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Full text of "National defense migration. Hearings before the Select Committee Investigating National Defense Migration, House of Representatives, Seventy-seventh Congress, first[-second] session, pursuant to H. Res. 113, a resolution to inquire further into the interstate migration of citizens, emphasizing the present and potential consequences of the migraion caused by the national defense program. pt. 11-[34]"



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NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 

■-■ ■ — 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SELECT COMMITTEE INVESTIGATING 

NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 
PURSUANT TO 

H. Res. 113 

A RESOLUTION TO INQUIRE FURTHER INTO THE INTERSTATE 
MIGRATION OF CITIZENS, EMPHASIZING THE PRESENT 
AND POTENTIAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE MIGRA- 
TION CAUSED BY THE NATIONAL 
DEFENSE PROGRAM 



/ 



PART 19 
DETROIT HEARINGS 

(Agricultural Section) 

SEPTEMBER 23, 24, 25, 1941 



Printed for the use of the Select Committee Investigating 
National Defense Migration 







NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SELECT COMMITTEE INVESTIGATING 

NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 
PURSUANT TO 

H. Res. 113 

A RESOLUTION TO INQUIRE FURTHER INTO THE INTERSTATE 
MIGRATION OF CITIZENS, EMPHASIZING THE PRESENT 
AND POTENTIAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE MIGRA- 
TION CAUSED BY THE NATIONAL 
DEFENSE PROGRAM 



PART 19 
DETROIT HEARINGS 

(Agricultural Section) 

SEPTEMBER 23, 24, 25, 1941 



Printed for the use of the Select Committee Investigating 
National Defense Migration 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
60366 WASHINGTON : 1941 



SELECT COMMITTEE INVESTIGATING NATIONAL DEFENSE 

MIGRATION 

JOHN H. TOLAN, California, Chairman 

LAURENCE F. ARNOLD, Illinois CARL T. CURTIS, Nebraska 

JOHN J. SPARKMAN, Alabama FRANK C. OSMERS, Jr., New Jersey 

Robert K. Lamb, Staff Director 
II 



CONTENTS 



Page 

List of witnesses V 

List of authors V 

Wednesday, September 24, 1941, morning session 7767 

Testimony of E. B. Hill 7767 

Statement of E. B. Hill 7768 

Introduction of exhibits 7790 

Exhibit 48— Diphtheria Outbreak Among Mexican Migratory Workers 
in Saginaw County, Mich. — reports by Dr. V. K. 
Volk, commissioner, Saginaw County Department of 
Health; and Dr. T. M. Koppa, epidemiologist, Michi- 
gan Department of Health 7791 

Exhibit 49— Illegal Transportation of Sugar Beet Workers from 
Texas to Michigan and Ohio Fields — report by Joseph 
B. Eastman, Chairman, Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, Washington, D. C 7796 

Exhibit 50— A Study of Sugar Beet Field Workers' Earnings and Ex- 
penses — report of M. C. Henderson, Beet Growers' 
Employment Committee, Saginaw, Mich 7855 

Exhibit 51 — History of Sugar Beet Labor in Michigan— report by 
Labor Division, Farm Security Administration, United 
States Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C_ 7862 

Exhibit 52 — Agricultural Migration to Michigan — report by Agricul- 
tural field staff, Select Committee Investigating Na- 
tional Defense Migration, Washington, D. C 7918 

Exhibit 53 — Characteristics of Farm Labor in Berrien County, 
Mich. — -report by Labor Division, Farm Security Ad- 
ministration, United States Department of Agricul- 
ture, Washington, D. C 7918 

Exhibit 54 — The Eastern Michigan Sugar Beet Region- — -report by 
Labor Division, Farm Security Administration, United 
States Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C__ 7948 

Exhibit 55 — Activities of Michigan Church Women in Program of 
Relief for Defense Migrants — report by Sarah K. 
Hepburn, Council of Women for Home Missions, De- 
troit, Mich 7958 

Exhibit 56 — Migration of Families Into Rural Districts of Wayne 
County, Mich., Within the Past 12 Months — report by 
Fred C. Fischer, superintendent, Wayne County Schools, 
Detroit, Mich 7963 

Exhibit 57 — Economic Opportunity and Population Movement in the 
Cut-over Region of Michigan — -report by Willett F. 
Ramsdell, Pack Forestry Foundation, professor of 
forest-land management, University of Michigan, Ann 
Arbor, Mich 7964 

Exhibit 58 — Migration Problems of Farm Families Due to Defense 
Activities in Indiana and Ohio — report by P. G. Beck, 
director, Region III, Farm Security Administration, 
United States Department of Agriculture 7977 

Exhibit 59 — The Scioto Marsh, Hardin County, Ohio — special survey 
by Labor Division, Farm Security Administration, 
United States Department of Agriculture, Washington, 

, D. C 7997 

Index 8009 



• 



in 



LIST OF WITNESSES 

Detroit hearings (agricultural section), September'24,31941 

Pag* 
Hill, E. B., professor, farm-management department, Michigan State 

College, East Lansing, Mich 7768 



LIST OF AUTHORS 

Of prepared statements and exhibits 

Page 

Agricultural field staff, Select Committee Investigating National Defense 

Migration, Washington, D. C 7918 

Beck, P. G., director, Region III, Farm Security Administration, United 
States Department of Agriculture .' 7977 

Eastman, Joseph B., Chairman, Interstate Commerce Commission, Wash- 
ington, D. C 7796 

Fischer, Fred C, superintendent, Wayne County schools, Detroit, Mich-_ 7963 

Henderson, M. C, Beet Growers Employment Committee, Inc., Saginaw, 

Mich 7855 

Hepburn, Sarah K., Council of Women for Home Missions, Detroit, Mich. 7958 

Hill, E. B., professor, farm-management department, Michigan State 

College, East Lansing, Mich 7768 

Koppa, Dr. T. M., epidemiologist, Michigan Department of Health, Lan- 
sing, Mich 7792, 7793, 7794 

Labor Division, Farm Security Administration, United States Department 

of Agriculture, Washington, D. C 7862,7932,7948,7997 

Ramsdell, Willett F., Pack Forestry Foundation, professor of forest-land 
management, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich 7964 

Volk, Dr. V. K., commissioner, Saginaw County Department of Health, 

Saginaw, Mich 7791 

v 






For greater convenience the Detroit hearings are published in two 
volumes. This, the second volume, under the title, "Part 19, Detroit 
hearings (Agricultural Section)" includes the testimony of Prof. E. B. 
Hill, of the farm-management department of Michigan State College, 
his prepared statement, and 12 papers from other sources, devoted 
exclusively to the subject of agricultural migration. Testimony of 
all other witnesses at the Detroit hearings, together with prepared 
statements, appears in the other of these volumes under the title, 
"Part 18, Detroit hearings (Industrial Section)." 



n 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGKATION 



wednesday, september 24, 1941 

House of Representatives, 
Select Committee Investigating 

National Defense Migration, 

Washington, D. O. 

MORNING SESSION 

The committee, having met at 9:30 a. m. in the Federal Building, 
Detroit, Mich., Representative John H. Tolan (chairman) presiding, 
and having heard testimony of R. J. Thomas and Lt. Comdr. Walter 
F. Eade, United States Naval Reserves, called as the next witness 
Prof. E. B. Hill, of the farm-management department, Michigan 
State College, East Lansing, Mich. 1 

Present were: Representatives John H. Tolan (chairman), of 
California; Laurence F. Arnold, of Illinois; Frank C. Osmers, Jr., of 
New Jersey; and Carl T. Curtis, of Nebraska. 

Also present: Dr. Robert K. Lamb, staff director; John W. Abbott, 
chief field investigator; Francis X. Riley and Jack B. Burke, field 
investigators; and Ruth B. Abrams, field secretary. 

The Chairman. Our next witness is Professor Hill. 

TESTIMONY OF PROF. E. B. HILL, FARM MANAGEMENT DEPART- 
MENT, MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE, EAST LANSING, MICH. 

The Chairman. Congressman Curtis will interrogate you, Pro- 
fessor Hill. 

Mr. Curtis. You are Prof. E. B. Hill? 

Dr. Hill. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Of the Michigan State College? 

Dr. Hill. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. What department? 

Dr. Hill. The farm management department. 

Mr. Curtis. Where is the Michigan State College located? 

Dr. Hill. At East Lansing. 

Mr. Curtis. And it is an agricultural college? 

Dr. Hill. That is right. 

Mr. Curtis. Professor Hill, you have prepared a paper which 
will be received in its entirety in our hearing, including some rather 
lengthy tables and figures. 

! ' Testimony of Mr. Thomas, Commander Eade, and all other witnesses on nonagricultural phases of 
migration covered in the Detroit hearings appears in a separate volume, under the title, "Part 18, Detroit 
Hearings (Industrial Section)." Dr. Hill was followed on the stand by Earl Raymond, whose testimony 
appears in pt. 18, followed by other witnesses in the order of their appearance. 

7767 



7768 DETROIT HEARINGS 

(The paper referred to is as follows:) 

STATEMENT BY PROF. E. B. HILL, FARM MANAGEMENT DEPART- 
MENT, MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE 

The huge defense program, the operation of the lease-lend law, and other phases 
of our present-day economic life are all causing decided changes in American 
agriculture, and particularly so in Michigan agriculture. Some of these changes 
in our agriculture, such as increased mechanization, have been taking place in 
the past, but are being speeded up very decidedly under present conditions. 
Other changes, such as part-time and self-sufficing farming, may be slowed up 
for the present. 

As a result of the many and rapid changes in our economic structure, particu- 
larly in regard to the defense program and to the expansion of the urban indus- 
tries, the American farmer, and the Michigan farmer in particular, is faced with 
many new problems. A listing of these problems would include the following: 
(1) Producing an increase in the essential items of our food supply for home use 
and reports; (2) obtaining prices for farm products which will enable him to meet 
present-day farm and living costs; (3) the difficulty of obtaining adequate amounts 
of capable farm help; and (4) the conduct of his farm operations and personal 
program which will enable him best to cushion the post-defense or post-war period. 

In an analysis of certain of these problems and of the changes in Michigan's 
agriculture with special reference to the defense program, it is desirable to look 
back sufficiently to enable us to get a better view of the entire situation. This 
procedure will throw light on both the predefense period since 1910 and also for 
the defense period involving particularly the past 12 months. 

Changes in Michigan Agriculture 

During the past 30 years the following significant changes have occurred in 
Michigan agriculture: (1) The type of farming has become more intensive; (2) 
commercial farming has increased; (3) subsistence and part-time farming has 
increased; (4) the number of larger farms and the number of smaller farms have 
tended to increase, whereas the number of medium size farms has tended to 
decrease; and (5) an increasing number of farmers have found it more difficult 
to obtain farm incomes sufficient to enable them to maintain their farm, to make 
the principal and interest payments and to provide for a satisfactory standard 
of living. 

TYPES OF FARMING IN MICHIGAN 

Michigan has quite a number of different types of farming as a result of much 
diversity in the climate, land, and markets within the State. The accompanying 
map presents the outlines of the 17 different type-of-f arming areas into which the 
State has been divided. The name assigned to each of these areas is indicative 
of the predominating types of farming found within each area. 

Migrant farm labor is found mostly in type-of-farming areas 1, 3, 8, and 11. 
In areas 3 and 11 fruit and vegetables and areas 1 and 8 sugar beets and vegetables 
are the crops which, because of their need for much hand labor, have a heavy 
seasonal labor load that cannot under usual conditions be handled by local labor. 

The dairy is the major and most widely distributed farm enterprise. Dairy 
products, exclusive of meat from the dairy herds, contributed about 30 percent 
of the total income from farm production in Michigan in 1938 and 1939. Income 
from poultry and eggs was about 10 percent and income from all meat animals, 
including dairy cattle, was about 20 percent. All crops including grains, fruit, 
and vegetables made up approximately 35 percent. The remaining 5 percent was 
from Government payments and other sources. 

CHANGES IN TYPES OF FARMING 

In general, the most significant changes in Michigan, as measured by the crop 
and livestock enterprises, is the trend toward more intensive, specialized, and 
commercial types of farming. The trend has been to have more dairy cattle, 
more poultry, more fruit, and more vegetables in place of the more extensive kinds 
of livestock and crops such as beef cattle, sheep, and hogs and wheat, rye, and 
oats. The numbers of livestock and acreages of crops in Michigan since 1910 
are shown in tables 1 and 2. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7769 




7770 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table 1. — Livestock numbers on farms in Michigan, 1910-41 

[In thousands] 



Year 


Milk cows ' 


Cattle, 
other than 
milk cows 


Stock 
sheep 


Hogs 


Horses 


Mules 


1910 -- 


740 
766 
780 
782 
785 
810 
820 
840 
850 
818 
824 
815 
823 
831 
847 
850 
800 
784 
775 
785 
800 
832 
864 
888 
912 
905 
887 
896 
905 
923 
932 
960 


582 
554 
515 
536 
585 
638 
681 
691 
732 
766 
762 
721 
683 
629 
573 
556 
550 
536 
538 
550 
591 
559 
569 
628 
632 
613 
661 
698 
721 
752 
776 
833 


1,714 

1,885 

1,696 

1,442 

1,197 

1,053 

1,000 

900 

944 

970 

960 

778 

752 

775 

745 

830 

870 

950 

1,020 

1,040 

1,025 

1,025 

1,035 

1,035 

1,025 

1,015 

1,066 

1,055 

1,023 

1,033 

1,043 

991 


931 

1,060 

1,050 

1,000 

1,000 

1,060 

1,115 

1,025 

975 

1,035 

1,106 

1,060 

1,100 

1,150 

1,143 

855 

820 

845 

862 

759 

630 

542 

661 

793 

730 

512 

594 

701 

666 

713 

891 

829 


605 
622 
634 
640 
653 
673 
680 
680 
673 
660 
606 
576 
559 
542 
520 
482 
462 
440 
420 
404 
389 
385 
381 
377 
373 
377 
377 
377 
377 
373 
354 
340 


4 


1911 . - - 


4 


1912 .-- 


4 


1913 


4 


1914 


4 


1915 


4 


1916 -- 


5 


1917 - - 


5 


1918 


5 


1919 


6 


1920 - - 


6 


1921 .. -- 


6 


1922 - -- 


6 


1923 


6 


1924 


7 


1925 - 


7 


1926 --- 


7 


1927 


7 


1928 -- 


7 


1929 - - 


7 


1930 -- 


7 


1931 - 


7 


1932 -- 


7 


1933 - 


7 


1934 . --- -- 


7 


1935 --- 


7 


1936 - 


7 


1937 - - 


7 


1938 


7 


1939 . 


7 


1940 


7 


1941 . 


7 







i Cows and heifers 2 years old and over kept for milk. 

Table 2. — Corn, oats, barley, wheat, and rye acreage harvested in Michigan, 

1910-40 l 



[In thousands of acres] 








Year 


Corn 


Oats 


Barley 


Wheat, all 


Rye 


1910 -.. - 

1911 --.- --• 

1912 


1,700 
1,700 
1,635 
1,685 
1,750 
1,750 
1, 650 
1, 750 
1,650 
1, 746 
1,781 
1, 745 
1,710 
1,607 
1,561 
1, 530 
1, 454 
1, 250 
1,288 
1,197 
1,281 
1,512 
1,542 
1,511 
1,588 
1,667 
1,500 
1,590 
1,590 
1,590 
1, 558 


1,515 
1,500 
1,485 
1,500 
1,515 
1,530 
1,423 
1,550 
1, 658 
1,530 
1,561 
1,592 
1,498 
1,528 
1,497 
1,617 
1.504 
1,534 
1,534 
1,268 
1,384 
1,495 
1,420 
1,207 
1,323 
1,402 
1,262 
1,224 
1,224 
1,139 
1,287 


93 
90 
87 
85 
90 
87 
120 
165 
300 
302 
242 
218 
140 
128 
115 
129 
133 
182 
264 
226 
231 
268 
303 
230 
173 
185 
179 
202 
166 
199 
173 


930 
1,020 
700 
850 
910 
1,010 
820 
880 
760 
1,056 
1,055 
925 
1,023 
910 
793 
801 
898 
801 
785 
790 
724 
734 
734 
885 
855 
874 
823 
1,011 
913 
739 
761 


427 
400 
370 


1913 


380 


1914 

1915 


373 
400 


1916 


410 


1917 -. 


430 


1918 

1919 


530 
913 


1920 


676 


1921 


649 


1922 


648 


1923 


395 


1924 


231 


1925 --- 


201 


1926 


161 


1927 - --- 


164 


1928 


167 


1929 


147 


1930 


147 


1931 


162 


1932. 

1933 


168 
131 


1934 -- 


157 


1935 


228 


1936 


141 


1937 


144 


1938 


115 


1939 . 


121 


1940 


90 







i Estimated by Bureau of Agricultural Economics, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7771 



Hay, alfalfa, potato, bean, and sugar-beet acreage harvested in Michigan, 1910-40 

[In thousands of acres] 



Year 


Hay, all 


Alfalfa 


Potatoes 


Beans 


Sugar beets 


1910 . ..- 


2,600 
2,470 
2,510 
2,510 
2,560 
2,590 
2,900 
2,770 
2,800 
2.817 
2,789 
2,813 
2,841 
2,811 
2,907 
2,632 
2,699 
2,785 
2,589 
2,696 
2,598 
2, 493 
2,507 
2,619 
2,565 
2,494 
2,679 
2,556 
2,644 
2,649 
2,694 




336 
313 
297 
288 
288 
282 
271 
320 
288 
281 
309 
327 
343 
292 
245 
223 
212 
263 
271 
225 
232 
267 
291 
311 
323 
323 
275 
278 
250 
250 
240 




117 


1911 






145 


1912 






124 


1913 . 






107 


1914 . . 




490 
506 
470 
537 
543 
315 
334 
314 
458 
536 
625 
650 
637 
567 
521 
575 
690 
635 
552 
567 
632 
562 
466 
461 
466 
485 
567 


101 


1915 .-. 




122 


1916 




99 


1917 




82 


1918 




114 


1919 . 


74 

95 

140 

208 

260 

321 

350 

431 

470 

498 

525 

578 

665 

825 

916 

937 

1,040 

1,092 

1,103 

1,048 

1,100 

1,144 


123 


1920 


150 


1921 


148 


1922 


84 


1923 . 


101 


1924 


134 


1925 


99 


1926 


100 


1927. 


99 


1928.. 


71 


1929 


52 


1930 


74 


1931 


58 


1932 _ 


122 


1933 


154 


1934 


117 


1935 


114 


1936 


98 


1937 


76 


1938 


122 


1939 


120 


1940 


114 







The trend toward more intensive and specialized types of farming has been the 
result of the rapid expansion of the local markets for farm products, particularly 
in the southern part of the State. The population of Michigan has about doubled 
since 1910 and on January 1, 1940, was about 5,250,000. At the same time there 
has been a decrease in the number of persons on farms. 

The trend toward a more commercialized and mechanized type of farming has 
been under way since the turn of the century, but it has been gaining impetus 
during the past 20 years. The process has been speeded up at an even higher 
tempo during the crop season of 1941. 

The trend toward the more intensive farm required more farm labor. The 
trend toward mechanized farming has been to diminish the demand for labor, 

MECHANIZATION OF MICHIGAN AGRICULTURE 

The mechanization of Michigan's agriculture has occurred mostly during the 
past 15 years. The numbers of tractors, trucks, combines, corn pickers, pick-up 
hay balers, potato diggers, and milking machines on Michigan farms has increased 
much since 1925. 

The accompanying chart (p. 7772) shows graphically some of the changes in farm 
power. The decrease in numbers of horses and the increase in the numbers of 
tractors since 1920 has been very marked. In addition there were 33,095 trucks 
on farms in 1940, and many thousands of electric motors. The introduction of (1) 
the general-purpose, more flexible type of tractor; (2) tractors of greater range in 
sizes; (3) rubber tires; (4) machinery adapted to tractor use; and (5) shortage of 
farm labor have all been factors causing the increase in the numbers of tractors on 
Michigan farms. 

Data on harvesting equipment is not as complete as those for farm power. 
Sauve, of the Agricultural Engineering Department of the Michigan State Col- 
lege, reports 7 grain combine-harvesters in Michigan in 1927; 86 in 1930; and 
about 3,000 in 1941. The development of the smaller combines, together with 
the shortage of farm labor, has done much to increase the numbers of these 
machines in Michigan. 

Pick-up hay balers in small numbers have been used in Michigan for the last 
5 years. This year the machine has appeared in large numbers. Corn pickers 
have been in more common use, but their numbers are rapidly increasing. 

The mechanization of Michigan's agriculture has been much speeded during the 
last half of 1940 and the present portion of 1941. Farmers as early as the summer 



7772 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



of 1940 began to sense the shortage of labor, 
scarce since that time. See table 13. 



Labor has become increasingly 



EFFECTS OF MECHANIZATION OF MICHIGAN AGRICULTURE 

The effects of the mechanization of agriculture have been to increase sharply 
the cash outlay of operating Michigan farms and to reduce the requirements for 
farm labor. The remaining labor has for the most part become more efficient and 
has increased the production per man. The following data from the April 1941 
issue of Farm Economics published by the Department of Agricultural Economics 
and Farm Management of Cornell University (shows the reduction in farm labor 
requirements during the last 25 years in New York State. Michigan conditions 
are sufficiently similar to those in New York that the figures are undoubtedly 
applicable to this State. 

Progress of Mechanized Power Farming in Michigan 



700 



Horses and Mules ■» 



60C ' 



50C ■ 



400- 



300 ■ 



1? 



Tractors 

(Thousands) 




1910 



1920 



[100 
90 
80 

70 
60 

50 
40 
30 

20 

10 



1925 



1930 



1935 



1940 



Table 3. — Time required in former periods to produce amounts produced in 100 

minutes in 1939 



Product 



Wheat 

Dry beans. .. 

Potatoes 

Corn for grain 

Alfalfa 

Eggs 

Corn silage... 

Milk 

Cabbage 



Unit (amount produced 
in 100 minutes in 1939) 



238 pounds 
63 pounds. 
202 pounds 
82 pounds. 
630 pounds 

152 eggs 

889 pounds 
100 pounds 
298 pounds 



Minutes of direct labor per unit 



1914-18 



248 
233 
215 
207 
189 
167 
160 
138 
131 



1934-38 



133 
122 
107 
130 
113 
117 

98 
103 

89 



1939 



100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 



Table 3 is not only of interest in showing the increased efficiency in labor, but 
also in showing the relative gains with each enterprise. The major gains have 
been in the general field crops, such as corn, wheat, beans, and potatoes, the pro- 
duction of which involves relatively more machinery than hand labor. There 
has been less gain in the vegetable crops and in the poultry and dairy enterprises. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7773 



During the past 5 years the Work Projects Administration has conducted a 
research project on the changes in technology and labor requirements on farms 
during the past 30-year period. These reports present the changes by agricul- 
tural regions. The region in which Michigan is located is designated as the 
western dairy region and includes also the States of Wisconsin and Minnesota. 
In the following table data are presented from the reports of the project by Work 
Projects Administration on some of the major crops for this region. 

Table 4. — Total labor used in producing corn, wheat, oats, sugar beets, potatoes, 
and vegetables in the western dairy region of the United States 



Period 



1909-13 
1917-21 
1927-31 
1932-36 



Hours per acre 



Corn 



31.7 
28.7 
24.0 
23.2 



Wheat 



14.5 
13.0 
11.0 
10.5 



Oats 



15.6 

13.1 

9.9 

9.3 



Sugar 
beets ' 



123 
113 
104 
100 



Pota- 
toes ' 



81 

72 

72 



Vege- 
tables l 
(for mar- 
ket) 



183 
180 
177 



1 Data for sugar beets, potatoes, and vegetables are not for exactly the same period as for corn, wheat, and 
oats, but are similar enough for comparative purposes. 

It should be stated, however, that not all of the reductions in labor require- 
ments are the result of mechanization. Some reductions are the result of different 
methods of production. 

The net effects of the mechanization of agriculture in Michigan from a labor 
standpoint has been decreasing job opportunities. There have been modifying 
influences, however, which have tended to offset this reduction. These influences 
in Michigan have been the livestock industry, particularly dairy and poultry. 

The rapid expansion of the mechanization of farms since July 1940, however, 
has speeded up the trend in reduction of labor requirements. This has definitely 
reduced the useful job opportunities on Michigan farms. 

Sizes of Fakms in Michigan 

The family size of farm still remains as the typical farm in Michigan. The 
great bulk of the farms in the State come under the designation of a family-size 
farm, that is, a farm which is operated by the farmer and his family either with 
or without the assistance of one to two hired men. 

According to the 1930 census, a year when the supply of farm labor was rela- 
tively high compared with the demand (table 13), there was 1.42 persons 10 years 
old or over gainfully employed per farm in Michigan. There was an average of 
0.38 of a wage worker per farm. This average, however, would be much greater 
on the larger farms which employed significant amounts of labor and would vary 
within the usual range from 0.75 to 2.0 wage workers per farm. 

Of the 187,589 farms reported by the 1940 census for Michigan about 60,000, 
or about 32 percent, were less than 50 acres in size and 127,000 over 50 acres in 
size. About 69,000 of this latter group, or 37 percent of the total, were 100 acres 
or larger. 

There are only 932 farms above 500 acres in size and on many of these farms 
the number of acres of tillable land is not much in excess of that found on smaller 
farms. 

CHANGES IN SIZES OP FARMS 

Ther3 has been but little change in the average size of farms in Michigan during 
the past 20- or 30-year period when considered on a State basis and presented 
as single averages. When an analysis is made, however, of the different sizes of 
farms, a somewhat different situation is presented. In general, the larger farms 
(those 175 acres and over) and the smaller farms (those under 50 acres) have 
increased in number. The medium-sized farms (those between 50 and 175 
acres) have decreased in number. See table 5. 



7774 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table 5. — Changes in sizes and distribution of farms in Michigan, 1920 to 1940 



Size group 


1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number of farms 


196, 447 


100 


169,372 


100 


196, 517 


100 


187, 589 


100 


Farms: 

Under 10 acres 

10 to 49 acres 


6,003 
47, 506 
71, 391 
52, 645 
13, 236 

4,839 
827 


3 

24 
36 

27 
7 
3 


5,780 
38, 639 
57, 749 
47, 723 
13, 403 

5,275 
803 


3 

23 
34 

28 
8 
3 
1 


11,642 
50, 800 
63,900 
50, 105 
13, 765 
5,421 
884 


6 

26 
32 
26 

7 
3 


12,675 
47, 784 
57, 977 
47, 664 
14, 337 
6,220 
932 


7 
25 


50 to 99 acres_. 


