town founded in 1670 was placed on the west side of
Ashley River and before long transferred to the present position
between the Ashley and. Cooper Rivers. Blome's map indicates
"Ashly Riv." near his Charles Town but gives the latter a position
near Cape Fear and not far from the old site on the Cape Fear
River. The proper position of the name Ashley would be against
the river lying between "C. Romano " and "R. Grandy" (the
North Edisto). Another point deserving attention is that Charles
MS08908
vi NOTE
Fort, the short-lived Huguenot establishment, is set on a large island
east of "S. Hellen's," the two islands being of about the same size;
whereas, as has been explained in one of Mr. Salley's foot-notes,
St. Helena is a large island east of Broad River, while Charles Fort
was on a small island formed by Broad River, Port Royal River,
and Pilot Creek, lying southwesterly from St. Helena.
The plan of Charles Town is reproduced, in the same size as
the original, from an engraving by James Akin, in the second
volume of Ramsay's History of South Carolina (Charleston, 1809).
The plan is indicated by Dr. Ramsay as taken " from a survey of
Edward Crisp in 1704." The original cannot now be found. It
is perhaps identical with a map which Dr. Ramsay describes in his
History (II. 262) as having been preserved among the papers of
the distinguished family of Prioleau. Some doubt surrounds the
origin of the map. Mr. Salley finds a record in South Carolina,
of date 1716, reciting a grant that had previously been made to
Edward Crisp of London, but finds nothing further to identify
him with South Carolina. He signalizes two errors of fact in the
"References" which are placed beneath the map. N is marked
as Keating L. Smith's Bridge (wharf). There was no Keating L.
Smith at that time; the owner was Keating Lewis. W is indicated
as the scene of the first rice patch in Carolina; but Mr. Salley con
siders this to have no historical foundation. In general, however,
the plan is correct. It may be compared with one by Herman
Moll which constitutes a side map to his Map of the Dominions of
the King of Great Britain in America, 1715.
In Dr. J. L. E. W. Shecut's Medical and Philosophical Essays
(Charleston, 1819), there is a chapter (pp. 1-14) " Of the original
Topography of Charleston," which follows the lines of this Ramsay
map, with explanations, and identifications of its landmarks with
those of the author's time.
J. F. J.
CONTENTS
NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
EDITED BY ALEXANDER S. SALLEY, JR.
PAGE
THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE, 1650 1
INTRODUCTION 3
PREFACES 5
Sir Walter Raleigh's Observation 7
Departure of Expedition ......... 8
Arrival at the Meherrin Town 10
Passage of the Meherrin River 12
Tale of Powhatan's Treachery 14
Journey down the Roanoke River . .15
Return Journey 17
FRANCIS YEARDLEY'S NARRATIVE OF EXCURSIONS INTO CAROLINA, 1654 21
INTRODUCTION 23
The Young Fur-trader's Expedition 25
The Indians visit Yeardley's House 26
Tales of the Tuscaroras 27
A RELATION OF A DISCOVERY, BY WILLIAM HILTON, 1664 ... 31
INTRODUCTION 33
Landfall of the Adventure 37
Exploration of the Combahee River 38
Recovery of the English Prisoners 39
Correspondence with the Spaniards 42
Exploration of Port Royal and its Neighborhood .... 43
Of Cape Fear River 45
Of Hilton's River 48
Reprisals on the Indians 50
New England Men disparage the Country . . . •'•','• .53
Correspondence with the Spaniards 53
Proposals to the First Settlers 57 w
A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF THE PROVINCE OF CAROLINA, BY ROBERT
HORNE (?), 1666 63
INTRODUCTION 65
General Description of Carolina .66
vi/
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
Particular Description of Cape Fear Region 67
Productions of Earth, Water, and Air 68
Privileges to Settlers 71
A RELATION OF A VOYAGE ON THE COAST OF THE PROVINCE OF CAR
OLINA, 1666, BY ROBERT SANDFORD . . . . .75
INTRODUCTION 77
Address to the Proprietors . — . . . . . . .82
The Port Royal Discovery 83
Sandford takes Command; sets out to Explore 85
Explores the North Edisto River 87
Visits the Indian Town 90
Explores the South Edisto . . . .92
Stands out to Sea and incurs great Danger 94
Explores St. Helena Sound 96
Explores Port Royal Sound 100
Explores Calibogue Sound 103
Leaves Dr. Woodward with the Indians 105
Lies outside Charleston Harbor 106
Returns to Charles Town (on Cape Fear) 107
Testimonial of the Principal Gentlemen 107
LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS, 1670 109
INTRODUCTION Ill
Mr. Mathew/s Relation of St. Katherina 114
Mr. Carteret's Relation of the Planting at Ashley River . . .116
Letter of Joseph West 120
Letter of Governor Sayle and Council 122
A FAITHFULL RELATION OF MY WESTOE VOYAGE, BY HENRY WOODWARD 125
INTRODUCTION 127
Sets forth from Charles Town 130
Crosses the Edisto and the Head of Port Royal River . . .131
Visits the Westo Town . 132
Returns . '. , '„ . ...... . . . .134
CAROLINA, OR A DESCRIPTION OF THE PRESENT STATE OF THAT COUNTRY,
BY THOMAS ASHE, 1682 135
INTRODUCTION . . . . , \ 137
Preface . . . ". . , 138
The Origin of Carolina ......... 140
The Soil, Trees, and Vines 141
Gardens and Vegetables . . 145
Ambergris ............ 148
Animals and Birds 149
Fish, Turtles, and Alligators 152
CONTENTS ix
PAOB
Minerals and Metals 155
The Natives, their Arts and Government 156
The Proprietors, Towns, and Trade 157
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROVINCE OP CAROLINA, BY SAMUEL WILSON, 1682 161
INTRODUCTION 163
Address to the Proprietors 164
The Situation and Granting of Carolina 165
The Beginnings of Settlement 166
The Climate 167
The Soil and Natural Productions 169
The Increase of Live Stock 171
The Indians and Relations with them 172
The Privileges granted by the Proprietors 173
Possibilities of Profitable Agriculture 174
LETTERS OF THOMAS NEWE, 1682 177
INTRODUCTION < 179
Arrival in Carolina; Charles Town; Prices 181
The Fur-trade 183
The Increase of Live Stock 184
Inquiries as to Books 184
Hostilities with the Spaniards 185
Possibilities of Trade 187
JOURNAL OF ELDER WILLIAM PRATT, 1695-1701 189
INTRODUCTION 191
The Voyage from Boston 194
Arrival in Charles Town; Search for a Location .... 195
Elder Pratt's Second Voyage 198
Jottings of Subsequent Events 199
LETTER OF EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THE BOARD OF TRADE, 1699 . .201
INTRODUCTION 203
Description of the Province 204
Attack by the Spaniards 205
Alarm over Settlement of Louisiana 206
The Making of Tar, Pitch, and Turpentine 207
Various Enclosures and Requests 209
REVEREND JOHN BLAIR'S MISSION TO NORTH CAROLINA, 1704 . .211
INTRODUCTION 213
Arrival in Virginia; Difficult Journey thence 214
Ecclesiastical Condition of North Carolina . ' . . . .215
Discouragements to Missionary Labors 217
x CONTENTS
PAOB
PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE, 1705 . . . . . .219
INTRODUCTION . . . *.^--vv . . ' « . . . 221
Considerations on Invasions of Liberty . . . . . 224
The Powers of the Carolina Proprietors 225
The Settlement and Charter of Carolina 227
The Legislative Power in the Province V V . . . . 229
The Fundamental Constitutions 231
The Conduct of the Proprietors in Governing . ... . 232
The Representation of Colleton County ...... 236
Its Complaints as to Elections 238
As to Relations with Indians and Spaniards 240
Tyranny of the Governor and Council; Riots 242
Appeal to the Proprietors 245
The Mission and Death of John Ash 247
The Petition brought over by Joseph Boone 248
The Letter of Mrs. Elizabeth Blake 250
The Church Act of 1704 .253
Defoe's Criticisms of it 256
The Proprietors' Reception of the Remonstrances .... 258
Evil Consequences of Intolerance 260
111 Treatment of Rev. Edward Marston 262
The Necessity of Redress . . . ... . . .264
THE PRESENT STATE OP AFFAIRS IN CAROLINA, BY JOHN ASH, 1706 . 265
INTRODUCTION . 267
Governor Moore's 111 Conduct 269
The St. Augustine Expedition 272
Riotous Attacks upon the Governor's Opponents .... 273
Violence at the New Election , 274
A NEW DESCRIPTION OF THAT FERTILE AND PLEASANT PROVINCE OF
CAROLINA, BY JOHN ARCHDALE, 1707 277
INTRODUCTION . 279
Preface 282
The Course of Providence 284
The Discovery of America; the Carolina Patent .... 287
General Description of Carolina . • . • » • • • • 288
The Indians and their Quarrels . ,,f, : .,. j . . . . . 289
The Soil and Climate 290
The Scottish Settlement; the Possibilities of Trade . . . .292
The Propagation of the Gospel 293
The Form of Government; its Early Conduct 294
Governor Archdale's Arrival; his Address 296
The Address of the Commons Assembly 298
Letter from a New England Man 299
The Governor's Relations with the Indians 300
Governor Moore and the St. Augustine Expedition .... 303
CONTENTS »
fMttl
Intolerance of the High Church Party; its Unwisdom . . . 305
List of Proprietors 307
Governor Archdale's Advice for the Colony 308
Recent Signs of Prosperity ........ 310
FROM THE HISTORY OP THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA, BY JOHN
OLDMIXON, 1708 313
INTRODUCTION 315
Discovery of Carolina; Spanish Expeditions 317
Settlements of the French in Florida 318
Castell's Description of Carolina in 1644 321
The Grant by King Charles II 322
The Fundamental Constitutions; Government under them . . 324
The Beginnings of Settlement; Sayle's Arrival 326
The Form of Government 327
Governors Yeamans and West 328
The Blake Family; Governor Blake 330
Governor Morton and his Parliament; Governors Kyrle and West . 332
Lord Cardross's Settlement 333
Governor Colleton and his Successors 333
Governor Archdale; the Spaniards and the Indians .... 335
Governor Blake; the Election of Governor Moore .... 338
The St. Augustine Expedition 341
Dissensions and Riots 345
The Church Act of 1704 348
The Remonstrance brought over by John Ash 349
Rev. Edward Marston's Censures 351
The Proprietors' Reception of the Remonstrances .... 353
The Appeal to the House of Lords 354
Its Declaration against the Church Act 355
Queen Anne annuls the Act 356
New Elections for the Assembly 357
Geographical Description of Carolina, its Climate .... 360
The Northern Counties 361
Charles Town 362
The Southern Counties 366
The Products and Commodities of the Province .... 368
Recent Signs of Progress 371
List of the Proprietors and Chief Officers . . . . . . 373
INDEX , 375
MAPS AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION
MAP OP CAROLINA, FROM RICHARD BLOME'S "DESCRIPTION OF THE
ISLAND OF JAMAICA," etc., 1672. From a copy of the original in
the New York Public Library Frontispiece
PAGE
TITLE-PAGE OF DANIEL DEFOE'S "PARTY-TYRANNY," 1705. From a
copy of the original in the Library of Congress 224
PLAN OF CHARLES TOWN, BY EDWARD CRISP, 1704. From a copy of
Ramsay's "History of South Carolina," in the New York Public
Library 364
THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE, 1650
INTRODUCTION
PRESUMING on the claim that the explorations of Sebas
tian Cabot gave the British government sovereignty over that
portion of North America lying between the 31st and 36th
degrees of north latitude, Charles I., on October 30, 1629,
granted it to his attorney-general, Sir Robert Heath, for
the founding of a province. Sir Robert did nothing in the
way of settling his territory, and for thirty years after the
grant was made to him very few explorations were made in
that country and very little was written about it. One con
tribution to the subject, however, was a pamphlet published
in London in 1651, containing an account by Edward Bland,
Abraham Woode, Sackford Brewster, and Elias Pennant of
an expedition made by them in August and September, 1650,
into that part of the domain of Carolina next to Virginia, to
which they gave the name New Britain.
Bland was a merchant of Virginia and in this trading
expedition among the Indians he realized that the Christian
izing of the Indians and settling of the country would sooner
advance the interests of the province of Virginia and the
merchants and traders thereof. Upon his return he and
his companions petitioned the Assembly of Virginia to be
allowed to make discoveries to the southward and to estab
lish settlements and have intercourse with the Indians there.
The petition was granted on condition that Bland and his
associates, in effecting the settlement, should secure them
selves with a hundred able men sufficiently supplied with
arms and ammunition.
To advance their undertaking they resorted to the cus
tomary plan of publishing a pamphlet designed to attract
4 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
and interest prospective settlers. They gave an account of
each day's movements, with their observations of the topog
raphy, condition, and advantages of the country which they
had journeyed over and to which they were now inviting
settlers to come. This pamphlet, first printed in 1651, was
reprinted at New York by Joseph Sabin in 1873.
THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE, 1650
The Discovery of New Brittaine, Began August 27, Anno Dom.
1650, by Edward Bland j Merchant, Abraham Woode, Cap-
taine, Sackford Brewster, Ellas Pennant, Gentlemen.
From Fort Henry, at the Head of Appamattuck River in Virginia,
to the Fats of Blandina, first River in New Brittaine, which
runneth West, being 120. Mile South-west, between 35. and
37. degrees, (a pleasant Country), of temperate Ayre, and
fertile Soyle.
London, Printed by Thomas Harper for John Stephenson, at
the Sun below Ludgate. M. DC. LI.1
To the Honorable, Sir John Danvers, Knight:2 Great Favourer of
the Westerne Plantations, and a Member of the Parliament
of England.
Noble Sir:
THE great Incouragement that I have found from your
Worthy selfe to propogate the Publique Affaires, as well
Forraigne as Domestique, hath imbolned3 mee to presume
humbly to present this small Piece of the Discovery of the
Westerne Part of Virginia, wherein you shall finde by the
Industry of the Surveyors of that Part, the great Benefit
that may accrew to the English Plantation; in regard of
the many and severall Commodities that may thence arise,
by reason of the fertility of the Soyle, Nature having pro
vided so plentifully for all things, that with no extraordinary
great Charge it may be effected, to the great Profit, and more
Glory of this English Nation: And whereas your selfe hath
beene, and still are a Chiefe Agent in that, and other Plan-
1 Text of the title-page of the original.
•Sir John Danvers (1588-1655) had been a prominent member of the Vir
ginia Company and in 1649 one of the regicide judges of Charles I.
3 Emboldened.
5
6 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
tations, so (under God) you may be a meanes for converting
divers of those poor Indians to the Christian Faith. For
the World doth take notice you observe the Orators saying;
That you were not borne for your selfe, but for your Country:
Which that you may ever doe, shall be the Prayer,
Sir,
Of your most humble servant,
J. S.
• To the Reader.
WHO ever thou art that desirest the Advancement of Gods
glory by conversion of the Indians, the Augmentation of
the English Common- wealth, in extending its liberties; I
would advise thee to consider the present benefit and future
profits that will arise in the wel set ling Virginia's Confines,
especially that happy Country of New Brittaine, in the Lati
tude of 35. and 37. degrees, of more temperate Clymate then l
that the English now inhabite, abounding with great Rivers
of long extent, and encompassing a great part, or most of
Virginia's Continent; a place so easie to be settled in, in
regard that Horse and Cattle in foure or five dayes may be
conveyed for the benefit of Undertakers, and all inconven-
iencies avoyded which commonly attend New Plantations,
being supplied with necessaries from the Neighbourhood of
Virginia.
That the Assembly of Virginia (as may be seene by their
Order since my returne hereto procured) have conceived a
hundred to be a sufficient force and competence for the estab
lishment of that Country in which Tobacco will grow larger
and more in quantity. Sugar Canes are supposed naturally
to be there, or at least if implanted will undoubtedly flourish:
For we brought with us thence extraordinary Canes of twenty-
five foot long and six inches round ; there is also great store of
fish, and the Inhabitants relate that there is plenty of Salt made
to the sunne without art; Tobacco Pipes have beene seene
among these Indians tipt with Silver, and they weare Copper
Plates about their necks: They have two Crops of Indian
Corne yearely, whereas Virginia hath but one. What I
1 Than.
1650] THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 7
write, is what I have proved; I cordially wish some more
then private Spirits would take it into their consideration, so
may it prove most advantagious to particular and publick
ends; for which so prayeth,
Your faithfull servant,
EDWARD BLAND.
October 20. 1650. By the Assembly.1
It is Ordered by the Grand Assembly, that according
to the Petition of Mr. Edward Bland, Merchant, that he
the sayd Bland, or any other be permitted to discover and
seate to the Southward in any convenient place where they
discover; and that according to his Petition for furthering his
Designes hee bee permitted to have correspondence with
the Indians, and also receive the benevolence of the well-
affected, and use all lawfull meanes for effecting thereof,
provided that they secure themselves in effecting the sayd
Designe with a hundred able men sufficiently furnished with
Armes and Munition.
JOHN CoRKES,2 Cler. Dom. Com.
Sir Walter Rawleighs Observation on 35. degrees Latitude.
Paradise was created a part of this Earth, and seated in
the lower part of Eden or Mesopotamia, containing also a
part of Shinar and Armenia; it stands 35 degrees from the
Equinoctiall, and 55 from the North-pole, in a temperate
Climate, full of excellent fruits, chiefely of Palme-trees with
out labour; for whereinsoever the Earth, Nature, and the
Sun can most vaunt that they have excelled, yet shall the
Palme-tree be the greatest wonder of all their workes: This
tree alone giveth unto man whatsoever his life beggeth at
Natures hand. The like are also found both in the East
and West-Indies as well as in Paradise, which Countries are
also blessed with a perpetuall Spring and Summer, etc. Raw
leighs Marrow of History, Page 42.
1 Of Virginia.
8 Properly, Corker. "Clericus Domus Communis " = Clerk of the House of
Commons.
8 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
By how much Adam exceeded all living men in perfection
by being the immediate workmanship of God, by so much
did that chosen, and particular Garden exceed all the parts
of the Universall World in which God had planted the Trees
of Life, and Knowledge, Plants onely proper, and belonging
to the Paradise, and Garden, of so great a Lord. Ibid., p. 43.
THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITAINE
August 27. 1650. The Right Honorable Sir W. Berkly,1
Kt. being Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia, Edw.
Bland Merch. Abraham Wood Capt. Elias Ponnant 2 and
Sackford Brewster Gent, foure Men, and one Indian named
Pyancha, an Appamattuck for our Guide, with two servants,
foure Horses and Provision, advanced from Fort Henry, lying
on Appamattuck River at the fals,3 being a branch of James
River, intending a South westerne Discovery.
This day wee passed over a branch 4 belonging to Black-
water lake, running South east into Chawan River; at that
place wee were forced to unlade our Carriages by reason of
the great raines lately fallen, which otherwise is very pass
able for foot, being firm gravelly ground in the bottome, and
lieth from Fort Henry 20. miles, and some 12. miles from
this place we travelled unto a deepe River called the Nottaway
Creeke some 100. paces over sandy bottomes (and with a
little labour may be made passeable) unto a Nottaway Town
lying some two miles from the River. Hither we came within
night, and by reason of our suddaine approach and hallowing
of Robert Farmer servant to Mr. Bland, the Inhabitants ran
all away into the Woods, with their Women and Children;
therefore by us it was named Farmers Chase. After our
arrivall there within a small space of time one Indian man
appeared, and finding of us peaceable, and the white flag
bore before us by our Guide whom they knew, he made a
hallow, and the rest came in from their sculking holes like
1 This is not the proper spelling, Berkeley being the way that Sir William
himself and his brother, John, Lord Berkeley, spelled the name.
9 Pennant. * Now Petersburg, Virginia.
* Presumably Stony Creek.
1650] THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 9
so many timerous Hares, and shewed us what curtesie they
could. About two houres after came to us Oyeocker elder
brother to Chounterounte of the Nottaway Kings, who told
us that his brother Chounterounte, and other of the Nottaway
Kings would come to us next day by Noone, and that the
day before Chounterounte and all his men had been a hunting,
and it hapned that Chounterounte had shot one of his brothers
in the leg, and that thereupon he was gone downewards. We
stayed untill next day at Noone but he came not, and then
we journyed unto the Towne belonging unto Oyeocker, who
kindly invited us thither, and told us he thought that Choun
terounte would meet us there, and also of his owne accord
proffered us to be our guide withersoever we went. The Land
generally to this Towne is Champion, very rich, and the
Towne scituate in a rich levell, well timbered, watered, and
very convenient for Hogs and Cattle.
August 28. We journied with our new entertained Guide
Oyeocker, lying betweene South, and South and by West,
from the first Towne upon a very rich levell of Land : sixteen
miles from this place we came unto the River Penna Mount,
being another branch of Chawan River eight miles on the
South side it hath very rich Land and Corn-fields on both
sides the River, and is about 200. paces wide, and runs out
with elbowes: at the place of our passage over this River to
this second Towne is shallow upon a Sandy Point, and with
a very little labour may be made passeable both for foot and
horse, or any Carriage by Land, or pentater with small Boats,
and some two miles higher there is a sound passage no deeper
then a mans anckle: Within night came Chounterounte unto
our Quarters frowning, and with a countenance noting much
discontent, downe he sets, and lookes about him, salutes the
English with a scornefull posture, and then our Appamattack
Guide, and tels him, I am sorry for thee friend, thou wilt
be knockt on the head; after this some pause was made
before any discourse, expecting the English would begin, but
finding us slow, he thus spake: There was a Wainoake Indian
told him that there was an Englishman a Cockarous * hard
by Captaine Floods, gave this Indian Bells, and other petty
truck to lay downe to the Tuskarood 2 King, and would
1 Ind. cawcawaassough, adviser. • Tuscarora.
10 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
have hired him to have gone with him, but the Wainoakes
being doubtfull what to doe, went to Captaine Flood for
advice, who advised them not to go, for that the Governour
would give no licence to go thither; heere upon Chounter-
ounte was by us questioned, when and who it was that had
told him so, and if he did know that Wainoake Indian, to
which he answered doubtfully, and demanded of us whither
we did intend to go; we told him the Tuskarood King had
envited us to trade, and our Governour had ordered us to
go, and speake with an Englishman amongst them, and to
enquire for an English woman cast away long since, and was
amongst those Nations. Chounterounte perswaded us to go
no further, alleadging there was no English there, that the
way was long, for passage very bad by reason of much raine
that had lately fallen, and many rotten Marrishes and Swampps
there was to passe over, in fine we found him, and all his
men very unwilling we should go any further; but we told
them, that let the waies and passages be never so bad, we
were resolved to go through, and that we were not afraid
of him nor his Nation, nor any other, for we intended no
injury, and that we must go, for we were commanded by our
King; these words caused Chounterounte to assimulate a
feare in his countenance, and after delivery of himselfe, at
our going away next day, when we had mounted our Horses,
Chounterounte came privately unto us, and in a most serious
manner intimating unto us, that he loved us, and our Nation,
and that he lively apprehended our danger, and that our
safety concerned him, for if any accident hapned otherwise
then good to us, he should be suspected to have a hand in it,
and withall wished us to go no further, for that he certainly
knew that the Nations we were to go through would make
us away by treachery; we answered him, that we were not
afraid to be killed, for that any one of us were able to deale
with forty through the protection of our great God, for we
were commanded by our King.
August 29. We travelled from this second Town to
Maharineck,1 eight miles upon barren Champion Lands,
and six miles further is a branch that runnes South west,
1 The town of the Meherrin Indians, an Iroquoian tribe living on Meherrin
River.
1650] THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 11
with rich Lands upon it; and from thence some six miles
further, is a Brooke some hundred paces over, and runnes
South and a little to the West, on both sides of the Creek:
for fowre miles or thereabouts, is very rich Lands, well Tim
bered and Watered, and large dry Meadowes, South and by
West: From this Creeke is another, some eight miles off,
that opens it selfe into divers small Guts, made by the inun
dation of Freshes of Waters; and the passage lies some two
hundred paces from the Path, and this Creek is some ten
miles from Maharinecke Towne, and was by us named New-
combs Forrest. It was night when we entred into Mahar-
ineck, where we found a House ready made for us of Matts;
and Corne stalkes layd in severall places for our Horses, the
Inhabitants standing, according to their custome, to greet
us: and after some discourse with their Werrowance,1 a Youth,
to whom wee presented severall gifts, we certified them the
cause of our comming was to Trade in way of friendship, and
desired the great men that what Wares or Skins the Town
did afford, might be brought to our Quarters next morning;
and also a measure for Roanoak,2 which they promised should
be done, and so left us to our selves a while, untill wee had
refreshed our selves with such provisions as they had set
before us, in most plentifull maner; and afterwards the
great men and Inhabitants came, and performed divers Cere
monies, and Dancings before us, as they used to doe to their
great Emperour Apachancano,3 when they entertain him
in most solemne maner and friendship.
August 30. Being wearied with our last dayes travell,
we continued at Maharineck, and this day spake with a
Tuskarood Indian, who told us that the Englishman was a
great way off at the further Tuskarood Towne, and wee
hired this Tuskarood Indian to run before, and tell his Wer
rowance wee intended to lay him downe a present at Hoco-
mowananck, and desired to have him meete us there, and also
wrote to that effect to the Englishman in English, Latine,
Spanish, French and Dutch, the Tuskarood promised in three
dayes to meete us at Hocomawananck. In the afternoone
came two Indians to our Quarters, one of whom the Mahar-
1 Chieftain. a Wampum.
3 Opechancanough, Powhatan's brother and successor.
12 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
inecks told us was the Werrowance of Hocomawnanck River,
seemed very joyfull that wee could goe thither, and told us
the Tuskarood would have come to us to trade, but that
the Wainoakes had spoken much to dishearten them from
having any trade with the English, and that they intended
divers times to have come in, but were afraid, for the Wain
oakes had told them that the English would kill them, or
detaine them, and would not let them goe without a great
heape of Roanoake middle high, to which we answered that
the Wainoakes durst not affirme any such thing to our faces,
and that they had likewise spoken much against the Tuska
rood to the English, it being a common thing amongst them
to villefie one another, and tell nothing but lies to the Eng
lish.
This day in the morning the Maharineck great men spake
to heare some of our guns go off: Whereupon we shot two
guns at a small marke, both hitting it, and at so great a dis
tance of a hundred paces, or more, that the Indians admired
at it: And a little before night the old King Maharineck
came to us, and told us, that the people in the Towne were
afraid when the guns went off, and ran all away into the
Woods. This night also we had much Dancing.
August 31. Wee went away from Maharineck South East
two miles to goe over Maharineck River, which hath a bottome
betweene two high land sides through which you must passe
to get over, which River is about two hundred paces broad,
and hath a high water marke after a fresh of at least twenty
foot perpendicular by the trees in the breaches betweene the
River, and the high land of the old fields. This River is the
Southerly last and maine branch of Chawan River, and was
by us named Woodford River,1 and runs to the Eastward
of the South. On both sides of Woodford River is very
much exceeding rich Land, but especially on the further
side towards Hocomawananck. /Imediately after the passage
over this River, are old Indian fields of exceeding rich Land,
that beare two Crops of Indian Corne a yeare, and hath timber
trees above five foot over, whose truncks are a hundred foot
in cleare timber, which will make twenty Cuts of Board
timber a piece, and of these there is abundance.
1 Now called the Mehemn.
1650] THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 13
As also exceeding rich Land, full of great Reeds thrice as
big as the largest Arrow Reeds we have about our Plantations;
this good Land continues for some six miles together unto a
great Swampp, and then begins a pyny barren Champion
Land with divers Branches and Pecosans, yet very passeable,
running South and by West unto a deepe River some a hun
dred paces over, running South, and a little to the East,
which River incloses a small Island which wee named Brew-
sters Island, some eighteene miles from Woodford River due
South, and by West, with very exceeding rich Land on both
side of it for some sixe miles together, and this River we
also named Brewsters River, it being the first branch of
Hocomawananck River:1 and a little lower downe as the River
runs, is such another River as Chickahamine River (which
is a mile broad.)
After we had passed over this River we travelled some
twenty miles further upon a pyny barren Champion Land
to Hocomawananck River, South, and by West: some twelve
miles- from Brewsters River we came unto a path running
crosse some twenty yards on each side unto two remarkeable
Trees; at this path our Appamattuck Guide made a stop,
and cleared the Westerly end of the path with his foote,
being demanded the meaning of it, he shewed an unwillingnesse
to relate it, sighing very much: Whereupon we made a stop
untill Oyeocker our other Guide came up, and then our Ap
pamattuck Guide journied on; but Oyeocker at his comming
up cleared the other end of the path, and prepared himselfe
in a most serious manner to require our attentions, and told
us that many yeares since their late great Emperour Appa-
chancano came thither to make a War upon the Tuskarood,
in revenge of three of his men killed, and one wounded, who
escaped, and brought him word of the other three murthered
by the Hocomawananck Indians for lucre of the Roanoake
they brought with them to trade for Otter skins. There
accompanyed Appachancano severall petty Kings that were
under him, amongst which there was one King of a Towne
called Pawhatan, which had long time harboured a grudge
against the King of Chawan, about a yong woman that the
Roanoke River. The explorers apparently went to its mouth and then
returned.
14 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
King of Chawan had detayned of the King of Pawhatan:
Now it hapned that the King of Chawan was invited by the
King of Pawhatan to this place under pretence to present
him with a Guift of some great vallew, and there they met
accordingly, and the King of Pawhatan went to salute and
embrace the King of Chawan, and stroaking of him after
their usuall manner, he whipt a bow string about the King
of Chawans neck, and strangled him; and how that in me-
moriall of this, the path is continued unto this day, and the
friends of the Pawhatans when they passe that way, cleanse
the Westerly end of the path, and the friends of the Chawans
the other. And some two miles from this path we came
unto an Indian Grave upon the East side of the path: Upon
this Grave there lay a great heape of sticks covered with
greene boughs, we demanded the reason of it, Oyeocker told
us, that there lay a great man of the Chawans that dyed
in the same quarrell, and in honour of his memory they con
tinue greene boughs over his Grave to this day; and ever
when they goe forth to Warre they relate his, and other
valorous, loyall Acts, to their yong men, to annimate them to
doe the like when occasion requires. Some foure miles from
Hocomawananck is very rich Champian Land: It was night
when we came to Hocomawananck River and the Indian
that came with us from Woodford River, and belonged to
Hocomawananck, would have had us quartered upon the
side of a great Swampp that had the advantage of severall
bottomes of the Swampp on both sides of us, but we removed
to take our advantage for safety, and retreate, in case any
accident should happen, which at that time promised noth
ing but danger, for our Guides began to be doubtfull, and
told us, that the Hocomawananck Indians were very treacher
ous, and that they did not like the countenances, and shape
well; this place we named Pyanchas Parke: about three
houres after we had taken up our Quarters, some of the In
habitants came, and brought us roasting ears, and Sturgeon,
and the Hocomawananck Indian that came with us from,
Woodford River, came not unto us untill next day, but his
Warrowance told us before wee came from Woodford, hee
could not come untill that day at night. The next day
morning after our comming to Hocomawananck the Inhabi-
1650] THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 15
tants seemed to prepare us a house: But we about eight of
the clock set forward to goe view the place where they killed
Sturgeon, which was some six miles from the place where we
quartered by Pyanchas Parke, where there is a River running
very deep South, exceeding deepe, and foure hundred paces
broad. The high water marke of this River between both
sides of the River perpendicular, from the top of the Banck to
the River, is forty five foot upon a fresh; this River was
by us named Blandina River: from Pyanchas Parke to the
place where they kill Sturgeon is six miles up the River run
ning Northerly, and all exceeding rich Land: Both upwards
and downewards upon the River, at this place where they
kill Sturgeon are also the Falls, and at the foot of these Falls
also lies two Islands in a great Bay, the uppermost whereof
Mr. Blande named Charles Island, and the lowermost Cap-
taine Wood named Berkeley Island: on the further side of
these Islands the Bay runs navigable by the two Islands sides :
Charles Island is three miles broad, and foure miles long,
and Berkeley Island almost as big, both in a manner impreg
nable by nature, being fortified with high Clefts of Rocky
Stone, and hardly passeable, without a way cut through
them, and consists all of exceeding rich Land, and cleare
fields, wherein growes Canes of a foot about, and of one yeares
growth Canes that a reasonable hand can hardly span; and
the Indians told us they were very sweet, and that at some
time of the yeare they did suck them, and eate them, and
of those we brought some away with us. The Land over
against Charles Island we named Blands Discovery, and the
Land over against Berkeley Island we named Woods journy,
and at the lower end of Charles Island lies a Bay due South
from the said Island, so spatious that we could not see the
other side of it: this bay we called Pennants Bay and in
the River between Charles Island, and the maine Land lies
a Rocky Point in the River, which Point comes out of Charles
Island, and runs into the middle of the River: this Point
we named Brewsters Point, and at this Point only, and no
other is there any place passeable into Charles Island, and
this Brewsters Point runs not quite from Charles Island
to the maine Land, but when you come off the maine Land
to the Rivers side, you must wade about fifty paces to come
16 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
upon the Point, and if you misse the Point on either side,
up or downe the River, you must swim, and the River runs
very swift. Some three miles from the River side over
against Charles Island is a place of severall great heapes of
bones, and heere the Indian belonging to Blandina River
that went along with us at the Fals, sat downe, and seemed
to be much discontented, insomuch that he shed teares; we
demanded why those bones were piled up so curiously? Oye-
ocker told us, that at this place Appachancano one morning
with 400. men treacherously slew 240. of the Blandina River
Indians in revenge of three great men slaine by them, and
the place we named Golgotha; as we were going to Blandina
river we spake to Oyeocker our Guide to lead us the way,
and he would not; but asked our Appamattuck Guide why
we did not get us gone, for the Inhabitants were jealous of
us, and angry with us, and that the Runner we sent to the
Tuskarood would not come at the day appointed, nor his
King, but ran another way, and told the Indians that we
came to cut them off; whereupon our Appamattuck Guide
stepped forth, and frowning said, come along, we will go
to see the Falls, and so led the way, and also told us that
the Woodford Indians lied, and that Indian that came to us,
which the Woodford Indian said was the King of Blandina
River, was not the Werrowance of Blandina River; where
upon we resolved to return (having named the whole Con
tinent New Brittaine) another way into our old path that
led to Brewsters River, and shot off no guns because of making
a commotion, adding to the Natives feares. At Blandina
River we had some discourse with our Appamattuck Guide
concerning that River, who told us that that branch of Blan
dina River ran a great way up into the Country; and that
about three dayes journy further to the South- West, there
was a far greater Branch so broad that a man could hardly
see over it, and bended it selfe to the Northward above the
head of James River unto the foot of the great Mountaines,
on which River there lived many people upwards, being the
Occonacheans and the Nessoneicks, and that where some of
the Occonacheans lived, there is an Island within the River
three dayes journy about, which is of a very rich and fertile
soile, and that the upper end of the Island is fordable, not
1650] THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 17
above knee deepe, of a stony bottome, running very swift,
and the other side very deepe and navigable: Also we found
many of the people of Blandina River to have beards, and
both there, and at Woodford River we saw many very old
men, and that the Climate according to our opinions was
far more temperate then ours of Virginia, and the Inhabi
tants full of Children; they also told us that at the bottome
of the River was great heapes of Salt; and we saw among
them Copper, and were informed that they tip their pipes
with silver, of which some have been brought into this Coun
try, and 'tis very probable that there may be Gold, and other
Mettals amongst the hils.
September 1. About noone from Woods Journey wee
travelled some sixe miles North East, unto the old Path that
leads to Brewsters River: within night we quartered on the
other side of it, and kept good watch: this Path runnes from
Woods Journey north and by East, and due North.
September 2. In the morning about eight of the clocke,
as every one was mounted, came to our quarters Occonnos-
quay, sonne to the Tuskarood King, and another Indian
whom he told was a Werrowance, and his Kinseman, with
the Runner which wee had sent to the Tuskarood King, who
was to meet us at Blandina that night; the Kings sonne told
us that the English man would be at his house that night,
a great way off; and would have had us gone backe with
him, but we would not, and appointed him to meete us at
Woodford River where hee came not, wee having some sus-
pition that hee came from Woodford River that night, and
that our Runner had not beene where we had sent him,
through some information of our Nottaway guide, which
afterwards proved true, by the Relation of the Werrowance
of Blandina River, whom about fowre howres after wee had
parted with the Kings son, wee met on the way comming from
Woodford River with a company of men, thinking he should
have found us at Blandina River that night, according to his
order and promise; with whom falling into discourse, he
told us that the King of the Tuskaroods son, and our Runner
were the night before at Woodford River; but the Kings
son told us he came from Blandina River, and beyond, and
hearing wee were gone before he came, he had travelled all
18 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1650
night from Blandina River to overtake us. This day about
Noone we came to Woodford River Towne, and tarried there
that night, we found the old Werrowance, and all his great
men gone, yet had courteous quarter; but not without great
grounds of suspition, and signes that they were angry at us:
at our coming back to Woodford River we had information
that some Spies of Wainoake had been there a little before
we came, and that the King of Wainoake and Chounterounte
had sent Runners to all the Nations thereabouts, informing
them that the English were come to cut them off, which we
supposed to be some greater Politicians then Indian Con
sultations, who had some private ends to themselves, and
minded nothing lesse then a publick good; for we found that
the Runner whom we imployed to carry our message to the
Tuskarood King, ran to the Waynoakes, and he whom the
Woodford Indians told us was the Werrowance of Blandina
River, was a Woodford Indian, and no Werrowance, but
done of purpose to get something out of us, and we had infor
mation that at that time there were other English amongst
the Indians.
September 3. By breake of day we journied from Wood-
ford River to a path some eight miles above Pennants Mount
running North, and by East and North, North, East, which
was done by the advice of our Appamattuck Guide, who
told us that he was informed that some plots might be acted
against us, if we returned the way that we came, for we told
Chounterounte we would returne the same way againe:
And this information our Guide told us he had from a woman
that was his Sweet-heart belonging to Woodford River.
This day we passed over very much rich, red, fat, marie
Land, betweene Woodford River Towne, and the head of
Pennants Mount, with divers Indian fields; the head of
which River abounds much with great Rocks of Stone, and
is two hundred paces over, and hath a small Island in it
named Sackfords Island. Betweene Pennants Mount River
head, and the head of Farmers Chase River is very much
exceeding rich, red, fat, marie land, and Nottaway and Schock-
oores old fields, for a matter of sixe miles together all the
trees are blowne up or dead: Heere it began to raine, and
some six miles further we tooke up our quarters, and it proved
1650] . THE DISCOVERY OF NEW BRITTAINE 19
a very wet night. At the first other Nottaway old fields,
we found the Inhabitants much perplexed about a gun that
went off to the Westward of them, the night before wee came
thither, which our Appamattuck Guide conceived were the
Wainoake Spies, set out there to prevent our Journyings, and
we found severall Agers about the place where the Indians told
us the gun went off.
Septemb. 4. About 8 of the Clock we travelled North
North-East some six miles, unto the head of Farmers Chase
River, where we were forced to swimm our horses over, by
reason of the great rain that fell that night, which other
wise with a little labour may be made very passable. At
this place is very great Rocky stones, fit to make Mill-stones,
with very rich tracts of Land, and in some places between
the head of Farmers Chase River and Black water Lake,
is ground that gives very probable proofe of an Iron, or some
other rich Mine. Some sixteen miles from Farmers Chase,
North, and by East, and North, North-East, lies Black water
Lake, which hath very much rich land about it, and with
little labour will be made very passable. From Black Water
Lake we did travell to the old fields of Manks Nessoneicks,
and from thence some 12 miles N. N. East we came unto
Fort Henry about the close of the Evening, all well and in
good health, notwithstanding from the time we had spoken
with Chounterounte at Pennants Mount, we every night
kept a strickt watch, having our Swords girt, and our Guns
and Pistols by us, for the Indians every night where we lay,
kept a strict guard upon us.
The Discoverers, viz.
Mr. Edward Blande, Merchant.
Abraham Wood, Captaine.
Mr. Elias Pennant.
Mr. Sackford Brewster.
Robert Farmer, Servant to Mr. Blande.
Henry Newcombe, Servant to Captaine Wood.
G 'des \ Oyeocker, a Nottaway Werrowance.
* ( Pyancha, an Appamattuck War Captaine.
FRANCIS YEARDLEY'S NARRATIVE OF
EXCURSIONS INTO CAROLINA, 1654
INTRODUCTION
BEGINNING with the second half of the seventeenth cen
tury, information about the province of Carolina, which
Charles I. had founded in October, 1629, when he granted
all of the territory between the 31st and 36th degrees of
north latitude to Sir Robert Heath for a province to be known
as Carolina, was acquired and distributed by voyagers and
explorers with more frequency than had been the case in
the preceding years. Following the appearance of Edward
Eland's Discovery of New Brittaine in 1651, came a letter
from Francis Yeardley, of Virginia, to John Ferrar, Esq., of
Little Gidding in Huntingdonshire, England, who had been a
prominent member, and for a time deputy treasurer, of the
Virginia Company. The letter, dated May 8, 1654, gives a
narrative of several excursions into that part of Carolina
adjacent to Virginia by some of his employees and neighbors.
Francis Yeardley, the author of this narrative, was the
son of Sir George Yeardley, who had been thrice (161 6-1 61 7,
1618-1621, and 1626-1627) governor of Virginia. He was
born in Virginia about 1622, being one of three children,
the other two being a brother, Argall, born about 1620, and
a sister, Elizabeth, born about 1618.1 Upon reaching man
hood he became quite prominent in the affairs of Virginia,
being for some time a colonel of militia and in 1653 a member
of the House of Burgesses for Lower Norfolk.2 About this
time chance brought him into possession of the information
contained in his letter, and his philanthropic nature induced
1 J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Persons . . . who went from Great Britain
to the American Plantations, 1600-1700, p. 222.
a W. G. Stanard, Virginia Colonial Register (Boston, 1900), p. 70.
23
24 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
him to transmit it to Mr. Ferrar in the hope that it might
be a means of advancing interest in the territory known
as Carolina and at the same time bringing about a better
ment of the Indians in that quarter. The letter was printed
in 1742 in the State Papers of John Thurloe, II. 273-274.
FRANCIS YEARDLEY'S NARRATIVE OF
EXCURSIONS INTO CAROLINA, 1654
VIRGINIA, LINNE-HAVEN, this 8th May, 1654.
Sir,
MY brother Argol Yardley hath received many letters
from you, with animadversions and instructions to encourage
him in the prosecution of better designs than that of tobacco,
but myself never any: yet the honour I bear you, for your
fervent affections to this my native country, commands me
in some measure to give you an account of what the Lord
hath in short time brought to light, by the means of so weak
a minister as myself; namely, an ample discovery of South
Virginia or Carolina, the which we find a most fertile, gallant,
rich soil, flourishing in all the abundance of nature, especially
in the rich mulberry and vine, a serene air, and temperate
clime, and experimentally rich in precious minerals; and
lastly, I may say, parallel with any place for rich land, and
stately timber of all sorts; a place indeed unacquainted with
our Virginia's nipping frosts, no winter, or very little cold
to be found there. Thus much for the country; the manner
and means in the discovery follows: In September last, a
young man, a trader for beavers, being bound out to the
adjacent parts to trade, by accident his sloop left him; and
he, supposing she had been gone to Rhoanoke, hired a
small boat, and with one of his company left with him came
to crave my licence to go to look after his sloop, and sought
some relief of provisions of me; the which granting, he set
forth with three more in company, one being of my family,
the others were my neighbours. They entered in at Cara-
toke/ ten leagues to the southward of Cape Henry, and so
went to Rhoanoke island; where, or near thereabouts, they
found the great commander of those parts with his Indians a
1 Currituck Inlet.
25
26 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1653
hunting, who received them civilly, and shewed them the
ruins of Sir Walter Ralegh's fort, from whence I received a
sure token of their being there. After some days spent to
and fro in the country, the young man the interpreter pre
vailed with the great man, and his war-captains, and a great
man of another province, and some other Indians, to come
in and make their peace with the English, which they will
ingly condescended1 unto; and for the favour and relief I
extended to the interpreter in his necessity, in gratitude he
brought them to me at my house, where they abode a week,
and shewed much civility of behaviour. In the interim of
which time, hearing and seeing the children read and write,
of his own free voluntary motion he asked me, (after a most
solid pause, we two being alone), whether I would take his
only son, having but one, and teach him to do as our children,
namely in his terms, to speak out of the book, and to make a
writing; which motion I most heartily embraced; and with
expressions of love, and many presents, crediting with cloaths,
dismissed him. At his departure he expressed himself desirous
to serve that God the Englishmen served, and that his child
might be so brought up; promising to bring him in to me in
four moons, in which space my occasions calling me to Mary
land, he came once himself, and sent twice to know, if I was
returned, that he might bring his child; but in my absence,
some people, supposing I had great gains by commerce with
him, murmured, and carried themselves uncivilly towards
them, forbidding their coming in any more; and by some
over-busy justices of the place, (my wife having brought
him to church in the congregation), after sermon, threatened
to whip him, and send him away. The great man was very
much afraid, and much appalled; but my wife kept him in
her hand by her side, and confidently and constantly on my
behalf resisted their threatenings, till they publickly protested
against me for bringing them in; but she worthily engaged
my whole fortunes for any damage should arise by or from
them, till my return; which falling out presently after, I
having by the way taken my brother in with me for the
better prosecution of so noble a design, immediately I dis
patched away a boat with six hands, one being a carpenter, to
1 In the sense of "agreed."
1653] FRANCIS YEARDLEY'S NARRATIVE 27
build the king an English house, my promise at his coming
first, being to comply in that matter. I sent 200 I. sterling
in trust, to purchase and pay for what land they should like,
the which in little time they effected, and purchased, and
paid for three great rivers, and also all such others as they
should like of southerly; and in solemn manner took posses
sion of the country, in the name, and on the behalf, of the
commonwealth of England ; and actual possession was solemnly
given them by the great commander, and all the great men of
the rest of the provinces, in delivering them a turf of the earth
with an arrow shot into it; and so the Indians totally left
the lands and rivers to us, retiring to a new habitation, where
our people built the great commander a fair house, the which
I am to furnish with English utensils and chattels. In the
interim, whilst the house was building for the great em
peror of Rhoanoke, he undertook with some of his Indians,
to bring some of our men to the emperor of the Tuskarorawes,
and to that purpose sent embassadors before, and with two of
our company set forth and travelled within two days journey
of the place, where at a hunting quarter the Tuskarorawes
emperor, with 250 of his men, met our company, and received
them courteously; and after some days spent, desired them
to go to his chief town, where he told them was one Spaniard
residing, who had been seven years with them, a man very
rich, having about thirty in family, seven whereof are negroes;
and he had one more negro, leiger * with a great nation called
the Newxes. He is sometimes, they say, gone from thence a
pretty while. Our people had gone, but that the interpreter
with overtra veiling himself fell sick; yet the Tuskarorawe
proffered him, if he would go, he would in three days journey
bring him to a great salt sea, and to places where they had
copper out of the ground, the art of refining which they have
perfectly; for our people saw much amongst them, and some
plates of a foot square. There was one Indian had two
beads of gold in his ears, big as rounceval peas; and they
said, there was much of that not far off. These allurements
had drawn them thither, but for the interpreter's weakness,
and the war, that was between a great nation called the
Cacores, a very little people in stature, not exceeding youths
1 Resident.
28 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1654
of thirteen or fourteen years, but extremely valiant and
fierce in fight, and above belief swift in retirement and flight,
whereby they resist the puissance of this potent, rich, and
numerous people. There is another great nation by these,
called the Haynokes, who valiantly resist the Spaniards fur
ther northern attempts. The Tuskarorawe told them, the
way to the sea was a plain road, much travelled for salt and
copper; the salt is made by the sea itself, and some of it
brought in to me. After the Tuskarorawe could not prevail,
but our people would return, he sent his only son with a
great man his tutor, and another great man, and some other
attendance with them; and when they came to the rest of
our company, the house being done and finished, the Rowanoke
with the Tuskororawe prince, and sundry other kings of the
provinces, in all some forty-five in company, together with
our six men, on May-day last arrived at my house. The
Rowanoke brought his wife with him, and his son, to be
baptized. It fell out happily, that my brother and many
other friends were met at my house. The only present brought
us was the turf of earth with the arrow shot into it, which
was again solemnly delivered unto me, and received by me,
in the name, and on the behalf, of the commonwealth of
England, to whom we really tender the sure possession of
this rich and flourishing place; hoping only, that our own
properties and our pains will not be forgotten. There is no
man hath been at a penny charge but myself, and it hath
already cost me 300 I. and upwards; and were my estate
able, I should hope to give a better account of my well-wishes
to a general good. My hopes are, I shall not want assistance
from good patriots, either by their good words or purses.
Tuesday the third of May, the Rowanoke presented his child
to the minister before the congregation to be baptized, which
was solemnly performed in presence of all the Indians, and
the child left with me to be bred up a Christian, which God
grant him grace to become ! At their departure, we appointed
a further discovery by sea and land, to begin the first of
July next. God guide us to his glory, and England's and
Virginia's honour!
Sir, if you think good to acquaint the states with what
is done by two Virginians born, you will honour our country.
1654] FRANCIS YEARDLEY'S NARRATIVE 29
I have at this instant no present worthy your acceptance,
but an arrow that came from the Indians inhabiting on
the South-sea, the which we purpose, God willing, to see this
summer, non obstante periculo. I am lastly, Sir, a suitor to
you, for some silk-worms eggs, and materials for the making
of silk, and what other good fruits, or roots, or plants, may
be proper for such a country. Above all, my desire is to
the olive, some trees of which could we procure, would rejoice
me; for wine we cannot want with industry. Thus desiring
to kiss your hands, with the fair hands of my virtuous coun
try-woman, the worthily to be honoured Mrs. Virginia Farrar,1
I humbly take leave, and ever remain, Sir,
Your true honourer, and affectionate
servant to be commanded,
FRANCIS YARDLEY.
For the worshipfull John Farrar, Esq; at his mannor of Little
Gidding in Huntingdonshire.
1 Daughter of John Ferrar. "Mrs." was in the seventeenth century used of
unmarried ladies. A map of Virginia by her is reproduced in Winsor's Narra
tive and Critical History of America, III. 465.
A RELATION OF A DISCOVERY, BY
WILLIAM HILTON, 1664
INTRODUCTION
ON March 20, 1662/3, King Charles by letters patent
granted to eight Proprietors — the Earl of Clarendon, the
Duke of Albemarle, Lord Craven, Lord Berkeley, Lord Ashley
(afterward Earl of Shaftesbury), Sir George Carteret, Sir Will
iam Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton — a province to be called
Carolina, extending from latitude 31° to 36° N. and from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. In this province the Proprietors
were to have the right to institute government, to appoint
officers, and, with the assistance of the freemen, to make
laws. By a new charter of June 30, 1665, the bounds of the
province were extended to run from 29° to 36° 30' N.
About the time when the first charter was granted, Captain
William Hilton, of the island of Barbados, already a populous
and important colony, made a voyage to the coast of what
is now North Carolina and, upon his return, gave a favorable
account of the country about the Charles (Cape Fear) River,
Some New Englanders who had previously been sent to settle
at Cape Fear to raise cattle departed about this time and made
contrary reports as to the condition of the country. In con
sequence of these reports many citizens of Barbados united
and sent out a second expedition under Captain Hilton, as
commander and commissioner, Captain Anthony Long, and
Peter Fabian, to explore the coast of Carolina southward
from Cape Fear to latitude 31° north. The expedition sailed
from Spikes (Speights) Bay August 10, 1663, in the ship
Adventure. On August 12 the " Ad venturers," as the pro
moters of the expedition were called, addressed to the Lords
Proprietors a petition requesting that these Barbadian advent-
23
34 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
urers, some two hundred in number, might be permitted to
purchase from the Indians and hold under the Proprietors a
tract of a thousand square miles in Carolina, to be called the
Corporation of the Barbados Adventurers, and that they might
have certain powers of self-government.1 Their agents, Thomas
Modyford and Peter Colleton, suggested that these powers
might be like those of a municipal corporation in England,
e. g., Exeter.
To the petition of the adventurers the Proprietors an
swered on September 9, stating that they had " given direc
tions to Col. Modyford and Peter Colleton, to treat with them
concerning the premises, not receding from the substance of
their declaration."2
In the meantime Hilton's expedition reached the coast of
Carolina August 26, 1663, and explored the coast of what
is now South Carolina from the Combahee River southward
to Port Royal, sailing up the Combahee about six leagues
and also entering the great harbor of Port Royal.
While in that quarter they rescued several Englishmen
who had been shipwrecked near there some time previously,
had reached land at that point, and had fallen into the hands
of the Indians. The Spaniards at St. Augustine had heard of
the peril these shipwrecked Englishmen were in and had sent
a party to aid them, but Hilton arriving at a propitious moment
they readily relinquished their undertaking to the Englishman.
Hilton next sailed to the coast of what is now North
Carolina and explored the country in and about the Cape
Fear River. He and his associates then returned to Bar
bados and wrote an account of their explorations. Shortly
1 Colonial Entry Book no. 20 (MS.), Public Record Office, London, 10-11;
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, p. 153; Colonial Records of North
Carolina, I. 39-42; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 10-11.
a Colonial Entry Book no. 20, 12-13; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial,
1661-1668, pp. 161-162; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society,
V. 16-18.
INTRODUCTION 35
thereafter Modyford and Colleton, representing the Lords
Proprietors, presented a set of proposals for the encourage
ment of settlers for the territory " Southwards or Westwards
of Cape Romana in the Province of Carolina." The narrative
of the explorers and the proposals of the agents of the Lords
Proprietors were printed in London in 1664. The favorable
account given by Hilton and his associates, and the liberal
inducements offered to settlers by the agents of the Proprietors
in their proposals, induced many settlers to go to South Caro
lina a few years later, and the early records of the province
show that the terms of the proposals were faithfully kept
toward those who settled in the territory prescribed during
the time specified.
Under the terms of the proposals every subscriber to the
expedition fund who had paid, or should pay within two
months after the date of the proposals, and every subscriber
to the public stock, was entitled to five hundred acres of
land for every thousand pounds of sugar subscribed.
The adventurers elected treasurers for their fund, and a
certificate from one of the treasurers acknowledging the
receipt of a contribution was subsequently recognized as
sufficient basis for the granting of the prescribed amount of
land to the contributor presenting such certificate.
Hilton's expedition was of great assistance to the Lords
Proprietors of Carolina in their work of settling their province.
Not only did it interest the " adventurers " who sent it out,
but the publication of the narrative concerning it and the
accompanying proposals induced hundreds of excellent people
to settle in Carolina, as is shown by the extant land records
of South Carolina.
The pamphlet has been reprinted several times: in 1884
as an appendix to the Year Book of the city of Charleston;
in 1897 in the fifth volume of Collections of the South Carolina
Historical Society] and in 1907 in The Genesis of South Caro
36 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
Zma, by Hon. William A. Courtenay. The pamphlet of 1664
is described in Allibone's Dictionary of American Authors as
" liber rarissimus."
Hilton's name has been preserved in the nomenclature
of South Carolina by a promontory extending into Port
Royal Sound at the mouth of the Port Royal River known
as Hilton Head, and by an island from which this head juts
out, known as Hilton Head Island.
A RELATION OF A DISCOVERY, BY
WILLIAM HILTON, 1664
A Relation of a Discovery lately made on the Coast of Florida,
(From Lat. 31. to 33 Deg. 45 Min. North-Lot.) *
By William Hilton Commander, and Commissioner with Capt.
Anthony Long, and Peter Fabian, in the Ship Adventure,
which set Sayl from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. and was
set forth by several Gentlemen and Merchants of the Island
of Barbadoes.
Giving an account of the nature and temperature of the Soyl,
the manners and disposition of the Natives, and whatsoever
else is remarkable therein, together with Proposals made
by the Commissioners of the Lords Proprietors, to all such
persons as shall become the first Setters on the Rivers, Har
bors, and Creeks there.
London, Printed by J. C. for Simon Miller at the Star neer the
West-end of St. Pauls, 1664.1
A true Relation of a Voyage, upon discovery of part of the Coast
of Florida, from the Lat. of 31 Deg. to 33 Deg. 45 m. North
Lat. in the Ship Adventure, William Hilton Commander, and
Commissioner with Captain Anthony Long and Peter Fabian;
set forth by several Gentlemen and Merchants of the Island
of Barbadoes; sailed from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663.2
AFTER Sixteen days of fair weather, and prosperous winds,
Wednesday the 26 instant, four of the clock in the Afternoon,
God be thanked, we espied Land on the Coast of Florida,
in the lat. of 32 deg. 30 min. being four Leagues or there
abouts to the Northwards of Saint Ellens,3 having run five hun-
1 Title-page of original. 2 Heading of original, p. 1.
"The name by which the Spaniards then designated Port Royal. Port
Royal was the name given by Jean Ribault, the French explorer, when he reached
it on his voyage of exploration in 1562.
37
38 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
dred and fifty Leagues; and to the Westward of the Meridian
of Barbadoes, three hundred thirty and one Leagues. This
Evening and the Night following we lay off and on : Thursday
the 27th instant, in the morning, we stood in with the Land,
and coasted the Shoar to the Southward, Ankering at Nights,
and sending our Boat out a Mornings, till we came into the
lat. of 31 deg. but found no good harbour that way. On
Sunday the 30th instant, we tacked, and stood Northward:
and on Wednesday the second of September, we came to an
Anchor in five fathoms at the mouth of a very large opening
of three Leagues wide, or thereabouts, in the lat. of 32 deg.
30 min. and sent our Boat to sound the Channel. On Thurs
day the third, we entered the Harbour, and found that it
was the River Jordan,1 and was but four Leagues or there
abouts N. E. from Port Royal, which by the Spanyards is
called St. Ellens:2 within Land, both Rivers meet in one.
We spent some time to sound the Chanels both without and
within, and to search the Rivers in several branches, and to
1 The harbor was doubtless St. Helena Sound and the river the Combahee.
Professor William J. Rivers, one of the most accurate of our historians, says (A
Sketch of the History of South Carolina, foot-note, pp. 16-17), "The reiterated
statement in our authors, that the ' Jordan ' is the Combahee, I am not prepared
to adopt, after a close examination of the accounts of early voyages, old maps and
charts, and a comparison of Indian names that have been handed down to us.
If, however, we believe that Cutisi-chiqui was the old name of Silver Bluff, the
Jordan could not have been far from the Savannah river." At the time Professor
Rivers wrote (1856) Sandford's narrative was inaccessible to him, and he probably
did not examine Hilton's, for their location of the Jordan certainly identifies it as
the Combahee.
2 Professor Rivers (ibid., p. 15), speaking of the Spanish expedition from
Hispaniola to the coast of what is now South Carolina in 1520, also says: "They
entered a bay, a cape of which they named St. Helena, and a river in its vicinity
they called the Jordan." The name St. Helena has been preserved in that vicinity
to the present time, and St. Ellen's was probably another form of writing the
same name. Formed by Port Royal River, Morgan River, and several creeks
and inlets is St. Helena Island, a large and fertile island that has played no in
conspicuous part in the history of South Carolina. In 1712 a parish (an eccle
siastical and legislative sub-division of the province of South Carolina) was laid
o(T contiguous thereto and inclusive thereof and named St. Helena's Parish. By
the constitution of 1865 the parishes were abolished as political sub-divisions of
South Carolina and St. Helena's passed out of existence. A large sound extend
ing from the mouth of the Coosaw to the mouth of the Combahee also bears the
name St. Helena.
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 39
view the Land. On Saturday the fifth of September, two
Indians came on Board us from the N. E. shoar, whom we
entertained courteously, and afterwards set them on shoar.
On Sunday the sixth, several Indians came on Board us, and
said they were of St. Ellens; being very bold and familiar;
speaking many Spanish words, as, Cappitan, Commarado, and
Adeus.1 They know the use of Guns, and are as little startled
at the firing of a Peece of Ordnance, as he that hath been
used to them many years: they told us the nearest Spanyards
were at St. Augustins, and several of them had been there,
which as they said was but ten days journey; and that the
Spanyards used to come to them at Saint Ellens, sometimes
in Canoa's within Land, at other times in small Vessels by Sea,
which the Indians describe to have but two Masts. They
invited us to come to St. Ellens with our Ship, which they
told us we might do within Land. Munday the 14 September,
our Long-Boat went with twelve hands within Land to St.
Ellens. On Wednesday the 16th, came five Indians on
board us; one of them pointing to another, said, he was the
Grandy Captain of Edistow2: whereupon we took especial
notice of him, and entertained him accordingly, giving him
several Beads, and other trade that pleased him well: He
invited us to bring up our Ship into a branch on the N. E.
side, and told us of one Captain Francisco, and four more
English that were in his custody on shoar; whereupon we
shewed him store of all Trade, as Beads, Hoes, Hatchets
and Bills, etc., and said, he should have all those things if
he would bring the English on board us; wch he promised
1 Capitan, camarado, adios,= captain, comrade, adieu.
8 Edisto was the name applied by the Indians to the country adjacent to the
lower part of the river that now bears that name. The Indian name for the river
itself was Ponpon. The Edisto is formed by two branches, North Edisto and
South Edisto, which have their sources in the sand hills of the middle section of
South Carolina. These rivers unite about seventy-five miles above the sea.
About fifteen or twenty miles from the sea the river forks again, the south fork
being known as South Edisto and the north fork as Dawhoo River. Dawhoo
unites with Wadmalaw River and forms the North Edisto. The island formed by
these forks and the sea is known as Edisto Island, and is noted for producing the
finest grade of long staple cotton known to the cotton trade. The main river for
fifteen or twenty miles of its course through Colleton County is still called Pon
pon. The North Edisto of the sea forks was called Grandy in Hilton's time.
40 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
should be done the next day. Hereupon we wrote a few
lines to the said English, fearing it to be a Spanish delusion
to entrap us. In the dark of the same Evening came a Canoa
with nine or ten Indians in her with their Bowes and Arrowes,
and were close on board before we did discern them: We
haled them, but they made us no answer, which increased
our jealousie: So we commanded them on board, and dis
armed them, detaining two of them prisoners, and sending
away the rest to fetch the English; which if they brought,
they should have theirs again. At length they delivered us
a Note written with a coal, which seemed the more to continue
our jealousie, because in all this time we had no news of our
long-boat from St. Ellens, which we feared was surprized by
the Indians and Spanyards. But to satisfie us that there
were English on shoar, they sent us one man on board about
twelve of the clock in the Night who related to us the truth
of the matter, and told us they were cast away some four or
five leagues to the Northward of the place we then rode, on
the 24th of July past, being thirteen persons that came on
shoar, whereof three of them were kilFd by the Indians.
On Thursday the 17th of September the Long-boat returned
from St. Ellens, which presently we sent on shoar to fetch
the other English, the Indians delivering us three more; and
coming aboard themselves, we delivered them their two men.
Then we demanded of the chief Commander where the rest
of our English were: he answered, Five were carried to St.
Ellens, three were killed by the Stonohs,1 and the other man
we should have within two dayes. We replyed to him again,
That we would keep him and two more of his chief men,2
till we had our English that were yet living; and promised
them their liberty, with satisfaction for bringing us the Eng
lish. Now to return to the businesse of our Design; the enter
tainment we had at S. Ellens put us in great fear of the Indians
treachery; for we observed their continual gathering together,
1 The name of the Stono tribe has also been preserved in the name of a river,
which separates James Island and John's Island, two of the coastal islands near
Charleston.
a These were Shadoo, Alush, and one who escaped. Hilton took the first
two to Barbados with him, but they subsequently returned to their homes.
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 41
and at last began with stern-look'd countenances to speak
roughly to us, and came to search our mens Bandileers *
and pockets; yet inviting us to stay that night with them:
but we made a sudden retreat to our Boat, which caused
the Indian King to be in a great rage, speaking loud and
angry to his men; the drift of which discourse we understood
not. That which we noted there, was a fair house builded
in the shape of a Dove-house, round, two hundred foot at
least, compleatly covered with Palmeta-leaves, the wal-plate
being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, and within lodging
Rooms and forms; two pillars at the entrance of a high Seat
above all the rest: Also another house like a Sentinel-house,
floored ten foot high with planks, fastned with Spikes and
Nayls, standing upon substantial Posts, with several other
small houses round about. Also we saw many planks, to the
quantity of three thousand foot or thereabouts, with other
Timber squared, and a Cross before the great house. Like
wise we saw the Ruines of an old Fort, compassing more than
half an acre of land within the Trenches, which we supposed
to be Charls's Fort, built, and so called by the French in 1562,
etc.2 On Monday, September 21. one English youth was
brought from St. Ellens aboard us by an Indian, who informed
us that there were four more of their company at St. Ellens,
but he could not tell whether the Indians would let them come
to us: For saith he, Our Men told me, that they had lately
seen a Frier and two Spanyards more at St. Ellens, who told
them they would send Soldiers suddenly to fetch them away.
This day we sayled up the River with our Ship to go through
to St. Ellens. On Tuesday the 22 instant, three Indians
came on board; one of them we sent with a Letter to the
English Prisoners there. On Wednesday the 23d, we sent
out Boat and Men to sound the Chanel, and finde out the most
1 A bandoleer was a broad belt or baldric slung over the shoulder.
1 Charles Fort was located on the eastern side of an island between the
Broad and Port Royal rivers which was subsequently named Parris Island in honor
of Alexander Parris, for many years public treasurer of the province of South Caro
lina. Its ruins are still to be seen there at the point where Pilot's Creek enters
Port Royal River. The ruins here described were probably the remains of some
structure used by Spanish priests from St. Augustine who had been trying to con
vert the Indians in this quarter some years before.
42 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
likely way to St. Ellens with our Ship by Combeheh.1 In
the mean time came many Canoa's aboard us with Corn,
Pumpions, and Venison, Deer-skins, and a sort of sweet-wood.
One of our men looking into an Indian basket, found a piece
of Spanish Rusk: it being new, we demanded of the Indian
where he had it; who said, of the Spaniards. In the interim,
while we were talking, came a Canoa with four Indians from
St. Ellens, one standing up, and holding a paper in a cleft
stick; they told us they had brought it from the Spanish
Captain at St. Ellens. We demanded how many Spaniards
were come thither; who said, Seven, and one English-man:
We received their Letter writ in Spanish, but none of us could
read it: We detained two of the chiefest Indians, one of
them being the Kings Son of S. Ellens,2 and that kept one of
the English prisoners; the other two we sent away with a
Letter to the Spaniard, wherein we gave him to understand,
that we understood not his letter; and told the Indians, when
they brought the English, they should have their men again,
with satisfaction for their pains. On Thursday, 24 instant,
we sayling further up the River to go through, at last came
to a place of fresh water, and Anchored there, sending our
Boat ashoar with a Guard to get water. Towards night
came the first Indian that we sent to St. Ellens with a letter
to the English, who brought us another letter from the Span
iards, and an Answer of ours from the English, writ in the
Spaniards letter. The Spaniard sent us a quarter of Venison,
and a quarter of Pork, with a Complement, That he was sorry
he had no more for us at that time. We returned him thanks,
and sent him a Jug of Brandy; and withal, that we were
sorry we understood not his letter. This night about twelve
of the Clock we had a most violent gust of winde, but of no
long continuance. On Friday 25 September, we weighed, and
returned down the River six leagues, or thereabouts, because
we perceived the Indians had gathered themselves in a Body
from all parts thereabouts, and moved as the Ship did: and
being informed by an Indian that the Spaniards would be
there the next day; we took in Fire- wood, and continued there
1 Combahee (pronounced Cumbee) is the name by which the river called
Jordan by the Spaniards is now known.
3 Wommony. He was also taken to Barbados, but returned to his home.
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 43
that night, at which time one of our Indian Prisoners made
his escape by leaping over-board in the dark. On Saturday
the 26. we weighed, and stood down to the Harbours mouth,
and stayed there till Monday the 28. In all which time came
no one to us, though we stay'd in expectation of their coming
continually; therefore put out to Sea, concluding their inten
tions not to be good. Being out of the River Jordan, we
directed our course S. W. four leagues or thereabouts for
Port-Royal, to sound the Chanel without from the poynts
of the Harbour outwards; for we had sounded the Harbour
within from the points inward when our Boat was at St.
Ellens: And now being athwart the Harbours mouth, we sent
our Boat with the Mate and others, who found the N. E.
and E. N. E. side of the opening of Port-Royal to be Sholes
and Breakers to the middle of the opening; and three leagues
or thereabouts into the Sea, from the side aforesaid, is unsafe
to meddle with: but the S.W. and W. side we found all bold
steering in N. N. W. two or three miles from the S. W. shoar,
sayling directly with the S.W. head-land of the entrance of
Port-Royal: the said head-land is bluft, and seems steep, as
though the trees hung over the water: But you must note,
that if you keep so far from the S.W. side, that you stand in
N. N. W. with the bluft head aforesaid, you shall go over the
Outskirt of the E. N. E. sholing, and shall have but three or
four fathom for the space of one league or thereabouts, and
then you shall have six and seven fathoms all the way in:
But if you borrow more on the S.W. side, till you have brought
the S. W. head of the Entry to bear N. N. E. you shall have a
fair large Chanel of six, seven, and eight fathoms all the way
in, and then five, six, seven and eight fathoms within the
Harbour, keeping the Chanel, and standing over to the North
ward: we supposed that it flows here as at the River Jordan,
because they are but four leagues asunder, and flows S. E.
and N.W. seven foot and half, and sometimes eight foot per
pendicular: the Mouth of Port-Royal lyes in 32 deg. 20 min.
lat. Now as concerning the entrance of the River Jordan,
lat. 32 deg. 30 min. or thereabouts, you shall see a range of
Breakers right against the opening, two or three leagues off
the S. W. Point; which you must leave to the Northward,
and steer in with the said S. W. Point, giving a range of
44 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
Breakers that runs from the said Point a small birth, and you
shall have two, three, and four fathoms at low water; and
when you come one mile from the Point aforesaid, steer over
directly to the N. E. Point, and you shall have six or seven
fathom all the way. Within the N.W. Point is good Anchor
ing: you shall have five fathoms fair aboard the shoar: and
you shall have five, six, seven, and eight fathoms, sayling all
along upon the River, ten leagues, and a large turning Chanel :
It flows here S. E. and N. W. seven foot and a half, and eight
foot at common Tydes. The River Grandy, or as the Indians
call it Edistow, lyes six leagues or thereabouts from the River
Jordan, and seems to be a very fair opening: but because
the chief Indian of that Place was on board us, and the Coun-
trey all in Arms, we not knowing how the winde might crosse
us, it was not thought fit to stay there: But some of those
English that had lived there, being Prisoners, say, that it is
a very fair and goodly River, branching into several branches,
and deep, and is fresh water at low Tide within two leagues
of the Mouth; it seeming to us as we passed by, a good entrance
large and wide, lat. 32 deg. 40 min. in or thereabouts. Now
our understanding of the Land of Port-Royal, River Jordan,
River Grandie, or Edistow, is as followeth: The Lands are
laden with large tall Oaks, Walnut and Bayes, except facing
on the Sea, it is most Pines tall and good: The Land gen
erally, except where the Pines grow, is a good Soyl, covered
with black Mold, in some places a foot, in some places half a
foot, and in other places lesse, with Clay underneath mixed
with Sand; and we think may produce any thing as well
as most part of the Indies that we have seen. The Indians
plant in the worst Land, because they cannot cut down the
Timber in the best, and yet have plenty of Corn, Pumpions,
Water-Mellons, Musk-mellons: although the Land be over
grown with weeds through their lazinesse, yet they have two
or three crops of Corn a year, as the Indians themselves inform
us. The Country abounds with Grapes, large Figs, and
Peaches; the Woods with Deer, Conies, Turkeys, Quails,
Curlues, Plovers, Teile, Herons; and as the Indians say, in
Winter, with Swans, Geese, Cranes, Duck and Mallard, and
innumerable of other water-Fowls, whose names we know
not, which lie in the Rivers, Marshes, and on the Sands:
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 45
Oysters in abundance, with great store of Muscles; A sort of
fair Crabs, and a round Shel-fish called Horse-feet '; The
Rivers stored plentifully with Fish that we saw play and
leap. There are great Marshes, but most as far as we saw
little worth, except for a Root that grows in them the Indians
make good Bread of. The Land we suppose is healthful;
tor the English that were cast away on that Coast in July last,
were there most part of that time of year that is sickly in
Virginia; and notwithstanding hard usage, and lying on the
ground naked, yet had their perfect healths all the time.
The Natives are very healthful; we saw many very Aged
amongst them. The Ayr is clear and sweet, the Countrey
very pleasant and delightful: And we could wish, that all
they that want a happy settlement, of our English Nation,
were well transported thither, etc.
From Tuesday the 29th of September, to Friday the
second of October, we ranged along the shoar from the lat.
32 deg. 20 min. to the lat. 33 deg. 11 min. but could discern
no Entrance for our Ship, after we had passed to the North
wards of 32 deg. 40 min. On Saturday the third instant, a
violent storm came up, the winde between the North and
the East; which Easterly windes and fowl weather continued
till Monday the 12th. By reason of which storms and fowl
weather, we were forced to get off to Sea to secure our selves
and ship, and were horsed by reason of a strong Current,
almost to Cape Hatterasse in lat. 35 deg. 30 min. On Mon
day the 12th aforesaid we came to an Anchor in seven fathom
at Cape Fair-Road, and took the Meridian-Altitude of the
Sun, and were in the lat. 33 deg. 43 min. the winde con
tinuing still Easterly, and fowl weather till Thursday the
15th instant; and on Friday the 16th, the winde being at
N. W. we weighed, and sailed up Cape Fair-River, some four
or five leagues, and came to an Anchor in six or seven fathom;
at which time several Indians came on Board, and brought
us great store of Fresh-fish, large Mullets, young Bass, Shads,
and several other sorts of very good well-tasted Fish. On
Saturday the 17th, we went down to the Cape to see the
English Cattle, but could not finde them, though we rounded
1 Clams.
46 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
the Cape : And having an Indian Guide with us, here we rode
till the 24th instant; the winde being against us, we could
not go up the River with our Ship; in which time we went
on shoar, and viewed the land of those quarters. On Satur
day we weighed, and sayled up the River some four leagues
or thereabouts. Sunday the 25th, we weighed again, and
towed up the River, it being calm, and got up some fourteen
leagues from the Harbours mouth, where we morecTour
Ship. On Monday the 26 October, we went down with the
Yoal 1 to Necoes, an Indian Plantation, and viewed the Land
there. On Tuesday the 27th, we rowed up the main River
with our long-Boat and twelve men, some ten leagues or
thereabouts. On Wednesday the 28th; we rowed up about
eight or nine leagues more. Thursday the 29th was foul
weather, "$f~much rain and winde, which forced us to make
Huts, and lye still. Friday the 30th, we proceeded up the
main River, seven or eight leagues. Saturday the 31, we got
up three or four leagues- more, and came to a Tree that lay
athwart the River: but because our Provisions were neer
spent, we proceeded no further, but returned downward the
remainder of that day; and on Monday the second of Novem
ber, we came aboard our Ship. Tuesday the third, we lay
still to refresh ourselves. On Wednesday the 4th, we went
five or six leagues up the River to search a branch that ran
out of the main River towards the N. W. In which branch
we went up five or six leagues: not liking the Land, we re
turned on board that night about midnight, and called that
place Swampy-branch. Thursday the fifth instant, we staid
aboard; on Friday the 6th we went up Greens River, the
mouth of it being against the place we rode with our Ship.
On Saturday the 7th, we proceeded up the said River some
fourteen or fifteen leagues in all, and found that it ended in
several small branches; the Land for the most part being
marshy and swamps, we returned towards our ship, and got
aboard in the night: Sunday the 8th instant we lay still, and
on Monday the 9th we went again up the main River, being
well provided with Provisions and all things necessary, and
proceeded upwards till Thursday noon 12th instant, at which
time we came to a place where two Islands were in the middle
1 Yawl.
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 4}
of the River, and by reason of the crookednesse of the River
at that place, several Trees lay athwart both branches, which
stopped up the passage of each branch, that we could proceed
no further with our Boat; but we went up the River side by
land some three or four miles, and found the River to enlarge
it self: So we returned, leaving it as far as we could see up a
long reach running N. E. we judging our selves from the
Rivers mouth North near tjfty leagues]; we returned, viewing
the Land on both sides the "River, and found as good tracts
of land, dry, well wooded, pleasant and delightful as we have
seen any where in the world, with great burthen of Grasse
on it, the land being very level, with steep banks on both
sides the River, and in some places very high, the woods
stor'd with abundance of Deer and Turkies every where; we
never going on shoar, but saw of each also Partridges great
store, Cranes abundance, Conies, which we saw in several
places; we heard several Wolves howling in the woods, and
saw where they had torn a Deer in pieces. Also in the River
we saw great store of Ducks, Teile, Widgeon, and in the
woods great flocks of Parrakeeto's; l the Timber that the woods
afford for the most part consisting of Oaks of four or five
sorts, all differing in leaves, but all bearing Akorns very good :
we measured many of the Oaks in several places, which we
found to be in bignesse some two, some three, and others
almost four fathoms; in height, before you come to boughs
or limbs, forty, fifty, sixty foot, and some more, and those
Oaks very common in the upper parts of both Rivers; Also
a very tall large Tree of great bignesse, which some do call
Cyprus, the right name we know not, growing in Swamps.
Likewise Walnut, Birch, Beech, Maple, Ash, Bay, Willough,
Alder and Holly; and in the lowermost parts innumerable
of Pines, tall and good for boards or masts, growing for the
most part in barren sandy ground, but in some places up
the River in good ground, being mixed amongst Oaks and
other Timber. We saw several Mulberry-trees, multitudes of
Grape-Vines, and some Grapes which we did eat of. We
found a very large and good tract of Land on the N. W. side
of the River, thin of Timber, except here and there a very
great Oak, and full of Grasse, commonly as high as a mans
1 The Carolina paroquet, now almost extinct.
48 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
middle, and in many places to his shoulders, where we saw
many Deer and Turkies; also one Deer with very large horns,
and great in body, therefore called it Stag-Park: it being a
very pleasant and delightful place, we travelled in it several
miles, but saw no end thereof. So we returned to our Boat,
and proceeded down the River, and came to another place
some twenty five leagues from the Rivers mouth on the
same side, where we found a place no lesse delightful than
the former; and as far as we could judge, both Tracts came
into one. This lower place we called Rocky-point, because
we found many Rocks and Stones of several bignesse upon
the Land, which is not common. We sent our Boat down the
River before us; our selves travelling by Land many miles,
were so much taken with the pleasantnesse of the Land, that
travelling into the woods so far, we could not recover our
Boat and company that night. On Sunday the morrow fol
lowing we got to our Boat, and on Monday the 16th of No
vember, we proceeded down to a place on the East-side of
the River some twenty three leagues from the Harbours
mouth, which we calPd Turkie-Quarters, because we killed
several Turkies thereabouts. We viewed the Land there, and
found some tracts of good Land, and high, facing upon the
River about one mile inward, but backwards some two miles
all Pine-land, but good pasture-ground: we returned to our
Boat, and proceeded down some two or three leagues, where
we had formerly viewed, and found it a tract of as good Land
as any we have seen, with as good Timber on it. The banks
of the River being high, therefore we called it High-Land Point.
Having viewed that, we proceeded down the River, going on
shoar in several places on both sides, it being generally large
Marshes, and many of them dry, that they may more fitly
be called Medows: the wood-land against them is for the
most part Pine, and in some places as barren as ever we saw
Land, but in other places good Pasture-ground: And on Tues
day the 17th instant, we got aboard our Ship, riding against
the mouth of Green's River, where our men are providing
wood, and fitting the Ship for the Sea : In the interim, we took
some view of the Land on both sides of the River there, find
ing some good Land, but more bad, and the best not com
parable to that above. Friday the 20th instant was foul
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 49
weather, yet in the Afternoon we weighed, and went down
the River some two leagues, and came to Anchor against the
mouth of Hilton's River, and took some view of the Land
there on both sides, which appeared to us much like unto
that at Green's River. Monday 23. we went with our Long
boat well victualled and manned up Hilton's River; and when
we came three leagues or thereabouts up the said River, we
found this and Green's River to come into one, and so con
tinued for four or five leagues, which causeth a great Island
betwixt them. We proceeded still up the River, till they parted
again, keeping up Hilton's River on the Lar-board side, and
followed the said River five or six leagues further, where we
found another large branch of Green's River to come into
Hilton's, which maketh another great Island. On the Star
board side going up, we proceeded stil up the River some
four leagues, and returned, taking a view of the Land on
both sides, and now judge our selves to be from our ship
some eighteen leagues W. and by W. One league below this
place came four Indians in a Canoa to us, and sold us several
baskets of Akorns, which we satisfied for, and so left them;
but one of them followed us on the shoar some two or three
miles, till he came on the top of a high bank, facing on the
River, we rowing underneath it, the said Indian shot an
Arrow at us, which missed one of our men very narrowly,
and stuck in the upper edge of the Boat, which broke in pieces,
leaving the head behind. Hereupon we presently made for
the shoar, and went all up the bank except four to guide
the Boat; we searched for the Indian, but could not finde.
him: At last we heard some sing further in the Woods,
which we thought had been as a Chalenge to us to come and
fight them. We went towards them with all speed, but
before we came in sight of them, we heard two Guns go off
from our Boat, whereupon we retreated with all speed to
secure our Boat and Men: when we came to them, we found
all well, and demanded the reason of their firing the Guns:
they told us that an Indian came creeping on the Bank as
they thought to shoot at them, therefore shot at him a great
distance with Swan-shot, but thought they did him no hurt,
for they saw him run away. Presently after our return to
the Boat, while we were thus talking, came two Indians to
50 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
us with their Bows and Arrows, crying Bonny, Bonny: we
took their Bows and Arrows from them, and gave them
Beads, to their content. Then we led them by the hand
to the Boat, and shewed them the Arrow-head sticking in
her side, and related to them the businesse; which when
they understood, both of them manifested much sorrow, and
made us understand by signes, that they knew nothing of it:
so we let them go, and marked a Tree on the top of the bank,
calling the place Mount-Skerry. We looked up the River as
far as we could discern, and saw that it widened it self, and
came running directly down the Countrey: So we returned,
and viewed the Land on both sides the River, finding the
banks steep in some places, but very high in others. The
banks sides are generally Clay, and as some of our company
doth affirm, some Marie. The Land and Timber up this
River is no way inferiour to the best in the other, which
we call the main River: So far as we discovered, this seems
as fair, if not fairer than the former, and we think runs further
into the Countrey, because there is a strong Current comes
down, and a great deal more drift-wood. But to return to
the business of the Land and Timber: We saw several plats
of Ground cleared by the Indians after their weak manner,
compassed round with great Timber-Trees; which they are
no ways able to fall, and so keep the Sun from their Corn
fields very much; yet nevertheless we saw as large Corn
stalks or bigger, than we have seen any where else : So we pro
ceeded down the River, till we found the Canoa the Indian
was in who shot at us. In the morning we went on shoar,
and cut the same in pieces: the Indians perceiving us coming
towards them, run away. We went to his Hut, and pulled it
down, brake his pots, platters, and spoons, tore his Deer
skins and mats in pieces, and took away a basket of Akorns:
So we proceeded down the River two leagues, or thereabouts,
and came to another place of Indians, bought Akorns and
some Corn of them, and went downwards two leagues more:
at last we espied an Indian peeping over a high bank: we
held up a Gun at him ; and calling to him, said, Skerry : pres
ently several Indians appeared to us, making great signes of
friendship, saying, Bonny, Bonny, and running before us,
endeavouring to perswade us to come on shoar; but we
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 51
answered them with stern countenances, and said, Skerry,
taking up our guns, and threatening to shoot at them; but
they cryed still Bonny, Bonny: And when they saw they
could not prevail, nor perswade us to come on shoar, two
of them came off to us in a Canoa, one padling with a great
Cane, the other with his hand; they came to us, and laid
hold of our Boat, sweating and blowing, and told us it was
Bonny on shoar, and at last perswaded us to go ashoar with
them. As soon as we landed, several Indians, to the number
of near forty lusty men, came to us, all in a great sweat, and
told us Bonny: we shewed them the Arrow-head in the Boats-
side, and a piece of the Canoa which we had cut in pieces:
the chief man of them made a large Speech, and threw Beads
into our Boat, which is a signe of great love and friendship;
and made us to understand, when he heard of the Affront
which we had received, it caused him to cry: and now he
and his men were come to make peace with us, making signes
to us that they would tye his Arms, and cut off his head
that had done us that abuse; and for a further testimony of
their love and good will towards us, they presented to us two
very handsom proper young Indian women, the tallest that
we have seen in this Countrey; which we supposed to be the
Kings Daughters, or persons of some great account amongst
them. These young women were ready to come into our
Boat; one of them crouding in, was hardly perswaded to go
out again. We presented to the King a Hatchet and several
Beads, also Beads to the young women and to the chief men,
and to the rest of the Indians, as far as our Beads would go:
they promised us in four days to come on board our Ship,
and so departed from us. When we left the place, which
was presently, we called it Mount-Bonny, because we had
there concluded a firm Peace. Proceeding down the River
two or three leagues further, we came to a place where were
nine or ten Canoa's all together; we went ashoar there, and
found several Indians, but most of them were the same which
had made Peace with us before: We made little stay there,
but went directly down the River, and came to our Ship before
day. Thursday the 26th of November, the winde being at
South, we could not go down to the Rivers mouth: but on
Friday the 27th, we weighed at the mouth of Hilton's River,
52 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
and got down one league towards the Harbours mouth. On
Sunday the 29th, we got down to Crane-Island, which is four
leagues or thereabouts above the Entrance of the Harbours
mouth. Now on Tuesday the first of December, we made a
purchase of the River and land of Cape-Fair, of Wattcoosa,
and such other Indians as appeared to us to be the chief of
those parts: they brought us store of Fresh-fish aboard, as
Mullets, Shads, and other very good Fish: this River is all
Fresh- water fit to drink. Some eight leagues within the
mouth, the Tide runs up about thirty-five leagues,1 but stops
and riseth a great deal farther up; it flowes at the Harbours
mouth S.E. and N. W. six foot at Neap-Tides, and eight foot
at Spring-Tides: the Chanel on the Easter-side by the Cape-
shoar is the best, and lyes close aboard the Cape-land, being
three fathoms at High-water, in the shallowest place in the
Chanel just at the Entrance; but as soon as you are past that
place half a Cables length inward, you shall have six or seven
fathoms, a fair turning Chanel into the River, and so con
tinuing four or five leagues upwards; afterwards the Chanel
is more difficult in some places six or seven fathoms, four
or five, and in other places but nine or ten foot, especially
where the River is broad. When the River comes to part,
and grows narrow, there is all Chanel from side to side in
most places; in some places you shall have five, six, or seven
fathoms, but generally two or three, Sand and Oaze. We
viewed the Cape-land, and judged it to be little worth, the
Woods of it shrubby and low, the Land sandy and barren;
in some places Grass and Rushes, and in other places nothing
but clear sand: a place fitter to starve Cattel in our judge
ment, then to keep them alive; yet the Indians, as we under
stand, keep the English Cattle down there, and suffer them not
to go off the said Cape, as we suppose, because the Countrey-
Indians shall have no part with them, and as we think, are
fallen out about them, who shall have the greatest share.
They brought aboard our Ship very good and fat Beef several
times, which they could afford very reasonable; also fat and
very large Swine, good cheap penny-worths: but they may
1 The punctuation should apparently be, "all fresh water fit to drink, some
eight leagues within the mouth. The tide runs up about thirty-five leagues, but,"
etc. The author is still speaking of the Cape Fear River.
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 53
thank their friends of New-England, who brought their Hogs
to so fair a Market. Some of the Indians brought very good
Salt aboard us, and made signes, pointing to both sides of the
Rivers mouth, that there was great store thereabouts. We
saw up the River several good places for the setting up of
Corn or Saw-mills. In that time as our businesse called us
up and down the River and Branches, we kill'd of wild-fowl,
four Swans, ten Geese, twenty nine Cranes, ten Turkies, forty
Duck and Mallard, three dozen of Parrakeeto's, and six or
seven dozen of other small Fowls, as Curlues and Plovers, etc.
Whereas there was a Writing left in a Post at the Point
of Cape Fair River, by those New-England-men that left
Cattel with the Indians there, the Contents whereof tended
not only to the disparagement of the Land about the said
River, but also to the great discouragement of all those that
should hereafter come into those parts to settle : In Answer to
that scandalous writing, We whose names are under-written
do affirm, That we have seen facing on both sides of the
River, and branches of Cape-Fair aforesaid, as good Land,
and as well Timbered, as any we have seen in any other part
of the world, sufficient to accommodate thousands of our
English Nation, lying commodiously by the said River.
On Friday the 4th of December, the winde being fair, we
put out to Sea, bound for Barbadoes; and on the 6th day
of January, 166|, we came to Anchor in Carlisle-Bay;1 and
after several known apparent dangers both by Sea and Land,
have now brought us all in safety to our long-wish'd-for and
much desired Port, to render an Accompt of our Discovery,
the verity of which we aver.
ANTHONY LONG.
WILLIAM HILTON.
PETER FABIAN.
A Copy of the Spanyard's first Letter.
I am come to this Town of Infidel-Indians, to seek some
English, which my Governour and Captain-General, Don
1 The chief roadstead of Barbados.
54 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
Alonso de Arangows, de Colis,1 Cavallier, and Knight of the
Order of St. James, for his Majesty, had notice that there
was a Ship lost in that Port in which you are, that the men
might not run any hazard of their lives, as those with me
here have. Don Adeleyers, with the Governor of the Garison
of S. Augustine, are gone to ransome and free the Subjects
of the King your Master, Charles the Second: Wherefore I
advise you, that if these Indians (although Infidels and
Barbarians) have not killed any of the Christians, and do
require as a gift or courtesie for those four men, four Spades,
and four Axes, some Knives, and some Beads, and the four
Indians which you have there, you deliver them, and that for
their sakes that shall sayl on this Coast: you may send a
Boat, who when she comes athwart the Port of St. Ellens,
may hoist an Ancient 2 twice or thrice, and I will do the
same. The shortnesse of the dispatch I desire, for I want
provision for my Soldiers, and the way is large. Your Servant
desires you would give me a speedy Answer; and what may
be done in your service, I shall do very willingly: And if
you have none that can interpret the Spanish Tongue, you
may .write in your own, for here are your Countrey-men that
can understand it: but if you can, let it be in Spanish.
From the Capt. ALANSO ARGUELES.S
From St. Ellens the 22 of Sep-
temb. 1663.
The Copies of our Letters sent to the English and Spaniards at
St. Ellens, with the Answer of Mr. William Davis, and the
Spaniards also, here inclosed.
Loving Friends and Country-men,
Wee are come up the River with our Ship, and are resolved
to come through by Combiheh, to St. Ellens, and to get you
away by fair means, or otherways. If that will not do, we
have five of your company already: and the Captain of Edi-
stow, and one more are Prisoners with us, whom we intend
to keep till we have rescued all the English Prisoners out of
1 Don Alonso Aranjuez y Cotes, governor of Florida.
2 Ensign. 3 Alonso de Arguelles.
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 55
the hands of the Indians. Send us word by this Bearer what
you know concerning the Spanyards; for the youth Morgan
tells us that the Spanyards are come with Soldiers to fetch you
away. Fail not to inform us how things are. Nothing else
at present, but remain
Your friend and Servant
WILL. HILTON.
From on Board the Adventure,
Septemb. 21. 1663.
An Answer to the Spanyards Letter not understood.
Honoured Sir,
Whereas wee received a Letter from you, the Contents
whereof we understand not, because none of us could read
Spanish: Our businesse is to demand and receive the English
Prisoners from the hands of the Indians, and then they shall
have their Indians which we have detained on Board, with
satisfaction for their pains. We understand not at present
that we have any businesse with you. Not else at present,
but remain
Your Friend and Servant in what I may,
WILL. HILTON.
From on Board the Adventure,
Septemb. 23. 1663.
To his honoured Friend the Spanish
Captain at St. Ellens.
An Answer to Mr. William Davis his Lines written to us in
the Spanyard's Letter, Viz.
Mr. William Davis,
Wee received your Lines in the Spanish Letter, but hear
nothing of your coming to us. Let your Keepers send you,
and that without delay; for you may assure them, That we
will be gone, and carry the Indians away with us, except they
send the English suddenly on Board, and then they shall have
56 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
their Indians upon our receipt of the English. Not else at
present, but thank the Spanish Captain for the Pork and
Venison he sent us. Remain
Your loving Friend
WILL. HILTON.
From on Board the Adventure,
September 24. 1663.
To Mr. William Davis at St. Ellens.
Sir,
Wee have received your second Letter, and give you no
Answer, for the Reason mentioned in our former Letter to
you. Please to inform the Indians, That if they bring not the
English Prisoners on Board us without further delay, we are
resolved to carry their Indians we have on Board away: But
if they will bring the English, they shall have theirs, with satis
faction. Also we thank you for your Venison and Pork.
Not else at present, but remain
Sir,
Your Friend and Servant in what I may
WILL. HILTON.
From on Board the Adventure,
Septemb. 24. 1663.
To his Honoured Friend, the Spanish
Captain at St. Ellens.
A Copy of the Spanyard's second Letter.
My Governour and Capt. General, as soon as he had News
that a Ship, by Nation English, was lost in that Port in which
you now are, sent me with Soldiers of the Garison of St.
Augustine in Florida, as they have at other times done, to
free them from death; for which cause I came to this Port of
St. Ellens, where I found all these Indians in a fright, fearing
that you will do them some mischief: So having found four
men of those that were lost, I thought good to advise you, that
you might carry them in your company, giving some gifts to
those Indians which they desire; which is, four Spades, four
Axes, some Knives, and some Beads. This they desire, not
as payment, but onely as an acknowledgment of a kindness
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 57
for having saved their lives; which they have always done as
Naturals who have given their obedience to the King our
Master. And they do also desire you to let go those four
Indians which are there: You may send a Boat when you
discover the Points of St. Ellens; may hoist an Ancient two
or three times, and I will do the same. I desire your Answer
may be sodain; for I am scarce of Provisions, and the way
is somewhat long: and if you have no body who understands
Spanish, you may write in English, for here are your Countrey-
men who will interpret it.
By the Captain ALANSO ARGUILES.
From St. Ellens, Septemb.
23. 1663.
Proposals made to all such Persons as shall undertake to become
the first Setters on Rivers, Harbours, or Creeks, whose
Mouth or Entrance is Southwards or Westwards of Cape
St. Romana in the Province of Carolina, and execute the
same at their own hazard and charge of Transportation,
Ammunition, and Provisions, as is hereafter expressed, etc.
I.
Imprimis, It is agreed and consented to by us Thomas
Mudyford, and Peter Colleton, Esquires, who are impowered
by the Lords Proprietors to treat in their behalf; That in
consideration of the good service which Captain Anthony
Long, Captain William Hilton, and Mr. Peter Fabian have
done in making so clear a Discovery on that Coast, They shall
each of them enjoy to them and their Heirs for ever one thou
sand Acres of Land apiece upon the said River, Harbour, or
Creeks, on such places as they shall desire, not taken up before.
II.
Item, To Master Pyam Blowers, and Master John Han
cock, five hundred Acres apiece, in manner as aforesaid.
III.
Item, To all the Sea-men and Adventurers in the said
Ship, one hundred Acres apiece in manner as aforesaid.
58 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
IV.
Item, To every person that hath subscribed and paid, or
hath subscribed and shall pay within two moneths next after
the Date hereof, unto the Treasurer appointed by the Com
mittee for defraying the Charge of the late Discovery,1 and
towards the publique Stock, five hundred Acres of Land, be
sides what they are otherwayes to receive and enjoy each for
every thousand pounds of Sugar, and so for greater or lesser
quantity proportionally, to possesse and enjoy the same in
manner as aforesaid; the said Adventurers having promised,
That the severall and respective Persons above-intended,
shall within five years next ensuing, have one Person white or
black, young or old, transported at their Charge as aforesaid,
on that or some other parcel of Land in the Province, for
every hundred of Acres of Land that is or shall be due to
them for their adventures as aforesaid: But when once taken
up, to settle the same within one year after it is once taken
up, or lose the Land.
V.
Item, To every Person that goes, or sends an Agent at his
or their own cost with the first Ship or Fleet, or within six
weeks next after the first Ship or Fleet that shall be set out
from this Island (none to be accompted as first Setlers but
such as do send in the first Fleet) Armed with a good Fire
lock, ten pounds of Powder, and twenty pounds of Bullet, or
Lead, and Victualled for six moneths, shall have one hundred
Acres of Land, and the like quantity of Acres for every Man
servant that he carrieth so armed and provided, to the per
son at whose charge they shall be transported as aforesaid.
1 Between April 16, 1672, and December 11, 1679 (see Warrants for Lands
in South Carolina, 1672-1679, Columbia, S. C., 1910), warrants for five hundred
acres of land each were issued to the following persons for their " disbursing on
the discovery of this Province by Cap1: Hilton": John Godfrey and George
Thompson, May 11, 1672; Thomas Clutterbuck, of Barbados, June 8, 1672;
Thomas Norvill and Bartholomew Reese, September 30, 1672. John Godfrey
also received a warrant, September 5, 1674, for two hundred acres of land for
coming himself and bringing one servant under the terms of the fifth proposal.
The early land records of South Carolina show many people settled under the
terms of the other proposals.
16631 WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 59
VI.
Item, To every person that shall second the first Under
takers, that is to say, shall go within two months next after
those that are accompted as first Setlers, armed and provided
as aforesaid, seventy Acres of Land, and seventy Acres for
every Man-servant that he or they shall carry or send Armed
and provided as aforesaid.
VII.
Item, To every person provided as aforesaid, that shall go
within two years after the first undertakers, fifty Acres of
Land, and as much to him or them for every Man-servant he
or they shall carry or send, armed and provided as aforesaid.
VIII.
Item, To every Free-woman above the age of twelve years,
that shall go, or be carried thither within the first five years,
forty Acres of Land.
IX.
Item, To all Male-Children above the age of fourteen years,
the same quantity that is allowed to Free-men, and on the
same Conditions.
X.
Item, The Lords Proprietors will grant unto every Parish
one hundred Acres of Land for the Church and other publique
uses.
XI.
Item, To every person that hath subscribed, and shall pay
to the above-mentioned Discovery, who shall go or send an
Agent within the first five years next after the first Setlers,
forty Acres of Land; and as much to them for every Man
servant they shall carry or send within that time armed and
provided as aforesaid, and the like quantity for all others so
transporting themselves or servants within the first three
years, who are not Subscribers.
60 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
XII.
Item, To every Man-servant that shall go with the first
Undertakers, fifty Acres of Land; and to such as go with the
second Adventurers thirty Acres, and for all other servants
that shall go within the first five years, twenty Acres, and for
every Woman-servant ten Acres, to become due at the Expira
tion of the first Term of their servitude in that Countrey.
XIII.
Item, To the Owner of every Negro-Man or Slave, brought
thither to settle within the first year, twenty acres; and for
every Woman-Negro or Slave, ten acres of Land ; and all
Men-Negro's, or slaves after that time, and within the first five
years, ten acres, and for every Woman-Negro or slave, five
acres.
»
XIV.
Item, That all the before-mentioned parcels of Land given,
or to be given, allotted or granted to any person or persons
whatsoever, shall be held and enjoyed to them, their Heirs
and Assigns for ever, in free and common Soccage, according
to the Tenure of East-Greenwich within the County of Kent,
within the Kingdom of England (and not in Capite, or by
Knights-service) paying as a fine once for all to the Lords
Proprietors, or their Agents impowered to receive the same,
one half-peny per acre for every Acre of Land that is or shall
be taken up as aforesaid, or the value of the said half-peny
per Acre, when the person who is to receive it shall receive
his Deed or Copy of Record for his Land so taken up; and in
lieu of all, and all manner of Rents, Services, Fines, Taxes
and Impositions whatsoever, one ear of Indian Corn for every
hundred acres of Land so taken up, at a certain time and
place prescribed, if lawfully demanded.
XV.
Item, It is further agreed, That every person shall or may
take up their Land, or any part thereof, where they please, in
1663] WILLIAM HILTON'S RELATION 61
any place not before taken up: Provided they do therein sub
mit to such Method as the Governor and Council for the time
being shall judge most safe and convenient.1
XVI.
Item, That the Lords Proprietors shall grant to the Free-
Holders the Priviledge of choosing an annual Assembly,
wherein by the consent of the said Lords, or their Delegates,
they shall be impowered to make Lawes, and them confirm,
publish, and abrogate, as in the great Charter is expressed;
and that the Assembly may lawfully, without the consent of
the Governour, complain to the said Lords of such Grievances
as lye upon the People.
XVII.
Item, That forasmuch as the Lords Proprietors or their
Delegates may not be at all times there present, to consent to
such Lawes as are or shall be thought necessary; In such
Case all Lawes and Orders made by the Governour, Council
and Assembly, shall be in force untill the Denyal thereof by
the Lords Proprietors shall be to them signified under their
Hands in Writing.
XVIII.
Item, That the said Free-Holders shall have the freedome
of Trade, Immunity of Customes, and Liberty of Conscience,
and all other Priviledges made good unto them as amply and
as fully as is at large expressed in the great Charter granted
to the said Lords Proprietors from His Majesty.
1 The governor and council of South Carolina for many years directed the
surveyor general, in their warrant for a tract of land, not to lay it off " within the
compass of any lands heretofore layd out or marked to be layd out for any other
person or Towne nor prejudiciall to any such lines or bounds and if the same
happen upon any navigable River or any River capable of being made navigable "
to "allow only the fifth part of the depth thereof by the waterside."
A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF THE PROVINCE OF
CAROLINA, BY ROBERT HORNE ( ?), 1666
INTRODUCTION
THIS brief description of Carolina was first published in
London in 1666 and was one of several pamphlets published
with the view of increasing the value of the Lords Proprietors'
real estate. It was printed for Robert Home, but it is uncer
tain whether he wrote it or not. While it described the settle
ments in North Carolina it described the climate, soil and
other natural conditions of the entire province so favorably
that it materially aided the Proprietors in securing settlers
for the lower part of the province as well as for the upper
part. It was reprinted in Historical Collections of South
Carolina, by B. R. Carroll (New York, 1836). The original
pamphlet contained a crude and incorrect map of Carolina
which Carroll did not reproduce in his reprint, but which is in
a manner reproduced in Hawks's History of North Carolina,
Vol. II.
66
A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF THE PROVINCE OF
CAROLINA, BY ROBERT HORNE (?), 1666
A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina, on the Coasts
of Floreda, and more particularly of a New Plantation
begun by the English at Cape Feare, on that River now by
them called Charles-River, the 29th of May, 1664.
Wherein is set forth the Healthfulness of the Air; the Fertility
of the Earth, and Waters; and the great Pleasure and Profit
will accrue to those that shall go thither to enjoy the same.
Also, Directions and advice to such as shall go thither whether
on their own accompts or to serve under another. Together
with a most accurate Map of the whole Province.
London, Printed for Robert Home in the first Court of Gresham-
Colledge neer Bishopsgate-street. 1666.1
A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina, Etc.
iT"""*
CAROLINA is a fair and spacious Province on the Con
tinent of America: so called in honour of His Sacred Majesty
that now is, Charles the Second,2 whom God preserve; and
His Majesty hath been pleas'd to grant the same to certain
Honourable Persons, who in order to the speedy planting
of the same, have granted divers privileges and advantages
to such as shall transport themselves and Servants in con
venient time; This Province lying so neer Virginia, and yet
more Southward, enjoys the fertility and advantages thereof;
and yet is so far distant, as to be vf reed from the inconstancy
of the Weather, which is a great cause of the unhealthful-
ness thereof; also, being in the latitude of the Barmoodoes*
may expect the like healthfulness which it hath hitherto
enjoy 'd, and doubtless there is no Plantation that ever the
English went upon, in all respects so good as this : for though
1 Title-page of original. * See post, p. 140, note. • Bermudas.
66
1666] A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 67
Barmoodoes be wonderful healthy and fruitful, yet is it but
a Prison to the Inhabitants, who are much streightned for
want of room, and therefore many of them are come to Caro
lina, and more intend to follow.1 There is seated in this
Province two Colonies already, one on the River Roanoak
(now called Albemarle River) and borders on Virginia; the
Other at Cape Feare, two Degrees more Southerly; of which
follows a more perticular Description.
This Province of Carolina is situate on the main Conti
nent of America, between the degrees of 30. and 36. and hath
on the North, the South part of Virginia; on the South is
bounded by the 30 degree of Latitude not yet fully discovered ;
on the East is Mare Atlanticum, part of the great Ocean;
and on the West the wealthy South Sea is its Confines.
The perticular Description of Cape Feare.
In the midst of this fertile Province, in the Latitude of
34 degrees, there is a Colony of English seated, who Landed
there the 29 of May, Anno 1664. and are in all about 800
persons, who have overcome all the difficulties that attend
the first attempts, and have cleered the way for those that
come after, who will find good houses to be in whilst their
own are in building; good forts to secure them from their
enemies; and many things brought from other parts there,
increasing to their no small advantage. The entrance into
the River, now called Cape-Feare River, the situation of the
Cape, and trending of the Land, is plainly laid down to the
eye in the Map annexed. The River is barred at the en
trance, but there is a Channel close abord the Cape that will
convey in safety a ship of 300 Tons, and as soon as a ship is
over the Bar, the River is 5 or 6 fathom deep for a 100 miles
from the Sea; this Bar is a great security to the Colony
1 The same reason for desiring the opening up of Carolina to settlers was
given by the Barbadian "adventurers" when they sent out the second Hilton
expedition. Believing that Barbados was overcrowded, they not only wanted
Carolina opened up to settlers, but believed that settlers of Carolina could there
produce "wine, oil, currants, raisind, silks, etc., the planting of which will not
injure other Plantations, which may very well happen if there were a very great
increase of sugar works or more tobacco, ginger, cotton, and indigo made than
the world will vent." Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, p. 157.
68 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
against a forreign Invasion, the channel being hard to find
by those that have not experience of it, and yet safe enough
to those that know it.
The Earth, Water, and Air.
The Land is of divers sorts as in all Countryes of the
world, that which lyes neer the Sea, is sandy and barren, but
beareth many tall Trees, which make good timber for several
uses; and this sandy gound is by experienced men thought
to be one cause of the healthfulness of the place: but up
the River about 20 or 30 mile, where they have made a Town,
called Charles-Town,1 there is plenty of as rich ground as
any in the world. It is a blackish mold upon a red sand, and
under that a clay, but in some places is rich ground of a grayer
colour, they have made Brick of the Clay, which proves very
good; and Lime they have also for building. The whole
Country consists of stately Woods, Groves, Marshes and
Meadows; it abounds with variety of as brave Okes as Eye
can behold, great Bodies tall and streight from 60 to 80 foot,
before there be any Boughs, which with the little under-wood
makes the Woods very commodious to travel in, either on
Horseback or a foot. In the barren sandy ground grow
most stately Pines, white and red Cedars, Ash, Birch, Holly,
Chesnut and Walnut-trees of great growth and very plenti
ful: There are many sorts of fruit Trees, as Vines, Medlars,
Peach, Wild Cherries, Mulbury-Trees, and the Silk-worm
breeding naturally on them, with many other Trees for Fruit
and for Building, for Perfume and for Medicine, for which
the English have no name; also several sorts of Dying Stuff,
which may prove of great advantage; The Woods are stored
with Deer and Wild Turkeys, of a great magnitude, weighing
many times above 50Z. a piece,2 and of a more pleasant tast
than in England, being in their proper climate; other sorts
of Beasts in the Woods that are good for food; and also
1 This short-lived Charles Town on Cape Fear River should not be con
founded with the later and permanent Charles Town on Ashley River.
2 There are many wild turkeys still left in parts of both North Carolina and
South Carolina, but none that will approach in size the birds here described, and
the oldest hunters in either state cannot recall ever having seen one of such size.
A wild turkey of twenty-five pounds would now be considered unusually large.
1666] A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 69
Fowls, whose names are not known to them. This is what
they found naturally upon the place; but they have brought
with them most sorts of seeds and roots of the Barbadoes
which thrive very well, and they have Potatoes, and the
other Roots and Herbs of Barbadoes growing and thriving
with them; as also from Virginia, Barmoodoes, and New-
England, what they could afford: They have Indico, Tobacco
very good, and Cotton- wool; Lime-trees, Orange, Lemon,
and other Fruit-Trees they brought, thrive exceedingly : They
have two Crops of Indian-Corn in one year, and great in
crease every Crop; Apples, Pears, and other English fruit,
grow there out of the planted Kernels: The Marshes and
Meadows are very large from 1500 to 3000 Acres, and up
wards, and are excellent food for Cattle, and will bear any
Grain being prepared; some Cattle both great and small,
which live well all the Winter, and keep their fat without
Fodder; Hogs find so much Mast and other Food in the
Woods, that they want no other care than a Swine-herd to
keep them from running wild.1 The Meadows are very
proper for Rice,2 Rape-seed, Lin-seed, etc., and may many of
them be made to overflow at pleasure with a small charge.
Here are as brave Rivers as any in the World, stored with
great abundance of Sturgeon, Salmon, Basse, Plaice, Trout,
and Spanish Mackrill, with many other most pleasant sorts
1 There are ranges in the Low-Country of South Carolina where the same con
ditions, both as to cattle and hogs, still exist.
2 Several of the early promoters of the settlement of Carolina suggested or
advised the cultivation of rice, and that their efforts were not in vain is attested
by the fact that within a few years after the first settlements had been made in
the province a considerable quantity of rice was being raised annually. By 1691
it had become such an industry in South Carolina that the General Assembly of
the province, on September 20, passed an act securing patent rights in his inven
tion to Peter Jacob Guerard, who had "lately invented and brought to per
fection, a Pendulum Engine, which doth much better, and in lesse time and
labour huske rice, than any other heretofore hath been used within this Province."
The statement often found in works on South Carolina that Landgrave Thomas
Smith, while governor of South Carolina (1693-1694), introduced the cultivation
of rice into the province by obtaining a bag of seed from Madagascar and planting
it in his garden and distributing the seed so raised is shown by this and many
other records to be more or less fiction. The warrants for lands show that Land
grave Smith and his family arrived in South Carolina July 10, 1684, and at that
time rice was already a commodity produced in the province.
70 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
of Fish, both flat and round, for which the English Tongue
hath no name. Also, in the little Winter they have, abun
dance of Wild Geese, Ducks, Teals, Widgeons, and many
other pleasant Fowl; and (as it is said before) the Rivers
are very deep and navigable above 100 miles up; also there
are wholsome Springs and Rivulets. Last of all, the Air
comes to be considered, which is not the least considerable
to the well being of a Plantation, for without a wholsom Air
all other considerations avail nothing; and this is it which
makes this Place so desireable, being seated in the most
temperate Clime, where the neighbour-hood of the glorious
Light of Heaven brings many advantages, and his con
venient distance secures them from the Inconvenience of his
scortching beams. The Summer is not too hot, and the
Winter is very short and moderate, best agreeing with Eng
lish Constitutions. Cape Feare lyes about 34 degrees from
the Equator, the Nights nor Days are so long, when at longest
as in England, by somewhat above two hours. A remark
able Instance of the Healthfulness of the Place, is, That at
the first setting down of the Colony, when they had no house
nor harbour, but wrought hard all day, in preparing Wood
to build, and lay in the open Air all night, yet not one of
them was ill, but continued well all the time; they Sympa
thize most with the Barmoodoes, which is the healthfullest
spot in the World, and yet the last year they had a Feaver
and Ague that troubled them much, which also was at Cape-
Feare, but was not dangerous to any that took care of them
selves, and had things convenient. This place had been
aimed at many years since. Sir Walter Rawleigh had a design
to have planted it. Those of the Barmoodoes, whose Habi
tations are too streight for them, have with longing desire
waited for the discovery of this place that is neer their own
Latitude, where they may expect the same healthfulness they
do now enjoy, which is now perfected as to the first Settle
ment, and wants nothing but a diligent prosecution of so noble
an Enterprize.
If therefore any industrious and ingenious persons shall
be willing to pertake of the Felicites of this Country, let
them imbrace the first opportunity, that they may obtain
the greater advantages.
1666J A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 71
The chief of the Privileges are as follows.
First, There is full and free Liberty of Conscience granted
to all, so that no man is to be molested or called in question
for matters of Religious Concern; but every one to be obedient
to the Civil Government, worshipping God after their own
way.
Secondly, There is freedom from Custom, for all Wine,
Silk, Raisins, Currance, Oyl, Olives, and Almonds, that shall
be raised in the Province for 7. years, after 4 Ton of any of
those commodities shall be imported in one Bottom.
Thirdly, Every Free-man and Free-woman that transport
themselves and Servants by the 25 of March next, being 1667.
shall have for Himself, Wife, Children, and Men-servants, for
each 100 Acres of Land for him and his Heirs for ever, and
for every Woman-servant and Slave 50 Acres, paying at most
%d. per acre, per annum, in lieu of all demands, to the Lords
Proprietors: Provided always, That every Man be armed
with a good Musquet full bore, 101. Powder, and 20Z. of Bullet,
and six Months Provision for all, to serve them whilst they
raise Provision in that Countrey.
Fourthly, Every Man-Servant at the expiration of their
time, is to have of the Country a 100 Acres of Land to him
and his heirs for ever, paying only \d. per Acre, per annum,
and the W^omen 50. Acres of Land on the same conditions;
their Masters also are to allow them two Suits of Apparrel and
Tools such as he is best able to work with, according to the
Custom of the Countrey.
Fifthly, They are to have a Governour and Council ap
pointed from among themselves, to see the Laws of the As
sembly put in due execution; but the Governour is to rule
but 3 years, and then learn to obey; also he hath no power to
lay any Tax, or make or abrogate any Law, without the Con
sent of the Colony in their Assembly.
Sixthly, They are to choose annually from among them
selves, a certain Number of Men, according to their divisions,
which constitute the General Assembly with the Governour
and his Council, and have the sole power of Making Laws, and
Laying Taxes for the common good when need shall require.
72 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
These are the chief and Fundamental privileges, but the
Right Honourable Lords Proprietors have promised (and it
is their Interest so to do) to be ready to grant what other
Privileges may be found advantageous for the good, of the
Colony.
Is there therefore any younger Brother who is born of
Gentile blood, and whose Spirit is elevated above the common
sort, and yet the hard usage of our Country hath not allowed
suitable fortune; he will not surely be afraid to leave his
Native Soil to advance his Fortunes equal to his Blood and
Spirit, and so he will avoid those unlawful ways too many of
our young Gentlemen take to maintain themselves according
to their high education, having but small Estates; here, with
a few Servants and a small Stock a great Estate may be raised,
although his Birth have not entituled him to any of the Land
of his Ancestors, yet his Industry may supply him so, as to
make him the head of as famous a family.
Such as are here tormented with much care how to get
worth to gain a Livelyhood, or that with their labour can
hardly get a comfortable subsistance, shall do well to go to
this place, where any man what-ever, that is but willing to
take moderate pains, may be assured of a most comfortable
subsistance, and be in a way to raise his fortunes far beyond
what he could ever hope for in England. Let no man be
troubled at the thoughts of being a Servant for 4 or 5 year,
for I can assure you, that many men give mony with their
children to serve 7 years,1 to take more pains and fare nothing
so well as the Servants in this Plantation will do. Then it is
to be considered, that so soon as he is out of his time, he hath
Land, and Tools, and Clothes given him, and is in a way of
advancement. Therefore all Artificers, as Carpenters, Wheel-
rights, Joyners, Coopers, Bricklayers, Smiths, or diligent
Husbandmen and Labourers, that are willing to advance their
fortunes, and live in a most pleasant healthful and fruitful
Country, where Artificers are of high esteem, and used with
all Civility and Courtesie imaginable, may take notice, that
TJiere is an opportunity offers now by the Virginia Fleet,
from whence Cape Feare is but 3 or 4 days sail, and then a
small Stock carried to Virginia will purchase provisions at a
1 As apprentices.
1666] A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 73
far easier rate than to carry them from hence; also the freight
of the said Provisions will be saved, and be more fresh, and
there wanteth not conveyance from Virginia thither.
If any Maid or single Woman have a desire to go over,
they will think themselves in the Golden Age, when Men paid
a Dowry for their Wives; for if they be but Civil, and under
50 years of Age, some honest Man or other, will purchase them
for their Wives.
Those that desire further advice, or Servants that would
be entertained, let them repair to Mr. Matthew Wilkinson,
Ironmonger, at the Sign of the Three Feathers, in Bishopsgate-
Street, where they may be informed when the Ships will be
ready, and what they must carry with them.
Thus much was convenient to be written at present, but a
more ample Relation is intended to be published in due time.
A RELATION OF A VOYAGE ON THE COAST
OF THE PROVINCE OF CAROLINA, 1666,
BY ROBERT SANDFORD
INTRODUCTION
FOLLOWING up their activity in behalf of Carolina in send
ing out an expedition to the coast of Carolina under Captain
William Hilton, in August, 1663, and in obtaining, soon
thereafter, liberal concessions for settlers from the Lords
Proprietors,1 the Barbadian planters next took up, in that
same year, the project of establishing a settlement near Cape
Fear on the coast of what is now North Carolina. This under
taking they accomplished the next year. The settlement was
made pn the Charles (Cape Fear) River in May, 1664, and
was called Charles Town.2 Colonel John Yeamans, an influ
ential planter of Barbados, and Lieutenant-Colonel Robert
Sandford, formerly of Surinam and later of Barbados, were
of great assistance to the Proprietors in this enterprise,3 and?
when the settlement was organized by the Proprietors into a
government under the name of Clarendon County, they ap
pointed Sandford secretary and register of Clarendon County,
November 14, 1664,4 and on January 11, 1664/5, they ap
pointed Colonel John Yeamans lieutenant-general and gover
nor of Carolina.5 On account of the previous activities of the
latter in behalf of Carolina Sir John Colleton had given the
1 Ante, pp. 35, 57-61.
2 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, pp. 154-155, 157, 160, 161-
162; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 1, 13, 53; W. J.
Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, pp. 335-337; Colonial Records
of North Carolina, I. 43-46.
8 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, pp. 267, 379; Collections
of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 56.
4 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, p. 254; Colonial Records of
North Carolina, I. 71-72.
5 Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 95-97.
77
78 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
other Proprietors "a good character of his abilities and
loyalty . . . with an assurance that he will vigorously attempt
the settling of a Colony to the southward of Cape Romania/'
and the Proprietors induced the King "to confer the honor of
a Knight baronet upon him and his heirs/' which was done
January 12, 1664/5.1
The Proprietors having instructed Governor Yeamans to
place a colony in that part of the province of Carolina south
ward and westward of Cape Romania, he organized an expedi
tion in Barbados in 1665 to explore the lower coast of Carolina
to select a proper site. His fleet, consisting of a fly boat of
150 tons, a small frigate and a sloop, sailed from Barbados in
October, 1665. Early in November the fleet reached the
mouth of Charles (Cape Fear) River. In attempting to enter
the river without a pilot, during a gale, the fly boat was
stranded and destroyed, all on board, of whom Sir John was
one, reaching the shore in safety, but the greater part of their
provisions and clothes and of the arms, powder, and other
military stores sent by the Proprietors for the defence of the
proposed settlement were lost.
Governor Yeamans found the settlers at Charles River in
such a needy condition that he sent the sloop to Virginia to
secure provisions for them, and himself returned to Barbados
in the frigate. Before leaving he directed that should the
sloop miscarry in its voyage to Virginia the vessel of Captain
Edward Stanyarne, then in the harbor, but bound for Bar
bados, should be hired by Sandford for his use in making the
1 Sir John Yeamans was the eldest son of John Yeamans (died in 1645), a
brewer, of Bristol, England; was born at Bristol and was baptized at St. Mary
Redcliffe, February 28, 1611. He attained the rank of colonel in the Royalist
army. About 1650 he settled in Barbados and engaged in planting. The minutes
of the council of Barbados from July, 1660, to March, 1664, show that he was a
member of that body during that period. Dictionary of National Biography,
biographies of Robert Yeamans and Sir John Yeamans; The South Carolina
Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XI. 107-122; Calendar of State Papers,
Colonial, 1574-1660, pp. 484, 494; 1661-1668, pp. 1, 46, 154, 169, 195.
INTRODUCTION 79
explorations, in case Captain Stanyarne returned before the
sloop. On its return voyage from Virginia the sloop was
wrecked on Cape Lookout and two of its men were lost. While
returning from Barbados Captain Stanyarne went deranged
and jumped overboard and was drowned. His vessel, in
charge of his survivors, reached Charles River in due season
and Sandford assumed charge thereof and started out, June
14, 1666, to explore the lower coast, as he had been directed to
do by Governor Yeamans. Nearly a month later, July 12,
1666, he returned to Charles River and landed at Charles
Town. He at once addressed a letter to the Lords Proprietors,
enclosing an account of his expedition. Accompanying his
letter and narrative was a corroborative statement by the
officers who accompanied him, dated July 14, 1666. These
three documents were among the papers of the Lords Propri
etors retained by the Earl of Shaftesbury (Lord Ashley),
which passed from one of his successors to the next until the
late Earl of Shaftesbury (the ninth earl, who died in 1886)
deposited them in the British Public Record Office. They
constitute "No. 7" of "Bundle 48" of "Section IX." of
"Shaftesbury Papers." An abstract of these papers was
published as section 1243 of the Calendar of State Papers,
Colonial, 1661-1668 (by W. Noel Sainsbury, of the British
Public Record Office), in 1880. Soon thereafter such of the
"Shaftesbury Papers" as related to South Carolina were
transcribed by Mr. Sainsbury for the city council of Charleston,
at the instance of Hon. William A. Courtenay, the then mayor
of Charleston. Mr. Courtenay used these transcripts in pre
paring his address for the centennial celebration in 1883 of
the one-hundredth anniversary of the incorporation of Charles
ton, and subsequently printed some of them as appendices to
the annual Year Book of Charleston. Sandford's narrative
was published in the issue for 1885. Subsequently the city
council (at the suggestion of Mr. Courtenay) presented the
80 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
transcripts of the Shaftesbury papers to the South Carolina
Historical Society and they were published in volume V. of
Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, Sandford's
voyage covering pages 57-82 thereof. In 1907 it was re
printed in Mr. Courtenay's The Genesis of South Carolina.
Robert Sandford, the author of this narrative, was an
Englishman who, some years prior to August 17, 1662, along
with other Englishmen, settled on the river Surinam, where
they established a government "subject to the laws of Eng
land, elective in the people, who yearly were to appoint all
members thereof." One Byam, having been elected to the
head of this government three successive years, according to
the constitution, built up a strong party about him, and, over
ruling the smaller faction, decreed the continuance in power
of his party, claiming as his authority for so doing, a proclama
tion by the King, which, however, he refused to show. Dissat
isfaction with Byam for exacting a heavy imposition upon the
people and for calling the colony into arms, and a quarrel over
a Dutch shallop seized as a prize, precipitated a rebellion
against his authority. He seized all who had disputed his
authority and brought them to trial by court-martial. The
prisoners who pleaded not guilty, without being heard, were
hurried away in irons and then fined and exiled. Sandford
was one of those so fined and banished. He proceeded to
England, where his complaints, dated August 17, 1662, were
laid before His Majesty 's Privy Council, September 12, 1662,1
Sandford next settled in Barbados, where he " gained a
very advantageous employment under Sir Jas. Drax." He
was a member of the Assembly of Barbados in 1663 when that
body became engaged in a quarrel with Lord Willoughby, the
governor of Barbados. With Speaker Farmer and two other
members he was seized under a warrant from the governor
and imprisoned for high treason. Finding no witnesses
1 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1661-1668, pp. 104, 108.
INTRODUCTION 81
against them the Council ordered them discharged, but,
through the contrivance of Willoughby, Farmer and Sandford
were sent aboard the governor's ship and taken to England,
where they laid their grievances before the King and Council.1
Sandford next attracted the attention of the Lords Pro
prietors of Carolina, who consulted him in regard to the
settlement of their province. He and Henry Vassall dined
with the proprietors August 22, 1664, and among the items
entered on the expense account of the Proprietors is one
for this dinner to Sandford and Vassall at the meeting with
them "about a treaty wth them Conserneing Carolina."2 In
November following Sandford was appointed secretary and
register of Clarendon County, as heretofore recited, and re
paired to the Charles River settlement, and in 1665 was in
the assembly of Clarendon County. The next year he made
the explorations here described.
1 Ibid., pp. 364-366, 584.
2 Ibid., p. 379; Transcripts of Letters and Documents in the British Public
Record Office relating to South Carolina (MS.), I. 2 (in the office of the Historical
Commission of South Carolina); Collections of the South Carolina Historical
Society, V. 56-57.
A RELATION OF A VOYAGE ON THE COAST
OF THE PROVINCE OF CAROLINA, 1666,
BY ROBERT SANDFORD
A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina,
Formerly called Florida, in the Continent of- the Northern
America, from Charles River near Cape Feare, in the County
of Clarendon, and the Lat. of 34 Deg:, to Port Royall, in the
North Lat: of 32 Deg: begun Uth June, 1666;
Performed by Robert Sandford, Esq™, Secretary and Chiefe
Register for the Lords Proprietors of their County of Claren
don, in the Province aforesaid.
To the Right Honoble Edward, Earle of Clarendon, Lord High
Chancellor of England; George, Duke of Albemarle, Capt.-
Gener11 of all his Mafies forces in the Kingdome of Eng
land, Scotland and Ireland and Master of the Horse; Wm.
Lord Craven; John Lord Berkeley; Anthony Lord Ashley,
Chancellor of the Excheqr; Sr George Cartrett, Vice-Cham-
berlaine of His Mafies Household; Sr Wm. Berkeley, Knt.,
and Sr John Colleton, Knt. and Baronett, The true and
absolute Lords Proprietors of all the Province of Carolina:
Right Honorble,
IT is not presumption but Duty that presents this Narra
tive (however rude and imperfect) to soe Illustrious, I had
rather say a Constellation than a Corporation; the matter
related was performed under your Auspice in your Country
and by your servant. It measures to you, my Lords, (as his
foot did Hercules) the greatnes of your Soveraignes Guift,
and to the World the greatness of your trust and favour
with him. It shews you in Prospective how lasting a Renowne
you may adde to your already most glorious Names, How
82
1665] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 83
boundles a Grandeur to your longest Posterity. None indeede
but God and the King can move your hearts to doe these
great things for yourselves and Nation. Yett that such a
Notion be effected may and shall bee the prayers of, Right
Honoble,
With all submission, readiness and fidelity,
Your Lordppes servant,
ROB. SANDFORD.
The Port Royal Discovery.
THE Right Honoble the Lords Proprietors of the Prov
ince of Carolina, in prosecution of his sacred Matie8 pious
intentions of planting and Civillizing those his towns and peo
ple of the Northerne America, which Neighbour Southward on
Virginia (by some called Florida) found out and discovered by
Sr Sebastian Cabott in the yeare 1497 att the Charges of
H. 7, King of England, etc., Constituted Sir John Yeamans
Baronett their Lt.-Generall, with ample Powers for placeing
a Colony in some of the Rivers to the Southward and West
ward of Cape St. Romana, Who departing from the Island
Barbados in Octob. 1665 in a Fly-boate of about 150 Tonns,
accompanyed by a small Friggatt of his owne and a Sloope
purchased by a Comon purse for the service of the Colonyes,
After they had beene separated by a great storme att Sea
(wherein the Friggatt lost all her Masts and himselfe had like
to have foundred, and were all brought together againe in
the beginning of November to an anchor before the Mouth
of Charles River neere Cape Feare in the County of Clarendon,
part of the same province newly begunn to be peopled, and
within the Lt.-Genlls Commission), They were all blowne
from their anchors by a suddaine violent Gust, the Fly-boat
Sr John was in narrowly escapeing the dangerous shoales of
the Cape. But this proved but a short difference of their
fate, ffor returning with a favourable wind to a second viewe
of the entrance into Charles River, but, destituted of all
pilates, save their own eyes (which the flattering gale that
conducted them did alsoe delude by covering the rough visage
of their objected dangers with a thick veile of smooth waters)
they stranded their vessel on the Middle ground of the har-
84 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1665
hours mouth, to the Westward the Channell, where the Ebbe
presently left her, and the wind with its own multeplyed
forces and the auxiliaryes of the tide of flood beat her to
peeces.
The persons were all saved by the Neighbourhood of the
shore, but the greatest part of their provision of Victualls,
clothes, etc., and of the Magazine of Armes, powder and
other Military furniture shipped by the Lords Proprietors for
the defence of the designed Settlement perished in the waters.
The Lt.-Gen11 purposed at first imediately to repair his Frig-
gatt (which together with the Sloope gote safely into the
River when the Fly-boate was driven off) and to send her
backe to Barbados for recruits whilest himselfe in person
attended the yssue of that discovery which I and some other
Gentlemen offered to make Southwards in the Sloope. But
when the great and growing necessityes of the English Colony
in Charles River (heightened by this disaster) begann clamour-
ously to crave the use of the Sloope in a Voyage to Virginia
for their speedy relief, Sr John altered that his first resolu
tion, and permitting the Sloope to goe to Virginia retorned
himselfe to Barbados in his Friggatt. Yett that the designe
of the Southerne settlement might not wholy fall, Hee con
ditioned with the freighters of the Sloope that in case shee
miscarryed in her Virginia voyage they should hire Capt.
Edward Stanyarn's1 vessell (then in their harbour but bound
for Barbados) to performe the Discovery, and left a Comis-
sion with mee for the effecting it upon the retorne of the
Sloope or Stanion, which should first happen.
The Sloope in her comeing homeward from Virginia loaden
with Victuall being ready by reason of her extreme rottennes
in her timbers to sinke was driven on shoare by a storme in
the night on Cape Lookeout (the next headland to the North
and Eastward of Cape Feare and about 20 Le. distant); her
men all saved except two, and with many difficultyes brought
by their boate through the great sound into Albemarle River
neere the Island Roanoake (within this same Province of
Carolina) to the English plantation there.
1 The correct spelling of this name is Stanyarne and it is pronounced as if
spelled Stanion. It will be observed that Sandford spelled it in three different
ways — all wrong — in two paragraphs.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 85
Capt. Stanyon in returning from Barbados, weakely
maned and without any second to himselfe driven to and
agen on the Seas for many weekes by contrary winds and
conquered with care, vexation and watching, lost his reason,
and after many wild extravagancyes leapt overboard in a
frenzye, leaveing his small Company and Vessel to the much
more quiett and constant, though but little more knowing
and prudent conduct of a child, who yett assisted by a miracu
lous Providence after many wanderings brought her safe
to Charles River in Clarendon, her desired Port and Haven.
I had now a Vessell to performe my Southerne Expedition
but disfurnished of a Master and none here skilled in Navi
gation to be persuaded to the Voyage, least therefore a worke
soe necessary to promote the settlement of this Province
should be poorely left without an attempt, Myselfe undertooke
the Office, though noe better capacitated for it then a little
reading in the Mathematicks had rendred mee with the helpe
of a fewe observations made whilst a passenger in some late
Sea Voyages to divert their tedium.
On the 14th June 1666 I entered on my charge, neere six
months after the date of my Commission (soe long had theise
various accidents detained mee), and on the 16th I left Charles
River sayling Westward with a faire gale att East alongst
that goodly and bold bay which on her two Capes, Feare
and Romania, as on two homes, procures all dangers of
Flatts and shoales from her owne more gentle bosome. To
make her yett more signall I named her Berkly Bay from
the Right Honble John Lord Berkly and Sr Wm. Berkly,
two of her noble Lords Proprietors.
I was accompanyed by Capt. George Cary, Lt. Samuell
Harvy, Lt. Joseph Woory, Ens. Henry Brayne, Ens. Richard
Abrahall and Mr. Tho. Giles, and severall other inhabitants
of the County of Clarendon * to the number of 17 besides
myselfe (and the shipps Company, which alas were but two
men and a boy). With mee I tooke a smale shalloope of some
three tonns belonging to the Lords Proprietors and appointed
by the Lt.-Gen11 for that service, in which I placed Ens.
1 Of these Gary, Harvey, Brayne, and Giles had been members of the assem
bly of Clarendon County in 1665. Collections of the South Carolina Historical
Society, V. 60, 61.
86 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
Henry Brayne of some Experience in Sea matters * and two
other men, soe reserveing Eighteene of all sorts in the biggest
vessel, whose burden alsoe exceeded scarce fiveteene Tonns.
The 19th in the night it being very cloudy and darke and
hee att our helme unawares bringing our Vessell astayes, we
lost Company of our Shalloope. The 22d about 7 o'clock in
the morning wee made the land and a fair River to Leward of
us (haveing beene driven out to Sea by a Southwest winde
from the 18th to the 21st, when a strong Easterly gale brought
us in with the shoare againe). Wee bore up to this River
and a great way kept our depth of six and five fathom water
without any signe of breakers. Att length it shoaled, and
Wee could plainely discerne a breach in the Eastern board.
The River when wee first made it bore N. W. by W. of us,
and by this time we had brought it to N. W. by N. : being
therefore come into two fath. water and judging our selves on
the banke of the visible Easterne shoalings Wee steered more
Westerly and presently deepened our Water to three fathom
and soe upwards. But the wind being at East and the Water
ebbing, if wee had gonne more Westerly Wee could not have
luff'd in; Wherefore I resolved (Noe breach appearing all
before mee) to runn in directly with the River which nowe
bore N. N. W., and in standing in that Course one heeve of
the lead Wee had but 11 foot water, but the next was two
fathom, which depth and betweene that and two fathom and
a halfe continued a great while, and as we approached the
Westerne point of the Entrance it deepened soe that those
1 And also with "the portugall language." After this expedition he was a
"greate encourager" of the Carolina "designe" and in 1669 was given command
of the Proprietors' frigate Carolina, and settled at Ashley River with the first
colony to settle in what is now South Carolina in 1670. In that year he claimed
to have "the best stock of any three men in the Collony" and asked for 5,000
acres of land "for the monys, sugars servant and else that I was out at Cape
Faire and for my first discoverie with Coll. Sandford." He commanded the
Carolina until 1671, when Lord Ashley declared that he was "not satisfied with
Brain in any of the voyages he hath made." He was in Carolina in 1672, and
on January 30, 1676/7, received a warrant for 1,100 acres of land. He evidently
died in South Carolina, as an inventory of his estate is among the records of the
court of ordinary of the province. Collections of the South Carolina Historical
Society, V. 88, 141, 142, 143, 150, 157, 215, 216, 317, 340, 476; Warrants for
Lands in South Carolina, 1672-1679, pp. 124-125.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 87
aboard the point Wee found five and six fathom water and
soe upwards to nine fathom all the way in. It was halfe
Ebbe at least when Wee entred, and I am very much per
suaded that if Wee had gonne soe farr Westerly as till the
River had borne North or N. N. E., wee had found a much
deeper Channell, for though it blew a very fresh gale att East
(which here is alongst shore and somewhat upon the Westerne
Coast), yett we could not discerne any appearance of Flatts
at all to the Westward.
Being come about foure or five miles within the River I
anchored, and a Canoa with two Indians came presently
aboard mee and told mee that was the Country of Edistoh,
and that the chiefe towne or seate of the Casique was within
on the Westerne shoare somewhat lower downe towards the
Sea, by which relation I guessed this to be the same River
that some English in a former discovery mentioned by the
name of Grandy (if it be not rather the French Gironde *)
and only sawe of att Sea but entered not; that it might noe
longer remaine under an uncertaine distinction I called it
from the name of my Lieutenant, Harvy Haven. It lyes
about 32 d. 3 m. and the markes to knowe it by as you come
from Sea are these: The North East side is a bluffeland,
rounding from the River and stretching East into the Sea,
hence a lodge of breakers runn out South before the Harbour's
mouth, on which wee borrowed when wee made such shoale
water in our Entrance. The Southwest side makes a sharpe
lowe flat point bare of trees, a pretty way from the Entrance
West, and then shews a hammocke or two of thicke shrubby
trees. From this point the Coast tends S.W. and then W.S.W.
Just within the Entrance is a shewe of a faire Creeke on the
Starboard side and another on the West or larbord side.
Almost oposite from the uper side of the East side Creeke a
Marsh Island runns out West and Southerly almost cross the
River, Edged to the Seaward with a banke of Oyster shells,
discernable a good way to Sea as you come from the North-
1 The North Edisto. Ribault, the French explorer, named the rivers along
this coast after the rivers of France. B. R. Carroll, in his Historical Collections
of South Carolina, I. xxxiv, gives a comparative list of these rivers, but it is errone
ous. He gives the Grande as the Broad, which is, of course, wrong. The Indian
town was on the island now known as Edisto Island.
88 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
ward, and particularly meett with two lowe trees which in
the offing and before the Oyster banke is discovered seeme as
Vesieble riding within the River. It flowes here East and
West neere eight foote perpendicular at spring tides. The
Woods on each side entring, to us seemed to consist most of
live Oake, the land levell, of an habitable height generally,
with steepe redd bankes here and there appeareing over the
Marshes, on which in many places wee could see the fields of
Maiz greenly florishing.
The next day, being the 23rd June, I went with my boate
into a Creek on the East shoare opposite to where the Vessell
rode, a very faire and deepe Creeke or River goeing North
and Easterly to appearance a long way.1 Being gone about
a mile up I landed and, according to my instructions, in pres
ence of my Company took a formall possession by turffe and
twigg of that whole Country from the Lat. of 36 deg. North
to 29 d. South and West to the South Seas by the name of
the Province of Carolina, for Our Soveraigne Lord Charles the
Second, King of England, and his heirs and successors, and to
the use of the Right Honoble Edward, Earle of Clarendon,
George, Duke of Albermarle, William Lord Craven, John
Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sr George Cartrett,
Sr William Berkeley and Sr John Colleton, their heirs and
assigns, according to the Letters Patents of Our Soveraigne
Lord the King. I ranged a little on either side this Creeke,
passed through severall fields of Maiz or Indian Corn, and
following the guidance of a small path was brought to some of
the Indians Habitations. I found all the land that I passed
over, whether I went back or alongst the side of the Creeke,
a rich fatt soyle, black mould on the topp and under mixt
with a soft redd marie, which and a stiffe Clay I after found
the most generall foundation of all the land. Noe Swamps,
noe Sandy land. On the Outside of the woods some single
scattring Pine trees, but of the sort which is called Spruce.
The rest and the Generality of the timber being Oak, Maple,
Ash, Wallnutt, Popler, Bayes, and the trees tall and straight
but not very large, growing closer together than I have seene
in any other part of this Province (the reason I guesse of their
being so slender). They are for the most part a well seized
1 Bohicket Creek.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 89
building timber, and some fewe wee sawe of Oak and Maple
that would beare three or foure foot over a very great burthen
upon the ground; and much of it of such growth as wee
knowe to be an excellent feeding for Cattle, and so thick and
high that it made our travelling very tedious.
The next day I went some miles up the maine River, and
finding a creek alsoe on the East side * which opened some
groves of Pine trees to our veiwe I putt in there purposely to
see that sort of Land, and found this if any the Swamps of
this Country, for this Creeke carryed us into Low broken
Marshes and Islands of these pine trees lying almost levell
with the water. Wee landed on some of them, found them
firme and dry (though severall dayes and but the very night
before wee had store of raine) and without any signes of
haveing ever beene overflowed. Yett they are seemingly soe
seated as that great store of raine and frequent must necessarily
stand in them. The pines are all spruce; the soyle a fatt
blacke mould with a scarce discernable mixture of sand
founded alsoe, either on marie or Clay as the other lands and
bearing a very great burthen, and though on the outside Wee
sawe only pine trees yett being entered the Wood wee found
also Oake and severall other timber trees of a very large seize.
Att a venture wee called these kind of lands pine swamps.
But I esteeme them a very profitable tillable ground, and
some of my Company did after this see an Indian planted
field of this sort which they told me bore as tall Maiz as any.
We rowed a long way up the Creeke, and besides these swamps
sawe and ranged through very spacious tracts of rich Oake
land, and yett Wee were not past the Oyster bankes and fre
quent heepes of shells, nor the salt water. Att my returne
downe the River I sent some ashoare to range on the West
side who did instantly affirme that the lands there were of an
equall excellency with the best of those Wee had other where
viewed, and that they believed itt an impossible injunction to
be putt to march to the end of the tracts. Being therfore
well satisfyed with the successe of our discovery hitherto, I
wayed and stood downe the River intending a short stay att
the landing place neerest to the cheife Seate of Edistowe
which the Indian had intreated of mee that they might with
1 Ladinwah Creek.
90 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
the lesser trouble come aboard mee to trade. When Wee
were here a Capt. of the Nation named Shadoo (one of them
which Hilton had carryed to Barbados *) was very earnest
with some of our Company to goe with him and lye a night att
their Towne, which he told us was but a smale distance thence.
I being equally desirous to knowe the forme, manner and popu-
lousnesse of the place, as alsoe what state the Casique held
(fame in all theire things preferring this place to all the rest
of the Coast) and foure of my Company, vizt: Lt. Harvy, Lt.
Woory, Mr. Thomas Giles and Mr. Henry Woodward, for-
wardly offring themselves to the service, haveing alsoe some
Indians aboard mee who constantly resided there night and
day, I permitted them to go with this Shadoo. They retorned
to me the next morning with great Comendations of their
entertainment, but especially of the goodnesse of the land
they marcht through and the delightfull situation of the
Towne. Telling mee withal that the Cassique himselfe ap
peared not (pretending some indisposition) but that his state
was supplyed by a Female, who received them with gladnes
and Courtesy, placeing my Lt. Harvey on the seat by her.2
Their relation gave myselfe a Curiosity (they alsoe assureing
mee that it was not above foure Miles off) to goe and see that
Towne: And taking with mee Capt. George Gary and a file of
men I marched thitherward followed by a long traine of In
dians, of whome some or other always presented himselfe to
1 P. 40, supra.
a By a deed, dated March 10, 1675, "the Casseques naturall borne Heires
and sole owners and Proprietors of great and the lesser Cassoe lying on the River
of Kyeawah the River of Stonoe and the freshes of the River of Edistoh," for
themselves, their "subjects and Vassalls" conveyed the "said parcell and parcells
of land called by the name and names of great and little Cassoe with all the Tim
ber on said land and all manner of the appurtenances any way belonging to any
part or parts of the said land or lands" to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina. The
deed is signed (with marks and seals) by the great cassique, three lesser cassiques,
eleven Indian captains and fourteen women captains, the consideration being
"a valuable parcell of cloth, hatchetts, Beads and other goods and manufactures."
It is probable that the signatures of the women were secured to serve the purpose
of a renunciation of dower, the deed being otherwise legally executed. Seven
white men witnessed it. (Records of the Register of the Province of South
Carolina, 1675-1696, p. 10 — a manuscript volume in the office of the Historical
Commission of South Carolina.) Numbers of other similar deeds executed later
by Indians and signed by their women captains are on record in South Carolina.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 91
carry mee on his shoulders over any the branches of Creekes
or plashy corners of Marshes in our Way. This walke though
it tend to the Southward of the West, and consequently leads
neere alongst the Sea-Coast, Yett it opened to our veiwe soe
excellent a Country both for Wood, land and Meadowes as
gave singular satisfaction to all my Company. Wee crossed
one Meadowe of not lesse then a thousand Acres, all firme
good land and as rich a Soyle as any, clothed with a ffine
grasse not passing knee deepe, but very thick sett and fully
adorned with yeallow flowers; a pasture not inferiour to any
I have seene in England. The wood lands were all of the
same sort both for timber and mould with the best of those
we had ranged otherwhere, and without alteration or abate
ment from their goodnes all the way of our March. Being
entered the Towne wee were conducted into a large house of
a Circular forme (their gene rail house of State). Right against
the entrance way a high seate of sufficient breadth for half a
dozen persons on which sate the Cassique himselfe (vouch-
safeing mee that favour) with his wife on his right hand (shee
who had received those whome I had sent the evening before).
Hee was an old man of a large stature and bone. Round the
house from each side the throne quite to the Entrance were
lower benches filled with the whole rabble of men, Women and
children. In the center of this house is kept a constant fire
mounted on a great heape of Ashes and surrounded with little
lowe furrows. Capt. Gary and my selfe were placed on the
higher seate on each side the Cassique, and presented with
skinns, accompanied with their Ceremony es of Welcome and
friendshipp (by stroaking our shoulders with their palmes and
sucking in theire breath the whilst). The Towne is scituate
on the side or rather in the skirts of a faire forrest, in which at
severall distances are diverse feilds of Maiz with many little
houses straglingly amongst them for the habitations of the
particular families. On the East side and part of the South
it hath a large prospect over meadowes very spatious and de-
lightfull. Before the Doore of their Statehouse is a spacious
walke rowed with trees on both sides, tall and full branched,
not much unlike to Elms, which serves for the Exercise and
recreation of the men, who by Couple runn after a marble
bowle troled out alternately by themselves, with six foote
92 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
staves in their hands, which they tosse after the bowle in their
race, and according to the laying of their staves wine or loose
the beeds they contend for; an exercise approveable enough
in the winter, but some what too violent (mee thought) for
that season and noonetime of the day. From this walke is
another lesse aside from the round house for the children to
sport in. After a fewe houres stay I retorned to my Vessell
with a greate troope of Indians att my heeles, the old
Cassique himself e in the number, who lay aboard mee that
night without the society of any of his people, some scores
of which lay in boothes of their own imediate ereccon on the
beach.
While I lay here I had perfectly understood that the
River went through to another more Westerly, and was pas
sable for our Vessell, and alsoe that it was not much more
then a tides worke through, this increased my desire of pass
ing this way. Especially being persuaded that this next
River was Jordan (Hilton intimateing as much in his Journall
and Mapp),1 Wherefore on the 27th of June, with the helpe
of the tide of flood (the winde being contrary) I turned upp
the River, so having oportunity to try the whole Channell,
which I found generally five, and between that and six fathume
deepe and bold home to each shoare till wee were come about
10 miles from the Harbours mouth, when the River was con
tracted between the Marshes. Yett here (except in one or
two places where some flatts narrowed the passage) wee sel-
dome found less than five fathum water. The River being
narrowe and variously winding, noe Gale would att any time
serve us long, so that wee were forced for the most part to
towe through, and that often against the winde, which proved
very tedious; nor could we passe but by day, which with
lying two tides a ground to stopp some Leakes, made it
Sunday morning the first of July before wee came into the
next Westerly River,2 and by it into the Sea again, though by
the Travers I tooke of our Course I found it performable with
light boates in one tide of flood and an Ebbe. The passage
is generally betweene drowned marshes, a great breadth be-
1 There are two considerable rivers lying between the North Edisto and the
Jordan (Combahee): the South Edisto and the Ashepoo.
2 They evidently passed through Dawhoo River to the South Edisto.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 93
tweene the River and wood, especially on the Island side. On
the East or maine side of the Marsh is much narrower, and in
many places the River runns close under the banke of wood
land, which wee had the oportunity to view, and found it to
continue its excellency without change or diminution. The
Indians alsoe that inhabitt the inner parts of it assureing us
that it was all alike. The next Westerly River is a pretty
faire river, not less broad than Harvey Haven, but its Chan-
nell more crooked, narrowe and shallowe. The West side of
itt (as wee found afterwards) is but a necke of land, having a
Creeke or two which seeme to goe through into the West
River. It is for the Generality drowned Marshes alsoe yett
in some places the banke is high, Crowned here and there with
smale ground of wood, consisting of dry plantable Land,
surrounded a good space with a firme Meadowe or pasture
Land, and presenting most delectable Seates for summer
recesses. I did a little wounder to see the Sea and noe appar
ent open passage first to the Westward as I expected (still
imaginning this to be the River Jordan). And when I was
come out of it into the Sea, and sawe none of these marks
which Hilton had prefixed to Jordan I was in a great puzzle
to know where wee were gott, Nothing of the Coast makeing
like those drafts which Hilton had given of itt. But the winde
first dying into a calm and then again blowing contrary, with
some Menaces of an Evening storme, I putt into the River
againe, and being anchored went a shoare on the East point of
the Entrance, where I found Shadoo (the Capt. of Edistow,
that had been with Hilton att Barbados), and severall other
Indians come from the Towne by Land to see for our comeing
forth, of whome I asked whether this was the River which
Hilton was in. They told me noe, but itt was the next River.
This assured mee that Jordan was yett further, and that
Hilton had noe knowledge of this River and soe could not lay
it downe. I demanded the name of this River. They told
mee Edistowe still, and pointed all to be Edistowe quite home
to the side of Jordan, by which I was instructed that the In
dians assigne not their names to the Rivers but to the Coun-
tryes and people. Amongst these Indians was one who used
to come with the Southern Indians to trade with us att Charles
Towne in Clarendon, and is knowne by the name of Cassique.
94 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
Hee belongeth to the Country of Kiwaha,1 and was very
earnest with mee to goe with my Vessell thither, assuring mee
a broad deep entrance,2 and promising a large welcome and
plentiful entertainment and trade. I told him I must first goe
to Port Royall, and that in my retorne I would see his Coun
try; but for his better security hee would needs accompany
mee to Port Roy all, and soe be my pilate (as hee made mee
understand) for their River. And presently hee sent away
his companion to give notice to the cheife Cassique of the
place of my intention that hee might prepare for my comeing,
and himself went on board with mee. That Evening blewe a
storme of winde att S.W. (the frequent Somer storm on this
Coast) soe violent that (though in the River) I durst not trust
to my ordinary roade, but kept my sheet anchor under foot.
With the riseing of the morne I weighed and stood out to
Sea, haveing an easie gale at N.E. and a Tide of Ebbe. My
Course out lay S. E. between two bankes of shoales lesse then
half a mile distant. I chose rather to keepe in the Sounding
of the Easterne than of the West Flatts, both because the
winde was Easterly and soe I could beare up from them when
I would, and alsoe because haveing both in goeing out and
comeing in the day before borrowed on the Westerne shoalings,
I should by this Easterly Course take knowledge of the whole
Channell. I was scarce shott a mile without the Eastermost
point of the Entrance but the winde wholly left mee, and the
Ebbe (which the flatts on either side makeing soe faire a land,
I expected should sett directly out to Sea) did runn with soe
strong a Current over the Easterne Sands that att the second
heave of my lead I was cast from two fathum into six foot
water, and I drewe fine into a rowling Sea on the very edge of
a breach. I had no way but imediately to lett fall one anchor,
soe to stay the Vessell from precipitating on her ruine whilst I
might carry forth another anchor to warpe her into deepe
water. The first was presently downe, but to gett out the
1 Kiawah (pronounced Keewah).
2 The present Charleston Harbor. Kiawah was the Indian name of the
present Ashley River and the country adjacent thereto. The pride which the
casskjiie of Kiawah took in his harbor and his country was responsible for the
settling there of the first English colony in South Carolina. The same pardon
able pride in the place is still characteristic of the inhabitants of the Kiawah
country.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 95
second, which way to confirme our safety, proved hughesly
difficult. We lay in soe tumbling a Sea that our boate could
not bee brought to our bowe without danger of staveing. I
had but two men with mee entred to Sea labour, and the most
spirrited and active part of my Company were Gentlemen but
little used to any labour. One of the Seamen must necessarily
stay within board to deliver the Anchor and Cable that was to
be carryed out. However the danger made every one give
his best helpe, and with much adoe the boate is brought to the
bowe and the Anchor putt into her, but all our strength could
not stemme that tide of Ebbe which had hurried us into the
perill, and must therefore be encountred in the way to bring
us out, but a storne wee fall against the whole force of our
Oares. A second attempt is made with doubled strength, but
one breakes his Thoales, another his Oare, and nowe cumbred
with our owne uslesse number in a boate of scarce equall
seize wee became rather weaker then att first, yett wee have
no other way left but this to prevent our wreake (Heaven not
yeilding us one breath of aide). Therefore to worke wee goe
againe and refix our boate, but in theise past fruitless perform
ances soe much time had beene spent as had given the Ebbing
tide a further advantage against us, to the almost perfecting
our destruction, for by this time the Vessell by her repeated
stroakes as it were to rescue herself from those inhospitable
sands, gave us warning that her condition was well neere
desperate, yett out goes our boate againe, and God mercifully
improved our strength to the getting forth an Anchor, though
not much further then our Vessell's length, yett soe farre as
brought us into two fathum water, the banke on which wee
had grounded proving steepe to, by reason of which wee the
more easily wrought ourselves out of those unkinde embraces,
and to the praise of the Almighty Deliverer were snatcht from
either an instant descending into the open Gorge of the un-
sated Ocean, or the more slowe and painfull progresse to our
ends in a naked Exposure amongst Nations whose piety it is
to be barbarous and Gallantry to be inhumane. This ill en
tertainment made us brand the place with the name of Port
Perill. It lyes in the Lat. of 32 d. 25 m. or thereabouts; and
may be knowne when you are in the very Entrance by its
Easterne point, which is a lowe point of Land bare of trees or
96 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
other growth save a fewe stragling shrubbs, hence the River
goes in N. N. W. and N. W. by N., a smale Creeke running in
East just within the point. The Coast hence to the Eastward
tends neerest E. by N. with Sandy bayes, and appeares even
and bluff e, with trees when you are in the Offing. The Westerne
part of the Entrance lyes within as in a deepe bay, and beare
from the East point N. N. by W. or W. N. W. about two
miles. It is a bare sandy bay, with a fewe shrubbs next the
River * and thinne scatring Pine trees. More Southerly the
Coast thence Westward tends S. S. W., and all betweene this
and Jordan shewes with severall hummacks like broken land
or Islands when you are off before itt, and especially next to
Port Perill appears a wide opening as of a River, but it is
nothing but bare sandy bayes or Oyster bankes with lowe
Marshes behinde them.2 Jordan, or as wee now call it
Yeamans Harbour from the name of our Lt.-Generall, opens
about two Leagues to the Westward of this between two
bluffe lands, from the Westermost of which the North East
end of an Island (which from Capt. Gary wee named Gary
Island 3) runns out E. S. E. and makes all the Coast between
it and Port Perill lye in the forme of a deepe bay. All be
tween Yeamans Harbour and Port Perill are shoales and
foule ground, which from the West point of Port Perill runne
out S. E. before the mouth of Yeamans Harbour to almost
an even range with the outermost face of Gary Island. From
the East point of Port Perill a rowe of breakers range themselves
parrallell with the Westerne shoales, and were the same which
had like to have proved soe fatall to us at our comeing out,
thence neere a League within Port Perill are three distinct
groves of trees elevated on pretty high bankes with lowe
Marshes in each intervall. They lye neere E. and West, and
when you are so farre South and Westerly as that the lowe
sandy point off the Entrance wholy disappeares these shewe
themselves as though the mouth of the River were betweene
two bluffe lands with a round woody Island in the middle of
itt. In steering in if you come from the South and Westward,
1 The Ashepoo, lying about halfway between South Edisto Inlet (through
which the South Edisto empties into the sea) and the mouth of the Combahee
(Jordan).
a St. Helena Sound. 3 The Hunting Islands.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 97
keepe East in three fathum water till you bring this seeming
Island to touch the Easterne bluffe, head and then stand in
N. W. by N. and N. W. with the head land, rather takeing
the Soundings of the Easterne flatt then of the W. if the winde
will permitt, and you will have two fathum water little more
or lesse all the way in att lowe water. As you come neere in
you will discerne the Easterne lowe sandy point between you
and that bluffe land and the sandy bayes along the Easterne
Coast. Steering in with that sandy point and you will deepen
and have five fathum water close aboard it.
After we were gott cleare of the Sands, the Ebbe being
donne and the Gale springing up, wee made Sayle and stood
out to Sea, but wee were not gott farre ere the winde shifted
to South East, and the flood sett soe strong into the narrowe
bay that wee could neither board it out nor gaine to the West
ward of the Shoales which lye before Yeamans Harbour soe to
runne in there, wherefore I came to an Anchor in three fathum
water till the Ebbe at least might helpe us to worke out against
the winde. Whilst wee rode here wee espyed to our great
rejoyceing the Shalloope whome wee left the 19th of June in
the night. She was come forth of Yeamans Harbour, and stood
to and againe before the Southwest Coast, betweene it and
Cary Island, to shewe herself, not being able to come out to
us for the same reason that kept us imbayed. Wee alsoe
fired a gunn and putt out our Colours to lett her knowe that
wee sawe her, but could not gett to her for the flatts that
interposed.
To goe into Yeamans Harbour Hilton's direction is (and
itt seemed true to mee as I lay before itt, though I went not
in) to goe in on the West side of the shoalings which are
opposite to the mouth thereof and which are contiguous
with the flatts of Port Perill, giving a ledge of breakers that
lye before the Southwest Cape of the Entrance a smale birth,
and soe to steere with the North East land of the Entrance,
and the least depth he sayes is two fathum at lowe water,
and soe upwards to six or seaven fathum when you come neere
under the said Easterne Land. But I have understood since
from Ens. Brayne that between that ledge of breakers which
lye before the Southwest Cape and the end of Cary Island
is a Channell, which hee affirmes has about three fathum
98 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
water where shoalest, which alsoe when you are past that
ledge of breakers sett over to the North East land of the
Harbours mouth. The Ebbe now beginning to make wee
weighed and plyed off to Sea with some difficulty, boarding
it out of the dangerous and foule bay wherein till about
three Leagues from shoare the deepest water wee could finde
was scarce three fathum, and in our turning wee generally
into a fathum and a halfe on each side, and this though it
was high water a place to be attempted with Care when
the winde is off as now it is. By night wee were gott cleere
of all danger into six and seaven fathum water. I stood off
and on all night, and in the morning found my self off the
Sea board side of Cary Island. In the middle betweene two
openings this Island fills up almost the whole space betweene
Yeamans Harbour and Port Royall. To seaward it makes an
even smooth land, pretty bluffe, with trees, and tends South
West and North East about three Leagues in length. It
shewes two smale openings neere equi-distant from either
end and from each other. From the Westermost opening att
Westward the Coast is bold Five fathum water; within half
a league of the shoare more Easterly it is not soe deepe.
The morning was Calme, and soe continued till about
two a Clock afternoon, when a fresh gale sprang up att North
East, which in a short time opened to us Woory Bay and
the mouth of Port Royall. Woory Bay, of Lt. Woory, is
made by the South Westerly end of Cary Island 1 and the
Southermost Cape or head land without Port Royall, called
from the first discoverer Hilton Head, which is the farthest
land in sight as you come from the North East along by the
end of Cary Island, whence it beares neerest S. W. and is
bluffe, with trees large and tall, which as you approach them
seeme to looke their topps in the Sea. Port Royall mouth
seems opens in the bottome of this bay neerest to the W^esterne
side thereof; the opening is wide, little lesse then two leagues,
the Westermost land of it running out almost South to Hilton
Plead, and laying in like a halfe bent bo we. Makeing the
West side of Woory Bay from the East side of Port Royall
the land tends away East Northerly into Giles Streights r
1 Chaplin's Island, westernmost of the Hunting Islands.
2 Trenchard's Inlet.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 99
(the passage on the backside of Gary Island named soe from
Mr. Thomas Giles) and formes the bottum of Woory Bay.
Before this part of the Coast and the end of Carey Island,
in all the Easterly part of the bay, its shoales and very uneven
ground unsafe to meddle with towards the Eastermost angle
of it; oposite to the entrance into Giles Streights, lyes a
Sand Hill pretty high, with some smaller about it, visible a
good distance off in comeing from the Westward. As you
part from Gary Island steere away S. W. with Hilton Head
and you will come thwart the Channell of Port Royall, which
you will finde by the deepning of your water from five to
seaven fathum and upward. It lyes neerer towards the
West land, and runns in N. N. W. towards the Easterne land
of the Entrance (by us called Abrahall Point *), having seldom
so little as seaven fathum water. All the way in the shoales
in the East part of the bay lye poynting out a good way
to Sea, therefore it will be safe for shipps of burthen to keepe
out till they have brought Hilton Head to beare about N. N. E.
from them. When I had opened Woory Bay sayling S. W.
along by the end of Gary Island, I had brought the Sand Hills
within a Steerne of mee. I luffed into the bay to try the
Soundings of that Eastermost part of itt, and after a little
while came on the shoalings, and found them soe uneven that
it was ordinary to differ two fathum in the heave of a lead.
Being therefore satisfyed with the dangerousnes of this part
of the bay, I bore up againe and stood away with Hilton Head
crosse some of the shoales till I came to seaven, eight and
to about tenn fathum water. Then I steered away with the
body of the West land betweene Hilton Head and the Entrance
of Port Royall, and shoale my water by degrees to six fathum
(which depth continued a good while) and att length to five
and foure fathum and to three within lesse then a mile of the
wood side. Then I brought my tacks aboard and stood
North Easterly to gett into the Channell againe, and after
some time deepened my water to five, six and seaven fathum.
I then steered away with the East land of the River within
Abrahall Point, still deepning my water, till at length the
Ebbe being strong and wee makeing fresh way against it
with a large winde, I could not for a good space strike ground
1 Bay Point.
100 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
with my leads. About midnight the third of July I came to
an Anchor within the River 1 in seaven fathum water (the
least depth I could then finde) a little above the Entrance
into Brayne Sound,2 or the passage which goes through to
Yeamans Harbour, soe called from Ens. Brayne, who twice
sailed itt. I would advise all who enter Port Royall to goe
in upon the Soundings on the West side of the Channell till
they come a good way within Hilton Head, that side being
the evenest ground and freest from all danger. They may
keepe in six and seaven fathum all the way in, and then as
they steere more Easterly towards Abrahall Point they will
finde itt much deeper. It flowes here E. S. E.
The next morning I removed opposite to the principall
Indian Towne and there anchored before itt, where I had
not ridd long ere the Cassique himself came aboard mee with
a Canoa full of Indians, presenting mee with skinns and
bidding mee welcome after their manner. I went a shoare
with him to see their Towne which stood in sight of our Ves-
sell. Found as to the forme of building in every respect like
that of Eddistowe, with a plaine place before the great round
house for their bowling recreation, att th'end of which stood
a faire woodden Crosse of the Spaniards ereccon. But I
could not observe that the Indians performed any adoracon
before itt. All round the Towne for a great space are severall
fields of Maiz of a very large growth. The soyle nothing in-
feriour to the best we had seen att Eddistowe, apparently more
loose and light, and the trees in the woods much larger and
rarigd at a greater distance, all the ground under them bur-
thened exceedingly, and amongst it a great variety of choice
pasturage. I sawe here besides the great number of peaches
which the more Northerly places doe alsoe abound in, some
store of figge trees very large and faire, both fruite and plants,
and diverse grape vines which though growing without Cult
ure in the very throng of weedes and bushes were yett filled
with bunches of grapes to admiracon. It was noe smale
rejoyceing to my Company (who began to feare that after
Edistowe they should see nothing equally to content them)
to finde here not only a River so much superiour to all others
1 Broad River above the entrance of the Port Royal River.
3 Port Royal River.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 101
on the Coast Northward, but alsoe a Country which their
fancyes though preengaged could scarce forbeare to preferre
even that which but a little before they had concluded peere-
lesse. The Towne is scited on an Island 1 made by a branch
which cometh out of Brayne Sound and falleth into Port
Royall about a mile above where wee landed,2 a scituacon
not extraordinary here, rather the whole Country is nothing
else but severall Islands made by the various intervenings
of Rivers and Creekes, yett are they firme good Lands (ex
cepting what is Marsh) nor of soe smale a sieze, but to con-
tinne many of them thousands of acres of rich habitable wood
land, whose very bankes are washed by River or Creek, which
besides the fertility adde such a Comodiousnesse for portage
as few Countryes are equally happy in.
After a few hours stay to view the land about the Towne,
I retorned to my Vessel! and there found Ens. Brayne with
his Shalloope, come that morning through Brayne Sound 3
from Yeamans Harbour, att the mouth of which wee had
seene him two days before. He told mee that the same
morning that I made Harvey Haven he came in with the
shoare more to the Estw'd and sayled along it till towards
Evening, when hee entred Yeamans Harbour supposing it
Port Royall, and not findeing mee there nor any knowledge
of mee, and guessing that I might be more Southerly hee
came through to Port Royall and acquainted himselfe with
Wommony the Cassiques sone (who had alsoe been att Bar
bados) 4 whome hee easily prevailed with to beare him Com
pany from place to place into severall Creeks and branches
betweene this and Yeamans Harbour, soe becoming both his
Guide and proteccon that hee had by this meanes a large
leasure and oportunity of veiwing all that part of the Coun
try, which hee did soe loudly applaud for land and rivers
that my Companies Comendacons of Eddistowe could scarce
out noise him. Sufficiently satisfyed with this relation (con
firmed by those with him) I resolved to loose noe time in a
second search of that parte, but to goe a tides worke up the
maine River and see the body of the Country, and att my
retorne to enter a faire Creek on the West shoare opposite
1 Parris Island.
1 Pilot's Creek. Ribault called it Chenonceau.
' And Morgan River. « See pp. 40, 90.
102 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
to where the Vessell rode/ and soe to veiwe that side which
Ens. Brayne had not medled with, being the more desirous
alsoe to trye this Creek because the Indians reported that it
lead to a great Southerne River which peirceth farre into the
Continent,2 and I suppose may be the Frenchmans River
May, or the Spaniards St. Matthias. With the Flood there
fore and a favorable fresh Gale of winde I sayled up the River
in the Shalloope neere thirty miles, passed where it divides
itself e into two principall branches, the Westermost of which3 1
went upp, and conceiveing myself e no we high enough I landed.
Here I found the Ground presently within to rise into a pretty
hill, and as I ranged further I crossed severall fine falls and
riseings of land and one brooke of sweete water which rann
with a mourmoring course betweene two hills, a rarity towards
the sea Coast (to which our former searches had beene con
fined in which wee had not seene any fresh water but in wells,
which inconveinency was not to be borne with were it not
to be healved by the easie sinking of wells every where).
The land here was such as made us all conclude not onely a
possibility that Eddistowe might be, but a certainty that it
was exceeded by the Country of Port Roy all. Being fully
tired with our March through a ranke growth of vines, bushes
and grass, which every where fettered our leggs and pre-
claimed the richnes of the soyle, I retired to my boate, and
with the Ebbe towards our Vessell wee passed diverse faire
Creekes on each side the River but entred none, haveing not
much time to spare, and being satisfyed by the sorts of wood
wee sawe and the banks that the land was all of like good
ness to what we had already veiwed (only in one place the
land seemeing lower then usuall and with a great mixture of
pine or rather spruce). I went in there, and after I was some
what within the woods found it very plashy and water standing
everywhere in holes about ankell deepe or deeper, caused as
I think by the late raine which had fallen somewhat plenti-
1 Scull Creek.^
2 Savannah River, called by the Indians Westoboo and by the Frenchmen
May. The name May is still preserved in that section in the name of a river
lying between the Broad and Savannah rivers.
8 It is uncertain whether the "two principall branches" here referred to are
Whale Branch and the main river above the entrance of Whale Branch or the
Tulifinny and Coosawhatchie, which form the Broad.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 10*
fully, for there appeared noe signe of constant swampishnes
(as in the Cipresse swamps more Northerly) nor anything
that might discourage the manureing it. The morning was
pretty faire spent ere I came downe to the Vessell againe,
wherefore I made haste and changed my Company and then
crossed the River into that Westerne Creeke I spoke of,
which after three or four miles opened into a great sound 1
full of Islands of different sizes Southwards. It went into
the Sea by two or three out letts in our sight Westward. We
still opened newe branches, some bigger, some lesse, like
those wee had already passed and found to crumble the
Continent into Islands. I spent the remainder of this day
and the best part of the next in this sound, went a shoare on
Severall Islands, found them as good firme land as any wee
had seene, exceedingly timbred principally with live Oake
and large Cedar and Bay trees then any I had seene before
on all the Coast. In one of them wee entred a pleasant Grove
of spruce, shadeing a very cleare pasture of fine grasse in
which wee rouzed a brave heard of Deere, and thence called
it the Discoverer's Parke.2 This Island continnes some hun
dred of acres, and both wood and Marsh, proper for planting,
grazeing and for feeding swine, and all the Islands of this
Sound that were in our veiwe (some few smale ones ex-
cepted that were onely Marsh) are in all appeareance alike
good, proportionable to their biggnes with high bankes richly
crowned with timber of the largest size. So that of what we
sawe in this Sound onely might be found habitations for thou
sands of people with conveniencyes for their stock of all kinds
in such a way of accomodacon as is not comon. And if the
Sound goe through to such a great River as the Indians talk
off (which seems very probable) it will putt in addiconall
value upon the Settlemte that shal be made in it. It abounds
besides with Oyster bankes and such heapes of shells as which
noe time cann consume, butt this benefitt it hath but in
comon with all the Rivers betweene this and Harvey Haven,
which are stored with this necessary materiall for lime for
many ages, and lying soe conveniently that whatever neer
River or Creeke you cann thinke fitt to sett a house there
you may place your lime kill alsoe and possibly in the banke
just by or very neere finde clay for your bricke tile, and the
1 Calibogue Sound. 2 Bull's Island, Beaufort County.
104 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
great and frequent sculls * of fish wee mett with gives us ex-
pectacon of advantage and employment that way alsoe. In
sume we could see of nothing here to be wished for but good
store of English Inhabitants, and that wee all heartily prayed
for. I gave my name the Honour of calling this Sound by it,
and doe believe that if this place be setled by us, it may hence
receive a longer duracon then from any accesse within the
reach of a rationall hope.
Within night I retorned to the Vessell, and the next day
being the 7th of July I tooke in some fresh water purposing
that night to leave Port Royall and retorne homeward, haveing
in the discovery 2 already made, exceeded all our owne and
therfor confident to answere all other expectacons, besides
each mans proper occasion hastened him, and the Considera
tion of the Charge of the Vessell hired att five and twenty
pounds sterling per month made us earnest not to detaine
her a minute of time unnecessarily. Wee alsoe designed our
selves some daies to see the Country of Kywaha, one of whose
Inhabitants remained still with us for that only purpose.
But a little before night the Cassique of Port Royall came
aboard and brought with him a propper young fellowe whome
hee made mee to understand to bee his Sister's sonne. Hee
demanded of mee when I would retorne thither, and shewing
mee the moone asked whether within three times of her corn-
pleating her orbe, I told him noe, but in tenn monthes I
would. Hee seemed troubled att the length of time and
as it were begged me to come in five. But I continued my
first given number. Att length hee gave mee this young
fellowe, told mee hee should goe and retorne with mee and
that I must clothe him, and then hee asked mee when I would
sayle. I told him presently that night, but hee very much
importuned mee to stay until the next day that hee might
prepare mee some venison, and made signes as hee parted
that if in the morning hee should not see mee hee should Crye,
and soe hee left mee and the Indian with mee. I was some
what pleased with the adventure, haveing before I came on
the Discovery wished that if I liked the Country I might
prevaile with the Indians to lett one of their Nacon goe with
mee, I leaveing an English man in their roome for the mutuall
learning their language, and to that purpose one of my Com-
1 Schools. 2 Meaning "exploration."
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 105
pany Mr. Henry Woodward, a Chirurgeon, had before I sett
out assured mee his resolucon to stay with the Indians if I
should thinke convenient,1 wherefore I resolved to stay till
the morning to see if the Indians would remaine constant in
this Intencon, according to which I purposed to treate fur
ther with them on the morrowe, therefore I went a shoare
to their Towne, tooke Woodward and the Indian with mee
and in presence of all the Inhabitants of the place and of
the fellows relacons asked if they approved of his goeing along
with mee. They all with one voyce consented. After some
pause I called the Cassique and another old man (his second
in authority) and their wives, and in sight and heareing of
the whole Towne delivered Woodward into their charge, tell
ing them that when I retorned I would require him att their
hands. They received him with such high testimonyes of
Joy and thankfullnes as hughely confirmed to mee their great
desire of our friendshipp and society. The Cassique placed
Woodward by him uppon the Throne, and after lead him forth
and shewed him a large feild of Maiz which hee told him
should bee his, then hee brought him the Sister of the Indian
that I had with mee telling him that shee should tend him and
dresse his victualls and be careful of him that soe her Brother
might be the better used amongst us. I stayed a while being
wounderous civilly treated after their manner, and giveing
Woodward formall possession of the whole Country to hold as
Tennant att Will of the right Honoble the Lords Proprietors, I
retorned aboard and imediately weighed and fell downe.