31 


100 to 174 acres 


25 


175 to 259 acres.. 


g 


260 to 499 acres 


3 


500 and over 


1 










Average size of farms, acres.. 


97 




101 




94 




96 















The changes in sizes of farms are more noticeable in some type of farming areas 
than in others, as is indicated by the accompanying tables which show the situa- 
tion by selected counties in different parts of the State. In Berrien County, the 
southwestern fruit area of Michigan, where the average size of farm is less than 
60 acres, the number of small farms has continued to increase and the number 
of all others has decreased. In Oakland County, the industrial area of south- 
eastern Michigan, the trend in the increase in the number of small farms is even 
greater than in Berrien. The increase in Oakland County, however, is accounted 
for largely by the increase in part-time farms. See tables 6 and 7. 

Table 6. — Changes in sizes of farms in Berrien County, the fruit region of south- 
western Michigan, 1920 to 1940 



Size group 


1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number 
farms 


5,443 


100 


5,390 


100 


5,896 


100 


5, 324 


100 


Farms under 10 acres. 

10 to 49 acres 

50 to 99 acres 

100 to 174 acres 

175 to 259 acres 

260 to 499 acres 

600 acres and over 


376 

2,773 

1,346 

708 

180 

52 

8 


7 

51 

25 

13 

3 

1 


408 

2,952 

1,217 

608 

137 

63 

5 


8 

55 

23 

11 

2 

1 


608 

3,222 

1,223 

637 

148 

50 

8 


10 
55 
21 
11 
2 
1 


462 

2,899 

1,160 

572 

155 

66 

10 


9 

54 

22 

11 

3 

1 












Average size farms, 
acres 


60 




55 




52 




56 













Table 7. — Changes in sizes of farms in Oakland County, an industrial county in 

southeastern Michigan, 1920 to 1940 



Size group 


1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number 
farms 


4,035 


100 


2,405 


100 


3,995 


100 


4,036 


100 


Farms under 10 acres. 

10 to 49 acres 

60 to 99 acres 

100 to 174 acres 

175 to 259 acres 

260 to 499 acres 

500 acres and over. . . 


121 

651 

1,187 

1,439 

450 

169 

18 


3 

16 
29 
36 
11 
4 
1 


161 
421 
631 
772 
266 
128 
26 


7 
18 
26 
32 
11 
5 
1 


629 
979 
931 
964 
320 
141 
31 


16 

24 

23 

24 

8 

4 

1 


834 
1,020 
849 
857 
288 
151 
37 


21 

26 

21 

21 

7 

4 

1 


Average size farms, 
acres 


114 




119 




92 




86 















NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7775 



In the general agricultural regions as indicated by Lenawee, Eaton, and Mis- 
saukee Counties the significant trend has been an increase in the numbers of 
larger farms, those above 100 or 175 acres. See tables 9, 10, and 11. 

St. Joseph County in the general farming area on the lighter soils in southwest- 
ern Michigan is an example of a county in which very little change in the size of 
farms has occurred since 1920. Bay County in the sugar-beet and bean area 
shows some increase in the number of small farms of 10 acres or less, a decrease 
in the number of farms between 10 and 100 acres in size, and an increase in the 
numbers of those over 100 acres in size. See table 8. 



Table 8. — Changes in sizes of farms in Bay County, in the sugar-beet and bean area 

of eastern Michigan, 1920- 40 





1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Size group 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number 
of farms 


3,216 


100 


2,901 


100 


3,391 


100 


3,190 


100 


Farms under 10 
acres 


147 

1,139 

1,281 

545 

73 

26 

5 


5 

35 

40 

17 

2 

1 


122 

868 

1,222 

578 

86 

20 

5 


4 

30 

42 

20 

3 

1 


334 

1,083 

1,289 

572 

83 

26 

4 


10 
32 
38 
17 

2 

1 


276 

970 

1,226 

594 

94 

26 

4 


9 


10 to 49 acres 

50 to 99 acres.. 

100 to 174 acres 

175 to 259 acres. 

260 to 499 acres 


30 

38 

19 

3 

1 












Average size of farms, 


71 




76 




68 




72 















Table 9. — Changes in sizes of farms in Lenawee County, corn and livestock area of 

southern Michigan, 1920-40 



Size group 


1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number 
of farms 


5,080 


100 


4,453 


100 


4,661 


100 


4,186 


100 


Farms under 10 
acres 


220 

1,008 

1,978 

1,499 

292 

82 

1 


4 

20 

39 

29 

6 

2 


164 

827 

1,553 

1,418 

366 

123 

2 


4 

18 

35 

32 

8 

3 


252 

934 

1,595 

1,408 

338 

126 

8 


6 

20 

34 

30 

7 

3 


196 

735 

1,371 

1,348 

384 

146 

6 


5 


10 to 49 acres... 

50 to 99 acres 

100 to 174 acres 

175 to 259 acres 

260 to 499 acres ■ 

500.acres and over 


18 

33 

32 

9 

3 






Average size of farms, 
acres 


90 




99 




95 




103 











7776 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table 10. — Changes in sizes of farms in Eaton County, dairy and general fanning 

area of central Michigan, 1920-40 





1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Size group 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number 
farms.. 


3,719 


100 


3,385 


100 


3,686 


100 


3,354 


100 


Farms under 10 


126 

777 

1,440 

1,075 

234 

63 

4 


3 

21 

39 

29 

6 

2 


107 

701 

1,185 

1, 037 

261 

88 

6 


3 

21 

35 

31 

8 

2 


197 

849 

1,211 

1, 050 

272 

98 

9 


5 
23 

33 
29 

7 
3 


167 

727 
1,082 
953 
287 
124 
14 


5 


10 to 49 acres 

50 to 99 acres.. 

100 to 174 acres. 

175 to 259 acres 

260 to 499 acres 

600 acres and over — 


22 
32 

28 
9 

4 


Average size farms, 


92 




98 




94 




100 















Table 11. — Changes in sizes of farms in Missaukee County in the potato area of 

northwestern Michigan, 1920-40 





1920 


1930 


1935 


1940 


Size group 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Number 


Percent 


Total number 
farms 


1,359 


100 


1,072 


100 


1,200 


100 


1,214 


100 


Farms under 10 
acres -- 


19 
241 
533 
387 
112 
56 
11 


1 

18 
■ 39 

29 
8 
4 
1 


16 
105 
338 
398 
126 
68 
21 


1 

10 
32 
37 
12 
6 
2 


9 

151 
427 
405 
111 
76 
21 


1 

12 

36 

34 

9 

6 

2 


25 
161 
335 
418 
160 
90 
25 


2 


10 to 49 acres 

50 to 99 acres 

100 to 174 acres 

175 to 259 acres 

260 to 499 acres. 

500 acres and over. . . 


13 
28 
34 
13 
8 
2 


Average size farms, 


124 




151 




142 




151 















Rural-Urban Migration 

Michigan is such a highly industrialized State that the importance of its agri- 
culture is often overlooked. As a result of this industrialization the population 
of the State lias about doubled since 1910 as indicated by table 12. 

Table 12.— Population, total and rural-farm, for Michigan for selected years from 

1910 to 1940 





Total 
popula- 
tion i 


Rural- 
farm 

popula- 
tion ' 


Percent of total popu- 
lation on farm? 


Ratio- 
farm to 


Year 


Michigan 


United 
States 


nonfarm in 
Michigan 


1910 


2, 810, 173 
3,668,412 
4, 281, 000 

4, 842, 325 
4,710,000 

5, 256, 106 


911,000 
848, 000 
792, 000 
775, 436 
840, 514 
865, 174 


32.4 
23.1 
18.5 
16.0 
17.8 
16.5 


35.0 
30.0 
27.0 
24.6 


1 :2. 1 


1920 


1 : 3. 3 


1925 


1 : 4. 4 


1930 


1 ; 5. 2 


1035 


1 : 4. 6 


1940 


22.9 


1 : 5. 1 











-First Series— Number of Inhabitants— Michigan. Except 1935 estimate 



i 1910 Population Census- 
is from the World Almanac. , . . ,,„„! w __ 

2 Years of 1910 and 1925 are estimates by E. B. Hill; year of 1920 estimate by Bureau of Agricultural Eco- 
nomics, U. S. Department oj Agriculture; years of 1930 and 1940 from 1940 Census Preliminary Report. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7777 

Since 1920 the movement to and from farms has gone through one cycle and is 
well on its way to another. Since that date, the peak of the net movement from 
the farms to cities, towns, and villages of 1,137,000 persons was reached in 1922 
for the United States. It continued to be relatively high until 1927 when the 
trend started downward. By 1932 net movement was away from the cities and to 
the farms by 266,000 persons. Since 1932 the net movement has been away from 
the farms and it has been particularly accelerated during 1940 and 1941. 

As may be observed from table 12 the rural farm population in Michigan de- 
creased from 1910 to 1930 but has been increasing since that date. The rural- 
farm population is now about 16 percent of the total population as compared to 
32 percent in 1910. At the present time in Michigan there is one person on the 
farm to five nonfarm persons. 

Rural-urban migration presents many problems of interest to society as a whole 
as well as to individual farmers. During periods of reduced job opportunities in 
industry the migration tends to be toward the country. Many families relocate 
on farms in areas not adapted to farming. These settlements often develop into 
situations which might be called the slums of the country. In other cases the 
families relocate on land so distant from public institutions and services that the 
cost to local government units is excessive. Other individuals return to the home 
farm as a haven of refuge. 

In previous periods, agriculture has stood more than its share of the con- 
sequences of unemployment in the city. Lands have been settled and later 
abandoned. Will this be repeated in the future? Farm labor has been attracted 
to the city by wages higher than can be paid by the farmer at existing prices for 
farm products. The need for some of this farm labor has been diminished by the 
speeding up of the mechanization of the farm. Useful job opportunities on farms 
are decreasing. 

PART-TIME AND SUBSISTENCE FARMING 

Part of the increase in rural-farm population which has occurred since 1929 
has been caused by the increase in part-time and subsistence farming. The 
increase in part-time farming has been greatest in the industrial agricultural 
counties such as Genesee, Oakland, Wayne, Macomb, and Kent. See also figs. 
42 and 43 of Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 206, "Types of 
Farming in Michigan." 

In too many places the families living on these part-time farms continue to have 
their major interests in the city and do not participate in the social and com- 
munity life of the region in which they live. In some areas at least this has led 
to a very unfavorable reaction among the full-time farmers. 

On most part-time farms, the production of crops and livestock is a secondary 
consideration to the job in industry. When the part-time farmer no longer has 
a job in industry he makes an attempt to farm. His success or progress is often 
handicapped (1) by a lack of knowledge of how to do the job, (2) by a lack of equip- 
ment, and (3) by a lack of capital, and (4) lack of a farm of adequate size. 

In many instances the part-time and subsistence farmers have been aided by 
the Farm Security Administration which not only supplied credit but also an 
educational program which would aid these people to make the best use of their 
resources. The activities of the Farm Security Administration, however, also 
included credit and guidance to young tenants who had been, and were expected 
to be, bona fide farmers. 

Migratory Labor 

The discussion of rural-urban migration for Michigan would not be complete 
without refernce to migratory labor. The regions within Michigan in which 
this type of labor is of most importance are the main fruit ;,regions of the 
State, and the main sugar beet producing areas of the State. 

Fruit and sugar beets both have such heavy labor requirements during the 
growing and harvesting season that migratory labor has been about the only 
means of handling the crop during these periods. In 1941, however, the supply 
of labor available in southwestern Michigan was insufficient to harvest all of the 
current peach crop. 

Migratory labor in the sugar beet region has probably been of greater concern 
, to Michigan citizens than has the migratory labor in the fruit belt. Under the 
direction of Prof. J. F. Thaden, the Sociology Department of the Michigan State 
College has recently made a study of sugar beet field workers in Michigan. 



60396 — 41— pt. 19- 



7778 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Some of the following extracts from this unpublished manuscript are of particular 
interest. 

"The production of sugar beets and beet sugar requires much hand labor, usu- 
ally 70 to 75 hours per acre. The beet field work is divided into two periods — 
blocking, thinning, and hoeing from about the last of May to the last of July, and 
pulling and topping from about the last of September to about November 20. 
Most farmers expect field men of the sugar factories to secure beet workers for 
them. 

"About 15 percent of the farmers, usually those with small acreages, do their 
own beet field work. Approximately 90 percent of the beet acreage is cared for by 
hired laborers, by about 13,000 persons, 56 percent of whom are migrants from 
Texas, all Mexicans; 5 percent are from other States, principally Illinois, Indiana, 
Ohio, Kentucky, and West Virginia, one-tenth of whom are Mexicans; and 39 
percent are residents of Michigan, of whom one-fifth are Mexicans. In 1939, 
59 percent of the gainfully employed beet workers were Mexicans. Thev are an 
increasing proportion of the beet-worker population annually. 

"Of the Mexican migrants from Texas, 57 percent come from San Antonio and 
the other from 120 different communities. Approximately one-half had previous 
farm experience; however, very few had previous experience in beet fields. Some 
7,600 were recruited in 1941 by the Acosta Employment Agency, a general agent 
for the Sugar Beet Growers and Manufacturer's Association and their employment 
committees in Michigan and Ohio. Applicants paid a registration fee of $1.50 
which included a charge of 25 cents for the health examination for tuberculosis. 

"Some 500 to 1,000 unsolicited Mexicans from Texas appear in Michigan fac- 
tory areas each year and are given jobs in the beet fields. Some of them were 
rejected by the health examiner and so were not acceptable to the recruiting em- 
ployment agency. 

"Ages of beet workers from Texas ranged from 14 to 78 years. Their average 
age is 28.6 years. Their median age 23.8 years. Over 37 percent are under 21 
years. 

"Theoretically, larrners are supposed to house their beet workers. Very few 
can or do. If they cannot they are usually assessed 50 oents an acre to compen- 
sate the sugar company for supplying housing facilities. Nearly two-thirds live 
in company beet shacks, of which nearly one-half are portable. Nearly one-third 
live in vacant or abandoned farm houses leased by the sugar companies for the 
beet season. 

"Average beet worker takes care of 7 acres. First-year workers are almost in- 
variably given smaller acreages. The average worker earned $133 for his beet 
work in 1939 and 1940 during the 7-month period. His supplementary income 
for nonbeet work during slack periods averaged $10. Eighty to ninety percent 
could take care of considerably larger acreages than that assigned to them. 

"Under the Sugar Act of 1937 the payment of fair and reasonable wages for 
beet workers is obligatory and is determined by the Government after hearings 
have been held. The schedule of payment was $11 for blocking, thinning, hoeing, 
and keeping beets free from weeds, payable when work is completed, and for 
topping, a certain amount per ton depending upon the yield per acre. As a 
matter of fact two-thirds of the beet workers in Michigan are not paid in full at 
the end of the weeding period. A hold-back of $2 is still commonly practiced. 

"Almost universally credit is extended to Mexican migrants for transportation 
to Michigan ana for groceries, household utensils, and beet tools. 

"Mexican beet laborers are now examined in Texas for tuberculosis before they 
can register with the employment agency or agencies for beet work. In 1939 
of 4,271 persons examined 101 were rejected, 81 for tuberculosis. In 1940, of 
5,753 applicants examined 157 were rejected, 121 for tuberculosis. In 1941, of 
7,597 persons examined 201 were rejected, 197 for tuberculosis. 

"The spring of 1941 was the first time that there was little or no illegal trans- 
portation of beet workers from Texas by truckers. Eighteen hundred came by 
train, others in their own cars or trucks. 

"In recent years most direct relief that has been given to needy beet workers 
by welfare relief agencies has been given to Mexicans who have established 
permanent residence. Most migrants return to Texas at the end of the harvest. 

"The child labor provisions of the Sugar Act of 1937 is rather rigidly enforced 
so that child labor was practically nonexistent in beet fields last year. 

"Three summer camps for children of migrant Ibeet workers near Mount 
Pleasant, and at Alma and Blissfield, sponsored by the Home Missions Council 
of North America, is a wholesome influence, of religious, educational, and recre- 
ational nature on several hundred children." 



NATIONAL, DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7779 



Professor Thaden makes the following recommendations with reference to 
sugar beet field workers in Michigan: 

"Every possible effort be made by beet growers and beet growers employment 
agencies to hire unemployed persons in Michigan, especially those residing in 
the principal beet-producing counties. 

"No beet worker have less than 10 acres of beets so that his earnings will be 
not less than $190. 

"All labor to be employed under contract. 

"School census enumerators be compelled to fill out Form CA-LA accurately 
and completely when they take the school census, so that it will be possible to 
determine State or country of birth of migrant Mexican beet workers. 

"Mexicans recruited in Texas be strongly discouraged from coming to Michigan 
if they have children under 14 years of age. 

"Beet workers be paid in full at the end of the weeding period for work done. 

"Communities, in which beets are grown, organize to conduct summer schools 
for children of migrant beet workers, similar to those sponsored by the Council 
of Home Missions. 

"Migrant beet workers be strongly urged to return to their State at the end 
of the harvest season and not be permitted to live in company beet houses during 
the nonbeet season." 

The Defense Program and the Farm Labor Situation 

In Michigan, labor is about 45 to 50 percent of the cost of operating the usual 
farm, not including interest on the investment. Thus, any program which affects 
the cost or availability of farm labor soon presents critical problems to the farm 
operator. 

FARM LABOR SHORTAGE 

As early as July 1940, many farmers began to sense the coming difficulties in 
the supply of farm labor. The demand for farm labor for the year remained 
about the same, but the supply began fast to diminish to the extent that the 
supply became insufficient to meet the demand. This trend has continued until 
in July 1941, the latest data available, the ratio of the supply to demand was 50.7 
percent of normal. According to Crops and Markets of the United States De- 
partment of Agriculture, the situation in Michigan was the worst in the United 
States. Statistical data showing the trend in supply and demand of farm labor 
in"; Michigan from 1924 to July 1941 are shown in table 13. Cash wages have 
advanced an average of 30 percent, with the highest wages being paid in south- 
eastern Michigan. 

Table 13.- — Farm labor: Michigan supply and demand, 192J+-J+1 l 





January 


April 


July 


October 


Year 


o. 

3 

to 




a 

CD 

Q 


o 

<S 


>> 

"a 
a. 

3 
m 


a 

03 

3 

a 


_o 
el 


"E 
a. 


■a 
a 

03 

a 

CD 

Q 


_o 

03 


"3. 

D. 
3 
CO 


a 

03 

a 

CD 

P 


n 
03 


1924 .. 


69 
92 

85 


82 
83 
80 


84 
111 
106 


67 

87 

80 

83 

93 

87 

106 

125 

150 

152 

109 

102 

89 

73 

102 

94 

93 

64 


79 
83 
83 

81 
82 
86 
77 
66 
57 
54 
73 
78 
87 
92 
81 
81 
85 
97 


85 
105 

96 
102 
113 
101 
138 
189 
263 
281 
149 
131 
102 

79 
126 
116 
109 

67 


85 

87 

74 

85 

88 

84 

114 

120 

139 

126 

106 

96 

77 

66 

96 

90 

85 

50 


80 
82 
86 
86 
86 
87 
78 
72 
63 
70 
74 
86 
92 
97 
85 
89 
91 
98 


106 

106 

86 

99 

102 

97 

146 

167 

221 

180 

143 

112 

84 

68 

113 

101 

93 

51 


87 

82 

73 

84 

82 

85 

118 

126 

142 

122 

106 

89 

75 

69 

91 

89 

80 


86 
88 
87 
82 
87 
85 
69 
61 
63 
69 
74 
90 
91 
97 
85 
88 
93 


101 


1925 


93 


1926 


84 


1927 .. 


102 


1928 








94 


1929 

1930 


99 

130 

139 

147 

115 

108 

94 

76 

95 

95 

95 

79 


73 
61 
53 

53 
59 

67 
78 
85 
79 
78 
84 
90 


136 
213 
262 
277 
195 
161 
121 

89 
120 
122 
113 

88 


100 
171 


1931 


207 


1932 


225 


1933..-. 


177 


1934.... -. 


143 


1935 


99 


1936 


82 


1937 


71 


1938 


107 


1939 


101 


1940... 


86 


1941 












Average (1930-39) ... 


110 


69 


170 


110 


75 


157 


103 


81 


134 


103 


79 


138 



1 Supply and demand as a percentage of normal. 

2 Ratio of supply to demand. 

Data from 1934 and 1941 annual crop reports for Michigan. 



7780 DETROIT HEARINGS 

MIGRATION OF LABOR FROM MICHIGAN FARMS 

It is difficult to report statistically the actual extent of the migration from Mich- 
igan farms to industry because representative records have not been kept. An 
analysis of the records of the State employment service would not give a correct 
idea of this movement since most farm boys and hired men have moved directly 
from the farm to the job and they did not register with or go through the State 
employment service. Able farm boys and hired men have readily obtained em- 
ployment in the neaiby urban industries at rates beginning at 65 to 85 cents per 
hour and many soon had their wages increased to $0.90, $1, and $1.25 per hour. 

The lack of farm labor is critical in most regions of the State, and particularly 
so in southeastern Michigan. High city wages have drawn many able-bodied men 
to the city. The Work Projects Administration has not helped the farm labor 
situation in the past, although in the summei of 1941 its rural program was modi- 
fied so as to permit a better coordination with farmers. The conscription of young 
men on the farm has still further depleted the farm labor supply. 

Farmers are confronted with three major problems: (1) Increased wages for 
farm help; (2) inability to obtain sufficient help, particularly seasonal labor, at 
almost any price they could afford to pay; and (3) getting help of such a quality 
as to be useful on the farm. 

AGES OF HIRED LABOR 

During the last half of 1940 and through 1941 there has been a decided tendency 
for available farm help either to be older men from 50 to 65 years of age, or boys, 
or others not so well suited to jobs in urban industry. One prominent southern 
Michigan farmer wiites the following with reference to his 1941 hired help: "Good 
help cannot be found. There are none in this neighborhood. My man is 65 years 
old and I hire a school boy as extra help after school and on Saturdays. My neigh- 
bors are doing the best they can without help." This statement is typical of the 
statements of many other farmers on the labor situation in southern Michigan. 

Contemplated Changes in Farm Business as Result of Defense Program 

In the spring of 1941 a survey was made by the farm management department 
of the Michigan State College in an effort to determine the changes planned by 
farmers in the conduct of their farm business. Some of the changes reported by 
the different farmers were as follows: 

1. More power and more machinery: 

(a) Larger power and machinery units. 

(b) Buy tractor equipment. 

(c) Buy general purpose tractors. 

(d) Replace horses with tractors. 

(e) Buy a combine. 

(/) Buy a pick-up baler. 

(g) Use more rubber-tired equipment. 

(h) Buy a milking machine. 

2. The farm operator to do more of the work himself. 

3. Eliminate the hired help. Operator and family to do the work. 

4. Do less work outside the farm. 

5. Have more exchange work with neighbors. 

6. Let the poorer land lay idle. 

7. Produce more acreages of crops which require less labor, such as hay and 
pasture, and sma'ler acreages of grain and row crops which require more labor. 

8. Reduce labor requirements by keeping fewer dairy cows, and more beef 
cattle, sheep, and hogs. 

9. Increase the dairy herd. 

10. Fa:m more land. 

Most of the changes are planned with the thought of reducing labor require- 
ments. In some instances the changes also involve a decrease in the volume of 
business, others plan to maintain production, whereas still others contemplate the 
expansion of the volume of production. 

Some of these proposed changes, such as the purchase of new machinery, may 
seriously increase the debt load on some farms. This is a situation to be avoided 
unless there is a reasonable chance of paying off the debts within the next 2- to 
4-year period. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 77gl 

Conclusion 

The migration of labor within the State of Michigan between rural and urban 
areas as well as the interstate migration presents many problems of adjustment 
of current interest and particularly so for the post-war period. It should receive 
the attention of planning and other groups interested in present and post-war 
adjustments. 

Within the past 12-month period, (1) cash farm wages have increased an 
average of about 30 percent in Michigan; (2) through migration to the city, 
seasonal farm labor, aside from the migratory labor, has become practically 
nonexistent; (3) farmers have lost many of their year help; (4) much of the help 
that remains is not of the quality most desired on farms. 

During the same period and together with the difficult labor situation, farmers 
of Michigan have been asked to increase their production of essential food products 
about 15 percent. Prices of such Michigan farm products as butter, eggs, poul- 
try, pork, and beans have been supported by the Federal Government in order to 
encourage the increase in food production. Most farmers are doing their utmost 
to supply the additional food required. 

Michigan farmers are attempting to carry on and do their part in the food- 
production program by many different means, some of which are as follows: 
(1) Increased mechanization of their farms as a means of reducing labor require- 
ments; (2) by working harder and longer hours; (3) more help on the farm by the 
family; (4) more exchange of work between neighbors; and (5) making more 
efficient use of hired labor. 

The increase in mechanization means decidedly fewer job opportunities on the 
farm during the post-defense or the post-war period. The problem then presents 
itself as to by whom and in what places will the slack be absorbed. It is my 
opinion that farmers and agriculture in general have done more than their share 
in taking up this slack in the past. It is my opinion that they will not either be 
able or disposed to continue such a procedure in the future. 

Safeguards in the nature of rural land zoning need to be set up at an early date. 
This will help to avoid the mistakes of the past in the settlement, mostly tem- 
porary, of our marginal and nonagricultural lands. 



Exhibit A.— Action Program to Improve Michigan Farm Situation 

RECOMMENDATIONS BY PROF. E. B. HILL, FARM MANAGEMENT DEPARTMENT, 

MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE 

The following suggestions relate to an action program with reference to labor 
migration and its effect on the present as well as the future of the agriculture of 
Michigan: 

1. More complete utilization of local labor. — Although this would undoubtedly 
be difficult for complete accomplishment, yet much could be done by way of an 
educational program and the more complete use of employment service facilities 
toward this end. 

2. Rural and urban zoning.- — Impetus should be given to zoning in order to 
(a) direct and guide the development of new settlements and communities in the 
open country and in the areas immediately adjoining the larger cities and (b) to 
guide the anticipated post-defense or post-war migration to the country. This 
would endeavor to guide the migrants to better land and better locations, thereby 
avoiding isolated settlers and settlement on marginal and submarginal lands. 