An Indian that came with mee from Edistowe with In
tencon to goe no further then Port Royall seeing this kindnes
and mutuall obligation betweene us and the people of this
place, that his Nacon or tribe might bee within the League,
voluntarily offered himselfe to stay with mee alsoe, and
would not bee denyed, and thinking that soe hee should be the
more acceptable hee caused himselfe to be shoaren on the
Crowne, after the manner of the Port Royall Indians, a fashion
which I guesse they have taken from the Spanish Fryers,
1 Dr. Woodward had probably conceived the idea of making himself very
useful to the Lords Proprietors by a careful study of the country and the Indians.
This he did now and in after years, and the splendid Indian .trade which was sub
sequently built up and carried through the port of Charles Town was due in no
small measure to his enterprise. See his relation, post, pp. 125 seq.
106 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
thereby to ingratiate themselves with that Nacon; and indeed
all along I observed a kinde of Emulacon amongst the three
principall Indians of this Country (vizt.) those of Kywaha,
Eddistowe and Port Royall concerning us and our Freindshipp,
each contending to assure it to themselves and jealous of the
other though all be allyed, and this notwithstanding that they
knewe wee were in actuall warre with the Natives att Claren
don and had killed and sent away many of them, ffor they
frequently discoursed with us concerning the warre, told us
that the Natives were noughts, their land Sandy and barren,
their Country sickly, but if wee would come amongst them
Wee should finde the Contrary to all their Evills; and never
any occasion of dischargeing our Gunns but in merryment
and for pastime.
The 10th of July in the morning I was fayre before the
River that leadeth into the Country of Kywaha, but the Indian
of the place who undertooke to bee my Guide, and stayed all
this while with mee for that onely purpose, would not knowe
it to be the same, but confidently and constantly affirmed to
mee that it was more Easterly, and att length when I was
almost neere enough to goe in, with greate assurance and
joy hee shewed mee a head land not farre off which hee
affirmed the entrance to bee. This confidence of his made
mee stand away, but by that time I had sayled some two
Leagues. Hee sawe his error when it was too late, for nowe
the winde was soe that I could not fetch the River againe,
and if it had beene fayre I was sure not to enter it before
night, and I did not like the complexcon of the Heavens soe
well as to trye that night upon the Coast.
The River lyes in a bay * betweene Harvey Haven and
Cape St. Romana, wherein wee found 7 or 8 fathum water
very neere the shoare, and not the least appearance of shoales
or dangers in any part of itt. It shewes with a very faire
large opening cleare of any fflatts or barreing in the Entrance
onely before the Easterne point wee sawe a breach but not
farre out. I persuade myself e that it leads into an Excellent
Country, both from the Comendacon the Indian give itt and
from what I saw in my ranging on the Easterne part of Harvey
Haven the next Neighbouring land to this. Wherefore in
hopes that it may prove worthy the Dignity I called it the
1 Charleston Harbor.
1666] ROBERT SANDFORD'S RELATION 107
River Ashley, from the Right Honble Anthony Lord Ashley,
and to take away every little remaine of forraigne title to
this Province, I blotted out the name of St. Romane putt
before the next Easterly Cape, and writt Cape Cartrett in the
roome,1 to evidence the more reall right of Sr George Cartrett,
as hee is a Lord Proprietor of Carolina.
The 12th of July about noon I entred Charles River, and
before darke night landed att Charles Towne in the County of
Clarendon, to the great rejoiceing of our friends, who yett
received not our persons more gratefully then they did the
sound Comendacons which they heard from every one of us
without one dissonant note of that never enough to be valued
Country which wee had seene and searcht, in which may be
found ample Seats for many thousands of our Nation in a
Sociable and comfortable Vicinity, secured from any possible
general and from all probable particle Massacres, with such
other accomodacons to boote as scarce any place cann
parralell, in a clime perfectly temperate to make the habi-
tacon pleasant, and where such a fertile Soyle cannot faile
to yeild soe great a variety of Produccons as will not onely
give an absolute selfe subsistance to the place without all
manner of necessary forraigne dependance, but alsoe reach a
trade to the Kingdome of England as great as that shee has
with all her Neighbours, and render our Soveraigne Lord the
King within his owne Dominions and the Land possessed by
his Naturall English subjects universall Monarch of the
Traffique and Comodity of the whole World.
ROBT. SANDFORD.
For a further Confirmacon hereof take this Testimoniall
given of this Country by the Principall Gentlemen with mee
in this Discovery, who have attested under their hands as
much as I have sayd, and yett noe more then what thou
sands had they beene there would alsoe have affirmed —
Clarendon
in
Carolina —
Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed haveing accom
panied Lt.-Colo11 Robert Sandford in a Voyage of Discovery
1 But Cape Remain it remains to this day.
108 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1666
on the Coast and Rivers of this Province to the Southward
and Westward of Cape St. Romane as farre as the River Port
Royall, and being all of us persons well experienced in the
nature and quallity of the severall Soyles in these Regions,
and some of us by means of our Travells throughly acquainted
with most part of America, Northerne and Southerne Conti
nent and Islands, doe hereby declare and Testefie to the
whole world that the Country which wee did search and see
from the River Grandy, nowe Harvey Haven, to Port Royall
inclusive, doth for richnes and fertillity of soyle, for Excel
lency of Rivers, havens, Creekes and sounds, for abound-
ance of good Timber of diverse sorts, and many other requisites
both to land and Sea building, and for sundry rare accomo-
dacons both for Navigation and Plantacon Exceed all places
that wee knowe in proporcon of our Nacon in the West Indies,
and wee doe assure Our selves that a Colony of English here
planted, with a moderate support in their Infant tendency,
would in a very short time improve themselves to a perfect
Common Wealth, Injoying a Self sufficiency of all the prin-
cipall Necessaryes to life and abounding with a great variety
of Superfluity for the Invitacon of foraigne Comerce and
trade, and which for its Scite and produccons would be of
more advantage to our Native Country, the Kingdome of
England, and to the Grandeur of Our Soveraigne Lord the
King, his Crowne, and dignity then any (wee may say all)
his other Dominions in America.
And wee doe further avouch that this Country may bee
more securely settled and cheaply defended from any the
attempts of its native Inhabitants then any of those other
places which our Countrymen have refined from the Dross
of Indian Barbarisme.
In Witness whereof wee have hereunto sett our hands
this 14th of July, 1666.
HENRY BRAYNE.
RICH'D ABRAHALL.
THOMAS GILES.
GEORGE CARY.
SAM'LL HARVEY.
JOSEPH WOORY.
LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS, 1670
INTRODUCTION
IN consequence of the high praise which Sandford gave the
Lords Proprietors of Carolina of the country about Port Royal
after his explorations in that vicinity in 1666 they determined
to effect a settlement there, and organize a government for
that part of their province which lay southward and west
ward of Cape Carteret (Romain). Accordingly, in August,
1669, they sent out from England a fleet of three vessels
(the Carolina, the Port Royal and the Albemarle'), under Joseph
West, with about one hundred and fifty settlers for Port
Royal. The fleet reached Barbados in October, but while
there it was struck by a gale and the Albemarle was wrecked.
The Three Brothers, a shallop, was employed at Barbados to
take the place of the Albemarle and the fleet proceeded on its
way. The Port Royal subsequently parted from the other
vessels and in January, 1670, was cast away near Abaco,
one of the Bahama Islands. The passengers all reached the
shore by the aid of the small boat and built a boat in which
they reached Eleuthera, another of the Bahama Islands,
where they hired a shallop and sailed to New Providence,
whence most of them obtained transportation to Bermuda,
which the other two vessels had already reached. At Ber
muda a sloop was procured to take the place of the Port Royal
and the fleet proceeded on its way.1
The fleet soon encountered bad weather again and the
Three Brothers was separated from the other vessels and did
1 Year Book of the city of Charleston, 1883, appendix; Collection* of tht
South Carolina Historical Society, V. ; MeCrady's History of South Carolina
under the Proprietary Government.
Ill
112 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
not reach Carolina until the latter part of May, 1670. On
May 15, on account of bad weather, it was forced to put in
at the island of St. Catharine. Among its passengers was
Maurice Mathews, who prepared a narrative of the advent
ures of the vessel from this time until it reached Carolina.
This narrative was sent to Lord Ashley and was among those
of his papers deposited in the British Public Record Office
some years ago by his descendant, the late Earl of Shaftes-
bury. It bears the following endorsement by John Locke,
the famous philosopher, then secretary to Lord Ashley:
"Mr. Mathews relacon of S* Katherina Ashley River 70." *
Among the passengers in the Carolina was Nicholas Car-
teret, who prepared a narrative of the adventures of his
party from February 26, 1670, when the fleet left Bermuda,
until the arrival of the Carolina and the Bermuda sloop at
Ashley (Kiawah) River, where a settlement was made in
April, 1670. This narrative was also among the papers of
Lord Ashley deposited in the British Public Record Office
by his descendant, and bears the following endorsement by
Locke: "Mr Carterets relation of their Planting at Ashley
River 70." 2
In a letter, dated at Albemarle Point (the name which the
settlers had given to their settlement on Ashley River) June
27, 1670, Joseph West, who was in command of the fleet
containing the settlers on its passage over, and who was now
deputy for the Duke of Albemarle (George Monck), gave
Lord Ashley a narrative of events at Albemarle Point (sub
sequently Charles Town) from May 28, 1670, to that date.
This letter was another of Lord Ashley's papers deposited in
the British Public Record Office by his descendant. It is
endorsed by Locke: "Joseph West — 27 June 70 To my Ld
Ashley. Ashley River."3
1 Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 169-171.
> Ibid., pp. 165-168. 3 Ibid., pp. 173-174.
INTRODUCTION 113
When Joseph West left England with the fleet containing
the settlers for Port Royal he took with him a commission
for a governor of that part of Carolina lying southward and
westward from Cape Carteret (Romain) and instructions to
Sir John Yeamans, who had apparently relinquished the
governorship of Carolina upon his return to Barbados from
Cape Fear in 1666, to fill it out with his own name as governor
if he desired the position, or, in case he did not desire it, that
of any one else he might choose. At Barbados Sir John
joined the fleet and sailed with it to Bermuda. There he filled
out the commission with the name of William Sayle, an old
man who had been a colonel 'in the British army and had
subsequently been governor of Bermuda. Governor Sayle
proceeded to Carolina with the fleet and assumed the govern
ment. In a communication to Lord Ashley, dated at Albe-
marle Point September 9, 1670, the Governor and Council
gave the Proprietors a statement of occurrences in the prov
ince for some time previously. This narrative was also one
of the papers of Lord Ashley deposited in the British Public
Record Office.1
These narratives by several of the first settlers of South
Carolina were among the "Shaftesbury Papers" transcribed
from the originals in the British Public Record Office about
1882 by Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury for the city of Charleston.
Portions of them were incorporated into Mayor Courtenay's
address at the centennial celebration, in 1883, of the incor
poration of Charleston, which was printed in the Year Book
of Charleston for 1883, and they were printed in full, together
with all other transcripts of the "Shaftesbury Papers," in
the fifth volume of Collections of the South Carolina Historical
Society (Richmond, Va., 1897).
1 IUd., pp. 178-181,
LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS, 1670
Mr. Mathews's "relacon" of St. Katherina:1
ON Saturday May the 15th we came to an anchor in St.
Katherina,2 a place of about the Latt. of 31 degrees, where
wee intended to wood and watter. The Indians very freely
came aboard whom wee entertained from this day to the 18,
they traded with us for beads and old clothes, and gave our
people bread of Indian corne, peas, leakes, onyons, deare
skins, hens, earthen pots, etc. Upon the 16 day came aboard
an Indian, semi-Spaniard, wth a present of bread, etc., to
our Master, and promised him Porke for truck. Severall of
our people had been just at theire houses and told us of brave
plantations with a 100 working Indians and that they want
nothing in the world. Our Master upon the 17 instant, about
8 in the morning, with his mate and Mr. Rivers, three seamen
and one man servant which had been theire just before, went
ashoare with truck to buy porke for the sloupes use, theire
were two men servants more which went ashore ag* the
sloupe to cut wood, etc., and one woman with a girle to wash
some Linnien at the wattering place, our Master promised to
be aboard next tyde, but he came not. We hollowed to them
right ashoare about 4 of the clocke but they made no answere.
This raised a doubtfull feare in us. That night we kept a
strickt watch and next day about 10 of the clock we heard a
drume, and presently saw 4 Spaniards armed with muskets
1 Maurice Mathews, the author of this narrative, was an Englishman of
good family, his "Uncle's the Chalanors" being friends of Lord Ashley. He
sailed from England with his servants in the Carolina, but changed to the Three
Brothers at Barbados. In Carolina he at once took a prominent part in public
affairs. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 332, 362.
2 An island off the coast of the present State of Georgia. The Spaniards
maintained a mission there called Wallie.
114
1670] LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS 115
and swords — with the drume came downe one of these and
standing behind a tree holding forth a white cloath hailed us
and bid us yield and submit to the soveraignty of Sto. Do
mingo and told us it were better soe for or Capt. was in
chaines. I holding up a white shirt told him, if we should
have our people, we would depart in peace, but he cryed No,
No, and giveing the word to some in the wood, Indians and
Spaniards, wee received a volley of Musket shott and a cloud
of arrows which the Indians shott upright, and soe they con
tinued for an houre and a half, then they left of, and com
manded three of us ashoare. We told them we would send
one with Letters to them, and sent them a boy ashoare, who
swimed with a note to the Master and another to the fryer,
the note to the fryer treated of free passage with all our people.
The boy they received courteously, cloathing him at the watter
side with deare skins, etc. A little after, they bid us not use
any armes, and they would the like. And bid us expect an
answer to or letter. We were glad of this and agreed, but
about half an houre after, they commanded shippe and all
ashoare. We told them we had neither winde nor boat to
obey them (not a breath of winde stirring) and gave them
faire words, intending with the first winde to gett without
shott, but they fired and shott at us feirecely, then a small
breeze arising of the lande and we with much adoe having
weighed or small bower and cut or best, hoisted sayle and
away, and came to an anchor out of theire reach; but before
this, I being at the helme, John Hankes (one of the sea men)
shott at them, which made all keep behind trees. We hauling
out three muskets had not a bullet, till at last we found sev-
erall upon the deck, which re-shooting did a little help us, as
we stood to our sailes ; but they fired still, but by God's mercy
hit nobody, but our sailes were much damaged. The next
day about noone we hoisted and away, turneing it out, they
still keeping watch on the shoare. Saturday May the 19th
we sailed about the shoare with the winde at South, this night
we came to anchor in two fathoms and a halfe watter. The
next morning we weighed anchor and steered alongst shoare,
about 10 of the clocke we made a cannew coming of the shoare
towards us, which proved to be of 4 Indians, they with signes
of friendship came aboard. We entertained them courteously.
116 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1670
They told us the place right ashoare from thence was Odis-
tash * and as we understood them, told us there were English
at Keyawah. They further told us of a Cap^n Sheedou,
and made signs that he would speak with us, upon this we
detained the chiefest of them and sent one ashoare to that
persone they spake of, with a Letter to desire him to come
aboard without much company. The three Indians that
went with our messenger ashoare promised to returne after
sun set. About twilight they returned with our messenger
and Capt. Sheedou and one Capt. Alush (who were at Bar-
badoes 2) and many more. This Sheedou told us that the
English with two shipps had been at Port Royall and were
now at Keyawah, he further promised us on the morrow to
carry 3 us thither. About 9 of the clock came another can-
nowe, but we sent them after a little stay away, being all too
numerous. The next morning we came to saile for Keyawah
where we found the Barmudian Sloupe going out a fishing,
who piloted us into Keyawah river.
Mr. Carteret's Relation of their Planting at Ashley River 70.4
Barmuda, Febry 26th, sayling from thence we came up
with the land betweene Cape Romana and Port Royall, and
in 17 days the weather being faire and the winde not friendly
the Longe boate went ashoare the better to informe as to the
certainty of the place where we supposed we were. Upon its
1 Edisto.
2 Shadoo and Alush. See pp. 40, 90, 101, supra.
3 An instance of the early use in South Carolina of the word carry in this
sense. It is now quite commonly used in that sense in South Carolina.
4 Nicholas Carteret, the author of this narrative, was one of the passengers
who sailed from England with his servants on the frigate Carolina. In May
following the settling of the colony on the Ashley River he made a voyage to Vir
ginia on the Carolina, which had been sent thither for supplies, returning in
August. In September he went to Barbados in the Carolina and was there
May 20, 1671, on which date he there witnessed the will of Sir <John Yeamans.
He held lands at Accabee, an Indian locality on the Ashley River, in 1672. In
1677 the Council issued a warrant to the surveyor-general to lay off 700 acres of
land for him, but in 1678 the surveyor-general was directed to lay off the same
land for Edward Mayo. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. ;
The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, XI. 115; Warrants
for Lands in South Carolina, 1672-1679, pp. 125, 190.
1670] LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS 117
approach to the land few were the natives who upon the
strand made fires and came towards us whooping in theire own
tone and manner, making signes also where we should best
land, and when we came ashoare they stroaked us on the
shoulders with their hands, saying Bony Conraro Angles,
knowing us to be English by our collours (as we supposed).
We then gave them brass rings and tobacco, at which they
seemed well pleased, and into the boate after halfe an houre
spent with the Indians we betooke ourselves. They liked our
company soe well that they would have come aboard with us.
We found a pretty handsome channell about 3 fathoms and a
halfe from the place we landed to the shippe, through which
the next day we brought the shipp 1 to anchor feareing a con
trary winde and to gett in for some fresh watter. A day or
two after the Governor whom we tooke in at Barmuda 2 with
several others went ashore to view the Land here, some 3
Leagues distant from the shipp, carrying along with us one of
the eldest Indians who accosted us on the other day, and as
we drew to the shore a good number of Indians appeared, clad
with deare skins, having with them their bows and arrows,
but our Indian calling out Appada they withdrew and lodged
theire bows and returning ran up to the middle in mire and
watter to carry us ashore, where when we came they gave us'
the streaking complim* of the country and brought deare
skins, some raw, some drest, to trade with us, for which we
gave them knives, beads and tobacco and glad they were of
the Market. By and by came theire women clad in their,
Mosse roabs, bringing their potts to boyle a kinde of thicken
ing which they pound and make food of, and as they order it
being dryed makes a pretty sort of bread. They brought also
plenty of Hickery nutts, a wallnut in shape and taste, onely
differing in the thickness of the shell and smallness of the
kernell. The Governor and severall others walking a little
distance from the watter side came to the Hutt Pallace of his
1 This was evidently the bay now known as Bull's Bay, and this first landing
was evidently made on the north end of Oniseecau, or Bull's Island. The water
and country thereabout were known as Seewee, and the local Indians as the See-
wee Indians. The name is still preserved in a small bay a few miles west of
Bull's Bay.
3 William Sayle.
118 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1670
Maty of the place, who meeteing us tooke the Governor on
his shoulders and carryed him into the house in token of his
chearfull entertainment. Here we had nutts and root cakes,
such as their women useily make, as before, and watter to
drink for they use no other lickquor as I can learne in this
countrey. While we were here, his Matye's three daughters
entered the Pallace all in new roabs of new mosse, which they
are never beholding to the taylor to trim up, with plenty of
beads of divers collours about their necks. I could not
imagine that the savages would so well deport themselves,
who coming in according to their age and all to salute the
strangers, stroaking of them. These Indians understanding
our business to St. Hellena told us that the Westoes, a range-
ing sort of people reputed to be the Mandatoes, had ruinated
that place, killed severall of those Indians, destroyed and
burnt their habitations and that they had come as far as
Keyawah doeing the like there, the Casseeka of which place
was within one sleep of us (which is 24 hours for they reckon
after that rate) with most of his people whome in two days
after came aboard of us.
Leaveing that place, which is called Sowee, carrying * the
Casseeka of Kayawah with us, a very ingenius Indian and a
great linguist in this maine, the winde being very lofty soe
that we could not deale with the shoare, we drove to the South
ward of Port Roy all, where we made a faire opening and finde-
ing by observation and otherwayes the contrary, we stood five
minutes to the Northward and soe gott the shipp into Port
Royal river (the opening there appeared not to us as Colon
Sanford did relate)2 ag* which shoales ley of about five leagues
to sea. W. N. W. Hilton head boare from us when we steared
in, and in stearing in W. N. W and N. W. b. W. we had 2 1-2
fathoms at low water with breakers on both sides. But when
you are within you have 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 fathoms water and a
clear river. I cannot say much of the channel, being but a
Landman, but this, the Governor, Capt. Brayne and myself
took the Longe boate to goe upon discovery and stood of to
sea about 5: or 6: miles close aboard the Northwardmost
Breakers. We had no lesse then 5 fathoms at low water the
tyde being spent and the winde proving calm we were forst to
1 See p. 116, note 3. » See pp. 98, 99, supra.
1670] LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS 119
make in for the shoare with the tyde of flood. Leaveing this
to Capt. Brayne, who will give you a more perfect acct. than
I can. A small kinde of whale, white about the head and
jowle, is very plenty in this river. In two hours' time I be
held about 10 or 11 of the kinde, and some pretend and under
take to say to be of the sperme kinde, that were worth the
experim* to find out the truth of it. We were two dayes at
anchor ere we could speake with an Indian. When we did,
they confirmed what we heard at So wee. We weighed from
Port Roy all river and ran in between St. Hellena and Combohe,
where we lay at anchor. All the time we staide neare the
place where the distressed Indian sojourned, who were glad
and crying Hiddy doddy Comorado Angles Westoe Skorrye
(which is as much as to say) English very good friends, Westoes
are nought. They hoped by our arrival to be protected from
the Westoes. Often making signs they would engage them
with their bowes and arrows, and wee should with our guns.
They often brought us veneson and some deare skins wch wee
bought of them for beads. Many of us went ashoare at St.
Hellena and brought back word that the land was good land
supplyed with many Peach trees and a competence of timber,
a few figg trees and some cedar here and there and that there
was a mile and a half of cleare land fitt and ready to plant.
Oysters in great plenty, all the islands being rounded with
banks of the kinde, in shape longer and scarcely see any one
round, yet good fish though not altogether of soe pleasant
taste as yor Wallfleet oysters. Here is alsoe wilde Turke
which the Indian brought but is not soe pleasant to eate of as
the tame, but very fleshy and farr bigger. The sloupe wch
wee have with us, bought at Barmuda, was dispatcht to Kay-
awah to vie we that land soe much comended by the Casseeka,
brings back a report that that lande was more fit to plant in
than St. Hellena which begott a question, whether to remove
from St. Hellena theither or stay. Some were of opinion it
were more prudent forthwith to plant provisions where they
were, than betake themselves to a second voyage, though
small, it would not prove a better change, the enterance into
that harbour being as difficult as the other. The Governor
adhearing for Kayawah and most of us being of a temper to
follow though wee knew no reason for it, imitating the rule of
120 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1670
the inconsiderate multitude cryed out for Kayawah, yet some
dissented from it yet being sure to take a new voyage but
difident of a better convenience, those that inclyned for Port
Royall were looked upon straingely, so thus we came to Kay
awah. The land here and at St. Hella is much at one, the
surface of the earth is of a light blackish mould, under that is
whiter and about 3 or 4 feet is a clay some read wth blew
vaines and some blew wth read vaines, soe is all the land I
have seen.
Letter of Joseph West.1
ALBEMARLE PoYNT2 AT KYAWAW,
June the 27th, 1670.
May it Please Yor Lop:
In my last to yor Lop, dated the 28th of May, I gave yor
Lop an account by the way of Virginia of our proceedings in
Carolina, and how we came to quitt Port Royall and to begin
our settlement at Kyawaw. May it please yor Lop, since the
departure of the ship for Virginia, wee sent the Shallop3 back
againe to St. Katherina, with 2 letters, one for the Governour
of St. August ines, the other for the ffryer at St. Katherina, to
demand the men that were detained there by the Spaniards,
1 Joseph West, the writer of this letter, was, July 27, 1669, commissioned
by the Lords Proprietors "Governor and Comander in Cheife of or fleet and
the persons embarqued in it, bound for Carolina, or that shall embarque in our
sd fleet before its arriveall in Barbadoes; . . . wch place you are to execute
till another Govern1 for y1 parte of or Province y1 lyes to the Southward or West
ward of Cape Carterett shall appeare wth Comission under or hands and Great
Scale of or Province, to whom you are then to submitt, and this Comission to
become voyd to all intents and purposes." In, August he sailed with the fleet
for Barbados, stopping on the way at Kinsale, Ireland, to add a few more peo
ple to his colonists. At Bermuda he was superseded by Governor Sayle, but
received the appointment of deputy to the Duke of Albemarle. In South Caro
lina he at once took a leading part in public affairs and subsequently served
three terms as governor of the province.
2 Albemarle Point was located on a low bluff, the first high land on the
north side of a winding creek, a flat point of dark pine forest projecting into the
wide marshes of Ashley River. Across a narrow neck behind the town a palisade
and ditch enclosed about nine acres. Beyond this was the village of the Kiawah
Indians. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 173.
8 Three Brothers.
1670] LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS 121
(yor Lop'B kinsman, Mr. Rivers, being one of them,) and when
the Shallop came thither 2 or 3 of our people went ashoare
contrary to orders, without hostage and the ffryer recd them
seemingly wth much kindness and told them upon his ffaith
they should not be wronged. Whereupon there was 4 of our
men went to his house, where he treated them very civilly and
told them that our men were at St. August ines, not as prisoners,
but had their liberty about the town and were entertained at
an English man's house ; but when our men were taking theire
leave of the ffryer he, betweene a complement and constraint,
detained 2 of them,1 upon pretence that hee could not lett
them goe till hee had an answer from St. Augustines. Where
upon after 3 days stay our men in the Shallop being informed
by the Indians that there were 3 ships at St. Augustines wcb
would come to surprise the Shallop, were forced to weigh
anchor for their security and come for Kyawaw, leaving those
two men more behind at the ffryer's house. Now more yor
Lop may please to know that wee are forced to send the Bar-
badoes Shallop to Bermuda for a supply of provisions, for
feare the ship should miscarry at Virginia for we have but 7
weekes provision left and that onely pease at a pint a day a
man, the country affording us nothing, wch makes it goe very
hard with us, and wee cannot employ our servants as wee
would because we have not victualls for them. Our corne,
potatoes and other things doe thrive very well of late, praised
be God, but we cannot have any dependance on it this yeare,
but if we have kindly supplys now, wee doe not question but
to provide for ourselves the next yeare, and that it will prove
a very good settlement and answer yor Lop'8 expectacon,
wch is the desire of
Most humble and faithfull serv*,
JOSEPH WEST.
For the Right Hono^le Anthony Lord Ashley, at
Little Exeter House, in the Strand, London.
1 Captain Joseph Bailey and John Collins.
122 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1670
Letter of Governor Sayle and Council.
ALBEMARLE POINT, Sepr 9th, 1670.
May it Please YoT Honors:
In observance of our dutyes wee shall not omitt any oppor
tunity of giving yor Honors a faithfull acct. of all our pro
ceedings in this place. Pursuant thereunto wee here doe offer
to yor Honors, that for some time since the dispatch of the
Carolina from this place to Virginia and the sloop to Bermuda
to bring provisions and other supplyes that yor Honors' care
had intended for us, wee have been put to purchase our main
tenance from the Indians, and that in such small parcells,
as we could hardly get another supply before the former
was gonelin which time of our so great exigencyes, the Span
iard not "Being ignorant of it, sent out a party of their Indians
ag* us, as we received intelligence from the Indians that are
our friends, who lay for some time in a place called Stonoe
neare our river's mouth untill the Carolina ffriggot arrived
here, wch was the 22th of Augt. last,1 in wch time we receivd
severall allarums though they never yet came soe far as to
action, more than when Mr. Henry Braine came upon the
coast and went ashoare 2 in his long boat, thinking to meet
with our owne Indians being soe neare the River's mouth.
They fired upon him and his company with small shott,
notwithstanding that the sd Indians had shewed them a
white flagg. But before that time we had put ourselves in a
reasonable good posture of receiveing them though they had
come much in odds, having mounted our great guns and
fortifyed ourselves as well as time and the abilityes of our
people would give leave, and moved good courage in our
people, besides the assistance of some Indians that were our
friends.
After the shipps arrived we sent out a party of our Indians
with two of our own people to discover their camp, but when
1 The Carolina reached Virginia June 6 and left there August 8.
3 On the low, narrow sandy island now called Morris Island. Behind this
island are marshes and beyond the marshes is James Island and behind that the
Stono River. Following the Indian custom that section of country would have
been called Stono, which coincides with the statement above as to the location
of the hostile Indians.
1670] LETTERS OF EARLY COLONISTS 123
they expected to come upon them the Spanish Indians were
retreated back againe, as our Indians informe us, at the
noise of our great gunns, but whether there were any Spaniards
among them we cannot yet receive certaine intelligence,
other than one, who according to our Indians' description we
judge to be a ffryer. Neither can we as yet know the number
of Indians that lay ag* us, they exceeding the number of an
Indian's acct.
The Carolina's safe arrivall has very much incouraged
our people. The more for that she has brought us provisions
of Indian corne, pease and meale for eight months, soe as wee
make no question but (by God's assistance) thoroughly to
defend and maintain yor Honors' interests and our rights in
this place till wee receive a further aid, which wee very much
stand in need of. That soe plantations may be managed
and yor Honors finde what wee endeavour to persuade, that
this country will not deceive yor Honors' and others' expecta-
cons. For which purpose wee have dispatched the Carolina
to Barbadoes, where wee understand are a considerable num
ber of people ready to be shipped for this place, that she
may make a returne before winter, wch will conduce much
to the safety of this place and the ease of our people, that
have been too much overprest with watching already, and
what wee must stand to upon every occasion. And yet,
blessed be God, wee have not lost above foure of our people,
who dyed upon distempers usual in other parts, soe far may
be yor Honors be further convinced of the healthfulnesse of
the place.
The stores of all sorts doe very much want a supply, espe
cially cloathing, being all disposed of allready and many of
the people unsatisfyed, and the winter is like to prove pretty
sharp. The powder was all damnified, especially when the
sterne of the ship broke in, soe as there is a great necessity
of ten barrells of powder more.
Wee have received some cowes and hoggs from Virginia,
but at an imoderate rate, considering the smalnesse of their
growth, 30s. for a hog, a better than wch may be bought in
England for 10s. If yor Honors had a small stocke in Ber
muda from thence may be transported to this place a very
wheri'fch'!
Israelites' prosperity decayed wnen iijneir prein
were wanting, for where the Arke of God is, PI i ire is)
and tranquility. That the want thereof may ;f|<|ftr be kb
to yor Honors or this place, are the prayers (fflJfi
Yor Honor's njiSMfaittJiffl
Humble sei'wkits.
Jos. DALTON, Sec™.
FLOR. fym
STE. Btrafjf
JOSEPH
WILL.
RALPH
PAUL
SAMUEHI
4;
1 Henry Brayne stated, in a letter to Lord Ashley, dated
that he had "6 head of Cattle that my people have milk enoi%l|fa ice .fit
that he had "there alsoe 7 hoggs," three sheep, 6 geese, 8 ttt ''VS a
chickens. Collections of the South Carolina Historical
3 Braziletto, resembling brazil wood, and used as a
work.
i|i' ' ;!
|i. ' |
1
|f , I)
Jl
} ;
ii; i| !i ]||
i il
Mill i 1 Ni
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li't'ivfelva
A FAITHFULL RELATION OF MY WESTOE
VOIAGE, BY HENRY WOODWARD, 1674
INTRODUCTION
IT will be recalled that in the summer of 1666 Robert
Sandford, secretary of Clarendon County, Carolina, made a
voyage of discovery to Port Royal and vicinity, on the coast
of what is now South Carolina, and that upon his departure
one of his party, Dr. Henry Woodward, remained there with
the Indians.1 Dr. Woodward spent some time among the
natives, by whom he was treated with the greatest considera
tion, and was able to learn much of the country and of the
language, customs, and character of the Indians. After a
time the Spaniards, hearing of his presence among the Indians,
sent to Port Royal and made him a prisoner and took him
to St. Augustine. Soon after this Captain Robert Searle,
the buccaneer, surprised the town and released all of the
English prisoners there incarcerated. He took Dr. Wood
ward to the Leeward Islands, where he shipped as surgeon
on a privateer in order to defray his expenses to England, as
he desired to give Lord Ashley an account of Carolina. The
privateer was wrecked near Nevis in a hurricane on August 17,
1669, and Dr. Woodward was cast ashore on that island, and
was there when the fleet under Joseph West, bound for Port
Royal, stopped there about December 9, 1669. He at once
volunteered to join the new colony, was accepted, and re
turned to Carolina with the fleet. He immediately became a
conspicuous figure in the Ashley River colony, and from his
knowledge of and influence with the Indians was of great
benefit to the government in dealing with them.2
1 See p. 105, supra.
2 Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 190-192, 220, 158-
159; The South Carolina "Historical and Genealogical Magazine, VIII. 29-33.
127
128 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
In October, 1674, some Indians who were strangers to the
people of Charles Town, the name by which the town on the
Ashley River was now known,1 appeared at the plantation2
of the Earl of Shaftesbury (formerly Lord Ashley 3) near there
for the purpose of trading. Dr. Woodward's good offices were
called into service and he went up from town to meet them.
He found them to be of the Westo tribe, and determined to
go with them to their country and establish commercial and
friendly relations with them in behalf of the province. He
departed from the Earl of Shaftesbury's plantation Octo
ber 10, 1674, and, after attaining a reasonable measure of
success in the expedition, returned to that place November 6,
1674. On December 31, 1674, he addressed a letter to the
earl giving him an account of the expedition.4 This narrative
1 When the town was first settled upon Ashley River it was called Albemarle
Point, but by an order of Lord Ashley, dated November 1, 1670, it was officially
named Charles Town. Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 210.
a St. Giles, a signiory on the Ashley River, above Charles Town, which sub
sequently came to be known as Ashley Barony. The Fundamental Constitutions
of Carolina provided that a signiory and a barony should each consist of 12,000
acres of land. A signiory was the estate of a Proprietor and each of the eight
Proprietors was entitled to a signiory in each county. A barony was the estate
of a Landgrave or a Cassique; each Landgrave being entitled to four and each
Cassique to two. By order of the Grand Council of that part of the province
which ky southward and westward from Cape Carteret (Romain), March 4,
1672/3, a large tract of land on the Ashley River above Charles Town was re
served for the Earl of Shaftesbury, who soon after established a plantation there
and placed it in charge of Andrew Percival, described by the earl as one " Who
hath a Relacon to my Family." On March 18, 1675, a formal grant of a signiory
on Ashley River was made to Anthony, earl of Shaftesbury. He called his estate
St. Giles after St. Giles, his family seat in Dorsetshire. The South Carolina His
torical and Genealogical Magazine, XI. 75-91.
1 Anthony Ashley Cooper, son of Sir John Cooper, Bart., of Rockbourne,
Southampton, and Anne, daughter and sole heiress of Sir Anthony Ashley, Knt,
of Wimborne St. Giles, Dorset, was born July 22, 1621, and succeeded his father
March 23, 1631; was actively engaged in public affairs during the civil wars,
first espousing the royal cause and later that of Parliament and finally aiding in
the Restoration; was elevated to the peerage, by the title of Baron Ashley of
Wimborne St. Giles, Dorset, April 20, 1661, and was advanced to the earldom
of Shaftesbury, April 23, 1672. His stormy political career is a part of Englisk
history.
4 Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 456-462.
INTRODUCTION 129
was among the papers left by the Earl of Shaftesbury and
deposited in the British Public Record Office by his descendant
some years ago, was one of the papers transcribed for the city
council of Charleston by Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury about 1882,
and was published in the fifth volume of Collections of the
South Carolina Historical Society (pp. 456-462) in 1897.
A FAITHFULL RELATION OF MY WESTOE
VOIAGE, BY HENRY WOODWARD, 1674
CAROLINA: Decbr 31: 1674
Right Honobl
HAVEING received notice at Charles Towne from Mr.
Percyvall that strange Indians were arrived at yr Ldshp8
Plantation, Immediately I went up in the yawle, w[h]ere I
found according to my former conjecture in all probability
that they were the Westoes not understanding ought of their
speech, resolving nevertheless (they having first bartered
their truck) to venture up into the maine wth them they
seeming very unwilling to stay the night yet very desireous
that I should goe along wth them. The tenth of Octber being
Saturday in the afternoon I accordingly set forth, the weather
raw and drizzling, they being ten of them and my selfe in
Company. We travelled the remaining part of that afternoon
West and by North thorough yr Ldships land towards the
head of Ashley River, passing divers tracks of excellent oake
and Hickery land, wth divers spatious Savanas, seeming to
the best of my judgment good Pastorage. As we travelled
this day I saw (as divers other times likewise in my journey)
w[h]ere these Indians had drawne uppon trees (the barke
being hewed away) the effigies of a bever, a man, on horseback
and guns, Intimating thereby as I suppose, their desire for
freindship, and comerse wth us. The weather continuing wett
wee tooke up our quarters, haveing steered exactly by compass
from St. Giles Plantation according to the fore named Course.
The Indian being diligent in makeing two barke-covered Hutts,
to shelter us from the injury of the weather, this night as
well as the afternoone proved tedious, having had soe large
a vacation from my travels, the diet before almost naturalized
now seemed unpleasant, and the ground altogether was
uneasy for lodginge. Soe soon as the day appeared wee set
130
1674] HENRY WOODWARD'S WESTOE VOYAGE 131
forth steering West and by South. After wee had passed
the head of Ashley River I found the land indifferently good.
In the afternoon wee entered a large tracke of Pines, which
continued untill we came wthin two or three miles of that
part of ^Edistaw River w[h]ere wee crossed over. The land
seemeth fertyl along the banks of this River, whose head
they report to bee about four score mile up in the main from
the part wee passed, being then twenty mile or something
more distant from w[h]ere divideing himselfe he makes the
pleasant plantn of JEdistawe. Here killing a large buck wee
tooke up our rendeavouze wth two mile of the river, glad of
the opportunity of lying in two of their hunting hutts. Uppon
Monday morning four of the company went to give notice of
our comeing. Wee following steered W^est S. West, the land
Piny except along the skirts of small rivulets, many of which
wee passed this day. The weather all over cast. This
evening wee provided shelter, the night proveing extreame
wett. Wee supped wth two fatt Turkeys to helpe out wth
our parcht corne flower broth. The following day proveing
as bad as the night, wee forsooke not the benefitt of our
hutts. Uppon Wednesday morneing wee sett forth, nothing
at all varying our former course. This day wee had a sight
of JEdistawe River bearing north west by north of us, the
soyle very promiseing, and in some places excellently tymbered.
In the afternoon wee shott a fatt doe which, proportionably
divideing amongst them, was carried along by them for our
better comons at night, quartering along the sides of a pleasant
run. Thursday wee tooke our journey dew West, passing
many large pastorable Savanas, the other land promising very
well. This day wee shott two Bucks. The best of both
wth a fatt Turkey wee carried along wth us, for our better
accomodation at night. Fry day wee traveled West and by
South, haveing towards three the afternoon a sight of the
mountaines, which bore northwest of us, passing the head
of Port Royall river over a tree, w[h]ere the river intricately
runs through large vallies of excellent land, at the begining
of the adjoyning Hills, along whose banks in a mighty thicke
wood wee tooke up our Quarters. The ensuing day wee
went over many fattigous hills, the land especially the vallies
being excellent good, our course West a little Southwardly.
132 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA (1674
In the afternoon wee mett two Indians wth their fowling peeces,
sent by their cheife to congratulate my arrivale into their
parts, who himselfe awaited my comeing wth divers others at
the Westoe River. The ridge of hills through which the
river runs then being in sight bore West and by North. The
banks of this river seeme like white chalky cliffs and are at
least one hundred foot perpendicular, opposite to which
banks uppon a sandy poynt were two or three hutts under
whose shelter was their cheife wth divers others in his com
pany. The two Indians wee met had a canoe ready to pass
us over, w[h]ere soe soon as wee landed, I was carried to
the Capt8 hutt, who courteously entertained mee wth a good
repast of those things they counte rarietys amonge them.
The river here being very deep wth a silent current trended
North and by West and South and by East nearest. Soe
soone as the raine ceased wee sett upp the fertyle banks of
this spatious river. Haveing paddled about a league upp*
wee came in sight of the Westoe towne, alias the Hickauhaugau
which stands uppon a poynt of the river (which is undoubtedly'
the river May)1 uppon the Westerne side soe that the river-
encompasseth two-thirds thereof. When we came wthin-
[sight] of the towne I fired my fowling peece and pistol wch
was answered with a hollow and imediately thereuppon they
gave mee a vollew of fifty or sixty small arms. Here was a
concourse of some hundred of Indians, drest up in their
anticke fighting garbe. Through the midst of whom being
conducted to their cheiftaines house, the which not being
capable to containe the crowd that came to see me, the smaller
fry got up and uncouvered the top of the house to satisfy
their curiosity. The cheife of the Indians made long speeches*
intimateing their own strength (and as I judged their desire
of freindship wth us). This night first haveing oyled my
eyes and joynts with beares oyl, they presented mee divers
deare skins, setting befoore me sufficient of their food to satisfy
at least half a dozen of their owne appetites. Here takeing
my first nights repose, the next day I veiwed the Towne,
which is built in a confused maner, consisting of many long
houses whose sides and tops are both artificially done wth
1 The Savannah River was then known as the May. The Westo town stood
on the west side of the river, some distance above the site of Augusta, Georgia.
1674] HENRY WOODWARD'S WESTOE VOYAGE 133
barke, uppon the tops of most whereof fastened to the ends of
long poles hang the locks of haire of Indians that they have
slaine. The inland side of the towne being duble Pallisadoed,
and that part which fronts the river haveing only a single
one. Under whose steep banks seldom ly less than one
hundred faire canoes ready uppon all occasions. They are well
provided with arms, amunition, tradeing cloath and other
trade from the northward for which at set times of the year
they truck drest deare skins furrs1 and young Indian Slaves.
In ten daies time that I tarried here I viewed the adjacent
part of the Country. They are Seated uppon a most fruit-
full soyl. The earth is intermingled wth a sparkling substance
like Antimony, finding severall flakes of Isinglass in the
paths. The scales of my Indian shooes in which I travelled
glistened like sylver.2 The clay of which their pots and pipes
are made is intermingled wth the like substance. The wood
land is abounding wth various sorts of very large straite tim
ber. Eight daies journey from the towne the River hath its
first falls West N. West, w[h]ere it divides it selfe into three
branches,3 amongst which dividing branches inhabit the
Cowatoe* and Chorakae5 Indians wth whom they are at
continual warrs. Forty miles distant from the towne north
ward they say lye the head of ^Edistaw river being a great
meer or lake.6 Two days before my departure arrived two
Savana Indians living as they said twenty days journey West
Southwardly from them.7 There was none here that under-
1 This trade was soon diverted to Charles Town and that town developed
into very nearly, if not quite, the richest and most important trade centre on the
American continent.
2 Mica scales. Their silvery appearance gave the name Silver Bluff to a
well-known point on the Savannah River in Aiken County, South Carolina.
3 The Salwege, Tugaloo, and Seneca rivers. The main stream of the Seneca
is known higher up as the Keowee and the main stream of the Tugaloo as the
Chatooga.
4 Caouitas, or Cowetas, a Muscogee tribe settled on the Salwege 1674-1691,
retiring in the latter year to the Ocmulgee and in 1715 to the Chattahoochee.
6 The Cherokees, who inhabited that section of South Carolina until the
termination of the Revolutionary War.
6 The headwaters of the Edisto are east or southeast of this point and there
is nothing like a lake there.
7 Near the Gulf, west of Appalachicola River. By 1680 they had advanced
to the Savannah and soon pushed the Westo tribe out of the province. They
134 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1674
stood them, but by signes they intreated freindship of the
Westoes, showeing that the Cussetaws, Checsaws and Chio-
kees l were intended to come downe and fight the Westoes.
At which news they expeditiously repaired their pallisadoes,
keeping watch all night. In the time of my abode here they
gave me a young Indian boy taken from the falls of that
River. The Savana Indians brought Spanish beeds and
other trade as presents, makeing signes that they had comerce
wth white people like unto mee, whom were not good. These
they civilly treated and dismissed before my departure. Ten
of them prepared to accompany mee in my journey home,
returning by the same ways that I came, killing much game
wth two large she beares uppon the way through much ram
the fresshes being mightly encreased. The 5th of novbr wee
our selfes carrying our trade upon barke logs swam over
^Edistaw River and the 6th of that Instant in safety I arrived
at yor Honrs Plantation at the Head of Ashley River. For
good reasons I permitted them not to enter yr Plantation,
but very well satisfyed dispatcht them homewards that
evening, whom I againe expect in March wth deare skins, furrs
and younge slaves.
In this relation as in all things else I am
y° L° 8hipps ffaithfull Servant
HENRY WOODWARD.
Discovery. A ffaithful relation of
my Westoe voiage begun from the head
of Ashley River the tenth of Octr and
finished the sixth of Novbr {following.
[Endorsed by Locke]: Carolina. H.
Woodward. To the E. of Shaftesbury
31 Dec. 74.
were good friends of the English. In 1708, says Governor Archdale, they had
three towns (near Sand Bar Ferry) and 150 men, but in 1715 they retired to the
Creeks.
1 The Cusitaws lived about the heads of the Oconee and Salwege rivers; the
Chickasaws below Muscle Shoals on the Tennessee River and the Keyokees above.
Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, V. 461.
CAROLINA, OR A DESCRIPTION OF THE PRES
ENT STATE OF THAT COUNTRY, BY
THOMAS ASHE, 1682
INTRODUCTION
IN 1680 His Majesty's ship Richmond was sent out for ser
vice in American waters. Aboard thereof forty-five French
Protestants were sent to South Carolina with a view of settling,
them there to cultivate silk. The officers of the ship were
given instructions from the king to enquire into the state of
Carolina while on duty in that quarter. The Richmond
arrived at Charles Town in April, 1680, and returned to
England some time in 1682. In the latter year the following
pamphlet, written in the form of a letter to a friend, detailing
the natural advantages of that part of Carolina in the vicinity
of Charles Town, was published. The authorship is generally
credited to Thomas Ashe. The pamphlet is one of several
that were designed to advertise the Lords Proprietors' real
estate. Its author spent some time in and about Charles
Town during the ship's absence from England, and his account
of the air, climate, soil, products, commodities, flora, and
fauna of the section at that time is quite glowing, but not
exaggerated.
In 1836 this pamphlet was reprinted at New York in the
first volume of Historical Collections of South Carolina, by
B. R. Carroll.
v
CAROLINA, OR A DESCRIPTION OF THE PRES
ENT STATE OF THAT COUNTRY, BY
THOMAS ASHE, 1682
Carolina; or a Description of the Present State of that Country,
and the Natural Excellencies therof, viz., the Healthfulness
of the Air, Pleasantness of the Place, Advantage and Use
fulness of those Rich Commodities there plentifully abounding,
which much encrease and flourish by the Industry of the
Planters that daily enlarge that Colony.
Published by T. A. Gent, Clerk on Board his Majesties Ship
the Richmond, which was sent out in the Year 1680, with
particular Instructions to enquire into the State of that
Country, by his Majesties Special Command, and Returned
this Present Year, 1682.
London, Printed for W. C. and to be Sold by Mrs. Grover in
Pelican Court, in Little Britain, 1682.1
To the Reader.
Reader,
You may please to understand, that the first Discovery
of this Country was at the Charge of King Henry the Seventh,
as you will find in this Book; and that as it hath pleased God
to add such a Jewel to the Crown of England, so I doubt not
but in a few years it will prove the most Beneficial to the
Kingdom in General of any Colony yet Planted by the Eng
lish, which is the more probable from the great Concourse
that daily arrives there, From the other Plantations, as well
as from England, Ireland, etc., being drawn and invited
thither by the Healthfulness of Air, Delicacy of Fruits, the
likelyhood of Wines, Oyls and Silks, and the great Variety
of other Natural Commodities within specified, which well
1 Title-page of original.
138
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 139
considered, will sufficiently evidence the Truth of what I
Assert; that I may contribute what lies in my Power for
a further Satisfaction to those Gentlemen that are curious
concerning the Country of Carolina, they may find a small
Description thereof, with a Map of the first Draught, Pub
lished by Mr. Richard Blome, and Printed for Dorman New
man, in the Year 1678 in Octavo,1 and one larger in Mr.
Ogleby's America' since the publishing of these, there is by
Order of the Lords Proprietors newly published in one large
Sheet of Paper, a very spacious Map of Carolina, with its
Rivers, Harbors, Plantations, and other Accommodations,
from the latest Survey, and best Informations, with a large
and particular Description of the Entrances into Ashly and
Cooper^Rivers; this Map to be sold for 1 s. by Joel Gascoyne,
near Wapping Old Stairs, and Robert Green in Budge Row,
London, 1682.2
A Compleat Discovery of the State of Carolina, in the Year 1682.
THE Discourses of many Ingenious Travellers (who have
lately seen this part of the West Indies) have for Salubrity
of Air, Fertility of Soyl, for the Luxuriant and Indulgent
Blessings of Nature, justly rendered Carolina Famous. That
since my Arrival at London, I have observed many with
pleasing Idseas, and Contemplations, as if ravisht with Admira
tion, discourse of its Pleasures: Whilst others more actively
prest and stimulated, have with vehement and ardent Desires
willingly resolved to hazard their Lives, Families, and Fort
unes to the Mercy of the Wind, Seas and Storms, to enjoy
the Sweets of so desirable a Being.
Having spent near three Years Abroad, in which time I
had a fair Opportunity of a Survey of great part of our Eng-
1 The reference is to Richard Blome's Description of the Island of Jamaica,
with the other Isles and Territories in America, to which the English are related
(London, 1672 and 1678). The account of Carolina in Blome's Present State
of His Majesty's Isles and Territories in America (1685) is a mere copy of Sam
uel Wilson's Account of the Province of Carolina, printed next in the present
volume, pp. 161-176, infra, while that in the 1687 edition of that work is a
garbled version of the same. The book next mentioned is John Ogilby's Amer
ica (London, 1670, 1671, etc.).
J There is a specimen of the Gascoyne map in the Library of Congress.
1*0 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
lish America. You my Worthy Friend, knowing in what
Character I went abroad, and understanding of my being at
Carolina, did obligingly request (that at Leisure) I would col
lect such Notices of my own whilst there, with those Remarques
and Observations which I had learnt from the most Able
and Ingenious Planters, who have had their Residence on the
place from its first being Colonized: You desiring to be
assured whether the true State of the Country did answer
the Reports of Common Fame. Which in Compliance with,
and in Obedience to your Commands, I have undertaken.
Carolina derives her name either from our present Illus
trious Monarch, under whose glorious Auspices it was first
establisht an English Colony, in the Year One Thousand Six
Hundred and Seventy, and under whose benign and happy
Influence it now prospers and flourishes. Or from Charles the
Ninth of that Name King of France, in whose Reign a Colony
of French Protestants were transported thither, at the encour
agement of Gasper Coligni, Admiral of that Kingdom; the
place of their first Settlement named in Honour of their Prince
Arx Carolina;1 but not long after, that Colony, with Monsieur
Ribault their Leader, were by the Spaniard at once cut off
1 The name was not derived from either source. By letters patent, bearing
date at Westminster October 30, 1629, Charles I. granted to Sir Robert Heath,
his attorney-general, "all that River or Rivelett of S* Matthew on the South side
and all that River or Rivelett of the great passe on the North side, and all the
lands Tenements and Hereditaments lying, beeing and extending within or be
tween the sayd Rivers by that draught or tract to the Ocean upon the east side and
soe to the west and soe fare as the Continent extands," declaring " that we of our
free grace certain knowledge and meere motion doe thinke fit to erect the sayd
Region Territory and Isles into a Province and by the fulnes of our power and
Kingly Authority for us our heires and successors, we doe erect and incorporate
them into a province and name the same Carolina or the province of Carolina. "
Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 5-13. The name Arx Carolina (Fort
Charles) applied only to Ribault's fort and not to the country, and by the time
of the Heath grant had become merely a theme for antiquarians. When Charles
II. granted the same territory to eight of his "beloved cousins and councellors, "
March 24, 1663, he in his grant applied the same name to it in the same official
words which his royal father had used in the Heath patent in 1629. That the
name applied by Charles I. was regarded by the Lords Proprietors as having
been in force and effect from the date of the Heath grant is attested by the open
ing words of the first set of their Fundamental Constitutions for Carolina: "Our
Soveraigne Ld. the King haveing out of his royal grace and bounty granted unto
us the province of Carolina," etc.
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 141
and destroy 'd.1 Since which, nor French, nor Spaniard have
made any Attempt for its Re-Settlement. Carolina is the
Northermost part of the spacious and pleasant Province of
Florida; it lies in the Northern temperate Zone, between the
Latitude of Twenty Nine, and Thirty Six Degrees, and Thirty
Minutes: It ;s bounded on the East, with the Atlantick or
Northern, on the West, with the Pacifick or Southern Ocean,
on the North, with Virginia, on the South, with the remaining
part of Florida. The Air of so serene and excellent a temper,
that the Indian Natives prolong their days to the Extremity
of Old~Ag£ AncTWhere the English hitherto have found no
Distempers either Epidemical or Mortal, but what have had
their Rise from Excess or Origine from Intemperance. In
July and August they have sometimes Touches of Agues and
Fevers, but not violent, of short continuance, and never Fatal.
English Children there born, are commonly strong and lusty,
of sound Constitutions, and fresh ruddy Complexions.2 The
Seasons are regularly disposed according to Natures Laws;
the Summer not so torrid, hot and burning as that of their
Southern, nor the Winter so rigorously sharp and cold, as
that of their Northern Neighbours. In the Evenings and
Mornings of December and January, thin congealed Ice, with
hoary Frosts sometimes appear; but as soon as the Sun ele
vates her self, above the Horizon, as soon they disappear and
vanish; Snow having been seen but twice in ten Years, or
from its first being settled by the English.
The Soil near the Sea, of a Mould Sandy, farther distant,
more clayey, or Sand and Clay mixt; the Land lies upon a
Level in fifty or sixty Miles round, having scarce the least
1 The French colony at Fort Charles was not destroyed by the Spaniards,
but, becoming dissatisfied, returned to France. The second settlement of French
men made under the patronage of Admiral Coligny was made in Florida and
that was destroyed by the Spaniards.
2 As the condition here described continued for many years thereafter, it
would seem that the anophele, or malarial mosquito, which has greatly changed
conditions in the lower part of South Carolina, is a more recent importation,
brought perhaps in slave ships, or evolved from other mosquitos which had
been biting negroes with the germs of malaria brought from Africa. The de
velopment of the method of cultivating rice by flowing the fields has probably
had much to do with the increase of malaria; it has vastly increased the number
of mosquito hatcheries, and has interfered greatly with the natural drainage of
the country.
142 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
Hill or Eminency. It's cloathed with odoriferous and fragrant
Woods, flourishing in perpetual and constant Verdures, viz.
the lofty Pine, the sweet smelling Cedar and Cyprus Trees,
of both which are composed goodly Boxes, Chests, Tables,
Scrittores, and Cabinets. The Dust and Shavings of Cedar,
laid amongst Linnen or Woollen, destroys the Moth and all
Verminous Insects: It never rots, breeding no Worm, by
which many other WToods are consumed and destroyed. Of
Cedar there are many sorts; this in Carolina is esteemed of
equal Goodness for Grain, Smell and Colour with the Bermu-
dian Cedar, which of all the West Indian is esteemed the
most excellent; that in the Caribbe Islands and Jamaica being
of a courser kind, Oyl and the Spirit of Wine penetrating it; but
with this they make Heading for their Cask, which the sharpest
and most searching Liquors does not pierce. With the Berry
of the Tree at Bermudaz, by Decoction, they make a very
wholesome and sovereign Drink. This Tree in the Sacred Writ
is famous, especially those of Lebanon, for their Stately
Stature; but those in the West Indies I observed to be of a
low and humble height. The Sassafrass is a Medicinal Tree,
whose Bark and Leaves yield a pleasing Smell : It profits in all
Diseases of the Blood, and Liver, particularly in all Venereal
and Scorbutick Distempers. There are many other Fragrant
smelling trees, the Myrtle, Bay and Lawrel, several Others to
us wholly unknown. Fruit Trees there are in abundance of
various and excellent kinds, the Orange, Lemon, Pomegranate,
Fig and Almond. Of English Fruits, the Apple, Pear, Plumb,
Cherry, Quince, Peach, a sort of Medlar, and Chesnut. Wall-
nut Trees there are of two or three sorts; but the Black
Wallnut for its Grain, is most esteem'd: the Wild Wallnut or
Hiquery-Tree, gives the Indians, by boyling its Kernel, a
wholesome Oyl, from whom the English frequently supply
themselves for their Kitchen uses: It 's commended for a
good Remedy in Dolors, and Gripes of the Belly; whilst new
it has a pleasant Taste; but after six Moneths, it decays and
grows acid; I believe it might make a good Oyl, and of as
general an use as that of the Olive, if it were better purified
and rectified. The Chincopin Tree bears a Nut not unlike
the Hazle, the Shell is softer: Of the Kernel is made Choco
late, not much inferiour to that made of the Cacoa.
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 143
The Peach Tree in incredible Numbers grows Wild : Of the
Fruit expressed, the Planters compose a pleasant refreshing
Liquor; the Remainder of the Fruit serves the Hogg and
Cattle for Provision. The Mulberry Tree every-where amidst
the Woods grows wild: The Planters, near their Plantations,
in Rows and Walks, plant them for Use, Ornament and
Pleasure: What I observed of this Fruit was admirable; the
Fruit there, was full and ripe in the latter end of April and
beginning of May, whereas in England and Europe, they
are not ripe before the latter end of August. A Manufactory
of Silk well encouraged might soon be accomplisht, considering
the numerousness of the Leaf for Provision, the clemency and
moderateness of the Climate to indulge and nourish the Silk
worm: To make tryal of its Success, was the Intention of
those French Protestant Passengers transported thither in His
Majesties Frigat the Richmond being Forty Five,1 the half of a
greater Number designed for that place; but their Design
was too early anticipated : the Eggs which they brought with
them being hatch'd at Sea, before we could reach the Land,
the Worms for want of Provision were untimely lost and
destroyed.2 The Olive Tree thrives there very well. Mr.
James Colleton, Brother to Sir Peter, one of the Honourable
Proprietors, brought an Olive Stick from Fyall, (one of the
Western Islands) cut off at both Ends to Carolina, which put
into the Ground, grew and prospered exceedingly; which
gave so great an Encouragement, that since I left the place,
I hear that several more were brought there, there being great
1 From the record of warrants issued for the laying out of lands to settlers
within two or three years after the arrival of this French colony we learn that the
governor and deputies issued a warrant November 16, 1680, for "a manor of
foure thousand acres" to Jacob Guerard, one of the principal promoters of the
enterprise, and made a number of lesser grants in the next four years to various
persons of French name who were certainly or probably connected with it.
2 Numerous efforts to raise silk in South Carolina were made at subsequent
times and with varying success. Sir Nathaniel Johnson, Knt., undertook its
culture during the latter part of the seventeenth century. He called his planta
tion Silk Hope in compliment to his undertaking. About the middle of the
eighteenth century Mrs. Elizabeth (Lucas) Pinckney was quite successful in
its culture for several years. She once presented to the Princess of Wales (mother
of George III.) a dress woven from silk which she had raised, and there is still
in the family of her descendants a dress made from silk raised by her.
-
144 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
Hopes, that if the Olive be well improved, there may be
expected from thence perhaps as good Oyl as any the World
yields.1
Vines of divers sorts, bearing both Black and Gray Grapes,
grow, climbing their highest Trees, running and over-spread
ing their lower Bushes: Five Kinds they have already dis-
tinguish'd, three of which by Replantation, and if well culti
vated, they own, will make very good Wine; some of which
has been transported for England, which by the best Pallates
was well approved of, and more is daily expected, 't is not
doubted, if the Planters as industriously prosecute the Propa
gation of Vineyards as they have begun; but Carolina will
in a little time prove a Magazine and Staple for Wines to the
whole West Indies; and to enrich their Variety, some of the
Proprietors and Planters have sent them the Noblest and
Excellentest Vines of Europe, viz. the Rhenish, Clarret, the
Muscadel and Canary, etc. His Majesty, to improve so hope
ful a Design, gave those French we carried over their Passage
free for themselves, Wives, Children Goods and Servants,
they being most of them well experienced in the Nature of
the Vine, from whose Directions doubtless the English have
received and' made considerable Advantages in their Improve
ments.
Trees for the Service of building Houses and Shipping,
besides those and many more which we have not nam'd;
they have all such as we in England esteem Good, Lasting,
and Serviceable, as the Oak of three sorts, the White, Black
and Live Oak, which for Toughness, and the Goodness of its
Grain is much esteemed: Elm, Ash, Beech, and Poplar, etc.
Into the Nature, Qualities, and Vertues of their Herbs, Roots
and Flowers, we had little time to make any curious Enquiry:
This we were assured by many of the knowing Planters, that
they had Variety of such whose Medicinal Vertues were rare
and admirable. The China grows plentifully there, whose
Root infus'd, yields us that pleasant Drink, which we know
by the Name of China Ale in England: in Medicinal Uses
it 's far more excellent. Monsieur Tavernier, in his late
1 Olives have been raised in South Carolina in greater or less quantities from
its first settlement to the present. In 1837 there was a very severe frost which
killed most of the trees then growing, and since then not many have been grown.
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 145
Voyages to Persia,1 observes that Nation, by the frequent
use of Water in which this Root is boyl'd, are never troubled
with the Stone or Gout: It mundifies2 and sweetens the
Blood: It 's good in Fevers, Scurvy, Gonorrhoea, and the
Lues Venerea. They have three sorts of the Rattle-Snake
Root which I have seen; the Comous, or Hairy, the Smooth,
the Nodous, or Knotted Root: All which are lactiferous, or
yielding a Milkie Juice; and if I do not very much in my
Observations err, the Leaves of all these Roots of a Heart
had the exact Resemblance: They are all Sovereign against
the Mortal Bites of that Snake, too frequent in the West
Indies: In all Pestilential Distempers, as Plague, Small
Pox, and Malignant Fevers, it 7s a Noble Specifick; when
stung, they eat the Root, applying it to the Venemous Wound;
or they boyl the Roots in Water; which drunk, fortifies and
corroborates the Heart, exciteing strong and generous Sweats:
by which endangered Nature is relieved, and the Poyson
carried off, and expelled.
Gardens as yet they have not much improved or minded,
their Designs having otherwise more profitably engaged them
in settling and cultivating their Plantations with good Pro
visions and numerous Stocks of Cattle; which two things by
Planters are esteemed the Basis and Props of all New Plan
tations and Settlements; before which be well accomplished
and performed, nothing to any purpose can be effected; and
upon which all Intentions, Manufactories, etc., have their
necessary Dependance. But now their Gardens begin to be
supplied with such European Plants and Herbs as are neces
sary for the Kitchen, viz. Potatoes, Lettice, Coleworts, Pars
nip, Turnip, Carrot and Reddish: Their Gardens also begin to
be beautified and adorned with such Herbs and Flowers which
to the Smell or Eye are pleasing and agreable, viz. The
Rose, Tulip, Carnation and Lilly, etc. Their Provision which
grows in the Field is chiefly Indian Corn, which produces a
vast Increase, yearly, yielding Two plentiful Harvests, of
which they make wholesome Bread, and good Bisket, which
gives a strong, sound, and nourishing Diet; with Milk I
have eaten it dress'd various ways: Of the Juice of the
Corn, when green, the Spaniards with Chocolet, aromatized
1 J. B. Tavernier, Six Voyages (Paris, 1676-1679). > Clears.
146 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
with Spices, make a rare Drink of an excellent Delicacy.1
I have seen the English amongst the Caribbes roast the green
Ear on the Coals, and eat it with a great deal of Pleasure.2
The Indians in Carolina parch the ripe Corn, then pound it
to a Powder, putting it in a Leathern Bag: When they use it,
they take a little quantity of the Powder in the Palms of
their Hands, mixing it with Water, and sup it off: with this
they will travel several days. In short, it 's a Grain of Gen
eral Use to Man and Beast, many thousands of both kinds in
the West Indies having from it the greater part of their Sub
sistence. The American Physicians observe that it breeds
good Blood, removes and opens Oppellations 3 and Obstruc
tions. At Carolina they have lately invented a way of make-
ing with it good sound Beer; but it 's strong and heady: By
Maceration, when duly fermented, a strong Spirit like Brandy
may be drawn off from it, by the help of an Alembick.
Pulse they have of great Variety, not only of what Europe
yield, viz. Beans, Pease, Callavance, Figolaes, and Bonavist,
etc.,4 but many other kinds proper to the place, and to us
unknown: Green Pease at the latter end of April, at my
being there, I eat as good as ever I did [in] England. Straw
berries, Rasberries, Billberries, and Blackberries grow fre
quently up and down the Woods. Hemp and Flax thrives
exceeding well; there grows a sort of wild Silk Pods, calPd
Silk-Grass, of which they may make fine and durable Linnen.
What Wheat they have planted has been rather for Experi
ment and Observation, whether it would be agreeable to the
Soil and Climate, than for any Substance for themselves, or
for Transportation abroad; what they have sown, the Plant
ers assured us grew exceeding well ; as also Barly, Mr. Linch 8
an ingenious Planter, having whilst we were there very good
1 During the war between the United States and the Confederate States
"coffee" made from parched corn was an everyday drink of the Southern people.
1 This is still done by Southerners, who relish it quite as much now as did
their countrymen of 1682.
* Oppilation, i. e., constipation.
4 Calabashes, figs (?), and kidney beans.
* Jonah Lynch, ancestor of Thomas Lynch and his son, Thomas Lynch, Jr.,
both of whom were delegates from South Carolina to the Continental Congress
at the time of the passage of the Declaration of Independence and the latter of
whom signed that document
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 14 1
growing in his Plantation, of which he intended to make Malt
for brewing of English Beer and Ale, having all Utensils and
Conveniences for it. Tobacco grows very well; and they
have of an excellent sort, mistaken by some of our English
Smoakers for Spanish Tobacco, and valued from 5 to 8s. the
Pound; but finding a great deal of trouble in the Planting
and Cure of it, and the great Quantities which Virginia, and
other of His Majesties Plantations make, rendring it a Drug
over all Europe; they do not much regard or encourage its
Planting, having already before them better and more profit
able Designs in Action.1 Tarr made of the resinous Juice
of the Pine (which boyPd to a thicker Consistence is Pitch)
they make great quantities yearly, transporting several Tuns
to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and the Caribbe Islands.2 Indigo
they have made, and that good: The reason why they have
desisted I cannot learn.3 To conclude, there grows in Caro
lina the famous Cassiny,4 whose admirable and incomparable
Vertues are highly applauded and extolled by French and
Spanish Writers: It is the Leaves of a certain Tree, which
boyPd in Water (as we do Thea) wonderfully enliven and
envigorate the Heart, with genuine easie Sweats and Trans
pirations, preserving the Mind free and serene, keeping the
Body brisk, active, and lively, not for an hour, or two but
for as many days, as those Authors report, without any
other Nourishment or Subsistance, which, if true, is really
admirable; they also add, that none amongst the Indians,
1 A little tobacco was raised in South Carolina continuously from this time
until just before the Revolution, when Thomas Singleton came from Virginia
and put an impetus to its cultivation which greatly increased its production for
many years thereafter. Then its cultivation greatly decreased until about
twenty-five years ago, when, through the efforts of F. M. Rogers, of Darlington
County, and The News and Courier, of Charleston, it once more resumed a con
spicuous place among the agricultural products of South Carolina.
2 Within the next half-century pitch, tar, and turpentine had become three
of the most important products exported from Charles Town, which probably
led the world in the exportation of those commodities at that time.
8 The cultivation of indigo was also revived about the middle of the eigh
teenth century, principally through the efforts of Moses Lindo, a Jew from Lon
don and an indigo dealer, who removed to Charles Town and encouraged its
cultivation. See the chapter on Moses Lindo in Barnett A. Elzas, The Jews oj-
South Carolina.
* Cassena or yapon, ilex cassine.
148 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
but their great Men and Captains, who have been famous
for their great Exploits of War and Noble Actions, are ad
mitted to the use of this noble Bevaridge. At my being
there I made Enquiry after it; but the Ignorance of the
Planter did not inform me. Sponges growing on the Sandy
Shoars, I have gathered good and large; for which Sarnos in
times past was famous, supposed by the Ancients to be the
only place in the World where they grew: a courser sort I
have seen pull'd up by Fishers, fishing among the Rocks
of the Island of Berbadoes. Ambergrise is often thrown on
their Shoars; a pretious Commodity to him who finds it, if
Native and pure, in Worth and Value It surpasses Gold;
being estimated at 5 and 6 Pound the Ounce, if not adul
terated. What it is I shall not decide, leaving it to the Judg
ment of the more Learned, whether it be the Excrement of
the Whale, because sometimes in dissecting and opening
their Bodies it's there discovered.1 I think as well it may
be argued the Excrements of other Creatures, Birds and some
Beasts greedily desireing and affecting it, especially the Fox,
who eating it, by Digestion it passes through his Body; after
some Alteration it's again recovered, and is that which we call
Fox Ambergrise. Others, that it is a bitumious Substance,
ebullating or boiling up from the Bottom of the Sea, and float
ing on the Surface of the Waters, is condensed by the circum
ambient Air: of which Opinion is the Learned Sennertus.2
Some that it is a Plant of a viscous oleaginous Body, really
growing at the bottom of the Sea, the swift and violent Motion
of the Waters in Storms causing an Eradication or Evulsion
of the Plant, forcing it to the adjacent Shoars; that its most
plentifully found after Storms is certain: if true, as an intelli
gent man informed me, who lived many years at the Bermudaz,
and among the Behama Islands, who saw at the Behama a
piece of Ambergrise weighing thirty pound (for its bigness
famous in those Parts) having perfect and apparent Roots,
equal to the Body in worth and goodness. Others, that it's
the liquid resinous Tears of some odoriferous Tree, hanging
over Seas or Rivers, coagulated in that Form which we find
it. Dr. Trapham, an ingenious Physician in Jamaica, differs
1 It is in fact a morbid secretion of the liver or intestines of the sperm whale.
*A famous German physician (1572-1637).
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 149
little from this last opinion, thinking it the Gummous Juice
of some Fragrant Plant which grows on Rocks near the Sea,
whose Trunks broken by the rude and boysterous Waves,
emit that precious Liquor. In Medicinal and Physical uses
it has a high esteem, being prescribed in the richest Cordials,
admirable in the languishes of the Spirit Faintings, and
Deliquium of the Heart; given as the last remedy to agoniz
ing Persons. In Perfumes of Linnen, Wollen, Gloves, etc.,
there is none esteemed more costly or precious. It's of differ
ent Colors, Black, Red, the Nutmeg, and Gray Color are held
the best.
The great encrease of their Cattel is rather to be admired
than believed: not more than six or seven years past the
Country was almost destitute of Cows, Hogs and Sheep, now
they have many thousand Head. The Planter in Winter
takes no care for their Provision, which is a great Advantage;
the Northern Plantations obliging the Planters to spend great
part of their Summer to provide Fodder and Provision for
their Cattle, to preserve them from starving in the Winter.
The Cows the Year round brouzing on the sweet Leaves grow
ing on the Trees and Bushes, or on the wholesome Herbage
growing underneath: They usually call them home in the
Evening for their Milk, and to keep them from running wild.
Hogs find more than enough of Fruits in the Summer, and
Roots and Nuts in the Winter; from the abundance of their
Feeding, great numbers forsake their own Plantations, run
ning wild in the Woods,1 the Tyger, Wolf, and wild Cat,2
by devouring them, oftentimes goes Share with the Planter;
but when the Stock encreases and grows strong, the older
surround the younger, and boldly oppose, and oftentimes
attack their Invaders. Their Sheep bears good Wooll; the
Ewes at a time often have 2 or 3 Lambs; they thrive very
well, the Country being so friendly to their Natures, that it's
observed, they are neither liable or incident to any known
Disease or Distemper. Of Beasts bearing Furrs, they have
1 This condition is occasionally to be found in the lower part of South Caro
lina now.
2 The only member of the tiger family still to be found in South Carolina is
an occasional catamount, the smallest member of the family. The wolf is ex
tinct. Wild cats are still plentiful.
150 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
great store of Variety, whose Skins serve the Indians for
Cloathing and Bedding, and the English for many uses, besides
the great Advantage made of them, by their being sent for
England. Deer, of which there is such infinite Herds, that the
whole Country seems but one continued Park, insomuch, that
I have often heard Captain Matthews, an ingenious Gentleman,
and Agent to Sir Peter Colleton for his Affairs in Carolina,
that one hunting Indian has yearly kilFd and brought to his
Plantation more than an 100, sometimes 200 head of Deer.1
Bears there are in great numbers, of whose Fat they make
an Oyl which is of great Vertue and Efficacy2 in causing the
Hair to grow, which I observed the Indians daily used, by
which means they not only keep their Hair clear and pre
served from Vermine, but by the nourishing faculty of the
Oyl, it usually extended in length to their middles. There
are Bevors,3 Otters, Foxes, Racoons, Possums, Musquasses,*
Hares and Coneys, Squirrels of five kinds, the flying Squirrel,
whose delicate Skin is commended for comforting, if applied
to a cold Stomack, the Red, the Grey, the Fox and Black
Squirrels. Leather for Shoes they have good and well tann'd :
The Indians have also a way of dressing their Skins rather
softer, though not so durable as ours in England.
Birds the Country yields of differing kinds and Colours:
For Prey, the Pelican, Hawk, and Eagle, etc. For Pleasure,
the red, copped and blew Bird, which wantonly imitates the
various Notes and Sounds of such Birds and Beasts which it
hears, wherefore, by way of Allusion, it's calPd the mocking
Bird ; for which pleasing Property it 's there esteemed a Rarity.
Birds for Food, and pleasure of Game, are the Swan, Goose,
Duck, Mallard, Wigeon, Teal, Curlew, Plover, Partridge, the
Flesh of which is equally as good, tho' smaller than ours in
1 Deer are still plentiful in the lower part of South Carolina. On one plan
tation where the shooting of does has been long prohibited by the owner a friend
of the editor counted fourteen does in one day's hunt and bagged a buck besides.
1 See p. 132, supra. Bears are also plentiful in some sections of the lower
part of South Carolina.
3 Probably the last beaver in South Carolina was killed in Edgefield County
about 1888, according to newspaper reports at the time.
* " It's a little creature feeding on Sweet Herbs, whose Codds scent as sweet
and strong as Musk, lasting a long time, if handsomely inclosed in Cotton Wooll."
(Note in original.)
1G82] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 151
England. Pigeons and Parakeittoes.1 In Winter huge Flights
of wild Turkies, oftentimes weighing from twenty, thirty, to
forty pound. There are also great Stocks of tame Fowl, viz.
Geese, Ducks, Cocks, Hens, Pigeons and Turkies. They have a
Bird I believe the least in the whole Creation, named the
Humming Bird; in bigness the Wren being much superiour,
in magnitude not exceeding the Humble Bee, whose Body in
flying much resembles it, did not their long Bills, between
two and three Inches, and no bigger than Needles, make the
difference. They are of a deep Green, shadow'd with a Murry,
not much unlike the color of some Doves Necks; they take
their Food humming or flying, feeding on the exuberant
Moistures of sweet odoriferous Leaves and Flowers. I have
frequently seen them in many parts of the West Indies, but
never observed them to have any Musical Air, but a loud Note
to Admiration, crying Chur, Chur, Chur, etc., which at the
distance of half a mile is plainly heard: their Eggs, of which
they produce three or four young at a time, not unlike small
white Pease: they continue between the Tropiques the whole
year round, as I have observed at Berbadoes and Jamaica;
but I am informed, that in the more Northern parts of Amer
ica they sleep the whole Winter; at Berbadoes the Jews
curiously skin these little Birds, filling them with fine Sand,
and perfuming their Feathers, they are sent into Europe as
pretty Delicacies for Ladies, who hang them at their Breasts
and Girdles.
There are in Carolina great numbers of Fire Flies, who
carry their Lanthorns in their Tails in dark Nights, flying
through the Air, shining like Sparks of Fire, enlightning it
with their Golden Spangles. I have seen a larger sort at
Jamaica, which Dr. Heylin in his Cosmography,2 enumerates
amongst the Rarities and Wonders of Hispaniola, an Island
under the King of Spain, distant between 20 and 30 Leagues
from Jamaica: These have two Lights above their Eyes, and
a third in their Tails; in dark nights they shine like Candles:
1 In December, 1885, or 1886, the editor saw a passenger pigeon in Orange-
burg County, South Carolina. Since that time very few have been seen in the
state. The Carolina paroquet appears to be extinct in South Carolina. See
Arthur Trezevant Wayne, Birds of South Carolina (Charleston, S. C., 1910).
* Peter Heylin, Cosmographie (London, 1657, and other editions).
152 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
for which I have often at a distance mistaken them, supposeing
them to have been the Lights of some adjacent Plantation;
and in this I have not been the first that has been so deceived.
Amongst large Orange Trees in the Night, I have seen many
of those Flies, whose Lights have appeared like hanging
Candles, or pendant Flambeaus, which amidst the Leaves
and ripe Fruit yielded a Light truly glorious to behold: with
3 of these included in a Glass Bottle, in a very dark Night I
have read very small Characters: When they are kill'd, their
Igneous or Luminous Matter does not immediately, (till half
an hour, or an hour after their Deaths) extinguish.1
As the Earth, the Air, etc., are enrich'd and replenished
with the Blessings of the most High, the Seas and Rivers of
the same bounty equally participate in the Variety of excellent
and wholesome Fish which it produces, viz. Sturgeon, of
whose Sounds Iceing-glass,2 of whose Roes Caviare are made:
Mullet, a delicious sweet Fish, of whose Roes or Spawn Botargo
is made: Whale, Salmon, Trouts, Bass, Drum, Cat-fish, whose
Head and glaring Eyes resemble a Cat; it 7s esteemed a very
good Fish; it hath a sharp thorny Bone on its Back, which
strikes at such as endeavour to take it: which by Seamen
is held venemous: yet I saw one of our Seamen, the back of
whose Hand was pierced with it, yet no poysonous Symptoms
of Inflammation or Rancor appeared on the Wound, which
quickly heaPd, that I concluded it was either false, or that of
this Fish there were more kinds than one : Plaice, Eels, Crabs,
Prawns twice as large as ours in England: Oysters of an Ob
long or Oval Form; their number inexhaustible; a man may
easily gather more in a day than he can well eat in a year;
some of which are margiritiferous, yielding bright round
Oriental Pearl.
The Tortoise, more commonly call'd by our West Indians
the Turtle, are of three sorts, the Hawks-Bill, whose Shell is
that which we call the Turtle or Tortoise Shell; the Green
Turtle, whose shell being thin is little regarded; but its Flesh
is more esteemed than the Hawks-bill Tortoise: The Logger
head Turtle, or Tortoise has neither good shell or Flesh, so is
1 A firefly swallowed by a toad has been observed to illuminate the whole
anatomy of the toad in X-ray fashion.
* Isinglass.
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 153
little minded or regarded. They are a sort of creatures
which live both on Land and Water. In the day usually keep
ing the Sea, swiming on the surface of the Water, in fair
Weather delighting to expose themselves to the Sun, often
times falling asleep, lying, as I have seen several times, without
any Motion on the Waters, till disturbed by the approach of
some Ship or Boat, being quick of hearing, they dive away.
In the Night they often come ashore to feed and lay their
Eggs in the Sand, which once covered, they leave to the
Influence of the Sun, which in due time produces her young
ones, which dig their Passage out of the sand immediately
making their way towards the Water. At this Season, when
they most usually come ashore, which is in April, May and
June, the Seamen or Turtlers, at some convenient distance
watch their opportunity, getting between them and the Sea,
turn them on their Backs, from whence they are unable ever to
rise, by which means the Seamen or Turtlers turn 40 or 50
in a night, some of 2, 3, 400 weight: If they are far distant
from the Harbor or Market to which they design to bring
them, they kill, cutting them to pieces, which Salted they
Barrel: This is the way of killing at the Caymana's, an Island
lying to the Leeward of Jamaica. Turtle, BarrePd and Salted,
if well conditioned, is worth from 18 to 25 shillings the Barrel.
If near their Market or Harbor they bring them in Sloops
alive, and afterwards keep them in Crauls, which is a par
ticular place of Salt Water of Depth and Room for them to
swim in, pallisado'd or staked, in round above the Waters
Surface, where, upon occasion they take them out, and kill
them, and cutting them to pieces, sell their Flesh for two
pence or three pence the pound: the Belly, which they call
the Callope of the Turtle, pepper 'd and salted, or roasted and
baked, is an excellent Dish, much esteemed by our Nation
in the West Indies: the rest of the Flesh boiPd, makes as
good and nourishing Broath, as the best Capon in England,
especially if some of the Eggs are mixt with it; they are some
white, and others of a yellow or golden Colour, in largeness
not exceeding a Walnut, wrapt in a thin Skin or Membrane,
sweet in Taste, nourishing and wholesome: and of this prop
erty, that they never grow hard by boiling: the Liver is
black; it freely opens and purges the Body: if little of it be
154 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
eaten, it dies the Excrements of a deep black Colour: The
Fat in Color inclines to a Sea Green; in Taste it 's sweet
and luscious, equalling, if not surpassing the best Marrow,
if freely eaten it deeply stains the Urine of its Color : It 's of
of a very penetrating piercing quality, highly comended in
Strains and Aches : Of it the Turtlers oftentimes make an Oyl,
which in Lamps burns much brighter and sweeter than com
mon Lamp or Train Oyl. In general, the Flesh is commended
for a good Antiscorbutique and an Antivenereal Diet; many
in the former, and some that have been far gone in Consump
tions, with the constant use alone of this Diet, have been
thoroughly recovered and cured in 3 or 4 months. It hath
3 Hearts, by thin Pellicules only separated, which has caused
some to Philosophize on its Amphibious Nature, alluding to
those participating and assimulating Qualities which it has to
the rest of the Universe, it swiming like a Fish, laying Eggs
like a Fowl, and feeding on Grass like an Ox. This I am
assured of, that after it 7s cut to pieces, it retains a Sensation
of Life three times longer than any known Creature in the
Creation: Before they kill them they are laid on their Backs,
where hopeless of Relief as if sensible of their future Condi
tion, for some hours they mourn out their Funerals, the Tears
plentifully flowing from their Eyes, accompanied with passion
ate Sobs and Sighs, in my Judgment nothing more like than
such who are surrounded and overwhelmed with Troubles,
Cares and Griefs, which raises in Strangers both Pity and
Compassion. Compleatly six hours after the Butcher has
cut them up and into pieces, mangled their Bodies, I have
seen the Callope when going to be seasoned, with pieces of
their Flesh ready to cut into Stakes, vehemently contract
with great Reluctancy rise against the Knife, and sometimes
the whole Mass of Flesh in a visible Tremulation and Concus
sion, to him who first sees it seems strange and admirable.
There is farther to the Southward of Carolina, especially about
the Shears and Rivers of His[pa]niola and Cuba a Fish in
Nature something like the former, calFd the Manacy or Sea-
Co w, of an extraordinary Bigness, sometimes of 1000 pound
weight: It feeds on the Banks and Shoar sides on the grassy
Herbage, like a Tortoise; but that which is more wonderful
of this Creature is, that she gives her young Ones Suck from
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 155
her Duggs; she is headed like a Cow, of a green Colour, her
Flesh by some esteemed the most delicate in the World, sweeter
than the tenderest Veal, sold at Jamaica, where it 's sometimes
brought for 6d. the pound: It hath a stone in the Head which
is a gallant Remedy against the Pains and Dolors of the
Stone; so are the Bones of its Body to provoke Urine, when
pulverized and exhibited in convenient Liquors. Its Skin
makes excellent Whips for Horses, if prudently us'd, which
are very serviceable and lasting; with one of these Manaty
Strapps, I have seen a Bar of Iron cut and dented: It cuts
so severe and deep, that by the Public Authority at Jamaica,
Masters are forbidden and prohibited with it to strike their
White Servants.
There is in the mouth of their Rivers, or in Lakes near
the Sea, a Creature well known in the West Indies, calPd the
Alligator or Crocodile, whose Scaly Back is impenitrible, re
fusing a Musquet Bullet to pierce it, but under the Belly,
that or an Arrow finds an easie Passage to destroy it; it lives
both on Land and Water, being a voracious greedy Creature,
devouring whatever it seizes on, Man only excepted, which
on the Land it has not the courage to attacque, except when
asleep or by surprize: In the Water it's more dangerous;
it sometimes grows to a great length, from 16 to 20 foot,
having a long Mouth, beset with sharp keen Teeth; the Body
when full grown as large as a Horse, declining towards the
Tail; it 's slow in motion, and having no Joynt in the Verte-
braes or Back Bone, but with its whole length is unable to
turn, which renders it the less mischievous; yet Nature by
Instinct has given most Creatures timely Caution to avoid
them by their strong musky Smell, which at a considerable
distance is perceiveable, which the poor Cattle for their own
Preservation make good use of: their Flesh cuts very white;
the young ones are eatable; the Flesh of the older smells so
strong of Musk, that it nauseates; their Stones at least so
called, are commended for a rich, lasting perfume.