3. State employment service, more complete service. — The State employment 
service should give added attention and assistance to agricultural laborers for 
farm service and to the needs of farmers. In addition, the State employment 
service or the Farm Security Administration could make a trial of serving as a 
central clearing house for landlords and tenants. 

4. Prices of agricultural products.- — Prices of farm products should be such as 
will permit the producer of food to compete on the labor market for farm labor. 

5. Educational program. — An educational program which will show to possible 
migrants from farm to city and from city to farm the disadvantages as well as the 
advantages of their proposed move. Information should be presented as to what 
happened before, during, and after the last World War. 



7782 DETROIT HEARINGS 

TESTIMONY OF PROF. E. B. HILL— Resumed 

Mr. Curtis. This committee is charged with a study of the migra- 
tion of people. We would like to know what has been the nature of 
the rural-urban movement within Michigan during the past few 
decades. 

RURAL-URBAN MOVEMENT WITHIN MICHIGAN 

Dr. Hill. I would say, to begin, that between 1920 and 1930, for 
the most part, there was a definite movement from the country to the 
city. That continued up until about 1927. From 1927, that move- 
ment slowed down a little bit, and by 1933 or 1934 there was a net 
movement to the country from the city; so, in general, there was a 
movement from the country to the city during the 1920's and from 
the city back to the country during the 1930's — the early 1930's, at 
any rate. 

Mr. Curtis. Was this movement in the early 1930's from the city 
back to the country primarily composed of farmers, or of people just 
seeking a place to live on smaller tracts of land? 

Dr. Hill. It was probably both; that is, there were city people 
seeking places to live on the smaller tracts, and also farm folks, sons 
or duaghters, for example, who went back to their homes. 

Mr. Curtis. Has the long run population movement drained off 
surplus labor from the farm? 

Dr. Hill. It has not drained off farm labor except during the last 
12 months. That is about the period when it has been serious. In 
general, the amount of necessary farm labor has been fairly well main- 
tained, with certain fluctuations, up until about the last 12 months. 

EFFECT OF AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRY DEVELOPMENT UPON AGRICULTURE 

Mr. Curtis. Has the development of the automobile industry in 
Michigan in any way affected Michigan's agriculture? 

Dr. Hill. Yes. I think it has made it just a little bit tougher for 
farmers who are in the immediate vicinity of industrial cities like 
Flint and Pontiac and Detroit, from tbe standpoint of getting and 
keeping labor. 

Mr. Curtis. Has it changed their type of farming? 

Dr. Hill. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. In what way? 

MORE INTENSIVE FARMING 

Dr. Hill. We bave had a more intensive type of farming. The 
population of the State has just about doubled since 1910, and that 
has meant an increase in demand for dairy products, and for poultry 
and eggs and vegetables and fruits. 

Mr. Curtis. All of which calls for more labor? 

Dr. Hill. Yes, sir. There has been quite an intensification of 
agriculture in the State of Michigan, which has called for more labor, 
and to offset that there has been a mechanization, which to a certain 
extent has released labor and made it possible to do this more in- 
tensive job. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7783 

MECHANIZATION 

Mr. Curtis. Is mechanization on the farm still increasing? 

Dr. Hill. Very decidedly, particularly during the last 15 years, 
and I would say it has been speeded up tremendously during the last 
12-month period. 

Mr. Curtis. How do you account for the speed-up in the last 12 
months? 

Dr. Hill. Because of the increasing difficulty of obtaining satis- 
factory farm labor and the higher wages that are necessary to pay 
farm labor. 

Mr. Curtis. Has that been true of the so-called family-size farm 
as well as the larger enterprises? 

Dr. Hill. I would say so, because I think most of our family-size 
farms would employ help in addition to the family, at least for a 9- 
month period. On the larger farms, those with over 100 acres of 
tillable land, the mechanization has been speeded up because of the 
difficulty of getting good labor and the higher price for labor. 

Mr. Curtis. How is the priority system affecting the farm-ma- 
chinery situation? 

FARM MACHINE SHORTAGES 

Dr. Hill. The only comment that I can give on that is a telephone 
conversation I had with one of the distributors in the State, on the 
matter of corn pickers. A corn picker is a relatively new machine, 
as far as Michigan is concerned. And this distributor's statement 
was that they couldn't get enough corn pickers this year to fill the 
demand. 

As to other machines, say a pick-up hay baler, which is also a rela- 
tively new type of machine but which has come into Michigan in rela- 
tively large numbers in the past 12 months, his statement was that 
they couldn't get enough of the hay balers to fill the orders this year; 
and apparently this one concern was not able to get all the tractors 
that they could use in filling their orders. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you have much small-grain farming here in 
Michigan? 

Dr. Hill. Not as much as you would have, say, in Illinois. Ours 
is mostly a general type of farming, with dairying as the major enter- 
prise, and with the small grains as a supplementary enterprise, pri- 
marily for feed crops, for dairy cows and horses and cattle and sheep. 
We don't sell much small grain. 

Mr. Curtis. You did not run into the difficulty of securing steel 
bins this year? 

Dr. Hill. Not as far as I know. 

Mr. Curtis. That was a very major problem in the small grain 
country. 

Dr. Hill. I understand it was. 

MECHANIZATION AS AFFECTING JOB OPPORTUNITIES 

Mr. Curtis. What are the future complications resulting from the 
trend toward mechanization? What effect will this mechanization 
have on farm labor when and if the emergency ends? 



7784 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Dr. Hill. That is a little difficult to say definitely. It can't help 
but affect the job opportunities that exist in the country. There will 
be fewer of what you might call useful full-time job opportunities as 
a result of this increased mechanization. When there is a surplus of 
labor, following any cessation of our defense program, we can't help 
but have that situation, so far as I can see. 

Mr. Curtis. Will it inject a personal factor into the picture? 

Dr. Hill. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Do farmers ordinarily think these labor-saving 
devices are costly? Do they resort to them as a matter of choice, or 
because of the shortage of labor at high prices? 

Dr. Hill. They have done it for both reasons. Some types of 
help can be most efficiently used on a mechanized farm. It is becom- 
ing increasingly difficult to get a man who is good with horses. So, 
to some extent, it is a desire on the part of the farmer to make more 
efficient use of labor. 

It has also been reported to me that farmers have found it neces- 
sary to get some of this mechanized equipment to satisfy their hired 
help. In other cases it is an actual shortage of help that has made 
it necessary for the farmer to get some of these labor-saving devices. 

labor piracy in agriculture 

Mr. Curtis. Do you have anything to say about labor piracy in 
agriculture? 

Dr. Hill. I suppose you mean hiring away — one farmer hiring 
away from another, or farmers in one region hiring labor from 
farmers in another region? 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. What I had in mind was the practice of going 
out and bidding for the farmer's labor, taking it away from him, 
either by other farmers or by industry. 

Dr. Hill. There is a small amount of it going on, I suppose. 
Naturally some farms are a little larger than others, and a little 
more efficiently operated, and they would be able to pay a man a 
little more. But there is not much of that. I have not heard of 
much soliciting of these folks, or interviewing them and attempting 
to have them take other jobs. If a young man, a farmer's son or 
hired man, learns of a job in the city, he pretty much takes that of 
his own free will. 

Mr. Curtis. Are family-size farms increasing or decreasing in 
number? 

Dr. Hill. There has been no particular trend. 

I was very much interested in making an analysis of the results 
made available by the last census. That indicated that in the aver- 
age size farm in Michigan, taking all the farms together, there has 
been very little change in the number of acres. But if you break 
that down by size groups, as is done by the census, by acre groups, 
you find in certain regions of the State, particularly in the fruit and 
truck growing regions, and in those adjacent to the industrial centers, 
that there has been a decided increase in the number of small farms, 
part-time farms. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7785 

INCREASING NUMBER OF SUBSISTENCE FARMS 

They might be called part time or subsistence farms, usually under 
10 acres, but they may be somewhat larger. 

In some of our agricultural counties in the southern part of the 
State, which is nearer the Corn Belt, and in the central part of the 
State, away from the industrial areas, the increase in the number of 
small farms is not so marked. There has also been an increase there 
in the number of large farms, say over 250 acres. But practically 
all of these farms are what we would call family-size. 

I think there are only something like 900 farms in this State that 
have in excess of 500 acres, and many of those are in the cut-over 
regions, in which the amount of tillable land is not excessive. They 
still would be called family-size. 

Mr. Curtis. Has the recent employment created by the establish- 
ment of defense plants here in Michigan aggravated the shortage of 
farm labor? 

Dr. Hill. Very decidedly; from all the evidence I can gather by 
talking with farmers, that is my own personal impression. 

SUPPLY OF FARM LABOR 50 PERCENT OF NORMAL 

The United States Agricultural Marketing Service, in their crop 
and livestock reporting division, through their crop reporters get in- 
formation of that sort, and the report for July was that the supply of 
farm labor in relation to the demand was, as they designated it, 50 
percent of normal in Michigan, and that was the lowest of any State 
in the Union. 

Mr. Curtis. Are the part-time farmers leaving their farms and 
getting these jobs too? 

Dr. Hill. I haven't made an exact study of that. What I can 
tell would be only my impression. 

It has been my observation that these part-time farmers, as soon 
as they get a job, forget about their farms. Many leave some mem- 
ber of the family to carry on the work on a reduced scale. 

Mr. Curtis. In other words, they carry that farm as sort of a 
cushion against unemployment, and a place to go to in order to escape 
the high living cost of the city when they do not have work? 

Dr. Hill. Pretty much. Even when they are unemployed they 
don't have the equipment nor the livestock to resume farm operations 
on a part-time basis; and in many cases don't have the finances or 
the knowledge of how to operate the place if they wanted to. 

An educational program is needed for them when they start in, 
and some of that has to be done by the Farm Security Administration. 

Mr. Curtis. Is the defense program altering the nature of agricul- 
tural migration in Michigan? 

DEFENSE PROGRAM INCREASES URBAN MIGRATION 

Dr. Hill. I would say that it is speeding up this migration from 
the farm to the city. It seems to me that is the only explanation for 
this terrific deficiency in the normal supply of farm labor. 



7786 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Mr. Curtis. When the Farm Security Administration places people 
on small farms as part-time farmers, perhaps they are short in equip- 
ment and knowledge and livestock, from the viewpoint of agriculture; 
but would you want to venture an opinion as to whether that is a 
good thing to do, in view of the alleged surpluses of farm products? 

SEES NO ADVANTAGE IN SUBSISTENCE FARMING 

Dr. Hill. It represents no particular advantage to agriculture, as 
far as I can see. 

Mr. Curtis. Is it a disadvantage? 

Dr. Hill. To the extent that it contributes to the excess production 
and to added costs in rural communities, it would be. 

Mr. Curtis. Would that land go unfarmed if Farm Security didn't 
help these people? 

Dr. Hill. Perhaps, for a short period of time. 

Mr. Curtis. But the choice land would not go unfarmed, would it? 

Dr. Hill. No, the choice land would not. 

Mr. Curtis. Only the submarginal land goes unfarmed? 

Dr. Hill. Submarginal land or small acreages that don't lend them- 
selves very well to the present mechanized set-up. 

MIGRANT FARM LABOR DEEMED NECESSARY 

Mr. Curtis. Can you say whether the farmers in the southwestern 
fruit area have adjusted their economy to the existence of a large 
supply of southern migrant labor to the point where such supply is 
essential? 

Dr. Hill. Yes; it has been more or less a natural thing in the past, 
and it hasn't created any unusual situation. It has just gradually 
developed to a point now where the migratory labor, seasonal labor, is 
definitely necessary. 

Mr. Curtis. And some of those people come from deep down m 
the South, do thay not? 

Dr. Hill. Yes; many of them come long distances. 

Mr. Curtis. Are they colored? 

Dr. Hill. There are some colored. I don't know what percentage 
is colored. A lot of them come out of the cities — young folks, high 
school boys or boys of college age. 

Mr. Curtis. What do they use them for? 

Dr. Hill. The whole range of production, but primarily for picking 
operations. 

Mr. Curtis. What fruits do you grow down there? 

Dr. Hill. In the southwestern part of Michigan, apples and 
peaches arc the big crops. 

Mr. Curtis. Berries, too? 

Dr. Hill. Berries ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Potatoes? 

Dr. Hill. Not many potatoes. Quite a little bit of vegetable farm- 
ing in there, and farther north, along the lake shore, cherries. In the 
south it is a more diversified production. 

Mr. Curtis. Did the usual number of migrant workers come up 
this year? 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7787 

ANTICIPATED FARM LABOR SHORTAGES 

Dr. Hill. I couldn't say as to that. Last week I had occasion to 
talk to a member of the State land-use planning committee from 
Berrien County, and he said this year, in his opinion, they would not be 
able to harvest all of the peaches, because of the lack of sufficient 
labor. They had a large peach crop this year, and maybe even a 
normal supply of labor wouldn't have been able to harvest it. 

Mr. Curtis. Some of it will go unharvested? 

Dr. Hill. That is what I understand. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you know of any other instances of crop loss 
because of lack of farm labor? 

Dr. Hill. No, I do not, because our harvesting season for the most 
part is just starting in now. It is starting in with beans. However, 
I don't think there is any great suffering as far as the grain crops are 
concerned, because so many farms are mechanized for grain harvest. 

We are just entering into the harvesting of crops like beans and 
sugar beets, and they will be coming in shortly, say in another few 
weeks. In potatoes and corn it is possible that in some locations there 
might be some spoilage, because of lack of ability to harvest them on 
time. The harvest will have to be drawn out over a longer period, and 
more work will have to be done by the farmer and his own family. 

W. P. A. AND FARM LABOR 

Mr. Curtis. What is the situation in regard to the W. P. A. and 
farm labor? Will able-bodied people employed on W. P. A. accept 
farm labor? 

Dr. Hill. That has been a pretty sore spot with the farmers in 
Michigan, as it has with farmers in other States, in the first place, 
because of the fact that if these workers on W. P. A. did accept a farm 
job, they would have difficulty getting back on the W. P. A. rolls. 

Now, since about midsummer the W. P. A. arrangement has been 
modified in an attempt to make a large number of these folks in the 
country available for farm labor. This is what the W. P. A. people 
tell me, at any rate. They say if they don't accept the farm labor at 
the going rates, then they are taken off the W. P. A. rolls. 

I don't know how much that has helped in agricultural regions, 
but it is certainly a step in the right direction, at any rate. 

Mr. Curtis. Do the rank and file of W. P. A. laborers like farm 
work? 

Dr. Hill. Probably not. I would imagine not. 

Mr. Curtis. Do the farmers consider them good hands? 

TYPES OF LABOR AVAILABLE 

Dr. Hill. Many farmers are this season having to accept almost 
anybody who will work, whether they are good hands or not. You 
see they are not quite so choosey as they have been before. A large 
part of farm labor is older men who are not considered adaptable to 
industry, and there is also quite a proportion of youngsters who are 
doing farm work. While a good many of the individuals who are on 
W. P. A. would not be good farm hands, they could do certain opera- 



7788 DETROIT HEARINGS 

tions, and that would be my answer to your question. I think it 
varies, of course, in different counties, as to the quality of the W. P. A. 

help. 

Mr. Curtis. As a matter of fact, while the W. P. A. was originally 
supposed to be a works program for able-bodied people, due to many 
causes it has got to a point now where they are less able-bodied and 
less qualified, isn't that true? 

Dr. Hill. That is right at the present time. Of course, in some 
cases, some of our part-time and subsistence farmers went on W. P. A., 
and some even, as I understand it, diminished the scope of their 
agricultural operations to some extent, so they would have less to do. 
But those men would have some training in agricultural work. 

EFFECT OF PRIORITIES ON FARM MACHINERY 

Mr. Osmers. Professor Hill, as I understand it, the Office of Price 
Administration — Mr. Henderson's office — has allowed the manu- 
facture of farm machinery and related products to go ahead full blast, 
has it not, in the manufacture of tractors and farm implements? 

Dr. Hill. That question I couldn't answer. I don't know. The 
only statement I could make is the one I just made, in which I quoted 
a local dealer for the John Deere Plow Company, who told me he 
couldn't get all the supplies he wanted. 

Now, there might be shortage in some particular types of equip- 
ment that were almost available. For instance, they could get the 
tractors, with the exception of a magneto. As I understand it, there 
was a shortage, because they could not get all the types of farm 
machinerv that they need. 

Mr. Osmers. I have been informed that Mr. Henderson is allowing 
the production of farm trucks from one and one-half tons upward in 
capacity, but that he has curtailed the production of trucks under one 
and one-half tons. Is that your understanding? 

Dr. Hill. I could not answer that. 

EFFECT OF CURTAILMENT OF SMALL TRUCK PRODUCTION 

Mr. Osmers. Let us assume for the moment it is true. Would the 
Michigan farmer be seriously affected by a lack of supply of trucks of 
less than one and one-half tons in capacity? Do they use many 
trucks of that type? 

Dr. Hill. Yes; I suppose the most common farm truck would be 
probably less than one and a half tons capacity. 

Mr. Curtis. Above that you get into commercial vehicles? 

Dr. Hill. Yes. The great majority would be around l}{; and I 
presume if curtailment in the production of smaller sizes was continued 
over a very long period, it would work some hardship, although if 
the larger trucks were available for complete service in the country, 
most farm products could be handled by the larger trucks. 

Mr. Osmers. The difference in the cost of a %- or a 1-ton vehicle 
and a 1^-ton vehicle is considerable. On a one-family farm, if there 
was a difference of three or four hundred dollars in the cost, would it 
not upset the finances of that family for possibly 2 years if they were 
forced to buy the larger truck? 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7789 

Dr. Hill. That is right. 

Mr. Osmers. And it might lead to a serious situation. 

Would you say it would be advisable, in view of the Nation's desire 
to produce large quantities of food as efficiently as possible, that we 
should, as a government, allow the farmer to buy all sizes of trucks 
that he needs? 

TRACTORS MORE IMPORTANT THAN TRUCKS 

Dr. Hill. I suppose that would be the logical deduction. How- 
ever, in Michigan, farm trucks are not as important as are tractors. 
I think there are something like 30,000 trucks on farms in Michigan, 
as compared with 66,000 tractors. 

Mr. Osmers. You made a statement, in response to my first ques- 
tion, that at least in one instance one tractor manufacturer — I believe 
John Deere was the name — had been unable to keep his delivery 
schedules because of the lack of tractors. 

Dr. Hill. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Do you think I am correct in making the assumption 
that O. P. A. C. S. has told the tractor people to go ahead and make 
all the tractors they wanted to, but didn't let them have all the mate- 
rials that they needed to make them? 

Dr. Hill. Yes. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Professor Hill. We appre- 
ciate your coming here and giving us this testimony. 

At 1:30 there will be a panel before the committee from the auto- 
mobile industry. 

The committee will stand adjourned at this time until then. 

(Whereupon, at 12:30 p. m., the hearing recessed until 1:30 p. m., 
the same day.) 1 

1 Resumption of the hearing, with the testimony of Earl E. Raymond as the first witness on Wednes- 
day afternoon, September 24, and with all other testimony taken at the hearing through that day and to 
the conclusion of the Detroit hearings on Thursday, September 25, appears in pt. 18, Detroit hearings 
(Industrial Section). 



INTRODUCTION OF EXHIBITS 

(The following were among exhibits submitted to the committee 
from various sources not represented by witnesses, and were entered 
as a part of the record of the Detroit hearings. 1 The exhibits grouped 
in this volume, Nos. 48 to 59, deal exclusively with the subject of 
agricultural migration in the area. Nos. 1 to 47, taking up the various 
phases of industrial or urban migration - t are published in part 
18, Detroit hearings (industrial section).) 

1 See pt. 18, Detroit hearings (Industrial Section), p. 7544. 

7790 



EXHIBITS 



Exhibit 48. — Diphtheria Outbreak Among Mexican Migratory 
Workers in Saginaw County, Mich. 

REPORT BY DR. V. K. VOLK, COMMISSIONER OF THE SAGINAW COUNTY DEPARTMENT 

OF HEALTH 

On August 10, 1941, at 5:40 p. m., Dr. John W. O'Neill, of St. Charles, brought 
Pauline Garcia, aged 1 year, to the contagious unit of Saginaw County Hospital, 
with a clinical diagnosis of laryngeal diphtheria. The baby was very toxic and 
breathed with difficulty. Dr. Walter Slack, local ear, nose, and throat specialist, 
performed a tracheotomy but the child died before the operation was completed. 
Positive laboratory findings confirmed the diagnosis of laryngeal diphtheria. 

Investigation revealed that the child had been sick about 7 days, having devel- 
oped illness about 2 or 3 days after coming to Saginaw County. To our knowledge, 
the family had not sought medical care until the afternoon of August 10, when the 
condition was very grave; Dr. O'Neill brought the child to the hospital imme- 
diately. 

We failed in our attempt to discover the source of infection. The home condi- 
tions were most undesirable, so all 14 contacts, who lived in a 1-room house, 
were hospitalized at Saginaw County Hospital for the purpose of finding and isolat- 
ing the diphtheria carriers. Even though crowded hospital facilities made it neces- 
sary to house some of the Mexicans in a storeroom, this procedure was deemed 
wisest not only because of poor housing conditions, but also because it would have 
been impossible to break the contacts of these people with other groups of Mexicans 
who live nearby. 

Throat cultures were taken daily and in this group of 14, 8 were at one time 
or another found to be carriers. Four were still hospitalized on September 5. 
Attached is a list of these 14 Mexicans. The entire group has been Schick tested. 
Only 3 were Schick positive; but all have received one-half cc. of alum precipitated 
toxoid to build up their diphtheria immunity. 

With the help of the local priest, who speaks Spanish, we were able to learn 
that in May 1941 this group came from San Antonio, Tex., to Huron County 
to work in the sugar-beet fields near Sebewaing. They remained in Huron 
County until August 2, when they came to Saginaw County to work in the pickle 
fields, and were assigned a house about 5 miles south of Hemlock in which to live. 

Enclosed are pictures dealing with the situation. 1 

14 Mexicans hospitalized at Saginaw County Hospital, after discovery of a 
diphtheria case in the home, August 1941 

Pauline Garcia Diphtheria. 

Candelaria Garcia Diphtheria carrier. 

Melchora Garcia Do. 

Eva Garcia Do. 

Consulo Sefeuntez Do. 

Juan Hose Rodriquez Do. 

Manual Sefeuntez Do. 

Jesus Rodriquez Do. 

Guadalupe Garcia Do. 

Dominga Rodriquez Diphtheria contact. 

Josephine Sefeuntez Do. 

Juanita Garcia Do. 

Erene Sefeuntez Do. 

Joe Garcia L Do. 

Valentine Garcia Do. 



1 See photograph section in this volume. 

7791 



7792 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Report of an Epidemic of Diphtheria in a Mexican Migratory Labor 
Colony Near Blissfield, Lenawee County 

By Dr. T. M. Koppa, Epidemiologist, Michigan Department of Health 

The Michigan Department of Health was notified by the health officer of 
Blissfield township on August 12, 1941, that an outbreak of diphtheria had 
occurred in a migratory labor camp owned by the Great Lakes Sugar Co. Inas- 
much as Blissfield does not have the services of a full-time health department 
the health officer urgently requested aid from the Michigan Department of Health. 
The individuals were working in potato and tomato fields in the vicinity but 
were allowed to live on in the camp during the sugar-beet off season. 

A trip was made to the camp to confirm the diagnosis and obtain cultures on 
the cases, suspected cases, and immediate contacts. A culture previously taken 
by Dr. E. V. Tubbs, Blissfield health officer, was brought back to Lansing and 
the diagnosis immediately substantiated bacteriologically. At the time of the 
first visit seven individuals were clinically ill; one of them was dying. This 
latter individual had not had medical care until 5 days after onset of the disease. 
After the laboratory confirmation, the entire camp was immediately quarantined 
and inasmuch as 246 people were exposed it was necessary to ask the sheriff's 
department and State police to maintain the quarantine on the entire camp. 
The following day the Michigan Department of Health mobile laboratory was 
sent and cultures were taken from the throat of each person in the quarantine 
area. The bacteriology was done on the grounds in the trailer laboratory and 
within 18 hours all individuals found on examination to carry diphtheria organisms 
were placed in isolation in a separate building away from the colony proper. In 
the case of children, adults accompanied them to look after their care. Forty 
thousand units of antitoxin, however, were given to each patient. At the same 
time the cultures were being taken, all children under 14 years of age were given 
toxoid. Toxoid was administered rather than antitoxin in order that permanent 
immunity might be started, and to avoid sensitizing individuals who later if they 
developed diphtheria would need antitoxin. Those adults who were found to 
have a negative throat culture were allowed to leave the camp to work provided 
they arranged some other place in which to live. 

After the quarantine had been in effect for 7 days the entire colony was again 
recultured to determine if there were any more carriers of the disease. None 
was found and the quarantine on the camp was released. The building, however, 
in which cases, carriers, and contacts were housed was and is still under quarantine 
until such a time when all throat cultures will be negative. 

Up to September 12, there have been 12 clinical cases of diphtheria and 17 
carriers have been discovered. After the camp quarantine had been lifted, two 
new cases of diphtheria developed, indicating that the quarantine of the isolation 
house was being broken. The entire camp was then recultured, and six new 
carriers were found. One man who visited a movie theater was jailed for violating 
quarantine. 

Report of an Epidemic of Diphtheria Among Mexican Migratory 

Workers in Saginaw County 

By Dr. T. M. Koppa, Epidemiologist, Michigan Department of Health 

A trip was made to Saginaw County on August 21, 1941, at the request of 
Dr. Volk to determine whether or not the case of diphtheria occurring in that 
county in Mexican migratory labor could be traced to the diphtheria outbreak 
in Blissfield. The fact that diphtheria occurred in Mexican populations, in two 
different parts of the State at the same time, was suggestive and because of this 
an investigation was undertaken. 