Mettals or Minerals I know not of any, yet it 's supposed
and generally believed, that the Apalatean Mountains which
lie far up within the Land, yields Ore both of Gold and Silver,
that the Spaniards in their running Searches of this Country
saw it, but had not time to open them, or at least, for the
156 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
present were unwilling to make any farther Discovery till
their Mines of Peru and Mexico were exhausted, or as others,
that they were politically fearful that if the Riches of the
Country should be exposed, it would be an Allure to encourage
a Foreign Invader, Poverty preserving, Riches oftentimes the
cause that Property is lost, usurped and invaded; but whether
it be this or that reason time will discover.
The Natives of the Country are from time immemorial,
ab Origine Indians, of a deep Chesnut Colour, their Hair
black and streight, tied various ways, sometimes oyPd and
painted, stuck through with Feathers for Ornament or Gal
lantry; their Eyes black and sparkling, little or no Hair on
their Chins, well limb'd and featured, painting their Faces
with different Figures of a red or sanguine Colour, whether
for Beauty or to render themselves formidable to their Ene
mies I could not learn. They are excellent Hunters; their
Weapons the Bow and Arrow, made of a Read, pointed with
sharp Stones, or Fish Bones; their Cloathing Skins of the
Bear or Deer, the Skin drest after their Country Fashion.
Manufactures, or Arts amongst them I have heard of none,
only little Baskets made of painted Reeds and Leather drest
sometimes with black and red Chequers coloured. In Medicine,
or the Nature of Simples, some have an exquisite Knowledge;
and in the Cure of Scorbutick, Venereal, and Malignant Dis
tempers are admirable: In all External Diseases they suck
the part affected with many Incantations, Philtres and Charms:
In Amorous Intrigues they are excellent either to procure Love
or Hatred: They are not very forward in Discovery of their
Secrets, which by long Experience are religiously transmitted
and conveyed in a continued Line from one Generation to
another, for which those skilPd in this Faculty are held in
great Veneration and Esteem. Their Religion chiefly consists
in the Adoration of the Sun and Moon: At the Appearance of
the New Moon I have observed them with open extended
Arms then folded, with inclined Bodies, to make their Adora
tions with much Ardency and Passion: They are divided into
many Divisions or Nations, Governed by Reguli, or Petty
Princes, which our English call Cacicoes.1 Their Diet is of
Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, with Indian Maiz or Corn; their Drink
1 Cassiques.
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 157
Water, yet Lovers of the Spirits of Wine and Sugar. They
have hitherto lived in good Correspondence and Amity with
the English, who by their just and equitable Cariage have
extreamly winn'd and obliged them; Justice being exactly
and impartially administred, prevents Jealousies, and main
tains between them a good Understanding, that the Neigh
bouring Indians are very kind and serviceable, doing our
Nation such Civilities and good Turns as lie in their Power.
This Country was first discovered by Sir Sebastian Cabott,
by the order, and at the expence of King Henry VII. from
which Discovery our Successive Princes have held their Claim,
in pursuance to which in the Seventeenth Year of His Majesties
Reign it was granted unto his Grace George Duke of Albe-
marle, unto the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Clarendon,
William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord
Ashley now Earl of Shaftsbury,1 to the Honourable Sir George
Carteret, and Sir John Colleton, Knights and Baronetts, to
Sir William Berkeley Knight, with a full and plenipotentiary
Power, to Colonize, Enact Laws, Execute Justice, etc. The
Regalia's of Premier Sovereignty only reserved. The Principal
place where the English are now settled lies scituated on a
point of Land about two Leagues from the Sea, between
Ashly and Cooper Rivers, so named in Honour to the Right
Honourable the Earl of Shaftsbury, a great Patron to the
Affairs of Carolina. The place called Charles Town, by an
express Order from the Lord Proprietors in the Year One
thousand six hundred and eighty, their Ordnance and Ammu
nition being removed thither from Old Charles Town, which
lay about a League higher from Ashly River, both for its
Strength and Commerce It 's very commodiously scituated
from many other Navigable Rivers that lie near it on which
the Planters are seated; by the Advantage of Creeks, which
have a Communication from one great River to another, at
the Tide or Ebb the Planters may bring their Commodities
to the Town as to the Common Market and Magazine both
1 George Monck was the family name of the Duke of Albemarle; Edward
Hyde that of the Earl of Clarendon; William Craven that of the Earl of Craven;
John Berkeley that of Lord Berkeley, and Anthony Ashley Cooper that of Lord
Ashley. The other three proprietors being only baronets or knights bore only
their family names.
158 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
for Trade and Shipping. The Town is regularly laid out into
large and capacious Streets, which to Buildings is a great
Ornament and Beauty. In it they have reserved convenient
places for Building of a Church/ Town-House and other
Publick Structures, an Artillery Ground for the Exercise of
their Militia, and Wharfs for the Convenience of their Trade
and Shipping. At our being there was judged in the Country
a 1000 or 1200 Souls; but the great Numbers of Families from
England, Ireland, Berbadoes, Jamaica, and the Caribees,
which daily Transport themselves thither, have more than
doubled that Number. The Commodities of the Country as
yet proper for England, are Furrs and Cedar : For Berbadoes,
Jamaica and the Caribbee Islands, Provisions, Pitch, Tarr
and Clapboard, for which they have in Exchange Sugar, Rumm,
Melasses and Ginger, etc., such things which are proper and
requisite for the Planter to be stored with before he leaves
England for his better Settlement there at his Arrival, chiefly
Servants: All kind of Iron Work for the clearing of Land,
pruning of Vines, for the Kitchen and for Building. Commodi
ties proper for the Merchant to Transport thither for his
Advantage, Cloathing of all kinds, both Linnen and Woollen,
Hats, Stockins, Shoes; all kind of Ammunition, Guns, Fowling-
pieces, Powder, Match, Bullet, Nails, Locks and Knives; all
Haberdashers Ware; Cordage, and Sails for Shipping, Spirits
and Spices, viz., Cloves, Nitmegs and Cinnamon. Finally, to
encourage People to Transport themselves thither, the Lord
Proprietors give unto all Masters and Mistresses of Families,
to their Children, Men-Servants and Maid-Servants if above
sixteen years of Age, fifty to all such under forty Acres of
Land to be held for ever, annually paying a Peny an Acre
to the Lord Proprietors to commence in 2 Years after it 's
surveyed.
Sir, Thus in an Abstract I have given you the Draught
of this excellent Country, begining with its Name, Scituation,
etc., and when first settled, regularly proceeding to the Nature
1 At the southeast corner of the streets now known as Meeting and Broad.
A church was erected soon after and called St. Philip's. St. Michael's Church
now stands on the spot, a new St. Philip's having been built elsewhere at a sub
sequent date.
1682] THOMAS ASHE'S CAROLINA 159
of the Soil, Quality of the Air, the Diseases and Longevity of
its Inhabitants, the Rarity of its produce in Trees, Fruits,
Roots and Herbs, Beasts, Fish, Fowl and Insects; the Nature
and Disposition of the Indians, the Progress the English
have made since their first Settlement, what Commodities
they abound with, in what defective; in all which from the
Truth I have neither swerved nor varied : Indeed in some other
things I might have farther enlarged and expatiated, which
I shall refer to a Personal Discourse, when I have the Honour
fco wait upon you again; in the mean time I am
Your humble Servant
T.A.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROVINCE OF
CAROLINA, BY SAMUEL WILSON, 1682
INTRODUCTION
THE Lords Proprietors of Carolina evidently believed in
advertising, if we judge by the frequency (for their time)
with which they published pamphlets extolling the virtues
of their province as a place for settlers. In 1682 one of these
was published in London, giving a history of the Ashley
River settlement in Carolina, an account of the natural re
sources of that part of the province, the advancement which
the settlers had made, the methods of obtaining lands there,
the necessary articles for settlers to take with them, and the
mode of getting there. Its author was Samuel Wilson, who
had been secretary to the Earl of Craven, one of the Lords
Proprietors, for his Carolina affairs for four years preceding,
and had thoroughly familiarized himself with conditions in
South Carolina. While the pamphlet is written with the
enthusiasm of a partisan, it can be corroborated from many
contemporaneous sources, and is good history. It is copied
into Richard Blome's Present State of His Majesty1 s Isks and
Territories in America (London, 1685) and, in a garbled form,
into the 1687 edition of that work.
This pamphlet was reprinted in 1836 in Historical Collections
of South Carolina (New York), by B. R. Carroll. Carroll's
text varies from that of the original pamphlet so often that
it would seem that he used a different edition in making his
copy, possibly a later edition of the pamphlet.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROVINCE OF
CAROLINA, BY SAMUEL WILSON, 1682
An Account of the Province of Carolina, in America : together
with an Abstract of the Patent, and several other Necessary
and Useful Particulars, to such as have thoughts of trans
porting themselves thither. Published for their Information.
LoriJon: Printed by G. Larkin, for Francis Smith, at the Ele
phant and Castle in Cornhil. 1682.1
To the Right Honourabk William Earl of Craven Pallatine,
and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors
of the Province of Carolina.
MAY it please your Lordships,
Finding by my Conversation with People who have an
Inclination to try their Fortunes in America, that your
Province of Carolina had not its due valuation for want of
being made known to the World, and not hearing of any
that had undertaken it, I looked upon it as a Duty incum-
bunt upon me, who have had the Honour to be your Secre
tary in your Carolina- Affairs now four years, to Publish the
ensuing Treatise; whereby is made known the Greatness of
your Soveraign's Gift to your Selves, and to the World the
Greatness of your Trust and Favour with Him; and to those
that have a desire of settling there, to what kind of Countrey
and Climate they Transport Themselves: Wherein I have
most strictly kept to the Rules of Truth, there not being any
thing that I have written in Commendation of your Province,
which I cannot prove by Letters from thence now in my
possession, and by Living Witnesses now in England.
I should not have been thus presumptuous to adventure upon
this Work, and to have crav;d for it your Lordships Patronage,
1 Title-page of original.
164
1663] WILSON'S ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA 165
had not the Employment I have under you (which hath given
me frequent Opportunities of discovering the Humanity and
Softness with which you Treat all Those who apply to you,
your constant Endeavours for the Good of all those who
come under your Government in Carolina, and the great care
you have taken by your admirable Constitution of Govern
ment, which you have there settled, for the lasting security,
peace and well being of all the Inhabitants of your Province)
induced me to beleive that the same goodness with which
you treat others, will be extended to me, and that you will
pardon my present presumption, and all the other Imper
fections of,
May it please your Lordships,
Your Lordships most Faithful and
Obliged, Humble Servant,
SAMUEL WILSON.
An Account of the Province of Carolina, in America.
CAROLINA is that part of Florida * which lies between
twenty nine and thirty six Degrees and thirty Minutes of
Northern Latitude : On the East it is washed with the Atlantick
Ocean, and is bounded on the West by Mare Pacificum (or the
South Sea) and within these bounds is contained the most
healthy Fertile and pleasant part of Florida, which is so much
commended by the Spanish Authors.
This Province of Carolina, was in the Year 1663 Granted
by Letters Pattents in Propriety of his most Gracious Majesty,
unto the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Clarendon, George
Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkely,
Anthony Lord Ashly, now Earl of Shaftsbury, Sir George
Carteret, and Sir John Colleton, Knights and Barronets, Sir
William Berkeley Knight, by which Letters Pattents the
Laws of England are to be of force in Carolina: but the Lords
1 While the Atlantic coast of North America was first discovered and par
tially explored by Sebastian Cabot, it was the Spanish explorer, Juan Ponce de
Leon, who gave the name Florida to the southern portion of it, and despite the
fact that the English were able to defend their claim to it and gave it the name
Virginia, many — even of the British empire — continued to call it Florida long
after the English had laid out their provinces and established governments there.
166 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
Proprietors have power with the consent of the Inhabitants
to make By-Laws for the better Government of the said
Province: So that no Money can be raised or Law made,
without the consent of the Inhabitants or their Representa
tives. They have also power to appoint and impower Gov-
ernours, and other Magistrates, to Grant Liberty of Con
science, make Constitutions, etc., With many other great
Priviledges, as by the said Letters Pattents will more largely
appear. And the said Lords Proprietors have there setled
a Constitution of Government, whereby is granted Liberty
of Conscience, and wherein all possible care is taken for the
equal Administration of Justice, and for the lasting Security
of the Inhabitants both in their Persons and Estates.
By the care and endeavours of the said Lords Proprietors,
and at their very great charge, two Colonys have been setled
in this Province, the one at Albemarle in the most Northerly
part, the other at Ashly River, which is in the Latitude of
thirty two Degrees odd Minutes.
Albemarle bordering upon Virginia, and only exceeding it
in Health, Fertility, and Mildness of the Winter, is in the
Growths, Productions and other things much of the same
nature with it: Wherefore I shall not trouble the Reader
with a perticular Description of that part; but apply my self
principally to discourse of the Collony at Ashly-River, which
being many Degrees more Southward than Virginia, differs
much from it in the Nature of its Clymate and Productions.
Ashly-River was first setled in April 1670, the Lords Pro
prietors having at their sole charge, set out three Vessels, with
a considerable number of able Men; eighteen Moneths Victuals,
with Clothes, Tools, Ammunition, and what else was thought
necessary for a new Settlement, and continued at this charge
to supply the Collony for divers years after, until the Inhabi
tants were able by their own Industry to live of themselves;
in which condition they have been for divers years past, and
are arrived to a very great Degree of Plenty of all sorts of
Provisions. Insomuch, that most sorts are already cheaper
there, than in any other of the English Collonys, and they
are plentifully enough supplied with all things from England
or other Parts.
Ashly-River, about seven Miles in from the Sea, divides
16801 WILSON'S ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA 167
it self into two Branches; the Southernmost retaining the name
of Ashly-River, the North Branch is called Cooper-River. In
May 1680, the Lords Proprietors sent their Orders to the
Government there, appointing the Port-Town for these two
Rivers to be Built on the Poynt of Land that divides them,
and to be called Charles Town, since which time about an
hundred Houses are there Built,1 and more are Building daily
by the Persons of all sorts that come there to Inhabit, from
the more Northern English Collonys, and the Sugar Islands,
England and Ireland; and many persons who went to Caro
lina Servants, being Industrious since they came out of their
times with their Masters, at whose charge they were Trans
ported, have gotten good Stocks of Cattle, and Servants of
their own; have here also Built Houses, and exercise their
Trades: And many that went thither in that condition, are
worth several Hundreds of Pounds, and live in a very plentiful
condition, and their Estates still encreasing. And Land is
become of that value near the Town, that it is sold for twenty
Shillings per Acre, though pillaged of all its valuable Timber,
and not cleared of the rest, and Land that is clear'd and
fitted for Planting, and Fenced, is let for ten Shillings per
annum the Acre, though twenty miles distant from the
Town, and six men will in six weeks time, Fall, Clear, Fence in,
and fit for Planting, six Acres of Land.
At this Town, in November 1680. There Rode at one
time sixteen Sail of Vessels (some of which were upwards of
200 Tons) that came from divers parts of the Kings Dominions
to trade there, which great concourse of shipping, will un
doubtedly in a short time make it a considerable Town.
The Eastern Shore of America, whether it be by reason
of its having the great Body of the Continent to the Westward
of it, and by consequence the North-west Wind (which Flows
contrary to the Sun) the Freezing- Wind, as the North-East is
1 A town was laid out there in 1672, and some of the lots had been granted
out and a few had been built upon prior to 1680, when, by order of the Proprietors,
the seat of government was removed to the new site, and the removal of the in
habitants rapidly followed. The site of the old town is now upon the plantation
of Mr. E. T. Legare, and the society of Children of the American Revolution has
lately erected a stone about a quarter of a mile from the site to mark it. The
stone, however, contains the erroneous statement that it marks the site of the
old town.
168 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
in Europe, or that the Frozen Lakes which Lye-in, beyond
Canada, and lye North and West from the Shore, Impregnate
the Freezing Wind with more chill and congealing qualities,
or that the uncultivated Earth, covered for the most part
with large shading Trees, breathes forth more nitrous Vapours,
than that which is cultivated; or all these Reasons together,
it is certainly much more cold than any part of Europe, in
the same Degree of Latitude of thirty nine and forty, and
England and those parts of America about the Latitude of
thirty nine and forty, and more North, though about six
hundred Miles nearer the Sun than England; is notwithstand
ing many degrees colder in the Winter.
The Author having been informed by those that say they
have seen it, that in those Parts it Freezeth above six Inches
thick in a Night, and great Navigable Rivers are Frozen over
in the same space of time; and the Country about Ashly-
River, though within nine Degrees of the Tropick, hath seldom
any Winter that doth not produce some Ice, though I cannot
yet learn that any hath been seen on Rivers or Ponds, above
a quarter of an Inch thick, which vanisheth as soon as the
Sun is an hour or two high; and when the Wind is not at
North-west, the Weather is very mild. So that the December
and January of Ashly River, I suppose to be of the same
Temperature with the latter end of March, and beginning of
April in England. This small Winter causeth a fall of the
Leaf, and adapts the Country to the Production of all the
Grains and Fruits of England, as well as those that require
more Sun; insomuch, that at Ashly-river the Apple, the Pear,
the Plum, the Quince, Apricock, Peach, Medlar, Walnut, Mul
berry and Chesnut, thrive very well in the same Garden to
gether with the Orange, the Lemon, Olive, the Pomgranate,
the Fig and Almond; Nor is the Winter here Cloudy, Overcast
or Foggy, but it hath been observed that from the twentieth
of August to the tenth of March, including all the Winter
Months, there have been but eight overcast days; and though
Rains fall pretty often in the Winter, it is most commonly in
quick Showers, which when past, the Sun shines out clear
again.
The Summer is not near so hot as in Virginia or the other
Northern American English Collonys, which may hardly gain
1682] WILSON'S ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA 169
belief with those that have not considered the reason; which
is its neerness to the Tropicks, which makes it in a greater
Measure than those Parts more Northward partake of those
Breezes, which almost constantly rise about eight or nine of
the Clock, within the Tropicks, and blow fresh from the East
till about Four in the Afternoon; and a little after the Sea
breeze dys away, there rises a North-wind, which blowing
all night, keeps it fresh and cool. In short, I take Carolina,
to be much of the same nature with those Delicious Countries
about Aleppo, Antioch, and Smyrna: but hath the Advantage
of being under an equal English Government.
Such, who in this Country have seated themselves near
great Marshes, are subject to Agues, as those who are so
seated in England; but those who are planted more remote
from Marshes or standing Waters, are exceeding healthy;
insomuch, that out of a Family consisting of never less than
twelve Persons, not one hath died since their first Arrival
there, which is nine years; but what is more, not one hath
been sick in all that time; nor is there one of the Masters of
Families that went over in the first Vessels, dead of Sickness
in Carolina, except one, who was seventy and five years of
Age before he came there,1 though the number of those
Masters of Families be pretty considerable: divers persons
who went out of England Ptisical, and Consumptive, have re
cover 'd, and others subject in England to frequent fits of the
Stone, have been absolutely freed from them after they have
been there a short time; nor is the Gout there yet known. The
Ayr gives a strong Appetite and quick Digestion, nor is it with
out suitable effects, men finding themselves apparently more
lightsome, more prone, and more able to all Youthful Exer
cises, than in England, the Women are very Fruitful, and the
Children have fresh Sanguine Complexions.
The Soyle is generally very fertile, but hath some sandy
1 Paul Smith, who was put down on the list of the passengers in the Carolina,
one of the ships that brought over the first settlers, as a master, or head of family,
died prior to June 29, 1672, when the governor and deputies directed the sur
veyor-general to lay out fifty acres of land to parties who had purchased it of the
heirs of Paul Smith, deceased. Possibly he was the head of family to whom
the writer here refers. See A. S. Salley, Jr., Warrants for Lands in South Caro
lina, 1672-1679, pp. 16, 48.
170 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
tracts so as to make an agreable variety, but even this Land
produceth good Corne and is excellent pasture; Wheat, Rye,
Early, Oates, and Peas, thrive exceedingly, and the ground
yeilds in greater abundance than in England, Turnips, Parsnips,
Carrots, Potatoes, and Edoes, a substantial wholesome nourish
ing Root grow well, and all excellent in their kindes, they have
near twenty sorts of Pulse that we have not in England, all of
them very good food, insomuch that the English Garden Bean
is not regarded.
Near the Sea the Trees are not very large, they grow
pritty neare together; farther up they are larger, and grow
farther asunder, and are in most parts free from Underwood,
so that you may see near half a mile amongst the bodyes of
large tall timber trees, whose tops meeting make a very pleas
ing shade, yet hinders not grass, myrtle and other sweet
scenting shrubs here and there from growing under them:
Amongst these Groves of Timber Trees are here and there
Savana's, (or grassy plains) of several magnitudes clear of
Trees, which have occasioned some that have seene them to
compare Carolina to those pleasant Parks in England, that
have abundance of tall Timber Trees unlop'd, here you may
hunt the Hare, Fox, and Deere all day long in the shade, and
freely, spur your horse through the Woods to follow the chase.
This Country hath the Oak, Ash, Elm, Poplar, Beech, and
all the other Sorts of useful Timber that England hath, and
divers sorts of lasting Timber that England hath not, as Cedar
white and red, Cypress, Locust, Bay and Laurell Trees, equal
to the biggest Oaks, large Mirtles, Hickery, black Wallnut and
Pynes big enough to Mast the greatest Ships, and divers other
sorts, which I cannot enumerate.
The Woods abound with Hares, Squirrels, Racoons, Pos
sums, Conyes and Deere, which last are so plenty that an
Indian hunter hath kilPd nine fatt Deere in a day all shott by
himself, and all the considerable Planters have an Indian
hunter which they hire for less than twenty shillings a year,
and one hunter will very well find a Family of thirty people
with as much Venison and Foul, as they can well eat. Here
are also in the woods great plenty of wilde Turkeys, Partridges,
something smaller than those of England, but more de[l]icate,
Turtle Doves, Paraquetos, and Pidgeons; On the grassy plaines
1682] WILSON'S ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA 171
the whistling Plover and Cranes and divers sorts of Birds un-
knowne in England.
Carolina doth so abound in Rivers, that within fifty miles
of the Sea you can hardly place your self seven miles from a
Navigable River, and divers are navigable for good big Ves
sels above three hundred miles:1 The Rivers abound with
variety of excellent Fish, and near the Sea with very good
Oysters, in many of which are Pearl : the Author having seen
Pearl that have been taken out of some of them bigger than
Rouncival Pease and perfectly round. On the Rivers and
brooks are all the winter moneths vast quantitys of Swan,
wild Geese, Duck, Widgeon, Teale, Curlew, Snipe, Shell Drake
and a certaine sort of black Duck that is excellent meat,
and stayes there all the year.2
Neat Cattle thrive and increase here exceedingly, there
being perticular Planters that have already seven or eight
hundred head, and will in a few years in all probability, have
as many thousands, unless they sell some part; the Cattle are
not subject to any Disease as yet perceiv'd, and are fat all the
Year long without Fother, the little Winter they have, not
pinching them so as to be perceiv'd, which is a great advantage
the Planters here have of the more Northern Plantations who
are all forc'd to give their Cattle Fother, and must spend a
great part of their Summers Labour in providing three or four
Months Fother for the Cattle in the Winter, or else would have
few of them alive in the Spring, which will keep them from
ever having very great Heards, or be able to do much in Plant
ing any Comodity for Forreign Markets; the providing Winter
Food for their Cattle, taking up so much of their Summers
Labour; So that many Judicious Persons think that Carolina
will be able by Sea, to supply those Northern Collonys, with
salted Beef for their Shipping, cheaper than they themselves
with what is bred amongst them; for, considering that all the
Woods in Carolina afford good Pasturage, and the small Rent
1 There are only three rivers in South Carolina that extend inland from the
sea so much as three hundred miles: the Edisto, the Santee, and the Peedee.
There are about a dozen more that are from fifteen to one hundred miles long
that are navigable by steamers almost to their sources.
* The only duck that stays in South Carolina all the year now is the wood
duck, known locally as the summer duck. See Wayne, Birds of South Carolina.
172 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
that is paid to the Lords Proprietors for Land, an Ox is raised
at almost as little expence in Carolina, as a Hen is in England.
And it hath by experience been found that Beef will take salt
at Ashly-Biver any Month in the Year, and save very well.
Ewes have most commonly two or three Lambs at a time ;
their Wool is a good Staple and they thrive very well, but
require a Shepherd to drive them to Feed, and to bring them
home at night to preserve them from the Wolves.
Hogs increase in Carolina abundantly, and in a manner
without any charge or trouble to the Planter, only to make
them Sheds, wherein they may be protected from the Sun and
Rain, and Morning and Evening to give them a little Indian
Corn, or the pickings and parings of Potatoes, Turnips, or
other Roots, and at the same time blowing a Horn, or making
any other constant noyse, to which being us'd, they will after
wards upon hearing it, repair home, the rest of their Food they
get in the Woods, of Masts, and Nuts of several sorts; and when
those fail, they have Grass and Roots enough, the ground
being never frozen so hard as to keep them from Rooting, these
conveniencies breeds them large, and in the Mast time they are
very fat, all of which makes the rearing of them so easy, that
there are many Planters that are single and have never a
Servant, that have two or three hundred Hogs, of which they
make great profit; Barbados, Jamaica, and New-England, af
fording a constant good price for their Pork; by which means
they get wherewithal to build them more convenient Houses,
and to purchase Servants, and Negro-slaves.
There have been imported into Carolina about an hundred
and fifty Mares, and some Horses from New- York and Rhoad-
Island, which breed well, and the Coalts they have are finer
Lim'd and Headed than their Dams or Sires, which gives great
hopes of an excellent breed of Horses, as soon as they have
gotten good Stalions amongst them.
Negros By Reason of the mildness of the Winter thrive and
stand much better, than in any of the more Northern Collonys,
and require less clothes, which is a great charge sav'd.
With the Indians the English have a perfect freindship,
they being both usefull to one another. And care is taken
by the Lords Proprietors, that no Injustice shall be done
them; In order to which they have established a Particular
1682] WILSON'S ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA 173
Court of Judicature, (compos'd of the soberest and most dis-
interessed Inhabitants) to determine all differences that shall
happen between the English and any of the Indians, this they
do upon a Christian and Moral Consideration, and not out of
any apprehension of danger from them, for the Indians
have been always so engaged in Wars one Town or Village
against another (their Government being usually of no greater
extent) that they have not suffered any increase of People,
there having been several Nations in a manner quite extir
pated by Wars amongst themselves since the English setled
at Ashly River: This keeps them so thin of people, and so
divided, that the English have not the least apprehensions
of danger from them; the English being already too strong
for all the Indians within five hundred Miles of them, if they
were united, and this the Indians so well know, that they
will never dare to break with the English, or do any Injury
to any particular person, for fear of having it reveng'd upon
their whole Nation.
The Lords Proprietors do at present grant to all persons
that come there to Inhabit as follows, viz. To each Master
or Mistriss of a Family fifty acres, and to every able son or
man servant they shall carry or cause to be transported into
Carolina fifty acres more, and the like for each Daughter or
woman servant that is marriageable, and for each child, man
or woman servant under sixteen years of age, forty acres,
and fifty acres of Land to each servant when out of their
time, this Land to be injoy'd by them and their Heirs for ever,
they paying a Penny an Acre Quit-rent to the Lords Pro
prietors, the Rent to commence in two years after their
taking up their Land. But forasmuch as divers persons who
are already Inhabitants of Carolina, and others that have
Intentions to transport themselves into that Province, desire
not to be cumbered with paying of a Rent, and also to secure
to themselves good large convenient tracts of Land, without
being forc'd to bring thither a great number of servants at
one time; The Lords Proprietors have been Prevailed upon,
and have agreed to sell to those who have a mind to buy
Land, after the rate of fifty pound for a Thousand Acres,
reserving a Pepper-Corn per annum Rent when demanded.
The way of any ones taking up his Land, due to him
174 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
either by carrying himself or servants into the Country, or
by purchasing it of the Lords Proprietors, is after this manner ;
He first seeks out a place to his mind that is not already
possessed by any other, then applyes himself to the Governour
and Proprietors Deputys, and shew what rights he hath to
Land, either by Purchase or otherwise; who thereupon issue
out their Warrant to the Surveyor-General to measure him
out a Plantation containing the number of acres due to him;
who making Certificate that he hath measur'd out so much
Land and the Bounds, a Deed is prepar'd of course, which is
signed by the Governour and the Lords Proprietors Deputys,
and the Proprietors Seal affixed to it, and Registered, which
is a good Conveyance in Law of the Land therein mentioned
to the party and his Heirs for ever.
I have here, as I take it, described a pleasant and fertile
Country, abounding in health and pleasure, and with all
things necessary for the sustenance of mankind, and wherein
I think I have written nothing but truth, sure I am I have
inserted no wilful falshood: I have also told you how men
are to have Land that go there to Inhabit. But a rational
man will certainly inquire, When I have Land, what shall I
doe with it? what Comoditys shall I be able to produce that
will yeild me mony in other Countrys, that I may be inabled
to buy Negro slaves (without which a Planter can never do
any great matter) and purchase other things for my pleasure
and convenience, that Carolina doth not produce? To this I
answer, That besides the great profit that will be made by
the vast heards of Cattle and Swine, the Country appears to
be proper for the Commoditys following, viz.
Wine. There are growing naturally in the Country five
sorts of Grapes, three of which the French Vignaroons who are
there, judge will make very good Wine, and some of the Lords
Proprietors have taken care to send plants of the Rhenish,
Canary, Clarret, Muscatt, Madera, and Spanish Grapes, of all
which divers Vinyards are planted; some wine was made this
year that proved very good both in colour and taste, and an
indifferent good quantity may be expected the next year:
The Country hath gentle rising hills of fertile sand proper
for Vines, and further from the Sea, rock and gravel, on which
very good grapes grow naturally, ripen well, and together,
1682] WILSON'S ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA 175
and very lushious in taste, insomuch as the French Protestants
who are there, arid skill 'd in wine, do no way doubt of pro
ducing great quantitys and very good.
Oyl. There are severall Olive trees growing, which were
carryed thither, some from Portugal, and some from Ber
mudas and flourish exceedingly, and the Inhabitants take
great care to propagate more, so that in all probability it
will be an excellent Oyl-Country.
Silk. There is in Carolina great plenty of Mulberry Trees,
such as are by experience found to feed the Silk-worm very
well, yea as well as the white Mulberry, but there is of that
sort also, which are propagated with a great deal of ease, a
stick new cut and thrust into the ground, seldom failing to
grow, and so likewise if the seed of them be sown.
Tobacco. Tobacco doth here grow very well, and is nearer
to the nature of the Spanish Tobacco than that of Virginia.
Indigo. Indigo thrives well here, and very good hath been
made.
Cotton. Cotton of the Cyprus and Smyrna sort will grow
well, and good plenty of the Seed is sent thither.
Flax and Hemp. Thrives exceedingly.
Good plenty of Pitch and Tar is there made, there being
particular persons that have made above a thousand barrels.
Here is good plenty of Oake for Pipe staves, which are
a good Commodity in the Maderas, Canaryes, Barbados, and
the Leeward Islands.
Sumack. Sumack growes in great abundance naturally, so
undoubtedly would Woad, Madder and Sa-Flower, if planted.
Drugs. Jallop, Sassaparilla, Turmerick, Sassafras, Snake-
root, and divers others.
In short, This Country being of the same Clymate and
Temperature of Aleppo, Smyrna, Antioch, Judea, and the
Province of Nanking, the richest in China, will (I conceive)
produce any thing which those Countrys do, were the Seeds
brought into it.
The Tools that men who goe thither ought to take with
them are these, viz. An Ax, a Bill, and a Broad Hoe, and
grabbing Hoe, for every man, and a cross cut Saw to every
four men, a Whip-saw, a set of Wedges and Fraus and
Betle-Rings to every family, and some Reaping Hooks and
176 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682V
Sythes, as likewise Nails of all sorts, Hooks, Hinges, Bolts
and Locks for their Houses.
The Merchandizes which sell best in Carolina, are Linnen
and Woollen, and all other Stufs to make clothes of, with
Thread, Sowing Silk, Buttons, Ribbons, Hats, Stockings,
Shoes, etc., which they sell at very good rates, and for these
goods any man may purchase the Provision he hath need of.
The Passage of a man or woman to Carolina is five Pound,
Ships are going thither all times of the year. Some of the
Lords Proprietors, or my self, will be every Tuesday at 11 of
the clock at the Carolina-Coffee-house in Burching-Lane near
the Royal Exchange, to inform all people what Ships are
going, or any other thing whatsoever.1
1 Then follows in the pamphlet a seven-page abstract of the patent.
LETTERS OF THOMAS NEWE, 1682
INTRODUCTION
AMONG those who settled in South Carolina in the year
1682 was Thomas Newe, who arrived in Charles Town May 12.
He was the son of William Newe, butler of Exeter College,
Oxford; a man of excellent education, being a graduate of
Oxford with the degree of Master of Arts/ and well equipped
to take a leading part in the affairs of the province, but, un
fortunately, he died before the year was out. On December 1,
1682, Governor Morton appointed John Beresford, Esq.,
administrator of his estate and, at the same time, directed
Robert Daniell, Richard Codner, and John Norton to make an
inventory and appraisement of his property. The inventory
shows that he had accumulated some cattle, household goods
and furniture, and some books,2 and had also run into debt to
the extent of £53. 6s. Id.3 Three letters which he wrote to his
father during his brief sojourn in South Carolina, and which
give very interesting accounts of the province at that time,
have been preserved. They are to be found in MS. Rawlinson
D. 810 in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. MS. Rawlinson
D. 810 is a volume of miscellaneous collections partly tran
scribed from collections of Hannibal Baskerville, of Bayworth,
Berks, but chiefly written by his son Thomas, relative to their
1 Foster, in his Alumni Oxonienses, p. 1060, has this entry: "Thomas Newe,
s. William, of Oxford city, pleb., Exeter Coll., matric. 7 March, 1672-3, aged 17;
B. A. 1676, M. A. 1679."
" These were Heylin's Geography, appraised at £1, a dictionary, at 15s., a
Roman history, at £1. 2s., a Greek dictionary, at 5s., and twenty-three other
books, at £1. 10s.
3 Records of the Court of Ordinary of South Carolina, 1672-1692 (MS. in
the office of the Historical Commission of South Carolina), pp. 131-132.
179
180 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
family, their friends, and the University of Oxford, and of the
most varied nature. Thomas Newe's letters are imbedded in
the description of Exeter College, as follows :
Exeter College. . . . This Colledge is Capacious and large
enough to entertaine and lodge 120 people (so saith Mr. Crabb
and Mr. Oliver Schollers in't) but my friend Mr. Newe the present
Butler saith it is capacious enough for 150 people. . . .
The Gentlemen which I can remember that have been and
now are of my acquaintance in this Colledge are these. . . . Mr.
Newe my loving friend and Butler of this Colledge as aforesaid,
who had an ingenous son sometimes a Sch oiler of this House;
who went one of the earliest Planters to Carolina whose loss, with
his dear father I do much lament as being deprived by his death
of further intelligence from those parts; yet to make him live what
we can in our Memory take here an account of that plantation, as
it came in letters from him before any narrative of that place was
put in print.1
These letters were used by Professor Charles M. Andrews
in his Colonial Self-Government. Professor Andrews called
the attention of Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, managing editor of
the American Historical Review, to them, and Doctor Jameson
printed them, with an introduction and annotations, in the
Review for January, 1907 (vol. XII., pp. 322-S27).2
1 The pamphlets of both Ashe and Wilson appeared in the same year in
which these letters were written, 1682.
* The editor has made liberal use here of Doctor Jameson's introduction and
notes, and begs to acknowledge his obligation to Doctor Jameson's work.
LETTERS OF THOMAS NEWE, 1682
May the 17th, 1682, from CHARLES TOWN on
Ashley River by way of Barbadoes in the
Samuel.
Most Honourd Father:
THE 12th of this instant by the providence of God after a
long and tedious passage we came to an Anchor against Charles
town at 10 in the night in 3^ fathom water, on the sixth we
made land 60 miles to the South of Ashley River against which
we came the 8 but could not get in by reason of contrary winds
sooner then we did. We had little or nothing observable in
the whole voyage, but the almost continual S.W. winds. God
be thanked I had my health very well except a day or two of
Sea sickness but most of the other passengers were much
troubled with the scurvy; Of 62 that came out of England we
lost 3, two of them were seamen, one dyed of the scurvey, the
other fell overboard, the third was a woman in child bed, her
child died shortly after her. As for the Countrey I can say
but little of it as yet on my one [own] knowledge, but what I
hear from others. The Town which two years since had but
3 or 4 houses, hath now about a hundred houses in it, all
which are wholy built of wood, tho here is excellent Brick
made, but little of it. All things are very dear in the Town;
milk 2 d a quart, beefe 4 d a pound, pork 3 d, but far better
then our English, the common drink of the Countrey is Molos-
sus and water, I don't hear of any mault that is made hear as
yet. The English Barly and Wheat do thrive very well, but
the Indian corn being more hearty and profitable, the other is
not much regarded. I am told that there is great plenty of
all things in the Countrey, whither I intend to go as soon as
conveniently I can dispose of my goods, which I fear will not
181
182 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
be soon, nor to such advantage as we expected.1 Severall in
the Country have great stocks of Cattle and they sell so well
to new comers that they care not for killing, which is the
reason provision is so dear in the Town, whilst they in the
Country are furnisht with Venison, fish, and fowle by the In
dians for trifles, and they that understand it make as good
butter and cheese as most in England. The land near the sea
side is generally a light and sandy ground, but up in the Coun
try they say there is very good land, and the farther up the
better, but that which at present doth somewhat hinder the
selling [settling] farther up, is a war that they are ingaged in
against a tribe of Barbarous Indians being not above 60 in
number, but by reason of their great growth and cruelty in
feeding on all their neighbours, they are terrible to all other
Indians, of which, there are above 40 severall Kingdoms, the
strength and names of them all being known to our Governer
who upon any occasion summons their Kings in. We are at
peace with all but those common enemies of mankind, those
man eaters before mentioned, by name the Westos,2 who have
lately killed two eminent planters that lived far up in the
Country, so that they are resolved now if they can find their
settlement (which they often change) to cut them all off.
There is a small party of English out after them, and the most
potent Kingdome of the Indians armed by us and continually
in pursuit of them. When we came into Ashley river we found
six small vessels in the Harbour, but great ones may and have
come in by the assistance of a good Pilot, and if they can make
good wine hear, which they have great hopes of, and this year
will be the time of tryall which if it hits no doubt but the place
will flourish exceedingly, but if the vines do not prosper I
question whither it will ever be any great place of trade. On
Sunday the 14th of this instant a small vessell that came from
Mewis 3 hither, was cast away upon the Bar, but the men and
1 He evidently expected to do as many of the foremost men of South Caro
lina had done and as many more of them subsequently did. They accumulated
capital in trade and then took up planting and grew wealthy thereby.
2 See Woodward's Westoe Voiage, pp. 130-134, supra, for an account of the
Westocs. They rose against the English settlements in 1673, 1680, and 1681,
but were defeated each time. See Collections of the South Carolina Historical
Society, V. 4G1; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1681-1685, pp, 508-510.
a Nevis.
1682] LETTERS OF THOMAS NEWE 183
goods were all saved. This is the first opportunity I have had
to write since I came from England but I hope to find more
opportunityes here, then I had at Sea, this with my most
humble duty to yourself and my Mother, my kind love to my
sister and Brothers being all from
Your most duetifull and obedient son
THOMAS NEWE
My duty to my Grandmother and my love to all my rela
tions and friends that enquire concerning me.
May 29th, 1682, by way of
Barbados.
Most Honoured Father:
The 17th of this Instant by way of Barbados in the Samuel,
being the lrst opportunity since my departure from England,
I sent you a letter wherein I gave you an account of our safe
arrival, but not of the Voyage, that I leave to my Journall
which I intend to send by the first Ship that goes directly for
England, with my knowledge of the Countrey of which I have
not seen much yet, but one thing I understand (to my sorrow)
that I knew not before, the most have a seasoning, but few
dye of it. I find the Commonalty here to be mightily dissatis
fied, the reason is 3 or 4 of the great ones, for furs and skins,
have furnished the Indians with arms and ammunitions
especially those with whome they are now at War, for from
those they had all or most of their fur, so that trade which 3
or 4 only kept in their hands is at present gone to decay, and
now they have armed the next most potent tribe of the In
dians to fight the former, and some few English there are out,
looking after them, which is a charge to the people and a stop
[to] the further setling of the Countrey.1 The Soyl is gen-
1 Dr. Henry Woodward had built up a fine trade with the Westo Indians,
in which he was personally interested. In 1680 the Savannah Indians pushed
eastward from their towns near the Gulf, west of the Appalachicola River, to
the Westoboo (Savannah). In the same year, the Westoes, in violation of a
treaty they had made with the governor, killed, or captured for slaves, some
Indians of the coastal tribes near Charles Town, and war was declared upon
them by the whites. Dr. Woodward was accused of having furnished the Westoes
with arms to use against the friendly Indians and prohibited from trading or
negotiating with them. He was subsequently fined for his conduct, but the
"184 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
erally very light, but apt to produce whatsoever is put into it.
There are already all sorts of English fruit and garden herbs
besides many others that I never saw in England, and they
do send a great deal of Pork, Corn and Cedar to Barbados,
besides the victualling of severall Vessels that come in here,
as Privateers and others which to do in the space of 12 years
the time from the lrst seating of it by the English, is no small
work, especially if we consider the first Planters which were
most of them tradesmen, poor and wholy ignorant of husbandry
and till of late but few in number, it being encreased more the 3
or 4 last years then the whole time before, the whole at presen[t]
not amounting to 4000, 1 so that their whole Business was to
clear a little ground to get Bread for their Familyes, few of
them having wherewithall to purchase a Cow, the first stock
whereof they were furnished with, from Bermudas and New
England, from the later of which they had their horses which
are not so good as those in England, but by reason of their
scarcity much dearer, an ordinary Colt at 3 years old being
valued at 15 or 16 Us. as they are scarce, so there is but little
use of them yet, all Plantations being seated on the Rivers,
they can go to and fro by Canoo or Boat as well and as soon
as they can ride, the horses here like the Indians and many of
the English do travail without shoes. Now each family hath
got a stock of Hogs and Cows, which when once a little more
encreased, they may send of to the Islands cheaper then any
other place can, by reason of its propinquity, which trade alone
will make it far more considerable than either Virginia, Mary
land, Pensilvania, and those other places to the North of us.
I desire you would be pleased by the next opportunity to
send me over the best herbalist for Physical Plants in as small
a Volume as you can get. There was a new one just came out
as I left England, if I mistake not in 8V0. that was much com
mended, the Author I have forgot,2 but there are severall in
Lords Proprietors pardoned him. See Journal of the Grand Council of South
Carolina, 1671-1680 (Columbia, S. C., 1907), pp. 84-85. While hostilities were
on with the Westoes the English furnished the Savannahs with arms with which
to drive out their rivals, the Westoes, which they did in 1681.
1 See p. 158, supra.
* Perhaps this was John Ray's Methodus Plantarum Nova (London, 1682,
octavo). If he received the "herbalist" it probably was included in the twenty-
three books appraised in his inventory at £1. 10s. See p. 179, supra.
1682] LETTERS OF THOMAS NEWE 185
the Colledge that can direct you to the best. If Mr. Sessions,
Mr. Hobart or Mr. White, should send to you for money for
the passage of a servant, whether man or boy that they Judge
likely, I desire you would be pleased to send it them, for such
will turn to good account here; and if you please to enquire
at some Apothecarys what Sassafrass (which grows here in
great plenty) is worth a pound and how and at what time of
the year to cure it, let me know as soon as you can, for if the
profit is not I am sure the knowledge is worth sending for.
Pray Sir let me hear by the next how all our friends and rela-
cions do, what change in the Colledge, and what considerable
alteracion through the whole Town; I have now nothing more
to speak but my desire that you may still retain (what I know
you do) that love with which I dayly was blest and that readi
ness in pardoning whatsoever you find amiss, and to believe
that my affections are not changed with the Climate unless
like it too, grown warmer, this with my most humble duety
to yourself and my mother, my kind love to my sister and
Brothers and all the rest of our Friends I rest
Your most dutifull and obedient son,
THO: NEWE.
From Charls Town in Carolina.
From CHARLS TOWN, August the 23,
Most Honourd Father. 1682'
In obedience to your commands, I am ready to embrace
every opportunity of sending to you, this is the 3rd, The 2
first by way of Barbados, the lrst of the 17th, the 2nd of the
29th of May, which I hope you will receive long before this
comes to your hands. This place affords little news, nothing
worth sending. The llth of June a French Privateer of 4
Guns 30 men whereof 10 were English men brought in here a
Spanish prize of 16 Guns and a 100 men, which by the French-
mens confession they had never taken, had it not been for the
English, they have allready spent most of it and are providing
to be gone againe.
The 30th of July cam an Indian to our Governour and told
him that 800 Spaniards were upon their march coming from
St. Augustine (a place belonging to our Proprietors about 150
186 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1682
miles to the South of us, where the Spaniards are seated and
have a pretty strong Town) to fall upon the English, upon
which the Council met 3 times and ordered 20 great Guns
that lay at a place where the town was first designed to be
made, to be brought to Charls Town, and sent Scouts at a
good distance (knowing which way they must come) to discover
their strength and the truth of it, which if they had seen any
thing were to return with all speed, and 700 men were to have
met them, which were to lay in Ambuscade in a Cave, swam1
where the Spaniards were to come, through a Marsh, that
every step they would be up to their middle. Our people
were so far from being afraid that they mightily rejoyced at
the news of it, wishing that they might have some just cause
of War with the Spaniards, that they might grant Commis
sions to Privateers, and themselves fall on them at St. Augus
tine.2 as we understand since this was the ground of the report,
The Spaniards thinking themselves to be abused by a nation
of Indians that lived betwixt them and us, marched out to
cut of that Nation, to which this Indian belonged, which (as
it is usual with the Indians) reported that they were 800,
whereas some of the Privateers have been there, and say that
they are not able to raise above 300 men. we have 100 Priva
teers here all shar like though not at the taking of the prize,
which if our Governour would suffer them would fain fall on
the Spaniards at St. Augustine; it is not likely if the Spaniards
were so strong as the Indian reported, that they would send
out such strength against them, For when the English have
any war with a Nation of the Indians tho at 150 miles dis
tance they think 20 English and 30 or 40 friendly Indians to
be a sufficient party. The Indians are sent before to discover
where the other Indians lay who if they see but [gap in MS.]
of their enemyes they will returne with great speed and greater
fear to the English reporting they saw 200.
The 20th of August I saw a Comet in the North East about
2 hours before day, the 21 it was seen in the west.3 Sir of
those goods you gave me of my Brothers, I have sold some,
lSic.
1 "These sentiments were vividly manifested when the Spaniards actually
did attack, in 1686." — Jameson.
3 Halley's comet was then visible.
1682] LETTERS OF THOMAS NEWE 187
and most of them I bought in London, but I can not yet make
any returne; for money here is but little and that Spanish
which will not go for so much in England by 4 or 5 s in the li.
Our pay is what the Countrey affords, as Corn, Pork, Tar and
Cedar, the 3 first are fit only for the Islands. I know not
whether the last will pay charges to England it can't be af
forded under 30 or 32 s profit in London, if you please you
may enquire what it will yield in Oxon, and if you think it
worth sending, and know how to dispose of it, I will take care
to send it by the first, after I know your mind. Sir I have
sent to Mr. Sessions for these following goods which are the
best I can think of and I desire you, that you would let him
have as much money as will buy them. Nuttmegs to the
value of 5 li, Pepper 50 s, Cinnamon 25 s, Cloves and Mace 25 s,
J a C of large Beads, blue and white, or white with streaks of
blue or black, or blew with beads blew and white, or white
with streaks of blew or black, 1 [gap] of blew Duffals, a quarter
of a Cask of brandy, ^ doz white Castors, at about 8 or 10 s
per piece, and one good French hat, 2 or 3 [gap] of fine thread
to make lace, 500 small needles and 20 [gap] of that tape
which is now in fashion to make lace with, 8 or 10 doz. of knives
from 2 s 06 d to 5 s per doz., one good \gap] coat for my
self and 2 C1 of pigeon shot. Sir I desire you with these
things to send me J C of Shomakers thread and one of my
Brothers shop books if you have one that is not used. Sir I
beseech you pardon my presumption since 'twas your good
ness made me so by your usuall readiness in granting my
former requests. Pray present my humble duety to my
Mother and my Grandmother, my kind love to my sister and
Brothers and the rest of our Relations and be confident that
I will be industrious to improve whatsoever you shall commit
to my charge and to approve my self
Your most Dutifull and obedient Son,
THOMAS NEWE.
*/. e.t hundredweight.
JOURNAL OF ELDER WILLIAM PRATT
1695-1701
INTRODUCTION
IN 1695 a small colony, or "church," as its promoters
termed it, was organized in Dorchester, Massachusetts, for
the purpose of settling in South Carolina. In the records of
the First Church at Dorchester it appears that on October 20,
1695, Joseph Lord, Increase Sumner, and William Pratt were
11 dismissed" (transferred) from that church for "The gather
ing of A church for the South Coralina," l and in the same
records for two days later the following appears:
ocktober the 22 being ower lecktuer day was sett apart for the
ordering of Mr Joseph lord for to be pastuer to A church gathered
that day for to goe South Coralina to settell the gospell ther and
the names of the men are thes
Joshua Brooks ) - ~ ,
Nathaniel Billings \ of Concord
William Norman Coralina
William Adams Sudbury
Increase Sumner ) ^ ,
William Pratt |
George Foxe Reading
Simon Daken Concord
thes with Mr. Joseph lord did enter into a most solem Covenant to
sett up the ordinances of Jesus Christ ther if the lord caryed them
safely thither accordin to gospell truth withe a very large profeson
of ther faithe.2
William Norman had been living in South Carolina for
some years previously. On April 10, 1684, the Governor and
Lords Proprietors' deputies had issued a warrant to the sur-
1 Records of the First Church at Dorchester, New England (1891), p. 13.
* Ibid., p. 109.
191
192 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
veyor-general to lay out 320 acres of land for him; that being
the amount allowed to him under a late concession of the
Lords Proprietors for the arrival in the province of himself,
his wife, his son William, two servants and a negro that had
been assigned to him by Matthew English,1 and the land so
allowed was laid out for him on the east side of the Ashley
River above Booshoee (Dorchester) Creek, September 22,
1684.2 It is probable that, being a Congregationalist, he
wanted a church of that denomination near him and, for the
purpose of securing it, suggested the organization of this
colony for South Carolina. The colony, or church, sailed
from Boston December 5, 1695, as is shown by the following
entry on the records of the First Church at Dorchester:
December 5th, 1695 — The church for Carolina set sail from
Boston Dec 14th at night the skiff was neer run undr water the
Stormy wind being so boisterous. They kept a day of pray on
board: and safely Landed at Carolina Decembr the 20th the other
vessells had a Moneths Passage this but about 14 days.3
William Pratt, originally of Weymouth, Massachusetts,
removed to Dorchester in that colony in 1690. He is named
in the record of the meeting of October 22, 1695, as a member
of the " church gathered that day for to goe South Carolina."
He kept a journal of the voyage from Boston to South Carolina
and of various experiences in South Carolina for some time
after his arrival therein. On February 8, 1695/6, he left
Charles Town and returned to Massachusetts, where he re
mained for nearly a year. He again sailed from Boston for
South Carolina, January 8, 1696/7, and again he kept a journal
of his voyage and of events occurring in South Carolina after
his return thither. This journal is now in the hands of one of
1 "Warrants for Lands, 1672-1692" (MS. in office of Historical Commission
of South Carolina), p. 296.
• The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, VI. 64-65.
•Records of the First Church at Dorchester, New England (1891), p. 145.
INTRODUCTION 193
Elder Pratt's descendants, Mr. Joshua Eddy Crane, librarian
of the Taunton Public Library, of Taunton, Massachusetts,
who very kindly allowed it to be copied for publication here.
Parts of it have been printed heretofore. Rev. James Stacy
printed certain portions in his History of the Midway Congrega
tional Church, Liberty County, Georgia (Newnan, Ga., 1899),
and Mr. Henry A. M. Smith quoted parts of it from Mr. Stacy's
work in an article, entitled "The Town of Dorchester, in
South Carolina— A Sketch of Its History," in The South
Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine for January,
1905 (vol. VI., no. 1). The entries below, intermixed with
recipes, etc., are made on the blank leaves of a pocket almanac.
Their order is confused. The arrangement adopted on the
following pages is believed to be chronological. All the his
torical entries are here printed.
Elder Pratt (he became "ruling elder" of the Dorchester,
South Carolina, church in 1697) returned to Weymouth after
a few years, then removed to Bridgewater, then to Easton,
Massachusetts, where he died in 1713. The Puritan church,
long maintained in this New England settlement on Ashley
River, was in the eighteenth century transferred into Georgia.
JOURNAL OF ELDER WILLIAM PRATT,
1695-1701
ON Dec. the 3. 1695. We the Church that was gathered
in order to bring the gospel ordinences to South Carolina at
this time sum of us went into a longbote to go on board the
Brigantine fnndship of boston in newingland in order to
our passing to Carolina but mising the vessell at first we by
reason of the strength of the wind could not come up with
here again but were constrained to endure the cold 3 or 4
hours before we could get at any land til at length we got
to dorchester Neck and from there returned to boston all in
safty
December the 5 We set sail in the aforesaid vessell to go
on our voyage and haveing a moderate and stedy gale on
the saboth evening which was the 8 day of the month and
the 4th day of our being upon the sea we were in the latitude
of the capes of Virginia, this evening the wind began to bluster
being at norwast and the day foloing blew hard continually
incresing its strengh so that on munday the 9th day of the
month, in the evening we wer fain to lie by, i. e. take in all
the sails except the main course which being reafed was left
to give [illegible] as well as to stedy her, the helm being lashed
to leward. So we continued til tusday night, and about mid
night the wind was risen so high that the vessel had like to
have sunk, by reson that that small sail was enough then to
run her under water, and had lik to have don it but the sea
men made way for the vessel to rise, by furling the mainsail
and bearing up before the wind, we were fain to scud thus,
excepting sumtimes when the wind abated, as by fits for a
short time it did, at which times we lay by as before all the
next day and part of the day folowing. either on wedensday or
thursday, we agreed to set apart friday to seek the lord by
fasting and prayer and to beg of him prosperous winds and
194
1695] JOURNAL OF ELDER PRATT 195
weather, on thursday about noon the wind began to fall and
the sun to shine out, which it had not don so as that ther
mit be any observasion after our going out before, so that on
friday we could with sum comfort cary on the work of the
day.
On Saturday, the 10th day of our voyage, we found that
we were got on allmost as far southward as the latitude of
31°, and wanted much westing, for the northwest wind had
driven us southestward. on sabbath day which was the
15th day of the month, we were so favered with wind as that
we went with great spead, on our course.
On Munday and so forward the wind often shifted, yet not
so as to hindr our going on in our desired course tho we could
not go wth so much speed as we desired, thursday morning,
being the 19th day of the month, we came in sight of the
land of Carolina, but were by a disappointment hindered from
geting in that day: but the next day we got in thro7 divine
goodness, being the 20th day of desember.
when we cam to the town our vessell fired 3 guns and the
peopel to welcom us to the land fired about 9 guns which
was more then usiall and when we came to an ancor being
in the evening, many of the peopel being worthy gentelmen
came on bord us and bid us welcom to Carolina and invited
many of us ashore and to ther housis. I was among the
rest kindly entertained that night. I keept in Charsltoun
about a week and then was caried by water up to mr normons.
increce Sumnor and I war kindly reseved and entertained by
the lady Extol1 and tho two other men war indevering to
get into faviour with the ladey and other neighbers and to
obtain the land at ashly rever and, that we mit not obtain
it, yet thay could not prevail: for as soon as we came the
lady and others of the neigbers did more hily esstem of us
then of the other as thay told us and rejoysed at our com
ing tho ther was no more of the church then increse sumner
and I, and after we had discorsed secretly with them, thay
war not only very kind to us, but allso used all menes and
touk great pains to obtain our setteling upon ashly rever and
1 Lady Rebecca Axtell, widow of Landgrave Daniel Axtell, whose plantation
(Newington) lay on Booshoee Creek. See The South Carolina Historical and
Genealogical Magazine, VI. 174-176.
196 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1696
that we shuld indever to perswad our pastr and the Church
to settel their.
our minister l was at this time up at landgrave morttons 2
and som of the church, and others of the chuch at Charlstoun.
our minister and church war strongly perswaded by the
lieut1 generall blak3 and many others to go to new london
to settel,4 and upon that acount wer perswaded to go to
landgrave mortons wc was neer this place.
about a week after we went by land to Charlstoun and war
caryed by water up to land grave mortons, we, many of us
together, went to vew the land at newlundon. after two days
we returned to land grave morttons.
mr lord cald me aside and I had much discors with him
and when he heard what I had to say consarning ashly rever
and conserning new lundon, mr lord was wholy of my mind
and willing to tak up, upon thos condishons that we discorsed
about, at ashly rever, which condishons war keept privet,
betwen to or 3 of us. when I sougth arnestly to god for wisdom
and counsel god was grasious to me, for which I have great
caus to prais his name, as well as for many other signol marsys.5
we keept sumthing secrit from others which was greatly for
our benifit.
we came from there to mr curtesis8 and from ther to mr
1 Rev. Joseph Lord. Graduated from Harvard College in 1691, he proba
bly taught school in Dorchester, Massachusetts, from 1692 to 1695. In the
autumn of the latter year he was ordained minister of the emigrating church.
After about twenty years in South Carolina he returned to New England. In
1720 he was installed pastor of the church in Chatham, Massachusetts, and
died there in 1748. His wife was a daughter of Governor Thomas Hinckley of
the Plymouth Colony.
3 Landgrave Joseph Morton, son of the former Governor Joseph Morton,
whom he had succeeded as landgrave upon his death.
3 Joseph Blake, a nephew of the great English admiral, Robert Blake, and
at that time governor of South Carolina. He was subsequently made a land
grave and, having purchased the share of John, Lord Berkeley, in Carolina be
came a Proprietor in 1698. His plantation (Plainsfield) was on Stono River, near
New Cut.
4 New London, subsequently called Willtown, was a town which had been
founded on the Edisto, or Ponpon, River a few years previously. On May 10,
1682, the Lords Proprietors had directed the laying out thereof, directing that
it be called London. See The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Maga
zine, January, 1909 (X. 20-32).
* Signal mercies. 6 Daniel Courtis.
1696] JOURNAL OF ELDER PRATT 197
gilbosons.1 we were very kindly entertained at every place
wher we came, but wher we came we herd of sum of thos that
came from Newingland that had ben giltey of gros miscareges
w° was a trobel to us, but mr gilbeson cald me aside and
had much discors with me. afterward he told me he was
very glad that I came to Carolina and that he had seen me
and had opertunity to discors with me. he told me he was
much discureged to see the il careg of thos that came from
new ingland, but afterward he was bater satisfied and told
me he did think ther was a great diferenc betwen the par
sons2 that cam from newingland. tho many did manifest
their dislik of bad parsons that came from newingland yet
thay wer glad of the coming of good parsons, we tarried their
2 or 3. days being kindly entertained and when we came
away thay gave us provission for our voyag doun to Charls-
toun and wer very kind to us. from thenc we came to governor
blakes wher we wer kindly entertained and we dind with them
and after sum discors with governor blak we came to mrs
bamers 3 wher we lodge all night being very kindly entertained,
next day the peppel being very kind, we had a comfortable
voyag doun to Charlstoun, being the 14th of Janir.4 the
16th of January was the eleksion day at Charlstoun. after
this mr lord and sume of the church came up to ashley rever
and upon the saboth after, being the 26th day of Janry, mr
lord precht at mr normons hous upon that texte in 8 rom 1
vrs. ther was many that came to hear, of the neigbers round
about and gave diligent atension.
the second day of feburary being sabath day mr lord
preched at ashly rever upon that texte 1 pet 3. 18. most
of the neightbors came to hear, all the next neigbrs and
severell parsons came about 10 mils to hear, the sacriment
of the lords supper was administered that day and 2 decons
chosen.
at this time ther was great Joy among the good pepel tho I
have sumtims ben il and afraid of sicknes or of on troble or
other that would happen, yet god hath ben very grasious to
me and hath heard my request from time to time and helped
me and shoed me great marsy and when I was redy to be
1 James Gilbertson. 2 Persons. 3 Mrs. Beamer.
* 1696.
198 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [ico?
discureged many tims god incureged me again and delivered
out of my trobles.
the first day of feburary being the last day of the week
and the sacriment to be administred and many of us wer
to come away on second day morning to Charlstoun to com
to newingland, we set apart sum time in the afternoun to
pray unto god and ther was much of the spirit of good brethe-
ing in that ordinenc and when we touk our leves of our Chris
tian frinds ther was weeping eyes at our departuer and we
had many a blesing from them.
the 6th of feburary1 we went over the water to mr revers2
and from thenc to mr wm Russels and 7th day of the month
we traveld about James's island as it is called and saw a place
wher ther seemed to have ben a fort mad for [illegible] an
acre of land and the walls about it was made with oister-
shels and earth [illegible] that came from north Carolina is
John meers.
An account of our Voyage From S° Carrolina to Boston
New England with Capt Hill In the Brigantien Friendship.
on Saturday Feb: 8th 1695/6 In the afternoone wee fell
downe as far as the look-out on Suilifunts 3 Island.
when I came from newengland to South Carolina with my
family we came out of boston the 8th day of Janeuery in the
year 1696/7 and we sat sail from nantasket, for Carolina, the
11th day the 2nd day of the week, the 15th day of the month,
the 6. day of the week it began to be stormmy wind and Rain,
and the 16 day being the 7th day of the week it began in
the morning to be very violent and we shipt in abundenc of
water, at that time we lost the bolsplet,4 and it continued very
stormy, we then sat to praying espesially on saterday night,
but on the saboth we had sum mettegasion but afterward it
gru mor stormmy again and much rain and on the 4th day of
the week being the 20th day of the month about midnight
our mast fel doun. but in all these trobles ther was much of
1 1696.
1 Mr. Rivers. The name Rivers is still identified with James Island.
* Sullivan's. 4 Bowsprit.
1698] JOURNAL OF ELDER PRATT 199
marsy mixed with it for alltho the wind was very high and
stormy yet it was very fair for us, and that we sumtims [had?]
sum metigasion espesially after earnest prayer, allso that when
our mast fel doun, it fel Right along about the medel of the
vesell toward the storn and did not break the pump but fel
just by it, the mast being so ex ceding heavy if falen over
the sid of the vesel we mit have ben all lost.
on the 6th day of the week 22nd day of the month, we with
the free consent of the master and mat and marchant, we all
of us together keept a solum day of fasting and prayer, and on
the next day we had calm wether and a comfortable oper-
tunity to gat up an other smal mast which was a great help to
us. we had allso a fair wind and on the saboth day we had
a frash gal and fair and had much caus to prais god and on
munday the wind was fair but so much of a calm that ther
was opertunity to lenkthen our mast and mad it beter for
sailing, after this much calm wether but fair winds until we
came in sight of the land, but god haveing a design to try
and prove us furdor and to sho his pour and faithfullnes and
yet furder to humble us and to mak us to pris marsys the mor
ca[u]sed a violent storm to aris and drive us of from land
again for above a fortnite, but on the 23rd of feburary brought
us all safe to land, for which we promised to prais his holy
name.
the 23. day of march in the year 1697.1 the church and
others that wer concarnd did draw loots, the 24th day that all
meet together to stak out and mark ther loots in the trading
town, on both days when thay meet to gether on thos ocasions
ther was love and unity and pece in what was acted.
The Reverent Mr Peairpoint2 dyed, in Charlstown in
Carolina the third day of January in the year 1698.
A letel after this ther was many dyed with the smal pox
1 1696/7. Elder Pratt adopted the "new style" of dating here. For a
table showing the result of the drawing of lots see The South Carolina Historical
and Genealogical Magazine, VI. 73-75.
3 Rev. Benjamin Pierpont, pastor of the Independent Congregational meet
ing (White Meeting) in Charles Town. In recording his death Elder Pratt
again adopted the "new style" of dating.
200 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1699
that distemper groing mor mortal then before,1 and the 24th
day of feburary foloing ther was a great fire in Charlstown
which burnt doun a great part of the town and a few days
before the fire ther was an earth quak in Charlstown.
A fast in secret.
the 28 day of august in the year 1699 I keept a day of
fasting and prayer in secret alltho at the begining of my enter
ing upon the work of the [day?] I found much unability and
discuragings in my self and lettel liklihoud that I shuld hold
out to go thorow the work of the day alon. but at the begin
ing i beged gods help and asistants and god was pleased so to
help me so that I hild out comfortablely until it was near
night alltho I begun under discuragments yet gd. was pleased
so to asist and incuragment me afterward as that I was much
incuraged and ended the work of the day with much comfort.
A fast, the 20th day of Jun. 1700 the church of christ at
dor chest, keep a day of fasting and prayer to seek unto god
for rain, the next day it pleased god to send great showers of
rain and much refreshed the earth and revived the corn.
The 3rd day of September or, the 4 day [ ] 2 1700
ther was A haurricane in South Carolina.
governer blak dyed the 6th of September 1700.3
the 8th day of October in the year 1700 was apointed to
chous men for an asembly.
the 25. of Jun. 1701 a day of fasting and prayer for rain.
1 See McCrady, History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Govern
ment, 1670-1719, p. 308.
* Blank in manuscript.
3 Langdon Cheves, Esq., in his genealogy of the Blake family in The South
Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine for April, 1900 (I. 153-166),
puts it on the 7th.
LETTER OF EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THE
BOARD OF TRADE, 1699
v.V
INTRODUCTION
IN 1698-1699 Edward Randolph, Surveyor-General of His
Majesty's Customs for North America, arrived in Charles
Town, South Carolina, on one of his official visits. He soon
sent a report on his work to the Board of Trade and Planta
tions, into which he incorporated his personal observations
as to conditions in South Carolina, thereby giving his report
considerable value as a narrative of contemporaneous history.
His account contains some erroneous observations, due,
doubtless, to the fact that he had been but a short time in
the province and had not become fully conversant with its
affairs. He seems, however, to have been very highly im
pressed with the natural resources, commercial advantages,
existing industries, and general prospects of the province, for
he not only wrote enthusiastically as to them, but requested
that he be allowed to make Charles Town his chief place of
residence. It is likely that he saw the ease with which the
merchants and planters of South Carolina acquired wealth
and desired to "try his fortune."
This report is preserved in the British Public Record Office
in the records of the Board of Trade, Proprieties, volume 25,
pp. 448 to 459, and a transcript of it constitutes pp. 88-95
of volume 4 of Public Records of South Carolina, a series of
transcripts of papers in the British Public Record Office
relating to South Carolina, now in the custody of the Historical
Commission of South Carolina. It was printed in full by
Professor William J. Rivers in A Sketch of the History of South
Carolina (Charleston, 1856), pp. 443-447, and an abstract
of it was printed in volume I. of Collections of the South Carolina
Historical Society (Charleston, 1857), pp. 210-211.
203
LETTER OF EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THE
BOARD OF TRADE, 1699
E. Randolph to the Lords of Trade, 16 March, 1698-1699.
May it please yT Lordships,
After a dangerous voyage at Sea, I landed at Charles
Town, in the Province of So. Carolina, and soon after my
arrival, I administered the Oath to Mr. Jos. Blake, one of the
Proprietors and Governor of this Province.1 But he is not
allowed of by his Matya Order in Council to be Govr., the
Act of Parlt. for preventing frauds being not taken notice of
by the Proprietors.2
There are but few settled Inhabitants in this Province,
the Lords have taken up vast tracts of land for their own
use, as in Colleton County and other places, where the land
is most commodious for settlement, which prevents peopling
the place, and makes them less capable to preserve themselves.3
As to their civil Governt., 'tis different from what I have met
with in the other Proprieties. Their Militia is not above
1500 Soldiers White men, but have thro' the Province gener
ally 4 Negroes to 1 White man, and not above 1100 families,
English and French.4
1 About the middle of the year 1696 John Archdale, one of the Proprietors
of Carolina and Governor of South Carolina, retired to England, appointing
Joseph Blake deputy governor to serve in his stead. By a letter, dated April 25,
1697, the Proprietors appointed him governor. (Public Records of South Caro
lina, 197-198.)
s Parliament had passed an act in 1695, in order to prevent frauds, requiring
the consent of the King to such appointments by proprietary governments; the
Proprietors of Carolina had appointed Blake without complying with that act.
3 This was a most pessimistic view. While it is true that the Proprietors
had taken up a matter of forty-eight to sixty thousand acres (four or five baronies)
for themselves in Colleton County, there were still a few hundred thousand acres
of excellent planting lands left in that county.
4 Estimating one soldier for every five white inhabitants would make the
white population of the province 7,500 — a number which the editor believes from
204
1699] LETTER OF EDWARD RANDOLPH 205
Their Chief Town is Charles Town, and the seat of Govt.
in this Province, where the Governor, Council and Triennial
Parliamt. set, and their Courts are holden, being above a
league distance from the entrance to their harbour mouth,
wch is barred, and not above 17 foot water at the highest
tide, but very difficult to come in. The Harbour is called
by the Spaniards, St. George; it lyes 75 leagues to the North
ward of St. Augustine, belonging to the Spaniards. It is
generally laid down in our English maps to be 2 deg., 45 min.,
within the southern bounds of this Province. In the year 1686,
one hundred Spaniards, wth Negroes and Indians, landed at
Edistoe, (50 miles to the southward of Charles Town,) and
broak open the house of Mr. Joseph Moreton,1 then Governor
of the Province, and carried away Mr. Bo well,2 his Brother-
in-law, prisoner, who was found murdered 2 or 3 days after;
they carried away all his money and plate, and 13 slaves, to
the value of £1500 sterling, and their plunder to St. Augustine.
Two of the Slaves made their escape from thence, and returned
to their master. Some time after, Govr. Moreton sent to
demand his slaves, but the Govr. of St. Augustine answered it
was done without his orders, but to this day keeps them, and
says he can't deliver them up wthout an ordr from the King
of Spain. About the same time they robbed Mr. Grimball's
House, the Sec. of the Province, whilst he attended the Council
at Charles Town, and carried away to the value of over £1500
sterlg. They also fell upon a settlement of Scotchmen at
Port Royal, where there was not above 25 men in health to
oppose them. The Spaniards burnt down their houses,
destroyed and carried away all that they had, because (as
the Spand8 pretended) they were settled upon their land,
and had they at any time a superior force, they would also
destroy this town built upon Ashley and Cooper Rivers.
many years' study of the public records to be about the correct one. The pro
portion of negroes to whites was nothing like four to one in 1699. It was scarcely
two to one. Governor Johnson and his council estimated in 1708 that the total
population of the province was 8,180, almost equally divided between whites and
negroes. In the same year Oldmixon estimated the population at 12,000. The
editor is of opinion that the total population at this time was about 16,000 —
7,500 whites and 8,500 negroes.
1 Joseph Morton. The name is pronounced as if spelled Moreton.
3 Edward Bowell.
206 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1699
This whole Bay was called formerly St. George's, which they
likewise lay claim to. The Inhabitants complained of the
wrong done them by the Spaniards to the Lords Proprietors,
and humbly prayed them (as I have been truly informed) to
represent it to His Maty, but they not hearing from the Lord
Prop", fitted out two vessels with 400 stout men, well armed,
and resolved to take St. Augustine. But Jas. Colleton came
in that time from Barbadoes with a Commission to be Govr.,
and threatn'd to hang them if they proceeded, whereupon
they went on shore very unwillingly. The Spaniards hearing
the English were coming upon them for the damages, they
left their Town and Castle, and fled into the woods to secure
themselves. The truth is, as I have been credibly informed,
there was a design on foot to carry on a Trade with the
Spaniards.
I find the Inhabitants greatly alarmed upon the news
that the French continue their resolution to make a settling
at Messasipi River, from [whence] they may come over land
to the head of Ashley River wthout opposition, 'tis not yet
known what care the Lords Prop™ intend to take for their
preservation. Some ingenious gentlemen of this Province
(not of the Council) have lately told me the Deputies have
talked of makg an Address to the Lords Proprs for relief,
But 'tis apparent that all the time of this French War
they never sent them one barrel of powder or a pound of
lead to help them. They conclude they have no reason to
depend upon them for assistance, and are resolved to for
sake this Country betimes, if they find the French are settled
at Meschasipi, or if upon the death of the King of Spain
these Countries fall into the hands of the French,1 as in
evitably they will (if not timely prevented), and return with
their families to England or some other place where they may
find safety and protection. It was one of the first questions
asked by several of the Chief men at my arrival, whether His
Maty will please to allow them half pay for 2 or 3 years at
furthest, that afterwards they will maintain themselves and
1 In 1699 the death of King Charles II. of Spain was daily expected (he died
in 1700), and it was known that his death would be the signal for aggressive move
ments on the part of the French, whence came the War of the Spanish Succession,
called in the colonies Queen Anne's War.
1699] LETTER OF EDWARD RANDOLPH 207
families (if they have any) in making Pitch and Tar and plant
ing of Indian Corn. His Majesty will thereby have so many
men seasoned to the Country ready for service upon all occa
sions, five such men will do more service by sea or land then
20 new raisd men from home, they may be brought hither
in the Virginia outward bound ships, 100 or 150 men in a
year, till they are made up 1000, it will save the charge of
transporting so many another time 2 or 3000 leagues at sea.
I heard one of the Council (a great Indian Trader,1 and has
been 600 miles up in the Country west from Charles Town)
discourse that the only way to discover the Meschasipi is
from this Province by land. He is willing to undertake it if
His Maty will please to pay the charge wch will not be above
£400 or £500 at most; he intends to take with him 50 white
men of this Province and 100 Indians, who live 2 days journey
east from the Meschasipi, and questions not but in 5 or 6
months time after he has His Maty'8 commands and instruc
tions to find out the mouth of it and the true latitude thereof.
The great improvement made in this Province is wholly
owing to the industry and labour of the Inhabitants. They
have applied themselves to make such commodities as might
increase the revenue of the Crown, as Cotton, Wool, Ginger,
Indigo, etc. But finding them not to answer the end, they
are set upon making Pitch, Tar and Turpentine, and planting
rice, and can send over great quantityes yearly, if they had
encouragement from England to make it, having about 5,000
Slaves to be employed in that service,2 upon occasion, but
they have lost most of their vessels, which were but small,
last war by the French, and some lately by the Spaniards, so
that they are not able to send those Commodities to England
for a market, neither are sailors here to be had to man their
vessels.
I humbly propose that if His Maty will for a time suspend
the Duties upon Commodities, and that upon rice also, it will
1 James Moore.
8 This estimate is about right. This was considerably over half the negro
population of the province. The remaining slaves were used as servants and
tradesmen and as laborers about Charles Town. A misprint in Rivers 's work
(A Sketch of the History of South Carolina} makes this figure 50,000 instead of
5,000.
208 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1699
encourage the Planter to fall vigilantly upon making Pitch
and Tar, etc., wch the Lords Propre ought to make their
principal care to obtain from His Maty, being the only way
to draw people to settle in their Province, a place of greatest
encouragement to the English Navy in these parts of the
world. Charles Town Bay is the safest port for all vessels
coming thro7 the gulf of Florida in distress, bound from the
West Indies to the Northern Plantations; if they miss this
place they may perish at sea for want of relief, and having
beat upon the coast of New England, New York, or Virginia
by a North West Wind in the Winter, be forced to go to
Barbadoes if they miss this Bay, where no wind will damage
them and all things to be had necessary to refitt them. My
Lords, I did formerly present Your Lordships with proposals
for supplying England with Pitch and Tar, Masts and all or
Naval Stores from New England. I observed when I were at
York in Septr. last, abundance of Tar brot. down Hudson's
River to be sold at New York, as also Turpentine and Tar
in great quantities from the Colony of Connecticut. I was told
if they had encouragement they could load several Ships
yearly for England. But since my arrival here I find I am
come into the only place for such commodities upon the
Continent of America; some persons have offered to deliver
in Charlestown Bay upon their own account 1000 Barrels of
Pitch and as much Tar, others greater quantities provided
they were paid for it in Charles Town in Lyon Dollars l passing
here at 5s. pr piece, Tar at 8s. pr Barrel, and very good Pitch
at 12s. pr Barrel, and much cheaper if it once became a trade.
The season for making those Commodities in this Province
being 6 mos. longer than in Virginia and more Northern
Plantations, a planter can make more tar in any one year
here with 50 slaves than they can do with double the number
in those places, their slaves here living at very easy rates
and with few clothes.2
The inclosed I received from M. Girard,3 a French Prot-
1 Dutch dollars, bearing as a symbol the lion of Brabant or of the Netherlands.
* This description of the naval stores business, then in its infancy, in Charles
Town doubtless contributed a mite toward the splendid development it reached
thirty or forty years later.
a Guerard. See p. 143, note 1, supra.
1699] LETTER OF EDWARD RANDOLPH 209
estant living in Carolina. I find them very industrious and
good husbands, but are discouraged because some of them
having been many years Inhabitants in this Province are
denied the benefit of being Owners and Masters of Vessels,
which other the Subjects of His Majesty's Plantations enjoy,
besides many of them are made Denizons.1 If this Place were
duly encouraged, it would be the most useful to the Crown
of all the Plantations upon the continent of America. I
herewith enclose to Your Lordships a Draft of the Town and
Castle of St. Augustine, with a short description of it by a
Gentleman who has been often there, It's done exactly true,
more for service than for show. The Spaniards now, the
French, if ever they get it, will prove dangerous neighbours to
this Province, a thing not considered nor provided against by
the Lords Proprietors. I am going from hence to Bermuda,
with His Matys Commissioners, to administer the Oath to
the Govr. of that Island, with a Commission for the Judge
and other Officers of the Court of Admiralty erected there,
from whence I believe it necessary to hasten to the Bahamas
Islands, where a Brigantine belonging to New England was
carried in as a wreck. The Master and Sailors being pursued
by some persons who had commission from Govr. Webb,2
believing they were chased by Spaniards, forsook their Vessel
and went on shore among the Natives to save their lives.
All which is humbly submitted by
Your Lordship's
Most humble Servant,
ED. RANDOLPH.
The want of a small Vessel to support the loss of the
Frigate, which was appointed by the Lords Commissrs of the
1 Many of the French Protestants, or Huguenots, were naturalized in Eng
land before coming to America, but in 1696 the General Assembly of South Caro
lina passed "An Act for Making Aliens Free" by which nearly all of the rest of
them were naturalized. Many of the French Protestants had been serving in
the General Assembly before that time and some of them were members of the
same assembly that naturalized their countrymen. See Journals of the Commons
House of Assembly for 1692, 1693, and 1696, and of the Grand Council for 1692,
all recently printed by the Historical Commission of South Carolina and edited
by the editor of this volume.
a Colonel Nicholas Webb, governor of the Bahama Islands.
210 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1699
Admiralty to transplant me from one Plantation to another,
makes me stay a great while at one place for a passage to
another, which is uncertain, difficult and dangerous.
I have by the extreme of cold last Winter in Maryland
and Pennsylvania, and by my tedious passage in the Winter
time from New York to this place, got a great numbness in
my right leg and foot. I am in hopes this warm climate will
restore me to my health. I have formerly wrote to your
Board and the Commissrs of H. M. Customs, the necescity of
having a Vessel to transport me from one Plantation to another.
I humbly pray Your Lordships favour to direct that the
little residence I am to make in these parts of the World,
may be in this Province, and that a Vessel well manned may
be sent me hither, which may answer all occasion, my inten
tions being not to lye idle, for when the Hurricane times come
in these parts of the World, I can go securely to Virginia,
Maryland and Pennsylvania and New England, without fear
of being driven from those Plantations by North West Winds,
and when they come I can pass from one Plantation to another
without difficulty.
REVEREND JOHN BLAIR'S MISSION TO
NORTH CAROLINA, 1704
INTRODUCTION
IN 1703 the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts authorized John Blair to go as a missionary to
the settlers of North Carolina, and he was, accordingly,
ordained to the ministry for that purpose April 12, 1703. He
set out for his mission in October following and on January
14, 1704, landed in Virginia; ten days later he arrived at his
destination in North Carolina. He found the people among
whom he labored backward in religious matters and little dis
posed to aid in the support of a minister of the Established
Church — if of any at all. After a hard struggle for some
months, during which he spent nearly all of the little bounties
he had received from Queen Anne and other philanthropic
sources, he returned to England and wrote a narrative of his
experiences for the information of the Society. It is very
indefinite as to the locality of his place of residence while in
North Carolina, but from some slight indications given on
that point it would appear to have been in the Pamlico
settlement on Pamlico Sound.
Mr. Blair's narrative is preserved in London in the North
Carolina letter book of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts. A transcript of it has been printed
in The Colonial Records of North Carolina, I. 600-603, which
has been followed here.
REVEREND JOHN BLAIR'S MISSION TO
NORTH CAROLINA, 1704
I WAS ordained, in order to go to the plantations, 12th
April, 1703, and then received the queen's bounty of £20, 1
and, soon after, my Lord WeymouthV bounty of £50; upon
which I lived in England till the 1st of October following,
which, together with my fitting out for such a voyage and
country, consumed the most part of my money. I had like
wise £5 sent me by my lord of London to Portsmouth, and
when I landed in Virginia I had no more than £25.
I landed in Virginia, 14th of January, 1704; and, as soon
as I could conveniently travel, I waited upon the governor,
and immediately after made the best of my way into the
country where I was bound.
I arrived amongst the inhabitants, after a tedious and
troublesome journey, 24th ditto. I was then obliged to buy
a couple of horses, which cost me fourteen pounds, — one of
which was for a guide, because there is no possibility for a
stranger to find his road in that country, for if he once goes
astray (it being such a desert country) it is a great hazard
if he ever finds his road again. Beside, there are mighty
inconveniences in travelling there, for the roads are not only
deep and difficult to be found, but there are likewise seven
great rivers in the country, over which there is no passing
of horses, except two of them, one of which the Quakers have
settled a ferry over for their own conveniency, and nobody
but themselves have the privilege of it ; so that at the passing
over the rivers, I was obliged either to borrow or hire horses,
which was both troublesome and chargeable, insomuch that
1 Queen Anne's Bounty was instituted in 1704 for the benefit of the poorer
clergy, the Queen appropriating to their relief a branch of her income which had
originally come to the Crown from the "first-fruits and tenths" of church livings
in Henry VIII. 's time.
1 Viscount Weymouth, a benevolent privy-councillor of Queen Anne.
214
1704] REV. JOHN BLAIR'S MISSION 215
in little more than two months I was obliged to dispose of the
necessaries I carried over for my own use, to satisfy my creditors.
I found in the country a great many children to be bap
tized, where I baptized about a hundred; and there are a
great many still to be baptized, whose parents would not conde
scend to have them baptized with god-fathers and god-mothers.
I married none in the country, for that was a perquisite
belonging to the magistrates, which I was not desirous to
deprive them of.
I preached twice every Sunday, and often on the week-days,
when their vestries met, or could appoint them to bring their
children to be baptized.
I called a vestry in each precinct, in my first progress
through the country, to whom I gave an account of my Lord
Weymouth's charitable bounty in supporting my mission
among them, and likewise of the good designs the honorable
society had for them, as I was informed by Mr. Amy1 that
they had settled £50 per annum for the maintenance of two
clergymen amongst them; and likewise a proposal that Dr.
Bray2 desired me to make to them, that, upon their procuring
good glebes, he doubted not that there might be a settlement
made for the advantage of the Church, such as there is in the
island of Bermudas, viz., two slaves and a small stock in each
precinct, and that to be continued good by the incumbent
to his successor, which will be a lasting estate to the Church.
They have built in the country three small churches, and
have three glebes.
In the three chief precincts, there is a reader established in
each, to whom they allow a small salary, who reads morning
and evening prayer every Lord's day, with two sermons, and
I took care to furnish them with books from the library3
before I came away.
I remained very well satisfied in the country till their
Assembly sat, which was on 1st March, where I expected they
1 An officer of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
2 Rev. Dr. Thomas Bray, who practically founded the Society for the Prop
agation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts and who for years labored assiduously
for its success.
3 Meaning no doubt the library which had been established in the province
by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, founded by Dr. Bray. See
Steiner, in American Historical Review, II. 72.
216 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
would propose a settlement for my maintenance; and they
taking no care of it, together with my then circumstances,
which were but very indifferent, discouraged me very much,
and occasioned my first thoughts of returning to England;
for I was informed before I went thither that there was £30
per annum, settled by law,1 to be paid in each precinct for
the maintenance of a minister, which law was sent over hither
to be confirmed by their lords proprietors, and it being supposed
not to be a competency for a minister to live on, was sent
back again without confirmation, whereof the Quakers took
the advantage, and will endeavor to prevent any such law
passing for the future, for they are the greatest number in
the Assembly, and are unanimous, and stand truly to one
another in whatsoever may be to their interest. For the
country may be divided into four sorts of people: first, the
Quakers, who are the most powerful enemies to Church
government, but a people very ignorant of what they pro
fess. The second sort are a great many who have no re
ligion, but would be Quakers, if by that they were not obliged
to lead a more moral life than they are willing to comply
to. A third sort are something like Presbyterians, which
sort is upheld by some idle fellows who have left their law
ful employment, and preach and baptize through the country,
without any manner of orders from any sect or pretended
Church. A fourth sort, who are really zealous for the interest
of the Church, are the fewest in number, but the better sort
of people, and would do very much for the settlement of the
Church government there, if not opposed by these three pre
cedent sects; and although they be all three of different pre
tensions, yet they all concur together in one common cause
to prevent any thing that will be chargeable to them, as they
allege Church government will be, if once established by law.