The outbreak occurred in four families who had come directly from San 
\ntonio, Tex., last May to Sebewaing in Huron County to work in the beet 
fields in that area. They remained in Huron County until August 2 when they 
came to Saginaw County to work in the pickle fields. The four families lived in 
a one-room house 5 miles south of Hemlock. Two days after coming to Saginaw 
County one of the babies, 1 year of age, became ill. She had a sore throat, sores 
on her lips, and could not swallow. Five days later they took the child to Dr. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7793 

John W. O'Neill at St. Charles and upon examination the child was sent to the 
Saginaw County Hospital. She died there of laryngeal diphtheria several hours 
after admission. An emergency tracheotomy was performed to no avail. The 
contacts of this patient were immediately isolated in the Saginaw County Hospital 
garage and cultures were obtained from the entire group. At the same time 
toxoid was administered to the contacts. The individuals who had a positive 
throat on culture were taken out of the garage and isolated in separate rooms in 
the hospital. However, because of the severe crowding in this hospital some 
patients had to be discharged and others had to double up to make room for the 
Mexican individuals in isolation. Those contacts with a negative throat, eight 
in number, were confined to the garage where it was necessary to provide sleeping 
and eating quarters. 

After a thorough questioning of all the individuals concerned in this outbreak 
no contact could be established between this group and the group in Blissfield 
and we are reasonably certain that they were separate outbreaks. 



Report of Bacillary Dysentery in Van Buren County 
By Dr. T. M. Koppa, Epidemiologist, Michigan Department of Health 

The bureau of epidemiology was notified on June 20, 1941, that an outbreak 
of diarrhea had occurred in Van Buren County. A telephone call was placed to 
Dr. M. R. French, director of the county health unit, who informed us that 11 
cases had been reported and 1 death had resulted from the outbreak. 

The department's mobile laboratory was sent to the field and an investigation 
was begun on June 21 with the assistance of Mr. William Ferguson and Mr. 
Robert Smith of the bureau of laboratories. 

Attached hereto is a list of the cases by dates of onset, age, short history, and 
location. The first case reported had its date of onset on the 9th of June followed 
at intervals by the other cases. The individual who expired became ill on June 
13, had little or no treatment, and was dead on admission to the hospital June 17. 
Eighteen of the cases were found in one camp and two in another camp. Frank 
disease was found only in the migratory workers, but upon investigating in the 
surrounding villages it was learned that diarrhea had been widespread and the 
majority of the natives had a mild attack this season. 

In the migratory camp, where most of the clinical cases had occurred, sanita- 
tion is poor. The migrant workers and families live in shacks or tents with no 
screening and no isolation. Toilet facilities are provided for by two privies, but 
these are in such bad condition that they are almost useless. In fact, fields are 
used as often as the privies for sewage disposal. 

The well is a 17-foot dug type with a board covering. The cover obviously is 
not waterproof, and surplus water drains directly back into the well. Upon 
questioning, it was learned that the entire colony bathes, washes dishes, clothes, 
and diapers at the well allowing all the drainage to go back into the well water. 
A common drinking tin cup is hung in a convenient place. 

The logical hypothesis in this epidemic is that the infection was originally 
brought into this camp and county by one or more carriers of the Flexner type 
of dysentery organism and spread to the migrant workers through the media of 
water, feces, flies, and personal unhygienic habits. The flies may have brought 
the infective organism from the privies to the food where one or more individuals 
were infected. In those cases where the mother was infected she transferred the 
infection to the family with her hands in preparing the food. The diapers were 
washed at the well and consequently into the well incriminating this source. With 
so many channels of spread it is impossible to determine which was responsible 
for the greatest transmission, but it is entirely probable that all factors entered 
into it. 

Proper sanitation is needed to break the chain of infection between feces and 
mouth. The farmer who owns the camp promised to repair the privies, make a 
concrete top for the well, and provide screens for houses "if possible." However, 
his is but one of many such migratory labor camps and for him to clean up means 
relief from dysentery only on his farm but not on the others. The solution is a 
i migratory labor camp built on sound principles of sanitation and housing. 



60396— 41— pt. 19 3 



7794 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Clinical cases of dysentery discovered in Van Bur en County, June 19J+1 



Name 



Laverne Wallace 

Owen Walford 

Roy Williams 

Ella Lansforri 

Clayton Walford 

Raymond Walford '. 

Harold Qobell ' 



Alice Gobell ' 

Mrs. Bessie Walford_ 

Joan Walford 

Linda Wallace 

J. W. Walford 

Bertha Walford 

Norma Nichols 

Flossie Johnson 

Jenny Walford 

Georeia Wallace 

Bill Hart 



Note. — The above cases 
are all on the Otis Klett farm 
(Keeler Township). 



Marcella Easton... 
Mrs. Vedis Easton. 



Note— The above cases 
are on the Kenneth Robert- 
son farm, Hartford Town- 
ship, section 35. Dr. F. N. 
Williams of Hartford is the 
physician. 



Age 



32 years . 
2 years.. 
50 years . 
34 years - 
1 year... 



2 years . 



do 

32 years. -- 

3 years 

15 months. 
10 years. -- 
12 years... 
15 years... 
17 years. .. 

7 weeks 

lfi years. .. 
27 years. .. 



15 months- 



Onset 



June 9, 1941 

do 

June 11,1941 

do 

do 

June 13,1941 

do 



do 

June 16,1941 
do 



June 18, 1941 
June 19,1941 
June 23,1941 

do 

do 

__..do 

do 

June 25,1941 



June 18,1941 
June 16,1941 



Symptoms 



Diarrhea, 4 or 5 days. 

Diarrhea, fever 3 or 4 days. 

2- or 3-day diarrhea. 

Diarrhea. 

Cramps, diarrhea (in bed). 

Diarrhea (hospitalized, June 17, 

1941). 
Diarrhea (hospitalized, June 17; 

died June 17). 
Diarrhea (hospitalized, June 17). 
Sick, nausea, old pain. 
Vomiting, diarrhea. 
Diarrhea (nursing). 
Diarrhea, vomiting, fever. 



Diarrhea 3 days. 
Diarrhea. 



1 Dr. Hall, of Hartford, is the physician on these 3 cases. 



Report of Texas Program for Examination of Migratory Sugar Beet 

Workers 

By Dr. T. M. Koppa, Epidemiologist, Michigan Department of Health 

After preliminary arrangements with the State and city authorities of Texas, 
the examination program was begun on April 6, 1941, on somewhat the same lines 
and arrangements as in the 2 previous years. The examination center was set 
up in a large room adjacent to the employment offices of the sugar-beet companies. 
This room was partitioned to provide for a dark room for the use of the fluoroscope, 
with a dressing room on either side. Groups of males and females were admitted 
alternately for examination and after the name, age, sex, and address were typed 
on an identification card and master roster, each person was assigned a number 
and thumb printed. They were then sent to the dressing room where they 
removed their clothing to the waist and passed into the fluoroscopy room where 
an examination of the chest was made. After completion of the fluoroscopic 
examination they proceeded to the next room where they dressed, and where, if 
suspicion was aroused for some reason or other, they were inspected for venereal 
disease. 

If the candidate passed the examination, he was given his indentification card 
which was, in effect, a pass into the employment office because no individual 
could be employed unless he had passed the examination. After being employed, 
he journeyed to Michigan by train or private car carrying the identification card 
with him. If pulmonary tuberculosis was found, the applicant was rejected and the 
identification card was not given to him. The results of the examination were 
recorded on the back of the identification card. 

Table 1 shows that in 1939 there were 4,271 individuals examined, 81 of whom 
were found to have pulmonary tuberculosis. It will be noted that 40.75 percent 
of the cases found had minimal lesions, 40.75 percent were moderately advanced, 
and 18.5 percent far advanced. The incidence in the number examined was 1.89 
percent or a rate of 1,890 per 100,000. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7795 

Table 1. — Number of cases of tuberculosis diagnosed by fluoroscopy in 1939 



Stage of disease 


Number 
examined 


Number 
cases 


Percent of 
total 


Percent of 
cases 


Minimal 




33 
33 
15 


0.77 
.77 
.35 


40.75 


Moderately advanced 




40.75 


Far advanced 




18.50 








Total - - 


4,271 


81 


1.89 


100. 00 







Table 2. — Number of cases of tuberculosis diagnosed by fluoroscopy in 1940 



Stage of disease 


Number 
examined 


Number 
cases 


Percent of 
total 


Percent of 
cases 


Minimal 




67 
43 
11 


1.16 
.75 
.19 


55.4 


Moderately advanced 




35.5 


Far advanced 




9.1 








Total 


5,753 


121 


2.10 


100. 0j 







In 1940, as shown in table 2, a total of 5,753 individuals were examined by 
fluoroscopy, 121 of whom were diagnosed as having pulmonary tuberculosis, or 2.1 
percent of those examined. 

In 1941, as shown by table 3, a total of 7,597 individuals were examined, 197 of 
whom were found to have pulmonary tuberculosis and 4 other 'major pulmonary 
pathology. In the group rejected for entry into Michigan, 2.6 percent had pul- 
monary tuberculosis and breaking this down further it was found that 42.6 
percent were minimal, 49.75 percent were moderately advanced, and 7.6 percent 
far advanced. 

Table 3. — Number of cases of tuberculosis diagnosed by fluoroscopy in 1941 



Stage of disease 


Number 
examined 


Number 
cases 


Percent of 
total 


Percent of 
cases 


Minimal. . 




84 
98 
15 


1.10 

1.29 

.20 


42 64 


Moderately advanced 




49 75 


Far advanced _ 




7 61 








Total 


7,597 


197 


2.59 


100. 00 





Sex and age classification can be seen in table 4. Men were more frequently 
attacked and both groups had the highest incidence between 15 and 50 years of 
age. 

Table 4. — Cases rejected by sex, age groups, and classification of disease 





Males 


Females 




Age group 


Total 


Mini- 
mal 


Moder- 
ately 
ad- 
vanced 


Far ad- 
vanced 


Other 


Total 


Mini- 
mal 


Moder- 
ately 
ad- 
vanced 


Far ad- 
vanced 


Grand 
total 


14 


2 
30 
15 
12 
21 
24 
12 

4 


1 

15 
5 
6 
7 
8 
2 
1 


1 
14 

8 
6 
12 
12 
7 
2 



1 
2 

1 
2 
2 

1 






1 
2 
1 



2 

15 
19 
10 
14 
14 
5 
2 


2 
10 
8 
6 
5 
4 
3 
1 



4 

10 
3 
7 

10 
2 




1 
1 
1 
2 


1 


4 
45 
34 
22 
35 
38 
17 

6 


15 to 19 

20 to 24 


25 to 29 


30 to 39 


40 to 49 


50 to 59 


60 to 69 




Total 


120 


45 


62 


9 


4 


81 


39 


36 


6 


201 



7796 DETROIT HEARINGS 

The incidence of tuberculosis has increased through the 3 years. This may 
be explained in part on the basis of the group being drawn from widespread parts 
of the State where tuberculosis may be more prevalent. A certain portion of the 
group have been screened every year and return to Michigan every year but be- 
cause of the greater demand for labor, particularly in 1941, there was a large 
additional number of candidates who had not previously been fluoroscoped. 
Inasmuch as no statistics were gathered in regard to tuberculosis in the popula- 
tion other than those applying for sugar-beet employment, no other explanation 
for the rate rise through the 3 years is offered. 

The rates of tuberculosis among the persons examined are probably 10 times 
the rates which would be developed by a similar examination among the native 
population of Michigan. Michigan has one of the most effective tuberculosis- 
control programs among the States, and it is greatly to our interest that persons 
with known infection be refused work here. 

By substituting thumbprinting for photographs of the candidate, the entire 
process was speeded up considerably. In 1939 and 1940, it was possible to examine 
a maximum of 350 in an 8-hour day while in 1941, 600 examinations could be 
performed in the same length of time. 

As you know, the whole Texas program of the sugar-beet workers is voluntary, 
but it is believed that 75 to 80 percent of the Mexican migratory workers who 
come to Michigan go through the examination in San Antonio first. Except for 
the salary of the staffman in charge of the examinations, costs were borne entirely 
by the Beet Growers Employment Committee, Inc. 

A complete list of those individual examined and thumbprints of those indi- 
viduals is on file in the offices of the Beet Growers Employment Committee, Inc. 



Exhibit 49. — Illegal Transportation of Sugar-Beet Workers 
From Texas to Michigan and Ohio Fields 

REPORT BY JOSEPH B. EASTMAN, CHAIRMAN, INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION, 

WASHINGTON, D. C. 

(On September 15, 1941, the United States District Court, Northern District of 
Ohio, adjudged one Julio dela Pena guilty of transporting passengers in interstate 
commerce without a certificate. Also on that date and in the same court the 
Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., was adjudged guilty in the 
same prosecution. Dela Pena was fined $1,000 and the Great Lakes Growers' 
Employment Committee, Inc., was fined $2,000. 

(The information on which these convictions were obtained was prepared by 
attorneys of the Bureau of Motor Carriers of the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
sion. Principal facts established by the information were that since the spring 
of 1934 the defendant, dela Pena, had been transporting laborers each season from 
the vicinity of Realitos, Tex., to Findlay, Ohio, and return, in three trucks, for 
which he received a stipulated amount, generally $9 per person for adults and 
$4.50 for children between the ages of 8 and 14. The Great Lakes Growers' 
Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation controlled by the Great Lakes 
Sugar Co., was charged with knowingly and willfully aiding and abetting dela 
Pena in the violations. 

(Preliminary investigation of the practice of transporting workers from Texas 
to the northern beet fields was undertaken by the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
sion following complaint by H. W. Acreman, executive secretary of the Texas 
State Federation of Labor, Austin, Tex. In a letter to the Commission's Wash- 
ington office, dated April 25, 1940, Mr. Acreman stated that annually there had 
been a migration of thousands of Mexican laborers from Texas to the northern 
beet fields, and that numerous truckers were engaged in transporting them for 
compensation without authority from the Commission, and without compliance 
with Commission regulations. 

(At the Chicago hearings of the Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migra- 
tion of Destitute Citizens (former title of this committee) appeared on August 
21, 1940, one Vincent Neira, 26 years old, of San Antonio, Texas., as a witness. 
Neira and the six others of his family had made a trip, according to his testimony, 
from Michigan back to Texas in a 2-ton truck, in which other families, totaling 
between 25 and 30 persons, also were transported. "They [the companyl told 
me there was a truck taking some families back, that they didn't have enough to 
pay the grocery bills and things like that," Neira testified. He described the 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7797 

vehicle as a stake-bodied truck with a tarpaulin cover on it, presumably to keep 
the rain off, but added, "when we crossed towns or toll bridges or something like 
that, the tarpaulin was covered up, most of the time. We never got it off." He 
further revealed in his testimony that "These truckers, they make money trucking 
workers out here." ' 

(The complaint from the Texas State Federation of Labor was followed by an 
investigation by the Interstate Commerce Commission of the migration taking 
place during the 1940 season. The Texas State Employment Service, State high- 
way patrol, State department of labor, licensed emigrant agents, and individual 
workers were contacted. From this inquiry it was learned that between 7,000 
and 8,000 workers had been recruited and had migrated to the northern fields in 
that season, and the proportion of these who had been transported in trucks was 
"conservatively estimated" at between 15 and 25 percent, or, numerically, be- 
tween 1,050 and 2,000 persons. It was further stated that the workers^ were 
transported "under very inhumane, unsanitary, and dangerous conditions." 2 

(As a result of this investigation, the following recommendations were made by 
A. H. Ribbink, the Interstate Commerce Commission's district supervisor at Fort 
Worth, in his report, dated February 5, 1941: 

("(1) That truckers, growers' associations, labor agents, and sugar companies 
be put on written notice, before the 1941 season begins, concerning what con- 
stitutes illegal transportation and what constitutes aiding and abetting. 

("(2) That efforts be continued to secure further names and addresses of illegal 
truck operators and that they be put on written notice. 

("(3) That the offer of the Texas State highway patrol be accepted, i. e., by 
furnishing them with a questionnaire form; that they will intercept trucks loaded 
with Mexicans during the coming season and furnish such information to this 
Commission. 

("(4) That if violations continue, the case be assigned for final investigation 
and legal proceedings be taken to secure evidence from the records of the sugar 
companies and beet growers' associations." 3 

(The report commented that — 

("It seems very likely that the sugar companies and growers' associations 
could be held to be aiders and abetters in violating the act because of the arrange- 
ments as described heretofore. * * * 

("Apparently our investigation of the case, both in Texas and in the beet-field 
areas, is having a very salutary effect. One Mexican trucker, who is also a 
labor agent, used three trucks and made two round trips, at the beginning of the 
1940 season, in transporting laborers from Texas to the beet fields of Ohio. * •> * 

("It is believed that if all the above were put on written notice, concerning 
the act and its rules and regulations, a further salutary effect would be received. 
If, in spite of such warning, violations continue to take place, a final and exhaustive 
investigation should be made with a view of prosecution of not only the truckers 
but the sugar companies and growers' associations as aiders and abetters." 4 

(All available documentary material on the Interstate Commerce Commission's 
investigation of the charge of illegal transportation during the 1940 season was 
requested by the committee, and was published as a separate section of the com- 
mittee's Washington hearings, part 11, March 24, 25, and 26, under the title 
"Exhibit 40— Interstate Transportation of Mexican Laborers" (pp. 4771-4822.) 

(Following the report of the first investigation, further inquiry was undertaken 
by the Interstate Commerce Commission, which resulted in the information and 
legal proceedings described on the pages following. — Ed.) 



Interstate Commerce Commission, 

Washington, September 30, 1941. 
Hon. John H. Tolan, 

Chairman, Select Committee to Investigate the 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, 

House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Tolan: With further reference to your letter of September 17, 
requesting that your committee be furnished with all of the evidence collected by 
this Commission in connection with the investigation and prosecution of Julio 

• Chicago hearings, pp. 1310-1313. See also in the same volume, testimony of M. C. Henderson, repre- 
senting the Beet Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., of Saginaw, Mich., pp. 1271-1298, and of A. 
Kramer, of the committee staff, pp. 1298-1304, and photos of truck and migrants, facing p. 1306. 

2 See Washington hearings, pt. 11, March 24, 25, and 26, Exhibit 40— Interstate Transportation of Mexi- 
can Laborers, pp. 4771-4822. 

s Ibid., p. 4775. 

< Ibid., pp. 4774-4775. 



7798 DETROIT HEARINGS 

dela Pena, of Realitos, Tex., and my reply of September 23, in which I informed 
you that the records in this case would be made available as soon as they were 
received from the field, I take pleasure in sending you herewith the following 
documents in connection with this case: 

Copy of investigation report. 

Exhibits to investigation report consisting of documentary evidence of viola- 
tions alleged by Government. 

Copy of criminal information filed against Julio dela Pena charging him with 
violations of the Interstate Commerce Act, and charging the Great Lakes Sugar 
Co. and the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., with aiding and 
abetting Julio dela Pena in said violations. 

Copy of judgment of the District Court for the Northern District of Ohio, 
Western Division, imposing a fine of $1,000 and costs against Julio dela Pena 
and a fine of $2,000 and costs against Great Lakes Growers' Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc. 

Copy of press notice of this Commission concerning disposition of the case. 

The counts as to the Great Lakes Sugar Co. in this case were nolle prossed 
upon the plea of nolo contendere by and imposition of the fine against the employ- 
ment committee which, served as an intermediary between the sugar company 
and Julio dela Pena. 

In explanation of the omission of exhibits B, C, and D, as designated in the 
investigation report in this case, I might say that these exhibits consist of form 
reports from appropriate sections of this Commission stating that the respondent 
carrier had not been issued a certificate to transport passengers; did not have a 
tariff of fares and charges on file; and did not have on file evidence of security 
for the protection of the public. These exhibits are not enclosed because it was 
felt they would be of no particular value to your consideration of the facts in 
this case. 1 

It is a pleasure to be able to cooperate with your committee by furnishing the 
enclosed information. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Joseph B. Eastman, Chairman. 



Correspondence With,Officers~of Sugar Companies on Transportation of 

Workers 

Interstate Commerce Commission, 

Bureau of Motor Vehicles, 

Detroit, Mich., June 27, 19S8. 
Mr. Alexander V. Burns, 

Director Great Lakes Sugar Co., 

Detroit, Mich. 
Dear Mr. Burns: The purpose of this letter is to acquaint you, as an officer 
of the above-named company, with the Federal Motor Carrier Act, particularly 
section 206 (a) and section 222 (c). Briefly, the first section requires that any 
motor carrier transporting persons for hire from one State to another have a 
certificate or permit issued by this Commission, and obey certain regulations. 
The second section provides fines ranging from $500 to $2,000, each offense, for 
those who willfully seek to evade or defeat regulation provided in this act. 

Our attention has been brought to the activities of certain sugar companies and 
growers (particularly the Beet Growers' Employment Committee, Inc.) in arrang- 
ing transportation of laborers from Texas to Michigan. Letters and telegrams of 
this committee have been shown us, indicating that persons connected with 
employers will advance transportation funds, and will honor assignments of 
wages to nonpermitted passenger-carrying truckmen who transport these laborers. 
Such arrangements appear as a device to evade or defeat regulation. 

We must request that you avoid any further activity of this nature. You are 
asked to issue instructions to your field and employment managers, that any aid 
and assistance given nonpermitted passenger motor carriers is illegal, and is given 

i Certain exhibits submitted with this report are not reproduced on the pages following, but are held in 
committee files. They are in the form of photostat copies of checks made out to Julio dela Pena and others. 
Of 20 checks made pavable to dela Pena, in amounts ranging up to $1,400, 7 are on the National Bank oi 
Detroit and are signed by D. W. Esckelsen for the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc.; 
the remaining 13 are on the First National Bank of Findlay, Ohio, and are drawn on the Great Lakes bugar 
Co. "Emergency Fund" and bear the signatures of Esckelsen and J. F. Nietzke. One of these checks is 
reproduced on pp. 7844 and 7845. Exhibit numbers given in the statement of the case, and referring to 
the material as presented to the court, have been eliminated. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7799 

at peril of violating the above-named sections of law. In brief, your help in 
ending any violation of this act is requested. 

A written reply is requested stating your company's position in the matter. 
If personal discussion of the matter appears desirable, I shall be glad to confer 
with you, and ask that you write or telephone for an appointment. 

Very truly yours, 

E. M. Hymans, 

District Supervisor. 

[Copies of the above letter were addressed on the same date to Rudolph Beyer, 
director, Great Lakes Sugar Co., Saginaw, Mich.; L. B. Beckwith, director, Great 
Lakes Sugar Co., Detroit, Mich.; and James E. Larrowe, president, Lake Shore 
Sugar Co., Detroit, Mich. The replies received were as follows:] 

Bell & Beckwith, 
Toledo, Ohio, July 11, 1938. 

E. M. Hymans, 

District Supervisor, Interstate Commerce Commission, 

Bureau of Motor Carriers, Detroit, Mich. 

Dear Sir: This will acknowledge receipt of your letter under date of June 27 
addressed to Mr. L. B. Beckwith as a director of the Great Lakes Sugar Co. 

In his absence, I should like to advise that Mr. Beckwith is not at all acquainted 
with the subject matter under discussion in your communication. I am, therefore, 
referring this to the executive offices of the company in Detroit. 

Trusting this is in accordance with your wishes, I am, 

Very truly yours, 

G. L. Mouen. 



Lake Shore Sugar Co., 
Detroit, Mich., July 14, 19S8. 
Interstate Commerce Commission, 

Detroit, Mich. 
Gentlemen: I acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 27th concerning the 
transportation of labor and I have taken this up with our operating department. 
Thanking you, I beg to remain 

Yours truly, _ 

Lake Shore Sugar Co. 

R. Beebe. 

Great Lakes Sugar Co., 
Detroit, Mich., August 4, 1938. 

Mr. E. M. Hymans, 

District Supervisor, Interstate Commerce Commission, 

Detroit, Mich. 

Dear Mr. Hymans: This letter is in response to your letter of June 27 ad- 
dressed to me and others connected with Great Lakes Sugar Co. and Lake Shore 
Sugar Co. , 

You may be assured that it is the policy of this company scrupulously to ob- 
serve every law and regulation in any way touching the conduct of its business. 
We are therefore obliged to you for calling our attention to sections 206-a and 
226-c of the Federal Motor Carrier Act. Though we have not in any way 
violated these acts, we are nonetheless indebted to you forcalling them to our 
attention. . . 

It may give you a better understanding of the situation if I give you the tact 
that expert and experienced labor is required in the cultivation and harvesting 
of sugar beets. It is not possible to do this work with the surplus common labor 
available in the district or in the large cities. I should like you to note particularly 
that the entry into the district from distant points of experienced labor in no way 
operates to supplant local labor. If it were possible to give work to unemployed 
persons residing anywhere within the district and to avoid the entry of persons 
from distant points, we would gladly do our part to relieve local unemployment 
conditions. 



7800 DETROIT HEARINGS 

It is a fact that a great many persons who have worked in the beet fields and 
become experienced naturally and without solicitation come back to the district 
to take up this work. 

There was a time many, many years ago, in the early days of the beet-sugar 
industry, when beet-sugar companies brought in field labor, mostly Belgian, 
Bohemian, and Hungarian, which had been trained in the work, but nothing of 
that sort has been done for many years. Our company has nothing to do with 
the field labor. It is employed by the individual farmers at a rate per acre agreed 
upon from year to year through the growers' associations or groups of growers 
where no association exists. 

The beet growers through their associations or otherwise set up employment 
committees to allot labor to growers and to do cooperatively in connection with 
field labor things that would be troublesome and burdensome for individual 
farmers to do. 

You can see that the growers have a direct and vital interest in obtaining effi- 
cient and satisfactory labor, as the success of their crop depends to a very large 
extent upon the quality and timeliness of the field work. Growers naturally like 
to get on their farms men they have known before, as ~ien who have given satis- 
faction to other growers, and I might say, men who will live and conduct them- 
selves respectably on the farms in the communities. 

I am very sure you will find, if you care to investigate, that the beet growers 
employment committees do no more in the way of assisting field workers to get 
into the district, or after they get in the district, than is reasonable and, one might 
say, human. You can see that a farmer would not want to advance money to 
an unknown and to a totally irresponsible person. 

So far as this company is concerned advances made by us to farmers cover a 
great variety of purposes. We provide seed, which is charged to the farmer, 
advance money for fertilizers, and for almost any reasonable purpose. 

Under present-day contracts between this company and its growers the opera- 
tion of our plants is on a cooperative basis. The farmer shares on an approxi- 
mately 50-50 basis in the net returns from sugar, pulp, and molasses. Inasmuch 
as no sugar is produced until later in the fall and is not completely marketed 
until sometime late in the following spring, many farmers have need for advances 
for all sorts of purposes, including taxes. Every advance we make to a farmer 
is charged to his account on our books and deducted from our settlements with 
him, which are made when and as sugar is sold. 

We do not know whether some of the motortrucks that bring labor into our 
districts are required to have a permit. We do not know whether they are within 
the purview of the Federal Motor Carrier Act, but taking the law to be as stated 
in your letter, we feel we are not violating it in any way, but if you take any other 
view or have any question about it, we shall be glad to have you inform us. As 
stated above, it is our policy to observe every law and regulation in the conduct 
of our business. Should you wish to discuss the matter further with us, we shall 
be glad to see you at any time. 
Yours very truly, 

Great Lakes Sugar Co., 
Lake Shore Sugar Co., 
James E. Larrowe, President. 



Bylaws of Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. 

aktici/e i. membership 

Section 1. Membership in this Corporation shall be limited to officer repre- 
sentatives of incorporated associations of beet growers and individual beet growers 
furnishing sugar beets to the several plants of the Great Lakes Sugar Company 
and Lake Shore Sugar Company, exclusively. All such associations of beet 
growers shall be represented in tlie membership of this Corporation on an equal 
basis. 

Sec. 2. All nominations of members shall be approved by a majority of the 
entire membership of the Board of Directors. If any nominations is not so ap- 
proved, the person or corporation making the nomination shall make a new 
nomination which shall be similarly subject to the approval of a majority of the 
whole Board of Directors. Such approval by members of the Board of Directors 
may be evidenced by vote at a formal meeting of the Board, or by the individual 
approval of any Director in writing signed by him, filed with the Secretary and 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7801 

confirmed by a vote of a majority of the members present at any meeting of the 
Board thereafter held. Upon approval of nominations, as aforesaid, and the 
payment of dues hereinafter provided, such persons shall be admitted as members 
in full standing of this Corporation. 

Sec. 3. Members shall pay as membership dues, on or before the 1st day of 
January of each year, the sum of One Dollar ($1.00V Nothing in these By-Laws 
shall be construed to mean that members or the incorporated associations that 
they represent may not voluntarily make such financial contributions to this Cor- 
poration as they may deem proper and advisable for specific purposes. No 
member or incorporated association of growers represented by any member shall 
be liable (except with his or its specific consent) to any further or additional liability 
by way of assessment or otherwise, in excess of the membership dues herein 
provided. 

ARTICLE II. DIRECTORS 

Section 1. The property and business of the Corporation shall be held and 
managed by a Board of not less than four (4) nor more than ten (10) Directors. 
Every Director shall be a member of the Corporation. 

Sec. 2. Directors shall be elected by vote of members at any annual meeting 
and every Director shall serve until the next annual meeting and until his successor 
shall have been elected and qualified. 

Sec. 3. U/pon any Director ceasing to be a member of the Corporation, his 
office as a Director shall automatically become vacant. Any vacancy on the 
Board due to death, resignation or disqualification may be filled by a majority 
vote of the remaining members of the Board, although less than a quorum. 

Sec. 4. The Board of Directors may appoint, by resolution adopted by a major- 
ity of the whole Board, an Executive Committee of four (4) members of the 
Board. During the intervals between the meetings of the Board of Directors, 
the Executive Committee shall possess and may execute all of the powers of the 
Board of Directors in the management and direction of the business of the Cor- 
poration in all cases where specific directions shall not have been given by the 
Board of Directors. 

Sec. 5. Directors shall receive as compensation Five Dollars ($5.00) per day 
and travelling expenses for attendance at all meetings of the Board. 

ARTICLE III. OFFICERS 

Section 1. The officers of the Corporation shall be a President, a Vice Presi- 
dent, and Executive Secretary, an Assistant Executive Secretary, one or more 
Assistant Secretaries, a Treasurer and one or more Assistant Treasurers, who 
shall be elected by the Board of Directors. Any two of said offices may be held 
by the same person, except as otherwise provided by law. 

Sec. 2. The President shall act as Chairman of the Board of Directors and shall 
preside at all meetings of the members and Directors. 

Sec. 3. The President, Vice President, Executive Secretary, and Treasurer 
shall perform the duties usually incident to their respective offices. The Assistant 
Executive Secretary shall possess all the powers and perform all the duties of the 
Executive Secretary in the absence or disability of the latter, and he shall at all 
times act as an assistant to the Executive Secretary and have such powers and 
perform such duties of the Executive Secretary as shall be assigned to him by the 
members, Board of Directors or the Executive Secretary. The Assistant Secre- 
taries and Assistant Treasurers shall possess such powers and perform such 
duties as may be from time to time assigned to them by the Board of Directors. 
Because of the absence, incapacity or disqualification of any officer, or for any 
other similar reason, the Board of Directors may delegate his powers and duties 
to any Director for the time being, provided a majority of the entire Board concur 
therein. 

Sec. 4. All checks, notes, drafts or other demands for money, deposits in and 
withdrawals from bank accounts of this Corporation shall be made and executed 
by the Executive Secretary and the Treasurer. 

article iv. meetings 

Section 1. The annual meeting of the members of the Corporation for the 
election of Directors and the transaction of such other business as may properly 
come before the meeting shall be held on the second Monday in March in each year. 
Such meetings may be held at any office of the Corporation in Michigan, or such 
other place in Michigan as may be designated in the call. Written notice thereof 



7802 DETROIT HEARINGS 

shall be mailed to each member at least ten (10) days prior to the date thereof 
unless such notice is waived by all members not present at the meeting. In case 
of failure to give such notice prior to said date, it may be given thereafter and the 
meeting adjourned to the date so fixed. 

Sec. 2. The Board of Directors shall meet annually for the election of officers 
and the transaction of such other business as may properly come before the 
meeting, immediately after the adjournment of the annual meeting of Members. 
Other regular meetings of the Board may be held without notice at such times and 
places as shall from time to time be determined by the Board. A majority of the 
Board shall constitute a quorum. 

Sec. 3. Special meetings of the members and/or the Board of Directors may be 
called by the President or by the Executive Secretary of the Corporation, and 
shall be called by the President or Executive Secretary on the written request of 
two (2) members or of two (2) Directors. At least three (3) days' notice shall be 
given of any special meeting unless such notice is waived by all members or Direc- 
tors not present at such meeting. Such notice may be given orally, by telephone 
or in writing. It shall not be necessary to describe the purpose of any special 
meeting in the notice thereof, and if described, the business of the meeting need 
not be confined to the purpose or purposes described in the notice. 

ARTICLE V. VOTING 

Section 1. All members, whether original incorporators or otherwise, shall have 
voting rights and every member shall be entitled to at least one (1) vote. 

Sec. 2. Members may vote either in person or by proxy. A majority of the 
members of the Corporation present in person or represented by proxy shall be 
requisite and shall constitute a quorum at all meetings of the members for the 
transaction of business, except as otherwise provided. If such majority shall not 
be present or represented at any meeting of the members, the members present in 
person or by proxy shall have power to adjourn the meeting from time to time 
without notice other than announcement at the meeting, until the requisite num- 
ber of members shall be represented. At such adjourned meeting at which the 
requisite number of members shall be represented, any business may be transacted 
which might have been transacted at the original meeting. 

ARTICLE VI. CERTIFICATES OF MEMBERSHIP 

Section 1. Certificates of membership in the Corporation shall be numbered 
and shall be entered in the books of the Corporation as they are issued. They 
shall recite on their face that they are nontransferable, that the association is a 
nonprofit corporation, and that no dividends shall be payable to the holders of 
said certificates. 

ARTICLE VII. RULES AND REGULATIONS 

The Corporation through its officers and/or Board of Directors may promulgate 
such rules and regulations governing the membership and designed to promote 
the objects of the Corporation as it may from time to time deem advisable. 

ARTICLE VIII. OFFICES AND SEAL 

Section 1. The principal office of the Corporation shall be in Detroit, Michigan. 
The Corporation may also maintain an office or offices elsewhere in the State of 
Michigan. 

Sec. 2. The Board of Directors shall provide a suitable seal containing the 
name of the Corporation. The seal shall be in charge of the Executive Secretary. 
If deemed advisable by the Board of Directors, duplicate seals may be provided 
and kept for the necessary purposes of the Corporation. 

ARTICLE IX. AMENDMENTS 

These By-Laws may be altered, amended or repealed by either the members 
or the Board of Directors at any regular or special meeting, unless otherwise 
provided by law. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7803 

Articles of Incorporation of Great Lakes Growers' Employment 

Committee 

United States of America, 

The State of Michigan, 
Michigan Corporation and Securities Commission. 

To" All To Whom These Presents Shall Come: 

I, Carl A. Olson, Commissioner of the Michigan Corporation and Securities 
Commission, Do Hereby Certify That Articles of Incorporation of Great Lakes 
Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., were duly filed in this office on the 
22nd day of April, A. D., Nineteen Hundred and Thirty-eight and the said 
Company is authorized to commence its business in conformity with Act 327, 
Public Acts of 1931. 

In Testimony Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the Seal of the 
Commission, in the City of Lansing, this 22nd day of April, A. D. 1938. 

[seal] Carl A. Olson, 

Commissioner. 
(Nonprofit) 

Articles of Incorporation of Great Lakes Growers' Employment 

Committee, Inc. 

These Articles of Incorporation are signed and acknowledged by the incorpora- 
tors for the purpose of forming a nonprofit corporation under the provisions of 
Act No. 327 of the Public Acts of 1931, known as the Michigan General Corpora- 
tion Act, as follows: 

article i 

The name of this corporation is Great Lakes Growers' Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc. 

article II 

The purpose or purposes of this corporation are as follows: 
The rendering of service and assistance to sugar beet growers represented in this 
organization in connection with the obtaining and employment by them of field 
labor and, in general, to do any and all things necessary, advisable, or expedient to 
assist beet growers in the employment of beet field workers. 

article III 

The location of the corporation is Detroit, in the County of Wayne, State of 
Michigan. Post Office address of registered office in Michigan is 1936 West 
Lafayette, Detroit, Michigan. 

ARTICLE IV 

Said corporation is organized upon a Nonstock basis. 

The amount of assets which said corporation possesses is: 

Real Property: None. 

Personal Property: One Hundred Dollars ($100.00). 

Said corporation is to be financed under the following general plan: By the 
payment of annual dues to the Corporation by its several members, as more par- 
ticularly provided in its By-Laws. 

ARTICLE V 

The names and places of residence, or business, of each of the incorporators and 
(if a corporation organized upon a stock-share basis) the number of shares of 
common stock subscribed by each are as follows: 

Name Residence or business address 

Frank Oberst St. Louis, Mich. 

George W. Bloom Fremont, Ohio. 

Arthur J. Ingold Blissfield, Ohio. 

C. J. Windau Findlay, Ohio. 



7804 DETROIT HEARINGS 

ARTICLE VI 

The names and addresses of the first board of directors are as follows : 
Name Address 

Fred Rodesiler Blissfield, Ohio. 

A. J. Ingold Blissfield, Ohio. 

Frank Oberst St. Louis, Mich. 

Ralph Densmore St. Louis, Mich. 

George W. Bloom Fremont, Ohio. 

Webb B. Smith Fremont, Ohio. 

C. J. Windau Findlay, Ohio. 

Paul Rockwell Findlay, Ohio. 

Fred Kieft Grand Haven, Mich. 

Abe DeKlein Hudsonville, Mich. 

Art. VII. — The term of this corporation is fixed at Thirty (30) years. 

ARTICLE VIII 

Section 1. Membership in this Corporation shall be limited to officer repre- 
sentatives of incorporated associations of beet growers and individual beet growers 
furnishing sugar beets to the several plants of the Great Lakes Sugar Company 
and the Lake Shore Sugar Company exclusively. 

Sec. 2. Rules for the admission, retention, and dismissal of members may be 
prescribed by the By-Laws. 

Sec. 3. All members, whether original incorporators or otherwise, shall have 
voting rights and every member shall be entitled to at least one (1) vote. 

Sec. 4. Upon a dissolution or liquidation of this Corporation, members then in 
good standing shall share in the assets of the Corporation in proportion to their 
respective contributions to the funds invested in such assets. 

Sec. 5. Membership in this Corporation shall not be transferable by assignment 
or sale, nor be transferable to legal heirs or devisees upon the deaths of the respec- 
tive members. 

In witness whereof the incorporators have signed these Articles of Incorpo- 
ration this 18th day of April A. D. 1938. 

(Sgd.) Frank Oberst,' 
President of St. Louis Beet Growers Association, Breckenridge, Mich. 

(Sgd.) Geo. W. Bloom, 
Pres., Fremont Beet Growers Ass'n, Fremont, Ohio. 
(Sgd.) Arthur J. Incold, 
Sec, Blissfield Beet Growers Ass'n. 
(Sgd.) C. J. Windau, 
Pres., Findlay Beet Growers Ass'n, Pandora, O. 
State of Michican, 

County of Wayne, ss: 
On this 18th day of April, A. D. 1938, before me a Notary Public in and for said 
County, personally appeared Frank Oberst, Arthur J. Ingold, Geo. W. Bloom, and 
C. J. Windau, to me known to be the persons named in and who executed the fore- 
going instrument, and severally acknowledged that they executed the same freely 
and for the intents and purposes therein mentioned. 

(Sgd.) John H. Jameson, 

Notary Public. 
My commission expires March 8, 1942. 



Summary of Investigation 

interstate commerce commission, bureau of motor carriers, district no. 4 

December 12.J1940. 
(L. & E.fNo. 20291-4) 

To: R. M. Snetzer, District Director. 

From: M. M. Emerv, District Supervisor. 

Re Julio dela Pena, 421 Lynn St., Findlay, Ohio, and Realitos, Texas. 

nature of alleged violation 

1. Operating as a contract carrier of passengers without authority in violation of 
Section 209 (a). 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7805 

2. Operating without evidence of security for the protection of the public in 
violation of Section 215. 

3. Operating without a schedule of minimum rates on file in violation of Sec- 
tion 218. 

COMPLAINT 

This complaint was originally brought to the attention of this office on August 2, 
1940, by B. Silas of Hoytville, Ohio, and Chilton, Texas, who alleged that the 
respondent transported him and his family and other laborers of Mexican descent 
from Texas to Findlay, Ohio, in the spring of 1940 without authority. 

SUMMARY 

Investigation disclosed that the respondent transported in Ford and Chevrolet 
straight trucks approximately 200 laborers of Mexican descent from the vicinity 
of Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, Ohio, during April and May of 1940, for which a 
charge of approximately $9.00 per person was collected. Such transportation 
was performed for the purpose of permitting such laborers to work in the beet 
fields of Northwestern Ohio for the Great Lakes Growers Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc., a corporation controlled by the Great Lakes Sugar Company. Such 
operation was conducted without authority from this Commission and without 
a certificate of insurance or schedule of rates or tariff filed. 

RECOMMENDATION 

It is recommended that this Supervisor be given authority to proceed and handle 
the case with the view of submitting a 56 report recommending prosecution. 

PACTS DISCLOSED BY INVESTIGATION 

Investigation of the records of the Great Lakes Growers Employment Commit- 
tee, Inc., hereinafter called the Committee, a separate corporation controlled and 
operated entirely by officers and employees of the Great Lakes Sugar Company, 
hereinafter called the Company, and interviews with the respondent and laborers 
whom he transported from the vicinity of Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, Ohio, dis- 
closes that during April and May 1940 respondent transported approximately 
200 laborers of Mexican descent from Realitos, Texas, and vicinity to Findla>, 
Ohio, for which he collected approximately $9.00 per person transported. The 
respondent, during the winter, operates an employment agency in Realitos, 
Texas, for the purpose of recruiting laborers to work in the beet fields of North- 
western Ohio for the Committee. In the spring he transports a great number of 
such laborers in his trucks, which are ordinary Ford and Chevrolet straight 
trucks covered with a tarpaulin and equipped with benches. After arrival and 
delivery of the laborers in Findlay, Ohio, respondent acts as an interpreter for 
the Committee and also uses his trucks for the transportation of laborers to, 
from, and between the beet fields and also for the transportation, in the fall, of 
the beets from the fields to the refinery. 

On completion of all work, he returns all laborers back to Realitos, Texas, 
except those who have purchased second-hand automobiles during the summer. 

No records are kept by the respondent and no receipts issued for transporta- 
tion charges paid and therefore neither the respondent nor the laborers trans- 
ported have any records which can be used in the case. A check of the "Accounts 
Payable" record of the Committee shows, in each case where the laborers were 
transported by the respondent, a charge in various amounts, always in excess of 
$9.00, and shown as "Advance by Julio dela Pena." This entry gives no further 
explanation and is supported by a filed order signed by the worker authorizing 
the Committee to pay the respondent the indicated amount. The respondent 
and employees of the Committee were questioned and both stated that the 
amount was made up of employment bureau fees in Texas, doctor's physical 
examination, transportation by respondent to Findlay, Ohio, and, in a number 
of cases, loans of money for living expenses, such as food and shelter until such a 
time as the worker had accumulated a sufficient labor credit to his account to 
allow the respondent to be paid by the Committee. 

The records of the Committee and the Company are not specific enough to 
prove and show that any part of the amounts advanced by the respondent and 
charged against the workers to be actual transportation charges and therefore 
prosecution of the respondent will have to be made entirely by testimony of 
workers transported. This office has on record at the present time the names 






7806 DETROIT HEARINGS 

and addresses of approximately 200 workers which respondent claims he trans- 
ported from Texas this spring and also has evidence in the way of affidavits from 
six workers transported. These affidavits indicate definitely that such transpor- 
tation was furnished by the respondent and was for hire. 

As respondent owns three trucks which are operated during the sugar beet 
season in transporting persons and commodities between beet fields and refineries 
and other places in Northwestern Ohio for hire, it is felt that the respondent^cannot 
claim exemption under Section 203 (b) (9) of the Act. 

As indicated above, prosecution of this case will have to be handled entirely 
by testimony of workers transported and as such workers and the respondent 
reside in Texas during the winter, this case, if approved for prosecution, will 
necessarily have to be handled in Texas. However, as most of the information 
necessary for the preparation of a 56 report has been accumulated by this office, 
it is recommended that such report be prepared by the undersigned. 

M. M. Emery, 
District Supervisor, Old Federal Bldg., Toledo, Ohio. 

This report also covers L & E No. 19311-12 as referred to in memorandum by 
Scott, Chief, Section of Law and Enforcement, addressed to District Director 
Snetzer dated November 27, 1940, subject "Evidence concerning unlawful inter- 
state transportation of Mexican laborers." l 



Summary of Final Investigation Report Submitted on' March 25, 1941 
interstate commerce commission, bureau of motor carriers 

(L. & E. No. 20291-4) 

Respondents. — Julio dela Pena, Realitos, Texas. 

Great Lakes Sugar Company, 7310 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Michigan, 
and Findlay, Ohio. 

Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., 7310 Woodward 
Avenue, Detroit, Michigan, and Findlay, Ohio. 

By personal interview made at this office July 31, 1940, Baldomar Silas, then 
residing at a camp house located on the farm of John Rehss, R. R. No. 1, Hoytville, 
Ohio, but present location unknown, complained orally that the Great Lakes Sugar 
Company, Findlay, Ohio, was arranging with Julio dela Pena for the transporta- 
tion of field laborers from Texas to Northwestern Ohio points for the purpose of 
working in the beet fields. Such transportation was performed in ordinary straight 
trucks equipped with benches (not buses) and by a motor carrier not having 
authority under Part II of the Interstate Commerce Act. 

Complaint was made for the purpose of compelling Julio dela Pena to refund 
transportation charges to a group of laborers he represented. 

Julio dela Pena, an individual, is a common carrier of (a) passengers between 
points in Texas, in the vicinity of Realitos, and Findlay, Ohio, and vicinity, (b) 
passengers between points in Ohio within a radius of seventy-five miles of Findlay, 
and (c) property consisting of sugar beets from the fields within a seventy -five 
mile radius of Findlay to the refinery of the Great Lakes Sugar Company, Findlay, 
Ohio. He operates three straight trucks and had a gross income of approximated' 
$7,509.21 in 1940. 

No authority is held under Part II of the Interstate Commerce Act either by 
a "grandfather" application or a certificate to perform interstate operations. 

No rates have been filed, and the insurance requirements have not been complied 
with. 

Interviews with the carrier and several passengers revealed that the 10-hour 
driving rule was violated, drivers' logs were not maintained and the motor vehicles 
were not equipped as required by the Safety Regulations. 

Respondent, Great Lakes Sugar Company, is a Michigan Corporation engaged 
principally in the refining of sugar beets into sugar. It is also engaged, to a lim- 
ited extent, in the growing of sugar beets. 

Refineries are located at Blissfield, Michigan, Findlay and Fremont, Ohio. 
General Offices are located at 7310 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. W. F. 
Schmitt is General Manager and supervises the operations of the refineries and 

1 8ee Exhibit 40 — Interstate Transportation of Mexican Workers, Washington hearings, pt. 11, March 
-"4, 25, and 26, p. 4771 ff. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7807 

the activities of the Field Managers located at each refinery in the procurement 
of the required supply of sugar beets. 

L. W. Esckilsen is Field Manager for Northwestern Ohio with headquarters in 
Findlay. Under Schmitt's direction and supervision, he has charge of all arrange- 
ments and details resulting in an adequate supply of sugar beets being] furnished 
the Findlay refinery. 

Respondent, Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. is a non profit 
Michigan Corporation, sole assets consisting of personal property in the amount 
of $100.00, and is engaged in obtaining and furnishing field workers to grower 
members of the Committee, all of whom are under contract to furnish sugar beets 
to the Great Lakes Sugar Company. The Committee likewise furnishes living 
quarters (movable camp houses) and bare living necessities to the field workers 
during the growing and harvesting season. 

W. F. Schmitt, General Manager, and L. W. Esckilsen, Northwestern Ohio 
Field Manager of the Great Lakes Sugar Company, are likewise Executive Secre- 
tary and Treasurer and Assistant Secretary, respectively, of the Great Lakes 
Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. As officers of the Committee, Schmitt 
and Esckilsen, in the matter of procuring a sufficient supply of field laborers, made 
an arrangement with Julio dela Pena which resulted in dela Pena opening up a 
labor agency in Realitos, Texas, in the spring of 1940. He recruited several 
hundred laborers of Mexican descent, who were first required to pass a physical 
examination, and then were transported either in their own automobiles or in 
trucks owned by dela Pena to Findlay, Ohio. During April and May 1940, 
approximately 205 persons were thus transported by dela Pena. 

Payment for this transportation, on the basis of $11.00 for each adult and 
$4.50 for each child, was made by the Committee with funds advanced by the 
Company and charged against the laborer's account. Deductions of such amounts 
were made from the laborer's earnings and balances due after all deductions made 
were paid by checks of the Great Lakes Sugar Company. 

REMARKS 

The interstate operations conducted by the carrier were only possible with the 
aiding and abetting of the Great Lakes Sugar Company and the Great Lakes 
Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. 

Both the carrier and the Company and Committee disclaimed any intent to 
violate the Act; the carrier claiming no knowledge whatever of the Act and the 
Company and Committee claiming no violations occurred. 

Notwithstanding this assertion, Esckilsen stated at the last interview that 
neither the Company nor the Committee would have any connection, either 
directly or indirectly, with the future transportation of laborers from Texas. 

RECOMMENDATION 

Criminal prosecution of the carrier and of the Great Lakes Sugar Company 
and the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., as aiders and 
abettors. 



Interstate Commerce Commission, Bureau of Motor Carriers 

check sheet on carrier 

(1) L. & E. No. 20291, District 4- 

(2) Date Report Submitted: March 25, 1941. Net Days Worked on Case: 21 

(3) Period of Investigation: Dec. 1, 1940, to March 24, 1941. 

(4) Respondent: Julio dela Pena. 
Address: Realitos, Texas. 

(5) Status shown by Commission records: 

Common Carrier: No. Grandfather: No. 

Contract Carriers: No. Interim: No. 

Broker: A r o. New: No. 

Tariff: No. Reg. State Cert.: No. 

Schedule: No. P. L. & P. D. Insurance: No. 

Contracts: No. Cargo Insurance: No. 



7808 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



(6) Vehicles Operated: 8. Gross Revenue: $7,509.21. 

(7) Other respondents: Great Lakes Sugar Company, 7810 Woodward Avenue, 

Detroit, Michigan, and Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., 
7810 Woodward Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

(8) Operating period covered by Investigation: 1940. 

(9) Recommendation : Criminal prosecution of carrier and aiders and abettors. 

(10) Types of Violations: 

v ' J 1 Offenses 

No. Dis- 

By Julio dela Pena: covered No - Re P- 

Unauthorized Operations 205 

Transportation ivithout Insurance 205 

Transportation without Rates 205 11 

Failure to Require Drivers Logs 30 3 

Failure to Observe 10-hr. Driving Limitation 30 3 

By Great Lakes Sugar Company: 

Aiding and Abetting 205 1 1 

By Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc.: 

Aiding and Abetting 205 11 

M. M. Emery, District Supervisor. 



Check Sheet on Respondent 
interstate commerce commission, bureau of motor carriers 

(1) L. & E. No. 20291, District 4- 

(2) Date Report Submitted: March 25, 1941. Net Days worked on Case: 21. 

(3) Period of Investigation: December 1, 1940 to March 24, 1941. 

(4) Respondent: Great Lakes Sugar Company. 
Address: 7810 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. 

(5) Status shown by Commission records: 

Common carrier: No. Grandfather: No. 

Contract Carrier: No. Interim: No. 

Broker: No. New: No. 

Tariff No. Reg. State Cert.: No. 

Schedule: No. P. L. & P. D. Insurance: No. 

Contracts: No. Cargo Insurance: No. 

(6) Vehicles operated: 0. Gross Revenue: Unavailable. 

(7) Other respondents: Julio dela Pena, Realitos, Texas {Carrier) and Great Lakes 

Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., 7310 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, 
Michigan. 

(8) Operating Period Covered by Investigation: 1940. 

(9) Recommendation: Criminal prosecution of carrier and aiders and abettors. 

(10) Types of Violations: xt °« en ^ s nm 

By Julio dela Pena: No. Discovered No. Hep. 

Unauthorized Operations 205 

Transportation without Insurance 205 1 1 

Transportation without Rates 205 11 

Failure to Require Driver* Logs 30 3 

Failure to Observe 10-hr. Driving Limitation 30 3 

For other violations see reverse side of sheet. 

By Great Lakes Sugar Company: 

Aiding and Abetting 205 11 

By Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. : 

Aiding and Abetting 205 1 1 

M. M. Emery, District Supervisor. 



Check Sheet on Respondent 
interstate commerce commission, bureau of motor carriers 

(1) L. & E. No. 20291, District 4- , 

(2) Date Report Submitted: Mar. 25, 1941. Net Days worked on Case: 21. 