And another great discouragement these poor people have,
is a governor who does not in the least countenance them in
this business, but rather discourages them.2
Finding it impossible to travel through the country at
that rate I began, I was resolved to settle in one precinct,
but the people, all alleging that my Lord Weymouth's charity
1 Act of 1701.
1 Governor Henderson Walker (d. April 14, 1704) is probably meant
1704] REV. JOHN BLAIR'S MISSION 217
was universally designed for the whole country, would not
consent to it; which bred some disturbance amongst them,
upon which I was advised, by some of the best friends of the
Church, to come over and represent their condition to the
honorable society, not only of their want of ministers but
likewise of inhabitants to maintain them; and their desires,
they complying with my necessities, was a powerful argument,
considering I was then reduced to my last stake, and knew
not where, or upon what account, to be further supplied.
Besides, such a solitary, toilsome, and hard living as I met
with there were very sufficient discouragements. I was dis
tant from any minister one hundred and twenty miles, so that
if any case of difficulty or doubt should happen, with whom
should I consult? And for my travelling through the country,
I rode one day with another, Sundays only excepted, about
thirty miles per diem in the worst roads that ever I saw;
and have sometimes lain whole nights in the woods.
I will now endeavor to show you how inefficient a single
man's labors would be amongst so scattered a people. In the
first place, suppose him minister of one precinct (whereas
there are five in the country), and this precinct, as they are
all bounded with two rivers, and those rivers at least twenty
miles distant, without any inhabitants on the road, for they
plant only on the rivers, and they are planted at length upon
those rivers at least twenty miles, and to give all those inhabi
tants an opportunity of hearing a sermon, or bringing their
children to be baptized, which must be on the Sabbath, for
they won't spare time of another day, and must be in every
ten miles distant, for five miles is the furthest they will bring
their children, or willingly come themselves; so that he
must, to do his duty effectually, be ten or twelve weeks in
making his progress through one precinct.
You may also consider the distance that the new colony
of Pamtico is from the rest of the inhabitants of the country,
for any man that has tried it would sooner undertake a voyage
from this city to Holland than that, for beside a pond of five
miles broad, and nothing to carry one over but a small perry-
auger,1 there are about fifty miles desert to pass through,
without any human creature inhabiting in it. I think it
likewise reasonable to give you an account of a great nation
1 Periagua.
218 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
of Indians that live in that government, computed to be no
less than 100, 000, * many of which live amongst the English,
and all, as I can understand, a very civilized people.
I have often conversed with them, and have been frequently
in their towns: those that can speak English among them
seem to be very willing and fond of being Christians, and in
my opinion there might be methods taken to bring over a
great many of them. If there were no hopes of making them
Christians, the advantage of having missionaries among them
would redound to the advantage of the government, for
if they should once be brought over to a French interest (as
we have too much reason to believe there are some promoters
amongst them for that end by their late actions), it would
be, if not to the utter ruin, to the great prejudice of all the
English plantations on the continent of America.
I have here in brief set down what I have to say, and
shall be ready to answer to any questions the honorable
society shall think convenient to ask me concerning the
country; and shall be both ready and willing to serve them
anywhere upon such encouragement as I can live, according
to my education, after my Lord Weymouth ceases to lay his
commands on me.
I have made a considerable losing voyage of it this time,
both by my troublesome travelling in America, and likewise
by being taken into France, where I was a prisoner of war
nine weeks, and was forced to make use of my credit for my
sustenance; and have lived in the same circumstances since I
came to England, without any manner of relief, which has been
very troublesome to me, all of which has brought me con
siderably in debt, near £35, and now in no way to pay it,
without my charitable benefactor or the honorable society
judge my labors worthy a reward.
1 This estimate is far in excess of the correct figure. There was no nation
of Indians in that quarter at that time that contained more than a tenth of that
number, and all neighboring tribes combined scarcely a fourth thereof. Mr.
James Mooney, in The Simian Tribes of the East (Washington, 1894), pp. 8-9,
says: "On the lower Neuse and its tributaries, the Contentnea and the Trent,
and extending up about as far as the present site of Raleigh, were the Tuskarora,
the most important tribe of North Carolina east of the mountains. Before they
rose against the whites in 1711 they were estimated at 1,200 warriors, or perhaps
5,000 souls, but their terrible losses in the ensuing war, amounting to 400 in one
battle and 1,000 in another, completely broke their power."
PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE, 1705
INTRODUCTION
No sooner had the Lords Proprietors of Carolina effected a
settlement in that part of the province subsequently known
as South Carolina than it became an object of jealousy to the
Spaniards in Florida, and several attempts to destroy it were
made by them.1 This hostile attitude of the Spaniards soon
provoked a counter spirit in the people of South Carolina and
a determination on their part to invade Florida and destroy
St. Augustine at the first favorable opportunity.
Upon the death of Governor Blake, September 7, 1700,
the Lords Proprietors' deputies met on the llth of that month
and elected ("according to the Instructions or Rules of Gov
ernment from the Lords proprs. to Coll Phill Ludwell")
James Moore, one of the deputies, governor.2 Governor
Moore had for many years cherished an ambition to invade
Florida. The opportunity came now while he was governor.
1 See pp. 185, 186, 205, supra; and McCrady, History of South Carolina
under the Proprietary Government.
2 The account of the election of Moore given by various historians from
Hewat to McCrady is entirely erroneous. The Proprietors having furnished a
mode of procedure in instructions on the subject to Governor Ludwell it was
strictly followed and the election of Moore was entirely consistent therewith.
There were two landgraves and four other deputies at the meeting. The name
of the senior landgrave in the province, Bellinger, was presented first and he
received one vote, that of Landgrave Morton. Deputies LeNoble, Gibbes,
Daniell, and Moore voted against him. The name of Landgrave Morton "was
then presented and he received the votes of Landgrave Bellinger and Deputies
LeNoble and Gibbes, Deputies Daniell and Moore voting against him. Both
landgraves were objected to on the ground that they had accepted offices from
the Crown while still holding commissions as Lords Proprietors' deputies. There
being no other landgrave in the province the deputies, following their instructions,
proceeded to elect one of the deputies governor, and James Moore received a
majority of the votes and was declared governor. ("Public Records of South
Carolina," V. 70-71.)
221
222 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
He learned in 1702, before he had any knowledge of Queen
Anne's declaration of war against Spain, that the Spaniards
in Florida had planned to invade South Carolina by land with
900 Indians. The plot was discovered by friendly Creek
Indians and disclosed to South Carolina traders in their nation.
These traders gathered 500 Creeks and defeated the invaders.
A land and naval expedition was then sent by the General
Assembly of South Carolina to invade Florida. Governor
Moore led the land forces and Robert Daniell, one of the
Proprietors7 deputies, led the naval armament, but they did
not accomplish their undertaking and returned in disappoint
ment.1
In January, 1703, the General Assembly met, and imme
diately entered into discussion of plans for again invading
Florida, and for paying the expenses of the late expedition.
A bill to raise £4000 was passed in the Commons House over
the opposition of certain Dissenters in that body, who forth
with withdrew therefrom in anger. The next day they
returned to the House and offered to resume their seats if
the other members of the Commons House would join them
in the assertion of their rights. The other members spurned
their offers and insulted them. Their withdrawal broke a
quorum and thereby estopped legislation that was very
important for the welfare of the province. This enraged the
populace of Charles Town and when the obstructing members
appeared on the streets they were set upon by a mob. They
sought redress at the hands of Governor Moore and other
local officials, but obtained no sympathy. They then tried
petitioning to the Lords Proprietors for redress at their hands.
They sent one of their number, John Ash, to England to lay
their petition before and plead their cause with the Lords
Proprietors, but the Proprietors gave little attention to their
complaint. Ash then began to prepare a pamphlet giving
1 McCrady, History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government.
INTRODUCTION 223
the Dissenters7 side of the controversy, but died before he had
completed it. Ash's place was soon taken by Joseph Boone,
another of the leaders of the Dissenters in South Carolina,
who came with a new petition and new complaints to the
Proprietors. He met with no better success in convincing
the Proprietors of the wickedness of their government than
had Ash. Boone next enlisted the sympathy of Daniel Defoe,
the noted fiction-writer and publicist, who prepared the succeed
ing brief of the Dissenters' case for the information of Par
liament. Defoe's case is based entirely on the ex parte state
ments of the discontented Dissenters, who, while respectable
people, constituted a very small portion of the population of
South Carolina. A decided majority of the people of the
province were of the Church of England, and aligned with
them were the French Protestants, several hundred in number,
and a few Jews and persons of other religious persuasions;
nor were all of the Dissenters in the province opposed to
Governor Moore and his governmental policies. Defoe had
never lived in South Carolina and was not familiar with con
ditions in the province. His narration of the preceding and
current political history of the province, therefore, cannot be
given full credence as such, although it is interesting. His
pamphlet was printed in London in 1705, and has become
the principal source for this episode in the history of South
Carolina, notwithstanding the existence of the journals of the
Commons House of Assembly of South Carolina, the corre
spondence of the public officials of the province, and the records
of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, all of which fail to sus
tain his and the Dissenters' statements concerning this noted
controversy.
PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE, 1705
Party-Tyranny, or an Occasional Bill in Miniature; as now
Practiced in Carolina. Humbly offered to the Consideration
of both Houses of Parliament.
London, Printed in the Year 1705.1
As it has been always the Care of the Commons of England,
to Defend the English Subjects from all manner of Invasions
of their Liberty; the Authors of this, thought it a Duty, and
it seems to be the Duty of every part aggrieved, to apply to
their Common Remedy in all their Oppressions; where they
have reason to expect Relief in all Cases that merit their
Cognizance, and who are indeed proper Judges, whether the
Cases of which they Complain, merit their Cognizance, or no.
The Doors of the House of Commons are ever Open to
receive the just Complaints of the People, and no Man how
ever Mean or Despicable he be, but has a full Liberty to
bring his Grievances to their Feet, and has Reason to expect
suitable Redress.
If it be the proper Business of the House of Commons, to
Redress the Subject's Grievances, it must be the proper Duty
of the Subjects, to lay that Grievance they Expect Redress
in, before them: The House of Commons are but Men; they
are a Select Number chosen from the General Body, to rep
resent the whole, and due Deference ought to be paid to both
their Dignity and Capacity; but still they are but Men, and
cannot be supposed to know the Grievances of the Subject
they should relieve, 'till they are laid before them, and till
they are fairly and properly represented.
And this is both the Reason, and we hope the sufficient
Justification of this Book: It contains a short, but true
Abridgement of High-Church-Tyranny, it is an Occasional
1 Title-page of original.
224
PARTY-TYRANNY
in OCCAS
CAROLINA
Humbly ofl be Conf
both Houics of PA R
TITLE-PAGE OF DANIEL DEFOE'S "PARTY-TYRANNY," 1705
From a copy in the Library of Congress
1705] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 225
Bill in Miniature;1 'tis a Compendium of Various Kinds of
Oppressions practised on the English Subjects, by Fellow-
Subjects in the Face of that Government, which being Estab-
lish't on the Neck of Tyranny, has openly declared against all
sorts of Invasion of English Liberty.
If any Man shall say this Matter is not Cognizable in
Parliament, and that the People of Carolina are not rep
resented here, having a Parliament of their own, by whom
they are to be Determined, that they are therein entirely
under the Government of themselves, and that these Oppres
sions are the Act and Deed of their own Representative, and
therefore their own Act and Deed, I shall take leave to Answer.
'Tis true, by the Constitution of Carolina, they are under
the Government of themselves, and perhaps if their Consti
tution were rightly Administred, it may be allowed the best
Settlement in America. But as the Wisdom of their Con
stitution is known, and unquestioned, without doubt those
able Heads that settl'd their Government, did not forget,
that even those Representative Assemblies, especially in the
Infancy of the Government, might be corrupt, or might by
Bribery or other ill Practices, be ModelPd and Influenc'd in
Matters of Parties, to Oppress and Injure the People they
acted for. That especially in their Infancy and the Paucity
of Electors, they might be Obtruded upon the People by
Clandestine Methods, the Management and Artifices of Gov
ernors, and Men of Design, might have great Opportunities
from the Power and Purse of the People to byass and awe the
Elections; and having filPd their Assembly with Men of their
own Principles, all manner of Mischiefs might ensue to the
Destruction of the Colony, Overthrow of the Settlement and
Ruin of the Inhabitants.
And if any Man ask me, why then did they not make
Laws, to direct the People in such Cases what to do, I cannot,
but Answer for them, as I verily believe they would have
Answered for themselves had they been alive.
That when any Body of Men Representative, or other
Acting by, or for a Constitution, from whom they receive their
1 The Occasional Bills of the period from 1702 to 1719 in English history were
bills against occasional conformity to the Established Church, intended to pre
vent Dissenters from securing municipal office.
226 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1705
Power, shall Act, or do, or make Laws and Statutes, to do
anything destructive of the Constitution they Act from, that
Power is Ipso facto dissolved, and revolves of Course into the
Original Power, from whence it was derived.
From hence it must follow, that upon known Depredations
of Common Liberty, Breach of the Capitulations of Govern
ment, between the Governors and the People of Carolina;
the People without doubt, by Right of Nature as well as by
the Constitution, revolves under the immediate Direction and
Government of the English Empire, whose Subjects they were
before, and from whom their Government was deriv'd.
It remains here, to lay down what these Capitulations I
speak of are, by which the people of Carolina ought to be
governed, and in the Breach whereof they are Oppress't;
and then to descend to the black Relation, how those Postu
late are broken and unregarded, how these people are Injured
and Tyrannized over, what Redress ought to be given them
by their Governours the Proprietors, How that Redress has
been legally sought for, and humbly petitioned for but in
Vain.
I shall then Examine, not only, how far the People have a
Right to dispence the Engins of this Sub-Tyranny; but how
far the Constitution it self is dissolved, and the People have a
Right to Establish their being there so far as their Free-hold
extends; Upon such Foundations of Justice and Liberty, as
that it may no more be in the Power of Usurping Thieves and
Oppressors, to injure and disturb them.
In Order to the first, the Reader may please to take the
following Abridgement of the Constitution of the Collony, as
the Ground Plot by which, tho' it be short, he will plainly
Discover, upon what Exact Basis of Right and Property this
Government was Erected, and how, plainly, by the Encroach
ments of the present Gentlemen, the People are Injured, the
Constitution in it self Destroyed and Inverted, and the People
left.
Free . . . To Choose for their Own share,
What Case of Government they please to wear,
If to this Lord, or that, they do Commit
The Reins of Rule. . . .
All Men are bound in Conscience to submit;
1663] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 227
But then that Lord must give his free assent,
To Postulata's of the Government.
Which if he breaks, he Cuts off the Entail,
And Right retreats to it's Original.
An Abridgement of the Settlement of Carolina.
To Understand the true Foundation and Establishment of
the present Plantation of Carolina, it is necessary to Observe:
That this Colony, tho' discovered, and in part possest, even
before that part of America, call'd Virginia, to which it is
contiguous; yet lay for several Ages of Time unimproved and
neglected, till about the Year , When a particular Account
of its Fertility, the wonderful agreableness of the Climate, the
Pleasantness and Health of its Scituation, Advantages of
Produce, Fitness for Trade, and all Manner of Improvement,
being brought to some Gentlemen of Quality and Estates in
England, they resolv'd to encourage the planting this Country,
and in particular, resolv'd to settle it upon some better Foun
dations of Government, than the rest of the English Colonies
seem'd to stand upon; as the only Thing, .which added to
the rest of its Advantages, wou'd best encourage the speedy
Planting it, and draw Inhabitants in great Numbers from
other Plantations to this New Settlement; These Gentlemen
being truly sensible of that known and undisputed Maxim
of Government, That the Number of Inhabitants, is both the
Wealth and Strength of a Nation.
In Order to this, they first obtain a Grant of the Province
from King Charles the Second, to them and their Heirs, as
Absolute Lords and Proprietors of the Country.
But the Reader is desir'd not to forget, that this Grant
or Charter of King Charles the Second, had two Restrictions
or Saving Articles in it, which, indeed, were not Proviso's
of Capitulation, but Proviso's of Necessity. I'll explain my
self presently, the Salvo's were these,
1. Saving always the Faith, Allegiance, and Soveraign
Dominion due to us, our Heirs, and Successors for the same.
And,
2. Saving also the Right, Title and Interest, of all, and
every our Subjects of the English Nation, which are now
planted within the Limits and Bounds aforesaid.
See the Printed Charter, p. 3.
228 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
These I call Proviso's of Necessity, because nothing can
depute more Power, than it possesses.
I. The King could not part with the Allegiance and Do
minion due to the English Crown, without consent of Parlia
ment. For,
1. That had been, to have alienated Part of the English
Government from the Crown.
2. It had been, to consign some of his Subjects over to
the Government of another Prince without their Consent.
II. The King could not grant the Right, Title and Inter
est of those of his Subjects already planted there, for that
was none of his own; and he could no more transfer their
Property, than their Allegiance.
I bespeak the Reader, bearing with this Digression, as what
he will see just Reason for, and a good use made of by and by:
But for the present he may Observe.
1. That the Government of Carolina is dependant upon
England, and subject to the Laws, Government and Direction
of the English Crown; and consequently their Grievances are
cognizable in the Parliament of England.
2. There were Inhabitants in Carolina before the Grant
made to the present Proprietors1 which Inhabitants had a
Right both to the Government as well as Possession; which
King Charles the Second, neither did, nor cou'd grant by
Charter, or otherwise to any Body.
3. As their Allegiance to the English Crown cou'd not be
transfer'd by Gift or Charter, so neither could the Protection
of the English Government be deny'd them; and therefore,
the Parliament of England has an undoubted Right to redress
their Grievances, and to relieve them against all the Oppressions
of their pretended Governours of what kind soever. And this
is my Reason for the Argument.
This Charter is a Creation of the Proprietors, both Tem
poral and Spiritual Lords of the Country, and gives them full
Spiritual Dominion, as to Building and Forming Churches,
with the Patronage, and Advowsion of them, the Dedication,
Consecration, but limited to the Rites of the Church of Eng
land ; a Continued Badge of their Dependance on this Kingdom,
1 At Chowan, in what is now North Carolina. A few New Englanders had
also tried to raise cattle on the Charles (Cape Fear) River, but did not effect a
permanent settlement.
1663] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 229
both in Spiritual Matters, as well as Temporal. The Tenure
of this Regality is also held of the Mannor of Greenwich in
the County of Kent, in Free and Common Soccage, paying
to the Crown, as of the said Mannor, twenty Marks Yearly
as a Quit-Rent, and a Fourth part of all Gold and Silver Oar,
which shall be found.
Nor was the Proviso for the Right of the People already
planted, or to be planted, at all forgot in this Charter of the
King; for in the first Empowering Clause of the Charter, it is
expressly said,
"To ordain, make, enact, and under their Seals to publish
any Laws whatsoever. But how,
By and with the Advice, and Assent, and Approbation of
the Freemen of the said Province, or the greater Part of them.
Vide the printed Charter, p. 4.
This is incerted to remind those Gentlemen, that Assem
bling the Freemen of Carolina to make Laws, etc., was not a
Voluntary Act of their own Clemency, but what they were
oblig'd to, by the very Charter from whence they derive
their Authority.
Nor was it a Restriction of the meer Grace of the King,
but according to the Native Right of the Freemen, Inhabi
tants of Carolina settled there before, provided for in the
Clause before-mentioned, whose Right, even the King him
self, had no Power to Dissolve or Transfer.
In making the Laws these Assemblies are empowered to
Enact and Execute, It is further Remarkable, and of which,
I hope, good Use will be made, His Late Majesty Charles the
Second, lays another Double Restriction.
1. "Provided such Laws be consonant to Reason.
2. "As near as may be conveniently, agreeable to the
Laws of England."
His Majesty knew, that Law is the Result of Reason, and
that the Sovereignty of Reason over all the Actions of Men,
cannot be invaded, but that Laws offered by whatever Society
of Men against Reason, are void of course, and therefore ex
pressly prepared them to expect it.
In the next place, His Majesty plainly signifies, that all
their Laws ought to be corresponding with the English Consti
tution, Convenience of the People, Anglice, The Publick Good
230 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [16G5-1GG7
only excepted; by which is inferr'd, that Reason and the
Publick Good are the principal Ends of all Law, and are to
supersede all the Power granted to the Proprietors of Carolina,
as indeed they ought to do all Humane Power committed to
Man in the World.
Upon these and Sundry other Conditions was the first
Charter or Grant made to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina,
dated the 24th of March, 15 Car. II. A Second Grant or
Charter verbatim by the first, only Enlarging the Bounds, was
granted to the same Lords Proprietors, dated the 30th of
June 17 Car. II. and the Proprietors by these Two Charters
are, Edward, Earl of Clarendon; George, Duke of Albemarle;
William, Earl of Craven ; John, Lord Berkeley ; Anthony, Lord
Ashley, afterwards Earl of Shaftsbury; Sir George Carteret,
Sir John Colleton and Sir William Berkeley.
Pursuant to these Charters, The Proprietors went on with
the Settlement of this Colony, and knowing that on the good
Government of the Province, and the large Priviledges granted
to the Inhabitants, depended very much the Encouragement
to Strangers of all Nations, as well as to the English, to Trans
port themselves, Families, and Estates thither, and conse
quently the Prosperity of the Colony,
They form'd the Government of the said Province into a
Publick Instrument, which they call the Fundamental Consti
tution of Carolina, consisting of 120 Articles, which in the
last Article are declared, shall be and remain, the Sacred and
Unalterable Form and Rule of Government of Carolina for ever.1
These Articles are afterwards abridg'd into One and Forty,
containing the full Substance, Intent and Meaning of the
aforesaid One Hundred and Twenty, and being first sign'd
and sealed to by the Lords Proprietors, as the Pacta Con-
venta of Government, are presented to, and accepted by the
Freemen, Freeholders and Inhabitants, and agreed to be past,
in a Full and Free Parliament or Assembly, as the Sacred
and Unalterable Conditions, on which they Consent to be
Governed and Directed, and to which they submit.
1 Of the various forms in which the Fundamental Constitutions exist, that
first printed was one (in 120 articles) bearing date March 1, 1669/70. This is
reprinted in N. C. Col. Rec., I. 187-205, in Thorpe's Federal and State Consti
tutions, V. 2772-2786, in Old South Leaflets, no. 172, and elsewhere. The origi
nal draft, preserved among the Shaftesbury papers, is printed in the Thirty-third
Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1872), pp. 258-269.
1667] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 231
An Abridgement of the Constitutions, Consisting of 41 Articles.
The Preamble sets forth, That K. Cha. the lid. having
Granted to the Proprietors the Province of Carolina, with all
the Royalties Privileges, etc.,
For the better Settlement of the Government of the said
Province, the said Lords Proprietors agree to the following
Form of Government to be perpetually Establish't, and which
they oblige themselves to in the most binding Ways that can
be Devis'd.
The First five Articles contain the Regulation of Authority
and Division of the Government into: 1. The Proprietors
Court, to Consist of the Palatine, and seven Proprietors, and
in the Absence of the Governor, and such Deputies as they
Assign: This Court to have all the Supream Power Granted
to the Proprietors in the Charter, as Calling and Dissolving
Parliaments, Pardoning Offences, etc.
The 6th to the 19th Article regulates the Parliament, to
Consist of the Proprietors or their Deputies by themselves;
The Landgraves and Casticks1 in the Upper-House, and Free
holders in the Lower-House; this is their King, Lords, and
Commons, and the Manner Exactly Regulated to the Simily,
with Limitations and Quallifications for Electing, and being
Elected, and the Privileges and Office of each House settled.
To the 22d Article Exclusive is settled the Division of the
Province into Counties, the Limitation of every ones Quantity
in Possession, the Tryal of Causes and Crimes per Pares, the
Choosing and Deputing the Governour, the Admitting Free
men, Establishing Religion, Churches, etc.
To the 38th Article they determine what Society of Men,
and on what Terms shall be Esteemed a Church, and the
Regulating Religious Matters, wherein the only Religious
Quallifications, by which any Man is Admitted a Member of
any Church, and of the Government are these two:
1. That he believes there is a God,
2. That God is Publickly to be Worshiped.
A Third Article Obliging all People to bear Witness in
Cases Required to Truth, either by Oath or some Equivalent,
is added.
1 Cassiques.
232 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1667
The 39th Article is positive.
"No Person whatsoever shall Disturb, Molest, or Perse
cute another for his Opinion in Religion, or Way of Worship."
The two last Articles settle the Freemens Power over their
Slaves, and the Form of Signing the Constitutions by all
Persons admitted into Office or Trust.
And the Conclusion of these Articles are thus,
Those Fundamental Constitutions in Number Forty One,
and every Part thereof shall be and remain the inviolable
Form and Rule of Government of Carolina for ever.
Witness our Hands and Seals 11 April, 1698.
BATH, Palatine,1 WILLIAM THORNBUGH,
A. ASHLEY, for Sir John Colleton.
CRAVEN, THO. AMY,
BATH for Ld. Cartaret, WILLIAM THORNBURGH.
These Constitutions I know have obtain'd upon the World,
to be the Contrivance of the Old Earl of S bury;2 but I
think, I have very good Authority, to assure the World Mr.
Lock 3 had the Right of Parentage to the former; whether I
ought to contend for either the Policy or Humane Understand
ing, in Right of either of these Great Men in the Contrivance
or no, I shall not debate. I am certain of this, they handed
the Infant Government into the World without Leading-
strings, and turn'd it loose before it cou'd stand alone; by
which means, like young Romulus, it has got a Wolf to its
Nurse, and is like to be bred up a Monster.
'Tis true, these Constitutions were not actually past in any
Assembly, and so may be objected against, as not so binding
as in other Cases they would be.
But they were sign'd by the Proprietors, and in the Infancy
of the Settlement by the Inhabitants, as they came there to
Settle; and were only referr'd to a Parliament or Assembly
when the Colony was considerable enough to require it.
In these Parliaments, these People have always opposed
passing the Constitutions, fearing without doubt, to come
under the Fetters of the Law, and a just Government; and
knowing the Measures they designed to take, were destructive
1 The eldest proprietor, at this time Lord Bath, was called the palatine.
* Shaftesbury. 3 John Locke the philosopher.
1667] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 233
of the very Being and Nature of the Government; and there
fore being unwilling to have the Obstruction of any Settled
Constitutions, they always rendred the Proposal contemptible,
and banter'd the Colony with the frequent Attempts to pass
them, laying them by, as useless Trifles not worth Notice,
tho' they were indeed the Fundamentals of the Government.
It remains now to examine, how the Gentlemen now con-
cern'd have acted in Correspondence to
1. The Powers granted to the Proprietors,
2. The Pacta Conventa with the People, and in this En
quiry it will come to be examined:
1. Whether the Powers assembled there, have been sum-
mon'd according to the Constitution.
2. Whether the Freeholders, and none but such have
elected the Persons, who have imposed these Laws, and have
had a Free Choice.
3. Whether these Laws have the due Qualification re-
quir'd by the Charter, viz.
1. To be consonant to Reason.
2. To the Utility of the Subject.
3. To the Preservation of Right and Property: The
Words expressly set down in the Charter.
4. Whether if not, they are not void in their own Nature.
5. Whether the Lords Proprietors not redressing these
Abuses when humbly addrest to by the Inhabitants, have
not broken the sacred, unalterable Conditions of the Govern
ment.
6. Whether this Fracture of the Constitution, does not
empower the Inhabitants of Carolina who purchased Estates,
and settPd there on these Conditions, and of whose Right his
Late Majesty made such Provision in his Charter, have not a
full Power to settle such other Government and Constitutions,
as shall correspond with the Freedom and just Rights of the
Province, tho' without the Consent of the said Lords.
7. Whether all this Matter is Cognizable in the Parlia
ment of England, and the Proprietors, of Carolina subject to
such Determination as shall be made there.
It lies before us now, to Examine, How these Gentlemen
have acted, in Correspondence to the Powers granted by the
234 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1667
Charters to the Propritors, and the Constitutions or Pacta
Conventa made with the People.
Before this is enter 'd upon, I must determine, who I
mean by those Gentlemen; for this Paper, as 'tis a Complaint
of Fact, may be also expected to be a Charge against particular
Persons also.
To this is answer 'd, The Proprietors in one Sence may
be the Persons charg'd here, as being answerable for all the
irregular Practices of those that act under them; since every
Man is really the Actor of what is done by his Authority,
and every Man is tacitely the Author of what is in his Power
to hinder, and which he ought to hinder.
But as here is no Need to fly to a speculative Charge,
when the Agents and Instruments of these Mischiefs are known
and plain, and to be found upon the Spot; so let the Charge
lye in its constructive Part where it will, 'tis plain, where it
more immediately lies, by the following Instances to which I
refer, and the Persons will be but too easily known there.
But yet this Account cannot pretend to clear the Pro
prietors, from being both Agents and Principals, at least
some of them, in that they have constantly had the particu
lars of these Things, laid before them in the humble Petitions
of the Inhabitants; which they to their great Charge and
Trouble, have sent over to England by Members of their own
Body, purposely Deputed as Embassadors to the Proprietors;
viz. John Ash, Esq; who died here in the Negotiation of those
Affairs, and is now succeeded by Mr. Jos. Boon, as will appear
in the Prosecution of this Paper.
The submissive Letters, the humble Applications, the Pe
titions and Remonstrances of the People of all Perswations,
and of the Conforming Minister of the Place, demonstrate, that
the Oppression is universal, the Grievance extraordinary, and
that the Proprietors have been duely informed of it all.
I think, it will most naturally occur, that if these Gentle
men, who, God knows, are ill qualified for Government, do not
redress the Grievances of the People, some Body else must;
and for that purpose, the present Application is made to the
Commons of England assembled in Parliament; where pub-
lick Grievances never fail of Redress, and where all sorts of
Tyranny has been the Sacrifice to Justice.
1667] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 235
The Government of this Province has had the usual Mis
fortune of those People, who are left to the Conduct of Mer
cenaries; the Gentlemen-Proprietors, or Lords (call them what
you will) are very honest Gentlemen; but are here plac'd
above their Sphere; they are Gentlemen of Birth and Fort
unes, and well enough instructed in Things within their
Quality, but they never learnt to be kings; they have not
taken in the Hint of Pater Patrice, they don't know, that a King
must be the Father of his People; and that there is a sort of
Patriarcal Affection, as well as Obligation, between a King
on the Throne, and the People He Governs, which obliges
them to treat them with Gentleness, listen to their Complaints,
and redress their Grievance; they need have gone no farther,
than to their own Sovereign, to have seen a Pattern of this
Pious Care, and have reflected, how Sollicitous Her Majesty
appears for the General Good; how pleas'd and thankful,
when Prosperity Crowns their Affairs; how affectionately
Concerned, when any Calamity attends Her People, either
publick as in the Great Storm, or private in the Case of Trade;
as in the Disaster of Mr. Pitkin's ill treating them: How con-
cern'd did Her Majesty appear for the Widows and distressed
Families of the Seamen that perisht in the Storm ! how bounti
fully relieve them! and the like. Whence does this proceed?
God Almighty, for the Good of Nations, furnishes Princes,
born to Crowns and Kingdoms, with the suited Affections
for these Circumstances of Government, and thereby fullfils
the promise of making them Nursing Fathers, and Nursing
Mothers.
The Propriety-Monarchs are born without these Affections,
like a Landlord to his Tenant, they have their Eyes upon the
Rent; their Concern/if any, is not of Affection, but of Interest;
they are Step-fathers and Strangers in the Government, and
they have shown it; for their Ears have been stopt, and shut
to the Complaints of their Oppressed People; they govern
them by Sub-Tyrants, and connive at their Tyrannies, because
they are not furnished with the Affection of Love to the
People they govern.
That this is no Scandal, and I hope, no needless Digression
I shall refer to the Judgment of the Impartial Part of Mankind,
after Reading the true State of the Colony, as now suppressed,
236 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1703
and under the Government of a Party, and of the Tyranny
practised there, and this will be best represented by themselves.
I shall then describe the true Posture of it, as it would rea
sonably be allowed to be, under a State of Liberty and En
couragement; in the Result of which, the Imprudence and ill
Policy, as well as Injustice of the Proprietors, will appear in
suffering a flourishing Colony, thus to languish under their
Hands.
The first thing I shall refer to for a Prospect of the Griev
ance before us, is the Representation of the Inhabitants,
directed to the Proprietors, sign'd by above 100 of the principal
Merchants, Freeholders and Planters, with several Members
of the Assembly; and sent over by John Ash, Esq; who, with
great Difficulty and Hazzard, got away to Virginia, where his
Powers and Instructions were Convey'd after him; the Govern
ment there using all possible Endeavours to prevent him.
The Address is as follows.
To the Right Honourable John Granvill, Esq; Palatine,1 and to
the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of
the Province of Carolina.
The Representation and Address of several of the Members of
this present Assembly returned for Collet on County, and
other Inhabitants of this Province, whose Names are here
unto Subscribed.
May it please your Lordships,
Altho' the miserable Estate of this Colony will be suffi
ciently known to your Lordships, from the Relation of John
Ash, Esq; who is fully intrusted by us to remonstrate our
grievances to your Lordships; yet we think our selves exceed
ingly bound and obliged to lay before you, what we think
does concern your Lordships Honours, and the Peoples Rights
and Priviledges: For if the Question were about matters of
small moment, we should be asham'd to be importunate, and
unwilling to give the least trouble to your Lordships; but
considering that the very Foundation of our lawful Rights,
hath of late been struck at by Persons, who have more regard
1 Granville, afterward Lord Granville, had succeeded Lord Bath as palatine.
1700] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 237
to their private Interest than the Publick good, we humbly
conceive, that it cannot stand with the Duty we owe to our
selves as English-men, or to our Posterity, to sit down contented
with less than that which every Liege and Freeborn Subject
of the Crown of England may, and of Right ought to have.
And therefore least our silence should be prejudicial to so
important a Cause, we humbly crave your Lordships leave,
faithfully and impartially to represent to you the great and
notorious Violations and Infringments of our Laws and
Liberties, under which we suffer.
We shall go no further back, but date the unhappy Causes
and Grounds of our Complaints from, and immediatly after,
the Death of the late Governor Blake; for the Choice and
Election of a Governor to succeed him being intrusted with
your Lordships Deputies here, that Person amongst your said
Deputies who made the strongest party in the Councel, did
carry the Government, by perverting the Design, and breaking
through the Rules and Instructions agreed to by your Lord
ships for such Election.1 And this manifestly appeared in
the unjust Election of the late Governor Moore, in prejudice
of Landgrave Morton's Title, who (after he was Elected by a
Majority of the Councel then present) was objected against
by the said Moore, and excluded, only because he had ac
cepted of a Commission from the King:2 And as the said
Moore acquired and obtained the Government of this Province
by Fraud, Flattery and trifling Exceptions, as aforesaid, so
has he endeavour'd ever since to manage all things by base
and indirect Methods, and crafty Projects, which made his
Government miserably unfortunate to us all. The great
and Personal Debts and Necessities which the said late Gov-
ernour Moore had to struggle with, may well be thought to
have put him upon, and prompted him to Designs, to enrich
himself at the hazard of publick Peace and Welfare: And
because these his designs could not possibly be effected by
1 They scrupulously followed the Proprietors' instructions, as the minutes
of the Council show. If the proceedings were improperly recorded on the journal
it is strange that Landgraves Bellinger and Morton of the minority party made
no complaint of it.
'The same objection was made to Bellinger. The objection was a valid
one; the logical position for loyal deputies of the Proprietors to take.
238 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1700
himself alone, he knew very well, that to engage the Council
to his Interest, and to have an Assembly chosen to his liking,
would be the way effectually to compleat and accomplish
his Ends and Purposes; Thereupon 'tis manifest, there being
Vacancies in the Council, for Persons fit and worthy to rep
resent your Lordships, and your Lordships Pleasure not being
then signifi'd and known therein, those very Vacancies were
supply'd by such Persons whom he beforehand knew, and
was well satisfy'd and assured, would be for his Use and
Purpose; and it's as well known, that the Debates and Con
sultations of the Council have all along been carry'd on, and
managed to the ends aforesaid.
And pursuant to his said Design, he did by indirect Prac
tices endeavour, that such an Assembly might be chosen, as
would be agreeable in their Temper and Disposition with his
Designs and Resolutions; This was to be brought about,
though the very Foundation of our English Rights and Liber
ties were undermined, and utterly subverted in the attempt.
I. We therefore, in the first place, humbly represent to
your Lordships, and we do Assert and Maintain, That it is
one of the Fundamental Rights and unquestionable Privi-
ledges belonging to Englishmen, That all Elections of their
Representatives to serve in Parliament, ought to be free and
indifferent, without any Prayer or Commandment to the
contrary, and that no Alien born out of the Allegiance to the
Crown of England, unless he be otherwise especially qualify'd,
ought to Elect for, or be Elected to serve as a Member of
Assembly;1 all which, notwithstanding, at the Election of
Members of Assembly to serve for Berkly County made in
1 So early as 1692, perhaps earlier, six out of the twenty members of the
Commons House were French Protestants who had settled in the province after
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and their return had been made by a
French Protestant sheriff. Each subsequent House up to Moore's administra
tion contained several French Protestants, and one, Henry LeNoble, who had
anglicised his name to Noble, sat in Blake's council as a Proprietor's deputy and
afterward participated in the election of Moore as governor and was a member
of his council. During the intervening years three Dissenters, Smith, Archdale,
and Blake, governed the province. It was only when a Churchman became the
head of the government and his administration was supported by the Frenchmen
that the Dissenters raised any serious objection to Frenchmen voting for officers
and being elected to offices.
1701] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 239
the Month of November, 1701, There were several great
Abuses made and committed, against the ancient Usages and
Customs of this Province, and contrary to Law, particularly
an Act Intituled, An Act for Regulating Elections, etc., and
to the great dissatisfaction, and manifest Prejudice of the
several Inhabitants of this Province, Candidates and others.
For so it was, may it please your Lordships, that at the said
Election, much Threatnings, many Intreaties, and other
unjustifiable Actions were made use of, and illegal and un
qualify 'd Votes given in to the Sheriff; and by him Receiv'd
and Return'd, particularly the Votes of very many unqualify'd
Aliens were taken and enter 'd,1 the Votes of several Members
of the Council were filed and Received, a great number of
Servants and Poor and indigent Persons, voted promiscuously
with their Masters and Creditors, as also several free Negroes
were Receiv'd, and taken for as good Electors as the best
Freeholders in the Province.2 So that we leave it with your
Lordships to Judge, whether admitting Aliens, Strangers,
Servants, Negroes, etc., as good and qualify'd Voters, can be
thought any ways agreeable to King Charles's Patent to
your Lordship's, or the English Constitution or Government.
II. We represent to your Lordships, that when at the
Meeting of the Assembly, divers Candidates, by Petition by
them Exhibited, pray'd to be heard against the Return of
the Sheriff for Berkly County of the Election aforesaid, and
insisted upon their Right, and that the Sheriff's Return was
false and illegal, and the said Assembly the better and more
impartially, to inquire into the ill Practices of the said Elec-
1 It is not at all probable that there were "very many unqualify'd Aliens"
in South Carolina at the time. The enabling act of 1696 had naturalized nearly
every alien in the province who had not been naturalized in England before set
tling in South Carolina, and had made it so easy for aliens to become citizens
that it is hardly likely that any settled colonists of alien birth had neglected to
become qualified electors, especially when it is shown by records that when a
Frenchman, who had not yet been naturalized, was elected to the Commons
House in 1692 he was not allowed to take his seat.
3 An early example of pure democracy. The only requirement prescribed
for an elector by the Fundamental Constitutions was that he own fifty acres of
land, or its equivalent in securities. As every male settler, servants not excepted,
received fifty, or more, acres for settling in Carolina it is hardly likely that ther«
were very many illegal votes taken.
240 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1701
tion, did first of all resolve to begin upon Priviledges and
Elections, that the late Governour Moore, to prevent such
Inquiry, did several times Prorogue the said Assembly.1
III. That when the said Assembly were at last suffer'd
to sit, the Inquiry and Examination into the Sheriff's Return
of the last Election was obstructed, and industriously pre
vented, by setting on foot an ill laid design of raising Forces
to attaque St. Augustine.
IV. That notwithstanding your Lordships repeated Com
mands to your Deputies, to procure a good regulation of the
Indian Trade, on which our friendly Correspondence with all
our neighbouring Indians, and the Peace and Safety of this
Colony chiefly depends, yet the said late Governor Moore
has been by his Artifices, the Chief (if not the Only) Occasion
of obstructing the same, designing nothing less than ingrossing
the same for himself and Accomplices; having already almost
utterly ruin'd the Trade for Skins and Furs (whereby we
held our chief Correspondence with England) and turned it
into a Trade of Indian or Slave-making, whereby the Indians
to the South and West of us are already involved in Blood
and Confusion, a Trade so odious and abominable, that every
other Colony in America (altho' they have equal temptation)
abhor to follow.
V. That the said late Governor Moore did grant Commis
sions to Anthony Dodsworth, Robert Mackoone, and others,
to set upon, assault, kill, destroy, and take Captive as many
Indians as they possible could, the Profit and Produce of
which Indian Slaves were turn'd to his private use; whereas
such undertakings, unjust and barbarous in themselves, will
in all Probability draw upon us an Indian War, with all the
dreadful Consequences of it.
VI. We represent to your Lordships, that the late unfort
unate, ill contrived, and worse Managed expedition against
St. Augustine, was principally set on Foot by the said late
Governor and his Adherents; and that if any Person in the
1 From the journals of the Commons House it appears that this action was
taken more because certain dissatisfied members of that house absented them
selves from the meetings thereof and thereby prevented quorums than because
of any effort to prevent inquiring into the behavior of the sheriff of Berkeley
County.
1702] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 241
said late Assembly undertook to speak against it, and to
shew how unfit and unable we were at that time for such an
Attempt, he was presently look'd upon, by them, as an Enemy
and Traytor to his Country, and revil'd and affronted in the
said Assembly, altho' the true Design of the Expedition,
was no other then catching and making Slaves of Indians
for private advantage, and Impoverishing the Country; And
this will plainly appear, when your Lordships know that your
Country is brought more in Debt at this time, and upon this
occasion, then ever since its first Settlement, if we put all the
Debts we have ow'd together; and that the Expedition was
to enrich themselves will appear particularly, because what
soever Booty, as rich Silks, great Quantity of Church-Plate,
with a great many other costly Church Ornaments and Uten
sils taken by our Souldiers as [at] St. Augustine, are now de-
tain'd in the Possession of the said late Governor and his
Officers, contrary to an Act of Assembly made, for an equal
Division of the same among the Souldiers.
VII. That the said Governor would have had the said
Expedition against St. Augustine begun and undertaken
before the War with Spain was Proclaim'd here; and this
was vehemently urg'd by his Interest in the said Assembly,
but with much ado, being put to the Vote, was carried in
the Negative. And when at last the Expedition was Ordered,
the Management of the said late Governor was such, in all
its Steps, particularly in relation to his shameful retreat,
and burning the Country's Vessels, that we are asham'd to
mention the same till we have a Free Assembly, before
which the matter may be fairly try'd, which is the only
thing the said late Governor and his Adherents are most
afraid of.
VIII. That in the said late Assembly, the Constitutions
sent by Major Daniel were offered for their passing, Urg'd
with great strength of Reason, for to have them Pass'd by
Mr. Ash, but they were opposed by Mr. Trott, Mr. Howes,
and others the said Governor's Creatures, and several reflect
ing words used by the said Trott and Howes concerning them,
exposing the Constitutions as Ridiculous and Void in them
selves, (thereby endeavouring, notwithstanding your Lordships
care of us) to keep the People in an unsettled Condition, that
242 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
from time to time, they might the more easily be imposed on
by them.
IX. That after the People Returned from St. Augustine,
the time for the said Assembly to meet, according to the last
Prorogation, was just at hand; when they met, they went
upon the Inquiry of the Charges the Country had been at in
the said Expedition, and were upon Debate for the finding
out Ways and Means for the Payment of the Countries Debts,
for securing the Colony, for the settling of Elections for the
future, and for granting as much Freedom to the French, and
other Aliens, as could be granted by the Assembly, or the
French reasonably expect. A Bill for the better Regulating
Elections, pass'd the lower House twice, and was sent up to
the said Governor and Council, where it was rejected without
so much as a Conference ; upon which several of the Members,
jealous of their Priviledges, and being so order'd by those
that sent them, left the House, first entring their Protestation,
a copy of which Mr. Ash has to shew your Lordships, and to
which we refer You.
X. But what we have yet to represent to your Lordships,
makes very deep Impressions on us, and is not to be thought
on by us, but with the greatest Regret and Concern. For
altho' the Members of the late Assembly, who Protested, and
did leave the House as aforesaid (hoping that the next Day
they might find things in better order, and some temperating
Means found out, which might have given some tolerable
Assurance of having their Liberties secured) went every one
of them to the House on the Morrow, and frankly offer'd
to sit longer, if the rest of the Assembly would joyn with
them to Assert their Rights; but instead of any compliance,
they were Abus'd, ReviFd, and treated with the most reflecting
Language imaginable, very unbecoming an Assembly. And
we further Represent to your Lordships, that after such
Abuse given them in the House, several of the said Members,
viz. the said John Ash, Esq; Landgrave Thomas Smith, and
others, were Assaulted and set upon in the open Street, with
out any Provocation or Affront by them given, or offer 'd.
The said Thomas Smith was set upon by Lieutenant Colonel
George Dearsby,1 who with his Sword drawn, and the Point
1 A misprint for Dearsle^v.
1702] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 243
held at the said Smith's Belly, swore he would Kill him, and
if he had not been prevented, would have done the said Smith
some considerable Mischief to the endangering of his Life.
The said John Ash walking along the Street, was assaulted
by a rude, drunken, ungovernable Rabble, headed, encouraged
and abetted by the said Dearsley, Thomas Dalton, Nicholas
Nary, and other Persons, Inhabitants, who set upon the said
Ash, used him Villanously and Barbarously, and that Even
ing, when he the said Ash was retir'd into a Friend's Chamber
for Security, the same armed Multitude came to the House
where the said Ash was, and demanded him down, assuring
him at the same time that they would do him no hurt, but
only wanted to discourse with him, upon which Assurance he
came down to them; who notwithstanding, being encourag'd
and assisted by Captain Rhett, and others, drew him by Force
and Violence on board his the said Rhett's Ship, reviling and
threatning of him as they drag'd him along; and having gotten
him on board the said Rhett's Ship, they sometimes told him
they would carry him to Jamaica; and at other times threat
ning to Hang him, or leave him on some remote Island.
XI. That the said late Governor had the same day
(immediately before the Riot began) treated a great many
of the Persons concern' d therein, and used such Expressions
to them, as gave them, next their drink, the greatest Encour
agements for what they acted, by telling them, that the pro
testing Members would bring the People on their Heads for
neglecting to pay the Country's Debts, which if it should
happen, he knew not who could blame them; in the mean
time he thank'd them for their close adherence to him in all
his Concerns. And after the Riot began (of part of which he
was an Eye-witness) having first drank with some of them,
he withdrew himself out of the way, thereby giving them
greater Incouragement to proceed in their Tumultuous Prac
tices, and by his Example and Absence, discouraging the
inferior Officers from executing their Duty.
XII. That whilst the said Riot continu'd, which was
four or five Days, Landgrave Edmond Bellinger, who was a
Justice of the Peace, there being no other to be seen that
understood his Office, went out to Suppress and Record the
aforesaid Riot, bijt the Rioters no sooner saw him, than they
244 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
calFd him all the opprobrious Names they could think of,
and the said Rhett came up to him, and struck him over the
Head with his Cane, and continu'd beating and striking of
him for a considerable time, as by the said Record herewith
sent your Lordships, will more fully appear.
XIII. That the said Rioters beat and abused Mr. Joseph
Boone, and put him in danger and fear of his Life, without
any Provocation by him given or offer'd; and that for four
or five days successively, and at other times after, the said
Rioters unusually Arm'd and Weapon'd, to the great Terror
of the People, and f right ned and terrify 'd Persons, that they
were forc'd to leave the Town, their Affairs and Interests
exposed to the Mercy of a licentious Rabble.
XIV. That some of the said Rioters, whilst the Riot was
at the Church, went one Night to the House of John Smith,
a Butcher in Charles Town; and there being a Woman big
with Child in the said House, they with Force open'd the
door, threw her down, and otherwise mis-used her, that she
brought forth a dead Child, with the Back and Skull broken.
XV. That the said John Ash, Thomas Smith, James
Byres, Joseph Boon, and others, complained to the said late
Governor and his Council, setting forth the Abuses and Bar
barous Usages they had met withal from the aforesaid Rioters,
and the Danger they were yet in, for that the said Rioters
were still in Arms, etc., but they met with no other Satis
faction from them, then that the said late Governor shifted
off the Matter; by saying, it was a Business fit for a Justice
of the Peace; and being ask'd by James Byres, whether or
not he look'd on himself, as Governor, oblig'd to keep the
Peace of the Province? He reply 'd; that was a Question he
was not oblig'd to Answer.
XVI. That before the next Sessions of the Peace, holden
for the said Province, Sir Nathaniel Johnson was proclaim'd,
and took upon him the Government; and then Mr. Trott
had a Commission to be Judge, and the said late Governor
was made Attorney General; so that it was in vain to expect
any Relief or Remedy here: However, the said Edmond
Bellinger, did what in him lay, to have the said Riot inquired
into, gave in the Record thereof to the Bench, and some of
the Grand Jury urg'd to have it presented, but to no purpose.
1703] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 245
for some of the Abettors of the Rioters being of the Jury,
and making Friends there, stopt the whole Proceeding.
XVII. We further represent to your Lordships, that con
trary to the Rights and Priviledges which we ought to Enjoy,
the last Election of Members to serve for Berkly County, was
managed with greater Injustice to the Freemen of this Province
than the former; For at this last Election, Jews,1 Strangers,
Sailors, Servants, Negroes, and almost every French-man in
Craven and Berkly County, came down to Elect, and their
Votes were taken, and the Persons by them Voted for, were
Returned by the Sheriff, to the manifest wrong, and Prejudice
of other Candidates.
Things standing with us, as is before faithfully represented
to your Lordships, we thought it our Duty, since we can
have no Remedy or Relief in Carolina, to apply our selves to
your Lordships, whose Paternal care and Concern for us, we
Question not, will be signally evidenced and extended unto
us upon such occasions, and in such extremities: For when
once our Lawful Rights and Priviledges are deny'd us, when
Forreigners and Strangers shall make our Laws, when we
can have no Protection from those who ought, and are In
trusted by your Lordships, to see the Laws executed, when,
in a word, force is made the Arbiter of all differences, and all
things reduc'd to a State of Confusion, it is surely a time, if
ever there be one, for a People to Complain, and miserable
are those Subjects, who must be Hector 'd and Domineered
over by their fellow Subjects, even by those who have hardly
any other way to support their decayed Fortunes, but at the
Expence of the Publick. It may be worth your Lordships
while, to Reflect what might have been the occasion, that
so few Persons of Interest, Honor, and Education come
amongst us,2 and that good People go, and are going from
1 There were at this time five or six wealthy and influential Jews among the
leading merchants of Charles Town. Four of them had been included in the
naturalization act passed in 1696, and the others were probably qualified also.
Under the Fundamental Constitutions Jews were not denied the right of suf
frage, and every Jew in Charles Town, so far as we are informed, had the re
quired amount of property.
* The contemporaneous records show that an exceptionally large percentage
of those who had previously settled in South Carolina were persons of interest,
honor, and education. The government that they conducted, the trade they
246 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1703
us, when the Colony is in a thriving Condition; certainly it is
because the English Liberties, that all Her Majesty's Subjects
in all other Places in Her Dominions Justly claim, are notori
ously trampFd on, to the great discouragement of Settlers.
As to the French, they have hitherto liv'd peaceably, and with
due encouragement amongst us; but when we see and consider,
that they are often made Tools of, and imposed upon, and
perswaded by ill designing Persons here, to carry on sinister
designs to the General disadvantage of the Country, and how
easily they are drawn into Errors, by reason they have not a
right understanding of our Language, and are ignorant of our
Laws,1 we can't imagine that we do them any hurt, by making
good and wholesome Laws for us and them, since we Oblige
them by no other Laws whatsoever, or upon any Account,
than what we ourselves are Obliged by, and live under.
What then have we to entreat for and pray of your Lordships?
Nothing less, than that your Lordships would be pleased to
establish the peace of this Colony on such a sure Foundation,
that it may be beyond the Wit and Malice, and out of the
Power of ill designing Men to disturb it for the time to come.
And lastly, we on behalf of our selves and Her Majesty's leige
Subjects, Inhabitants of this Province, do more especially
pray and desire your Lordships, that you would be pleased to
give directions for calling a free General Assembly, which
will undoubtedly Assist your Lordships to Redress and Remove
the Grievances aforesaid, settle the Peace and Prosperity of
built up, the wealth they accumulated, and the general ability and culture they
displayed in various ways, would attest that, even if we had not a knowledge of
their antecedents and connections.
1 The greater part of the Frenchmen had been in the province upward of
twenty years; some of them had been there a longer period, and many of them
had lived in England or Ireland before settling in South Carolina. They had
become thoroughly imbued with English ideas and ideals; many of them had
joined the Church of England; some had already anglicised their names; many
of them wrote excellent English and it is fair to assume that they also spoke it
equally well; their children scarcely spoke French at all and it is doubtful if
their grandchildren could speak it, save such as enjoyed the advantage of a pri
vate tutor at home or of schooling abroad. The evidence is that the Huguenots,
who constituted but three or four per cent, of the population of South Carolina
when they first reached the province, were almost immediately so thoroughly
absorbed by the English as to lose very soon all of their French individuality save
their family names; and even those were in many instances anglicised.
1703] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 247
this Colony, and procure their chearful Obedience which
ought to be Render'd to your Lordships, under Her present
Majesty, carrying with it the offer of our Fortunes and best
endeavours for Her Majesty's and your Lordships Honours, as
a real Testimony of our thankfulness.
Carolina 26 June, 1703.
Sign'd by 150 of the Inhabitants.1
The Gentleman, who brought this, a Member of their
Parliament and Considerable Freeholder, faithfully delivered
it to His Excellence the Prince Palatine,2 for such, I suppose,
he would be called, from whom how little Encouragement he
received, to hope for a Redress of the Grievances of the Coun-
trey, he would have told the World if he had hVd to finish
a Tract, which 'tis a great loss to the World he did not: En-
tituled The present State of Affairs in Carolina; Two Sheets
whereof were printed before he died;3 but his Death has pre
vented what is but too imperfectly supplied by these Sheets,
for which the Author asks the Readers Charity; it being im
possible he should be equally touched with a Sence of the
Miseries of the Colony, with One who had so great a share
as Mr. Ash, both of the Property and the Suffering.
The loss this Gentleman's Death was to the Collony, was
as to this Negotiation, as well as possible, supplyed by their
sending a second Agent to the Proprietors: viz. Mr. Joseph
Boon, by whom the following Petition was with like ill Success
brought to the Proprietors; the failing in which frequent
Application, causes this publick Appeal to the World for
the Justice of their Application to the Parliament of England;
where it is not doubted, they will meet with a suitable Assist
ance.
I think, I need add nothing to this melancholly Description
of the barbarous Treatment of this Innocent People, tho' I
could furnish the World with innumerable Particulars. Nor
cou'd I make a greater Satyr upon the Conduct and Character
of the Gentlemen Proprietors than to say, that all those
Humble Representations met with no Redress from them; but
1 Reprinted in Rivers's Sketch of the History of South Carolina, pp. 453-460.
8 Lord Granville.
3 For this fragment, see the next division of this volume.
248 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
on the contrary, all Application to them has hitherto been
fruitless, and has met with Repulses, too unbecoming the
Reasonableness of their Cause, to say no worse of it.
The Petition of the Inhabitants brought over by Mr.
Boon is as follows; and is Sign'd by above 180 Persons of the
principal Freeholders of the Countrey.
To His Excellency, John Lord Granville Palatinej and to the rest
of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of the Province
of Carolina.
May it please Your Lordships,
By an Address sent your Lordships by John Ash, Esq;
bearing Date the 26th of June, 1703, Several of the Inhabi
tants of this part of Your Province, set forth to Your Lord
ships the Undue Election of the present Assembly; and besides,
the heavy Taxes they have laid on Us, and the severe Impo
sitions on Trade (the Consequences of the vain Attempt on
St. Augustine.) We are more particularly to make our Com
plaints to Your Lordships, of the Great and UnparallePd
Breach they have made in the Charter, granted Your Lord
ships by K. Charles the II. and of our Priviledges therein con
tained. The Assembly having been prorogued on the 10th
of May; it was however called together by Proclamation, to
Sit the 6th of April : And having continued together seven or
eight Days, with little or no Business before them (to the
great Surprize of the generality of the people) on a suddain,
without any previous Notice, on the 4th of May a Bill was
brought into the House (the Copy whereof We have herewith
sent Your Lordships) to Exclude by a Sacramental Test, all
Dissenters from Sitting in the Common's House of Assembly.
This Bill was hurried on so, that on the 6th it Past the House ;
there being, after all their Endeavours, but Twelve for it,
and Eleven against it; whereof several where Members
of the Church of England. In the Upper House, tho' it
Past with less Opposition, yet the Landgrave Joseph Mor
gan * was deny'd the Liberty of Entring his Reasons for his
Dissent.
! Morton.
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 249
We are unable (My Lords) to describe, the Consternation
of the Generality of the People at these Violent Proceedings:
All moderate Persons are extreamly dissatisfy'd, and the Dis
senters themselves under the last degree of Confusion and
Discontent; desiring, with Grief of Heart, that Your Lord
ships, in Your Great Wisdom and Goodness, will take Their
present Condition into Your Serious Considerations, and Order
a Repeal of the aforesaid Act, so Prejudicial to Their Libertys;
for which They humbly offer to Your Lordships these follow
ing Reasons.
1. K. Charles the lid. having by His Charter to Your
Lordships, given His Subjects, the Freemen and Freeholders
of this Province by Themselves, or Their Delegates, the
Priviledge of Advising and Consenting with Your Lordships,
to all such Laws as shall be Made here; and the Dissenters
being a very large Part of the Freemen, and Freeholders, and
incouraged to Transport Themselves, Families, and Estates,
hither by the said Priviledges, are notwithstanding, Excluded
from the Priviledge of being Delegates, or Representatives of
the People in Their Assemblys by the said Act, to the Mani
fest Violation of the Charter.
2. The Dissenters, in all the rest of Her Majesty 's Govern
ments in America, being by no Laws Excluded from being
Chosen into Assemblys in the respective Colonys, And the
Dissenters here, having a Right thereunto in this Govern
ment, not only as Freemen, but by the Concessions in the
Charter, have the greater Reason to complain of Their present
Sufferings.
3. We cannot too feelingly Assure Your Lordships, that
the said Act, tends not only to the great Prejudice, and utter
Discouragement of Her Majesty's good Subjects, the Dissent
ers here, in rending from them that fundamental Priviledge,
which They and Their Ancestors have peaceably Enjoy 'd
ever since the First Settlement of this Colony; but will also
be a very great Discouragement to Them in Their several
Trades, and Employments, and a fatal Discouragement of
the further, and better Settlement of this Part of Your Lord
ships Province.
For a further Account of these Things, we refer Your Lord
ships to Mr. Joseph Boone, by whose Hands We send this to
250 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
Your Lordships, desiring You to give Credit to what he shall
further Offer to Your Lordships, on Our Behalf. Wishing
Your Lordships good Health and Prosperity, We are
Your Lordships
Most Humble, and most
Obedient Servants.
The Lady Blake Widow of the late Governor, at the same
time took the freedom to represent to the Proprietors, the
matter of Fact of this Proceeding in a most pathetick and
extraordinary manner, by Letter as follows:1
May it please your Lordships,
The Share my Son has the Honour to have with your
Lordships in the Propriety of this Province, together with the
publick Concern I have for the Propriety thereof, oblige me
at this time to give you this Trouble, and to lay before your
Lordships a short Representation of the many Grievances the
People are oppressed with.
The precipitate and fatal Undertaking against St. Augus
tine, and the Consequences thereof carried on by a Party,
have involv'd the Countrey in a Debt of about Ten thousand
Pounds, to the Ruin of our Trade, the Loss of our Credit
abroad,2 and infinite Dissatisfactions at home.
Towards Satisfaction of which Debt, an Act was con-
triv'd for forcing the Currency of Bills of Credit to the value
of Six thousand Pounds, these Bills were declared Current in
all Payments, and the Refuser of them fineable in double the
value of the Sum refused, whereby the boldest Stroke has been
given to the Property of the Settlers in this Province, that
1 Elizabeth (Axtell) Blake, widow of Landgrave Joseph Blake (who was
one of the eight Proprietors at the time of his death in 1700) and daughter of
Landgrave Daniel Axtell. Her father and her husband had both been Dissenters.
Her father-in-law, Benjamin Blake, had been bitter in his criticisms of the Church
of England in his lifetime. Her husband's first wife was a daughter of the first
Landgrave Morton (the governor) and the sister of the then Landgrave Morton.
Her prejudices, therefore, were strongly with the Dissenters. Her minor son,
the second Landgrave Joseph Blake, owned one of the Proprietary shares ;n
Carolina.
* Exaggerated views.
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 251
ever was known in any Country, not govern'd by arbitrary
Power: And the bad Consequences of this forc'd Currency
in Relation to Trade with Strangers are so great, that they
can scarcely be expressed, without being more prolix than
the Bounds of a Letter can allow. Your Lordships very well
know, that if the Kingdom of England did not conceive such a
Method destructive of the Peoples Property, and of the
utmost Danger to Commerce, they cou'd not need any Pro
jection of Ways and Means, for raising of what Money the
Government's Affairs do require, But there has nothing of
this been weighed by your Lordships Deputies here, or by the
pack'd Members of our Commons House of Assembly: Besides
all this, the People are not satisfy'd how many Bills are
truly sent abroad; and the great Concern Mr. James Smith
alias Serureir,1 (who cheated the Scot's Company of a con
siderable Sum of Money, and with his Keeper made his Escape
from London hither) had in this Contrivance, doth give a
Jealousie of indirect Practices therein so prevalent among the
People as must end in Confusion and Disorder.
Neither have they stopt here, but to our present Amaze
ment, and the Increase of our Fears of their evil Designs for
the future, they have proceeded to pass an Act for the Exclu
sion of all Dissenters from their Right to sit in the Commons
House of Assembly, and obliging them to take the Sacrament
according to the Rites of the Church of England. In the same
1 James LeSerurier was the son of James LeSerurier, a merchant of St.
Quentin in northern France, who fled as a refugee to South Carolina after the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The elder LeSerurier became a wealthy
merchant of Charles Town and his son became a merchant in London at some
time prior to May 21, 1697, the date of the making of the will of his father, which
was proved October 4, 1706. His mother was Elizabeth Leger, of another of
the most prominent of the Huguenot families that settled in South Carolina.
Her will, which was made September 26, 1721, shows that she was then of the
parish of St. Anne, Westminster, England. We are uninformed as to the merits
of these charges against the younger Serurier, but as he was a member of one of
the wealthiest and most influential of the Huguenot families and a brother-in-law
of Henry LeNoble (or Noble, as he had anglicised his name), another of the
most conspicuous of the Huguenots, who was then a Proprietor's deputy and a
member of the Grand Council and siding with the Church party, and as he con
tinued to be highly regarded in South Carolina, it is likely that there was con
siderable partisan bitterness at the bottom of these charges. The Scots Company
referred to is that which founded the unfortunate settlement at Darien.
252 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
Act inserting a Clause, to qualifie the most profligate of them
selves for Admission into Assemblies by a Declaratory Oath,
altho' they never take the Sacrament: This Act (after much
under-hand Dealing) was pass'd in a hurry and carry'd by
Twelve only against Eleven, the above Mr. Smith, who has
neither Interest nor Reputation, being one of the Number
of the Twelve.
By the Artifices of these Men, the honest and well-meaning
People have been all along set against your Lordships Consti
tutions, they therefore seeing that by passing of them, their
indirect and arbitrary Proceedings would be in a great Measure
prevented; But now the Eyes of the People are somewhat
more open'd, and they begin to be sensible of the Delusions
and Oppressions they have been involved in. Your Deputies
decline offering the Constitutions to the People, altho' your
Lordships (as I am well informed) have often of late Com
manded it of them.
I know, that there has already been made to your Lord
ships by Mr. John Ash, a Representation of the People's
Sufferings here, and that there will be at this time, and upon
this Occasion, a farther Account of these Affairs sent your
Lordships by many of the good People in the Behalf of them
selves and others, most sensibly affected with the Loss of
these Priviledges, which by King Charles His Charter to your
Lordships, has been the Right and Usage of their Ancestors
and themselves, ever since the first Settlement of the Province :
And my earnest Request to your Lordships is, That in your
great Wisdom, you would be pleas'd to give them such a Hear
ing and speedy Redress, as may conduce most to the Glory
of God, your Lordships Honour, and the Welfare and Pros
perity of your Colony, and you will highly oblige
Your Lordships
Most Humble Servant.
It may be observed, That during the Negotiation of Mr.
Ash, and the Interval before the sending Mr. Boon, the Party
carried on their Excesses, and added to the Grievances Com-
plain'd of before; by setting on foot that most barbarous and
unheard of Law against the Dissenters mentioned in the above
Letter and Address; the Copy whereof is as follows:
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 253
An Act for the more effectual Preservation of the Government of
this Province, by requiring all Persons that shall hereafter
be chosen Members of the Commons House of Assembly,
and sit in the same, to take the Oaths and subscribe the
Declaration appointed by this Act; and to conform to the
Religious Worship in this Province, according to the Church
of England; and to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, according to the Rites and Usage of the said Church.
As nothing is more contrary to the Profession of the Christian
Religion, and particularly to the Doctrine of the Church of Eng
land, than Persecution for Conscience only, NEVERTHELESS,
Whereas it hath been found by experience, that the admitting
of Persons of different Perswasions and Interest in Matters of Re
ligion, to sit and vote in the Commons House of Assembly, hath
often caused great Contentions and Animosities in this Province,
and hath very much obstructed the publick Business; and whereas
by the Laws and Usage of England, all Members of Parliament
are obliged to conform to the Church of England, by receiving the
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the Rites of the said
Church,
Be it therefore enacted, by his Excellency John, Lord Gran-
ville, Palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and
Proprietors of this Province, by and with the Advice and Consent
of the rest of the Members of the General Assembly, now met at
Charles-Town, for the South- West Part of this Province, and by
the Authority of the same, That every Person that after the Rati
fication of this Act, shall be chosen a Member of the Commons
House of Assembly that hath not, within the Space of Twelve
Months before such his Election, received the Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper, according to the Rites and Usage of the Church of
England, as established by Law, such Person after his Election,
and before he be permitted to sit and vote in the said House, shall
receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the Rites
and Usage of the Church of England, in some publick Church,
upon some Lord's Day, commonly called Sunday, immediately
after divine Service and Sermon; and every of the said Persons,
in open Assembly, in a full House duly sitting, with their Speaker
in his Chair, shall deliver a Certificate of such his receiving of the
said Sacrament as aforesaid, under the Hand of the respective
Minister, or shall make proof of the Truth thereof by Two credible
Witnesses at least upon Oath.
254 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
But whereas some Persons scruple the Receiving the Sacrament
of the Lord's Supper, by reason they fear they are not rightly fitted
and prepared to partake of that Ordinance, who do nevertheless,
out of real Choice, conform to the Church of England, as estab-
lish'd by Law, and do sincerely profess the Same, and do not ab
stain from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, out of any Dislike
to the Manner and Form of the Administration thereof, as used by
the Church of England, and prescribed in the Communion-Office,
in the Book of the Common-Prayer of the said Church,
Be it therefore enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That every
Person that after the Ratification of this Act, shall be chosen a
Member of the Commons House of Assembly in this Province, in
case he hath not received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, ac
cording to the Rites and Usage of the Church of England, as is
before prescribed by this Act, then every such Person before he
vote in the said Commons House of Assembly, or sit there during
any Debate in the said House, after their Speaker is chosen, shall
upon his Oath taken on the Holy Evangelists, declare as follows:
I, A. B., Do solemnly and sincerely, in the Presence of God,
profess, testify and declare, That I am of the Profession of the
Church of England, as Establish'd by Law; and that I do conform
to the Same, and usually frequent the said Church for the publick
Worship of God; and that I do not abstain from the Sacrament of
the Lord's Supper, out of any Dislike to the Manner and Form of
the Administration thereof, as used by the said Church of England,
and as it is prescribed in the Communion-Office, in the Book of
Common-Prayer of the said Church; and that I am not, nor for
One Year past, have not been in Communion with any Church or
Congregation, that doth not conform to the said Church of Eng
land, nor received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in such
Congregation; and that as a Member of this House of Assembly,
I will endeavour the Good and Welfare of the said Church of Eng
land, as established by Law: So help me God.
W7hich said Oath or Declaration of Conformity shall be sol-
iemnly and publickly made, and subscribed by every Member of
thbisaid Commons House of Assembly (that doth not produce a
Certificate, or other Proof of his having received the Sacrament.
of the Lord's Supper, as before prescribed by this Act,) between
.the Hours of Nine in the Morning, and Four in the Afternooii, al
the Table in the said House, and whilst a full House is sitting with
their Speaker in his Chair: And every such Person that shall upon
Oath -make, and subscribe such Declaration of Conformity to the
..Church. of England;, is hereby declared to be sufficiently qualified
to be a Member of the Commons House of Assembly, as if he had
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 255
received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the
Usage of the Church of England, as is above prescribed by this Act.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That
all Persons that after the Ratification of this Act shall be chosen
Members of the General Assembly, before they vote in the Com
mons House of Assembly, or sit there during any Debate in the
said House of Commons, after their Speaker is chosen, shall on
the Holy Evangelists take the Oaths appointed to be taken, instead
of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy by one Act of Parlia
ment, made in the First Year of the Reign of the late K. William
and Q. Mary, entituled. An Act for the Abrogating of the Oaths
of Supremacy and Allegiance, and appointing other Oaths, and
shall make and subscribe the Declaration appointed to be made
and subscribed in the Act made in the Thirtieth Year of the Reign
of the late King Charles the Second, entituled, An Act for the more
effectual Preserving the King's Person and Government, by dis
abling Papists from sitting in either Houses of Parliament. And
shall also take the Oath appointed to be taken by one Act of Par
liament made in the First Year of the Reign of Her present Maj
esty, entituled, An Act to declare the Alterations in the Oath ap
pointed to be taken by the Act, entituled, An Act for the further
Security of Her Majesty's Person, and the Succession of the Crown
in the Protestant Line; and for extinguishing the Hopes of the
pretended Prince of Wales, and all other Pretenders, and their
open and secret Abettors, and for declaring the Association to be
determined; Which Oaths and Declaration in every succeeding
Assembly shall be solemnly and publickly made and subscribed
betwixt the Hours of Nine in the Morning, and Four in the After
noon, by every Member of the Said Assembly, at the Table of the
said House, and whilst a full House is sitting, with their Speaker
in his Chair.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if
any Person, that shall hereafter be elected a Member of the Com
mons House of Assembly, shall presume to sit and vote in the said
Commons House after their Speaker is chosen, before he hath re
ceived the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the Rites
and Usage of the said Church of England, or upon Oath and sub
scribed such Declaration of Conformity to the Church of England
as is prescribed by this Act, and hath also taken the Oaths, and
made and subscribed the Declaration, as required by this Act;
every Person so offending shall forfeit for the first time he shall so
sit, the Sum of Fifty Pounds current Money of this Province; and
for every Day after that he shall so sit, the Sum of Ten Pounds,
the one half to the Palatine, and the rest of the true and absolute
256 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
Lords and Proprietors of this Province, to and for the Support of
the Government of this Province, and the contingent Charges
thereof, to be disposed of by Ordinance of the General Assembly;
and the other half to him or them that shall sue for the same within
Six Months after the Offence committed, by Action of Debt, Suit,
Bill, Plaint, or Information in any Court of Record in this Prov
ince, wherein no Essoign, Protection, Privilege, Injunction, or
Wager of Law, or Stay of Prosecution, by Non Vult ulterius Prose-
quiy or otherwise, shall be admitted or allow'd.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That in
case any Person shall be returned a Member of the Commons
House of Assembly, who shall refuse to qualifie himself as required
by this Act, and so cannot be permitted to sit and vote in the said
House, that then in such Case it shall be lawful for those Members
of Assembly, that are qualified to sit and vote in the said House of
Assembly, to order the Sheriff of the County to lay the Poll or List
of the several Candidates, and the Numbers of them that voted for
each of the Candidates, and admit that Person or Persons, that
hath the greatest Number of Votes next to them, Members that
were returned to sit and vote as a Member or Members of the said
Commons House of Assembly, provided they do qualifie them
selves as is above directed by this Act: And in case there is not a
sufficient Number of the other Candidates, that are qualified, as
aforesaid, to fill up the Vacancies, that then a new Writ shall be
issued out for such Number as is so wanting.
Read Three times, and ratified in open Assembly, the Sixth
Day of May, Anno Domini, 1704.
N. JOHNSON, THO. BROUGHTON, JA. MOORE,
ROB. GIBBS, HENRY NOBLE, NICHOLAS TROTT.'
This is the famous Exclusive Act: A Law in it self so
ridiculous, so partial, so calculated for the Ruine of the Colony,
that nothing but mad Men, that depended upon being Superior
in Power to all humane Authority, the People should apply
to, would have ever brought upon the Stage of the World:
A Law that gives such a Test of its Makers, that it fills Strangers
with Amazement, at the Impudence of it, makes their own
1 This Act proved the undoing of the theretofore victorious party, for the
manifest unfairness of the majority in resorting to so tyrannical a measure
(although the very inhibition the Dissenters had wished to put upon the Hugue
nots) not only solidified the Dissenters, but caused many Churchmen to join
them, and at the next election the Dissenters won.
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 257
Friends abandon them, and they that would advocate for the
Thing in general, yet blush at the horrid Particulars.
A Law, that contrary to all Laws universally made, which,
however ill designed, have pretence of publick Good, has
thrown off the very Mask of Modesty; and openly declares,
no Villany can unqualify for a part in the Government, but a
Conscientious Scruple may.
A Law that has the Impudence to declare War against the
Christian Religion, and the Church of England, in the frontice
Piece, and begins with a Non obstante to both of them.
That having first own'd what it Enacts, to be Unchristian
and Hetrodox, has the face, to begin with a Nevertheless in
Capital Letters, damning the Laws of God, and of the Church,
as well as of the Country, to a positive Submission to a Rabble
of Sham-Representatives.
A Law that, turning the first Paragraph into the Genuine
English, which the Words will, without any straining, or
partial Construction, bear, begins in this sense:
Whereas the Laws of God, the Laws of Nature and Reason,
the Christian Religion, the Doctrine of the Church of England, and
the Constitution of this Country, are directly against, and do clearly
condemn the Law now making, yet in Defiance to them all, in order
to carry on our own private Resolutions, for the Enriching our
selves, and the Destruction of this Colony, we have resolved to
Enact; and be it Enacted, etc.
Blush, Gentlemen-Proprietors, and be asham'd for your
Petty Sub-Tyrants; that, like the Lord's Servants in the
Gospel, beat and abuse their Fellow-Servants, and Eat and
Drink with the Drunken, and with a Detestation suitable to
your own Honour, and the Nature of the Crimes, publish your
Dislike of these Things, and immediately apply your selves to
reforming the Abuses of your Subjects, who, tho' in one
Sense they are your Subjects, in another Sense, as Englishmen,
are your Fellow-Subjects to the Crown and General Govern
ment of the English Empire, and that are under the Govern
ment of a Princess; Who, as She hates Tyranny in all its
Parts, carefully avoids it in Her Own Administration, Vigor
ously struggles with it in Europe, and Fights to loose the
World from General Bondage, will never suffer Her Own
258 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
Subjects to Tyrannize over one another, nor any part of Her
People to oppress the rest. In Her Majesty's Equal Admin
istration, you may assure your selves, these injur'd People will
have Redress; and the barefac'd Villany, with which they
have been thus treated, will ripen Matters so, for the Royal
Justice, that it cannot Escape a Necessary Correction.
Prevent it, Gentlemen, by a timely Redress, and let Her
Majesty see, that Her pious Examples of Peace will animate
you, to extend it to all the parts of Her Subjects under your
Direction; for certainly, when Her Majesty exhorts us all to
Peace and Union, and promises Her Royal Favour to those that
promote it, it cannot be understood, that all Her Majesty's
Dominions should Enjoy it, but Carolina.
Hitherto you have seen the General Complaint of the
Inhabitants of Carolina, and how they have been Tyranniz'd
over, and barbarously treated in the Country.
I conclude this Treatise, by giving Account of the Recep
tion they met with here, in their peaceable Application to
their Palatine and Board of Proprietors for Redress.
Mr. Ash, as is related, being arriv'd here with the Re
monstrance and humble Petition of the Inhabitants, apply'd
himself in the Name of the People, by whom he was sent, to
their Excellencies the Proprietors; and delivering his Petition,
etc., found it was impossible to obtain any Redress; either
for the publick, or his own private Abuses, which were intol
erable; and therefore resolv'd to publish the Account, but
dy'd before it was finished; and his Papers being sent over
to his Relations there, were treacherously deliver'd to the
Governor's Agents, whose Guilt Dictated to them, That they
were exposed in them; and several private Letters of the
Inhabitants to Mr. Ash, being among them, they are now
prosecuting and insulting the said Inhabitants for those Let
ters, to terrify others from transmitting a true Account of
the Oppressions practiced upon them.
As in the Interval of Mr. Ash's Negotiations, the Exclusive
Bill was pass'd, as I have noted, and Mr. Boon sent over with
it as before; he applyed himself to my Lord G 11 Palatine
(as he calls himself) for all Men know that by the Right of
the Constitution, even that Mock Title is none of his Due.
Having laid the Case before his Excellence (as he loves to be
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 259
calPd) Mr. Boon desir'd a Board of the Proprietors might be
calPd, which his Lordship promised, but never perform'd
till after about 7 Weeks Attendance and Sollicitation.
At this Board^ one Mr. Arsdale,1 now a Proprietor, and
formerly the very well respected and upright Governor of
Carolina, vigorously opposed the passing this Exclusive Bill;
and gave such Reasons against it, as his Lordship, who all the
World knows, does not always make use of his Profound Skill
of Reasoning, not being able to Answer, had Recourse to the
true Methods of all Tyrants, positive Will, and answered in
this Arbitrary and Imperious Manner:
"Sir, You are of one Opinion, and I am of another, and
our Lives may not be long enough to End the Controversy.
I am for this Bill, and this is the Party that I will Head and
Countenance."
This is so much the Picture of the Answer of King James,
to the Humble and Peaceable Address of the Bishops, when
he sent them to the Tower;2 that a Body would wonder the
Tale of one, should not warn his high Mightiness against the
Practice of the other.
But let us go on, and see how the sweet and delicious
Taste of Tyranny had swallowed up all the Justice of this
Mountebank Prince.
Mr. Boon, the present Agent for the Oppressed People, hum
bly mov'd his Excellence to be Heard by Council against this
Barbarous Act. Hark now, Gentlemen, to the haughty An
swer of an insulting, pedant Prince, to a Request so reasonable.
"What Business has Council here? it is a Prudential Act
in me, and I'll do as I see fit; I see no Harm at all in the
Bill, and am resolv'd to pass it."
Accordingly, Sic Volo, sic Jubeo,3 he Sign'd it that Day,
the Board consisting but of three Persons, and he having
Power by a Proxy for Two in himself; and tho' we must in
Justice acknowledge, that some of the Gentlemen Proprietors
were against it, yet by that Means they were over-ruTd and
the Bill pas't.4
1 John Archdale. He was a Dissenter.
1 In 1688. « "So I will, so I order."
4 There were eight shares. Lord Granville voted his own share, that of
the minor Lord Ashley, and that formerly belonging to Seth Sothell. Carteret,
260 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
By this Arbitrary Proceeding, the Liberties of Carolina
are trampled under foot, and the People's Properties subjected
to all manner of Insults and Oppression.
Mr. Boon had a Petition against this Bill to present him,
sign'd by the principal Merchants of London, Trading to
Carolina; but he saw himself foreclosed by absolute Power,
and that he had to do with a Monarch, on whom the Cries
and Prayers of his oppressed Subjects made no Impression.
For this Cause, he now addresses himself to the Honourable
House of Commons, and hopes, that from the Premises, it
will be allow'd of, in behalf of the oppressed People of Carolina,
that they have not taken this Course but as the last Resort;
all manner of humble, dutiful, and peaceable Application to
their Governors, having been first in vain attempted, to obtain
a just Redress.
What have the peaceable Subjects of this Province done,
that they alone must be oppressed, when all the rest of Her
Majesty's People enjoy the Blessing of a Government, the
best constituted, and under the best, most moderate, and
most equal Administration in the World?
This Law in its Nature appeared so black, that even in
this very Assembly afterwards, viz. , Some Members
mov'd to have it Repealed, and the Act pass'd to Repeal it
in the Lower House, which they call * but in the Upper
House, where the Engines of this Confusion Sat, and had a
more particular Influence, and which they call the Court of
2 there it was rejected Nemine Contradicente.
It would swell this Book too much, to give a particular
Account of the flourishing Circumstances of this Colony
before these things, and of the fatal Effects already felt on
their Trade, especially on the Number of Inhabitants, which
is allow'd by all, to be the Wealth, Strength, and Prosperity
of a Country: These Proceedings not only discouraged People
from going to Settle, where all things are in such Confusions,
and Hurries, and where Men are not safe in their Houses and
Families, nor in the Streets; but many Families (well settl'd
and flourishing) daily Remove, and others are preparing to
Colleton, and Craven were the other shareholders voting. The shares of Archdale
and young Blake were the two not voted.
1 Blank. The Commons House. * Palatine court.
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 261
quit the Place, chosing to abandon a Settlement, where their
Industry is subjected to such Violences, and they are not sure
to enjoy (peaceably) the Fruit of their Labour.1
There is yet another Scandal these Proceedings lye under,
which carries in it some Reflection on the Great Persons con-
cern'd; and that is, That these Proceedings, being Contem
porary with Times of Occasional Bills, Tackings, dangerous
Experiments, and the like in England, received their Life and
Motion from the same Original, and prosecuted the same
Design, being under the Power and Government of some of
the same Persons. This Observation has several Aspects.
1. England may here see the Consequence of Tackings,
Occasional Bills, etc., in Miniature, and what the Designs of
the Party are in general, viz. the absolute Suppression of
Property, as well as Religion; or in short, both Civil and
Ecclesiastical Tyranny.
2. Carolina may have reason to think their Oppressions
were at least encouraged from the same Expectation they had
of Success in the like Design here; and not expecting a Dis
appointment here, no wonder, if they acted as People that
thought they should never give any Account, either to God or
Man.
3. Her Majesty has here an Exceeding Testimony, to the
Necessity of Party-Peace, which her Royal Wisdom Dictated
before, was the only Happiness of Her People; and which
the same Party of Men, were carefully destroying here, as
these did there.
4. Here may be seen, the Great Assurance this Party
acted with, that depending they should succeed here, durst
attempt the persecuting their Fellow-Subjects there.
5. ?Tis plain, what is the Design of Occasional Bills in
general; which, where they durst appear to show themselves,
Demonstrate 'tis not to prevent Hypocrisy, but to plunder
and destroy their Neighbours; and that any Man may come in
to the Administration, let his Manners be never so corrupt,
and that provided he be not tainted with the Sin of defending
1 An exaggeration. No such condition existed at the time. A few people
removed from Charles Town to other parts of the province in consequence of the
dissensions, and business became a little stagnant because of the trouble with
Spain.
262 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
his Liberty, nor with the Scandal of being a Man of Con
science, he is own'd fit to be a Member of this Society.
I believe, I may freely challenge all Mankind, ever since
there were Governments in the World, to show a like Test of
Qualification, where Men conscious to themselves, that if they
lock't the door against Rogues, against profligate, unqualify'd
Rakes, they should shut themselves out, open'd the Door to
all that were scandalously unfit for any thing, and bolted it
upon none but those who could not swear themselves regard
less of Conscience.
But while we are hinting here at the People that push on
these Extravagancies, we ought to clear the Church of Eng
land, as a Church, as far as possible, from the Guilt of an
Action so Horrid.
For tho' here is a seeming Appearance for the Church of
England, and some shew of Regard to her, yet as the Doctrine
of the Church abhors such Practices, so the worthy and
reverend Minister of the Church of England there, has shared
with the deepest, in the Suffering Part, from the Violences
and Fury of those People, because he would not joyn with
them in the same Excesses, against the Laws of the Place,
the Liberty and Religion of the Inhabitants, and the known
Capitulations of the Government.1
Nor can they Charge this Gentleman with Phanaticism,
or Partiality, who, 'tis known, was so far from that, thai
it was some time here before he could satisfy his Conscience
to take the Oaths, and lost several Advantages because of it.
Yet this Gentleman abhorring such Unchristian Violences,
and not being to be prevaiPd upon to joyn with them, has
been insulted by them in the most barbarous and villanous
manner, even in the Streets, his Gown torn off from his Back,
whipt with a Horse-whip, and in a most unseemly manner
beaten and abused, as by his many and frequent Complaints
made to the Proprietors (tho' never regarded) will appear.
Nor does their Rage end here; but the Party now are
1 Rev. Edward Marston, of St. Philip's Church, opposed the unfair action of
the provincial government in depriving Dissenters of the right to sit in the Com
mons House and became involved in quarrels with Governor Johnson and the
Assembly. Mr. Marston 's conduct in these quarrels was far from blameless.
See McCrady's History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government.
1704] PARTY-TYRANNY, BY DANIEL DEFOE 263
resolved to have him turn'd out, tho' he is marry'd, settled,
and has a Family of Children upon the Place, depending upon
his being fixed there for his Life; knowing that his blameless
Conversation would be uncapable of forfeiting that Settle
ment.
It would require a History as large as the Rest of this Book,
to set down the Barbarities this Gentleman has met with, and
which he has fully represented to some Reverend Divines
here; and perhaps Dr. S hope1 may better know, why
no Redress is obtained for him, while an Ignorant, Illiterate,
and Untaught Person, to say no worse of him, is encouraged
and supported by this Party, to Insult and Depress the other.
Nor are their Proceedings altogether unlike what in former
times was practised here, since they are now Erecting a little
High Commission Court to Govern the Clergy, and to whom
they shall be always subject; by which 'twill be always true,
That when ever a Clergy-man has Courage, either to reprove
their Vices, or oppose any of their Arbitrary Proceedings,
they shall be lyable to the Censure of those very Men they
ought to reprove.
This Gentleman was so far from obtaining any Redress
in the Case we hint here, that to requite him, we are informed
they resolve to have him out.
Nor is he the first, but two several Clergy-men before him
have been so treated, turn'd out, and reduc'd, that both of
them went distracted, and dyed in Misery and Distress.2
Twould sully this Paper, and turn the sad Account to a
History of Immoralities, to bring upon the Stage the Char
acters of the People: Men are best known by their Actions;
and we leave this unparallePd Act of Parliament as a Standard
for them to be match'd by, if ever Providence should suffer
a Society of such Men, to get Legislative Power into their
Hands, in any part of the World.
If this be the Effect of Occasional Bills, and English Per
secution, no wonder it was declared contrary to the Christian
Religion; but sure these are the first Men that ever made a
1 George Stanhope, dean of Canterbury.
* This statement is a gross perversion of facts; no such treatment was given
to any ministers before Mr. Marston's day or after, and, therefore, there was no
such resultant consequence.
264 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704V
Law, tho' it has been elsewhere push't at, with a Nevertheless
upon its Title, to its being contrary to the Christian Religion.
It can therefore no longer be doubted, but when these
things come to be considered in an English Parliament, such
Redress will there be obtained, as may secure English Liberty,
wherever it pleases God to establish English Government;
That no part of the Subjects of this Nation be oppressed
by others; and that while Great Men obtain the Liberty of
their Estates, and the Property and Security of their Inheri
tances; they may not Erect Petty-Tyrannies under them,
and skreen Men of profligate Principles, from the Resentment
of the Government;
That Men may not be wheedled in by the pretence of a
free Possession of Estate and Liberty, and on Condition of a
just Government; first, to wander into remote Wildernesses
with their Estates and Families, then industriously Plant,
Cure, Manage and Improve their Estates, and at last, have
their Labours discourag'd by Tyrannick and Barbarous Insults,
their Estates sunk and lessened, by being subjected to Arbitrary
Taxations, for the Executing improbable and preposterous
Projects, and their Persons unqualify'd without a Crime, to
appear in the Assembly of their Country, where all these
Injuries might, in a legal manner, be redress'd and repair'd.1
xThe following pamphlet relating to this question was subsequently pub
lished: The Humble Address of the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal in Parliament Assembled, Presented to Her Majesty on Wednesday the
Thirteenth Day of March, 1705, Relating to the Province of Carolina, and the
Petition therein mentioned, With Her Majesties most Gracious Answer Thereto.
(London, Printed by Charles Bill, and the Executrix of Thomas Newcomb,
deceas'd, Printers to the Queens most Excellent Majesty, 1705, folio, 4 pp.)
The first two pages consist of the title-page and order to print, dated March
13, 1705; page 3 contains the Address of the Lords and the Queen's answer, and
page 4 "The Humble Petition of Joseph Boone Merchant on behalf of himself
and many other Inhabitants of the Province of Carolina, and also of several
Merchants of London, Trading to Carolina, and the Neighboring Colonies of
Her Majesty in America." The latter has been reprinted in Rivers's Sketch
of the History of South Carolina, pp. 461-463. There are seventeen signatures
to it and of these Boone was the only man whose name is in the least conspicuous
in the records of the day.
THE PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS IN
CAROLINA, BY JOHN ASH, 1706
INTRODUCTION
DURING the seven years preceding the death of Governor
Joseph Blake in September, 1700, South Carolina was governed
by three governors who were all Dissenters. Upon the death
of Blake the Lords Proprietors7 deputies met to choose a
governor. Under the mode of procedure laid down by the
Proprietors for such elections Landgrave Joseph Morton, a
Dissenter and a son of a former governor of the province, was,
in right of being a landgrave, entitled to the preference over
the untitled deputies, provided he obtained a majority of the
votes of the deputies and no valid objection were raised
against him by any deputy. On the ballot for Morton he
received three votes for governor and two were cast against
him. Deputies Moore and Daniell objected to him on the
ground that he had accepted the appointment from the Crown
as judge of the admiralty in South Carolina while still holding
a commission from the Proprietors as a deputy. This being
a valid objection, and no one dissenting but Morton, the depu
ties proceeded to the election of one of the untitled deputies
and James Moore was elected.
Moore had come into the province about 1675 and shortly
afterwards married Dame (Margaret Foster) Yeamans, widow
of Sir John Yeamans, a former governor of the province.
During the first few years of his residence he managed planta
tions for Dame Yeamans and Captain William Walley, but later
he engaged in trading with the Indians, at which he became
very enterprising and successful. As that branch of business
in Carolina was a constant source of quarrels and bickerings in
both private and official sources, due primarily to the unre-
267
268 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
liable character of the Indians, Moore made many enemies
and was often the target for personal abuse. He proved him
self to be a valuable man to the province, however, and the
Proprietors frequently honored him with their commands.
No sooner had Moore been elected governor, however,
than the greatest aspersions yet cast upon his character were
hurled at him. His former enemies were reinforced by a
faction who had become dissatisfied over his defeat of Morton
for governor. The fact that he was of the faith of the Church
of England was sufficient to arouse the jealousy of the Dis
senters, who had hoped for a continuation of their party in
power by the election of Morton. Chance had put Dissenters
at the head of the government since the spring of 1692, Thomas
Smith and Joseph Blake having been elected by the deputies
by virtue of being landgraves and Archdale and Blake (second
term) assuming the government in right of being Proprietors.
This was the first real test of strength between Churchmen and
Dissenters and. when the latter lost they began to raise dis
sensions. The quarrel finally waxed so warm that the minority
faction sent an agent to England to lay their grievances before
the Proprietors, Parliament, or the Crown, whichever would
heed their prayers. This agent was John Ash, a member of
the Commons House for Colleton County, who theretofore had
played no conspicuous part in the affairs of the province.
Not meeting encouragement from the Proprietors, Ash pre
pared for publication a statement of the Dissenters' side of the
controversy and had had two pages of it printed when he
died. His statement of the case is an impassioned one and
plainly shows his bias, is filled with personal abuse of and sar
castic references to the party in power, vitiates the truth in
so many particulars as to render it unreliable in any, and
should not be taken too seriously by students of the history of
South Carolina.
THE PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS IN
CAROLINA, BY JOHN ASH, 1706
The Present State of Affairs in Carolina, by John Ash, Gent.,
Sent by several of the Inhabitants of that Colony, to deliver
their Representation thereof to, and seek Redress from, the
Lords Proprietors of that Province : Together with an Ac
count of his Reception, by the Honourable the Lord Gran-
mil, their Palatine, President, or Chief of the Proprietors.
ON the Death of Joseph Blake, Esq; Governour, and one
of the Proprietors of Carolina, the Proprietors Deputies met,
according to their Instructions in such Cases, proceeded to
elect a new Governour; and by them Landgrave Joseph
Morton was Elected Governour. But James Moor, Esq; one
of the said Deputies, knowing the Party he had amongst
Deputies, and nothing regarding how Disloyal, how Derogatory
from the just Right of the English Throne that Objection was,
objected against the said Landgrave Joseph Morton, That he
the said Joseph Morton had made a Breach of the Trust
reposed in him by the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors,
etc. by accepting of a Commission for Judge of the Admiralty
from King William, when at the same Time he had a Commis
sion from the said Proprietors for the said Office, in whom the
Disposal of the same was: Now, besides the Disloyalty of
this Objection, it was also false; for it appears not by the
Charter, That the Proprietors can impower any one to try
Persons for Facts committed out of their Dominions, and
which is necessary for such Judge; yet such was his Interest,
that on this his Objection, Landgrave Morton was rejected,
and the said James Moore Elected and declared Governour.
Of this Landgrave Morton Informed, and Complained to the
Proprietors, but to no purpose.
The Power thus boldly gotten, Mr. Moore resolves to make
the best use of it: and therefore finding himself too poor, even
269
270 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1700
with the Countenance of his Office, to make any considerable
Profit of the Indian Trade, he lays a Design of getting it wholly
into his Power. This he attempted by getting a Bill brought
into the Assembly at the latter end of the Year 1700, Inti
tuled, A Bill for Regulating the Indian Trade, but so con-
triv'd as to have made him wholly Master of it. But Mr.
Robert Stephens, Mr. Trott (then no Courtier) and some others
so plainly shew'd its ill Aim, that it was thrown out of the
Assembly,1 as it was again in the beginning of the Year 1701.
On which Mr. Moore perceiving, That that Assembly could not
be prevailed with to answer his Ends, he dissolved the Assembly,
and about the latter End of that Year a new one was chosen,2
1 The contemporaneous records show that there was a necessity for the regu
lation of the Indian trade. What Governor Moore's plan was is not revealed by
the journal of the Commons House, but the following report, made to the House,
November 13, 1700, and the only action taken on the subject, shows nothing to
warrant the above statement:
"Reported from the Committe, ordrd to Attend the Govern or, by Ralph
Izard Esqr: That his Honr hath Considered of Severall Methods, for the Regu
lation of the Indian Trade But This House haveing Thoughts To make this a
short Sessions, The Time will be to short to make an Act for Regulateing that
Trade, Therefore if This House will appoynt a Committe To Consider of such
methods as may be Thought necessary for makeing that Trade secure to the
Publick Betweene this sessions and the next adjournm* he will Assist therein and
order Those Indian Traders Down that have opprest the natives, and keepe
them here till said Adjournment, or Take security for their Appearance and
Allso Give orders, To severall of the Indian Kings to be here Likewise."
On the 15th the House "Ordered That Ralph Izard Esqr: and mr Robert
Stevens be a Committe to Prepare a Bill for the Regulateing the Indian Trade
[and several other bills] against the next meeting after this Sessions," and the
next day the House adjourned for the session.
a No session was held at the beginning of 1701, the next session convening
January 7, 1701/2, and there was, therefore, no dissolving of the Assembly nor
election of a new House in that year. In a message to the Commons House
January 15, 1701/2, Governor Moore made the following recommendation:
"That you Consider of a way to remove the abuses done to the Yamasee Indians
by them that live among and Trade with them, and of makeing them Easie in
Our Neighbourhood and friendship, So as that they may not have reason to
return to the Spaniards.
"That you think of some way to prevent the Tallabooses and other Indians
now our friends their trade and acquaintance with the ffrench till some way may
be found to secure us from the dangers and Mischiefs which that Trade and
acquaintance will bring on us.
"That you think of some way to Confirm the Cussatoes wch live on Ochasa
Creek and the Savannos in the Place they now live in, and to Our friendship
1702] AFFAIRS IN CAROLINA, BY JOHN ASH 271
at the Election of which, tho' the Right of Electing be by the
Charter in the Freeholders only, he so Influenced the Sheriff,
that Strangers, Servants, Aliens, nay Malatoes and Negroes
were Polled, and Returns made accordingly. Such as at the
Place opposed those Practices, were abused, nay, assaulted by
Mr. Moore's Favourites. By this Means, having got several
into the Assembly, of neither Sense nor Credit, but such as
would Vote as he would have them, he there kept them from
being thrown out on the Petition of those who were unjustly
excluded by their being Returned, by repeated and strangely
procured Adjournments and Prorogations, until the Procla
mation of our New War with France and Spain arrived.1
they being the Only People by whom Wee may expect Advice of an Inland
Invasion."
After various discussions, during which the House several times called upon
Governor Moore for papers and advice, it was finally resolved: "That a Bill be
Prepared against next Sitting Wherein provision may be taken that Indian
Traders shall pay for Lycences and that a Clause be added to send a Commissary
or two to the Southward and that there be a perticular Care Taken of the Yam-
massees, And allso that there be provission in the said Act Concerning all Debts
of the Indians."
That resolution was adopted January 29 and closed legislation relating to
Indian affairs for the session. On February 3 the House adjourned till the first
Wednesday in September. On February 12 writs for a new election were issued
to the sheriffs under the hand of Governor Moore and Deputies Daniell, Bellinger,
Noble, Dearsley, and Parris, the election to be held March 11 and the new assem
bly to convene April 1. It is evident, therefore, that Moore's plan, if he had one,
for controlling the Indian trade, had nothing to do with the dissolution of the
House or the issuing of writs by the governor and deputies for a new election.
1 The high sheriff of Berkeley County, holding the election at Charles Town
for Berkeley and Craven counties, returned the twenty having the highest vote
as follows: Dr. Charles Burnham 392, Capt. John Guppell 357, Major Charles
Colleton 340, Col. Thomas Broughton 250, Capt. Job Howes 227, William
Smith (merchant) 226, John Buckley 224, Col. Stephen Bull 221, Landgrave
Thomas Smith 221, George Logan 218, Nicholas Trott 218, Serurier Smith 217,
Capt. John Godfrey 217, Capt. James Risbee 217, Capt. David Davis 216, Henry
Wigington 212, Richard Beresford 212, Major Benjamin Waring 208, Capt.
George Smith 204, Major William Smith 200. He further reported that Capt.
Abraham Eve had received 199 votes and that there were "Tenn Moore Votes
for him and Major W- Smith which were objected against as unquallified to
Vote, which is Humbly Submitted to the House to Judge of whether Unquallified
or not. Therefore Returne the said Cap* Eve."
Almost immediately upon organizing the House proceeded to consider the
contest, Joseph Boone, Robert Fenwick, and John Croskeys being the contest
ants of the seats of Major Benjamin Waring, Major William Smith, and Richard
272 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
Then possessing the People by Stories with hopes of mighty
Plunder, he got a Design that he had proposed to the Assembly
before, of going against St. Augustin, a Fort belonging to
Spain, a little to the Southward of Carolina, to be approved,
tho' in truth it was no more than a Project of Freebooting
under the specious Name of War, for neither the Preparation
nor the Performance will permit any one to believe it was
meant for any other Purpose, or the least Good of the Colony.1
However, it was approved, and Two Thousand Pounds
were raised to equip his Honour and his Comrades out for
their beloved Exercise of Plundering, and Slave-catching. This
they performed well enough, but carrying on the Pretence too
far, and coming to sit down before the strong Castle of St.
Augustin, while they were sending their Plunder to Jamaica
by their trusty Officers, under Colour of seeking Supplies,
sending for Bombs and Mortars, in the midst of all their Riot
and Misrule, they were alarm'd by the coming of Four Vessels
into the Harbour, in which were (they say) 200 Enemies. At
first, being encouraged by Wine up to a Height above per
forming any Thing, the General Moore resolves bravely to
put on Board his Eight Vessels then riding in the Harbour,
all their Goods and Plunder, and with his few Men about 500,
Fight thro' the Enemy, and so come Home. But the Pillow,
which often lets out Heat to make way for Caution, changed
this his Resolution; So the next Day, having destroyed as
many of his own Ships, and as much of his War Stores and
Beresford. It will be observed that no contest was made of the election of George
Smith, who received fewer votes than either Beresford or Waring. He was a
Dissenter, a brother of Landgrave Thomas Smith. The House, however, ordered
him to withdraw also during the investigation. The House then summoned all
of those whose right to vote had been challenged to appear on Monday, April 6,
and "Shew what Right they have to voting/' naming them in the resolution.
On that day no quorum appeared. The journal shows that it was the desire
of Governor Moore for the House to meet and proceed with business, but that
his enemies desired neither to transact the business for which the House was
called nor to hold the investigation of the election which they had demanded.
As almost every voter named as unqualified could have shown his right to vote,
as can still be shown by extant records, the charges would have fallen. After
war was declared against Spain Governor Moore was able to get the House to
work and it soon found too much real work to do to bother with a trumped up
contest.
1 See pp. 221, 222, supra.
1702] AFFAIRS IN CAROLINA, BY JOHN ASH 273
Provisions as the haste they were in would allow, he retreats
with such Caution and Dispatch, that he lost not one Man
by the Enemy.
This Expedition, whatever the Governour or General (if
you please) got by it, brought a Debt on the Country (besides
the 2000 1. first raised) of near 6000 I, for the Payment of
which (and Security of the Country, as was said) the Assembly
was called; they enquire into the Debt, bring in a Bill to raise
the Sum, consider of defending the Southward open to the
Enemy; but of that the Courtiers made but a Jest, even in
the House, and it yet is (as I hear) neglected; as also a Bill
for Regulating Elections for the Future, for to the Breaches
of the Freeholders Rights, our present Miseries they saw were
plainly owing, nor had those Members, who sat by Means of
those illegal Practices, the Courage to oppose it; so it past
the Assembly, but being sent up to the Governour in Council
it was there thrown out; on which Fifteen Members (the As
sembly consists of Thirty) left the House, resolving no longer
to cover with their Authority the Pernicious Practices of the
Ministry, since nothing useful for the Country could be obtained.
On this several of Mr. Moore's Favourites, after having been
treated by him (and thereunto encouraged, as is said) headed
the Rabble, and in a riotous Manner, sought after (threatning
openly to murther them) several Persons thought the chief
Opposers and Mislikers of Mr. Moore's Management; some
they met with, Members of the Assembly, one Deputy, several
rich Merchants, and good Planters, Confining, Striking and
Abusing them; and for several Days continuing these Dis
orders, particularly breaking open a House one Night on a
poor Woman, and so abusing her, that thereupon she brought
forth a dead Child, whose Scull, Arm, and Back-bone was
broken, and one Eye forc'd out of its Head, as the Chyrurgion,
who delivered her, deposed; but this Violence not producing
that Submission as was expected, that Assembly was Dis-
solv'd.
Of this Riot, Complaint was several times, while it lasted,
made to Mr. Moore ; but he would not try to suppress it, nor,
when in some Measure over, would he take any Care that they
should be Prosecuted; nor so much as oblige such of them,
as Landgrave Thomas Smith regularly demanded Security
274 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
of the Peace from, to give the same : Nay, one Mr. Stephens,
who was not in Town then, but heard he was named by the
Rioters as one of the proscribed, going with several who had
been injur'd, to see how Mr. Moore would receive them, was,
while sitting by Mr. Moore at his own Table, by a Servant of
Mr. Moore's pulPd backwards by the Hair of his Head, struck
and wounded, and all only for his impertinent Curiosity, as
he was told on that Occasion. He desires the Governour to
bind this his Servant to his good Behaviour, and oblige him
to appear to answer this Action at the next Sessions, but noth
ing was done. The now Governour, Sir Nathaniel Johnson,
was hereby obliged to take on him the Government. To him
immediately the Injured apply 'd for Justice, but are denied;
and, tho' the Grand Jury, a little after he took on him his
Office, after having received a Record of the Riot from Land
grave Bellinger on his own View, and on his Examination of
Witnesses and Depositions in relation to the Outrage com
mitted on the Woman with Child, presented it to the Court as
a great Grievance, that this Riot was not looked into, nor
the Rioters prosecuted, yet no Justice against them could be
obtained, the Judge giving for Answer, It was before the Council
his Superiors. The present Governour, That it was an Action
done before his coming to the Government, that he thought
the time of Prosecution lapsed, but would take care the like
should be no more.
Then a new Assembly was called, and at the Election for
Berkley and Craven County, (for in Colleton County there was
no Opposition) the Violences in Mr. Moore's Time, and all
other illegal Practices were with more Violence repeated and
openly avow'd by the present Governour and his Friends. On
this Joseph Morton and Edmund Bellinger, Landgraves, and
Deputies of the Lords Proprietors, all the other Members
of Colleton County, and several of the greatest Worth and
Reputation in Berkeley County prevailed with me to come for
England, and represent to our Proprietors our miserable
State; which (when I should be gone, for before they durst
not) they said they would write down, subscribe, and with
Letters of Credence, send to me to Virginia, where they knew
I was to wait for Convoy. This they did, and I received them,
and not only what they promised, but an Account of what ex-
1702] AFFAIRS IN CAROLINA, BY JOHN ASH 275
traordinary Advances the late and present Governours made,
by help of their new Assembly, to their desired absolute and
tyrannick Power, and particularly their Practices on one John
Martin, to squeeze from him 60 I. for the present Governour,
whereas the other had been content with Fifty, for that Fa
vour, which they would perswade John Martin was necessary
for him: But he thought this too oppressive, so makes his
Escape, not daring to stay in that Country. But before he
goes, discovers a Design Mr. Moore had of Employing him the
said John Martin in a private Trade with the French, in which
its more then likely others were to be concerned. Tis true, I
can't, by the Evidence I have here, legally convict them of
this Design of holding Commerce with Her Majesty's Enemies;
but I think the original Letter I have of Captain Moore's to
John Martin, the strange Bond on the Breach of their Confeder
acy, by the present Governour extorted from John Martin's
Brother Patrick, and his Securities, of which I have a Copy, as
also the Illustration of some obscure Expressions in the Letter
made by John Martin himself, which are that the Respects
to be sent by Mr. Valentine the Jew,1 was the 60 I. required,
Our Business, the private Trade with the French, will hardly
let one doubt but they had such a Design.
The Treacheries, Oppressions and Hostilities committed
by J. Moore, Esq; on the Natives before this our War with
Spain, and which now under that Colour, tho' on such as are
neither subject to them, nor have injur'd us, much increased,
are Acts so barbarous, so inconsistent with the Profit and
Safety a good Correspondence with them would afford us, that
I dare but mention it, lest it let me into a Description too
large for this Paper; nor for the same Reason can I here give a
full Account of that partial Prosecution which the same James
Moore, as Attorney-General, made against one Alford—
his Servant or Trader, accus'd of having hir'd and assisted
an Indian Slave in Murthering his Master John Henry, Servant
or Trader to Mr. James Stanyarn, not for any Quarrel that
was between them, but only to remove a too successful Com
petitor in that Trade of which the Grand Jury held at Charles
Town in 2 last complain 'd, desired the Tryal therefore
1 Simon Valentyn, a wealthy and respected Jew who at that time was a mer
chant in Charles Town. * Blank in original pamphlet.
276 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
to be deferred till the Witnesses wanting might be present,
and the Indian, who, confessing the Fact was condemn' d,
might till the Tryal should be over, be Reprieved; all which
the said James Moore with heat opposed, tho' the Judge
thought it reasonable, and answered their Desire.
To confirm and strengthen the Truth of this my Relation,
I have thought fit to offer to the Reader the Representation as
drawn by those who sent me, whose Names are Subscribed;
as also the Minutes of the Election of Mr. Moore, and the
Message from the Grand Jury to the Court about the Riot.
NEW DESCRIPTION OF THAT FERTILE
AND PLEASANT PROVINCE OF CAROLINA,
BY JOHN ARCHDALE, 1707
INTRODUCTION
SIR WILLIAM BERKELEY, one of the original Proprietors of
Carolina, died July 13, 1677. By his will he devised his share
in Carolina to his widow. On May 20, 1681, she sold it to
John Archdale, of England, who took the title in the name
of his son Thomas. Subsequently Dame Berkeley married
Philip Ludwell and, disregarding her former sale to Archdale,
she and her husband in 1682 joined in another sale of the
share in Carolina to Thomas Amy in trust for four of the other
Proprietors: the Duke of Albemarle, the Earl of Craven, Lord
Carteret, and Sir John Colleton. Subsequently, in 1705, the
four cestuis que trust executed a deed to John Archdale of the
same share — the legal title still remaining in Amy.
Notwithstanding the complications over the title, Arch-
dale was all along recognized as a Proprietor, and in 1695,
when the Proprietors were responding to a popular demand
in South Carolina that one of their number be sent over as
governor, he was prevailed upon by the other Proprietors to
accept the governorship. When he arrived in South Carolina
and claimed the governorship in right of being a Proprietor
his right was readily recognized by Governor Blake, who
relinquished the office to him. He assumed the government
at a time when patience and forbearance were necessary. The
people had had turbulent times with the government from
1686 to 1692, and were just recovering from their troubles.
James Colleton (governor from 1686 to 1690) had been arro
gant and tyrannical and the people had finally arisen against
him and expelled him from the province, and Seth Sothell, a
279
280 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
Proprietor, coming upon the scene just then was recognized
as governor.
Sothell was neither broad enough nor intelligent enough
to cope with the situation, and there was soon almost as
much dissatisfaction with his administration as there had
been with Colleton's. The Proprietors forced him out in
1692, and appointed Col. Philip Ludwell, of Virginia, to suc
ceed him. Conditions improved during the next three years
under Ludwell, Landgrave Thomas Smith, who succeeded Lud
well, and Landgrave Joseph Blake, who succeeded Smith, but
many of the people believed that a proprietor could settle
their differences and bring about better feelings, and so it
came to pass that Proprietor Archdale was persuaded to become
governor.
Archdale was a Quaker, and a man of tact and ability. He
patiently strove to establish harmony between discordant ele
ments, to materially advance the welfare of the province and
to improve the condition of the Indians. He succeeded to a
marked degree in almost all of his endeavors. Having accom
plished the object of his mission to South Carolina, he returned
to England in 1696, leaving Landgrave Joseph Blake once
more at the head of the government. Blake was prudent and
wise and succeeded in keeping the province in the condition
in which Archdale left it, but unfortunately he died in 1700,
and upon the election of James Moore as his successor new
troubles arose that were not allayed for seven or eight years.
While the factional strife was on, Archdale, the good Friend,
stepped into the breach once more and tried to pour oil on
the troubled waters. He adopted the plan of publishing a
pamphlet, wherein he gave a brief sketch of Carolina, a more
extended account of his administration and achievements
therein, and an exhortation to the warring factions to come
together. His pamphlet was first printed in 1707 and has
since been reprinted several times. In 1836 it was included
INTRODUCTION 281
by B. R. Carroll in his Historical Collections of South
Carolina.
Archdale's name has been preserved in South Carolina in
the name of one of the oldest and most picturesque streets of
Charleston.
A NEW DESCRIPTION OF THAT FERTILE
AND PLEASANT PROVINCE OF CAROLINA,
BY JOHN ARCHDALE, 1707
A New Description of that Fertile and Pleasant Province of
Carolina: with a Brief Account of its Discovery, Settling,
and the Government Thereof to this Time. With several
Remarkable Passages of Divine Providence during my Time.
By John Archdale: Late Governour of the same.
London, Printed for John Wyat, at the Rose in St. Paul's Church
yard, 1707.1
To the Courteous Readers.
I FIND myself under an Obligation to Apologize for some
part of the ensuing Treatise that seems to Applaud my own
Actions in Carolina; but I desire you to consider, that a sort
of Necessity draws from me this Description and Account
of the Government of Carolina: And I can assure the Reader
that I write not to Introduce my self again, as Governour of
the same; (yet my Opinion and Judgment is, that a Mod
erate, Discreet Man from England, which now yields many a
one, such a one that hath not been concerned in their Broils,
would be their most suitable Governour, when it shall seem
proper to remove the present one) For I believe no Entreaties
could move me to it; but I write to give the Country it self
its true and due Praise, and to clear my self from the Malitious
Aspersions of some that feared my antient Treatment of the
People would revive again their Affections to me, to ruin
their present Designs; for the moderate Party Politickly
spreading a Report, as they thought that I was coming over
to redress the Grievancies of the Country; they thereupon
contrived an Act to Fetter my Power, by putting it out of
1 Title-pajre of the original
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 283
my Power for two Years to call a New Assembly; but no such
Act being approved on here, their Fetters would have proved
like Sampsons Cords, easily broken asunder; But this may be
of great Benefit to many Readers, in Considering the muta
bility of humane Affairs; That I, that had so large Powers
from the Lords Proprietors, which I entirely exercised for
the Peoples Good; should as an ungrateful requital be so
Crampt by their Power, as not to be capable to Redress their
Solid Grievances: For I believe, I may at the least truly
declare, that not one Inhabitant in four, would have Signed
that Excluding Act, which had not the Queen declared Null
and Void, would have speedily ruined that Colony: For it was
not the meer Mob that was against it, like that generally in
the Scotland Petitions/ but the most considerable Persons of
the place that removed with free Estates into those Parts; so
I shall dismiss my Reader, to the Consideration of what I have
written, with this Further Remark of the Learned and pious
Bishop of Salisbury,2 who by his Travels observed that the
most Fertile Soile of Italy, under the Ecclesiastical State of
Rome, was by ill Government so Decay 'd; that the Grisons
Country tho naturally far more Barren, yet became more
Fruitful and Pleasant than the other, through the free and
generous Government Administred in that State: Who in
his Travels was no Disgrace to the Protestant Clergy of the
Church of England, and whose Moderation hath appeared
unto all Men. That the Reader may see the Moderation of
the Sober, moderate Church-men and Dissenters in a free
Assembly, I think good to Conclude with the Clause of a
Militia Act, which runs thus;
And whereas there be several Inhabitants call'd Quakers,
who upon a Conscientious Principle of Religion, cannot bear
Arms, and because in all other Civil Matters they have been
Persons Obedient to Government, and very ready to disburse
their Monies in other necessary and publick Duties. Be it
therefore Enacted, that all such whom the present Governour
John Archdale Esq; shall judge that they refuse to bear Arms
on a Conscientious Principle of Religion only shall by a Certifi
cate from him be Excused.
1 Against the Episcopal Church in Scotland.
a Gilbert Burnet, the histori&v
284 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
A Description of Carolina.
BEFORE I give a particular Description of Carolina, I
think good to make some general Remarks on the Divine
Providence of the Almighty and Omniscient God, who hath
so stated the various Scenes of Nature, as to accomplish his
Divine Will in fulfilling whatsoever stands recorded in the
Holy Scriptures: (Now that Scene of Divine Providence which
seems to be appropriated to our Times, is the dawning Day
for the Accomplishment of various Promises, not only that
Christ should be given as a Light to enlighten the Gentiles,
and to be the Glory of his People Israel, which Glory is not
yet revealed, as hinted at by Paul, Rom. 10. But again,
Psal. 2. That God will give unto Christ the Heathen for his
Inheritance, and the utmost Parts of the Earth for his Pos
session; as also, Isa. that the Earth shall be filled with the
Knowledge of God, as the Waters covers the Seasj and Dan. 12.
that many should run too and fro, and Knowledge should be
increased in the Earth; with many more Promises of the like
Nature, which plainly intimates, That the Mysteries of the
Kingdom of God are to be unsealed in the last Days: To
the which that Excellent Poet Davies1 intimates in Queen
Elizabeth's Days, in these Words,
O thou bright Morning Star, thou rising Sun,
Who in these latter Days hast brought to light,
Those Mysteries that since the World begun,
Lay hid in Darkness and eternal Night.
And because in all the Grand Scenes of Divine Providence,
some preparative Stroakes are generally made as Preludiums
to what is quickly to ensue, the Art of Printing, to beget
Knowledge, hath been reserved for this last Age; as also the
Compass to convey Knowledge, as aforesaid; and the Dis
covery of Gunpowder hath been another Medium to subdue
Millions of People that lay under a Barbarous and Brutish
State: As for Example, in Mexico, where was a Temple
dedicated to their chief Idol larger than PauPs2 whose Walls
1 Sir John Davies, Nosce Teipsum.
1 I.e., St. Paul's Cathedral in London.
-1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 285
were two Inches thick bespread or beplaister'd with Human
Blood, sacrificed to their Deities or Devils: And although I
cannot excuse the Barbarity or Cruelty of the Spaniards
towards them, yet, as on God's part, it was justly brought
upon them, who thereby gave them their own Blood to drink,
in lieu of what they had most barbarously shed of their Neigh
bours. And indeed, Providence seemed wholly to design this
Bloody Work for the Spanish Nation, and not for the English,
who in their Natures, are not so Cruel as the other; witness
the Inquisition, its Cruelty being most established in Spain.
And, courteous Readers, I shall give you some farther Emi
nent Remark hereupon, and especially in the first Settlemeent
of Carolina, where the Hand of God was eminently seen in
thining the Indians, to make room for the English. As for
Example in Carolina, in which were seated two Potent Nations,
called the Westoes, and Sarannah,1 which contained many
Thousands, who broke out into an unusual Civil War, and
thereby reduced themselves into a small Number, and the
Westoes, the more Cruel of the two, were at the last forced
quite out of that Province, and the Sarannahs continued
good Friends and useful Neighbours to the English. But
again, it at other times pleased Almighty God to send unus
ual Sicknesses amongst them, as the Smallpox, etc., to lessen
their Numbers; so that the English, in Comparison to the
Spaniard, have but little Indian Blood to answer for. Now
the English at first settling in small Numbers, there seemed a
Necessity of thining the barbarous Indian Nations; and
therefore since our Cruelty is not the Instrument thereof, it
pleases God to send, as I may say, an Assyrian Angel to do
it himself. Yet will I not totally excuse the English, as being
wholly clear of the Blood of the Indians in some Respects,
which I at present pass over. But surely we are all much to
blame, in being so negligent of executing the proper Means
for their Soul's Salvation, which being a gradual Work, the
introducing a Civilized State would be a good and stable Pre
paratory for the Gospel State; even as the Divine Hand of
Providence prepared us by the Romans, as all Historians
mention that relate to us. I shall farther add one late more
immediate Example of God's more immediate Hand, in making
1 Savannah.
286 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
a Consumption upon some Indian Nations in North Caralina,
and that was in my time at the River Pemlicoe, and some
Nations adjoyning: This is a late Settlement, began about
eight Years since. When I was in the North about eleven
Years since, I was told then of a great Mortality that fell
upon the Pemlicoe Indians; as also, that a Nation of Indians
called the Coranine, a bloody and barbarous People, were
most of them cut off by a neighbouring Nation: Upon which
I said, that it seemed to me as if God had an Intention speedily
to plant an English Settlement thereabouts; which accordingly
fell out in two or three Years, although at that time not one
Family was there. I shall make one more general Remark,
before I come more particularly to treat of Carolina; and
that is, in short, to give an Account how this vast Continent
of America was discovered, that lay hid for many Ages. The
Reader may reasonably guess, that before the Knowledge of
the Compass, Navigation was very imperfect, as also the
Knowledge of the Globe; yea, so Ignorant was former Ages
that one Vigilius, a Gentleman of Italy, was adjudged a
Heretick, for affirming Antipodes; so that the Providential
seeming Casualty of Human Affairs, appeared rather to make
the Discovery, than any premeditated Skill or Art of Man.
For, according to the best Accounts, a certain Spanish Colonel
sailing into the West Ocean towards the Isles of the Canaries,
by a forcible continued Easterly Wind, the Vessel was drove
upon the American Coast; but being ill provided for such a
Voyage, by Hunger and Hardship all died save the Pilot
and three or four more ; who afterwards returning back, came
to the Maderaes, and after that died at the House of one
Christopher Colon or Columbus, born in the Territory of
Genoa; and the said Pilot left him his Maps and Cards of his
Voyage; and he himself having some Skill in Navigation,
was much affected with the Relation, and was very desirous
to prosecute the same ; but wanting of Wealth to get Shipping,
and Protection from some European King, to secure the
Riches he should come to possess, he first made an Essay by
his Brother Barthor Colon upon Henry VHth of England,
at that time a Wealthy Prince; but he rejecting the same as a
fantastical Matter, as the Discoveries both of Nature and
Grace are at the first looked upon by most ; for the Beginning
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 287
of the Reformation quickly succeeding this grand Discovery
of the New World, was as lightly esteemed -at first in the
Spiritual Appearance of it. But Colon or Columbus, not
wholly daunted at the first Repulse, was introduced into the
Favour of the King and Queen of Spain, about Anno 1490, the
same Year that the Moors lost Granada, their principal Hold
at that time in Spain; and then he was furnished with three.
Ships, and departed for the Indies in the Kalends of Sep
tember, 1491, and fell in first with the Canaries, not long before
discovered, Anno 1405, inhabited by savage and wild People;
he sailing thence 33 Days, and discovering no Land, his Men
mutinied, and designed to cast him into the Sea; but he with
gentle Words and large Promises, appeased their Fury, and
putting them off some few Days, he discovered Land, so long
looked for; and so by Degrees settled the same, as Historians
at large declare.
Now, candid Readers, I have introduced you into the general
Discovery and Spanish Settlement in America; I shall now
proceed to shew unto you the Occasion of the Settlement of
Carolina, that lies in the very Heart of America.
I have hinted how Henry the VHth having lost the Oppor
tunity of possessing the Spanish Mines of Mexico, the Fame
of which raised up the Spirit of the said Henry to get some
Share in this American Continent; he therefore, about Anno
1500, furnished Sr. Sebastian Cabot with Shipping, who was
born at Bristol, though his Father was a Venetian, to make a
farther Discovery, who fell upon the Coast of Florida, and
having sailed along the Continent a considerable way North-
East, returned again, but made no Settlement that time. And
although the English were the first Discoverers of this Noble
and Fertile Tract of Land, from the Latitude of 25 to 36^;
yet was no Colony planted in it, till several of the English
Nobility stir'd up with a pious Zeal, to propagate the Christian
Religion; and with a Heroick Spirit, to enlarge the Dominion
of the Crown of England, procured a large and ample Patent,
with extraordinary Privileges both for themselves, and the
People that would Plant and Inhabit them, as appears by the
Patent of Cha. II. unto George Duke of Albermarle, Edw. E.
of Clarendon, W. Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkley, Anthony
Lord Ashley, now E. of Shaftsbury, Sir George Cartwright/
1 Carteret.
288 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
after that Lord Cartwright, and Sir John Colleton Knight and
Baronet, who were thereby created the true and absolute
Lords and Proprietors of the Province of Carolina, and the
same to be held in Capite of the Crown of England, to Them,
their Heirs, and Assigns for ever; which said Province begins
at the Latitude of 29 Degrees, and reaches to the Latitude
of 36^ North Latitude; and the said Province is to enjoy
all the Privileges and Liberties that the Bishop of Durham
hath or ought to have. These aforesaid Lords therefore
entered into a joynt Stock, and fitted out Ships on their own
proper Charges, to transport People and Cattle thither, to the
Value of about 12000 Pounds, besides several Thousands laid
out by single Proprietors, to advance the Colony; and all
their Rents and Incomes have since the Beginning been also
expended in publick Services.
I shall now come to the particular Description of the
Country itself, and that not by a bare Report, but as an
Eye Witness. I have hinted how Sir Sebastian Cabot, at
the Charge of Henry Vllth, first discovered that part of the
Continent which is called Florida, which begins at Cape
Florida, in the Latitude of about 25, and runs North East to
36^. Now Carolina only is its Northern Part, viz. from 29
Degrees to 36J, and is indeed the very Center of the habitable
Part of the Northern Hemisphere; for taking it to be Habit
able from the Equinoctial to 64 Degrees, the Center of Caro
lina lies in about 32, which is about the Middle of 64, lying
parallel with the Land of Canaan, and may be called the
Temperate Zone comparatively, as not being pestered with
the violent Heats of the more Southern Colonies, or the
extream and violent Colds of the more Northern Settlements.
Its Production doth answer the Title of Florida, quia regio est
Florida, being indeed a most Fertile and flourishing Region,
every thing generally growing there, that will grow in any
Parts of Europe, there being already many sorts of Fruits, as
Apples, Pears, Apricocks, Nectarines, etc., and they that once
tast of them, will for the future despise the watry and washee
Tast of them here in England; yet doth their Plenty make
them the Food of the Swine of their Country; for from a Stone
in 4 or 5 Years they come to be bearing Trees of a considerable
Bigness; likewise all sorts of Grain, as Wheat, Barly, Peas, etc.,
and I have measured some Wheat Ears 7 or 8 of my Inches
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 289
long. It produces also Rice the best of the known World, being
a Commodity for Returns home ; as also Pitch, Tar, Buck, Dear,
Bear-Skins, and Furs, though the last not so good as the
Northern ones: And it hath already such Plenty of Provisions,
as Beef, Pork, etc., that it furnishes in a great measure, Bar-
badoes, Jamaica, etc. The Natives are somewhat Tawny,
occasioned, in a great measure, by Oyling their Skins, and by
the naked Raies of the Sun: They are generally very streight
Bodied, and Comely in Person, and quick of Apprehension; and
I believe, if managed discreetly, may many of them, in a
few Years, become Civilized, and then very capable of tjie
Gospel of Christ. The Indians are great Hunters, and thereby
not only serviceable to kill Dear, etc., for to procure Skins
for Trade with us, but those that live in Country Plantations
procure of them the whole Dear's Flesh, and will bring it
many Miles for the Value of about six Pence, and a wild
Turky of 40 Pound, for the Value of two Pence Engl. Value.
There is also vast Quantities or Numbers of wild Ducks,
Geese, Teal, and exceeding Plenty of Fish, etc., and that which
makes Provisions so cheap, is the shortness of the Winter,
where they need not to mowe for Winter Fodder, and so can
employ their Hands in raising other Commodities as aforesaid.
It is Pity they should be farther thin'd with Civil Quarrels,
being their Service is in all Respects so necessary: And indeed
I my self their late Governour, prevented the Ruin and Destruc
tion of two small Nations. The Manner of it was thus;
Two Indians in drinking Rum quarelled, and the one of
these presently kilPd the other; his Wife being by, immedi
ately, with a Knife, smote off his Testicles, so as they hung
only by a Skin: He was pursued by my Order, I happening
to be then that way, being about 16 Miles from Town, and
was taken in a Swamp, and immediately sent to Custody
into Charles Town; and the Nation to whom the slain Indian
belonged unto, was acquainted with it, whose King, etc.,
came to the Governour, and desired Justice on that Indian;
some of the Indian's Friends would have brought him off, as
is usual; But nothing but his Life would satisfie that Nation,
so he was ordered to be shot by the Kinsman of the murthered
Indian. Before he went to Execution, the Indian King to
whom he belonged, told him, that since he was to die, he
290 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
would have him to die like a Man: and farther he said, I
have often forwarn'd you of Rum, and now you must lose
your Life for not taking my Council ; I hope it will be a warning
to others. When he came to the Tree, he desired not to be
tyed to it, but to stand loose, for, said he, I will not budge
or stir when he shoots me; so he was shot in the Head, and
immediately died. Now the Manner of the Indians in such
Cases, is to War one Nation against the other to revenge
any Blood-shed; and being ordered Satisfaction this way, no
War ensued.
The Soil of Carolina near the Sea is of a Sandy Mould,
appearing ten times more Barren than it proves to be: Yea,
there is vast Quantities of Vines in many Parts on the Sea
Shore, bearing multitude of Grapes, where one would wonder
they should get Nourishment. But farther distant up in the
Country, the Land is more mixed with a blackish Mould,
and its Foundation generally Clay, good for Bricks, it is
beautified with odoriferous and fragrant Woods, pleasantly
green all the year; as the Pine, Cedar, and Cypress, insomuch,
that out of Charles-Town for three or four Miles, call'd the
Broadway, is so delightful a Road and Walk of a great breadth,
. so pleasantly Green, that I believe no Prince in Europe, by
k all their Art, can make so pleasant a Sight for the whole Year :
in short, its natural Fertility and easy Manurement, is apt to
make the People incline to Sloth; for should they be as Indus-
trous as the Northern Colonies, Riches would flow in upon
them: And I am satisfied, that a Person with 500Z. discreetly
laid out in Old England, and again prudently managed in
Carolina, shall in a few Years, live in as much Plenty, yea
more, than a Man of 300Z. a Year in England; and if he con
tinue Careful, not Covetous, shall increase to great Wealth
as many there already are Witnesses, and many more might
have been, if Luxury and Intemperance had not ended their
Days. As to the Air, it is serene and exceeding pleasant, and
very healthy in its natural Temperament, as the first Planters
experienced, seldom having any raging Sickness but what
has been brought from the Southern Colonies, by Vessels
coming to the Town, as the late Sickness may intimate; to
the which may be added the Intemperance of too many:
What may properly belong to the Country, is to have some
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 29i
gentle touches of Agues and Feavers in July and August,
especially to New-comers. It hath a Winter Season to beget
a new Spring, and thereby the Air is made more suitable to
our Temperament. I was there, at twice, five Years, and had
no Sickness, but what once I got by a careless violent Cold:
And indeed, by my Observation, I did perceive that the
Feaver and Agues were generally gotten by carelessness in
their Cloathing, or Intemperance as aforesaid. What I
write is not to encourage any to depend upon Natural Causes,
but prudently to use them with an Eye to God, the Great
Lord of the Universe and Disposer of all Humane Affairs; yet
hath he justly and wisely decreed, that such as every one
sows, such shall he reap.
Carolina also abounds with many Rivers, now found to be
more Navigable than was at first believed;1 and it was pru
dently contrived, not to Settle at the first, on the most Navi
gable, but on Ashly and Cooper River, whose Entrance is
not so bold as others, nor having so much Water; so that
the Enemy and Pirates, etc., have been disheartened from
disturbing the Settlement until this Year where they were
repuls'd with the loss of about Three Hundred Men.2 The New
Settlers have now great Advantage over the first Planters,
being they can be furnish'd with Stocks of Cattle and Corn,
etc., at reasonable Rates: As also, they have an advantage in
seating a new River with Indians at Peace with them, and the
choice of the best Land: And I understand two New Rivers
are about seating one in the South, the other in the North;3
1 The possibilities of some of them, so far as navigation is concerned, have
not yet been determined. Although the width and depth of the Edisto above
Jacksonborough and of its two upper forks are sufficient to accommodate steamers
they do not ply their waters because of the snags and sandbars that obstruct the
channels.
2 This reference is to the invasion by a French fleet in August, 1706. After
several days of fighting, the militia troops of South Carolina defeated the French,
inflicting severe losses upon them. The most conspicuous defender of the prov
ince was Col. William Rrhett, who had been greatly maligned a few years before
by the Dissenter faction in local politics. See McCrady's History of Sorih
Carolina under the Proprietary Government, pp. 396-401.
8 New London, or Willtown, on the Edisto, to the South, had been estab
lished for several years. See The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical
Magazine, X. The second reference is to James Town (French) on the Santee
River. (Ibid., IX.)
292 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
and if it please God that the Union succeed with Scotland,
the principal place in Carolina, call'd Port-Royal, may be
seated with English and Scots in a considerable Body, because
't is a bold Port, and also a Frontier upon the Spaniard at
Augustine, which is but a weak Settlement, about 200 Miles
to the South West of it. The Scots did, about 20 Years
since, begin a Settlement with about 10 Families,1 but were
disposs'd by the Spaniards. 0 how might the Scots, that
go now as Switzers2 to serve Foreign Nations, how might
they, I say, strengthen our American Colonies, and increase
the Trade of Great Britain, and enrich themselves both at
Home and Abroad. I could plainly demonstrate what a
great Advantage Carolina is to the Trade of England, by
consuming our Commodities from Home thither, and by bring
ing great Duties to the Crown, by importing Goods or Com
modities thence: For Charles-Town Trades near 1000 Miles
into the Continent ; but to enlarge thereupon, would too much
enlarge this Treatise: But notwithstanding all the Discour
agements it hath met withal, which are many, yet 17 Ships
this Year, came laden from Carolina with Rice, Skinns, Pitch
and Tar, etc., in the Virginia Fleet, besides several straggling
ones: And indeed London would be much too big, if it were
only the Metropolis of England, if it were not also the Metrop-
1 This settlement was effected by Lord Cardross in 1685, and was destroyed
by Spaniards in 1686. (See p. 205, supra.) The following warrant shows who
composed the colony:
" Carolina SS.
"You are forthwth to cause to be admeasured and laid out unto Henry Lord
Cardross eight hundred and fifty Acres of Land being so much due to him for the
Arriveall of himself, william Stevenson, Peter Allen, Alexand1 Mrtis, James Mar-
tine, Carpenter and Martha his Wife, James Martine Junio', Anna Martine,
Deborah Martine, Priscilla Martine, Charles Campble, Mary Huttchison, Mar
tha Martine, spinster, Moses Martine, mary Martine, Mary Foulton, and James
Foulton, in some convenient place not yett laid out or mrked to be laid out for
any other person or use observeing the Lords Propriet™ instruccons bearing date
the 21th day of Septembr. 1682 and A Certificate fully specifying the scituacon
and bounds thereof you are to returne to us w"1 all convenient speed and for yr
so doeing this shall be yr sufficient Warr*. Dated this 6th day of Octobr. 1685.
To Stephen Bull Esqr JOSEPH MORTON
Surveyof Gen11 ROBT. QUARRY
PAUL GRIMBALL
JOHN FFARR"
* /. <?., mercenaries like the Swiss.
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 293
oils of America. I wish I could write as large in the Propa
gation of the Christian Religion amongst the Natives, but the
Gospel Spirit is not yet so gloriously arisen, as to seek them
more than theirs, as Paul intimates: Yet I believe, that in
time Trade may be a means, to introduce the Gospel both in
the West and East Indies, with some other Discoveries that
are a breaking forth in Nature, as the Time and Season for
it ripens.
And, Christian Reader, since I am fallen upon this Subject,
which is one great Branch of the Patent, as hinted before,
which was to propagate the Gospel of Christ; I doubt there
hath been a great defect therein, so shall give a brief Essay
to answer that pious Clause aforesaid.
And because the Patent is granted for Propagating the
Gospel; and the most peculiar Obligation consequentially
thereby lies on those of the Church of England: I shall in
the first place give my Advice to them on the Indians behalf:
I do therefore adjudge it reasonable and just, that a certain
Portion of Land be set apart for that use, to be added to a
proportionable Income from the Society ad Propagandum
fidem, to be prudently administered to Missionaries who have
Zeal, Courage and Fidelity for such a Work; and that the
Government, on no pretence of their Service in the Plantations,
divert them from their Commissionated Service; for if so, a
lazy Spirit will quickly lay hold on them, and Flesh and
Blood will plead for ease; for Hardships and Perils will attend
them: Wherefore, as Christ said, 'T is prudent first to count
the Cost before they enter into the Work. In the next place
I advise, That such Missionaries be well skill'd in Chymistry,
and some natural Genius to seek the Virtues in Herbs, Metts
and Minerals, etc., and the prudent Conduct of such Skill,
might introduce them into a good Opinion with the Indians;
and let them understand that we were once such as them
selves, but were by a Noble Heroick Nation reduc'd into a
Civiliz'd State; and then had the Gospel preach'd to us by
Just and Holy Men who sought our Salvation with the hazard
of their Lives, etc. Let them have sent with them (and if
not far from the English) some English Children, to introduce
familiarity with the Indian Children, that so they may be
brought to learn Letters, etc.
294 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1667
I remember I have read in History of a Welsh Prince,
who advised his Sons, ready to Quarrel about the Division of
his poor and barren Lands, that they should sail to the West
ward, where they would meet with better Land, and Terri
tories large enough for all their Posterities.
Now I may apply this spiritually; If Christian Magistrates
and Ministers would forsake their Quarrels for poor Trifles
and barren Opinions, and encourage each other to plant
substantial practicable Truths; they may now sail East or
West, and meet with People to make a plentiful Harvest on,
both in a Temporal and Spiritual respect, which should re
dound more to their Glory and Advantage, than all their
Unchristian Quarrels and Practices to promote unfruitful
Doctrines that are computed to have shed more Christian
Blood than all the Heathenish Ten Persecutions. I hope the
Reader will not think this Mixture of Spirituals with Tem
porals improper or impertinent, since the original Design of
the Patent was the Promotion of both.
I shall next proceed to treat of the Government, as granted
by King Charles II. to the Eight Lords Proprietors aforesaid,
who again, by common consent, centered that Power in Four
of them, viz. in a Palatine of their own election, and Three
more who were impower'd to execute the whole Powers of
the Charter, and is calPd a Palatines Court; their Deputies
in Carolina executing the same, as from their Principals they
are directed: For each Proprietor hath his Deputy there.
The Charter generally, as in other Charters, agrees in Royal
Privileges and Powers; but especially at that time it had an
Over-plus Power to grant Liberty of Conscience, altho' at
Home was a hot Persecuting Time; as also, a Power to
Create a Nobility, yet not to have the same Titles as here in
England, and therefore they are there by Patent, under the
Great Seal of the Provinces, calPd Landgraves and Cassocks,1
in lieu of Earls and Lords: and are by their Titles to sit with
the Lords Proprietors' Deputies, and together make the Upper-
House, the Lower-House being elected by the People; and
these Landgraves are to have four Baronies annexed to their
Dignities, of 6000 Acres each Barony; and the Cassocks two
1 Cassiques.
1681] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 295
Baronies, of 3000 * each; and not to be separated away by
Sale of any part; only they have power to let out a third
Part for three Lives, for to raise Portions for younger Chil
dren. And many Dissenters went over, Men of Estates, as
also many whom the variety of Fortune had engaged to seek
their Fortunes, in hopes of better Success in this New World:
And truly such as better improved their new Stock of Wit,
generally had no cause to repent of their Transplantation into
this Fertile and Pleasant Land: Yet had they at first many
Difficulties and Dangers to cope withal, and therefore the
most desperate Fortunes first ventured over to break the Ice,
which being generally the Ill-livers of the pretended Church
men, altho' the Proprietors commissionated one Collonel
West their Governour, a moderate, just, pious and valiant
Person; yet having a Council of the loose Principled Men,
they grew very unruly, that they had like to have Ruin'd
the Colony, by Abusing the Indians, whom in Prudence they
ought to have obliged in the highest degree, and so brought
an Indian War on the Country,2 like that in the first Planting
of Virginia, in which several were cut off; but the Governour
by his Manly prudence, at last, extinguished the same in a
great measure, and so left Matters a little better settled to
Governour Jos. Morton, in whose time General Blake's
Brother,3 with many Dissenters came to Carolina; which
Blake being a wise and prudent person, of an heroick temper
of Spirit, strengthen'd the Hands of sober inclined People,
and kept under the First Loose and Extravagant Spirit; but
not being able to extinguish it, it broke out and got head
in the Government of James Coletin of Barbadoes, and Sir
Peter Colleton's Brother: And this Party grew so strong
among the Common People, that they chose Members to
oppose whatsoever the Governour requested; insomuch that
they would not settle the Militia Act, tho' their own Security
1 A barony consisted of 12,000. Each landgrave was entitled to four baronies
and each cassique to two.
3 The Churchmen in whom the Quaker Archdale could see so much evil,
were, as a rule, the ablest and most progressive men in the province, and their
treatment of the Indians had not nearly so much to do with bringing on the war
as had the inborn treachery of the Indians.
3 Benjamin Blake.
296 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1694
(in a Natural way) depended on it. And the grounds of
their farther Strength, was by reason of the Discontent the
People lay under about the Tenure of their Lands, and pay
ment of their Quiterance1 which was afterwards rectified by
me. After Colleton2 succeeded one Smyth,3 a wise and
sober, moderate and well-living Man, who grew so uneasy
in the Government, by reason that he could not satisfy the
People in their Demands, that he writ over An. 1694, "That
it was impossible to Settle the Country, except a Proprietor
himself, was sent over with full power to Heal their Grievances,
etc." And now let the Reader consider, that the ensuing
Account hath been for several Years supprest by me, least I
should thereby seem to exalt my own Actions; but there is
now at this Juncture some more than ordinary Cause so to
publish the same as follows: For the Proprietors took Gov-
ernour -Smyth's Letter under Consideration; and the Lord
Ashly was pitched upon by all the Lords, who was then in
the Country, a Person every way qualified for so Good a
Work;4 who desired to be excused, because his Fathers
Affairs lay upon his Hands; upon which Account I was then
pitched upon, and intrusted with Large and Ample Powers;
and when I arrived, I found all Matters in great Confusion,
and every Faction apply'd themselves to me in hopes of Relief;
I appeased them with kind and gentle Words, and so soon
as possible call'd an Assembly to whom I spoke as follows:
Friends and Representatives of the People.
The Occasion of my coming hither I think good to acquaint
you withal at this time, that so you may the better judge of the
Proprietors and my own Intentions in this my Undertaking.
There came various Letters from Carolina, signifying the great
Discontent and Division the People lay under; but especially one
1 Quit^rents.
2 The objection to Colleton was not due to any turbulent spirit in the people,
but to their love of liberty and constitutional government. Colleton totally dis
regarded the constitution and the law and was arrogant and tyrannical, and the
people revolted against his government and drove him from the province.
3 Thomas Smith.
4 This Lord Ashley was afterward the third earl of Shaftesbury, the celebrated
philosophical writer. His grandfather, the first earl and original Proprietor, was
dead; his father was an invalid.
1695] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 297
dated presently after Sir Peter Colleton's Death; wherein it was
intimated, That except a Proprietor himself came over, it was im
possible to reconcile the Matter; so the Lord Ashley was nominated,
but his Affairs not permitting, the Matter was moved to me; and
after a very mature Deliberation, and by the Encouragements of
several Carolinians then in England my Going was concluded on;
and they have endued me with a Considerable Power of Trust,
and I hope I shall faithfully and impartially answer their Expecta
tions: And I believe I may appeal to your Serious Rational Ob
servations, whether I have not already so allay'd your Heats, as
that the distinguishing Titles thereof are much withered away;
and I hope this Meeting with you, will wholly extinguish them, so
that a solid Settlement of this hopeful Colony will ensue, and by so
doing, your Posterity will bless God for so Happy a Conjunction;
and the Proprietors will not repent of this Great Trust reposed in
me, nor my self repine at the many Dangers and Hardships I have
undergone to my arrival hither: And now you have heard of the
Proprietors Intention of sending me hither, I doubt not but the
Peoples Intentions of Choosing you were much of the same nature;
I advise you therefore, to proceed soberly and mildly in this weighty
Concern; and I question not but we shall answer you in all Things
that are reasonable and honourable for us to do: And now Friends,
I have given you the reason of my Coming, I shall give you the
Reasons of my calling you so soon, which was the consideration of
my own Mortality, and that such a considerable Trust might not
expire useless to you; for my Commission is recorded to be no
President1 to future Governours: as also a late Petition of many of
the Inhabitants of this Colony: I hope the Consideration hereof
will quicken and direct you into a speedy Conclusion of what the
People may reasonably expect from you; and I hope the God of
Peace will prosper your Counsels herein.
The Assembly reply;
To the Right Honourable John Archdale Esq; Governour of Carolina.
May it please your Honour,
We heartily thank Almighty God for your Honours Safe Ar
rival in this Place, after so many Difficulties and Dangers, mention'd
in your Honours most acceptable Speech; and we return your
Honour our most sincere and hearty Thanks for the Progress your
Honour has already made since your Arrival towards the Settle-
1 Precedent.
298 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
ment of this Place; but our most particular Thanks again are for
your candid Expressions, and the good Favour and great Kindness
shewn to the People of this Place; and do assure your Honour,
That we on our Parts, will heartily endeavour to give our utmost
Assistance to the attaining your so much desired Wish, the perfect
Settlement of this Place, which will redound to the Honour of the
Lords Proprietors and the Happiness of the People.
But, Courteous Readers, after this fair Blossoming Season
to produce Peace and Tranquility to the Country, some en-
deavour'd to sow Seed of Contention, thereby to nip the
same; insomuch that they sat Six Weeks under Civil Broils
and Heats; but at length recollecting their Minds into a
cooler Frame of Spirit, my Patience was a great means to
overcome them; so that in the conclusion all Matters ended
amicably, as the Address intimates.
The Humble Address and Recognition of Thanks by the Commons
assembled in Charles- Town. To the Right Honourable the True
and Absolute Lords Proprietors; and to the Right Honourable
John Archdale, Esq; Governour of Carolina.
Right Honourable,
We the Representatives of the Free-men of South Carolina,
being profoundly sensible of your most gracious Inclinations, Con-
descentions and Honours in Commissionating and Investing the
Right Honourable John Archdale, Esq; Governour, with such
large and ample Powers for the encouragement of us the Inhabi
tants of this your Colony, which was so highly necessary conducing
to the Peopling, Settling and Safety thereof, do most humbly Recog
nize, and most sincerely and cordially thank your Lordships for
the same, and for the Remission of some Arrears of Rents, the un
deniable manifestation of your Honours Paternal care of us, liv
ing in this your Colony: And we the Commons now assembled,
no less sensible of the prudent, industrious and indefatigable Care
and Management of the said Powers by the Right Honourable
Joh. Archdale Esq; do in most humble Manner acknowledge the
same; and that we doubt not but that 'the Fruits thereof will be
the Peace, Welfare, and Tranquility, Plenty, Prosperity and Safety
of this Colony and the People therein; For the Acts of Grace you
have so seasonably condescended unto, have removed all former
Doubts, Jealousies, and Discouragements of us the People; and
hath laid a firm and sure Foundation on which may be erected *
1696] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 299
most glorious Superstructure to the Honour of the Lords Pro
prietors and you our Governour, which we do, and forever shall
be obliged most heartily to own as the Production of the Wisdom,
Discretion, Patience and Labour of the Honourable John Archdale,
Esq; our Governour; of whom we the Commons request, to return
this our Recognition of Thanks to your Lordships; and we shall
humbly pray, etc.
JONATHAN AMERY/ Speaker.
But it may be queried by the Reader, But what was
the Effect of all this? To the which I answer, That the
Fame hereof quickly spread it self to all the American Plan
tations, as several Letters I received intimated; among which
I shall mention One from New-England, from a single Person
of Note there, on the behalf of a Number of People, and is
as follows, bearing Date from Ipswich 26th June, 1696.
Great Sir,
I had not thus boldly intruded my self in this manner, or been
the least Interruption to your publick Cares, but that I am com
manded to do this Service for a considerable Number of House
holders, that purpose (with the Favour of God's Providence, and
your Honours Countenance) to Transport themselves into South
Carolina: For we having heard the Fame of South Carolina, as it
now stands Circumstanced with the honour of a true English Gov
ernment, with Virtuous and Discreet Men Ministers in it, who
now design the promoting of the Gospel for the increase of Virtue
amongst the Inhabitants, as well as outward Trade and Business'
and considering, that the well Peopling of that Southern Colony
of the English Government or Monarchy may, with God's Blessing,
be a Bulwark (a) to all the Northern Parts, and a Means to gain
all the Lands to Cape Florida (which are ours by the first Discov
ery of Sir Sebastian Cabot, at the Charges of K. Henry VII, to the
Crown of England; and being credibly informed of the Soil and
Climate, promise, that all adventurers, with the Favour of God,
shall reap Recompence as to Temporal Blessings.
Sir, These and such like Reasons have encouraged and pro
duced the aforesaid Resolutions: And farther, Sir, your great Char-
"(a) It is remarkable that the French Landed at Sewee, where many of the
New-England Men were planted, and beat off the French, and killed many of
them, and this was Ten Years after this Letter/' (Note in original.)
1 Amory
300 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1696
acter doth embolden us, for it is such as may be said, without Flat
tery, as was said of Titus Vespasian, that noble Roman, Ad grati-
ficandum assiduus Natura fuit:1 So praying for Blessings upon
your honourable Person, Concerns and Province, I rest, etc.
Now that the Reader may plainly discern, that the Al
mighty and Omnicient God, takes cognizance of Human
Affairs, and directs them by a wise and prudent Chain of
Causes, I shall relate some remarkable Passages that happened
quickly after that I entered upon the Government, which
was the 17th of August, 1695. There is a Nation of Indians
calPd the Yammasees, who formerly hVd under the Spanish
Government, but now live under the English, about 80 Miles
from Charles-Town. Some of these Indians going a Hunting,
about 200 Miles to the Southward, met with some Spanish
Indians that lived about Sancta Maria, not far from Augustine,
the Seat of the Spanish Government; and taking them Pris
oners, brought them Home, designing to sell them for Slaves
to Barbadoes or Jamaica as was usual; but I understanding
thereof, sent for their King, and ordered him to bring these
Indians with him to Charles-Town, which accordingly he did:
There were three Men and one Woman; they could speak
Spanish, and I had a Jew for an Interpreter, so upon examina
tion I found they profess'd the Christian Religion as the Papists
do; upon which I thought in a most peculiar manner, they
ought to be freed from Slavery; and thereupon ordered the
King to carry them to Augustine, to the Spanish Governour
with a Letter, desiring an Answer relating to the receit of them;
who having received them, sent me the following Letter: So
far as relates to this Affair, I copy it forth:
Sir,
I have received your Letter with the four Indians, three Men
and one Woman, being the same that were taken from a Town of
my Jurisdiction; and I do promise, If ever it lies in my power to
manifest a reciprocal Kindness, I shall gratefully do the same; and
shall always keep and observe a good Correspondence and Friend
ship with you, as our Soveraigns at home, being in strict Alliance
and Amity expect from us, etc.
1 " He was by nature assiduous in obliging. "
1696] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 301
After this he sends over an Indian civilized King, with a
fresh return of Thanks, but complains of Mischief done to his
Indians by some of our Indians; to the which I answered,
That I knew nothing before, and did not approve of it; and
found, on Enquiry, that the Indians call'd the Apalachicoloes had
kilFd three Churchcates, and were conducted by White Men; but
I have taken care for the future, by sending an Express to com
mand them, that they do not commit any Acts of Hostility on any
of your Indians, and do expect there be given the like Orders to
your Vassals: And surely you cannot be ignorant of the Temper
of the Indians as well as my self, how hard a matter it is to keep
them from taking Revenge for any Injuries received, to the third
and fourth Generation; making personal Murders oftentimes Na
tional Quarrels; notwithstanding which, I hope to prevent it for
the future, being that they live in great Obedience to our Govern
ment; but if they should happen to do any small Mischief to each
other, I desire you not to send any more White Persons amongst
them, least you thereby make the Quarrel National. I do assure
you that nothing shall be wanting on my part to maintain a good
Amity and Friendship with you, and I doubt not of the same on
your part: So wishing you Health and long Life;
I am
your assured Friend
Jo. ARCHDALE.
Now to shew the Providence of God in the Affair of trans
mitting the Indians back, as I intimated before, it happened
that some few Months after that an English Vessel from
Jamaica, bound to Carolina, was Cast-away to the Southward
of Augustine amongst barbarous Indians, who in a wonderful
manner were preserved from being murdered by them, so that
they came at last to Augustine; and when the Spanish Gov-
ernour heard of it he sent them all things necessary, retaliating
my Kindness in a peculiar manner. Two of these were call'd
Robert Barrow and Edward Wardell, publick Friends,1 Men
of great Zeal, Piety and Integrity.
Another eminent Remark of Divine Providence was as
follows: One Colonel Bull of the Council, trading with some
Northern Indians near Cape Fear, told me that those Indians
1 /. e., Quaker ministers.
302 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1696
desired to come under the English Government; the Reason
of it was this; some of our Neighbouring Indians had killed
and taken Prisoners some of the Cape Fear Indians, and sold
them for Slaves; and complaining to the Traders, they told
them, that if they came under the English Government the
other Indians durst not touch them: So they came, and I
told them that I had heard of their barbarous Cruelty on Men
Cast-away on their Coast; I therefore now expected a Civil
Usage from them, to any that should unhappily be Cast-away
on their Coast; which they promised, and faithfully per-
form'd, as follows.
For about Six Weeks after a Vessel coming from New-
England with 52 Passangers, was Cast-away at Cape Fear,
who finding that it was the Place of savage Indians, despaired
of their Lives; but being willing to preserve Life as long as
they could, they Trench'd themselves in, and took some pro
visions with them : The Indians quickly came down, and with
Signs of Friendship, laying their Hands on their Breasts,
invited them out, and shew'd them Fish and Corn: But they,
not willing to trust them, kept still in their Retrenchment
till Famine began to creep on, and then, like the Samaritan
Lepers, in the 2 Kings, vii. Chap, who being like to perish
with Famine, ventured to go to the Host that beseiged Samaria,
as at large is there related: So these being ready to starve,
some few ventured out to the Indians, who received them
kindly and furnish'd them with Provisions for the rest, who
thereby being embolden'd, came all forth, and were by the
King at his Town well treated; and four or five of them came
to Town, and I procured a Vessel to fetch them to Charles-
Town, which is about 100 Miles from thence, and all came
safe but one Child that died. But now I shall wind up and
conclude the Scene of my Government, having settled the
Country; I returned for England, being not sent for Home,
and left one Blake l Governour, who became a Proprietor,
1 As Joseph Blake was a landgrave his selection to succeed Archdale was a
mere form. In 1698 he purchased from the Lords Proprietors the forfeited share
in Carolina of John, Lord Berkeley, who had failed to keep up his assessments.
He had been commissioned governor by the Proprietors without first securing
the assent of the Crown and for that reason the Crown would not recognize him
as governor until the Proprietors explained that he was acting governor in the
1700-1702] AilCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 303
and continued to manage Matters to the general satisfaction
of the Country for about four or five Years, but then dying,
the Lords Deputies chose one Capt. More for Governour, until
the Lords should Commissionate one from England. In his
time began the War with France and Spain; and being a
Man of an active spirit, and hoping to advance his Fortune
by an Exploit against Augustine, without any Orders from
England,1 he proposed his Mind to an Assembly, who con
descending thereunto, he march'd against Augustine, took the
Town, the Inhabitants, with their Substance, flying into the
Castle, and they having no Mortars could not bring them to
yield; but the Besieged sending to the Havanah, a Spanish
Town on Cuba, procured 4 or 5 small Men of War, who came
to their Relief before Major Daniel could come from Jamaica,
who was by Governour More sent thither for Mortars; and
so More was forc'd to break off the Siege, and return to Charles-
Town; which vast expence upon such an Infant Colony, was
ready to make a Mutiny among the People; for many Vessels
had been press'd to that Service, which being burn'd by the
Governour's Order, because they should not fall into the
Spaniards Hands, the Masters demanded Satisfaction; and an
Assembly being calFd, great Debates and Divisions arose,
which, like a Flame, grew greater and greater: In the midst
of which, Sir Nath. Johnson's Commission came for to be
Governour, who by a Chimical Wit, Zeal and Art, trans
muted or turned this Civil Difference into a Religious Con
troversy;2 and so setting up a Standard for those call'd the
High-Church, ventured at all to exclude all the Dissenters out
of the Assembly, as being those principally that were for a
strict Examination into the Grounds and Causes of the Mis-
right of a Proprietor under the Fundamental Constitutions. After that the oath
was administered to him by Edward Randolph, an officer of the Crown. See p.
204, supra.
1 Archdale, like all of Moore's Dissenter critics, ignores the fact that an
attempt had been made by the Spaniards with Indian allies to invade South
Carolina. See p. 222, supra.
3 Sir Nathaniel was not responsible for the religious turn of the trouble.
The Dissenters drew the religious lines at the outset, and the Churchmen, an
gered to the extreme by the Dissenters' pestiferous conduct, and taking advan
tage of the power brought by their repeated successes, went to the extreme of
adopting a tyrannical plan for excluding Dissenters from the Commons House.
304 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
carriage of the Augustine Expedition; which was, after great
Complaints of undue Elections, and by the great Subtilty and
Activity of the Governing Party, carry'd by one Man, to
exclude the Dissenters by a more severe and rigid Exclusion,
than the Occasional Bill designed here in England, to the
which I refer the Reader; and was afterwards, by the general
Complaint of that Party to the House of Lords, adjudged so
severe and illegal, as to cause an Address to the Queen, which
she was pleased to accept, and to command the Lord's Pro
prietors not to suffer the same to be further put in execution,
and declared the same Law void and null; as also an Act to
establish the Church of England there, and a Maintenance for
the same; which, notwithstanding its splendid gloss, savour'd
so much of a persecuting Spirit, and of a haughty Dominion
over the Clergy it self, that it was declared void and null
by the Queen's gracious and prudent Command to the Lord's
Proprietors; which I hope will so far allay and cool that fiery
Spirit in the Government, as to make room for a more peace
able and healing Spirit, when any one not concern'd in the
Broils arrives, Commissionated for that End and Purpose:
And indeed they have been fairly alarum'd by the late Assault
upon them by the French and Spaniards; in which affair
Sir Nath. Johnson, as a Souldier, behaved himself with great
Courage and Prudence; but that is not a sufficient Qualifi
cation to reconcile intestine Heats and Broils, which, like a
Canker, will enfeeble the vital Spirit of that Colony; for the
united strength of those term'd the High-Church and Dis
senters, are little enough to secure the same: And beside, the
immediate Hand of God by the late Pestilential Feaver, is not
only a sign of His Displeasure against their Unchristian Broils,
but it hath thereby so weakened and thined the People, that
it seems impossible for the High-Church to be a sufficient
Strength to support that Colony, it being the Southern Bul
wark of our American Colonies on that vast Continent.1
1 The Church Act of 1704 was rejected by the Proprietors because it con
tained so many objectionable features as to make it obnoxious to the Crown,
but in 1706 another act, freed of those objectionable features, was passed estab
lishing religious worship in the province in accordance with the tenets of the
Church of England. This act proved a great blessing to the province, and was
an agency for the more rapid development thereof. It gave an impetus to edu
cation and culture, and its influence for good was far-reaching and permanent.
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 305
It is stupendious to consider, how passionate and prepos
terous Zeal, not only vails but stupifies, oftentimes, the
Rational Powers: For cannot Dissenters Kill Wolves and
Bears, etc., as well as Church-men; as also Fell Trees and
Clear Ground for Plantations, and be as capable of defending
the same generally as well as the other. Surely Pennsyl
vania can bear witness to what I write; and Carolina falls
no way short of it in its Natural Production to the industrious
Planter: But our late Accounts intimate the Repeal of the
two former Laws, which may be a preparatory Stroak, if dis
creetly managed, to allay their Annimosities. I would not
be supposed to Justify every Step of the Dissenters which they
made in these Broils, being their first Agent seem'd not a Per
son suitably qualified to Represent their State here, not that
he wanted Wit but Temper, which is a necessary Qualification
in Persons in that Employ: But it is not my Business to
Open the Sore, but to Heal it, if possible; and now1 we are
like to have some considerable Numbers of Scotch Britains,
Men generally Ingenious and Industrious, who are like to
disperse themselves into our American Colonies, who are a
People generally zealous for Liberty and Property, and will
by no Perswasion be attracted to any part where their Native
Rights are invaded, or who rather expect an Enlargement
thereof in a Wilderness Country, than an Abridgement
thereof, as that prudent Management of William Penn hath
established in his Colony, and was first intended for Carolina,
in a Scheme laid by the Earl of Shaftsbury, etc., but secretly
over-thrown by that Party of High pretended Church-men
that have lain Latent from the Beginning, as I have before
intimated. Our Colonies are very weak at this time, but the
Divine Hand of Providence seems to be ready to supply our
Deficiency by a Union, contrary to that Spirit that hath
wrought the Dissentions in Carolina. Now if the Reader be
so curious as to Query how I did so speedily and solidly Heal
their former Annimosities, as I have before intimated, I shall
gratify his Curiosity herein: My Power was very large, yet
did I not wholly exclude the High-Church Party at that time
out of the essential Part of the Government, but mix'd two
Moderate Church-men to one High-Church Man in the Council,
whereby the Ballance of Government was preserved peaceable
1 By reason of the union of England and Scotland, 1707.
306 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
and quiet in my Time, and so left and continued several
Years, whilst Blake whom I left Governour lived. And the
said Blake, though accounted in some measure a Dissenter,
yet did he procure the Act for about 150Z. a Year to be settled
on a Church of England Ministry, which continues to this
Day. And indeed in such Mixture as I have intimated, the
High-Church Party was useful to me, being Men of good
Parts, very useful under Good Conduct; their Advice being
by me found very necessary in many particular Cases.
But to proceed farther in this Treatise, the Design whereof
is to make Carolina a suitable Bulwark to our American
Colonies: I can farther plainly demonstrate, that False Meas
ures have been taken for that Infant Settlement that should
have been Strengthened with Encouraging Terms, for all sorts
of Dissenters to enjoy Liberty and Property in whatsoever
their laborious Hands Improves from a Wilderness possessed
by Wolves, Bears and barbarous Indians, who ruin'd them
selves, by intestine Wars, to make room for us; and we more
Foolish, because more Capacitated by Human Policy to
strengthen our selves against a Foreign Power, yet suffer a
sort of Transmigration of the Wolfish and Brutish Nature to
enter our Spirits, to make our selves a Prey to our Enemies,
that seek to Revenge themselves for our foolish Attempt and
unchristian Usage on the Inhabitants of Augustine, where the
* Plunder of their Churches or Places of Worship intailed on it
such a Curse, that much of it fell into the Hands of the French,
the Ship being taken near England, and the whole Design of it
for Negroe Slaves, ruin'd thereby.
Now as some there seeks to set up a sort of an arbritrary
Vestry to inhance the Labours of the Industrious Dissenters,
who have enough to do to maintain their own Ministry; how
unreasonable doth it look to force Maintenance from them,
by excluding their true Representatives, to compass so foolish
a Design in the most untimely Season that possibly could hap
pen to that Country ; for one of the most considerable amongst
them writ over to his Friend in England, That without that
Excluding Act they could not have obtain'd the other. Now
as the Civil Power doth endanger it self by grasping at more
than its Essential Right can justly and reasonably claim; so
the High-Church by over-toping its Power in too great a
Severity, in forsaking the Golden Rule of doing as they would
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 307
be done by, may so weaken the Foundation of the Ecclesiastical
and Civil State of that Country, that so they may both sink
into a ruinous condition by losing their Main Sinews and
Strength, which (as Solomon saith) lies in the multitude of its
Inhabitants : And this I am satisfied in, and have some experi
mental reason for what I say, That if the extraordinary Fer
tility and Pleasantness of the Country had not been an alluring
and binding Obligation to most Dissenters there settled, they
had left the High-Church to have been a Prey to the Wolves
and Bears, Indians and Foreign Enemies: But I hope now
they will see their Folly, and embarque in one common In
terest, and thereby they will reap the Benefit of our Union
at Home, by Numbers of Industrious and Ingenious Scottish
Britains, who otherwise will never come to be imposed upon
by a High-flown Church Party; and without such a Strength
I see not how it can stand long, let the Government be in any
Hand whatsoever. I have discharged my Conscience in a
Christian and truly British Spirit, that desires nothing more
than the Spiritual and Temporal Welfare of Great Britain;
and hope, pray for, and cordially desire the long and pros
perous Reign of our most gracious Queen, whom the Divine
Hand of Providence hath placed on the Throne, to be as a
Nursing Mother to all Her Children committed to Her Charge.
And I also heartily wish that the inferior Sphere of the Royal
Power committed in Trust to the Lords Proprietors of that
Province of Carolina, may Govern it with a measure of the
same Prudence, Justice, and truly Christian Affection, as She
more imediately Governs the entire Body of Her Subjects.
Now since the Reader may expect the Names of the pres
ent Proprietors, they are as follows;
JOHN Lord GRANVILL, Palatine.
John Lord Cartwright,
William Lord Craven,
Maurice Ashley, Brother
and Heir Apparent to
the Earl of Shaftsbury,
1 Joseph Blake, the then Proprietor, was at that time about six years of age.
J The original share of the Earl of Clarendon was sold after the earl's death
to Seth Sothell. Sothell died about 1694, intestate and without heirs, and his
Sir John Colleton, Baronet,
Jos. Blake, Esq;1
Nicholas Trott,2 Esq;
John Archdale.
308 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
I am now willing to give my Advice to heal up the present
Breaches, Rents and Divisions amongst the Inhabitants of
Carolina; and I am somewhat encouraged hereunto by the
Good Success I formerly had amongst them, as I have at
large declared; and I have Reasons, both Spiritual and Tem
poral for this my Admonition. On a Spiritual Account I would
have all to consider that their Lot is fallen, by the Divine
Hand of Providence, into the American Canaan, a Land that
flows with Milk and Honey; which ought to be a pressing
Engagement on every Soul to bless God in a most peculiar
manner for those Temporal Enjoyments that many other
Nations and Provinces want the Benefit of: And let them con
sider, that altho' God had some peculiar Love for the Children
of Israel, yet they held their Land of Canaan on Terms and
Conditions; and their Disobedience and Neglect of God's
Laws, occasioned God to remove them out of the same; Yet
before He utterly Excluded them, he brought various Cor
poreal Punishments upon them to alarum them to Repentance,
and a forsaking of the Evil of their Ways: And when His
Chastising Hand did not prevail upon them, their Utter De
struction immediately ensued. Now it is apparent that God
has brought a Pestilential Fever amongst the Carolinians, that
hath swept away many in the Town, which ought to stir up
a Consideration] in the Remainder of them, that it is His
infinite Mercy that hath spared them: Let them also consider
that God hath shaken the Rod of his Power over their Heads
by a Foreign Enemy, which many times is an Occasion to
Unite, not only to a General and Common Defence, but also
it creates an Affection where before it was wanting: But if
upon these and the like Considerations, no Good Effect ensue
thereby, it is then a dangerous Prognostick that more severe
Judgments will follow. It is recorded in the Holy Scriptures;
O that Men would consider their Ways; for the Act of Con
sideration is much in the Soul's power; and is one of the
Powers being purchased by Christ for us after the Fall, whereby
a Capacity comes to be awaken'd in us, to choose the Good
share was sequestered by the other Proprietors under provisions of the Funda
mental Constitutions and assigned to Thomas Amy, September 29, 1697. Upon
the marriage of Amy's daughter with Nicholas Trott, of London, cousin of Judgfc
Nicholas Trott, of South Carolina, Amy assigned him the share in Carolina as a
marriage portion.
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 309
and refuse the Evil; and I believe the Soul never exerts it,
but that some secret Concomitancy of God's Power is witness'd
thereby to the benefit of every such Soul. One thing more I
would lay to their Consideration, That by intestine Quarrels
and Annimosities they loose the essential Badge of Christianity,
and so can never be Instruments to propogate the Gospel
amongst the Heathen, who will never be won to the Gospel
of Peace by the Banner of War. Much more might be said
on a Spiritual Account, but this at present may suffice : I shall
now proceed on a Temporal Account, to reason them into a
Unity; and that is first, because their own Lives will be
more comfortable under a friendly Conversation; and, sec
ondly, it will encourage others to come amongst them, which
will wonderfully strengthen the Colony and increase Trade,
and make their Lands of considerable more value.
Now, altho' I seem principally to lay the Occasional
Quarrel on the High-Church Party, yet I would not be so
understood as to clear the other in all respects; for in Heats
and Annimosities many unjustifiable Words and Actions may
arise and be committed: I am satisfied whence the original
Spring of them arose, but because they are generally dead
on both sides, Christian Charity forbids the raking into their
Ashes; and 't is pity their Quarrels should surrvive them:
They shall never find Fewel here, so far as lies in my power.
I can truly say, I write with Love and Affection to the whole
Body of the Inhabitants; having been so considerable a Pro
moter of Planting the said Colony with Men of Piety and
Industry, and that brought considerable Free Estates with
them, insomuch that were they all removed again out of it,
whose coming thither I occasioned, it would be a thin Colony:
I could name them, but forbear at present: So I am not for
excluding any, as I have hinted; for I am satisfied that it is
possible to Reconcile and Unite them, there being a great
President1 of Wisdom and Christian Affection in the Govern
ing Powers at Home in the Union of 2 Kingdoms into 1 Common
Interest,2 for the Strength and Advantage of both, and Dis
advantage of our Enemies Abroad and at Home: And I can
truly say, I re Joyce to see effected what for some Years I have
1 Precedent.
a The Union of England and Scotland had been effected on March 6, 1707
310 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1707
so much desired, and so earnestly endeavoured, in my Capacity
and Station, upon all argumentative Occasions; which have
not been a few, and with considerable Persons of eminent
Quality, who have not despised the Reasons I have given for
the same.
Since I wrote the former Part I understand that Silk is
come unto great Improvement, some Families making 40 or
50Z. a Year and their Plantation Work not neglected; little
Negro Children being serviceable in Feeding the Silk-worms,
etc. And I must give Sir Nathaniel Johnson the Reputation
of being the principal Promoter hereof, and of a considerable
Vineyard also. I further understand, That the Inhabitants
work up the Silk into Druggets mix'd with Wool, which is an
excellent Wear for that Country: And so advantageously is
the Country scituated, that there is little or no need of Pro
viding Fodder for Cattle in the Winter; so that a Cow is
grased near as cheap as a Sheep here in England; but all
these Natural Conveniences and Benefits may be blasted
through imprudent Discouragement, that may hinder fresh
Inhabitants from coming amongst them. 0 what need is
there of Wisdom to nourish up an Infant Colony with all
sorts of industrious People, as is in a great measure presidented
in Pennsylvania, etc., and was the Beginning of the Carolina
Settlement; and I hope will be the future Method to strengthen
the same: And hereby the Design of the Patent will be truly
answer'd which is the Propagation of the Gospel of Peace
among the Heathen, and the Enlargement of the Dominion of
the Crown of England, which is now already spread many
Hundred of Miles to the Westward; which Design was in
geniously laid and begun by Governour Blake in his Time.
And that discret Preparative Stroak of Trade that he begun,
which if prudently and wisely managed, it may beget such a
Familiarity and Interest with the Indians, as in time to intro
duce a Spiritual Benefit by the Preaching of the Gospel of
Christ among them i1 For God oftentimes by the wise adapting
1 While there is very little evidence of any increase of " Spiritual Benefit "
having come to the Indians by this "Stroak of Trade," it did greatly expand
Charles Town's trade, so that within a few years its traders were going as far as
the Mississippi River and Indians were bringing skins and furs all the way from
the Great Lakes and Canada.