(3) Period of Investigation: December 1, 1940 to March 24, 1941- 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7809 

(4) Respondent: Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. 
Address: 7310 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. 

(5) Status shown by Commission records: 

Common carrier: No. Grandfather: No. 

Contract carrier: No. * Interim: No. 

Broker: No. New: No. 

Tariff: No. Reg. State Cert.: No. 

Schedule: No. P. L. & P. D. Insurance: No. 

Contracts: No. Cargo Insurance: No. 

(6) Vehicles operated: 0. Gross Revenue: Unavailable. 

(7) Other respondents: Julio dela Pena, Realitos, Texas {Carrier) and Great 

Lakes Sugar Company, 7310 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Mich. 

(8) Operating Period Covered by Investigation: 1940. 

(9) Recommendation: Criminal prosecution of carrier and aiders and abettors. 
(10) Types of Violations: 1 Offenses 

By Julio dela Pena: No - Discovered No. Rep. 

Unauthorized Operations 205 

Transported without Insurance 205 11 

Transportation without Rates 205 11 

Failure to Require Drivers Logs 30 3 

Failure to Observe 10-hr. Driving Limitation 30 3 

For other violations see reverse side of sheet. 

By Great Lakes Sugar Company. 

Aiding and Abetting 205 11 

By Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, 
Inc.: 

Aiding and Abetting 205 1 1 

M. M. Emery, District Supervisor. 



Statement of the Case 



BASIS OF INVESTIGATION 



1. Complaint.— On July 31, 1940, Baldomar Silas, at that time living in a 
camp house on the farm of John Rehss, RR #1, Hoytville, Ohio, but present 
location unknown, appeared at the office of the District Supervisor, Toledo, Ohio, 
and complained orally of the activities of The Great Lakes Sugar Company, 
Findlav, Ohio, in arranging for the transportation of contract laborers of Mexican 
descent from points in Texas, in the vicinity of San Antonio, to Plndlay, Ohio, 
and nearby points, to work in the beet fields of Northwestern Ohio. Such arrange- 
ments were made with Julio dela Pena, an unauthorized carrier, who transported 
the laborers and their families in straight trucks (not buses) equipped with benches. 
The complainant claimed to represent a number of laborers transported by Julio 
dela Pena during 1940 and stated his only reason in reporting this situation was 
for the purpose of endeavoring to secure the return of all or a part of the trans- 
portation charges paid by the laborers he represented. Such charges, he claimed, 
amounted to $12.00 for each adult and $6.00 for each child transported. 

2. Preliminary investigation by the undersigned Supervisor during December 
1940 and rep< rt thereon, which is attached hereto, revealed that Julio dela Pena 
was transporting passengers without authority and without rates or insurance on 
file; also that the Great Lakes Sugar Company and the Great Lakes Growers' 
Employment Committee, Inc., were aiding and abetting Julio dela Pena in such 
illegal operations. This investigation was predicated on said report. 

3. Complainant — Laldomar Silas, complainant, is an illiterate laborer of 
Mexican descent, who, at the time of making the complaint, resided in a movable 
camp house belonging to the Great Lakes Sugar Company and located on the farm 
of John Rehss, RR #1, near Hoytville, Ohio. A short time later and prk r to the 
submission of the report of preliminary investigation, a call was made at the above 
location but he had departed for parts unknown. 

4. Therefore, for the purpose of this case, the complainant is not available and 
it is believed his presence or testimony will not be necessary. 



60306 — 41 — pt. 10- 



7810 DETROIT HEARINGS 

5. Previous Investigations. — The illegal transportation of Mexican laborers from 
Texas to points in Northwestern Ohio and Michigan was the subject of a previous 
complaint, L & E No. 8953-S, handled by District Supervisor Hymans of Detroit, 
Michigan, and complaint, L & E No. 13415-4, handled by this Supervisor. Both 
complaints were closed out on account of insufficient evidence. 

DESCRIPTION OF RESPONDENTS 

Respondent Carrier. 

6. Julio dela Pena, an individual of Mexican descent and an American citizen, 
resides at the present time in Realitos, Texas, a small town of less than 1,000 
population located 70 miles east of Laredo, Texas, on U. S. Highway No. 59. 
From May to approximately December 20, 1940, he resided at 421 Lynn Street, 
Findlay, Ohio. 

7. Everv year, since the spring of 1934, he has transported laborers of Mexican 
descent and their families from Texas to Northwestern Ohio to work in the beet 
fields, returning a portion of them to Texas in the fall after the beet harvest. 
In the spring of 1940 he opened up an employment agency in Realitos, Texas, 
licensed bv the State of Texas, for the purpose of recruiting these laborers. After 
arrival at'Findlav, Ohio, and until his return to Texas in December 1940, he was 
emploved bv the Great Lakes Sugar Company, Findlay, Ohio, as an interpreter 
and field instructor and. in addition, used his trucks to transport the field workers 
to, from, and' between beet fields where necessary work was to be performed. 
To conduct the transportation activities described above, three straight trucks 
were used; namely, two Chevrolets with fourteen-foot bodies, and one small 
Dodge >£-ton pick-up truck. 

8. Operating Authority. — No authority is or has been held under the Act to 
engage in interstate commerce, as shown by reply from Section of Certificates on 
L & E Form 5 under date of February 3, 1941, attached hereto. 

9. Rate Publications.— The respondent carrier has never filed any rate publica- 
tions or bilateral contracts with this Commission. 

10. Insurance. — The respondent carrier has never filed evidence of compliance 
with the insurance requirements of this Commission. 

11. Records and Accounts. — No records are kept by the respondent carrier other 
than a memorandum record which only he can understand. Any documentary 
evidence contained in this report was obtained from the records of the respondent 
shippers. 

12. Because of lack of records of respondent carrier, it was impossible to 
ascertain his gross revenue from the passenger transportation business for any 
particular period of time. However, from the records of the Great Lakes Sugar 
Company and the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., it was 
ascertained that he received checks totaling as follows: 

From the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. — During 1940: 
$5,591.36, which includes transportation of laborers from Texas to Findlay, 
Ohio. 
From the Great Lakes Sugar Company — During 1940: 

$60.00 — to cover two loads of laborers transported back to Texas. 

$1,426.30 — to cover intrastate transportation of laborers. 

$431.55 — to cover use of his trucks hauling sugar beets to factory.) 

Respondent — The Great Lakes Sugar Company. 

13. Organization and Personnel. — Great Lakes Sugar Company is a corporation, 
incorporated under the laws of Michigan in 1931 and reincorporated in 1934, 
engaged in the manufacture of sugar from sugar beets and also engaged, to some 
extent, in the growing of sugar beets to be used in its refineries. 

General Offices are located at 7310 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. 

Field offices, refineries, and warehouses located at Blissfield, Michigan; Findlay, 
Ohio; Fremont, Ohio. 

Officers and business addresses are as follows: 

Name Address 

James E. Larrowe, Pres 7310 Woodward Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

A. W. Beebe, Vice President & 7310 Woodward Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

TrGRsur6r. 

Searle Mowat, Secretary 7310 Woodward Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

W. F. Schmitt, Gen. Mgr 7310 Woodward Ave., Detroit, Mich. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 781 1 

The field managers of the company's plants and their business addresses are as 
follows : 

Name Address 

L. W. Esckilsen Great Lakes Sugar Co., Findlay, Ohio. 

Edward Grew Great Lakes Sugar Co., Blissfield, Mich. 

A. C. Joost Great Lakes Sugar Co., Fremont, Ohio. 

14. This company is one of the largest refiners of beet sugar east of the Mis- 
sissippi River, operating three refineries and producing millions of pounds of sugar 
annually. 

Respondent — Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. 

15. Organization and Personnel. — Great Lakes Growers' Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc., is a corporation, incorporated under the laws of Michigan in 1938, 
with offices located at 1936 LaFayette Blvd., Detroit, Michigan, and is engaged 

"The rendering of service and assistance to sugar-beet growers represented in this 
organization in connection with the obtaining and employment by them of field 
labor and in general, to do any and all things necessary, advisable, or expedient 
to assist beet growers in the employment of field workers" (Article II of Articles 
of Incorporation). 

It is a nonprofit Michigan corporation composed exclusively of Growers and 
Associations of Growers furnishing sugar beets to the Great Lakes Sugar Company 
and Lake Shore Sugar Company, an affiliated company. It is not authorized 
to issue capital stock and has none. Attached hereto are copies of its bylaws 
and articles of incorporation. Particular attention is called to Article IV of 
articles of incorporation showing that its sole assets consist of personal property 
in the amount of $100.00. 

Officers, with business addresses, are as follows: 

Name Address 

George W. Bloom, President Fremont, Ohio. 

Fred Rodesiler, Vice President Blissfield, Michigan. 

W. F. Schmitt, 1 Executive Secre- Great Lakes Sugar Co., 7310 Woodward 
tary and Treasurer. Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. 

John D. Kelly, Assistant Execu- 
tive Secretary. 

L. W. Esckilsen, 2 Asst. Sec'y Great Lakes Sugar Co., Findlay, Ohio. 

Edward Grew, 2 Asst. Secretary Great Lakes Sugar Co., Blissfield, Michigan. 

A. C. Joost, 2 Asst. Secretary-! Great Lakes Sugar Co., Fremont, Ohio.? 

Directors are as follows: 
Fred Rodesiler, President, Blissfield Beet Growers Assn. 
A. J. Ingold, Secretary, Blissfield Beet Growers Assn. 
Earl Davis, President, St. Louis Beet Growers Assn. 
Ralph Densmore, Secretary, St. Louis Beet Growers Assn. 
George W. Bloom, President, Fremont Beet Growers Assn. 
Webb B. Smith, Secretary, Fremont Beet Growers Assn. 
C. J. Windau, President, Findlay Beet Growers Assn. 
William A. Hess. 
E. L. Woodhams. 

16. Its principal business appears to be that of furnishing a supply of cheap 
labor to the beet growers for the cultivation and harvesting of sugar beets. It 
also furnishes tools, camp houses for living quarters, and honors orders for pay- 
ment up to certain specified amounts issued by the workers in favor of grocers, 
butchers, doctors, etc., for living and other necessary expenses. Such amounts 
are charged against the worker's credits accrued for labor and at the end of the 
season, the laborers are paid any difference. 

17. The Assistant Secretaries of the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc., are also the Field Managers of the Great Lakes Sugar Company at 
the three plants and have the power to sign checks for both organizations. 

18. It appears that the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., 
was organized for the purpose of allowing the Great Lakes Sugar Company to 
engage indirectly in the procurement and financing of cheap labor to work in 
the beet fields of farmers who contract to sell their beets to the Great Lakes Sugar 
Company and also to work in beet fields farmed directly by the Sugar Company, 

i Also General Manager. Great Lakes Sugar Company. 

» Also Field Managers of the Great Lakes Sugar Co. at the points indicated. 



7812 DETROIT HEARINGS 

19. Records and Accounts. — The Great Lakes Growers' Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc., keep records at its Findlay, Ohio, office of amounts owed to and by 
each field laborer. Such records are maintained in ledger system and from time 
to time during the season and at the end of the season, payments are made and 
accounts closed out by checks issued by the Great Lakes Sugar Company. The 
Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., accepts "assignments of 
wages" from its laborers. The assignments referred to in this report made in 
favor of Julio dela Pena include transportation charges from Texas to Ohio. 
All records and accounts of this Committee are kept by employees of the Great 
Lakes Sugar Company and no charge is made by the Sugar Company for such 
services. 

FACTS OF VIOLATIONS 

Unauthorized Operations — Section 206 (a). 

20. The respondent carrier, hereinafter called the carrier, does not have author- 
ity under the Act to transport passengers in interstate or foreign commerce. 

21. Since 1934, and every spring thereafter, he has been transporting laborers 
of Mexican descent and their families from points in Southern Texas to points in 
Northwestern Ohio to work in the sugar-beet fields and returning those in the fall 
who wished to return. Starting with the spring of 1938 and every season there- 
after, the transportation has been exclusively for the Great Lakes Sugar Company, 
hereinafter called the Company, and its affiliate, the Great Lakes Growers' 
Emplovment Committee, Inc., hereinafter called the Committee. 

22. In April, May, and June, 1940, ten (10) loads of laborers and their families, 
totaling approximately 205 persons, were transported from the vicinity of Realitos 
Texas, to Findlay, Ohio, and, in August of the same year, one (1) load was returned 
from Findlav to' Realitos. Names and addressed of these persons are shown in 
Exhibit F attached hereto. This list was obtained from the records of the Com- 
mittee and the names contained therein were pointed out to the undersigned by 
Julio dela Pena those persons whom he had transported. 

23. Due to the limited time available in which to interview these laborers, as 
many of them had already returned to Texas and the balance were returning daily 
during the period of this investigation, as well as their frequent migration from 
farm to farm and the difficulty in conversing with them, only eleven (11) laborers 
were interviewed who would definitely state the carrier transported them from 
Texas to Findlav, Ohio, in 1940. The names of these eleven laborers are attached 
hereto, on which form there is also listed the approximate date of movement, 
the approximate point of origin and destination, the specification of the carrier's 
transportation charges for such movement and a description of the records 
evidencing pavment of such charges. 

24. Affidavits were secured from these eleven persons and attached hereto. 
It will be noted from the affidavits that the cost of transportation, with the 
exception of John Vara Valasco was $11 per person. This amount was made 
up of $9.00 transportation and the balance of $2.00 covered cost of medical 
examination and employment bureau fees in Texas. 

25. Two (2) straight Chevrolet trucks mounting fourteen-foot bodies were 
used for this movement and the transportation charges received were $9.00 e^.ch, 
one way, for adults, and $4.50 each, one way, for children under fourteen (14) 
years of a^e. The trips were performed with almost continuous driving and in 
violation of the Safety Regulations, as there was no place en route for the passengers 
to sleep and rest, as very few, if any, tourist camps desired to accommodate them, 
and also the majority were without funds, other than as advanced by the carrier, 
and therefore everyone involved was anxious to reach the destination and get 
established in the camp cabins. 

26. Payment for Transportation. — Payment was received in the following 
manner: In practically every case the laborers did not have the money available 
to pay for this service and the respondent carrier would get them to sign an 
"Assignment of Wapes" (form 252). The "assignment of wrges" forms executed 
by the eleven (11) laborers listed in Table I are attached hereto. 

* 27. The laborers were divided into groups and each group assigned a serial 
number. One of each group, generally the eldest, was designated as the "Head of 
the Group" and he signed a labor contract for the group with the grower or farmer 
whose land the group was engaged to cultivate. 

28. Photostatic copv of the only contract on file signed by or applicable to four 
(4) of the laborers listed on Table I is attached hereto. Similar contracts are 
supposed to be in effect covering all field laborers working the entire season, but 
the files of the Company do not contain contracts for the balance of the laborers 
listed on Table I. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7813 

29. The Committee maintained a ledger account for each group and inserted 
therein charges for tools, supplies, and services furnished to the laborers in a par- 
ticular group and also inserted credits for wages earned by that particular group. 
Photostats of the ledger accounts applicable to the eleven (11) laborers listed on 
Table I are attached hereto. During the season and at the close of the harvest 
season, payments were made by checks of the Company and entries of such checks 
are shown on the ledger accounts of the laborers. The checks issued in favor of 
the eleven (11) laborers issued by the Company as listed on Table I are attached 
hereto. 

30. No separate ledger account is kept by either the Company or the Com- 
mittee covering charges due the carrier on the transportation of the field laborers 
from Texas to Ohio. The only record maintained is that designated as "Advance 
by Julio dela Pena" on the ledger account of each group of field laborers. From 
time to time during the season, these advances are totaied and a check issued by 
the Committee to the carrier for an amount not to exceed this total and at the 
close of the season, the balance is paid. Photostatic copies of all checks covering 
this entire account and which includes all payments for the heretofore described 
transportation from Texas to Findlay, are attached hereto. 

31. According to the affidavit of the carrier he transported one load of twenty- 
five field laborers back to Texas in August 1940, for which he was advanced the 
sum of sixty-eight dollars ($68.00) by the Company. The records of the Company 
indicate that this actually consisted of two (2) loads and the carrier was advanced 
sixty dollars ($60.00) instead of $68.00. The canceled check and copy of the 
check carrying an explanation covering these two (2) loads are attached hereto. 
It will be noted that this check is issued by the Company, whereas the balance of 
the checks to cover this transportation were issued by the Committee. 

32. Intrastate Operations.— The carrier also used his trucks regularly intrastate 
from May to December in transporting field laborers, machinery, supplies and 
materials, and also used his Dodge }^-ton pick-up truck supervising the laborers, 
for which he was paid on a mileage basis by the Company. Five cents per mile 
was paid for the use of the carrier's Dodge J>2-ton pick-up truck and six cents 
per mile for the use of his two Chevrolet trucks. Daily mileage records were 
turned into the office of the Company at frequent irregular intervals and from 
these records payment was made by check of the Company. Copies of these 
mileage records itemizing time periods and trucks used for the period June 1, 
1940, to December IS, 1940, inclusive, are attached hereto. Canceled checks 
covering this same movement and period are attached hereto. 

33. The carrier, during beet harvest, also used one of his Chevrolet trucks to 
transport sugar beets from the fields to the Findlay refinery, such transportation 
being exclusively intrastate. The driver of this truck was named Jose B. Gonzlez 
and, for this reason, the Company's ledger account was carried in his name and 
checks covering this hauling made out in his favor. Photostatic copy of this 
ledger account is attached hereto. 

34. L. W. Esckilsen, Findlay Field Manager for the Company, stated he was of 
the opinion that Gonzlez and the carrier adjusted the matter of compensation 
between themselves and an examination of the cancelled checks covering this 
account, which are attached hereto and marked "Table I, Exhibit 11," reveal 
that although all checks are made out in favor of Jose B. Gonzlez, the respondent's 
driver, one check, No. 17604, dated December 19, 1940, amount, $43.90, is en- 
endorsed only by the carrier and one other check, No. 17078, dated December 12, 
1940, amount, $71.75, is endorsed by the payee and also by the carrier. 

35. The carrier also was employed by the Company as an interpreter from 
May to December 1940, for which he received a salary of $90 per month. 

36. An affidavit was secured from the carrier outlining in detail his complete 
activities since his connection with the Company and the Committee. This 
affidavit is attached hereto. 

Driving in Excess of 10 Hours in Any 24-hour Period (M. C. S. R., pt. 5, rule 3 (b)); 
failure to Require Drivers' Logs (M. C. S. R., pt. 5, rule 5). 

37. The trucks of the carrier used for transporting passengers were not equipped 
with sleeper berths and no attention was paid to the Safety Regulations of the 
Commission. In fact, the carrier had no knowledge of such regulations. The 
one object was to get each load of laborers through in the shortest time possible. 

38. The distance from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, Ohio, is approximately 
1,600 miles and, by driving continuously, with the exception of a thirty-minute 
stop every three hundred miles, the trip was completed in three days and three 
nights. Drivers' logs were not maintained on any trips and drivers were per- 
mitted to drive in excess of ten hours without having eight consecutive hours off 
duty. See affidavit of Benito Hernandez. 



7814 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Aiding and Abetting — Section 222 (c). 

39. W. F. Schmitt, General Manager of the Company and Executive Secretary 
of the Committee, and J. K. Worley, Union Guardian Bldg., Detroit, Michigan, 
attorney for both the Company and the Committee, were interviewed and dis- 
claimed any connection between the Company and the Committee and the inter- 
state transportation of the laborers and also any intent to evade or violate the 
law. 

40. However, during a previous preliminary investigation conducted by Super- 
visor Hymans of Detroit, Michigan, warning letters dated June 27, 1938 were 
sent to James E. Larrowe, President, and three directors of the Company. An 
acknowledgment, dated August 4, 1938, was received from Larrowe outlining in 
detail the field-labor situation and disclaiming any violations or intent to violate 
the Act. This correspondence is attached hereto. 

41. Notwithstanding this warning letter, the Company and the Committee 
still actively engaged in making it possible for laborers to be transported from 
Texas by the carrier by handling settlement for such transportation through 
charges against their labor credits. 

42. In one of the numerous conversations with L. W. Esckilsen, Field Manager 
of the Findlay Plant, statement was made that one of the considerations offered 
the carrier for recruiting these laborers in Texas was the agreement that he would 
have the privilege of transporting a certain number of them to Lindlay ; the agreed 
number being in excess of two hundred passengers. Esckilsen also stated the 
majority of these laborers did not have sufficient money left in the spring and 
that the arrangement concerning the assignment of wages was the only way they 
could get to Findlay each spring. He also stated in many cases cost of automobile 
licenses was advanced to laborers owning their own cars to enable them to use 
their cars in transporting themselves and their families and relatives to Findlay. 

43. The working capital used by the Committee is advanced by the Company 
and all routine work handled in the name of the Committee at the Findlay refinery 
is performed by employees of the Company at no cost to the Committee. It is 
therefore evident that the Committee is merely an intermediary, functioning as 
the Company in all respects except in name, in the procuring and furnishing of 
field laborers to beet growers and to the Company for the cultivation and growing 
of sugar beets sold and/or delivered exclusively to the Company. 

44. The transportation of the laborers from Texas to Ohio by the carrier was 
only possible due to the aiding and abetting of the Company and the Committee. 

REMARKS 

45. All representatives of the Committee and the Company and their attorney,. 
J. K. Worley, at all interviews, continuously maintained they had not violated 
any part of the Act. Nevertheless, during the last interview with Esckilsen, he 
stated that the Company and the Committee had agreed to have absolutely 
nothing to do with the future transportation of these laborers from Texas to Ohio, 
either directly or indirectly. 

46. In case it becomes necessary to use passengers transported as witnesses in 
the case, it is suggested that those submitting affidavits as shown in Table I, 
Exhibit 1, be used first and, should it be necessary to use any additional, those as 
shown in Exhibit F be interviewed before being subpoenaed to make certain they 
had actually been transported from Texas by this carrier in 1940. This list was 
made up from information which the carrier furnished from memory, no written 
records being available, and it is quite possible some persons named therein were 
not transported by the carrier in 1940. 

47. The number of passengers transported in 1940 and the regular intrastate 
business conducted from June to December will definitely place the carrier out- 
side the exemption contained in Section 203 (b) (9). 

48. Particular attention is directed to the fact that the carrier transported 
passengers in freight carrying vehicles and that such vehicles were not equipped 
as required and the drivers thereon were not conversant with the Motor Carrier 
Safety Regulations applicable to buses. 

49. At the several interviews, Julio dela Pena expressed his entire ignorance 
of Part II of the Motor Carrier Act and frequently stated he would not knowingly 
violate any Federal statute. He cooperated wholeheartedly with this Super- 
visor and was invaluable as an interpreter in the various interviews with the 
numerous Mexican laborers. 

50. The various representatives of the Company and the Committee were also 
friendly and cooperative, especially L. W. Esckilsen, Field Manager of the Findlay 
Plant, who placed all records at my disposal and assisted in every way possible. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7815 

RECOMMENDATION 

51. It is recommended that Julio dela Pena be prosecuted for the violations 
as indicated below: 

(a) Unauthorized transportation of passengers from Texas to Ohio points; 
(6) Failure to maintain public liability and property damage insurance as 
required; 

(c) Failure to file rates as required; 

(d) Failure to require the keeping of drivers' logs and driving in excess of 10 

hours in any 24-hour period without 8 hours rest. 

52. It is also recommended that the Great Lakes Sugar Company and the 
Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., be prosecuted for aiding 
and abetting Julio dela Pena in said violations. 



Appendix 1 

list of witnesses 

Detroit, Michigan. 

Great Lakes Sugar Company, 7310 Woodward Avenue. 

James E. Larrowe, 7310 Woodward Ave. 

W. F. Schmitt, 1 7310 Woodward Ave. 

Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., 1936 LaFayette 
Blvd. 

John D. Kelly, 1936 LaFayette Blvd. 
Findlay, Ohio. 

Great Lakes Sugar Company aud Great Lakes Growers' Employment 
Committee, Inc. 

L. W. Esckilsen. 
Realitos, Texas. 

Julio dela Pena. 
Corpus Christi, Texas. 

Trinidad Trujillo, 2611 Coleman. 

Ramon Gonzales, 2611 Coleman. 

Gilberto Gonzales, 2611 Coleman. 

Eustaquio Barrientes, 2611 Coleman. 

Francisco Bara, 2611 Coleman. 
San Antonio, Texas 

Benito Hernandez, 1316 Martin St. 

Seferino Hernandez, 1316 Martin St. 
Chicago, Illinois. 

John Vara Valasco, 1616 Roosevelt Rd. 
Tivala, Texas. 

Eulogio Guerrero, General Delivery. 

Eulogio Guerrero, Jr., General Delivery. 

Benjamin Guerrero, General Delivery. 

Frederico Guerrero, General Delivery. 



Appendix 2 
records and custodians 

J. H. Jameson, Office Manager, Great Lakes Sugar Company, 7310 Woodward 
Avenue, Detroit Michigan. Custodian of all general office records of the Great 
Lakes Sugar Company, including all cancelled checks issued by both the Great 
Lakes Sugar Company and the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, 
Inc. 

L. W. Esckilsen, Field Manager, Great Lakes Sugar Company and Assistant 
Secretary, Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, Ohio. 
Custodian of ledger accounts, assignment of wages, orders, and labor contracts 
of the field workers in the Findlay District. 

This information consisting of 45 counts charges Julio dela Pena, a common 
carrier of passengers in interstate commerce by motor vehicle, with the following 
violations of the Motor Carrier Act, 1935, and Part II of the Interstate Commerce 

i Also Executive Secretary of the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. 



JglQ DETROIT HEARINGS 

Act, and the Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation; and Great Lakes 
Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, with aiding and abetting 
the above respondent in such violations. (49 Stat. L. 543; 49 U. S. C. A. 301 et 

seq.) , 

1. Engaging in the transportation of passengers in interstate commerce, for com- 

pensation, as a common carrier by motor vehicle without requisite author- 
ity, in violation of Section 306 (a). Counts I, IV, VII, X, XIII, XVI, XIX, 
XXII, XXV, XXVIII, XXXI, XXXIV, XXXVII, XL, and XLIII. 

2. Engaging in transportation of passengers in interstate commerce, for compen- 

sation, as a common carrier bv motor vehicle without tariffs on file, in viola- 
tion of Section 317 (d). Counts II, V, VIII, XI, XIV, XVII, XX, XXIII, 
XXVI, XXIX, XXXII, XXXV, XXXVIII, XLI, and XLIV. 

3 Engaging in interstate operations as a common carrier of passengers without 
having filed and in effect acceptable public liability and property damage 
security, in violation of Insurace Rules and Regulations and Section 322 (a). 
Counts III, VI, IX, XII, XV, XVIII, XXI, XXIV, XXVII, XXX, XXX- 
III, XXXVI, XXXIX, XLII, and XLV. 
Julio dela Pena, Realitos, Texas, and Great Lakes Sugar Company and 

Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, Ohio (L&E- 

20291-4, E1214). 

In the District Court of the United States for the Northern District 
of Ohio, Western Division — United States of America, Plaintiff, vs. 
Julio dela Pena, and Great Lakes Sugar Company, a Corporation, and 
Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a Corporation. 

Defendants. No. 

information 

Now comes Emerich B. Freed, United States Attorney in and for the Northern 
District of Ohio, who for the United States in this behalf prosecutes, in his own 
proper person, and with leave of Court first had and obtained, gives the Court 
here to understand and to be informed as follows, to wit: 

count i 

1. That on, to wit, May 15, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highwav, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to Findlav, State and Northern District 
of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain 
passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without 
there being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience 
and necessity issued bv the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such 
interstate operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2 That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid thei/and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT II 

1. That on, to wit, May 15, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, 
Texas, to Findlav, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and 
within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, 
$9.00 per person, then and there without having filed and without having on file 
with the Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7817 

or charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT III 

1. That on, to wit, May 15, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective February 
15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protection 
of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully did 
knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport passengers 
by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to Findlay, 
State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction 
of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without 
having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Interstate 
Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, policy 
of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and other 
securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, any final 
judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the death 
of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use of 
motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or 
damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States 
(Title 49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT IV 

1. That on, to wit, May 16, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways, including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of 
Ohio, Western Division, and within the jusridiction of this Court, certain passen- 
gers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such inter- 
state operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 306 (a), 
U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

count v 

1. That on, to wit, May 16, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 



7g;[g DETROIT HEARINGS 

compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, 
Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and 
within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to 
wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without having filed and without having on 
file with the Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any 
fare or charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to 
the form of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and 
dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), TJ. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT VI 

1. That on, to wit, May 16, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations effective 
February 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, un- 
lawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers bv motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and 
there without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifiactions as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount 
thereof, any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries 
to, or the death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, 
or use of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or 
for loss or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in 
such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United 
States (Title 49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code)* 

COUNT VII 

1. That on, to wit, May 17, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highwav, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of 
Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain pas- 
sengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such inter- 
state operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Emplovment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then' and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7819 

COUNT VIII 

1. That on, to wit, May 17, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways, including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, 
Tex., to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and 
within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, 
$9.00 per person, then and there without having filed and without having on file 
with the Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any 
fare or charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to 
the form of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and 
dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT IX 

1. That on, to wit, May 17, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective Febru- 
ary 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protec- 
tion of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully 
did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport passen- 
gers by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to Findlay, 
State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdic- 
tion of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there 
without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the 
death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use 
of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss 
or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 
49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

count x 

1. That on, to wit, May 18, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from Corpus Christi, Tex., to Findlay, State and Northern District 
of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain 
passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without 
there being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience 
and necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such 
interstate operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
306 (a), U. S. Code). 



7820 DETROIT HEARINGS 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XI 

1. That on, to wit, May 18, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, 
Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and 
within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, 
$9.00 per person, then and there without having filed and without having on file 
with the Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any 
fare or charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to 
the form of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and 
dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XII 

1. That on, to wit, May 18, 1939, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective Feb- 
ruary 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlaw- 
fully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Corpus Christi, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and 
there without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the 
death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use 
of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss 
or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 
49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XIII 

1. That on, to wit, May 15, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7821 

highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, 
Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, 
for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there being 
in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and necessity 
issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such interstate 
operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 306 (a). 
U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT xiv 

1. That on, to wit, May 15, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignitv 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in "manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XV 

1. That on, to wit, May 15, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective February 
15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protection 
of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfullv did 
knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport passengers 
by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and 
Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this 
Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without having 
filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, policy of insurance, 
certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and other securities or 
agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, any final judgment 
recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the death of, any 
person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use of motor 
vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or damage 
to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code) 



7822 DETROIT HEARINGS 

COUNT XVI 

1. That on, to wit. May 16, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on pub- 
lic highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of 
Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain pas- 
sengers, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such inter- 
state operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 306 
(a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XVII 

1. That on, to wit: May 16, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transportation 
of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Find- 
lay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the juris- 
diction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per per- 
son, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or charge 
applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form of the 
statute in such case made and provided and against thft peace and dignity of the 
United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit: contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XVIII 

1. That on, to wit: May 16, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective 
February 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, un- 
lawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, 
State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the juris- 
diction of this Court, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per person, then and there 
without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, 
policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and 
other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or 
the death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or 
use of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for 
loss or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such 
case made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States 
(Title 49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7823 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XIX 

1. That on, to wit: May 17, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle on 
public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on 
public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of 
Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain pas- 
sengers, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such inter- 
state operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XX 

1. That on, to wit: May 17, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, tor compensation, to wit: $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid 
and abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to 
do and commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignitv of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XXI 

1. That on, to wit, May 17, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective 
February 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlaw- 
fully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, 
State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction 
of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without 
having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, policy of 



7824 DETROIT HEARINGS 

insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and other 
securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, any final 
judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the death of, 
any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use of motor 
vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or damage 
to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
322 (a), U.S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corpotation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXII 

1. That on, to wit: May 18, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, 
Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this. Court, certain passengers, 
for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per person, then and there without there being in 
force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and necessity 
issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such interstate 
operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 306 (a), U. S. 
Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did kncwingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to dc and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXIII 

1. That on, to wit: May 18, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transportation 
of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Find- 
lay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the juris- 
diction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per per- 
son, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or charge 
applicable to such transportation of said passengers, contrary to the form of the 
statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the 
United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXi\T 

1. That on, to wit, May 18, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective February 
15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protection 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7825 

of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully did 
knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport passengers 
by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and 
Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this 
Court, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per person, then and there without having 
filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, policy of insur- 
ance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and other securities 
or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, any final judgment 
recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the death of, any person 
resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use of motor vehicles by 
said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or damage to property 
of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. 

Code) . 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXV 

1. That on, to wit, May 19, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an 
interstate operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor 
vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern 
District of Ohio, v'7estern Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, 
certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there 
without there being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public 
convenience and necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission 
authorizing such interstate operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such 
case made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States 
(Title 49, Sec. 306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid 
and abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do 
and commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XXVI 

1. That on, to wit, May 19, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transportation 
of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. e\7 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes'^Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

60396— 41— pt. 19 :. 



e 



7g26 DETROIT HEARINGS 

COUNT XXVII 

1. That on, to wit, May 19, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle on 
public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective February 
15 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protection 
of 'the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully did 
knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport passengers 
by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and 
Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this 
Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without having 
filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, policy of insurance, 
certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and other securities or 
agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, any final judgment 
recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the death of, any person 
resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use of motor vehicles by 
said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or damage to property 
of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. 

J 2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then"and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXVIII 

1. That on, to wit, May 20, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, 
Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for 
compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there being in 
force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and necessity 
issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such interstate 
operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 306 (a), 

U. S. Code). n ,„ , 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid 
and abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to 
do and commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, 
U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXIX 

1. That on, to wit, May 20, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7827 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XXX 

1. That on, to wit, May 20, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways, including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective February 
15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission lor the protection 
of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully did 
knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport passengers 
by motor vehicle on public highways from Realitos, Texas, to Findlay, State and 
Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this 
Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without having 
filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, policy of insurance, 
certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and other securities or 
agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, any final judgment 
recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the death of, any per- 
son resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use of motor vehicles 
by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or damage to prop- 
erty of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignitv of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid, then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550 U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXXI 

1. That on, to wit, October 13, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on 
public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, State' and Northern Dis- 
trict of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain 
passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without 
there being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience 
and necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such 
interstate operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code)., 

COUNT XXXII 

1. That on, to wit, October 13, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, 



7g28 DETROIT HEARINGS 

to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or charge 
applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form of the 
statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the 
United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then' and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrarv to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XXXIII 

1. That on, to wit, October 13, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and 
there being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of 
passengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective 
February 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlaw- 
fully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers by motor vehicle on" public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, for compensation, to w it, $9.00 per person, then and there 
without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety bond, 
policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, and 
other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the 
death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use 
of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss 
or damage to property of others ; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 
49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, IT. S. Code). 

COUNT XXXIV 

1. That on, to wit, October 14, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicL 
on public highways, including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highwav, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public- 
highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of 
Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passen- 
gers/for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such inter- 
state operations, contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 306 (a), 
U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid, then and (here unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit, contrarv to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States. (Title IS, See. 550, I . .V 
Code.) 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7829 

COUNT XXXV 

1 . That on, to wit, October 14, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
Wring a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways, including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transporta- 
tion of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, 
to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within 
the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 
per person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers, contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignitv 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317(d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit, contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States. (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code.) 

COUNT XXXVI 

1. That on, to wit, October 14, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and 
there being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of 
passengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective 
February 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of tlie public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlaw- 
fully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and 
there without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the 
death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use 
of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss 
or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 
49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid 
and abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do 
and commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XXXVII 

1. That on, to wit, October 15, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on 
public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District 
of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain 
passengers,)for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such 
interstate operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and 
provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
300 (a), U. S. Code). 



7830 DETROIT HEARINGS 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XXXVIII 

1. That on, to wit, October 15, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the 
transportation of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San 
Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Divi- 
sion, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensa- 
tion, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without having filed and without 
having on file with the Interstate Commerce Commission and without having 
published any fare or charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; 
contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and against 
the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XXXIX 

1. That on, to wit, October 15, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and 
there being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of 
passengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways, including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective 
February 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the 
protection of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlaw- 
fully did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport 
passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and 
there without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the 
death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use 
of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss 
or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 
49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XL 

1. That on, to wit, October 16, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and 
there being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of 
passengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor 
vehicle on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set 
forth, for compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an 
interstate operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7831 

vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, State and 
Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this 
Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and 
there without there being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public 
convenience and necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission 
authorizing such interestate operations; contrary to the form of the statute in 
such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United 
States (Title 49, Sec. 306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid 
and abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to 
do and commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 
550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XH 

1. That on, to wit, October 16, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transportation 
of passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignity 
of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XLII 

1. That on, to wit, October 16, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective Febru- 
ary 15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protec- 
tion of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully 
did knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport pas- 
sengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Find- 
lay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and 
there without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount thereof, 
any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries to, or the 
death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, or use 
of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for loss or 
damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such case 
made and provided and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 
49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing 
the premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid 
and abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do 
and commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided 
and against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 



7832 DETROIT HEARINGS 

COUNT XLIII 

1. That on, to wit, October 17, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle, engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle on 
public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in an interstate 
operation on a public highway, in that he did transport by motor vehicle on public 
highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, State and Northern District of 
Ohio, Western Division, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, certain pas- 
sengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per person, then and there without there 
being in force with respect to defendant a certificate of public convenience and 
necessity issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission authorizing such inter- 
state operations; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and pro- 
vided and against the peace and dignitv of the United States (Title 49, Sec. 
306 (a), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignitv of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. 
Code). 

COUNT XLIV 

L. That on, to wit, October 17, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier b} r motor vehicle, engaged in the transportation of passen- 
gers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, unlawfully did knowingly and willfully engage in the transportation 
passengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to 
Findlay, State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, certain passengers, for compensation, to wit, $9.00 per 
person, then and there without having filed and without having on file with the 
Interstate Commerce Commission and without having published any fare or 
charge applicable to such transportation of said passengers; contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided and against the peace and dignitv of 
the United States (Title 49, Sec. 317 (d), U. S. Code). 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit, contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

COUNT XLV 

1. That on, to wit; October 17, 1940, Julio dela Pena, defendant, then and there 
being a common carrier by motor vehicle engaged in the transportation of pas- 
sengers for the general public in interstate and foreign commerce by motor vehicle 
on public highways including those between the points hereinafter set forth, for 
compensation, and as such subject to the rules and regulations, effective February 
15, 1937, prescribed by the Interstate Commerce Commission for the protection 
of the public pursuant to Section 215, Motor Carrier Act, 1935, unlawfully did 
knowingly and willfully engage in interstate commerce and transport pas- 
sengers by motor vehicle on public highways from San Antonio, Texas, to Findlay, 
State and Northern District of Ohio, Western Division, and within the juris- 
diction of this Court, for compensation, to wit: $9.00 per person, then and there 
without having filed with, and without there having been approved by, the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, and without maintaining in effect, a surety 
bond, policy of insurance, certificate of insurance, qualifications as a self-insurer, 
and other securities or agreements, conditioned to pay, within the amount 
thereof, any final judgment recovered against said defendant for bodily injuries 
to, or the death of, any person resulting from the negligent operation, maintenance, 
or use of motor vehicles by said defendant as a common carrier as aforesaid, or for 
loss or damage to property of others; contrary to the form of the statute in such 
case made and provided and against the peace and dignitv of the United States 
(Title 49, Sec. 322 (a), U. S. Code). 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7833 

2. That defendants, Great Lakes Sugar Company, a corporation, and Great 
Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a corporation, well knowing the 
premises aforesaid then* and there unlawfully did knowingly and willfully aid and 
abet said Julio dela Pena the said offense in manner and form aforesaid to do and 
commit; contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided and 
against the peace and dignity of the United States (Title 18, Sec. 550, U. S. Code). 

» 

United States Attorney. 

By . 

Assistant United States Attorney. 

verification 

State of Ohio, 

County of Franklin, ss: 
Marion M. Emery, being first duly sworn upon oath, deposes and says: that 
he is an employee of the United States Government, to wit: a District Supervisor 
of the Interstate Commerce Commission; that in the course of his duties as such 
District Supervisor he made an investigation of the matters set forth in the above 
and foregoing information against Julio dela Pena, Great Lakes Sugar Company, 
a corporation, and Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., a cor- 
poration; that he has read the above and foregoing information and knows the 
contents thereof and that the matters set forth therein are true of his own 
knowledge. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this - day of — — . 1941. 

— , Notary Public. 

My Commission expires . 



District Court of the United States, Northern District ok Ohio, Western 

Division 

United States v. Julio Dela Pena. No. 8472. Criminal ' Information in XLV 
counts for violation of U. S. C, Title 49, Sees. 306 (a), 317 (d), 322 (a), and 
Title 18, Sec. 550 

JUDGMENT AND COMMITMENT 

On this 15th day of September 1941 came the United States Attorney and 
the defendant Julio Dela Pena, appearing in proper person, and 2 by counsel and 

The defendant having been convicted on 3 his plea of guilty of the offense 
charged in the l information in the above-entitled cause, to wit 4 Transported 
passengers in Interstate Commerce without a certificate, and the defendant hav- 
ing been now asked whether he has anything to say why judgment should not 
be pronounced against him, and no sufficient cause to the contrary being shown 
or appearing to the Court, It Is by the Court 

Ordered and Adjudged that the defendant, having been found guilty of said 

offenses, is hereby 5 6 ordered to pay a fine to the 

United States in the sum of $1,000.00 and the costs of prosecution herein taxed 
in the sum of $53.90. 

It Is Further Ordered that the Clerk deliver a certified copy of this judg- 
ment and commitment to the United States Marshal or other qualified officer 
and that the same shall serve as the commitment herein. 7 

(Signed) Frank L. Kloeb, Judge. 

A True Copy. Certified this 25th day of September 1941. 

(Signed) C. B. Watkins, Clerk. 

(By) Ray Livingston, Deputy Clerk. 

1 Indictment or information. 

2 Insert "by counsel" or "having been asked whether he desired counsel assigned by the Court, replied 
that he did not," whichever is applicable. 

3 Insert the words "his plea of guilty," "plea of nolo contendere," or "verdict of guilty," as the case may be. 

4 Name specific offense or offenses and specify counts upon which convicted. 

5 Insert type of institution such as "jail," "training school," "reformatory," "penitentiary," or "special." 
If prisoner's circumstances require special type institution. Marshal should submit facts and recommenda- 
tions of Court to Attorney General where regulations do not apply. 

6 Insert sentence and any provision for payment of fine and state whether sentences are to run concur- 
rently or consecutively and, if consecutively, when each term is to begin; that is. with reference to termina- 
tion of preceding term, or with respect to any other outstanding or unserved sentence. 

7 Certified copy to accompany defendant to institution. 



7§34 DETROIT HEARINGS 

District Court of the United States, Northern District of Ohio, Western 

Division 

United States v. Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. No. 8472. 

Criminal ' Information in XLV counts for violation of^U. S. C, Title 49, Sees. 
306 (a), 317 (d), 322 (a), and Title 18, Sec. 550 

JUDGMENT AND COMMITMENT 

On this 15th day of September 1941, came the United States Attorney, and the 
defendant Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., appearing in 
proper person, and 2 by counsel and, 

The defendant having been convicted on 3 its plea of nolo contendere of the 
offense charged in the l information in the above-entitled cause, to wit 4 Trans- 
ported passengers in Interstate Commerce without a certificate, and the defendant 
having been now asked whether it has anything to say why judgment should not 
be pronounced against it, and no sufficient cause to the contrary being shown 
or appearing to the Court, It Is by the Court 

Ordered and Adjudged that the defendant, having been found guilty of said 

offenses, is hereby 5 6 

ordered to pay a fine to the United States in the sum of $2,000.00 and the costs 
of prosecution herein taxed in the sum of $68.90. 

It Is Further Ordered that the Clerk deliver a certified copy of this judgment 
and commitment to the United States Marshal or other qualified officer and that 
the same shall serve as the commitment herein. 7 

(Signed) Frank L. Kloeb, Judge. 

A True Copy. Certified this 25th day of September 1941. 

(Signed) C. B. Watkins, Clerk. 

(By) Ray Livingston, Deputy Clerk. 



Interstate Commerce Commission, 

Washington, September 26, 1941. 

notice 

E-1214. United States of America vs. Julio dela Pena and Great Lakes Sugar 
Company, a corporation, and Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, 
Inc., a corporation. In the District Court of the United States for the Northern 
District of Ohio, Western Division. Honorable Frank L. Kloeb, Judge 

The Commission has been advised that on September 15, 1941, at Toledo, 
Ohio, Judge Frank L. Kloeb imposed fines totaling $3,000 and costs upon Julio 
dela Pena, of Realitos, Texas, and Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, 
Inc., of Findlay, Ohio, upon entry of a plea of guilty by the defendant, Julio dela 
Pena, to all counts of an information charging him with violations of Part II of 
the Interstate Commerce Act in connection with the transportation of passen- 
gers in interstate commerce by motor vehicle, and upon entry of a plea of nolo 
contendere by the defendant, Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, 
Inc., to all counts of the same information charging it with aiding and abetting 
the commission of the violations of Julio dela Pena. 

The information which contained 45 counts, charged the defendant Julio dela 
Pena in 15 counts with having transported passengers in interstate commerce for 
compensation without requisite authority from the Commission, in 15 counts with 
having so transported passengers without having on file with the Commission his 
fares and charges for such transportation, and in 15 counts with having performed 

i Indictment or information. ,.-,... „ ,• ,, 

2 Insert "by counsel" or "having been asked whether he desired counsel assigned by the Court, replied 
that he did not," whichever is applicable. „..,.'*.*.. -.* » 

3 Insert the words "his plea og guilty," "plea of nolo contendere," or "verdict of guilty," as the case may 

be. 

i Name specific offense or offenses and specify counts upon which convicted. 

« Insert type of institution such as "jail," "training school," "reformatory," "penitentiary, or special. 
If prisoner's circumstances require special type institution, Marshal should submit facts and recommenda- 
tions of Court to Attornev General where regulations do not apply. 

« Insert sentence and any provision for payment of fine and state whether sentences are to run concurrently 
or consecutively and, if consecutively, when each term is to begin; that is, with reference to termination 
of preceding term, or with respect to any other outstanding or unserved sentence. 

'Certified copy to accompany defendant to institution. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7835 

such transportation without having filed with the Commission evidence of public 
liability and property damage insurance coverage. In all counts the Great Lakes 
Sugar Company and the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., 
were each charged with having knowingly and wilfully aided and abetted the 
defendant Julio dela Pena in committing the violations alleged. 

Upon the defendant Julio dela Pena the Court imposed a fine of $1,000 and 
costs, one-half to be paid within one week and the remainder on or before October 
17, 1941. The Court imposed upon the defendant Great Lakes Growers' Employ- 
ment Committee, Inc., a fine of $2,000 and costs, to be paid forthwith. It was 
agreed that a nolle prosequi be entered as to the defendant Great Lakes Sugar 
Company upon payment of the fine imposed upon Great Lakes Growers' Employ- 
ment Committee, Inc. 

The following facts were drawn to the attention of the Court: The defendant 
Julio dela Pena engaged in the transportation in interstate commerce by motor 
vehicle of Mexican laborers from points in Texas to points in Ohio. He has his 
principal place of residence at Realitos, Texas. He is of Mexican descent, though 
he is a citizen of the United Statas, and has wide acquaintance with Mexican 
laborers residing in the vicinity of San Antonio, Texas. In the winter season he 
operated at Realitos an employment bureau and recruits from that section, on 
behalf of Northern employers, Mexican laborers to work in the sugar beet fields 
of Ohio and other States. He has been employed since the spring of 1938 by the 
Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., to act in that capacity. In 
the spring some of these laborers travel, with their families, to the places of their 
prospective employment in automobiles owned by them. Others who are unable 
so to make the trip are transported by Julio dela Pena in trucks which he owns 
and operates. For the 1940 season he recruited more than 400 such laborers, and 
of these he transported more than 200 to Ohio. The trucks he used were two 
ordinary open trucks with tarpaulins spread over their tops and provided with 
benches for seats. In most cases 48 persons were transported at one time in one 
truck having 14-foot open bodies. The trip from Texas to northern Ohio takes 
about three days of steady day and night traveling. His custom was not to make 
stops on the wav of more than 31 minutes each. 

On arrival in Ohio, the Mexicans were assigned by the Great Lakes Growers' 
Employment Committee, Inc., to work with various sugar-beet growers as field 
laborers. This committee had advanced to Julio dela Pena the fare of each laborer 
transported, usually $9 per person, and on arrival the laborers executed for the 
Committee an assignment of wages' to permit the Committee to deduct therefrom 
from time to time the amounts of the advances. During the season Julio dela 
Pena was also employed by the Committee as an interpreter and to use his trucks 
in transporting laborers from field to field, and at harvest time to haul beets to 
sugar refineries. At the close of the season he transported back to Texas such of 
the laborers and their families as did not have other means of return transporta- 
tion. 

The Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., is a corporation organ- 
ized by officers and stockholders of the Great Lakes Sugar Company for the pur- 
pose of providing the various growers with adequate labor. This Committee is a 
nonprofit corporation composed exclusively of growers and associations of grow- 
ers furnishing sugar beets to the Great Lakes Sugar Company, and to Lake Shore 
Sugar Company, an affiliated corporation. The Committee has no capital stock 
and practicallv no assets. It is closely affiliated in operation with the Great 
Lakes Sugar Company, which advances working capital, so that it may be said 
that the Company functions through the Committee as its intermediary. The 
evidence indicates that both corporations, and especially the Committee, had 
knowledge of the transportation activities of Julio dela Pena and assisted him 
therein, and knew that in performing such transportation he was not complying 
with the provisions to the Interstate Commerce Act. The various counts of the 
information related of the transportation of passengers under the circumstances 
described. 

The transportation and other activities of Julio dela Pena are typical of a 
generally bad situation involving the employment and transportation of Mexican 
laborers under conditions regarded as harmful to the public interest and which, 
for that reason has received much consideration during the past few years. The 
Department of Labor has for some time been giving attention to it, and a special 
committee of the National House of Representatives, namely, the House Com- 
mittee Investigating National Defense Migration, for some months has been, 
and still is, conducting an investigation into the problem. Certain authorities 
of the State of Texas have likewise been giving study to it. For several years 
the Interstate Commerce Commission has had knowledge of the problem and 



7836 DETROIT HEARINGS 

has made, especially in Texas, extensive investigations with a view toward en- 
forcement proceedings for violations of the Interstate Commerce Act. For va- 
rious reasons it has been difficult to discover adequate evidence to justify enforce- 
ment proceedings. However, in this case the Commission through its Bureau of 
Motor Carriers was successful in obtaining the necessary evidence. 

The information was filed by Emerich B. Freed, United States Attorney, in 
connection with which he was assisted by Gerald P. Openlander, Assistant United 
States Attorney. The case was prepared and presented to the United States 
Attorney by Jack Garrett Scott, Chief Attorney, and John Dunning and David 
H. Dantzler, Attorneys, of the Bureau of Motor Carriers. 

W. P. Bartel, Secretary. 

Sworn Statements and Exhibits Introduced at Trial 

State of Ohio, 

County of Hancock: 

Julio dela Pena, of lawful age, being first duly sworn, deposes and says: 

I am a citizen of the United States and at the present time am residing at 421 
Lynn Street, Findlay, Ohio. My permanent address is Realitos, Tex., to which 
place I expect to return about December 20, 1940, and will reside there during the 
winter and early spring. 

I own and operate three motor trucks consisting of two Chevrolet trucks with 
14-foot bodies and one Dodge pick-up truck, capacity one-half ton. 

Since the spring of 1934 and every spring thereafter I have transported laborers 
from Texas to northwestern Ohio and southern Michigan to work in the beet 
fields. A majority of these laborers are returned to their homes in Texas in the 
late fall when the beets are harvested and the operation repeated each year. 

For this transportation I receive a stipulated amount per person generally $11 
each for adults and $4.50 each for children between the ages of 8 and 14. 

Since the spring of 1938 I have been associated with the Great Lakes Sugar Co. 
and have brought laborers from Texas in the spring and returned a majority of 
them in the fall for the said sugar company. This transportation is paid me by 
the workers signing an order authorizing the Great Lakes Sugar Co. to pay me 
this amount when the worker has accumulated a sufficient credit to his account 
through his labor in the fields. 