1707] ARCHDALE'S DESCRIPTION OF CAROLINA 311
of Temporal Causes, makes them to co-operate for the pro
duction of Spiritual Benefits: And so the Romans by a Civil
Taxation fulfilled the Prophecy of Christ to be Born at
Bethlehem ; and this Taxation figured forth Christ1 who was
to lay a Spiritual Yoke on all the Sons of Men : For Taxation
imports the Yoke of the Civil Power upon them.
Since what I have before written the former mentioned
Acts that gave so bad an Influence on the Carolina Affairs,
are both of them actually repealed, so that once more there
seems to present it self a fair Prospect for an amiable Recon
ciliation, if true and proper Method be pursued for the encour
agement of all that desire to retire into this New World to
lead an industrious, quiet, godly and sober Life, without that
disquieting and turmoiling Care which naturally attends most
European Affairs. Now, candid Readers, I shall Conclude
with what our blessed Lord and Saviour hath intimated, That
the Harvest is great and the Labourers few, and that it is our
Duty to pray to the Lord of the Harvest that he would be
pleased to send more Labourers into the Harvest, Matth. 9.
Chap. 37, 38. Ver. Now these Labourers seems to me to be
such as will take Pains and venture their Lives for to propa
gate the Gospel of Christ amongst these barbarous Nations,
which God, as I have before intimated, hath discovered in
this last age of the World: And it is my Belief, that Christ
will intercede to have this Prayer answered, and will incline
the Hearts of many to begin this glorious Work.1
1 The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts sent Rev.
Samuel Thomas to South Carolina in 1702 as a minister to the Yemassee Indians,
but he found the task such an impossible one that he gave it up and labored most
usefully among the whites. See The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical
Map&ine, IV., V.
FROM THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE
IN AMERICA, BY JOHN OLDMIXON, 1708
INTRODUCTION
IN 1708 John Oldmixon, Whig pamphleteer and historical
writer, published in London a work -entitled The History of the
British Empire in America, two chapters whereof deal with
South Carolina. The first chapter deals with the history of
the province and the second with its geography. The former
consists of a desultory and frequently erroneous history of the
province up to the administration of Governor James Moore
(1700-1703), followed by another lengthy brief in behalf of
the Dissenter faction in the political controversy that had
just shaken the province, the greater part of the chapter
being devoted to that one episode. Nothing new was added
to that controversy save a few lively imaginings, while many
whole passages were inaccurately repeated from the earlier
pamphlets by Defoe, Boone, and Archdale. The geography is
also quite erroneous. Not only did the writer confuse names
and places, but put in some topographical features that had
no existence.
Oldmixon stated in his preface that he had read each chapter
of his book to inhabitants of the colonies that he wrote of,
and that every statement he had made had been acknowledged
to be correct, and that his statements could be relied upon.
So far as South Carolina was concerned, it is evident that
whoever he read that part of his history to — if he really read
it to anyone from South Carolina — was as ignorant of the
subject as Oldmixon himself was. It is quite evident that
the iatter had never been to South Carolina and had very
little information respecting it save what he had acquired
from the several pamphlets relating to the political controversy
315
316 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA
between the Dissenters and the Churchmen during the admin
istrations of Moore and Johnson.
A new edition of Oldmixon's work, with a few unimportant
additions, was published in 1730, and in 1836 B. R. Carroll
reprinted the chapters on South Carolina in his Historical
Collections.
FROM THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE
IN AMERICA, BY JOHN OLDMIXON, 1708
THE HISTORY OF CAROLINA
CHAPT. I
Containing an Account of the Discovery and Settlement of this
Province, and of all the Wars, Factions, Disturbances, and
other Events there, from that time to the present.
WE are not ignorant of the pretences of the concerned
in this Province, who affirm, 'twas discovered by Sebastian
Cabot. Mr. Archdale, one of the Proprietors, in his printed
Description of Carolina, says, Henry the Vlllth about the
Year 1500. furnished Sir Sebastian Cabot with Shipping, (He
was born at Bristol, tho his father was a Venetian,) to make
a discovery; and he fell upon the Coast of Florida, and hav
ing sail'd along the Continent a considerable way North-East,
returned. But this does not appear in any authentick His
torian; nor that Sir Sebastian Cabot ever got so far to the
South.
Carolina is the Northern part of the vast Region of
America, which was discovered by John Ponce de Leon, in
the year 1512. He made Land about 30 Degrees from the
^Equator, near the River of San Mattseo, the most Southerly
part of this Province. He saiPd thither from the Island of
Porto Rico, and gave the Country the Name of Florida, for
that the Face of it has the Resemblance to a continual
Spring.1
1 " Castell, of America." (Marginal note in the original, referring to W.
Castell, A Short Discoverie of the Coasts and Continent of America, London,
1644.)
SI?
318 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1520-1502
The Spaniards, who passionately desir'd to secure it to
themselves, eight years afterwards sent Vasquez de Ayllon to
make a further discovery of it, as belonging to Charles V. in
whose Name de Leon had taken Possession of it. He came
upon the North Coast, and calPd the North North- West River
by the Name of Jordan. He did nothing memorable, except
this infamous Action, of inviting many of the Natives aboard
his Ships, where when he had got them, he hoisted Sail, and
carry'd them into miserable Bondage.
In the Year 1526. Charles V. Emperor of Germany and
King of Spain, sent Pamphilio Narvesi1 to Florida, who
dtay'd so long in the South- West part of this Country, which
is the most barren, that, says my Author, they were fain to
eat one another, his Crew having spent their Provisions.
Ten years afterwards Ferdinando de Soto came hither in
the search of Gold and Silver Mines, having a little Army
of 900 Foot, and 500 Horse. Himself, and three Parts of his
Soldiers, dy'd, either thro7 Want, or by Sickness, or the In
dians; and the rest were led back by Lewis Moscos to New
Spain, tho not without great Difficulty, for the Natives setting
upon them several times in their march, kilPd all that fell
into their Hands.
This unfortunate and expensive Expedition so discouraged
the Spaniards, that for several Years they made no more
Attempts in these Parts, and indeed they searched no further
than that Part of the Continent which lies opposite to the
Gulph of New Spain, and not within and beyond the Streights
of Bahama, which includes that part of the Country we are
now treating of, and which is the most fertile and rich, abound
ing in several merchantable Commodities.
The French perceiving the Spaniards neglected this long
Tract of Land, Admiral Coligny, in the Reign of Charles IX.
procured two of the King's Ships to be sent thither, the Com
mand of which he gave to Jean Ribaut, who after a Voyage
of Two Months, arrived at the River of Dolphins, between that
of San Mattseo, and that of May, lying about the 30th Degree.
The next River to that of May, he calFd the Seine. The
next to that, the Somme; then the Loire; then the Charente,
and the Garonne. At the Mouth of Albemarle River, then
1 Panfilo de Narvaez.
15641 OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 319
calPd the Great River; the Port being safe and commodious,
he built a Fort, which he called Charles Fort, and gave it the
Name of Port Royal, in 32 Degrees of Latitude, bordering on
Virginia, now North Carolina, where the first Settlement was
made by any European Nation.1
The Civil Wars raging in France, Ribaut's soldiers mutiny'd
for want of Supplies. The Natives, 't is true, were very kind
to them, out of Hatred to the Spaniards; but they could not
furnish them with many Necessaries which they wanted; and
the Admiral was so engag'd in Politicks at home, that he had
not Leisure to provide for the Wants of his Colony. So
Ribaut having made some Discoveries in the North-East part
of Florida, returned to France, and in his Return, if Credit
may be given to an Old Author,2 his Company were reduced to
such Extremity, that they kill'd and eat one of their own Men;
and probably would have done so by others, had they not
accidentally met with an English Ship, the Master of which
furnish'd them with some Provisions. A peace being con
cluded 2 Years after in France, between the Papists and the
Protestants, Coligny, who was then in Favour at Court, pro-
cur'd other Ships to be sent to this Country, which was now
call'd Carolina, from Fort Charles, as that was from the French
King.3 The Command of those Ships, and the Men aboard,
was given to Lewis Laudoner,4 who was order 'd to carry on
the Settlement. He arriv'd here the 20th of June, 1564.
with 3 Ships, and was kindly received by the Indians, but could
find no Gold and Silver Mines, tho he spent much Labour
and Time in search after them. His Provisions being almost
all gone, and the Natives either unable, or unwilling to fur
nish him with more, Laudoner resolv'd to return also to
France; and as he was preparing to depart, Jean Ribaut
arrived with 3 Ships, which had so good an Effect on the In-
1 Charles Fort, or Arx Carolina, was not at the mouth of the river which
the author calls Albemarle or Great (Broad), but was on an island formed by
that river, Port Royal River, which empties into it some distance above its mouth,
and Pilot's Creek, which connects the two rivers.
2 Castell, according to a note by Oldmixon in his original work.
3 There is nothing in evidence to show that the country was ever called Caro
lina prior to the patent to Sir Robert Heath, October 30, 1629.
* Rene Laudonniere.
320 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1565-1567
dians, that they seem'd to be as welcome to them as to the
French. The Kings of Homoloa, Seravatri, Almacam, Malica,
and Castri, waited upon Ribaut, to congratulate his Arrival,
and promised to conduct him to the Apalatsean Mountains,
which part Carolina from Virginia.
The French conceived great Hopes of this Settlement, but
all vanished on the Arrival of the Spaniards, who with a
Squadron of Ships and Land Forces, drove the French out
of their Forts, kilPd Ribaut, and 600 Men, after having given
them Conditions of life, and oblig'd Laudoner, with a few of
his Countrymen who remain' d alive, to return to France.1
The French King took no notice of this Act of Violence
committed on his Subjects, because they were Protestants;
and indeed 'tis thought Coligny intended by this Settlement,
to secure a Retreat for himself, and his Brethren of the Re-
form'd Religion, in case they were conquered in France.
Peter Melanda 2 commanded the Spaniards, who dislodg'd
the French, and so provok'd the Indians by his Cruelty and
Injustice, that they were very ready to revenge themselves
when Opportunity offer'd, as it did not long after; for Capt.
De Gorgues,3 a French Gentleman, at his own cost, fitted out
three stout Ships, and with 280 Men saiPd to Carolina, where
he took the Fort, and put all the Spaniards within it to the
Sword. They had built two other Forts, which he easily
reduced, and serv'd the Garrisons as he did that of Fort
Charles. He demolish'd them, and was assisted by the Kings
of Homoloa, and Seravatri.
The French travelled into the Dominions of the great
King of Apalacha,4 near the Mountains, where they converted
many Indians to Christianity. These Indians were more civil
than those to the Northward, their King's Dominions larger,
and their Manners, in a great measure, resembled the Mexicans.
We do not find that Monsieur de Gorgues made any Settle
ment here; or that the Spaniards attempted to recover the
Country; which from the Year 1567, lay deserted by all
1 This second French settlement was not on Carolina soil, but in Florida.
3 Pedro Menendez. 3 De Gourgues.
4 "Dav. of Kid, p. 247." (Note in original, meaning to refer to John Davies
of Kidwelly, History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666, a translation from the
French of Ce"sar de Rochefort, or Francisco Raymundo.)
1622-1644] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 321
European Nations, till the Reign of King Charles II. of Eng
land.1 In the Year 1622. several English Families flying from
the Massacre of the Indians in Virginia and New-England,
were driven on these Coasts, and settled in the Province of
Mallica, near the Head of the River of May, where they acted
the Part of Missionaries among the Mallicans and Apalachites.
The King of the Country is said to have been baptiz'd; and
in the Year 1653. Mr. Brigstock, an Englishman, went to
Apalacha, where he was honourably entertained by his Coun
trymen, who were there before him; and from his Relation
of the Country ours is taken.
It will not be unacceptable to the Curious, to see a Descrip
tion of Carolina, as it was before the English settled there,
which we find very distinctly in a Discourse, Printed A. D.
1644. The nearest River of any Note, to Virginia, falling into
the Sea, is the Jordan, which lies in 32 Degrees; from whence,
about 20 Leagues downwards to the South, is the Promontory
of St. Helen, near Port-Royal, which the French chose for
the best and surest Place to begin their Plantations.2 Between
the River Jordan and St. Helens, are Oristanum, Ostanum,
and Cayagna; Oristanum lying 6 Leagues from St. Helens;
Ostanum 4 Leagues from Oristanum; and Cayagna 8 Leagues
from Ostanum. From St. Helens to Dos Baxos Haven is
5 Leagues. From thence to the Bay de Asapo, 3 Leagues;
thence to Cafanusium 3, to Capula 5, to Saron 9, to S. Alcany
14, and to S. Peter 20 Leagues, lying in 31 Degrees of Latitude.
The next Place is San Mattaeo, 4 Leagues from St. Peter.
'Twill be difficult for an Inhabitant of the present Carolina,
to reconcile all these Names to the Modern, and the old De
scription to the New; wherefore we shall not pretend to it,
at least but occasionally, and where we can be almost sure
that we are in the right.
This Country having been abandoned by all European
Nations, for near 100 years, it seemed reasonable then, that
any one who would be at the Expence of settling upon it,
and cultivate it, should possess it; and the Pretence of Sebas
tian Cabot's discovering it, gave the Crown of England a
Title to it, which King Charles II. asserted: For some Noble-
1 "Ibid." (Note in original.)
1 "Castell, p. 33." (Note in original.)
322 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1663
men and Gentlemen begging it of him, he made a Grant of
it, by a Pattent, bearing date the 24th of March, 1663, to
Edward Earl of Clarendon, then Lord High Chancellour of
England, George Duke of Albemarle, William Lord Craven,
John Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carta-
ret, Sir William Berkley, and Sir John Colliton: "Who," to
use the Words of the grand Charter, " being excited with a
laudable and pious Zeal, for the Propagation of the Gospel,
begg'd a certain Country in the Parts of America not yet
cultivated and planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous
People, who had no Knowledge of God, etc., wherefore the
King granted them all that Territory in his Dominions in
America, from the North End of the Island called Lucke-
Island, which lies in the Southern Virginian Sea, and within
36 Degrees of N. Latitude; and to the West as far as the
South Seas; and so Southerly, as far as the River San Mattseo,
which borders on the Coast of Florida, and is within 31 Degrees
of North Latitude, and so West, in a direct Line, as far as the
South Seas aforesaid:" With all Royal Fisheries, Mines,
Power of Life and Limb, and every thing necessary in an
absolute Propriety, paying a Quitrent of 20 Marks Yearly.
We are not to enter into the Merits of the Cause, nor
inquire by what Right King Charles became possess'd of this
Province, and Carolina to be a part of his Dominions in
America; 'tis enough for us, that he gave the Proprietaries
such a Charter, and that they proceeded towards a Settlement
by virtue of it : which was in a few Years effected. Whatever
has been said of the French and Spaniards, 'tis but just, that
if one Nation does not think a Country worth cultivating, and
deserts it, another, who has a better Opinion of it, may enter
upon it, by the Law of Nature and Reason.
The Proprietaries, after they had got their Charter, gave
due Encouragement for Persons to settle in this Province,
and there being express Provision made in it for a Toleration,
and Indulgence to all Christians in the free Exercise of their
Religion, great numbers of Protestants, Dissenters from the
Church of England, retir'd thither.
This Toleration appears so firm by this Charter, that we
wonder any Palatine could presume to break in upon it.
The King granted the Proprietaries full and free License,
1667] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 323
Liberty and Authority, by such legal Ways and Means, as
they shall think fit, to give unto such Person and Persons,
inhabiting, and being within the said Province, or any Part
thereof, who really in their Judgments, and for Conscience sake,
cannot, or shall not conform to the Liturgy, Form and Cere
monies of the Church of England, and take and subscribe the
Oaths, and Articles, made and established in that behalf, or
any of them, such Indulgences and Dispensations in that
behalf, for, and during such Time and Times, and with such
Limitations and Restrictions, as they, etc., shall think fit.
Let us now see what the Proprietaries did, pursuant to
the Power the King had invested them with, to grant Liberty
of Conscience. We cannot have a better Authority than the
Case of the Dissenters in Carolina, publish'd lately by a gen
tleman of this Province.1
The first Proprietors were so sensible that nothing could peo
ple that Province, and enrich it, but an universal and absolute
Toleration, that they made the most express and ample Provision
for such a Toleration that ever was made in any Constitution in
the World, as may be seen in the 96, 101, 102, 106 Articles of the
Fundamental Constitutions: Which provide, as the Lords Pro
prietors word it in those Constitutions, That "since the Natives
of that Place, who will be concern'd in our Plantations, are utterly
Strangers to Christianity, whose Idolatry, Ignorance, or Mistake,
give us no Right to expel or use them ill, and that those who remove
from other Parts to plant there, will unavoidably be of different
Opinions concerning Matters of Religion, the liberty whereof they
will expect to have allow'd them; and that it will not be reasonable
for us, on this account, to keep them out; therefore, that sure Peace
may be maintained, amidst the Diversity of Opinions, and our
Agreement and Compact with all Men may be duly and faithfully
observed, the Violation whereof, upon what Pretence soever, can
not be without great Offence to Almighty God, and great Scandal
to the true Religion which we profess : And also that Jews, Heath
ens, and other Dissenters, from the Purity of the Christian Religion,
may not be scar'd, and kept at a Distance from it, but by having
an Opportunity of acquainting themselves with the Truth and
Reasonableness of its Doctrines, and the Peaceableness and Inof-
fensiveness of its Professors, may by good Usage and Persuasion,
and all those convincing Methods of Gentleness and Meekness,
1 The margin refers to pp. 27, 36, of Defoe's pamphlet of that title.
324 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1667
suitable to the Rules and Designs of the Gospel, be won over to
embrace, and unfeignedly receive the Truth." Therefore the said
Constitutions provided for their Liberty, but declar'd, "That no
Person above seventeen Years of Age, shall have any Benefit or
Protection of the Law, which is not a Member of some Church or
Profession, having his Name recorded in some one religious Record."1
Thus did these Lords Proprietors take care, that Persons
of all Professions in Religion should be protected and secur'd
in the free Exercise of them; and the Reader thus prepossessed
with the Laws of the Country, on which the Government of
the Colony is intirely founded, will be the better able to judge
of the Principles of those Men, who, in the Sequel of this
History, we shall find endeavouring to over-turn the most
considerable Articles of these Fundamentals; for great Num
bers of Protestant Dissenters from the Church of England,
removing with their Families to Carolina, when there were so
many Inhabitants, that a Form of Government was necessary,
the Proprietaries agreed on that abovemention'd, calPd, the
Fundamental Constitutions, consisting of 120 Articles, sign'd
by the Duke of Albemarle, then Palatine of the Province; the
Lord Craven, the Lord Ashley, Sir John Colleton, the Lord
Cornbury, the Lord Berkley, Sir George Cartaret, the 1st of
March 1699.2 Which Constitutions, as is expressed in the
last Article, shall be, and remain the sacred and unalterable
Form and Rule of Government in Carolina for ever.
They were drawn up by that famous Politician the Earl
of Shaftsbury, one of the Proprietors, and the only one that
could be suspected of having the least Inclination to favour
the Dissenters. The first Article of these Fundamentals, is,
that a " Palatine shall be chosen out of one of the Proprie
taries, who shall continue during Life, and be succeeded by
the eldest of the other Proprietaries. " The Palatine has the
executive Power in most Cases, and the rest of the Proprie
taries have their Places and Privileges. Mr. Archdale, in the
before-mentioned treatise says,
They centered all their Power in four of them, viz. in a Pala
tine of their own choosing, and three more, who were authoris'd
1 Oldmixon's quotation is not perfectly accurate.
•Misprint for 1669; the reference is to the second or revised constitution,
dated March 1, 1669/70. Cornbury was the son of Clarendon, now in exile.
1670] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 325
to execute the whole Powers of the Charter. This is call'd the
Palatine's Court; and their Deputies in Carolina execute it as they
are directed by their Principals.1
By the Fundamental Constitutions, there are to be three
Hereditary Noblemen in every County, one call'd a Land
grave, and two calPd Cassiques. The Parliament consists of
the Proprietors, or their Deputies, the Governour and Com
mons; and by the Fundamentals should have 25 Landgraves,
and 50 Cassiques to make a Nobility: But the Number of
Landgraves and Cassiques is very small, and they are not
summoned to make an Upper-house, on that Account; so the
Governour and the Proprietors Deputies arrogate that Title.
The Commoners are chosen by the Free-holders of every
County, as the Commons in England; and all were at first to
sit in one House, and have equal Votes. This Parliament
should meet once in every two Years, and oftener, if Occasion
require. The Courts of Justice are, besides those of the
Palatine's Court, the Chief Justice's Court, the High-Constable's
Court, the Chancellor's Court, the Treasurer's Court, the
Chamberlain's Court, the High-Steward's Court: Besides
which, there are the Great Council and the Hundred Courts.
Mr. Archdale, on this head, tells us,2
The Charter generally, as in other Charters, agrees on Royal
Privileges and Powers, but especially at that Time it had an over
plus Power to grant Liberty of Conscience, tho at home was a hot
persecuting Time; as also a Power to create a Nobility, yet not
have the same Titles as here in England: And therefore they are
there by Pattent, under the Great-Seal of the Province, call'd Land
graves and Cassiques, in lieu of Earls and Lords, and are by their
Titles to sit with the Lords Proprietors Deputies, and together
make the Upper House, the Lower House being elected by the
People. These Landgraves are to have four Baronies annex'd to
their Dignities, of 6000 Acres each Barony; and the Cassiques two
Baronies, of 3000 each, and not to be divided by Sale of any Part.
Only they have Power to let out a third Part for three Lives, to
raise Portions for younger Children.
Every County has a Sheriff and four Justices of the Peace.
Every Planter pays Id. an Acre Quit-Rent to the Proprie-
1 See p. 294, supra. * See pp. 294, 295, supra.
326 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1670
taries, unless he buys it off. All the Inhabitants and Free
men, from 16 to 60 Years old, are bound to bear Arms, when
commanded by the Great Council.1
The Proprietaries entered into a Joint-Stock, and fitted
out Ships on their own proper Charges, to transport People
and Cattle thither, which Expence amounted to 12000L
besides as much or more disburs'd by single Proprietors to
advance the Colony; and all their Rents and Incomes have
since the Beginning been laid out in publick Services.
Many Dissenters of good Estates went over, and many
other Persons in hopes to mend their Fortunes. And if they
could tell how to improve the Opportunities that were put
into their Hands there, they had seldom any Reason to repent
of going thither.
Tho the Difficulties and Dangers they met with at first
were a little discouraging, all free Persons, who came over,
were to have 50 Acres of Land for themselves, 50 more for
each Man-Servant, and 50 more for each Woman-Servant
Marriageable; and not Marriageable, 40 Acres. Each Ser
vant out of his or her Time was to have 50 Acres, paying the
Quit-Rent of Id. an Acre.
The Proportion of Land was much greater by the first
Instructions which the Proprietaries sent their Governours,
but they afterwards thought fit to reduce it to the present
Allotment. Some Gentlemen who did not care to be liable
to the Yearly Quit-Rent of Id. an Acre, bought their Lands
out-right.
The common Rate of purchasing now, is 201. for a 100
Acres, and 10s. a Year Quit-Rent. The Proprietors, in all
their Leases, never forget to except all Mines, Minerals, and
Quarries of Gemms and precious Stones.
Things being thus establish'd, the Lords Proprietaries
appointed Col. William Sayle, to be Governour of their Prov
ince, about the Year 1670.2 The first Plantations that came
1 Grand Council.
2 The Proprietors sent a commission for a governor of South Carolina to Sir
John Yeamans, of Barbados, in 1669, with the fleet bearing the first settlers for
South Carolina, leaving the place for the name blank, and requested him to fill
in the blank with his own name if he desired the position, or with that of someone
else in case he did not desire it. Sir John selected Col. William Sayle, of Bermuda.
1671] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 327
to any Perfection, were about Albemarle and Port-Royal
Rivers.1 But Ashley and Cooper Rivers drew People that
way, for the Convenience of Pasture and Tillage, for which
Reason that Part of the Country became most inhabited.
In 1671. The Proprietors sent Cap. Halsted with a Supply
of Provisions and Stores for the Colony, and created James
Cartaret, Sir John Yeomans, and John Lock, Esq; Land
graves.
The Constitutions having been found deficient in some
Cases, Temporary Laws were added, and the Form of Gov
ernment settled thus.
A Governour named by the Palatine.
A Council ] 7 Deputies of the Proprietors,
consisting } 7 Gentlemen chosen by the Parliament,
of J 7 of the eldest Landgraves and Cassiques.
An Admiral. High-Steward.
A Chamberlain. High-Constable.
Chancellor. Register of Births, Burials,
Chief- Justice. and Marriages.
Secretary. Register of Writings.
Surveyor. Marshal of the Amiralty.
Treasurer.
All which were nominated by the Proprietors respect
ively. The Quorum of the Council were to be the Governour
and 6 Councillors, of whom 3 at least were to be Proprietors
Deputies; and because there were not Inhabitants to make a
Parliament, according to the Fundamental Constitutions, 'twas
order'd to consist of the Governour, the Deputies of Pro
prietors, and twenty Members chosen by the free-holders;
of whom ten were to be elected by Berkley's County, and
ten by Colliton County; which number was encreas'd, as
more Counties were laid out, and more People came to settle
in the Province.
1 No settlement "that came to any perfection" was made about either of
those rivers. The first settlers were intended for a settlement at Port Royal, but
after reaching that point they changed their plans and settled on the west bank
of the Ashley River. They stayed at Port Royal only two or three weeks, and
made no settlement.
328 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1671-1680
The Temporary Laws were made in the Year 1671. At
which time William, Earl of Craven, was Palatine. On
which Office he enter'd, after the Death of the Duke of Albe-
marle; who, as has been said, was Palatine, when the Fun
damental Constitutions were sign'd, but dy'd soon after. In
the same Year Cap. Halsted was ordered to make Discoveries
up Ashley River, and a Model of a Town was sent, which it
will be well, if the People of Carolina are able to build 100
Years hence, but the Proprietaries, as appears by their Con
stitutions and Instructions to their Governours, thought
'twas almost as easy to build Towns, as to draw Schemes.
The next Governour to Col. Sayle was Sir John Yeomans,
Baronet ; in whose time many of the before-mentioned Trans
actions happen'd, but we have not been able to distinguish
the Events in his Government from those in Sayle's.1
About the Year 1680. the Proprietaries made Joseph
West, Esq; one of the first Planters, their Governour.2 He
was a Man of Courage, Wisdom, Piety, and Moderation: And
such an One was necessary in his time; for tho many Dis
senters had fled from the Rage of their Enemies in England,
yet there were not wanting Men of other Principles, who by
Factions disturb'd the Peace of the Infant-Colony. Mr.
Archdale's Word will, in this case, be more acceptable to the
Reader:3
The most desperate Fortunes first ventured over to break the
Ice, which being generally the ill Livers of the pretended Church
men, tho the Proprietaries commissionated one Col. West their
Governour, a moderate, just, pious, and valiant person; yet having
a Council of the loose principled Men, they grew very unruly, and
had like to have ruin'd the Colony, by abusing the Indians, whom
in Prudence they ought to have obliged in the highest degree, and
so brought an Indian War on the Country, like that in the first
planting of Virginia, in which several were cut off; but the Gov
ernour, by his manly Prudence at least in a great measure extin-
guish'd the Flame, which had a long time threatned the Dissolu
tion of the Colony.
1 Joseph West served as governor for over a year between Sayle and Yeamans.
He succeeded Sayle March 4, 1671, and was superseded by Yeamans April 19,
1672.
* West succeeded Yeamans August 13, 1674, and served to June, 1682.
* See p. 295, supra.
1G82J OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 329
The two Factions were that of the Proprietaries and that
of the Planters, like Court and Country Party in England.
This Division got to such a Head, that one Mr. John Culpeper,
was sent Prisoner to England, with a Charge of High-Treason
against him, for raising a Rebellion in Carolina; for which he
was try'd at Westminster-Hall, and upon hearing the Matter,
it appeared only to be a disorderly Quarrel among the Planters
and Inhabitants of the Province, so he was acquitted.
Col. West held a Parliament in Charles Town, A. D. 1682.
In which several Acts were pass'd and ratify'd by him, (An
drew Percivall, Esq; William Owen, Esq; and Maurice Mat
thews, Esq; Deputies of the Proprietaries); as, "An Act for
High-ways, for suppressing Drunkenness and profane Swearing,
for Observation of the Lord's Day, and for settling the Militia."1
'Twas in this Governour's Time, that the Westoes, a
Nation of the Indians, were troublesome to the Colony, and
attempted the Subversion of this hopeful Settlement, as the
Act of Parliament to raise Money for repelling them words it.
There was not much Blood shed, or Money spilt; for 4 or 500 1.
paid the Charge of the War, and other publick Expences.
The Lords Proprietaries erected a Commission for Maurice
Matthews, Esq; William Fuller, Esq; Jonathan Fitz, Esq;
and John Boon, Esq; to decide all Causes between the English
and Indians. And Mr. West is charged with dealing in Indians:
For which, and opposing the Proprietaries Party, he was
removed, in the Year 1683. and Joseph Moreton, Esq; ap
pointed Governour in his stead.2
'Twas about this time, that the Persecution rais'd by the
Popish Faction, and their Adherents, in England, against
1 Sessions of Parliament, or, as it soon came to be known, the General As
sembly, in which legislation had been enacted, had been held almost every year
from 1671.
2 Landgrave Joseph Morton superseded West in June, 1682. The charge
against West of dealing in Indian slaves was not a valid one, and the real reason
of his removal was doubtless to make room for Morton, whose influence at that
time was in demand. He was an influential Dissenter. Some Dissenters, fear
ing a Popish successor to Charles II. , were leaving England. Axtell, Morton,
and Blake had induced many to settle in South Carolina. As governor, Morton
would induce many more to come. By this policy the Proprietors gave the Dis
senters a position in South Carolina politics that eventually split the people of
the province into two bitter factions.
330 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1683
the Protestant Dissenters, was at the height; and no Part
of this Kingdom suffered more by it than Somerset-shire.
The Author of this History hVd at that time with Mr. Blake,
Brother to the famous General of that name, being educated
by his Son-in-law, who taught School in Bridgwater,1 and
remembers, tho then very young, the Reasons old Mr. Blake
us'd to give for leaving England: One of which was, That
the Miseries they endur'd, meaning the Dissenters then, were
nothing to what he foresaw would attend the Reign of a Popish
Successor; wherefore he resolv'd to remove to Carolina: And
he had so great an Interest among Persons of his Principles,
I mean Dissenters, that many honest substantial Persons
engaged to go over with him.
I must prevent all prejudice to what I have said, by
declaring that this book is written by one who is not himself
a Dissenter, but verily believes, the true Church of England
is the most orthodox, and the most Pure Church in the World.
And by the true Church of England, he understands all those
who live up to the doctrine it professes; who by their Piety,
Charity, and Moderation, are Ornaments of our Holy Religion,
and who do not blindly espouse a Name out of Interest, or
from the Impressions of Education; who pity, and not hate,
such as dissent from them; who are loyal to their Prince,
submissive to their Superiours, true to their Country, and
charitable to all: Of such a temper is every true Church-man;
and may their number daily encrease, till we are all of One
Mind, and One Religion, as we have but One God, and One
Saviour.
If the reader will pardon this Digression, he shall have no
more; and so much 'twas necessary to say, that he may
not think, whatever is said of Mr. Blake, or his Brethren, is
out of respect to his Profession, but as a Christian: For tho
I doubt not there may be many good Christians of the same
principles, I should esteem them more, if they would be con-
vinc'd, and conform; that the Union so often recommended
by our Gracious and Glorious Queen Anne, may be universal.
I say the more of Mr. Blake, because his Family is one
of the most considerable in this Province; where he arrived
1 The only son-in-law of Benjamin Blake of whom we can now cite a record
WB° William Dry, who married his daughter Elizabeth Blake.
1683] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 331
in the Year 1683.1 with several other Families, the followers
of his fortune. What Estate he had in England, he sold,
to carry the Effects along with him; and tho the Sum was
not many Thousands, if it did at all deserve the plural Num
ber; yet 'twas all that his great Brother left him, tho for
several Years he commanded the British Fleet; and in a
time when our Naval Arms were victorious, and the treasures
of New-Spain seldom reach'd home.
By Mr. Blake's Presence in Carolina, the Sober Party,
we call them so in opposition to Mr. Archdale's 111 Livers,
began to take Heart, and the other to be discouraged in their
irregular Courses. The Gentleman I just mentioned, in his
Description of Carolina, writes thus:2 "In Governour More-
ton's time, General Blake's Brother, with many Dissenters,
came to Carolina; which Blake being a wise and prudent-
Person, of an heroick Temper of Spirit, strengthened the
Hands of sober inclin'd People, and kept under the first loose
and extravagant Spirit," etc. The Governour, as we are told,
marry 'd Mrs. Elizabeth Blake,3 his Daughter; and by this
Alliance, the Strength of their Party was so encreas'd, that
we hear little of the other till Mr. Colliton's government.
There being some Complaints against Mr. Matthews, and the
other Commissioners for deciding Causes between the English
and the Indians, they were discharg'd and the Commission
abrogated. The Lords Proprietaries order'd the Indians 400
Miles from Charles Town, to be taken into their protection.
1 On March 28, 1683, the Grand Council directed the surveyor-general to
lay out 1000 acres to Benjamin Blake "being soe much purchased by him from
the right honoble: the pallatine and the rest of the Lords and absolute Proprieto":
of this province a conveyance under their hands and Scales bearing date th sixth
day of June Anno Dni 1682."
a See p. 295, supra.
3 Oldmixon was confused in this matter, as in others. Elizabeth, daughter
of Benjamin Blake, married William Dry (p. 330, note 1). Governor Morton's
will shows that his wife's name was Elinor. It also contains a mention of a
brother-in-law Edward Bowell. Being an old man himself he was necessarily
much older than any child of Benjamin Blake. It is possible that Elinor was
a second wife whom he married late in life and that she was Benjamin Blake's
daughter and that Bowell was brother-in-law by another connection, but it is
more likely that Oldmixon 's confusion was due to the fact that the first wife of
Benjamin Blake's son Joseph was Deborah, daughter of Governor Morton. In
his will, made in 1685, Governor Morton mentions his daughter Deborah Blake.
332 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1683
The County of Berkley, between Stono and Sewee, was
now laid out; and soon after Craven County, on the North
of Berkley; and Colliton County, on the South: All which
Counties were divided into Squares of 12000 Acres, for the
several Shares of the Proprietaries, Landgraves and Cas-
siques.
Mr. Moreton, at his entering upon his Office, calPd a Par
liament, which met in Form, and pass'd several Acts; as,
"For raising 500Z. for defraying the Publick Charge of the
Province; for regulating the Surveyor General's Fees; for
raising the Value of Foreign Coin; for Trial of small and
mean Causes under 40s. for Damages of protested Bills of
Exchange; for ascertaining Publick Officers Fees; to sus
pend Prosecution for Foreign Debts; to inhibit the trading
with Servants or Slaves; for laying out, and making good
High- ways; for preventing the taking away Boats and Canoos;
for marking of all sorts of Cattle; to prevent unlicens'd Tav
erns and Punch-houses, and ascertaining the Rates and Prices
of Wine, and other Liquors; to prevent Runaways.'7 All
which Acts were sign'd by Joseph Moreton, Esq; Governour,
John Godfrey, Esq; John Boon, Esq; James Moor, Esq;
Maurice Matthews, Esq; Andrew Percival, Esq; Arthur
Middleton, Esq; Counsellors and Deputies; and Mr. Joseph
Oldys, Clerk to the Parliament. At this time, Robert Gibs,
Esq; was Treasurer of the Colony; John Moor, Esq; Sec
retary; John Boon, Esq; Robert Daniel, Esq; Mr. Bernard
Schinkingh, Mr. Peter Hearn, and Cap. Florence O'Sullivan,
were appointed Commissioners for stating and passing the
Publick Accounts. Maurice Matthews, Esq; was also Sur
veyor-General. The Trade of dealing in Indians continu'd,
and several of the Proprietors Deputies were concerned in it:
Whether the Governour, Mr. Moreton, favour'd it or not, we
cannot undertake to determine. 'Tis certain, he did not long
enjoy his Office; For it appears by the Copies of the Original
Instructions sent by the Proprietaries to his Successor, that
in the following Year the Pallatine made Sir Richard Kyrle
Governour. He was a Gentleman of Ireland; and dying
within the Year, Joseph West, Esq; was again chosen Gov
ernour by the Council; and being a Man of great Interest,
the Proprietaries thought fit to confirm him in his Govern-
1686] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 333
ment:1 But they turn'd out Maurice Matthews, Esq; James
Moor, Esq; and Arthur Middleton, Esq; from being Deputies
and Councillors, for disobeying their Orders, and sending
away Indians. They also displaced their Secretary John
Moor, Esq; and put Rob. Quarry, Esq; in his Place.
Thus we see the Latter has enjoy 'd honourable Offices
many Years in the American Colonies; with the Interest of
which he must, by this means, be very well acquainted.
In Mr. West's second Government, the Right Honourable
the Lord Cardrosse removed to Carolina, and, with ten Scots
Families, settled at Port-Royal, esteem'd the most convenient
Place in this Province for Commerce, as being the best Port.
The Lord Cardrosse having been disgusted with the Govern
ment of the Province, for some ill Usage he met with, return'd
to Scotland, and the Spaniards dislodg'd the Scots who had
seated themselves on that fine River. This Lord was of the
House of Buchan, and in King William's Reign enjoy 'd the
Title of Earl of Buchan.
r~~~l)issenters continuing to come hither from all Parts of
(England, the Colony thriv'd and encreas'd in Numbers am
[Riches.
James Colliton, Esq; of Barbadoes, Brother to Sir Peter
Colliton, Baronet, a Proprietary, being honoured with the Title
of Landgrave, left the Island he liv'd in, and transported
himself and Family to Carolina, where he seated himself at
old Charles Town, on Cooper-river, built a handsome House
there; and being made Governour,2 his Seat is to this day
calPd the Governour 's House. Had this Gentleman had as
much Honour and Capacity as his Brother Sir Peter, we
should have had no Occasion to Excuse our selves for keeping
to the Truth of History in his Behalf. One of his Successors
writes in this Manner of his Government:3 "The Party Gov
ernour Moreton had gone a great way in suppressing, grew
1 Upon the death of Kyrle the Council chose Robert Quary as governor. He
was superseded by West, under appointment by the Proprietors, in the spring of
1685.
3 Joseph West retired from the governorship toward the end of 1685 and was
succeeded by Joseph Morton, who was succeeded by Landgrave James Colleton
in 1686.
'"Mr. Archdale's Description of Carolina." (Note in margin of original.
See pp. 295, 296, supra.}
334 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1687
now so strong among the Common People, that they chose
Members to oppose whatsoever the Governour requested;
insomuch that they would not settle the Militia Act, tho
their own Security depended on it, and that it would be
Grounds of their further Strength." The reason of the Dis
content the People lay under, were Disputes about the Tenure
of their Lands, and Payment of their Quit-rents, which were
not settled till Mr. Archdale's Government.
Mr. Colliton calPd a Parliament, A.D. 1687. This Assembly
not liking the Proprietaries Fundamental Constitutions; and
thinking they could supply the Deficiencies in them, appointed
a Committee to examine them: And these Gentlemen drew
up a new Form of Government, differing in many Articles
from the former; to which they gave the Title of Standing
Laws, and Temporary Laws. This Committee were James
Colliton, Esq; Governour, Paul Grimball, Esq; and William
Dunlop, Esq; Deputies; Bernard Schinking, Thomas Smith,
John Farr, and Joseph Blake, Esqs; Commoners. But neither
the Lords Proprietaries, nor the People of Carolina accepted
of them; and thus the Fundamental Constitutions keep their
Ground to this Day.
Mr. Colliton gave such Discontent in his Administration,
that he was banish'd the Province; a fate few Governours of
Colonies were ever so unhappy as to meet with.
Mr. Archdale tells us, Mr. Smith succeeded Mr. Colliton,
and that he succeeded Mr. Smith; but then the latter must
have been twice Governour: For we find several other Gen
tlemen, who had that Title and Office before the Year 1694.
when Mr. Archdale says, Governour Smith wrote over to the
Proprietaries, to advise them to send one of their Number to
Carolina. For Col. Robert Quarry was Governour about the
year 1690. After him, Mr. Southwell. And in the Year
1692. Col. Philip Ludwell held this Government. In which
'tis certain, he was succeeded by the above-mention'd Thomas
Smith, Esq; Landgrave of this Province.
We are not doubtful of any Error in this Order of the
Governours, except in Mr. Southwell's; our informations
having been uncertain as to him.1
'Sothell succeeded Colleton, Ludwell Sothell and Smith Ludwell. Old-
mixon's guesswork was not accurate.
1694] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 335
"Mr. Smith/7 says Mr. Archdale, "was a wise, sober,
well-living Man; who grew so uneasy in the Government,
by Reason he could not satisfy People in their Demands,
that he wrote over, Anno. 1694 'It was impossible to
settle the Country, except a Proprietary himself was sent
thither, with full Power to hear their Grievances/" The
Proprietaries took Governour Smith's Letter into Considera
tion, and the Lord Ashley was pitched upon by all the Lords
as a Person every way qualify ;d for so good a Work; but he
desir'd to be excused, on Account of his particular Affairs in
England. Upon which Mr. Archdale, was chosen by the
Proprietaries, to be sent over with large and ample Powers.
Which having receiv'd, he embark'd and saiPd to Carolina.
When he arriv'd, and entered upon the Government, in August,
1695. he found all Matters in great Confusion, and every
Faction apply'd themselves to him, in hopes of Relief. In
order to which he summon'd an Assembly, and made a kind
Speech to them. The Parliament chose Jonathan Amary
Esq; to be their Speaker; and having presented a dutiful
Address to the Governour, proceeded to do Business1. But
the Divisions among them were so great, that had not Mr.
Archdale exercis'd a great deal of Patience, neither his Power
as Governour, nor his higher Title of Proprietary, could have
brought that Assembly to any Temper; which he at last
effected, and the Disorders of the Province were remedy'd.
The Parliament presented an Address of Thanks to the
Governour, to be transmitted to the Proprietaries, and all
things ended well. In his time the Tammasees,1 an Indian
Nation, who formerly liv'd under the Spanish Government,
and now under the English, made an Incursion into the
Territories of another Indian Nation, near Sancta Maria, not
far from St. Augustino, took several Prisoners, and intended
to sell them for Slaves at Barbadoes, or Jamaica, as had been
usual among them. Mr. Archdale hearing of it, sent for the
King of the Tammasees, and ordered him to bring those Indians
to Charles Town, which he did. They were Papists; and the
Kings of England and Spain being at that time Confederates,
the Governour gave the King of the Tammasees Orders to
carry them to St. Augustino, with a Letter to the Governour;
1 Yemassees.
336 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1695
which may serve to give us an Idea of the Power of an Indian
King, who receives Orders from a Governour of a small
Province, as Carolina was then at least, whatever it is now.
The Spaniard who commanded in St. Augustino, returned
Mr. Archdale a Letter of Thanks; and not long after another
Indian King was sent by the Spanish Governour, with a Letter
of Complaint, of wrong done the Spanish Indians by those
ally'd to the English.
The Spanish Indians were called Churchcates; of whom
the Apalachicoloes, English Indians, had kill'd three. The
Governour commanded that Nation, and all others depending
on the English, to forbear molesting those within the Spanish
Jurisdiction; which had so good an Effect, that when Mr.
Robert Barrow, Mr. Edward Wardell, and other Englishmen,
were afterward cast away to the Southward of Augustino, the
barbarous Indians offered them no hurt; and when they
arrived at that Town, the Governour supply'd them with all
Necessaries.
Col. Bull, one of the Council, and a greater Trader with
the Indians, engag'd that Nation which dwelt about Cape
Fear, to submit to the English, who however were afraid to
trust them; for a Vessel coming from New-England, being
shipwrack'd on that Coast, the Passengers, to the Number of
52, despair'd of their Lives from those Barbarians, but resolv'd
to defend themselves as well as they could: Accordingly they
entrench'd in their little Camp. The Indians came down, and
by Signs of Friendship invited them to come forth; which
they were afraid to do. At last, when their Provisions were
almost all spent, some of them ventur'd out, were kindly
received, and furnish'd by the Indians with Necessaries. The
King invited them to his Town, treated them; and 4 or 5 of
them travelling to Charles Town, gave the Governour notice of
their Misfortunes; which hearing, he sent a Ship to fetch the
rest ; and they arrived safely at the Capital of Carolina.
In Mr. Archdale's Time, two Indians quarrelling in their
Drinking, one of them presently kilPd the other; whose Wife
being by, immediately dismembered the Murderer, to revenge
her Husband's Death, cutting off his Privities with a Knife.
The Governour happening to be near the Place where the
Murder was committed, order 'd the Criminal to be pursued.
1695] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 337
He was taken in a Swamp about 16 Miles from the Town; to
which he was sent under a Guard. The Nation to whom the
slain Indian belonged, hearing of his Death, their King came
to Mr. Archdale, and desir'd Justice upon the Murderer.
Some of whose Friends would have bought him off as usual;
but nothing less than his Death would satisfy the injur'd
Nation; and, according to the Custom of his Country, the
Governour ordered him to be shot by the Kinsman of the
Deceas'd. As he was leading to Execution, his King came to
him, and bid him die like a Man, since he must die, adding,
he had often forewarned him of Rum, the Liquor which he
was drunk with when he kill'd the Man, and now he must
loose his Life for not taking his Council.
When he came to the Tree, he desir'd not to be ty'd to it,
but to stand loose, saying, I will not stir when he shoots me.
So he was shot in the Head, and fell down dead.
This Piece of Justice hindered a War between the Nations
to which these two Indians belong'd. The Indians inhab
iting the Country about the River Pemlico, were almost all
consumed by a Pestilential Disease, while this Governour was
in Carolina; and the Coranines, a bloody and barbarous
People, were most of them cut off by a neighbouring Nation.
In his Time several Families remov'd from New-England,
to settle at Carolina, and seated themselves on the River
Sewee, in North Carolina. These are all the Events which
happened during Mr. Archdale's Government, at least he has
thought fit to communicate no more to the Publick; and as
inconsiderable as they may appear to some Persons, who are
us'd to turn over the Grecian and Roman Histories, if they
will give themselves the Trouble to examine the Affairs of
these two Empires, they will find them as trivial, in the begin
ning at least, if they can distinguish the History from the
Fable.
We cannot expect much Business in the Infancy of a
Colony; and yet Carolina is not so young, but Factions have
been as rampant there, as if the People had been made wanton
by many Ages of Prosperity.
Mr. Archdale, to use his own Phrase, Returned for England,
being not sent for Home. And Joseph Blake, Esq; Son of
the before-mention'd Mr. Blake, being become a Proprie-
338 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1696
tary,1 was look'd upon as the fittest Person to succeed him in
his Government; in which Office he behav'd himself to the
Satisfaction of the Country, which he governed with equal
Prudence and Moderation.
In his time, Major Daniel brought from England new
Constitutions, consisting of 41 Articles, wherein as ample
Provision was made for Liberty of Conscience, as in the
Fundamental Constitutions. These new Laws were call'd,
the last Fundamental Constitutions, and sign'd by John Earl
of Bath, Palatine; Anthony Lord Ashley, the Lord Craven,
the Lord Cartaret, the Earl of Bath, Sir John Colliton, Will
iam Thornburgh, merchant, Thomas Amy, and Wil. Thorn-
burgh; but they were never confirmed in Parliament at
Carolina.
Mr. Blake, tho he was himself a dissenter, finding there
was no settled Maintenance for the Church of England min
ister, procured an Act of Assembly (in which there were a
great Number of Dissenters) for the settling a very convenient
House with a Glebe, two Servants, and 150Z. per Annum
upon the Minister of Charles Town for ever. Twas by his
Influence that Act past, and he gave his Assent to it; he, as
Governour, having a negative Voice to all Bills. His Lady
also was one of the greatest Benefactors towards the Orna
ments of the Church. And this Friendship deserv'd a more
grateful Return than they met with from those who suc
ceeded in the Government.
Mr. Blake dying about the Year 1700. after he had been
Governour 4 or 5 Years, the Proprietaries Deputies met,
according to their Instructions in such Cases, and proceeded
to the Election of a new Governour; which Post is generally
conferred on the eldest Landgrave, if there 's no Objection
to him, and no Person sent from England with that Character.
Joseph Moreton Esq; being the eldest Landgrave,2 was
elected Governour by the Deputies: but Capt. James Moor,
1 Blake did not become a Proprietor for two years after becoming governor.
Landgrave Thomas Smith, who had died in 1694, had willed him his patent as
landgrave, and, being in the Council, he was, as a landgrave, chosen governor
by the Council. The Proprietors also issued him a patent as landgrave.
* Edmund Bellinger was the oldest landgrave and was ballotted for first,
but received but one vote out of five members of the Council voting, and the
same objection was raised to him that was made against Morton.
1700] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 339
one of these Deputies, knowing the Party he had among
them, objected against Mr. Moreton, as if he had made a
Breach of the Trust repos'd in him by the true and absolute
Lords and Proprietaries, by accepting of a Commission from
King William, to be Judge of the Admiralty, when he had at
the same time a Commission from the Lords Proprietaries
for the same Office.
Tho this Objection was answered by Mr. Moreton's Friends;1
"That it did not appear by the Charter, the Proprietaries can
empower any one to try Persons for Facts committed out of
their Dominions, which is necessary for such a Judge;" and
the Proprietaries could not grant it; yet such was Mr. Moor's
Interest, that on this his Objection Mr. Moreton was set
aside, and his Opponent Mr. Moor chosen Governour. Mr.
Moreton informed and complain'd to the Proprietaries, but
was never redrest.
From this Election I date the Rise of all the Misfortunes
that have since befallen this Colony, and that have given the
Government of England so much Trouble.
The Earl of Bath was dead, and his Son, John Lord Gran-
ville, lately advanced to the House of Peers, was Palatine.
All the World knew how zealous that Gentleman had been for
promoting a Bill against Occasional Conformists in England,
and that he shew'd his Aversion to Dissenters even in the
Court of Stannaries in the West,2 while he was Warden.
The Bitterness of his Spirit appeared in the Speeches he made
to the Representatives of that Court; and was such, that he
was not long employed by a Government, which is founded on
Principles of Justice and Moderation; which has in all things
promoted Union, and which has united the Hearts of all the
Subjects of the British Empire more than all the Princes
could do since the Conquest, and many Ages before it.
In an ill time therefore did this Palatine countenance the
Divisions in Carolina, by encouraging this and the succeeding
Governour in their vain Endeavours, to establish that for a
Law there, which had been rejected with such Marks of
Abhorrence in England by our Illustrious Representatives.
1 Landgrave Morton alone offered a protest against the validity of the ob
jection offered to him by Deputies Daniell and Moore.
* The court having jurisdiction over the region of tin mines in Cornwall.
340 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1701
Mr. Moor was easily confirmed in his new Dignity by
the Palatine; and as he is said to have sought after it, to
enrich himself, so he made use of it to that end, he being in
mean Circumstances, if the Representation of the principal
Inhabitants of the Colony does not deceive us.
Let us give the Reader the proper Words, that we may
not be accus'd of Partiality, which we detest in all things
that hurt the Truth. But we know very well, that Faction
will often accuse Fact of Partiality; and an Historian may
write Things true, and yet by writing the Truth only of one
Side, and concealing what is to its Disadvantage, it may give
a plausible Appearance to a bad Cause; wherefore we solemnly
declare, that after a full Enquiry we have not been able to
learn any thing that could excuse the Disorders we are about
to relate, and vindicate the Administration in Carolina, while
the Lord Granville was Palatine. Whether that Lord or his
Governours ought to be blam'd most, let the World judge.
Mr. Moor, says the author of the above-mention'd Re
presentation,1 having thus boldly gotten the Government,
resolv'd to make the best use of his Authority, and finding
himself too poor, with the Countenance of his Office, to make
any considerable Profit of the Indian Trade, he laid the Design
of getting it wholly into his Power. He to that end procured
a Bill to be brought into the Assembly, then sitting, for
regulating the Indian Trade: which Bill was so drawn, that
had it past, he would have engross'd all that beneficial Com
merce. But Mr. Robert Stephens and Mr. Nicholas Trott
(who had not then forsaken the Country Interest) and some
others, so plainly shew'd the ill Aim of that Act, that 'twas
thrown out of the Assembly: Which Mr. Moor dissolv'd,
perceiving they would not answer his Ends.
We do not think our selves obliged to keep to the Words
of this Representation, which are too rough in some Places;
but we keep religiously to the Sense; and having refer'd the
Reader in the Margint to our Authority, he cannot suppose we
endeavour to impose on him.
The Governour calPd a new Assembly about the latter
end of the Year 1701. At the choosing of which, tho the
Right of Electing be in the Freeholders only, he so influenced
1 "Case of Diss. in Car., p. 29, 30." (Note in original.)
1701] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 341
the Sheriff, that Strangers, Servants, Aliens; nay, Malatoes
and Negroes were polFd, and returned.
Such as at the Place of Election opposed these Practices,
were abus'd, and some assaulted by Mr. Moor's Favourites.
By this means having got several into the Assembly, Men
of no Sense and Credit, who would vote as he wou'd have
them; he there kept them from being thrown out, on the
Petition of those who were unjustly excluded.
Colliton County sent a Representation against him to the
Palatine, containing in Substance the same, as that we have
spoken of before; therefore we cannot suspect the Truth
of it.
When the Governour was afraid any of the Members 1
he was sure was in his Interest would be turn'd out, on Pe
titions,2 he prorogued the Assembly: And when at last they
were suffered to sit, the Inquiry into the Sheriff of Berkley
County's Return was obstructed, by setting on foot an ill
contrived Design of raising Forces to attack St. Augustino, a
Fort belonging to the Spaniards, to the Southward of Carolina.
If any Member of the Assembly undertook to speak against
it, and to shew how unable the Province was at that time to
undertake such an Expedition, he was presently look'd upon
by him, and his Adherents, as an Enemy and Traitor to his
Country;3 and accordingly revil'd and affronted; tho the
true Design of the Expedition, as the Representation from
Colliton County tells us, was no other than catching and
making Slaves of Indians for private Advantage. He would
have had this Military Enterprize been undertaken before the
War with Spain was proclaim'd; but the Assembly carry'd
that in the Negative.
Before we treat of this Expedition, we must observe
what past further in the Assembly. Mr. John Ash, one of
the Members, propos'd to have the last Fundamental Constitu-
1 "Ibid., p. 34." (Note in original.)
2 There was no reason for Moore's party to fear investigation ; there was no
prospect of any of their number being turned out, and the journal shows that
Moore prorogued the House from time to time because no quorum could be
obtained because the Dissenters absented themselves to prevent Moore's meas
ures from being adopted, and perhaps because they realized that an investiga
tion of their charges of fraud would show that there had been little, or no, fraud,
3 "P. 35." (Note in original.)
342 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
tions, which Mr. Daniel brought over, confirmed; but he
was opposed by Mr. Trott and Mr. How, the Governour's
Creatures.1
This Mr. Trott had himself been Governour of Providence/
and behav'd himself so arbitrarily, that he was complain'd
of to King William some Years before. Trott and How ex-
pos'd the Constitutions as ridiculous; and the Country was
thus left in an unsettled Condition.
There's one Article in this Representation which is very
extraordinary: That the said late Governour Moor did grant
Commissions, to Anthony Dodsworth, Robert Mackoone and
others,3 to set upon, assault, kill, destroy, and take as many
Indians as they possibly could; the Profit and Produce of
which Indian Slaves were turn'd to his private Use. Whereas
such Undertakings, unjust and barbarous in themselves, will
in all Probability draw upon us an Indian War.
We have said enough to give an Idea of the Condition the
People of Carolina were in under such a Government, and
have taken it all from Memorials presented by their Agents
to the Lords Proprietaries. The next thing that comes in
our way is the War of Augustino.
Two Thousand Pounds were rais'd by an Act of the Assem
bly, to defray the Charge of this Expedition. The Governour
prest as many Merchant Ships as were necessary to transport
the Troops he intended to embark; who were order'd to
rendezvous at Port Royal.
The Number of Men which were listed for this Enterprize
were 1200, 600 English, and 600 Indians. Col. Moor took the
Command on himself, as General of all the Forces that should
be rais'd within the Limits of his Government.
Col. Rob. Daniel, a very brave Man, commanded a Party
who were to go up the River in Periaga's,4 and come upon
Augustino on the Land side, while the Governour sail'd
1 "Ibid." (Note in original.)
3 New Providence or Nassau in the Bahamas. But the Nicholas Trott who
had been governor of that island was not the Nicholas Trott who now held high
position in South Carolina. Nicholas Trott of London, the son-in-law of
Thomas Amy (see p. 307, note 2 supra), was the man who had been governor
of New Providence.
3 "Coll. County Repr., Article 5." (Note in original.)
* Periaguas.
1702] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 343
thither and attacked it by Sea. ' They both set out in August,
1702. Col. Daniel in his Way took St. John's, a small Spanish
Settlement; as also St. Mary's, another little Village, belonging
to the Spaniards. After which he proceeded to Augustino,
came before the Town, enter'd and took it; Col. Moor not
being yet arriv'd with the Fleet.
The Inhabitants having notice of the Approach of the
English had pack'd up their best Effects, and retir'd with
them into the Castle, which was surrounded by a very deep
and broad Moat.
They had laid up Provisions there for 4 Months, and
resolv'd to defend themselves to the last Extremity. How
ever Col. Daniel found a considerable Booty in the Town.
The next Day the Governour arriv'd, and a Council of War
was immediately call'd, in which 'twas resolv'd to land.
Accordingly the Governour came ashore, and his Troops
following him, they entrench'd, posted their Guards in the
Church, and block'd up the Castle. The English held the
Possession of the Town a whole Month, but finding they could
do nothing for want of Mortars and Bombs, they dispatch'd
away a Sloop for Jamaica; but the Commander of the Sloop,
instead of going thither, came to Carolina, out of Fear or
Treachery. Finding others offer'd to go in his stead, he pro
ceeded in the Voyage himself, after he had lain some time at
Charles-Town.
The Governour all this while lay before the Castle of
Augustino, in Expectation of the Return of the Sloop: Which
hearing nothing of, he sent Col. Daniel, who was the Life of
the Action, to Jamaica, on the same Errand.
This Gentleman being hearty in the Design, procured a
Supply of Bombs, and return'd towards Augustino. But in
the mean time two Ships appear'd in the Offing, which being
taken to be two very large Men of War, the Governour thought
fit to raise the Siege, and abandon his Ships, with a great
Quantity of Stores, Ammunition, and Provision, to the Enemy.
Upon which the two Men of War enter'd the Port of Augustino,
and took the Governour's Ships. Some say he burnt them him
self. Certain it is, they were lost to the English, and that
he return'd to Charles-Town over Land, 300 Miles from
Augustino. The two Men of War that were thought to be so
344 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
large, prov'd to be two small Frigats, one of 22, and the other
of 16 Guns.
When Col. Daniel came back to Augustino, he was chas'd,
but got away; and Col. Moor retreated with no great Honour
homewards. The Periagas lay at St. John's, whether the Gov-
ernour retired, and so to Charles Town, having lost but two
Men in the whole Expedition. Arratommakaw, King of the
Yanioseaves, who commanded the Indians, retreated to the
Periagas with the rest, and there slept upon his Oars, with
a great deal of Bravery and Unconcern. The Governour's
Soldiers taking a false Alarm, and thinking the Spaniards
were coming, did not like this slow Pace of the Indian King
in his Flight; and to quicken him in it, bad him make more
Haste: But he reply'd, No; tho your Governour leaves you,
I will not stir till I have seen all my Men before me.
The First Representation, calPd also, The present State of
Affairs in Carolina* reflects a little too bitterly on Col. Moor
on this Head; and one would suspect the Truth of what it
contains, if it was not confirmed by the second. We are told
there, They sent Plunder to Jamaica by their trusty Officers,
under colour of seeking Supplies, and sending for Bombs and
Mortars. Which is a malicious Turn given by Col. Moor's
Enemies to Col. Daniel's going to Jamaica, who by the Dis
patch he made there shew'd he went really for Mortars; and
had the Governour staid till he had returned, the Castle of
Augustino had perhaps now been in English Hands; for the
Spaniards had not above 200 Men aboard the two Frigats.2
This Expedition, as unfortunate as it was in it self, was much
more so in the Consequence of it; for it brought a Debt of
6000Z. on the Province. The Assembly had been under a
Prorogation during the Governour's Absence, and when he
returned they met. The first thing they went upon, was
to raise Money to pay off the Debt above-mentioned, and
then they took into Consideration the Danger of the Country,
as it lay exposed to the Southward. But while these Bills
1 "Coll. County Repr., p. 30." (Note in original.)
2 And just as Governor Moore was misrepresented about the plunder he
sent to Jamaica by Daniell just so was he misrepresented in other respects.
The failure of his expedition was due to cowardice or traitorousness on the part
of some of his officers, as is even here partially shown by Oldmixon.
1702] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 345
were passing, another for the better regulating Elections,
pass'd the Lower House twice, and was sent up to the Gov-
ernour and Council, by whom 't was rejected without so much
as a Conference. Upon which several of the Members, jealous
of their Privileges, and being so ordered by those that sent
them, entered their Protestation, and left the House;1 but
returned the next Day, offering to sit longer if the rest of the
Assembly would join with them, in asserting their Right. The
Whole Assembly consists of but 30 Members, and 15 of them
protested against the irregular Proceedings of the Governour.
Instead of tempering Matters, when they returned to the
House, they were abus'd and treated with the most scandalous
Reflections, unbecoming an Assembly that represented a
whole Province. And as they were insulted within doors,
they were assaulted without; for a Day or two after Lieut.
Col. George Dearsby drew his Sword upon Thomas Smith,
Esq; a Landgrave, and once Governour of the Colony,2
threatning his Life. John Ash, Esq; a Member of the
Assembly, was not only abus'd in the Streets by a Company
of Drunken Fellows, but forc'd aboard a Ship belonging to
Cap. Rhett, and threatned to be hang'd, or sent to Jamaica,
or left on some Desart-Island. This Mr. Ash is the Man who
was employed as Agent for the People of Carolina, to repre
sent their Grievances in the first Memorial, call'd, The Present
State of Affairs in Carolina] and the Persons who thus bar
barously treated him, were George Dearsby, Nicholas Nary,
Thomas Dalton, and others, whom, says the Representation
of Colliton County, Article xi. the Governour had treated
immediately before the Riot began, and us'd such Expressions
to them, as gave them, next their Drink, the greatest Encour
agements for what they acted; telling them,3 The Protesting
Members would bring the People on their Heads for neglecting
to pay the Country's Debts. After the Riot began, of Part
of which he was an Eye- Witness, having first drunk with some
of them, he withdrew himself out of the way. This Riot con-
1 "See the Representation of the Members of Colliton County" (Note in
original.)
8 This Landgrave Thomas Smith (1664-1738) was the son of the former
governor, who died in 1694.
3 "P. 36." (Note in original.)
346 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1702
tinu'd 4 or 5 Days; and Edmund Bellinger, Esq; a Landgrave,
and Justice of Peace, attempting to suppress it, was call'd
opprobrious Names by the Rioters, and Rhett can'd him for a
considerable time. The Rioters assaulted Mr. Joseph Boon, a
Merchant, deputed by Colliton County, to present the above-
mention'd Second Representation to the Palatine and Lords
Proprietaries, and put him in Danger and Fear of his Life,
without any Provocation. The same they did by Mr. James
Byres; who with the rest complained to the Governour; and
receiving no Satisfaction, they ask'd him, whether he did not
look on himself, as Governour, obliged to keep the Peace of
the Province: The Governour reply 'd, That's a Question I am
not oblig'd to answer. He told them, 'twas a Justice of Peace's
Business.
The Rioters went one Night to the house of one John
Smith, a Butcher in Charles-Town, and forcing open the
Door, threw down a Woman big with Child, and otherwise
misusing her; she brought forth a dead Child, with the Back
and Skull broken. These Instances are enough to shew any
Man the Temper of this Governour and his Party; who were
the same that stickled so much for the unhappy Bill we must
speak of in the Sequel of this History. What followed upon
this Riot, is told us in a late Tract, which I shall make use of
in the Author's own Words,
As this Riot was rais'd encouraged and countenanced by the
said Governour and Council;1 And as no Assistance could be
obtained to quell it, so all Methods to enquire into, and punish it,
have been rendered ineffectual, and the Course of Justice intirely
stop'd. For Sir Nathaniel Johnson was made Governour in the
Room of the said Moor. The said Governour Moor was presently
made Attorney General; and Mr. Trott, another of the chief Abet
tors of the Riot, the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; who in
this Province is sole Judge. Sir Nathaniel Johnson was General
of the Leward Islands, in the Reign of the late King James; but
he quitted his Government upon the Revolution, and retir'd to
Carolina, where he liv'd privately till the Death of the late King
James. Upon which he first took the Oaths to the Government;
and some time after was made Governour of the Province. And
he has since his being Governour appointed such Sheriffs, as pre-
1 "Case of Dis. in Car., 19." (Note in original.)
1704] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 347
vent all Prosecutions of this Riot at their Assizes or Quarter Ses
sions (which are the only Courts of Justice in this Province) where
Crimes of this Nature can be try'd; and where the said Mr. Trott
is sole Judge, by returning such Jurors as were known Abettors of
the said Riot: So that there is a total Failure of Justice, and nothing
but Corruption in the whole Frame and Administration of Govern
ment.
Colliton-County Representation tells us particularly, that
Mr. Bellinger did what in him lay to have the said Riot in-
quir'd into. He gave in the Record of it to the Bench; and
some of the Grand Jury urg'd to have it presented, but to
no purpose. The first Representation informs us, that the
Grand Jury presented it to the Court as a great Grievance,
that the Riot was not look'd into, and the Rioters prosecuted;
yet no Justice against them could be obtained ; the Judge
giving for Answer, Twas before the Council, his superiors:
The present Governour, That it was an Action done before
his coming to the Government; that he thought the time of
Prosecution laps'd, but would take care the like should be no
more.
This Answer had in the last part of it a Face of Moderation;
and such an Air was necessary, because an Assembly was
about being elected. "The Conspirators/' as my Author
terms them,1 "saw that a new Parliament might set all things
to rights again, and therefore when the time of a new Election
came, which, according to their Constitution, is once in two
Years; they resolv'd to procure a Commons House of Assem
bly of the same Complexion with the former, and by more
illegal Practices. If those they had us'd in the former Elec
tions would not do their Business, their Designs took Effect;
and such a Commons House of Assembly was returned, as
fully answered their Expectations."
The first Representation brought over by Mr. Ash, in
forms us, That at the Election for Berkley and Craven
County, the Violence in Mr. Moor's Time, and all other illegal
Practices, were with more Violence repeated, and openly
avow'd by the present Governour, and his Friends.
The second Representation adds, Jews, Strangers, Sailors,
Servants, Negroes, and almost every Frenchman in Craven
1 "lb., p. 20." (Note in original.)
348 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
and Berkley Counties, came down to elect, and their Votes
were taken, and the Persons by them voted for, were ret urn 'd
by the Sheriffs.
The Assembly meeting, chose Job How, Esq; to be their
Speaker, and this was that Parliament, who, to oppress the
Protestant Dissenters, brought in a Bill contrary to the first
and last Fundamental Constitutions, to the true Interest of
the Colony, and the right of every Freeholder there. 'Twas
entitl'd, An act for the more effectual Preservation of the
Government, by requiring all Persons that shall hereafter be
chosen Members of the Commons House of Assembly, and
sit in the same, to, etc., and to conform to the religious Wor
ship in this Province, according to the Church of England,
and to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according
to the Rights and Usage of the said Church.
Every Dissenter that was turn'd out of the House, by
virtue of this Act, made room for the most bigotted of the
Faction to get in; for it provided, that the Person who had
the most Votes next to such Dissenter, should be admitted
in his place; and those that opposed the Dissenters being
generally, according to the before-mentioned Author, Men of
violent and persecuting Principles, the Faction secured the
Power in their own Hands.
There were 12 Members for this Bill, and 11 against it,
in the Lower House; and in the Upper, Joseph Moreton, Esq;
a Landgrave, and one of the Proprietary's Deputies was
deny'd the Liberty of entering his Protest against it. The
Bill pass'd the 6th of May, A. D. 1704. and was sign'd by Sir
Nathaniel Johnson, Col. Thomas Broughton, Col. James Moor,
Robert Gibbs, Esq; Henry Noble, Esq; Nicholas Trott, Esq;
The Governour and Proprietaries Deputies, upon passing
this Act, allarm'd all the Dissenters, who according to the
Orthodox Minister of Charles Town, the Reverend Mr. Mars-
ton's Letter to the Reverend Dr. Stanhope,1 are the soberest,
most numerous, and richest People of this Province; and this
Assembly was compos'd of many Men of very loose and cor
rupt Morals.
We have shewn .in the Beginning of the History of Caro
lina, that by the Fundamentals of the Province, the Dis-
* "Case of Diss., part 2, p. 57." (Note in original.)
1704] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 349
senters could not be justly excluded from any Rights of the
Members of it ; we have shewn here what a sort of Convention,
and by what Government countenanced, this Assembly was;
and there's no need of exaggerating Matters, to make the
thing look black; wherefore we shall proceed in our History.
It cannot be imagined that a People who had been us'd
so ill, wou'd sit still, and tamely bear such barbarous Usage:
especially considering those that were concern'd in the Riot
were some of the worst, and those that suffered by it, some
of the best Men in the Province.
Col. Joseph Moreton, and Edmund Bellinger, Esq; Land
graves, and Deputies of the Lords Proprietaries, all the other
Members of Colliton County, and several of the greatest
Worth and Reputation in Berkley County, prevailed with
Mr. Joseph Ash to come for England, to represent the miser
able State of the Province to the Proprietaries.
The Faction being apprehensive of their Danger in such
a Proceeding, did their utmost to prevent Mr. Ash's Voyage;
and 'twas not without the greatest Difficulty that he got
away from Carolina to Virginia, where his Powers and Instruc
tions were convey 'd to him, as Agent for the Gentlemen and
Inhabitants above-nam'd.
Coming to England, he apply'd himself to the Lord Gran-
ville, then Proprietary of the Province: But finding he was
entirely in the Interests of the prevailing Party in Carolina,
he despaired of seeing the Grievances he came to complain of,
redress'd: He therefore drew up the first Representation, often
cited in this Treatise, printed a Sheet of it, and intended to go
through with it; but dy'd before he could finish it; and his
Papers, after his Death, were betray'd into his Enemies Hands.
How this Agency was lik'd in Carolina, we may suppose;
and that the Author of The Case of the Dissenters in Carolina,
does not impose upon us, in telling us, The Governour and
his Agents prosecuted and insulted several of the Inhabitants,
and particularly Landgrave Smith, on the account of some
private Letters which they sent to the said Ash, while he was
in Virginia and England, and which were found among the
Papers betray'd to the Governour's Agents.
Mr. Ash may probably represent Things with too much
Partiality, especially if what Mr. Archdale says of him be
350 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
true;1 "Their first Agent seem'd not a Person suitably
qualified to represent their State here, not that he wanted
Wit, but Temper/'
What Share the Governour had in this Business, appears
also in the same Tract.2 "Sir Nathaniel Johnson by a Chy-
mical Wit, Zeal, and Art, transmuted or turn'd this Civil Differ
ence into a religious Controversy; and so setting up a Standard
for those called High Church, ventured at all to exclude all
the Dissenters out of the Assembly, as being those principally
that were for a strict Examination into the Grounds and
Causes of the Miscarriage of the Augustino Expedition.77
The Party did not stop here; for on the 4th of Novem
ber an Act past, and was sign'd by the Governour, and the
Deputies above-nam'd; entitPd, "An Act for establishing
Religious Worship in this Province, according to the Church
of England; and for the erecting of Churches for the Publick
Worship of God, and also for the Maintenance of Ministers,
and the building convenient Houses for them." 3
Which Act Mr. Archdale acquaints us, "notwithstanding
its splendid Gloss, savour'd of a persecuting Spirit, and of a
haughty Dominion over the Clergy itself; for they set up a
High Commission Court, giving them Power to place and dis
place Ministers, and act much in the Nature of the High Com
mission Court erected by King James II. in England." These
Commissioners were Sir Nathaniel Johnson, Thomas Brough-
ton, Esq; Col. James Moor, Nicholas Trott, Esq; Col. Robert
Gibbes, Job How, Esq; Ralph Izard, Esq; Col. James Risbee,
Col. George Logan, Lieut. Colonel William Rhett, William
Smith, Esq; Mr. John Stroude, Mr. Thomas Hubbard, Richard
Beresford, Esq; Mr. Robert Seabrook, Mr. Hugh Hicks/
John Ashby, Esq; Capt. John Godfrey, James Serurier, alias
Smith, Esq; and Mr. Thomas Barton.
It will not be improper to give a Character of this James
Serurier, who has been mightily employed by the present
Government in Carolina; and we cannot do it better, than in
using the same Words Mrs. Blake, Mother of the Proprietary
Joseph Blake, Esq; writes to the Lords Proprietaries.5
1 "Description of Carolina, p. 25." (Note in original.)
» "P. 23." (Note in original.) 3 "P. 24." (Note in original.)
4 Hugh Hext. 5 See p. 250, supra.
1704] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 351
Towards the Satisfaction of the Augustino Debt, an Act was
contrived, for forcing the Currency of Bills of Credit to the Value
of 6000/. These Bills were declar'd current in all Payments, and
the Refuser of them sueable in double the Value of the Sum re-
fus'd; whereby the boldest Stroke has been given to the Property
of the Settlers in this Province, that ever was known in any Country
not governed by Arbitrary Power. And the bad Consequences of
this forc'd Currency, in Relation to trade with Strangers, are so
great, that they can scarcely be exprest. But there has nothing of
this been weigh'd by your Lordship's Deputies here, or by the
pack'd Members of our Commons House of Assembly. Besides
all this, the people are not satisfy'd how many Bills are truly sent
abroad; and the great Concern, Mr. James Smith, alias Serurier
(who cheated the Scots Company of a considerable Sum of Money,
and with his Keeper made his Escape from London hither) had
in this Contrivance, gives a Jealousy of indirect practices.
By this the Reader understands what Inconveniences the
Augustino Expedition brought upon the Colony, and what
sort of Persons were Promoters of this Occasional Bill in
America. But to shew that this Faction in the Assembly
had nothing less in their View, than the real Advancement of
Religion, and the Church of England;1 the Reverend Mr.
Edward Marston, minister of that Church in Charles Town,
was censur'd by them, for three Passages of a Sermon preach'd
there by him; two of which Passages were not in the said Ser
mon; and that which was amounted to no more, than that the
Clergy had a Divine Right to a Maintenance. They deprived
him of his Salary settl'd on him by Act of Parliament, and of
50Z. besides due to him by an Act of Assembly: Tho the
chief Reason was his having visited Mr. Landgrave Smith,
when he was in Custody of a Messenger, being committed by
the Commons House, and living Friendly with the Dissenters.
Of this Assembly the same Reverend Divine says, "They
made some very odd and unjustifiable Laws, which have
occasioned great Feuds and Animosities here.772 And in his
Representation to the Lords Proprietaries; "Most of the
late Members of Assembly have been constant Absenters from
1 "Case of Diss. Car., p. 23." (Note in original.)
1 "See his letter to Dr. Stanhope, Part 2, p. 57." (Note in margin of origi
nal, with subsequent references to pp. 62, 63, 67, 60, 58.)
352 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
the Holy Sacrament: So 'tis no Wonder they have inserted
an absurd Oath in a late Act, etc. I cannot think it will be
much for the Credit and Service of the Church of England
here, that such Provisions should be made, for admitting the
most loose and profligate Persons to sit and vote in the making
of our Laws, who will but take the Oath appointed by the
late Act." And of the High Commissioners 'tis said, " Eleven
of the Twenty were never known to receive the Sacrament of
the Lord's Supper."
And that this furious Faction were no Friends to the
Church of England is plain, by their Design to wrest the
Ecelesiastical Jurisdiction out of the Hands of the Right
Reverend Father in God, Henry Lord Bishop of London.1
Mr. Marston being threatened in Col. Risbee's House, "That
at the next Sessions of Assembly he should see the Bishop
of London's Jurisdiction abolish'd there.'7 And of this
Carolina Parliament he adds further, "Our Lower House of
Assembly imprison by a Vote of the House, sine die, and bid
Defiance to the Habeas Corpus Act, tho made in Force there
by an Act of Assembly." The Governour was very "cholerick
with the Minister, because he had made Landgrave Smith a
Visit, at the House of the Messenger; and a Bully lash'd
him causelesly with his Whip, and tore his Gown from his
Back. His Creatures also in the Assembly were the Occasion
of his Sufferings."
If I am accus'd of being partial in representing this Matter,
I answer, that besides the Memorials publish'd by the Agent
of Carolina, Mr. Archdale's Tract and others, I have diligently
inquir'd into the Truth of the Fact, and have not been able
to learn the least hint that makes against it, or vindicates
the Party that is complain'd of, and were powerfully protected
by the Lord Granville; notwithstanding it was made out to
him, that the Assembly in passing the Occasional Bill in
Carolina,2 were guilty of the most notorious ill Practices, and
were Men of corrupt Principles and Manners. That Bill was
brought into the House the 4th of May, and carry'd so pre
cipitately, that it past the 6th, four Days before the time
to which they were prorogu'd. There never were above 23
Members present, from the 26th of April to the 6th of May.
1 Bishop Henry Compton. a "Part I., p. 38." (Note in original.)
1704; OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 353
There was but one more for it than against it ; and of the latter
many were Members of the Church of England.
There's one thing very remarkable in the Act, which is the
Stile: "Be it enacted, by his Excellency John Lord Granville,
and the rest of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of
Carolina," etc. A Stile never assum'd by them till very
lately.1 From whence we may observe how pleas'd that
Faction is every where with the Despotick and Absolute
Power, insomuch as to usurp the Name, when they cannot
obtain any thing more. The Case of the Dissenters in Carolina,
is so full of Irregularities in the Course of this Affair, that
we must refer the Reader to it. We have taken the most
material, and now are to see what was done in England re
lating to this Matter.
The principal Merchants in London trading to Carolina,
drew up a Petition to the Lord Granville against passing
this Act, or to order its Repeal. Which Petition they lodg'd
with Mr. Boone, the Agent of Carolina, who solicited the
Palatine seven Weeks before he could prevail to have a
Board of Proprietaries calPd.
Mr. Arehdale, one of the Proprietaries, opposed the rati
fying of the Bill against the Dissenters at the Board, and
with such solid Reasons, that 'tis amazing to find the Palatine
make this short Answer to all of 7em: "Sir, you are of one
Opinion, and I am of another; and our Lives may not be long
enough to end the Controversy: I am for this Bill, and this
is the Party that I will head and countenance."
What other Tone could he have talk'd in had he been
Sultan of Carolina? Mr. Boon pray'd he might be heard
by Council. The Palatine reply 'd, "What Business has
Council here? It is a prudential Act in me; and I will do
as I see fit. I see no harm at all in this Bill, and am resolv'd
to pass it." He should have added, Car tel est noire Plaisir.2
As all Methods to procure Justice from this Board were
ineffectual, in the Case of the Dissenters, the same were
1 The earliest original acts of the General Assembly of South Carolina now
in possession of the state of South Carolina were enacted in 1690 (Sothell's ad
ministration) and they are worded in exactly that "stile," save that "William
Earl of Craven Palatine" appears instead of "John Lord Granville."
a The customary subscription of the edicts of the kings of France.
354 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1704
they in Mr. Marston's Case, and the Abuses he met with
from the Party, the Lord Granville was resolv'd to head
and countenance. And what that Party was in England,
and how they have seen their unreasonable Attempts banTd
and exploded, is too well known, to need any Remembrance
here.
The Bill which occasioned all the Complaints in Caro
lina, having past thus illegally and arbitrarily, the Dissenters
in this Province being notoriously known to be above two thirds
of the People,1 and the richest and soberest among them,
according to Mr. Marston's Evidence, 'twas not likely that
they would suffer themselves to be insulted and persecuted
without seeking Redress. The very Assembly who past the
Bill, about half a year afterwards past another to repeal it,
when the House was full; but it was lost in the Upper House;
and the Governour, in great indignation, dissolved the Com
mons House, by the Name of the Unsteady Assembly. 2 The
Society for propagating the Gospel in America and else
where, meeting in St. Paul's Church, taking the Act for
the Establishing Religious Worship, etc., into Consideration,
resolv'd not to send or support any Missionaries in that
Province, till the said Act, or the Clause relating to the Lay
Commissionaries, was annuFd.
There being no Hopes of any Redress of the Grievances
the Inhabitants of this Colony suffered in Carolina, nor from
the Lords Proprietaries in England, they resolv'd to bring the
Matter before the House of Lords in England, not doubting
but to have entire Justice done them by that august Assembly;
where the Language of their Palatine was never heard from
the Throne, at least in this Reign, or the last; both which
are the Glory of the British Annals.
Mr. Boon was not only empowered by the principal inhabi
tants of Carolina to act as their Agent, but he was assisted
in his Agency by several eminent Merchants of London, who
sign'd the Petition to the House of Lords; as Mr. Micaiah
Perry, Mr. Joseph Paice, Mr. Peter Renew, Mr. Christopher
Fowler, and others.
The Effect of which was, after a full hearing of the Cause
at the Lord's Bar, that most Honourable House, who have
1 "P. 12." (Note in original.) 3 "P. 41." (Note in original.)
1705] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 355
done such great Things for the Liberties of England, voted
an Address to the Queen, in behalf of the Province of Carolina:
But the Reader cannot be better satisfy 'd, than to have it in
their own Words; by which the State of the Case will be best
seen.1
The House having fully and maturely weigh 'd the Nature of
.these two Acts, found themselves oblig'd in Duty to Your Majesty,
and in Justice to your Subjects in Carolina (who by the Express
Words of the Charter of Your Royal Uncle King Charles II. granted
to the Proprietors, are declared to be the Liege People of the Crown
of England, and to have Right to all the Liberties, Franchises, and
Privileges of Englishmen, as if they were born within this Kingdom:
And who by the Words of the same Charter, are to be subject to no
Laws, but such as are consonant to Reason, and as near as may
be to the Laws and Customs of England) to come to the following
Resolutions.
First, That it is the Opinion of this House, that the Act of the
Assembly of Carolina, lately pass'd there, and since sign'd and
seal'd by John Lord Granville, Palatine, for himself, and for the
Lord Cartarett, and the Lord Craven, and Sir John Colliton, four
of the Proprietors of that Province, in order to the ratifying it,
entitled, "An Act for the establishing Religious Worship in this
Province, according to the Church of England, and for the erecting
of Churches for the publick Worship of God, and also for the Main
tenance of Ministers, and building convenient Houses for them,"
So far forth as the same relates to the establishing a Commission
for the displacing the Rectors or Ministers of the Churches there,
is not warranted by the Charter granted to the Proprietors of that
Colony, as being not consonant to Reason, repugnant to the Laws
of this Realm, and destructive to the Constitution of the Church
of England.
Secondly, That it is the Opinion of this House, That the Act
of the Assembly of Carolina, entitled, "An Act for the more effectual
Preservation of the Government of this Province, by requiring all
Persons that shall hereafter be chosen Members of the Commons
House of Assembly, and sit in the same, to take the Oaths, and
subscribe the Declaration appointed by this Act, and to conform
to the Religious Worship in this Province, according to the Rites
and Usage of the said Church," lately pass'd there, and sign'd and
1 " The Humble Address of the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal in Parliament assembled, Die Martii 12, 1705." (Note in original;
see also p. 264, note 1, supra.)
356 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1706
seal'd by John Lord Granville, Palatine, for himself, and the Lord
Craven, and also for the Lord Cartarett, and by Sir John Colliton,
four of the Proprietors of that Province, in order to the ratifying
of it, is founded upon Falsity in Matter of Fact, is repugnant to the
Laws of England, contrary to the Charter granted to the Proprietors
of that Colony, is an Encouragement to Atheism and Irreligion,
destructive to Trade, and tends to the depopulating and ruining
the said Province.
May it please your Majesty;
We your Majesty's most dutiful Subjects, having thus humbly
presented our Opinions of these Acts, we beseech your Majesty to
use the most effectual methods to deliver the said Province from
the arbitrary Oppressions, under which it now lies; and to order
the Authors thereof to be prosecuted according to Law.
To which Her Majesty was graciously pleas'd to answer:
I thank the House, for laying these Matters so plainly before
me; I am very sensible of what great Consequence the Plantations
are to England, and will do all that is in my Power to relieve my
Subjects.
It appeared to the House, that some of the Proprietors
absolutely refus'd to join in these Acts. This Matter being
referred to the Lords of the Committee of Trade, they ex-
amin'd into it; and finding all the Fact charg'd upon the
Promoters of these Bills, true, represented to Her Majesty.
the 24th of May, 1706, That the making such Laws is an
Abuse of the Power granted to the Proprietors by their Charter,
and will be a Forfeiture of such Power. They further humbly
offered to her Majesty, That she would be pleas'd to give
Directions for re-assuming the same into her Majesty's Hands
by Scire Facias, in her Majesty's Court of Queen's Bench.
Which Representation was signed by the Right Honourable
the Lord Dartmouth, the Honourable Robert Cecil, Esq;
Sir Philip Meadows, William Blathwayte, Esq; Matthew
Prior, Esq ; and John Pollexfen, Esq.
On the 10th of June, her Majesty was pleas'd to approve
of the said Representation; and accordingly having declared
the Laws mention'd therein to be null and void, did Order,
That for the more effectual Proceeding against the said Charter
by way of Quo Warranto, Mr. Attorney, and Mr. Solicitor
1705] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 357
General do inform themselves fully concerning what may be
most necessary for effecting the same.
Thus did our most Gracious Sovereign hear the Cry of
the Oppressed, right the Innocent, and do Justice on the
Oppressor. For no Distance of Country can put any of her
Subjects out of her Protection; nor no Difference of Opinion
(provided they are kept within the Bounds of Duty and Re
ligion) prevent her favouring alike all her People, and doing
her utmost to make them all happy, as the infinite God has
made her Reign to her self, and her Empire in a distinguished
manner.
The Assembly which passed these two memorable Acts
were dissolv'd in the following Year, and a new one sum-
mon'd to meet at Charles Town. At the Election, Craven
and Berkley Counties were so streightned by the Qualifying
Act, that they had not 20 Men to represent them, unless they
would choose a Dissenter, or a Man not fit to sit in the Assem
bly. Nineteen of the Party against the Occasional Bill were
chosen, and one Mr. Job How was elected by the Interest of
the Goosecreek Faction, a Branch of the former. The French,
who were Free-holders, voted for them, being induc'd to it,,
by a Frenchman's being set up for a Candidate. They also
procured Masters of Ships, particularly Cap. Cole, who lay in
the Harbour, to vote on their Side. This Election was made
in the Town, and the Faction gave out, an Assembly was
chosen, who would repeal the Church-Act, and not pay the
Augustino Debt, threatning if they did, the House and Town
should quickly be too hot to hold them.
In Colliton County, there were but 14 Men would qualify
themselves: Therefore none of the Dissenters appeared, and
there were but 10 Votes out of 200 that appeared at the
Election. The 10 Electors voted for 14 Candidates, and the
Sheriff returned 10 that had the Majority of Votes.
On Jan. 2. 1705. the Members met, but not enough to
make a House, and choose a Speaker. Mr. Stephens, one of
the Members, ask'd Mr. How, in the Governour's Presence,
to attend; but he refused. Before Night the House was
compleat, and waited on the Governour, and ask'd if he
would direct them to choose a Speaker? He Answer'd, he
thought 'twas too late, but if they would venture they must
358 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1705
do it with speed, for he was not well, and 'twould endanger
his Health to sit up. So they presently chose Mr. Seabrook,
and presented him to the Governour; who approved of the
Choice.
The next Day the House met, the Speaker in the Chair,
and the Members were calPd upon to qualify themselves:
Six did, and three more were ready to do it, and Debates
arising about Qualifying, the House adjourn'd.
The House meeting again, a Report was, as 'tis said,
industriously spread, that the Members had forfeited 501.
a Man for adjourning before they were qualify'd. Mr. How
and Mr. Wiggington attended in their Places, and offered to
qualify themselves; but Mr. Born well coming with a Message,
the House waited on the Governour; who spoke to this Purpose :
Gentlemen,
You are building on a wrong Foundation, and then the Super
structure will never stand; for you have dissolved your selves by
adjourning, before there was a competent Number of Members to
adjourn, and I cannot dissolve you if I would, you not being a
House. All this I know very well, as being my self many Years a
Member of the House of Commons in England; and therefore as
I am Head, I would advise you to go back no more to the House,
but go every Man about his own Business: For if you should per
sist in settling and making Laws, besides incurring the Penalties
of the Act, the Laws would be of no force, etc.
The Speaker refused to return to the Chair, and the Mem
bers dispersed. The Governour and Council disowning the
Assembly, Mr. Wiggington declared, 'Twas his Opinion the
House was dissolved. But their Dissolution was aggravated,
by the Pleasure the Government took in making them Felo
de se, their own Murderers.1
Then another Assembly was calPd, the Choice of which
was carry'd on with greater Violence than the former. Job
1 The journal prior to January 31, 1704/5, has been lost, but if the above
statement is correct the General Assembly which met on the 2nd was dissolved
after several days, new writs were issued, a new election was held, and the new
House met before January 31st — all with a haste that was not duplicated on any
other occasion in the history of the province, so far as is shown by authentic
records.
1705] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 359
How, Esq; was chosen Speaker, and the Members for the
most Part qualify'd themselves according to the Qualifying
Act. The Faction had not then heard of the Proceedings
against them in England, which indeed were not come to a
Conclusion. They continued their Irregularities as if they
were the most innocent Men in the Province, and the only
true Patriots. They pass'd an Act for their Continuance
two Years after the Death of the present Governour, or the
Succession of a new one: The Reason is told us in the Pre
amble, " Whereas the Church of England has of late been so
happily established among them, fearing by the Succession of
a new Governour, the Church may be either undermined, or
wholly subverted, to prevent that Calamity befalling them,
be it enacted/7 etc. Mr. Job How, Speaker of the Assembly,
dying some time after, Col. William Rhett was chosen in his
Place. But what has been since done in these Affairs, we
know not more than in general, that the two Acts have been
repeaPd, and the Party who drove things on with such Fury,
have entirely lost their Credit, and that the Proprietaries are
oblig'd to them for the cause now depending; wherein if they
are cast, the Government of the Province will be forfeited to
the Crown. They may thank themselves for it, or at least
their late Palatine the Lord Granville; for since the foregoing
Pages were written, that Lord dy'd.
How things may be manag'd now, is not difficult to be
foreseen, from the good Intelligence between the Persons we
have just mention'd; and the Fall of this Faction is a terrible
Example to all Colonies, not to let any Prejudice or Passion
hurry them on to do things which they cannot answer to their
Superiours in England.
'Tis not yet known who will be Palatine of this Province,
there being some Disputes in the Succession. Tis suppos'd
the Lord Craven will succeed the late Lord Granville, who
assign'd his Propriety to the Duke of Beaufort.
360 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
CHAPT. II.
Containing a Geographical Description of Carolina; as also an
Account of the Climate, Soil, Product, Trade, First Inhabi
tants, etc.
Tis very well known, that the Province of Carolina has
been a long time divided into two separate Governments, the
one called North Carolina, and the other South Carolina;
but the latter being the more populous, goes generally under
the Denomination of Carolina, and as such we have treated
of it in the foregoing Pages. The Proprietaries of North
Carolina are the Proprietaries of South Carolina; tho the
Governours are different, in other things they are exactly
the same And we shall put them together in the Geographical
Description; as also in our Account of the Climate, Soil,
Product, Trade, first Inhabitants, etc.
Carolina, as has been said, contains all the Coast of North
America, between 31 and 36 Degrees of Northern Latitude.
Its breadth is not to be computed, King Charles II. having
granted the Proprietors all the Land Westward in a direct
Line from the above mentioned Degrees to the South Seas.
'Tis in Length three hundred Miles. Its Situation is most
convenient for Trade, the Coast pleasant and safe, not stormy,
or frozen in the Winter.
As to the Climate, Mr. Archdale says of it, Carolina is
the Northern Part of Florida, viz. from 29 Degrees to 36£,
and is indeed the very Center of the habitable Part of the
Northern Hemisphere; for taking it to be habitable from
the Equinoctial to 64 Degrees, the center of Carolina lies in
about 32. which is about the middle of 64, lying Parallel
with the Land of Canaan, and may be called the temperate
Zone comparatively, as not being pester'd with the violent
Heats of the more Southern Colonies, or the Extremes and
violent Colds of the more Northern Settlements. Its Pro
duction answers the Title of Florida, quia Regio est Florida.
Carolina North and South is divided into 6 Counties; of
which two are in North Carolina, Albemarle and Clarendon;
1708] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 361
and four in South, Craven, Berkley, Colliton, and Cartarett
Counties.1
The first is Albemarle County, to the North, bordering on
Virginia. Tis water 'd by Albemarle River; and in this
Part of the Country lies the Island Roanoke, where Philip
Amidas and Arthur Barlow, whom Sir Walter Rawleigh sent
to Virginia, landed. This County may be said to belong to
Virginia, as New England, etc., did, which justifies King
Charles's Grant. When Carolina was first settled, Albemarle
was more planted than any of the other Counties, and con
sisted of near 300 Families. But the Plantations upon Ashley
River in time grew upon it so much, that most of the Planters
here removed thither. This River is full of Creeks on both
Sides of it, which for Breadth deserve the Name of Rivers,
but they do not run far into the Country. At Sandy Point,
it divides it self into two Branches, Noratoke and Notaway;
and in the North Point lives an Indian Nation, call'd the
Mataromogs. Next to Albemarle is Pantegoe River; between
them is Cape Hattoras, mentioned in the History of Virginia.
Next to it is Neuse River. The Coranines, an Indian Nation,
inhabit the Country about Cape Look out.
Next to Albemarle is Clarendon County; in which is the
famous Promontary, call'd Cape Fear, at the Mouth of Claren
don River, call'd also Cape Fear River. Hereabouts, a Colony
from Barbadoes formerly settled. The Indians in this Neigh
bourhood are reckoned the most barbarous of any in the
Province. The next River is nam'd Waterey River, or Win-
yann, about 25 Leagues distant from Ashley River: Tis
capable of receiving large Ships, but inferior to Port Royal,
nor is yet inhabited. There's another small River between
this and Clarendon River call'd Wingon River, and a little
Settlement honour'd with the Name of Charles Town, but so
thinly inhabited, that 'tis not worth taking Notice of. We
come now to South Carolina, which is parted from North by
Zantee River.2 The adjacent Country is call'd,
1 "Des. of Car., p. 6." (Note in original. See p. 288, supra.) The name
of Carteret County was changed to Granville after Archdale's time as governor.
' The Cape Fear River was called the Charles at the time of the settlement of
the Barbadian colony thereon. The Wateree River is a branch of the San tee.
Winyah Bay indents the coast just above the mouth of the Santee. There is no
362 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
Craven County; it is pretty well inhabited by English
and French; of the latter there's a Settlement1 on Zantee
River, and they were very instrumental in the irregular
Election of the Unsteady Assembly. The next River to
Zantee is Sewee River;2 where some Families from New
England settled: And in the Year 1706, the French landing
there, they were vigorously oppos'd by this little Colony;
who beat off the Invaders, having forc'd them to leave many
of their Companions dead behind them. This County sends
10 Members to the Assembly. We now enter
Berkley County, passing still from North to South. The
Northern Parts of this Shire are not planted, but the Southern
are thick of Plantations, on Account of the two great Rivers,
Cooper and Ashley. On the North Coast there's a little River
calFd Bowal River; which, with a Creek, forms an Islands,
and off the Coasts are several Isles, nam'd the Hunting-Islands,
and Sillivant's Isle. Between the latter and Bowal River, is a
Ridge of Hills; which, from the Nature of the Soil, is call'd
the Sand-Hills.3 The River Wando waters the North- West
Parts of this County, and has several good Plantations upon it,
as Col. Daniel's on the South Side, and Col. Dearsby's lower
down on the North. It runs into Cooper River, near the
latter, and they both unite their Streams with Ashley River
at Charles Town. The late Assembly enacted, "That a
Church should be built on the South-East of Wando River,
and another upon the Neck of Land, lying on the North-
West of Wando/7 but we do not see that this Act was obey'd.4
Charles Town, the Capital of this Province, is built on a
such river as the Wingon between Winyah and North Carolina. Two rivers
run into Winyah Bay from that territory: the Peedee and the Waccamaw.
There was no Charles Town then in Carolina other than that between the Ashley
and Cooper rivers. The Barbadian settlement on the Cape Fear had been called
by that name, but it had been abandoned before the Ashley River settlement was
effected.
1 On this French settlement, James Town, see Mr. H. A. M. Smith in The
South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, IX. 220-227.
3 Seewee is not a river, but a bay.
3 There is no river in that quarter and there are no such sandhills as are here
described. All of the coastal islands just to the northward of Charleston are
sandy and the wind piles this sand into dunes, but there are no hills near that
coast.
4 Churches were built in both parishes about that time.
1708] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 363
Neck of Land between Ashley and Cooper Rivers, but lying
most on Cooper River, having a Creek on the North Side, and
another on the South. It lies in 32 Deg. 40 Min. N. Lat.
2 Leagues from the Sea. It is the only free Port in the Prov
ince, which is a great Discouragement to it, and a vast Injury
to Trade: "'Tis fortify'd more for Beauty than Strength."
It has 6 Bastions, and a Line all round it. Towards Cooper
River are Blake's Bastion, Granville Bastion, a Half Moon, and
Craven Bastion. On the South Creek are the Pallisades, and
Ashley Bastion; on the North a Line; and facing Ashley
River are Colliton Bastion, Johnson's cover'd Half-Moon, with
a Draw-bridge in the Line, and another in the Half-Moon,
Carterett Bastion is next to it. If all these Works are well
made, and can be well mann'd, we see no Reason why they
should not defend as well as beautify the Town; which is a
Market Town, and thither the whole product of the Province
is brought for Sale. Neither is its Trade inconsiderable; for
it deals near 1000 Miles into the Continent: However, 'tis
unhappy in a Bar, that admits no Ships above 200 Tuns. Its
Situation is very inviting, and the Country about it agreeable
and fruitful: The High- ways extremely delightful, especially
that call'd Broad-way, which for three or four Miles make a
Road and Walk so pleasantly green, that,1 says my Author, I
believe no Prince in Europe, by all his Art, can make so
pleasant a Sight for the whole Year. There are several fair
Streets in the Town, and some very handsome buildings; as
Mr. Landgrave Smith's House on the Key, with a Drawbridge
and Wharf before it; Col. Rhett's on the Key: also Mr.
Boon's, Mr. Loggan's, Mr. Schinking's, and 10 or 12 more,
which deserve to be taken Notice of. As for publick Edifices,
the Church is most remarkable : 'Tis large and stately enough;
but the Number of the Professors of the Anglicane Worship
encreasing daily, the Auditory begin to want Room, and
another Church. This is dedicated to St. Philip; and by the
Act, which appointed the High Commission Court, 'twas
enacted, "That Charles Town, and the Neck between Cooper
and Ashley River, as far up as the Plantation of John Bird,
Gent, on Cooper River, inclusive, is, and from henceforth shall
for ever be a distinct Parish, by the Name of St. Philip's in
1 "Archd., p. 9.'" (Note in original. See p. 290, supra.)
364 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
Charles Town;" and the Church and Csemetry then in this
Town were enacted to be the Parish Church and Church-
Yard of St. Philip's in Charles Town. Mr. Williams was the
first Church of England Minister in Carolina: A Person of
whom since Mr. Marston has said so much, we shall say no
more. One Mr. Warmel was sent over after him. The
Reverend Mr. Samuel Marshal was the first established Minister
at Charles Town; and his Successor was Mr. Edward Marston,
the present Rector of St. Philip's; he came over seven Years
ago. Mr. Kendal, Minister of Bermudas, was invited to this
Colony; and Mr. Corbin, an Acquaintance of Mr. Marston's,
coming by chance, he got him settl'd in this Province.
The Society for Propagating the Gospel sent over one
Mr. Thomas, to convert the Roman Catholick Indians; but.
he did not obey his Mission.1 On the contrary, 'twas by his
Influence on some Men of Interest here, that Mr. Kendal was
displaced: Upon which he went distracted.
Mr. Warmell was also us'd so ill by him, that he also
dy'd distracted; and Mr. Corbin was forc'd to leave the
Colony, by the causeless Quarrels of the Inhabitants; in which
the Dissenters had the least Hand. 'Twas by their Procure
ment that the 150/. a Year, etc., was settled on the Orthodox
Minister of this Church. The Church stands near the cover'd
Half Moon.
There 's a Publick Library in this Town, and a Free-School
has been long talk'd of: Whether founded or not, we have
not learn'd. The Library is kept by the Minister for the
time being. It owes its Rise to Dr. Thomas Bray; as do
most of the American Libraries, for which he zealously solicited
Contributions in England.
Not far off, by Cartarett Bastion, is the Presbyterian
Meeting-house; of which Mr. Archibald Stobe is Minister.2
Between Colliton and Ashley Bastion is the Anabaptist Meet
ing-house, Mr. William Screven Minister. The French Church
1 "See Mr. Marston's Letter to Dr. Stanhope, Part 2, Case of Dissent., p.
58." (Note in original.) The contemporaneous records on both sides of the
ocean show Rev. Samuel Thomas to have been a splendid man, whose work in
South Carolina was of great benefit to the people. The statement that he caused
these two ministers to die distracted is absurd.
a Archibald Stobo, an ancestor of former President Roosevelt.
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PLAN OF CHARLES TOWN, BY EDWARD CI
From a copy of Ramsay's " History of South Carolina," in the N
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BY EDWARD CRISP, 1704
Carolina," in the New York Public Library
1708] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 365
is in the Chief Street : Besides which there is a Quakers Meet
ing-house, in the Suburbs of it, properly so call'd, on the other
Side of the Draw-bridge, in the Half Moon, toward Ashley
River.
To the Southward is the Watch-house; and the most
noted Plantations in the Neighbourhood of Charles Town,
are Ferguson's, Underwood's, Gilbertson and Garnett's.
We may see by this Description that the Town is full of
Dissenters, and would flourish more, were not the Inhabitants
uneasy under the Government there. For one may imagine
they who fled from England, to avoid Persecution, cannot be
well pleas'd to meet with it in America; or to cross the Atlan-
tick, to live under Oppression abroad, while their Relations
and Friends at home enjoy all the blessings of a peaceful and
gentle Administration.
There are at least 250 Families in this Town, most of
which are numerous, and many of them have 10 or 12 Children
in each; in the whole amounting to about 3000 souls.
In Charles Town the Governour generally resides, the
Assembly sit, the Courts of Judicature are held, the Publick
Offices are kept, and the Business of the Province is transacted.
The Neck of Land between Cooper and Ashley Rivers
is about 4 Miles over; and the Banks of both of these are
well planted. The chief Settlements on Cooper River are
Mathew's, Green's, Gray's, Starkey's, GrimbolPs, Dickeson's,
and Izard's; the latter on Turkey Creek. About a Mile from
thence is the mouth of Goose-Creek, which is also very well
planted. Here Mr. William Corbin above-mention'd liv'd,
and had a Congregation of Church of England Men; and one
of the Churches propos'd to be built by the Assembly which
pass'd the two fatal Acts we have spoken of, was to be erected.1
Mr. Thomas, a Missionary sent by the Society before-
mention'd, settled here, by Capt. How's and Col. Moor's Sollic-
itations; as did Mr. Stackhouse, and the Reverend Dr. Lejau.
Mr. Marston in his Letter to the Reverend Dr. Stanhope,
accuses Mr. Thomas of being the Occasion of the ill Usage
that made Mr. Kendal run distracted. He Complains he never
1 There had been a church there so early as 1702. The new church was
commenced soon after the passage of the Church Act of 1706 and was finished
about 1711. It still stands— one of the oldest church edifices in America.
366 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
had University Education, saying. That the best Service
your Society can do this young Man, Mr. Thomas, is, to
maintain him a few Years at one of our Universities, where
he may better learn the Principles and Government of the
Church of England, etc., and some other useful Learning,
which I am afraid he wants.
Sir John Yeaman's, and Mr. Landgrave Bellenger's Plan
tations are here; as also Col. Gibbs's, Mr. Schinking's, and
Colliton's Company. Between this and Back River are Col.
Moor's and Col. Quarry's plantations.
Back River falls into Cooper River, about 2 Miles above
Goose Creek, and its Western Branch a little higher. Here
another Church was proposed to be built. The most noted
Plantations are Capt. Comming's, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson's,
bordering on the Barony of Mr. Thomas Colliton.
We must now take a View of Ashley River, where we
first meet with Mr. Landgrave West's Plantation on one
side,1 and Col. Gibbs's on the other. Mr. Baden's over against
Col. Godfrey's; Mr. Simond's opposite to Dr. Trevillian's; and
Mr. Pendarvis's to Mr. West's, Mr. Colliton's to Mr. Marshal's,
and others, almost contiguous.
This Part of the Country belongs to the Lord Shaftesbury.
On the South-West of Ashley River is the great Savana.
One of the Churches intended to be erected in this County,
was to have been built on Ashley River.
Dorchester is in this Shire, bordering on Colliton County.
'Tis a small Town, containing about 350 Souls. There 's a
Meet ing-House belonging to the Independants, the Pastor of
which is Mr. John Lord.2 Next to it is Stono River, which
divides Berkley from Colliton County, To which we must now
proceed, observing only that Berkley County sends ten Mem
bers to the Assembly. The same does,
Colliton County; which Stono River waters, and is join'd
1 Landgrave Joseph West had long since died. On March 7, 1691/2, Miles
Forster, of the " Citty of New Yorke Merchant Sole Executor of the Last Will and
Testament of Joseph West, Esq late of the sd. Citty deceased and formerly of
South Carolina" executed a power of attorney to Thomas Smith of South Caro
lina to recover all property belonging to West's estate in South Carolina. (Rec
ords of the Register of the Province of South Carolina, 2, 200-201.)
* See p. 196. note 1, supra.
1708] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 367
by a Cut,1 near Mr. Blake's Plantation, to Wadmoolaw River.
The North-East Parts of this Division of the Province is full
of Indian Settlements; and the Stono and other Rivers, form
an Island, calPd Boone's Island, a little below Charles Town,
which is well planted and inhabited. The two chief Rivers
in this County are North Edistow, and South Edistow. At
the Mouth of the Latter is Col. Paul GrimbolPs Plantation;
and for two or three Miles up the River, the Plantations are
thick on both sides, as they continue for three or four Miles
higher on the North-side, and branching there, the River
meets with the North Edistow.
Two Miles higher is Wilton, by some call'd New London,
a little Town, consisting of about 80 Houses.2 Landgrave
Moreton, Mr. Blake, Mr. Boon, Landgrave Axtel, and other
considerable Planters, have Settlements in this Neighbourhood,
which is Sir John Colliton's Precinct.
A Church was to have been built on the South-side of
the Stono, had that Project gone on, and the Act taken effect.
This County has 200 Freeholders, that vote in Election for
Parliament Men. There 's an Orthodox Church in this Pre
cinct, of which Mr. Williams is Minister.
Carterett County is not yet inhabited, but is generally
esteem'd to be the most fruitful and pleasant Part of the
Province; this and Colliton County are distinguish^ from
the other by the Name of the Southward. In it is the great
River Cambage, which joining with the River May, forms
with the Sea Island Edelano.3
The country upon the River May was inhabited by the
Westoes, an Indian Nation already mentioned. There's a
pleasant Lake and Valley in it; and the first English that
came to Carolina, thought of settling hereabouts; but the
Indians advis'd them to the contrary, because the Harbour
of Port Royal was the finest in Florida, and would have
tempted the Spaniards to disturb them.
1 New Cut.
2 See Mr. H. A. M. Smith's article on Willtown or New London in The
South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, X. 20-32.
3 There was no river Cambage. Possibly the Combahee was meant, but
that does not unite with what was then called the May (Savannah). There was
no Island Edelano. It is difficult to tell whether the writer meant Edisto Island
or St. Helena Island. In either case he was wrong.
368 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
The Scots settled here, under the Lord Cardross, but
were soon forc'd to abandon their Settlements, as has been
elsewhere hinted. Port Royal River lies 20 Leagues from
Ashley River, to the South, in 31 Degrees, 45 Minutes, North
Latitude. It has a bold Entrance, 17 Foot low Water on the
Bar. The Harbour is large, commodious, and safe for Ship
ping, and runs into a fine fruitful Country, preferable to the
other Parts of Carolina. It spends its self, by various
Branches, into other large Rivers. This Port is not 200
Miles from Augustino, and would be a great Curb to the
Spaniards there, where their Settlement is not very consid
erable.
Next to it is the River of May, and then San Mattseo;
which is the last of any Note in the English Florida, a Name
this Province highly deserves.
The Air of this Country is healthy, and Soil fruitful,1 of a
sandy Mould, which near the Sea appears ten times more
barren than it proves to be. There's a vast Quantity of
Vines in many Parts on the Coasts, bearing abundance of
Grapes, where one would wonder they should get Nourish
ment. Within Land the Soil is more mix'd with a black
ish Mould, and its Foundation generally Clay, good for
Bricks.
Its Products are the chief Trade of the Inhabitants, who
send it abroad, according as the Market offers; and 'tis in
demand in America or Europe. But the Chief Commerce
from hence is to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leward Islands.
Yet their Trade to England is very much encreas'd; for not
withstanding all the Discouragements the People lie under,
seventeen Ships came last Year, laden from Carolina, with
Rice, Skins, Pitch, and Tar, in the Virginia Fleet, besides
stragling Ships.
Its principal Commodities are Provisions, as Beef, Pork,
Corn, Pease, Butter, Tallow, Hides, Tann'd Leather, Hogs
head and Barrel Staves, Hoops, Cotton, Silk; besides what
they send for England. Their Timber Trees, Fruit Trees,
Plants, and Animals, are much the same with those in Virginia;
in which History may be seen a large Account of them: But
1 "Arch., p. 8." (Note in original. See p. 288, supra.)
1708] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 369
since Mr. Archdale has been a little particular in his, and has
added a short Description of the Natives, etc., we will com
municate what he says to the reader.1
'Tis beautify'd with odoriferous Woods, Green all the Year;
as Pine, Cedar, and Cypress. 'Tis naturally fertile, and easy to
manure. Were the Inhabitants industrious, Riches would flow in
upon them; for I am satisfy'd, a Person with 500/. discreetly laid
out in England, and again prudently manag'd in Carolina, shall in
a few Years live in as much Plenty, as a Man of 300/. a Year in
England; and if he continues careful, not covetous, shall increase
to great Riches, as many there are already Witnesses, and many
more might have been, if Luxury and Intemperance had not ended
their Days.
As to the Air, 'tis always serene, and agreeable to any Constitu
tions, as the first Planters experienced. There's seldom any raging
Sickness, but what is brought from the southern Colonies; as the
late Sickness was, which rag'd, A. D. 1706. and carry 'd off abun
dance of People in Charles Town, and other Places.
Intemperance also has occasioned some Distempers. What
may properly be said to belong to the Country is, to have some gentle
Touches of Agues and Fevers in July and August, especially to new
Comers. It has a Winter-Season, to beget a new Spring. I was
there, adds my Author, at twice, five Years, and had no Sickness,
but what I got by a careless violent Cold; and indeed I perceiv'd
that the Fevers and Agues were generally gotten by Carelesness in
Cloathing, or Intemperance.
Everything generally grows there that will grow in any part of
Europe, their being already many sorts of Fruits, as Apples, Pears,
Apricocks, Nectarines, etc. They that once tast of them, will de
spise the watry washy Tast of those in England. There's such
Plenty of them, that they are given to the Hogs. In 4 or 5 Years
they come from a Stone to be bearing Trees.
All sorts of Grain thrive in Carolina, as Wheat, Barley, Peas,
etc. And I have measur'd some Wheat-ears 7 or 8 of our Inches
long. It produces the best Rice in the known World, which is a
good Commodity for returns Home; as is also Pitch, Tar, Buck,
Doe, Bear Skins, and Furs, though the last not so good as the
Northern Colonies.
It has already such Plenty of Provisions, that it in a gree*
measure furnishes Barbadoes, Jamaica, etc. There are vast Num
bers of wild Ducks, Geese, Teal; and the Sea and Rivers abound
1 "P. 9, p. 7." (Note in original. See pp. 290, 291, 288, 289, 291, supra.)
370 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
in Fish. That which makes Provisions so cheap, is the Shortness
of the Winter: For having no need to mow for Winter Fodder, they
can apply their Hands in raising other Commodities.
The Rivers are found to be more navigable than was at first
believ'd; and t'was then prudently contrived, not to settle on the
most navigable; but on Ashley and Cooper River, those Entrances
are not so bold as the others; so that Enemies and Pirates have
been disheartened in their Designs to disturb that Settlement.
The new Settlers have now great Advantages over the first
Planters, since they can be supply'd with Stocks of Cattle and Corn
at reasonable Rates.
I shall conclude this Account of Carolina, with an Extract
of a Letter from thence, from a Person of Credit; in whose
Words I communicate it to the Publick: He Speaks of the
Southward.
The many Lakes we have up and down breed a Multitude of
Geese, and other Water-Fowl. All along Port-Royal River, and
in all this part of Carolina, the Air is so temperate, and the Seasons
of the Year so regular, that there's no Excess of Heat or Cold,
nor any troublesome Variety of Weather: For tho there is every
Year a kind of Winter, yet it is both shorter and milder than at
Ashley or Cooper River; and passes over insensibly, as if there
was no Winter at all. This sweet Temperature of Air, causes the
Banks of this River to be covered with various Kinds of lovely Trees;
which being perpetually green, present a thousand Landskips to the
Eye, so fine, and so diversify'd, that the Sight is entirely charm'd
with them. The ground is very low in most Places near the River;
but rises gradually, at a distance, with little Hills, adjoining to
fruitful Plains, all cover'd with Flowers, without so much as a Tree
to interrupt the Prospect. Beyond these are beautiful Vales,
cloath'd with green Herbs, and a continual Verdure, caus'd by the
refreshing Rivulets that run through them. There are a great
many Thickets, which produce abundance of Simples. The
Indians make use of them for the Cure of their Diseases. There
are also Sarsaparilla, Cassia Trees, Gumms, and Rosin, very good
for Wounds and Bruises; and such a prodigious Quantity of
Honey, which the Bees make every where, that the Store of it is
not to be exhausted. Of this they make excellent Spirits, and
Mead as good as Malaga Sack.1 The Bees swarm five or six
times. There's a kind of Tree, from which there runs an Oil of
1 Sherry.
1708] OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE 371
extraordinary Virtue, for the Curing Wounds. And another
Tree, which yields a Balm, thought to be scarce inferior to that of
Mecca.
Silk is come to a great Improvement here, some Families
making 40 or 50 Pound a Year, and their Plantation Work
not neglected, their little Negro Children being serviceable
in feeding the Silk- Worms. And we must do Sir Nathaniel
Johnson the Justice, to own he has been the principal Promoter
of this Improvement, as also of Vineyards. He makes yearly
3 or 400Z. in Silk only.
But 'tis objected, Since the Climate is so proper, since
Grapes are so plentiful, and the Wine they make so good,
why is there not more of it? Why do we not see some of it?
To which I answer, That the Inhabitants either think
they can turn their Hands to a more profitable Culture, or
impose upon us in their Reports; for I would not think
them so weak, as to neglect making good Wine, and enough
of it, if they could, and thought it worth their while.
They manufacture their Silk with Wool, and make Drug
gets. The French Protestants have set up a Linnen Manu
facture; and good Romalls1 are made here.
A French Dancing-Master settling in Craven County,
taught the Indians Country-Dances, to play on the Flute
and Hautboit, and got a good Estate; for it seems the Bar
barians encourag'd him with the same Extravagance, as we
do the Dancers, Singers, and Fidlers, his Countrymen.
Tho we have said enough of the Virginian Indians, who
are much the same with the Carolinian; yet since we find Mr.
Archdale speaks of them in particular, let the Reader see
what he has said of 'em.
Providence was visible in thinning the Indians, to make Room
for the English. There were two potent Nations, the Westoes and
Sarannas, who broke out into an usual Civil War before the Eng
lish arriv'd; and from many Thousands reduced themselves to a
small Number. The most cruel of them, the Westoes, were driven
out of the Province; and the Sarannas continued good Friends, and
useful Neighbours to the English. It pleas'd God also to send
1 Kerchiefs or small shawls.
372 NARRATIVES OF EARLY CAROLINA [1708
unusual Sicknesses among them; as the Small-Pox, etc.1 The Pem-
lico Indians in North Carolina, were lately swept away by a Pesti
lence; and the Caranine, by War. The Natives are somewhat
tawny, occasioned chiefly by oiling their Skins, and by the naked
rays of the Sun. They are generally streight body'd, comely in
Person, quick of Apprehension, and great Hunters; by which they
are not only very serviceable, by killing Deer, to procure Skins for
Trade with us; but those that live in Country-Plantations procure
of them the whole Deer's Flesh, and they will bring it many Miles
for the Value of about 6d. and a wild Turkey of 40 Pound, for the
Value of 2d.
They have learn'd one of their worst Vices of the English,
which is, Drinking; and that occasions Quarrels among them,
one of which we have mentioned in the time of Mr. Archdale's
Government. As to what he would excite us, to their Con
version to Christianity, 'tis a Project which, like a great many
other very good ones, we rather wish than hope to see effected.
Mr. Thomas was sent to instruct the Yammosees in the
Christian Religion, and had an Allowance of 50Z. a year from
the before-mentioned Society, besides other Allowances: But
finding it an improper Season, his Mission is respited; the
Reason is, those Indians revolted to the English from the
Spaniards; and not being willing to embrace Christianity, 'tis
fear'd they would return to their old Confederates, if any
means were made use of to that purpose.
This Country is in a very flourishing Condition; the
Families are very large, in some are 10 or 12 Children; and
the Number of Souls in all is computed to be 12000. The
Children are set to Work at 8 Years old. The ordinary Women
take care of Cows, Hogs, and other small Cattle, make Butter
and Cheese, spin Cotton and Flax, help to sow and reap
Corn, wind Silk from the Worms, gather Fruit, and look
after the House. 7Tis pity this People should not be easy in
their Government; for all their Industry, all the Advantages
of the Climate, Soil, and Situation for Trade, will be useless
to them, if they live under Oppression; and Pennsylvania
will have no occasion to complain, that she tempts away her
Inhabitants; being a new Beauty, a fairer, and consequently a
powerful Rival.
1 "P. 2, 3." (Note in original. See pp. 285, 289, supra.)
1708]
OLDMIXON'S BRITISH EMPIRE
373
We shall conclude this History and Account of Carolina,
with a List of the present Proprietaries, and chief Officers of
this Colony.
William Lord Craven,
Henry Duke of Beaufort,
The Honourable Maurice
Ashley, Esq; Brother to
the Earl of Shaftsbury,
John Lord Cartarett,
Sir John Colliton, Baronet,
Joseph Blake, Esq;
John Archdale, Esq;
Nicholas Trott, Esq;
Proprietaries.
Sir Nath. Johnson, Governour, sallary 200Z. a Year.
Col. James Moor,
Col. Thomas Brought on,
Col. Rob. Gibbs,
Mr. Nich. Trott,
Mr. - . Ward,
Mr. Hen. Noble,
Counsellors.
Speaker of the Assembly, William Rhett, Esq.
The Secretary, - Ward, Esq; his Salary 60Z. a Year.
The Chief Justice, Mr. Trott, 60Z.
The Judge of the Admiralty-Court, Col. James Moor, 4QL
Surveyor General, -- How, Esq; 40Z.
Attorney General, Col. James Moor, 60£.
Receiver General, the same, 60Z.
Naval Officer, Mr. Trott, 40Z.
Collector of the Customs, Col. Thomas Broughton.
Agent for the Colony in England, Mr. Joseph Boone.
INDEX
Abaco, wreck near, 111.
Abrahall, Richard, 85; testimonial
relative to Sandford's explorations,
108.
Adventure, ship, 33.
Albemarle, George, Duke of, patent
granted to, 33, 287.
Albemarle, ship, wreck of the, 111.
Albemarle County, 166; description
of, 361.
Albemarle Point, location, 120 n;
West's narrative of events at, 112;
see also Charles Town.
Allibone's Dictionary of American Au
thors, 36.
Alumni Oxonienses, by Foster, 179 n.
Alush, 40, 90, 101, 116 n.
America, discovery of, 286-287.
America, by John Ogilby, 139 n.
America, Winsor's Narrative and Criti
cal History of, 29 n.
American Historical Review, 180, 215 n.
Amory, Jonathan, speaker, 299, 335.
Amy, Thomas, 338; received share in
Carolina from Seth Sothell, 308 n.
Andrews, Charles M., Colonial Self-
Government, 180.
Anne, Queen, bounty, 214, 214 n.
Apachancano, see Opechancanough.
Apalachicola River, 133 n.
Apalachicoloes, 336.
Apalachites, 321.
Appamattuck guide, see Pyancha.
Aranjuez y Cotes, Don Alonso, Gover
nor of Florida, 54.
Archdale, Gov. John, 204 n, 307; op
poses the passage of the Exclusion
Act, 259, 259 n; claim to governor
ship, 279, 335; sale of Berkeley's
share to, 279; establishes harmony
in South Carolina, 279; pamphlet
printed, 280-281 ; New Description of
that Fertile and Pleasant Province of
Carolina, 282-310; introduction to
readers, 282-283; comments on the
Exclusion Act, 283; remarks on
Divine Providence, 284-285; sketch
of the discovery of America by Co
lumbus, 286-287; comments on the
propagation of the Gospel, 293, 294;
entrusted with mission to South
Carolina, 296, 297; letter of the
Carolina Assembly to, 297; letter of
thanks from the Commons in Charles
Town, 298-299; letter relative to
transportation of New Englanders
to South Carolina, 299-300; letter
to the Spanish governor, 300-301;
returns to England, 302; efforts to
pacify Dissenters and Churchmen,
305; comments on government of
Carolina, 307; advice relative to
conditions in Carolina, 308-309;
comments on the silk industry in
Carolina, 310; Parliament presents
address of thanks to, 335; settles
differences between the English and
Spanish Indians, 335-336; opposes
ratification of bill against Dissenters,
353.
Arguelles, Capt. Alonso de, letters from,
53-54, 56-57.
Arratommakaw, King of the Yani-
oseaves, conduct in the expedition
against St. Augustine, 344.
Arx Carolina, see Fort Charles.
Ash, John, 252; presents petition rela
tive to election abuses, 258, 268, 274,
345, 349; The Present State of Affairs
in Carolina, 269-276; objection to
election of Governor Morton, 269;
election of Governor Moore, 269;
Moore's plan to gain the Indian
trade, 270, 270 n, 271 n; the As
sembly dissolved, 270, 270 n.; elec
tion abuses, 271, 271 n.; Moore's
plan to take St. Augustine, 272;
results of expedition, 273; various
riots under Moore's governorship,
273-274; appointed to present peti-
375
376
INDEX
tion, 274; extortions practised, 275;
proposes confirmation of the Funda
mental Constitutions, 341-342.
Ashby, John, 350.
Ashe, Thomas, Carolina, or a De
scription of the Present State of that
Country, 138-158; first discovery of
the country, 138; object of going to
Carolina, 140; derivation of the
name Carolina, 140; settlements at
Fort Charles, 141, 141 n.; descrip
tion of the country, 141-142; variety
of trees, 142-143; the cultivation of
silk, 143; vineyards, 144; building
material, 144; roots and herbs, 144-
145; vegetables, grain and tobacco,
145-147; other productions de
scribed, 148-149; cattle and game,
150-155; minerals, 155-156; de
scription of the natives, 156-157;
settlement of Charles Town, 157-
158.
Ashepoo River, 92 n., 96, 96 n.
Ashley, Lord, see Shaftesbury, Earl of.
Ashley Barony, 128 n.
Ashley River, 94 n.; location, 106-
107; Mr. Carteret's Relation of their
Planting at Ashley River, 116-120.
Ashley River settlement, 94, 94 n.;
beginning of, 112, 166; climate, 168;
founding of a church, 195, 196, 197;
productions, 168.
Axtell, Lady Rebecca, entertains Elder
William Pratt, 195, 195 n.
Bahama Islands, 124; West's explora
tion party wrecked on the, 111.
Bandoleer, 41 n.
Barbados Adventurers, Corporation of
the, 34.
Barbados, important colony, 33; Hil
ton's exploration party returns to,
53.
Barony, definition of, 128 n., 295 n.
Barrow, Robert, 301, 336.
Barton, Thomas, 350.
Baskerville, Hannibal, 179.
Bath, John, Earl of, 338; eldest Pro
prietor, 232 n.
Beamer, Mrs., 197 n.
Bellinger, Landgrave Edmund, 349;
attempts to suppress riot, 346, 347.
Beresford, Richard, 350; votes for,
271 n.
Berkeley, Lord (John Berkeley), patent
granted to, 33, 287.
Berkeley, Sir William, 8, 8 n.; letters
patent granted to, 33; death, 279.
Berkeley Bay, named, 85.
Berkeley County, 332, 366; descrip
tion of, 362.
Berkeley Island, named, 15.
Bermuda, sloop obtained at, to replace
the Port Royal, 111.
Birds of South Carolina, by A. T.
Wayne, 151 n.
Blair, Rev. John, sent out as mission
ary to North Carolina, 213; hazard
ous journey, 214; arrival in Virginia,
214; ordination, 214; preachings
and baptisms, 215; maintenance,
216; different religious sects, 216;
difficulties of labor, 217; distances
between settlements, 217; account
of the Indians, 217-218; prisoner
of war in France, 218.
Blake, Benjamin, 295, 295 n.; arrival
in Carolina, 331.
Blake, Elizabeth (Axtell), 250 n., let
ter relative to conditions in Carolina,
250-252.
Blake, Gov. Joseph, 196, 196 n., 260 n.,
268; appointed deputy governor of
South Carolina, 204, 204 n.; rule
in South Carolina, 280; purchases
share of Lord Berkeley, 302 n.;
succeeds Governor Archdale, 302,
302 n., 338, 338 n.; procures main
tenance for Church of England min
ister, 306, 338; Proprietor of Caro
lina, 307; death, 221, 267, 338.
Bland, Edward, pamphlet of, 3-4;
title-page of the original pamphlet,
5; Discovery of New Brittaine, 5-19,
23; permission granted to make
discoveries, 7; exploring party meets
Indians, 8-9; invited to home of
Oyeocker, 9; visited by Chounter-
ounte, 9; Indian tells them of dan
gers, 10; journey to Meherrin, 10-11;
Indians at Meherrin entertain, 11;
sends message to Tuscarora Indians,
11; leaves Meherrin, 12; journey to
Roanoke River, 12-13; arrival at
river, 14; kindness of Indians, 14-
15; names rivers, etc., 15; Oye
ocker refuses to lead, 16; names
New Brittaine, 16; reaches Brew-
INDEX
377
ster's River, 17; treachery of Ind
ians to, 17-19; dealings with Oc-
connosquay, 17; returns to Meherrin,
18; arrival at Fort Henry, 19.
Blandina River, named, 15; descrip
tion of, 16-17.
Blandina River Indians, treachery of
Appachancano, 16.
Blome, Richard, Description of the
Island of Jamaica, 139, 139n.; Pres
ent State of His Majesty's Isles and
Territories in America, 139 n, 163.
Blowers, Pyam, reward for discoveries
on the Carolina coast, 57.
Board of Trade, report to, by Edward
Randolph, 203.
Boone, Joseph, petition presented by,
247, 264 n., 353, 354; comments
by Daniel Defoe, 258-260; appointed
on the commission to decide dif
ferences between the English and the
Indians, 329; assault on, 346.
Bowell, Edward, imprisoned by Span
iards, 205.
Bray, Rev. Dr. Thomas, 215, 215 n.,
364.
Brayne, Henry, 85, placed in command
of vessel by Sandford, 86; biographi
cal sketch, 86 n.; meets Sandford,
101; testimonial relative to Sand-
ford's explorations, 108; letter to
Lord Ashley, 124 n.
Brayne Sound, 100.
Braziletto, 124 n.
Brewster, Sackford, 3, 5, 8, 19.
Brewster's Island, named, 13.
Brewster's Point, named, 15.
Brewster's River, named, 13.
British Empire in America, The His
tory of the, by John Oldmixon, 315.
Broad River, 100 n.
Broughton, Col. Thomas, 256, 350;
votes for, 271 n.
Buckley, John, votes for, 271 n.
Bull, Col. Stephen, 336; votes for,
271 n.; tale relative to the Indians,
301-302.
Bull's Bay, 117 n.
Bull's Island, Beaufort County, 103 n.
Burnet, Bishop Gilbert, 283.
Burnham, Dr. Charles, votes for, 271 n.
Cabot, Sebastian, 165 n., furnished
with ships, 287, 317; expedition to
Florida coast, 287, 288; discovery of
Carolina, 157.
Cacores, description of, 27-28.
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial,
1661-1668, 67 n., 77 n., 78 n., 79,
80 n.
Calibogue Sound, exploration of, 103,
103 n.
Caouitas, 133, 133 n.
Cape Carteret (Romain), 111, 113,
116.
Cape Fear Indians, treatment of the
English, 302; treatment by other
Indians, 302.
Cape Fear River, 33; Hilton explores
country around, 34; description of
the sail of Hilton's party up, 45-49;
purchase of the river and land, 52;
description of the country around,
67-68, 68-70; settlement made, 77;
casting away of an English vessel on,
302.
Cardross, Lord (Henry Erskine), settle
ment made by, 292, 292 n., 333;
returns to Scotland, 333.
Caribby Islands, History of thet by
John Davies, 320 n.
Carlisle Bay, 53.
Carolina, Province of, brief description
published in London, 65; location,
66-67, 141, 165, 288, 360; source of
name, 66, 88, 140, 140 n., 319, 319 n.;
climate, 141, 168-169, 288, 290-291,
360; soil, 141-142, 290, 368; trees,
142-143, 144, 170, 290; silk indus
try, 143, 143 n., 310; vineyards, 144,
174-175; roots and herbs, 144-145;
gardens, 145; grain, 146; vegetables,
146; indigo, 147, 147 n.; tobacco,
147, 147 n.; ambergris, 148-149;
cattle and game, 149-150, 170, 171-
172, 289; birds, 150-151; fire-flies,
151-152; fish, 152-155, 171; pro
ductions and commodities, 175-176,
288-289, 368; rivers, 291, 361, 361 n.
362, 362 n., 370; charter granting
extension of boundaries, 33; excur
sions into, letter of Francis Yeardley
relative to, 25-29; expedition to ex
plore coast, 33-35; grant for the
province, 33; Hilton's expedition
reaches coast, 34; inducements to
settle in, 35; terms to subscribers of
the expedition fund, 35; rewards for
378
INDEX
discoveries made in, 57-58; pro
posals made to the first settlers,
57-61; grants to settlers, 71-73,
158, 173, 322; formal possession
taken by Sandford, 88; map of, 139;
settlement by the French, 140, 141,
141 n.; natives and their customs,
156, 172-173, 289; letters patent,
165; power of the Lords Proprietors,
165-166; method of obtaining land,
173-174; letters of Thomas Newe
relative to conditions in, 181-187;
constitution, 225, 227-233; address
to the Proprietors from Colleton
County, 236-248; petition from
certain freeholders, 248-250; letter
from Elizabeth Blake relative to
conditions in, 250-252; act against
the Dissenters, 253-256, 256 n.;
election abuses and contests, 271,
271 n., 272 n., 341, 345; first dis
coveries of, 287; provisions for
transportation and settlement, 288,
326; advantages of trade with, 292;
propagation of the gospel, 293, 294,
311, 311 n., 322; powers and officers
of the government, 294-295; diffi
culties and dangers of the govern
ment, 295; governors, 295, 296, 334;
to be made a bulwark to the colonies,
306; names of Proprietors, 307;
comments by Governor J. Archdale,
307; advice of the governor relative
to conditions in, 308-309; repealing
of injurious acts, 311; expeditions
sent by Admiral Coligny, 318, 319;
arrival of Rene* Laudonniere, 319;
expedition of Captain De Gourgues,
320; conflict between French and
Spanish under Ribaut and Laudon
niere, 320; description of, before the
English settlement, 321; patent
granted the Earl of Clarendon, 322;
powers given to the Proprietors,
322-323; conduct of the Proprietors,
323; religious toleration, 324; Con
stitutions drawn up by the Pro
prietors, 324; Palatine's powers,
324-325: Fundamental Constitutions,
325-326; division of, 326, 360; Ash
ley River settlement, 327, 327 n.;
Captain Halsted sent with provisions,
327; form of government, 327;
aaodel of a town, 328; date of tem
porary laws, 328; differences be
tween Proprietors and planters, 329;
counties, 332, 360-361, 362, 365, 366-
367; settlement of the Scots in,
333; new form of government drawn
up, 334; no vindication for disorders
in, 340; act establishing the Church
of England, 350; illegality of the
Church Act of 1704, 352; repeal of
act, 354; address to the Queen in
behalf of, 355-356; Assembly dis
solved, 357; Assembly disowned by
the governor, 358; list of Proprietors
and chief officers, 373; Account of
the Province of Carolina, 139 n.;
Carolina, or a Description of the
Present State of that Country, by
Thomas Ashe, 138-158; Descrip
tion of Carolina, 331, 333 n.; The
Humble Address, etc. Relating to
the Province of Carolina, 264 n.;
The Present State of Affairs in Caro
lina, 345; see also North Carolina;
South Carolina.
Carolina, ship, 111; letter of Governor
Sayle relating to expedition of, 122-
124.
Carroll, B. R., Historical Collections of
South Carolina, 163, 281, 316.
Carteret, Sir George, patent granted
to, 33, 288.
Carteret, James, appointed Land
grave, 327.
Carteret, Lord, see Granville, Lord.
Carteret, Nicholas, narrative relative
to the settlement at Ashley River,
112; biographical sketch, 116 n.;
Relation of their Planting at Ashley
River, 116-120; kind reception by
the Indians, 117; landing on Bull's
Island, 117; trade with the Indians,
117, 119; food prepared by the Ind
ian women, 117; arrival at Port
Royal River, 118; goes with Captain
Brayne to explore channel, 118-119;
whales found in river, 119; descrip
tion of St. Helena, 119.
Carteret County, description of, 367.
Cartwright, Sir George, see Carteret,
Sir George.
Gary, Capt. George, 85; accompanies
Sandford on visit to Edisto, 90-91;
testimonial relative to Sandford 's ex
plorations, 108.
INDEX
379
Gary Island, named, 96, 96 n.; situa
tion, 98.
Cassiques, of the Indians, 90-104,
passim; under the Proprietors, 294.
Castell, W., A Short Discoverie of the
Coasts and Continent of America, 317
n., 321 n.
Chaplin's Island, 98 n.
Charles I., King of England, grants
Carolina to Heath, 3, 319 n.
Charles II., King of England, grants
patent for Carolina, 321-322.
Charles II., King of Spain, death, 206 n.
Charles V., sends Panfilo de Narvaez
to Florida, 318.
Charles IX., 318.
Charles Fort, 41, 41 n.; location, 319,
319 n.
Charles Island, named, 15.
Charles River, see Cape Fear River.
Charles Town, Ashley River, 261 n.;
named, 128, 128 n.; location and de
scription of, 157-158, 205, 362-364;
settlement of, 167, 167 n.; arrival
of Thomas Newe, 181; letter of
thanks to Governor Archdale from
the Commons in, 298-299; expan
sion of trade, 310 n.; churches and
ministers, 363-365, 366; public
library, 364; population, 365.
Charles Town, Cape Fear River, de
scription of, 68, 68 n.; settlement
made, 77.
Charleston, Year Book of the city of,
35, 79, 111 n.
Charleston Harbor, 94 n., 106 n.
Chatooga River, 133 n.
Chawan Indians, king of, 13-14; grave
of great man; 14.
Chawan River, 8, 9, 12.
Cherokee Indians, 133, 133 n.
Chickahominy River, 13.
Chounterounte, visits the English, 9,
10; apprehensions of danger to the
English, 10.
Chowan, North Carolina, 228 n.; see
also Chawan.
Church Act, of 1704, 224-225, 248-249,
251-252, 257; text of, 253-256;
Archdale on, 304-307; Oldmixon on,
348-352; Proprietors sustain, 258-
260, 353-354; House of Lords dis
approves, 355-356; Queen Anne
annuls, 356-357.
Church Act, of 1706, 304, 304 n.
Church of England, 223, 268; Arch-
dale on, 308-309; Oldmixon on, 330;
see also Church Act.
Churchcates, 336.
Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde),
patent granted to, 33, 287.
Clarendon County, description of, 361.
Clutterbuck, Thomas, 58.
Codner, Richard, 179.
Coligny, Admiral Gaspard de, sends
ships to America, 318; procures
ships for a second expedition, 319.
Colleton, Maj. Charles, votes for, 271 n.
Colleton, Gov. James, settles in Charles
Town, 333; chosen governor, 333;
character, 333; expelled from the
province, 279, 296 n., 334.
Colleton, Sir John, 260 n., 307, 338;
patent granted to, 33, 288; presented
set of proposals for encouragement of
settlers in Carolina, 35.
Colleton County, 204, 204 n., 332;
address to the Lords and Proprietors
of Carolina, 236-248; complaints
against the government, 237; elec
tion abuses, 238-240, 245, 347-348,
357; ruin of Indian trade, 240;
charges relative to expedition against
St. Augustine, 240-242; enumera
tion of riots, 243-244; description of,
366-367.
Colliton County, Representation of the
Members of, 345 n.
Colonial Records of North Carolina,
77 n., 140 n., 213, 230 n.
Colonial Self-Government^ by C. M.
Andrews, 180.
Columbus, Christopher, attempt to
obtain ships for expedition, 286;
furnished with vessels by the King
and Queen of Spain, 287; departure
for the Indies, 287.
Combahee (Jordan) River, 38, 42;
Hilton's party sail up, 34; en
trance to, 43-44; description of the
land around, 44-45; explored by
Sandford, 92, 92 n., 93.
Compton, Bishop Henry, 352, 352 n.
Cooper, Anthony Ashley, see Shaftes-
bury, Earl of.
Cooper River, 167.
Coranines, 286, 337.
Cosmographie, by Peter Heylin, 151 n.
380
INDEX
Courtenay, William A., The Genesis of
South Carolina, 35-36.
Cowetas, 133 n.
Crane, Joshua Eddy, 193.
Crane Island, 52.
Craven, William, Earl of, 338; patent
granted to, 287; Proprietor of Caro
lina, 307; made Palatine, 328.
Craven County, 332; election abuses,
347-348, 357; description of, 362.
Culpeper, John, sent to England as a
prisoner, 329.
Currituck Inlet, 25 n.
Cusitaw Indians, 134, 134 n.
Dalton, Thomas, 345.
Daniel, Maj., new constitution brought
from England, 338.
Daniel, Col. Robert, 177; commanded
land division in the expedition
against St. Augustine, 342-343;
captures St. John's and St. Mary's,
343; takes St. Augustine, 343;
escape of, 344.
Danvers, Sir John, 5 n.
Davies, Sir John, 248 n.
Davies, John, of Kidwelly, History of
the Caribby Islands, 320 n.
Davis, Capt. David, votes for, 271 n.
Davis, William, letters to, 55-56.
Dawhoo River, 92 n.
Dearsley, Lieut.-Col. George, 242, 243,
271 n., 345.
Defoe, Daniel, 223; text of his pamphlet,
Party-Tyrany in South Carolina,
224-264; duty of the English House
of Commons, 224; remarks on the
constitution of Carolina, 225-233;
criticism of the Proprietors and
government of South Carolina, 233-
236, 247-248; address to Lord Gran-
ville, 236-247; complaint relative
to violations of laws, 237; charges
against Governor Moore, 237-238;
election abuses, 238-239, 245; reg
ulations of the Indian trade, 240;
commissions granted to destroy
Indians, 240; complaints regarding
expeditions against St. Augustine,
240-242; charges relative to as
saults and riots, 242-245; French
imposed upon, 246; petition brought
to Proprietors by Joseph Boone,
247-250; letter from Lady Blake to
the Proprietors, 250-252; Act of
Exclusion against the Dissenters,
253-256; comments on the Act by,
256-257; comments on reception of
petitions presented by John Ash and
Joseph Boone, 258-260; conclusions
relative to elections, 260-264.
De Gourgues, Capt. Dominic, expedi
tion to Carolina, 320; no settlement
made, 320.
Dictionary of American Authors, 36.
Dictionary of National Biography, 78 n.
Dissenters, Exclusion Act passed
against, 253-256, 256 n., 303, 303 n.,
304, 348; Rev. Edward Marston op
poses action taken against, 262,
262 n., 351; test of strength between
Churchmen and Dissenters, 268;
troubles with the Churchmen, 305;
Archdale's efforts to pacify, 305, 353;
held by the pleasantness of the coun
try, 307; persecution in England
against, 329-330; reasons for leav
ing England, 330; increase settle
ments, in Carolina, 333; Dissenters
in Carolina, The Case of the, 349, 353.
Dodsworth, Anthony, commission from
Governor Moore to destroy Indians,
342.
Dorchester, Carolina, 191, 192, 195-
197; description of, 366.
Dorchester, Mass., church sent to South
Carolina, 191, 192, 193.
Dorchester, New England, Records of
the First Church at, 191 n., 192, 192 n.
Edisto, 39, 40.
Edisto Island, 87 n.
Edisto River, 44; formation of, 39 n;
description of the land around, 44-
45; discovered by Sandford, 87.
Eleuthera, 111.
Eve, Capt. Abraham, votes for, 271 n.
Exclusion Act, 253-256, 256 n.; com
ments by Daniel Defoe, 256-258;
comments by Governor Archdale,
283; danger of the, 306-307; see
also Church Act, of 1704.
Exeter College, 180.
Fabian, Peter, 53; sent to explore the
Carolina coast, 33; reward for dis
coveries, 57.
Farmer, Robert, 8.
INDEX
381
Farmer's Chase, 8.
Farrar, John, 29, 29 n.
Farrar, Virginia, 29.
Fast Days, 200.
Federal and State Constitutions, by
Thorpe, 230 n.
Fitz, Jonathan, appointed on the com
mission to decide differences be
tween the English and the Indians,
329.
Florida, discovery of coast, 37; ex
pedition from South Carolina sent
to invade, 222; plans for a second
invasion of, 222; visited by Sebas
tian Cabot, 287, 288; expedition of
Hernando de Soto to, 318; Pdnfilo
de Narvaez sent to, 318; Spaniards
claim to, 318; Vasquez de Ayllon
sent to, 318; discoveries by Jean
Ribaut, 319.
Fort Charles, 140 n. ; settlements made
at, 141, 141 n.
Fort Henry, Eland's arrival at, 19.
Fowler, Christopher, 354.
France, civil wars in, 319; peace be
tween Papists and Protestants, 319.
French, defeated by South Carolina
troops, 291 n.; in Florida, 140, 141,
318-321.
French Protestants, in South Carolina,
209 n., 238 n.
Friendship, brigantine, leaves Boston
for South Carolina, 194.
Fuller, William, appointed on commis
sion to decide differences between
the English and the Indians, 329.
Fundamental Constitutions, 230-232,
328, 338; opposition to, 342.
Gibbes, Col. Robert, 256, 350.
Gilbertson, James, 197 n.
Giles, Thomas, 85, 90; testimonial
relative to Sandford's explorations,
108.
Godfrey, Capt. John, 58, 350; votes
for, 271 n.
Grandy River, see Edisto River.
Granville, Lord, (John Carteret), 232,
259, 338; address from Assembly of
Colleton County, 236-248; petition
relative to complaints from certain
freeholders in Carolina, 248-250;
Proprietor of Carolina, 307; as
Palatine countenances divisions in
Carolina, 339; favors Governor
Moore, 340; interests with prevail
ing party in Carolina, 349; refusal
to call Board of Proprietors, 353.
Green's River, 49.
Grimball, Mr., house robbed by Span
iards, 205.
Guerard, Peter Jacob, 69 n., 143 n.,
208, 208 n.
Guppell, Capt. John, votes for, 271 n.
Halsted, Capt., sent with provisions
to Carolina, 327; ordered to make
discoveries on the Ashley River, 328.
Hancock, John, reward for discoveries
on the Carolina coast, 57.
Harvey, Lieut. Samuel, 85, 90; testi
monial relative to Sandford's ex
plorations, 108.
Harvey Haven, 87, 101.
Haynokes, resisted Spanish invasions,
28.
Heath, Sir Robert, grant from Charles
I., 3, 319 n.
Henry VII., 138; furnished Sebastian
Cabot with ships, 287; lost oppor
tunity of possessing Mexican mines,
287.
Henry VIII., furnished Sebastian
Cabot with ships, 317.
Hext, Hugh, 350.
Heylin, Peter, Cosmographie, 151 n.
Hickauhaugan, see Westo town.
High Commission Court, 350.
Hilton, Capt. William, expedition under,
to explore Carolina coast, 33-35;
party reaches Carolina, 34; sails
up Combahee River, 34; explores
country about the Cape Fear River,
34; sights coast of Florida, 37; en
ters harbor to Jordan River, 38, 38 n. ;
treatment by the Indians, 39; sends
boat to St. Ellens, 39, 40; Indians
deliver up some English prisoners,
40; treachery of Indians, 40-41;
sends letter to English prisoners, 41;
prisoners demanded from Indians,
42; dealings with the Spaniards, 42;
sails for Port Royal, 43; description
of course, 43-44; description of the
Edisto River and the country
around it, 44-45; exploration of the
Cape Fear River, 45-49; dealings
with Indians around the Cape Fear
382
INDEX
River, 49-51; arrives at Hilton's
River, 51; purchases Cape Fear
River and land, 52; sails for Bar
bados, 53; letters from, 54-56.
Hilton Head Island, 36; location rela
tive to Gary Island, 98.
Hilton's expedition, reward to mem
bers for discoveries on the Carolina
coast, 57.
Hilton's River, exploration of, 49-51.
Historical Collections, by B. R. Car
roll, 316.
Hocomawanack River, see Roanoke
River.
Home, Robert, Brief Description of
the Province of Carolina, 65-74.
Hotten, J. C., Original Lists of Persons
. . . who went from Great Britain to
the American Plantations, 1600-1700,
23 n.
Howes, Capt. Job, votes for, 271 n.,
350, 357; elected speaker, 348, 358-
359.
Hubbard, Thomas, 350.
Huguenots, 209 n., 246 n.; see also
French Protestants.
Humble Address, etc., Relating to the
Province of Carolina, 264 n.
Hunting Islands, see Gary Island.
Hyde, Edward, see Clarendon, Earl of.
Indians, meet Eland's party, 8-9;
visit Hilton's party, 39; deliver up
some English prisoners, 40; treach
ery toward Hilton, 40-41; more
prisoners demanded from, 42; Hil
ton's dealings with Indians around
Cape Fear River, 49-51; present
gifts to Sandford, 100; kind reception
to Nicholas Carteret and party, 117;
trade, 117; food prepared by the
women, 117; dress of the women,
117, 118; reception of Dr. Wood
ward's party, 132; treatment by
the English in Carolina, 172-173;
Blair's intercourse with, 218; popu
lation, 218, 218 n.; bill relative to,
270, 271, 271 n.; cruelty of the Eng
lish, 285; reduction of numbers,
285, 286, 337, 371-372; trouble be
tween Indians under the English and
Spanish rule, 300-301, 335-336;
Colonel Bull's tale relative to, 301-
302; treatment of the Cape Fear Ind
ians, 302; kind reception of Rene*
Laudonniere, 319; conversion to
Christianity, 320, 321; massacre of
the English in Virginia and New Eng
land, 321; trade with, 310, 310 n.,
332; commission appointed to de
cide differences with the English,
329; commission dissolved, 331;
friendliness to the English, 336;
justice for murder committed, 336-
337; war prevented, 337; commis
sions given by Governor Moore for
the destruction of, 342; Samuel
Thomas sent as missionary to,
372; description of, 372; see also
Apalachicoloes; Apalachites; Arra-
tommakaw; Blandina River Ind
ians; Cacores; Caouitas; Cape Fear
Indians; Cassique Indians; Cha-
wan Indians; Cherokee Indians;
Chounterounte; Coranines; Cusitaw
Indians; Haynokes; Mallicans; Me-
herrin Indians; Nessoneicks; Notta-
way kings; Occonacheans; Occonos-
quay; Opechancanough; Oyeocker;
Pemlico Indians; Pyancha; Roan
oke Indians; Savannah Indians;
Sewee Indians; Stono Indians;
Wattcoosa Indians; Westo Indians;
Woodford Indians; Yemassee Ind-
dians.
Iroquois Indians, see Meherrin Indians.
Izard, Ralph, 270 n., 350.
Jamaica, Island of, Description of the,
by Richard Blome, 139, 139 n.
James Island, 122 n., 198.
Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, 256; efforts
to raise silk, 143 n.; those injured
in riots apply to governor for jus
tice, 274; responsibility for religi
ous troubles, 303, 303 n., 350; be
havior of, 304.
Jordan River, see Combahee River.
Journal of the Grand Council of South
Carolina, 184 n.
Journals of the Commons House of
Assembly, 209 n.
Keowee River, 133 n.
Kiawah, see Ashley River settlement.
Kyrle, Sir Richard, appointed govern
or, 332.
INDEX
383
Ladinwah Creek, exploration of, and
description of the country, 89, 89 n.
Laudonniere, Rene", arrival in Carolina,
319; kind reception by the Indians,
319; search for gold and silver
mines, 319; returns to France, 320.
LeSerurier, James, jr., see Smith,
James.
LeSerurier, James, sr., 251 n.
Letters of Early Colonists, 1670, 109,
114.
Locke, John, 232; appointed a land
grave, 327.
Logan, Col. George, 350; votes for,
271 n.
Long, Capt. Anthony, 53; sent to ex
plore coast of Carolina, 33; reward
for discoveries, 57.
Lord, Rev. Joseph, 191; ordained
minister of emigrating church from
Dorchester, Mass., 196 n.
Ludwell, Col. Philip, succeeds Gov.
Sothell, 280.
Mackoone, Robert, commission from
Gov. Moore to destroy Indians, 342.
Maharineck, see Meherrin.
Mallicans, 321.
Marrow of History, by Sir Walter
Raleigh, 7.
Marston, Rev. Edward, opposes action
against the Dissenters, 262, 262 n.;
censure of, 351; persecution, 352.
Martin, John, extortions from, 275.
Mathews, Maurice, narrative of the
Three Brothers, 112; biographical
sketch, 114 n.; anchors at St.
Katherina, 114; treatment by the
Indians, 114-116; appointed on
commission to decide differences
between the English and the Ind
ians, 329; complaints against, 331.
May River, see Savannah River.
Meherrin, Eland's journey to, 10-11;
Indians entertain explorers, 11;
explorers return to, 18.
Meherrin Indians, 10, 10 n., 11, 12.
Meherrin River, description of, 12.
Mene"ndez, Pedro, 320 n.
Methodus Plantarum Nova, by John
Ray, 184 n.
Midway Congregational Church, His
tory of the. by Reverend James
Stacy, 193.
Militia Act, 295; non-settlement, 334.
Modyford, Col., 34; presents set of pro
posals for encouragement of settlers
in Carolina, 35.
Monck, George, see Albemarle, George,
Duke of.
Mooney, James, The Siouan Tribes
of the East, 218 n.
Moore, Gov. (Col.) James, 207, 207 n.,
256, 350; succeeds Gov. Joseph Blake
and defeats Joseph Morton, 221, 267,
269, 280, 303, 339; marriage, 267; op
position of enemies, 268; introduces
bill regulating Indian trade, 270,
270 n., 340; dissolves Assembly,
270, 270 n., 341, 341 n.; election
abuses under, 271, 271 n., 272 n.;
expedition against St. Augustine,
272-273, 341, 342-343; riots under
governorship of, 273-274, 345-347;
complaints against, 275-276, 345;
opposes Morton, 338-339; new As
sembly called, 340; commissions
given for destruction of the Indians,
342; misrepresentation of, 344,
344 n.
Morgan River, 101 n.
Morris Island, 122 n.
Morton, Gov. Joseph, 196, 196 n., 349;
loses slaves, 205; attacked by Span
iards, 205; appointed governor, 329,
329 n.; opposition to as governor,
267, 269, 338-339; acts passed, 332;
protests against validity of objec
tions to his election, 339, 339 n.
Mount-Bonny, Hilton's treaty of peace
with the Indians, 51.
Narvaez, Panfilo de, sent by Charles V.
to Florida, 318.
Nary, Nicholas, 345.
New Brittaine, discovery, 5-6; journal
relative to discovery, 8-19; named,
16.
New England, colonists from, 191-200,
299; Indian massacres in, 321.
New London, 196, 196 n., 291 n.;
description of, 367.
Newcomb's Forest, named, 11.
Newe, Thomas, biographical sketch,
179-180; letters to father relative
to conditions in Carolina, 181-187;
arrival at Charles Town, 181; con
ditions in the town, 181; prospects
384
INDEX
for trade, 181-182, 184; war with
the Indians, 182; furs and skins ex
changed by the Indians for arms
and ammunition, 183; exports to
Barbados, 184; writes home for
book on plants, 184; wants to know
the price of sassafras in England,
185; capture of Spanish by the
French and English, 185; an Indian
reports the plan of an attack by the
Spanish, 185-186.
Newxes, 27.
Noble, Henry, 256.
Norman, William, grant of land, 192.
North Carolina, 8-19, 25-29, 360;
condition of the church in, 215, 216;
Colonial Records of North Carolina,
77 n., 140 n., 213, 230 n.; see also
Carolina, Province of.
Norton, John, 179.
Norvill, Thomas, 58.
Nottaway Creek, 8.
Nottaway Kings, 9.
Nottaway town, 8.
Occasional bills, 225, 225 n.; see also
Church Act.
Occonacheans, 16.
Occonnosquay, 17.
Oconee River, 134 n.
Ogilby, John, America, 139, 139 n.
Old South Leaflets, 203 n.
Oldmixon, John, The History of the
British Empire in America, 315;
criticism on work of, 315-316; ex
tracts from, 317-373.
Oniseecau, see Bull's Island.
Opechancanough, 11; makes war on
the Tuscaroras, 13; treachery tow
ard Blandina River Indians, 16.
Original Lists of Persons . . . who
went from Great Britain to the Ameri
can Plantations, 1600-1700, by J. C.
Hotten, 23 n.
Oyeocker, invites Eland's party to
his home, 9; acts as guide, 9, 13,
14, 15, 16, 19.
Paice, Joseph, 354.
Parris Island, named, 41 n.; location,
41 n., 101.
Pawhatan, see Powhatan.
Pemlico Indians, 286.
William. 305.
Penna Mount River, description of
land around, 9.
Pennant, Capt. Elias, 3, 5, 8, 19.
Pennant's Bay, naming of, 15.
Periaguas, 342, 342 n.
Perry, Micaiah, 354.
Petersburg, Virginia, 8 n.
Pierpont, Rev. Benjamin, death in
Charles Town, 199, 199 n.
Pilot's Creek, 101 n.
Pinckney, Mrs. Elizabeth (Lucas),
143 n.
Ponce de Leon, Juan, 165 n.; dis
coveries, 317; names Florida, 317.
Port Royal, named, 37 n., 319; de
scription of, 43, 44-45, 292, 368;
Sandford's search for, 94-98; arrival
at the mouth of, 98; explorations,
98-101; location, 98-100; Sandford
proposes to leave, 104; expedition
sent to make settlement about, 111;
attacked by Spaniards, 205; see
also St. Ellen's.
Port Royal, ship, 111.
Porto Rico, Island of, Ponce de Leon
sails from, 317.
Powhatan, King of, strangles King of
Chawan, 14.
Pratt, Elder William, sent to South
Carolina from church in Dorchester,
191, 192; journal of voyages, 191-
192, 194-200; biographical sketch,
192-193; sails from Boston, 194,
198; coast of Carolina sighted, 195;
reception by the people of Carolina,
195; interviews people in regard to
founding church, 195-196; goes to
Charles Town, 196; criticism of the
people from New England, 197;
elections at Charles Town, 197;
drawing of lots, 199, 199 n.; deaths
from small-pox, 199-200; fast days,
200.
Proprietors of Carolina, and Hilton
Adventurers, 33, 34, 287, 288; pub
lish Home's Description, 65; send
out Yeaman's expedition, 77-78;
send settlers to Port Royal, 111;
letters to, 109-124; publish Ashe's
pamphlet, 137; Wilson's, 163; legal
position of, 227-230; frame Funda
mental Constitutions, 230-232; con
duct of government by, 233-236,
294-296, 322-328; Representation
INDEX
385
of Colleton County to, 236-247;
petition to, 248-249; letter of Mrs.
Blake to, 250-252; sustain Church
Act, 257-260, 353-354; Ashe's re
monstrance to, 269-276; elections
by, 279, 280, 326, 328; conduct of,
294-296; letter of Commons to,
298-299; list of, 307.
Public Records, Deputy-Keeper of the,
Thirty-third Report of the, 230 n.
Pyancha, 19; an Appamattuck guide
of Eland's party, 8, 9; makes a
sign in the path, 13, 14; tells of
treachery, 16; advice of, 18.
Pyancha 's Park, named, 14; Eland's
party quartered at, 15.
Quakers, 214, 216, 283.
Quary, Robert, chosen governor, 333,
333 n.
Quit-rents, 296 n.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, observation on
35 degrees latitude, 7-8; Marrow of
History, 7.
Randolph, Edward, arrival at Charles
Town, 203, 204; letter to the Board
of Trade, 204-210; administers
oath to Joseph Blake, 204, 303 n.;
population statistics, 204, 204 n.,
205 n.; attack on Gov. Morton's
house by the Spaniards, 205; de
struction of property by the Span
iards, 205; English plan to take St.
Augustine, 206; fear of French settle
ment on the Mississippi, 206;
Moore's quest of the Mississippi, 207,
207 n.; great improvements made
in Carolina, 207; commodities, 207,
208; draft of town and castle of St.
Augustine, 209; need of vessel for
transportation of, 209-210; suffers
from cold, 210.
Ray, John, Methodus Plantarum Nova,
184 n.
Reese, Bartholomew, 58.
Renew, Peter, 354.
Rhett, Col. William, 291 n., 345, 350;
succeeds Job Howes as Speaker, 359.
Ribaut, Jean, placed in command of
ships sent to America, 140, 318;
names rivers, 318-319; mutiny of
soldiers, 319; discoveries in north
east part of Florida, 319; returns
to France, 319; returns to Carolina,
319; reception by the Indians, 319-
320; death, 320.
Rice, cultivation of, introduced, 69.
Richmond, ship, expedition to South
Carolina, 137.
Risbee, Col. James, 350; votes for,
271 n.
Rivers, Professor William J., A Sketch
of the History of South Carolina,
198 n., 203, 264 n.
Roanoke Indians, 13, 14; present
child for baptism, 28.
Roanoke River, 11, 12, 13, 13 n.
Remain, Cape, 111, 113, 116.
Sabin, Joseph, 4.
Sainsbury, W. Noel, 113.
St. Augustine, 209; rescue party sent
from, 34; expedition of Governor
Moore against, 272-273, 303; letter
to Spanish governor from Governor
Archdale, 300-301; kindness of
governor to English castaways, 301 ;
Colonel Daniel commands land divi
sion in the expedition against, 342-
343; the English take possession,
343; result of expedition, 344.
St. Catherine, island of, 112, 114, 114 n.
St. Ellen's, 38; Hilton's expedition in
vited by Indians to visit, 39, 40;
Hilton's dealings with the Indians
at, 40-42; see also Port Royal.
St. George's Bay, 206.
St. Giles, 128 n., 130.
St. Helen's, see St. Ellen's.
St. Helena Island, 38; description of
the land, 119.
St. Helena Sound, 38, 38 n., 39; loca
tion, 96.
St. Katherina, relation of, by M. Math-
ews, 114-116.
Salisbury, Bishop of, 283.
Salwege River, 133 n., 134 n.
Samuel, ship, 181, 182.
Sandford, Robert, promoter of the set
tlement at Charles Town, 77; secre
tary and register of Clarendon
County, 77; starts out to explore
lower Carolina coast, 79; biograph
ical sketch, 80-81; letter from, 82-83;
sails from Charles River, 85; names
Berkeley Bay, 85; companions and
provisions, 85-86; arrival at the
386
INDEX
Edisto River, 87; takes possession
of land, 88; explores river and sur
rounding country, 88-89; enter
tained by Shadoo, 90; description
of Indians and their town, 90-92;
explores the Combahee River, 92,
92 n., 93; search for Port Royal,
94-98, 127; arrival at the mouth of
Port Royal, 98; explores Port Royal
and vicinity, 98-101; Indians pre
sent gifts, 100; meets Ens. Brayne,
101; further explorations, 101-103;
prepares to leave Port Royal, 104;
leaves Henry Woodward among the
Indians, 105, 105 n.; arrival at
Charles Town, 107; testimonial from
companions relative to explorations,
107-108; Relation of a Voyage on the
Coast of the Province of Carolina,
75-108.
Savannah Indians, 133, 133 n., 134;
good friends to the English, 285.
Savannah River, 132, 132 n.; explora
tion of 102, 102 n., 103; description
of the country around, 367.
Sayle, William, appointed governor in
Carolina, 113, 326, 326 n.; letter rel
ative to the expedition of the Car
olina, 122-124; purchases supplies
from the Indians, 122; ill-will of
the Spaniards, 122; Capt. Brayne
fired upon, 122; Indians sent out
to discover camp of the Spanish
Indians, 122; safe arrival of the Car
olina with supplies, 123; the Caro
lina sent to Barbados for more
people, 123; cattle received from Vir
ginia, 123; need of a minister, 124.
Scull Creek, 102 n.
Seabrook, Robert, 350; chosen Speak
er, 358.
Searle, Capt. Robert, releases prisoners
at St. Augustine, 127.
Seewee Indians, 117 n.
Seneca River, 133 n.
Serurier Smith, see Smith, James.
Sewee, French landed at, 299 n.
Shadoo, 116 n.; entertains Sandford's
party, 90, 93-94.
Shaftesbury, first Earl of (Anthony
Ashley Cooper), 259 n., 338; letters
patent granted, 33; biographical
sketch, 128 n.; plantation, 128,
128 n.
Shaftesbury, third Earl of (Anthony
Ashley Cooper), declines governor
ship, 296, 296 n.; Proprietor, 307.
Short Discoverie of the Coasts and Con
tinent of America, by W. Castell,
317 n.
Signiory, definition of, 128 n.
Silver Bluff, South Carolina, 133, 133 n.
Siouan Tribes of the East, by James
Mooney, 218 n.
Slaves, 207, 207 n.
Smith,frJames, alias LeSerurier, James,
251, 251 n., 350; votes for, 271 n.;
character, 351.
Smith, John, attack on the house of,
346.
Smith, Paul, 169 n.
Smith, Gov. Thomas, 268, 345, 345 n.;
successor to Governor Colleton, 296,
296 n.; letter of, 335; resigns gov
ernorship, 335.
Smith, Landgrave Thomas, 273, 345,
345 n.; votes for, 271 n.
Smith, Maj. William, 350; votes for,
271 n.
Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 215 n.
Sothell, Seth, 259 n.; appointed gov
ernor, 279-280; bought share of
the Earl of Clarendon, 307 n.
Soto, Hernando de, expedition to New
Spain, 318.
South Carolina, 360; Hilton's account
induces settlers to go to, 35; explo
ration party under Hilton, 35-36;
"Shaftesbury Papers" relative to,
79; founding of a church, 195; ac
count of William Pratt 's journey
from New England, 198-199; mi
litia, 204, 204 n.; population, 204,
204 n., 205 n.; commodities, 207-
208; aliens, 239 n.; jealousy of
Florida Spaniards, 221; plot of
Spaniards to invade, 222; plans for
a second invasion of Florida, 222;
constitution, 225, 227-233; Defoe's
criticism of the Proprietors and
government, 233-236; letter rel
ative to purpose of New Englanders
to go to, 299-300; Archdale sent on
mission to, 296, 297; Birds of South
Carolina, 151 n.; Collections of the
South Carolina Historical Society,
35, 77 n., 80, 81 n., Ill n., 112 n..
INDEX
387
113, 114 n., 116 n., 120 n., 124 n.,
127 n., 128 n., 129, 134 n., 137,
203; The Genesis of South Carolina,
by Wm. A. Courtenay, 35-36, 80;
Historical Collections of South Car
olina, by B. R. Carroll, 87 n., 163,
281, 316; History of South Carolina
under the Proprietary Government,
by McCrady, 111 n., 200 n., 221 n.,
262 n., 291 n.; Journal of the Grand
Council of South Carolina, 184 n.;
A Sketch of the History of South
Carolina, by Rivers, 38 n., 203, 207
n., 264 n.; South Carolina Historical
and Genealogical Magazine, 78 n.,
116 n., 128 n., 192 n., 193, 196 n.,
199 n., 200 n., 291 n., 367 n.; War
rants for Lands in South Carolina,
116 n.; see also Carolina, Province of.
Sowee, 118, 119.
Spaniards, plot to invade South Caro
lina, 222; see also St. Augustine.
Spanish rusk, 42.
Spanish settlement in America, origin
of, 287.
Spanish war, 303; see also St. Augus
tine.
Speights Bay, expedition sails from,(33.
Spikes Bay, see Speights Bay.
Stacy, Rev. James, History of the Mid
way Congregational Church, Liberty
County, Georgia, 193.
Stanard, W. G., Virginia Colonial
Register, 23 n.
Stanhope, George, dean of Canterbury,
263 n.
Stannaries, Court of, 339, 339 n.
Stanyarne, Capt. Edward, 84, 84 n.;
death of, 79, 85; Sandford assumes
charge of vessel of, 79, 85.
Stephens, Robert, 270, 270 n., 340.
Stono Indians, 40, 40 n.
Stono River, 40 n., 122, 122 n.
Stroude, John, 350.
Sugar cane, 15.
Sullivan's Island, 198, 198 n.
Sumner, Increase, 191.
Tavernier, J. B., 145 n.
Thomas, Rev. Samuel, sent as minis
ter to the Yemassee Indians, 311 n.;
sent as a missionary to Charles
Town, 365, 366.
Thompson, George. 58.
Thornburgh, William, 338.
Thorpe, F. N., Federal and State Con-
stitutions, 230 n.
Three Brothers, ship, 111; reaches Car
olina, 112.
Thurloe, John, State Papers of, 24.
Trott, Nicholas, member of the As
sembly, 256, 270, 271, n., 308 n., 340,
342, 350.
Trott, Nicholas, of London, Proprietor,
307, 308 n.; governor of New Prov
idence, 342 n.
Tugaloo River, 133 n.
Tuscarora Indians, 9 n.; meet Eland's
party, 11-12; desire to trade with
Bland, 12; Appachancano makes war
on, 13; courtesy to Yeardley's com
pany, 27-28; visit at Yeardley's
house, 28.
Valentyn, Simon, 275, 275 n.
Vasquez de Ayllon, Lucas, sent to
Florida, 318; imprisonment of na
tives, 318.
Virginia, benefits to be obtained from
settlement in, 6; massacre of the
English by the Indians, 321; Vir
ginia Colonial Register, by W. G.
Stanard, 23 n.
Walker, Gov. Henderson, 216 n.
Wardell, Edward, 301, 336.
Waring, Maj. Benjamin, votes for,
271 n.
Wattcoosa Indians, 52.
Wayne, A. T., Birds of South Carolina,
151 n.
Webb, Col. Nicholas, governor of the
Bahama Islands, 209 n.
Werowance, 11, 12, 16, 17, 18.
West, Joseph, commander of expedi
tion to settle around Port Royal,
111; fleet wrecked on the Bahama
Islands, 111; narrative of events at
Albemarle Point, 112; commission
for a governor in Carolina, 113; bi
ographical sketch of, 120 n.; letter
of, 120-121; letters sent demanding
men detained by the Spaniards, 120;
treachery of the Spanish, 121; boat
sent to the Bermudas for provisions,
121; appointed governor, 328, 328
n., 332; character, 328; holds a
Parliament in Charles Town, 329.
388
INDEX
Westo Indians, 128, 130, 285, 367;
troublesome to the colony, 329.
Westo town, description of, by Dr. H.
Woodward, 132, 132 n., 133.
Weymouth, Viscount, bounty, 214,
214 n.
Wigginton, Henry, 358; votes for,
271 n.
Wilkinson, Matthew, 73.
Willtown, see New London.
Wilson, Samuel, Account of the Prov
ince of Carolina, 139 n., 164-176;
location of Carolina, 165; patents
granted, 165-166; powers of the Pro
prietors, 166; settlement at Albe-
marle, 166; Ashley River settlement,
166-167; description of Charles
Town, 167, 167 n.; climate, 168-
169; description of soil, trees, cattle,
etc., in Carolina, 170-172; considera
tion for the Indians, 172-173; grants
of land allowed to each settler, 173-
174; list of productions, 174-176.
Wilton, see New London.
Wood, Capt. Abraham, 3, 5, 8, 19.
Woodford Indians, 18.
Woodford River, see Meherrin River.
Wood's Journey, naming of, 15.
Woodward, Dr. Henry, 90; left with
the Indians by Sandford, 105, 105 n.;
A Faithful Relation of My Westoe
Voiage, 1674, 125-129; work among
the Indians, 125-129, 183; travels
toward the Ashley River, 130;
crosses the Edisto, 131; description
of the land, 131; passes the head
of the Port Royal River, 131; re
ception by the Indians at Westo,
132; curiosity of the Indians, 132;
gifts received, 132; style of Indian
houses, 132-133; description of the
inhabitants of Westo and the sur
rounding country, 132-133; arrival
of the Savannah Indians, 133-134;
plantation at the head of Ashley
River reached, 134.
Woory, Joseph, 85; testimonial rela
tive to Sandford's explorations, 108.
Woory Bay, formation of, 98-99.
Yeamans, Sir John, biographical sketch,
77, 78 n.; appointed governor of
Carolina, 77, 328; promoter of the
Charles Town settlement, 77; knight
ed for activities in Carolina, 78, 78 n. ;
organizes an expedition to ex
plore coast, 78, 83; wrecking of ex
ploring party, 78; settlers at Charles
River in needy condition, 78; au
thority to plant colonies, 83; depart-
ture from Barbados, 83; wreck of
vessel at entrance to Charles River,
83; lends vessel to aid colonists on
the Charles River, 84; appointed
landgrave, 327.
Yeamans, Margaret Foster, marriage
to Gov. James Moore, 267.
Yeamans Harbor, situation, 96, 97;
entrance, 97-98.
Yeardley, Francis, biographical sketch,
23; letter narrating excursions into
Carolina, 25-29; description of the
country, 25; Indian desires to have
his child educated, 26; wife protects
Indian, 26; sends material to build
house for Roanoke chief, 26-27;
courteously received by Tuscaroras,
27-28; meeting of Indians at house
of, 28; Indian child baptized, 28;
turf with arrow presented to, 28, 29.
Yemassee Indians, 300, 372; Rev.
Samuel Thomas sent as minister to
the, 311 n.; seize other Indians as
prisoners, 335.
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