During the summer months my trucks transport the laborers between the 
various beet fields where work is to be performed and also in the fall the said 
trucks transport sugar beets from the fields to the mill located in Findlay, Ohio. 
For this work I am paid by the Great Lakes Sugar Co. 

In an individual capacity I am employed by the Great Lakes Sugar Co. as an 
instructor in the beet fields and as an interpreter for which services I am paid a 
stipulated monthly wage by the Great Lakes Sugar Co. 

Since the spring of 1938 my transportation has been exclusively for the Great 
Lakes Sugar Co., Findlay, Ohio, and my interstate transportation consisted of the 
following : 

In 1938 I transported two loads of workers in the spring from the vicinity of 
Realitos, Tex., to Findlay, Ohio, and returned one load in the late fall. 

In 1939 I transported four loads of workers in the spring from the vicinity of 
Realitos, Tex., to Findlay, Ohio, and also returned one load. 

In 1940 I transported ten loads in the spring from the vicinity of Realitos, Tex., 
to Findlay, and returned one load in August. 

The workers were transported in the Chevrolet trucks heretofore described. 
The load returned in August 1940 mentioned above consisted of 25 persons from 
Findlay, Ohio, to Realitos, Tex. and vicinity, for which I was advanced the sum 
of $68 from the Great Lakes Sugar Co. 

In the spring of 1940 I opened an employment agency in Realitos, Tex., for 
the purpose of securing laborers for the Great Lakes Sugar Co. to work in the 
beet fields of northern Ohio. Under this arrangement laborers were secured and 
sent to a qualified physician for a physical examination. For this service I charged 
the laborer the sum of $2, which was paid to me under the same arrangement as 
the transportation charges were paid heretofore described. 

The details covering the payment of the load consisting of 25 persons returned 
in August 1940 are as follows: These people were poor workers and of very little 
use in the beet fields and consequently were not carrying any money and they re- 
quested me to take them back to Texas. As they did not have any money I 
took the matter up with L. W. Esckelsen, district manager of The Great Lakes 
Sugar Co., Findlay, Ohio, and he agreed to help out in the expense of returning 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7#37 

them to Texas. He asked me how much I needed from him to help out on the 
expense of the return trip and I requested $75. L. W. Esckelsen then said he 
would give me $68 to help out on the trip. As final settlement for the season has 
not been made to date I have not actually received the said $68; however, it was 
and now is my understanding that I am to receive this amount to help defray 
expenses in making the said trip from The Great Lakes Growers Employment 
Committee, Inc. 

Dated this 18th day of December 1940 at Findlay, Ohio. 

Julio dela Pen a. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18th day of December 1940. 

M. M. Emery, 
Examiner and District Supervisor, 

Bureau of Motor Carriers, 
Interstate Commerce Commission. 



State op Ohio, 

County of Hancock, ss: 

John Vara Velasco, of lawful age. herewith deposes and says, previous to 
October 13, 1940, my address was 1020 Rip Ford Street, San Antonio, Tex. 

On October 13, 1940, Julio dela Pena transported myself and approximately 
15 other persons from San Antonio, Tex., to Findlay, Ohio. For this transporta- 
tion I paid Julio dela Pena the sum of $12 and the motor vehicle used was a 
1928 Ford truck. 

I came to Findlay, Ohio, to work in the beet fields for the Great Lakes Sugar 
Co. My work is now finished and on December 14, 1940, I expect to go to 
Chicago, 111., and reside at 1616 Roosevelt Road until spring when I will return 
to Findlay to again work in the beet fields. 

On the trip from San Antonio, Tex., I arrived in Findlay, Ohio, on October 16, 
1940. Two drivers drove the entire distance. 

Johx V. Velasco. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 9th day of December, 1940. 

M. M. Emery, 

Examiner and District Supervisor, Bureau of Motor Carriers, Interstate 
Commerce Commission. 



North Baltimore, Ohio, December 9, 1940. 

We, the following-named men, of lawful age, hereby depose and say, our present 
address is rural route 1, North Baltimore, Ohio. Our address on and after Decem- 
ber 14 will be as follows: Trinidad Trujillo, rural route 1, box 81a, Corpus Christi, 
Tex.; Gilberto Gonzales, rural route 1, box 310, Corpus Christi, Tex.; Ramon 
Gonzales, rural route 1, box 310, Corpus Christi, Tex.; Eustaquio Barrientes, 
rural route 1, box 310, Corpus Christi, Tex.; Francisco Bara, 408 Seventeenth 
Street, Corpus Christi, Tex. 

During the month of April or May 1940 Julio dela Pena transported us from 
the vicinity of Realitos, Tex., to Findlay, Ohio, for which we paid him $11 each. 
Such payment was made by signing an order authorizing the Great Lakes Beet 
Growers' Association to pay Julio dela Pena this amount. 

Signed. 

Trinidad Trujillo,. 
Gilberto (his mark) Gonzales, 
Eustaquio (his mark) Barrientes, 
Francisco (his mark) Bara, 
Ramon (his mark) Goxzales. 
Witnesses: 

Martin Studenka. 
M. M. Emery. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 9th day of December 1940. 

M. M. Emery, 
Examiner and District Supervisor, Bureau of Motor Carriers, Interstate 
Commerce ( 'ommission. 



7838 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



Brownsville. Tex. 
Eulogio Guerrero, Benjamin Guerrero, Eulogio Guerrero, Jr., and Fred Guerrero, 
of lawful age, being first duly sworn, depose and say: 

In May 1939 Julio dela Pena transported us (except Fred Guerrero) from Corpus 
Christi, Tex., to Findlay, Ohio. We left Corpus Christi on May 15 and arrived 
in Findlay on May 20. * For this trip we paid the sum of $12 per person. Also on 
May 16, 1940, the undersigned four left Realitos, Tex., and arrived in Findlay, 
Ohio, on May 20, 1940. On this trip we also came on a truck belonging to Julio 
dela Pena. In fact both trips were made on trucks belonging to Julio dela Pena. 
In 1939 it was a Ford V-8 truck and in 1940 a Chevrolet truck. For the trip in 1940 
we paid the sum of $11 per person. The transportation both years was paid for by 
each of us signing an order authorizing the Great Lakes Growers' Employment 
Committee, Inc., to pay to Julio dela Pena these amounts from our earnings. 
Signed this 18th day of December 1940, at Findlay, Ohio. 

Eulogio Guerrero. 
Benjamin Guerrero. 
Fred Guerrero. 
Eulogio Guerrero, Jr. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18th day of December 1940. 

M. M. Emery, 
Examiner and District Supervisor, 
Bureau of Motor Carriers, Interstate Commerce Commission. 



Woodside, Ohio, October 28, 1940. 

I, Benito Hernandez, of lawful age, herewith deposes and says: 

I live on 1316 Martin Street, San Antonio, Tex. On May 15, 1940, my brother 
Seferino Hernandez and myself left Rialitos, Tex., for Findlay, Ohio, to work for 
the Great Lakes Sugar Co., in the beet fields of northwestern Ohio. 

I was transported in a Chevrolet truck belonging to Julio de Lapina of Rialitos, 
Tex. There were a total of 45 persons in the truck and 2 men drivers for Julio 
de Lapina drove all the way. 

The journey was completed in 3 days and 3 |nights arriving in Findlay about 
May 18, 1940. A stop was made every 300 miles and no stop exceeded 30 minutes. 
For the trip I paid $11 to Julio de Lapina and it is my understanding all of the other 
passengers also paid $11 each for the trip. 

At present I am living in Bradnor, Ohio, but expect to return to San Antonio, 
Tex., in about 30 days. Payment was not made direct to Julio de Lapina but 
the $11 was deducted from the first payment for wages received from the Great 

Lakes Sugar Co. 

Benito Hernandez. 

Subscribed and swOrn to before me this 28th day of October 1940. 

M. M. Emery, 
Examiner and District Supervisor, 
Bureau of Motor Carriers, Interstate Commerce Commission. 



List of passengers transported by Julio dela Pena in 1940, taken from field labor 
accounts payable of Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, 
Ohio 

[Note.— Group numbeis are shown for ready future reference to the Great Lakes Growers' Employment 
Committee, Inc., records. Dates shown under group heading indicates years in addition to 1940 in which 
that particular group was transported from Texas to Ohio by Julio dela Pina] 



Group No. 


Name 


Address 


502 


Cecilio Ancira, Bieente Ancira, Jose Ancira, Este- 
ban Ancira, Hilario Ancira, Simon Ancira, Carlos 
Ancira, Herinda Ancira. 

Francisco Esquivel, Rafela EsquiveL- 


2411 Guadalupe, San Antonio, Tex. 


503 


506 St. Augustine, San Antonio, Tex. 


503A 


Daniel Vega. Pablo S. Ybarra. . 


1105 Chihuahua, San Antonio, Tex. 


511 


George Aguilar, Enrique Aguilar, Zacaris Aguilar, 
Andrew Rendon, Julia Spata, Lidia Rendon. 

Sebando Pina, Gabriel Ramos, Ambrosio Bargas, 
Remula Bargas. 


Realitos, Tex. 


512 


Hebbronville, Tex. 







NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7839 



List of passengers transported by Julio dela Pina in 1940, taken from field labor 
accounts payable of Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, 
Ohio — Continued 




Santos Castello, Maria Gaicia, Vincenta Castello, 

Francisco Castillo, Juan C. Martinez, Maria 

Castillo. 
Remundo Mastinez, Felipe V. Rodrequez, Raul 

Martinez (also transported in 1939). 
Baldomar Silas, Francisco Silas, Fred Silas, Virginia 

Silas. 
Niebes Bargas, Tomasa Janna, Pedro Martinez, 

Maria Martinez, Poutation Martinez. 
Calixtro Serda, Victor Serda, Josefa Serda, Severi- 

ana Barges, Octaviana Rodrequez (also trans- 
ported in 1939). 

Juan Cruz___ 

Ben Garza, Raul Garcia, Jesus Ramos 

Martin Adame, Francisco Deleon (also transported 

in 1939). 
Ernesto Garza, Jose Angel Garza, Jose Vellarreal, 

Amando Cantu (also transported in 1938 and 1939) . 

Manuel Soto, Elma Soto 

Leonardo Lopez, Albredo Lopez, Sara L. Santos, 

Rosa Lopez. 
Fausto Tovar, Cresencio Tovar, Manuel Perales, 

Isabela Peiales, Filomeno Hernandez (also trans- 
ported in 1938). 
Trinidad Trujillo, Ramon Gonzalez, Eustaquio 

Barrientes. 
Eugenio Rodriquez, Ignacio Garcia, Eugenio 

Rodriquez, Jr., Alex Rodruiquez, Maria S. 

Rodriquez. 
Filiberto Rios, Encarnacion Rios, Luis Rios, An- 

tcnio Rios, Margarita Rodriquez, Locadio Rios, 

Ernestina Rios. 
Jesus Hernandez, Manuela Hernandez, Estefano 

Hernandez, Euralia Hernandez, Jose Rodriquez. 
Lina Benal, Genoveva Benal, Catalina Benal, 

Trinidad Benal. 
Eulogio Guerrero, Benjamin Guerrero, Eulogio 

Guerrero, Jr., Federico Gueirero (also trans- 
ported in 1938). 

Jose Guerrero Cruz, Filipe De Luna 

Salvador Pena, Alberto Saenz, Juan Florez, Ed- 

wardo Myers. 

Benito Hernandez, Seferino Hernandez 

Juan R. Ruiz, Frances Ruiz, Mary Ruiz, Doria 

Rodriquez. 
Juan P. Perez, Luisa Perez, Juan P. Perez, Jr., 

Maria Perez. 
Niebez Sanchez, Manuela Sanchez, Francisca 

Sanchez. 
Isabel Ojeda, Paula Ojeda, Fabian Ojeda, Ramona 

Ojeda, Luis Ojeda, Maria Ojeda, Jose Ojeda, 

Jesus Ojeda. Tomasa Ojeda. 
Branlio Rodriquez, Militon Rodriquez, Ricardo 

Rodriquez. 

Jose Benavides, Antonia Benavides-. 

Modesto Gomez, Francisco Gomez, Jesus Gomez, 

Modesto Gomez, Jr., Elvira Gomez. 

Bonifacio Barrientes, Cecilio Barrientes 

Diego Aguilera, Raul Gomez 

Inez Raugel, Manuel Raugel, Francisco Raugel, 

Cecilia Raugel, Rodolfo Calderon, Jose Martinez. 
Jose Garza, Raul Garza, Rene Garza, Genoveva 

Garza. 
Francisco Flores, Adolfo DeLeon, Andres Lopez, 

Delfino Lopez, Jr., Delfino Lopez, Sr. (also trans- 
ported in 1938 and 1939). 
Manuel G. Garcia, Maria J. Garcia, Isaac Garamio. 

Matio Gonzales, Anastacio Almaras 

Luis Sarabia, Juana L. Sarabia, Eliza Sarabia, 

Jesus Sarabia, Felipe Sarabia. 

S imon Sefuentes 

Lorenzo Ramirez, Rosa P. Ramirez 

Ednardo Garza, Amador Garza, Ednardo Garza, 

Jr., Dolorez Garza, Ramon Garza, Emelia Garza, 

Rita Garza. 
Manuel Gomez, Carlos Moreno, Margarito Mendi- 

eta, Meliton Gomez, Florentino Gomez, Eva 

Gonzalez, (also transported in 1938). 



2207 Chihuahua, San Antonio, Tex. 

Hebbronville, Tex. 
Chilton, Tex. 
Box 1093, Robstown, Tex. 
Robstown, Tex. 



Laredo, Tex. 
San Marcos, Tex. 
Robstown, Tex. 

Realitos, Tes. 

Rio Hondo, Tex. 
San Antonio, Tex. 

Laredo, Tex. 



2611 Coleman, Corpus Christi, Tex. 
General delivery, Farr, Tex. 

General delivery, Asherton, Tex. 

216 Leona St., San Antonio, Tex. 
521 Matamora, San Antonio, Tex 
General delivery, Tivala, Tex. 

1919 Sanita Isabel, Laredo, Tex. 
1017 San Edwardo, Laredo, Tex. 

1316 Martin St., San Antonio, Tex. 
R. No. 5, Box 148F, San Antonio, 

Tex. 
510 S. Nueces, San Antonio, Tex. 

509 St. Augustine, San Antonio, Tex. 

Not known. 

Robstown, Tex. 

608 11th St., Corpus Christi, Tex. 
1523 Antelope St., Corpus Christi, 

Tex. 
115 Ventura St., Corpus Christi, Tex. 
Hebronville, Tex. 
Robstown, Tex. 

2205 Davis Ave., Laredo, Tex. 

200 16th St., Corpus Christi, Tex. 



Robstown, Tex. 
Do. 
Do. 

Oilton, Tex. 

222 San Horasio, San Antonio, Tex. 

Hebronville, Tex. 



Do. 



7840 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



List of passengers transported by Julio dela Pena in 1940, taken from field labor 
accounts payable of Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, 
Ohio — Continued 



Group No. 


Name 


Address 


760 

787. 
789 


Romulo Pena, Cristina Pena, Amador Pena. 

Sabeido Pena. 
Agustin Maldonado, Aurora Ramirez. . . 
Emilio Ysaguerre, Eusebio Ysaguerre 


Realitos, Tex. 

Raymondsville, Tex. 
Gregory, Tex. 


790. 

791 

792 


Manuel Lazo, Cruz Moreno 

Henry Gorhan, Rafael De Lima, Josento Gonzales. 
Belasario Pena - -- ..-. .-- 


San Benito, Tex. 

Three Rivers, Tex 

General Delivery, Raymondsville, 


793 

794 

797 . 

798 

799 


Guadalupe Sanchez, Trinidad Rebullazo, Reyeraldo 
Sanchez. 

Thomas Delas Santos, Juan Basques 

Pablo Cortez, Mary Cortez 


Tex. 
Harlingon, Tex. 

Zapata, Tex. 
Lockhart, Tex. 


Ysabel Lopez, Rosen do Ramoz 

Inez Gutierrez, Isidro Reyna 

Silvestre Reyna Alvear ... . 


General Delivery, Raymondsville, 

Tex. 
Gregory, Tex. 


800 

823 

825 

826 


General delivery. San Juan, Tex. 


Genaro Ramirez. Rodalfo Cantro, Juan Floras, 

Ben Soto (also transported in 1939). 
Franciso Floras, Revmundo Segarra, Lenor Floras 

(also transported in 1938 and 1939) . 
John Vara (Valasco) 


Corpus Christi, Tex. 

Do. 
1616 Roosevelt Rd . Chicago, 111. 









Tenant 1938, Beth am Smith 

[Specimen copy] 

Grower's Contract With Field Worker 

undersigned (irower and field worker agree 

The field worker agrees — 

To do all field work and properly care for the Grower's field of beets according 
to instructions given from time to time by the Grower. 

To bunch and thin beets so as to leave the beets, when hoeing is completed, not 
more than eight to ten inches apart on the average, and not more than one beet in 
a place. 

To hoe the beets whenever required, so as to remove all weeds, keep the beets 
clean in the rows and for four inches on each side of each low. 

To pull and top beets when ready for harvest, removing all the dirt possible by 
striking beets together before removing tops. 

To top beets at the lowest leaf line at a right angle to vertical axis. 

To pile topped beets in piles consisting of the beets from sixteen rows, the piles 
to be at least two rods apart. To cover piles every night with all the leaves. 

To level and prepare the surface of the ground where beets are to be piled. 

To accept as full payment for said work the amounts shown on the schedule 
printed on the back of the contract, payable as stated in said schedule. 

To pay the cost and expense of doing any work which he fails or refuses to do 
a1 the time or in the manner in which it should be done, and he authorizes the 
deduction of any such cost or expense from the amount herein agreed to be Daid to 

him. 

To pav any cost or expense, including attorney fees, imposed on the Grower or 
Great Lakes Sugar Company by reason of any attachment or garnishment of the 
amount payable to him hereunder, or by any litigation of any nature, or by any 
damage done by him to property of the Grower or said Company, and he author- 
izes the deduction and withholding of the amount of any such cost or expense 
from the amount payable to him. 

The grower agrees — 

To keep beets cultivated clean between the rows in a proper manner and give 
them at least one cultivation before they are blocked and thinned. 

To lift the beets when ready for harvest. 

To pay the Field Worker for said work according to the schedule printed on the 
back of this contract. 

To make all settlements with the field workers through the Company s field- 
men. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7841 



That, to secure payment to the Field Worker, any and all proceeds to which 
the Grower may in any way become entitled to receive under his contract with 
the Company shall be charged with the payments and be paid out by the Com- 
pany as provided in said contract, and this contract when filed with the Company 
shall be an order for such payment. 

To haul or deliver the beets to the Great Lakes Sugar Company's plant. 

General agreements. 

In case the Grower fails to obtain a satisfactory stand of beets, or if at any 
time for the performance of work hereunder the condition of the crop shall be 
such that in the judgment of the Grower further work on the crop would not be 
justified, the Grower may terminate this contract by giving notice to the Great 
Lakes Sugar Company, the Field Worker and the holders of any ordeis given by 
the Grower and paying the Field Worker the fair value of what he has done to 
such date as nearly as may be according to the schedule on the back hereof. 

The Grower and Field Worker shall be bound by the acreage as measured and 
/ the tonnage per acre as determined by the Company. 

In the event the Grower and Field Worker disagree as to any matter pertaining 
to this contract or the performance thereof in any respect, or as to the amount 
payable hereunder, either party may notify Great Lakes Sugar Company, or 
upon said Company hearing of any such disagreement, it may appoint a represen- 
tative to look into such matter and his decision shall be final and binding upon 
the parties, but that Company shall not come under any liability to the parties 
or either of them if it fails or refuses to decide such matter or because of any 
decision. 

All debts incurred by the Field Worker as a result of credit extended or guaran- 
teed by the Grower or Great Lakes Sugar Company shall be paid out of proceeds 
due the Field Worker hereunder from whatever source. 

Great Lakes Sugar Company by accepting this order or otherwise shall not 
come under any obligation or liability to pay the Field Worker except out of 
money that may become payable to the Grower and then only after deducting 
therefrom any amount owing by the Grower to said Company and any other items 
provided to be first paid by the terms of its contract with the Grower. 

In accordance with the regulations of the U. S. Department of Agriculture 
governing benefit payments to beet growers under the Federal Sugar Act of 1937, 
children under 14 years of age are not permitted to work in sugar beets and those 
between 14 and 16 years of age may not work more than 8 hours in any one day. 
The grower and worker agree that if the worker permits his or any other children 
to work in violation of these regulations or said Act, this contract shall automat- 
ically terminate as of the date such violation shall first become known to the grow- 
er; the worker receiving payment in full for work performed before such date. 

SCHEDULE OF PAYMENTS PER MEASURED ACRE 

For Blocking, Thinning, and Hoeing: $11.00 for blocking, thinning, hoeing and 
keeping beets free from weeds, payable when work is completed. 



Ne1 tons per acre: 

Below 4___ $1. 50 

4 

5 

6 _ 
7... 

8 

9 



For bar resting 








e per ton 


Nel 


tons 


per acre — Con. 


tint i per ion 


$1. 50 




Below ] 




_ $0. 91 


1. 30 






11 




. 89 


I. 15 






12. . 




. 87 


1. 06 






13.-. 




. 85 


1. 00 






14__ 




. 83 


. 96 






15___ 




. 81 


. 93 






16 or 


above 


. 80 



(The rate for all fractional tonnages between 4 and 16 tons rounded to the near- 
est tenth of a ton shall be in proportion within each interval.) 

(Provision has been made in the determination that if, because of unusual 
circumstances, it is essential to employ labor on other than a piece-rate basis, 
and/or in those circumstances in which the use of special machine methods are 
used, rates other than the above may be applicable provided such rates are approved 
by the State Committee as equivalent to the piece rate for such work specified 
herein. See your Fieldman.) 

Final settlement, according to terms of contract, to be made as soon as prac- 
ticable after all beets have been delivered and net weight per measured acre 
determined. 

60396— 41— pt. 19 6 



7842 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



Application for Employment With Beet Growers 

Fully understanding the Grower's Contract with Field Worker for the Season 
of 1940, copy of which is printed above, we have subscribed our name below and 
do hereby faithfully promise to work for Growers of Great Lakes Sugar Company, 
Findlay plant. 

If accepted, we agree to take care of 25 acres of sugar beets, according to the 
terms of aforementioned contract, which we agree to sign with grower when placed. 

Signature Etjlogio Guerrero. 

Name: Eulogio Guerrero, age 64; Benjamin Guerrero, age 22; Eulogio Guerrero, 

Jr., age 18; Federico Guerrero, age 34. 
Address: Gen. Del. 
City: Tivala, Tex. Date: 5/20/40. 
Experience: 1 yr., Findlay. 
Worked for none Plant last year. 

Signed K. B. Clark. 



Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, Ohio 

GROUP NO. 605. FIELDMAN: BOOTH. BEET WORKERS' NAMES: TRINIDAD 
TRUJILLO, RAMON GONZALEZ, EUSTAQUIO BARRIENTES 



Old 
balance 



0.00 



0.00 



Date 



5/19 
5/19 
5/19 
5/19 
5/19 
5/19 
7/18 
7/22 
7/29 
8/8 
8/9 
8/13 
8/14 
8/14 
8/14 
8/14 
8/14 
8/14 
8/14 
8/14 
8/16 
8/16 
8/16 
8/16 
8/16 
10/24 
10/24 
10/24 
11/6 
11/14 
11/15 
11/15 
11/15 
11/25 
11/29 
11/30 
12/3 
12/9 
12/15 
12/13 
12/14 
12/16 
12/19 
1/18 
1/28 
1/28 



Detail 



Advance by Julio Dela Pena 

F. W. equip 

F. W. tools 

Grocery special 

F. W. fuel 

Cabin rental— No. 220 

Groceries— Whiteys Food Market 

Advance by Julio Dela Pena 

Shoes— Fleckners Clothing— No Baltimore 

B. T. Labor— C. Hendrycks #759—1.63 acres @ 8.00 

Hoeing labor— O. Barringer #877—3.62 acres @ 3.00... _ r 

B. T. labor— Thackery #605—35 acres @ 8.00 

Wirts Grocery 

B. T. labor— M. Simon #896— .45 acres @ 8.00 

B. T. labor— G. Cotant #905—52 acres @ 8.00 

B. T. H. labor— McGarvey #58—2.86 acres @ 11.00 

B. T. H. labor— Whiteacre #56—6.23 acres @ 11.00 

B. T. H. labor— Manecke #38— .75 acres @ 11.00 

B. T. H. labor— Schwab #39— 4.27 acres @ 11.00 

B. T. H. labor— Deming #40—4.92 acres @ 11.00 

Fleckners Clothing— No Baltimore 

Hudsons Market — Cygnet 

B. T. H. labor— Trout #900—1.24 acres @ 11.00 

B. T. labor— Cole #531—14625 acres @ 8.00 

EF CK#4439 

Advance— EFCK #4832 - 

F. W. tools 

F. W. tools 

Fleckners Clothing— No Baltimore 

F. W. Fuel 

Harvesting— Trout #900—8.97 acres @ 6.14... 

Stambaugh #1265—31.325 tons @ 1.00 

Stambaugh— Above entry posted in error 

Advance— EF CK #5130 

Transferred in from group #521 

EF CK#5280 

EF CK#5325 

Harvesting— Solether #2077— .95 acres @ 6.25. 

F. W. fuel 

Wirts Grocery— No Baltimore 

EF CK#5517._. - ---- 

Wirts Gas Station— No Baltimore 

Harvesting— Bricker #38—39.64 acres @ 7.00 

EF CK#6024 

Harvesting— Bricker Manecke #38 

EF CK #6094 — - - 



Charges 



$35. 00 
1.20 
3.10 
3.39 
.50 
18.00 
9.20 
7.39 
3.07 



12.75 



13.82 
49.73 



101.45 

25.00 

2.50 

.50 

64.32 

2.09 



16.00 

25.08 

7.00 

20.00 

2.02 
84.37 
90.00 

1.71 

16.84 
.10 



Credits 



Detroit 



Detroit 

$13.04 

10.86 

2.80 

3.60 
4.16 
31.46 
68.53 
8.25 
46.97 
54.12 



13. 64 
1.17 



55.08 

31. 33 

-SI. S3 



5.94 



277. 48 

Detroit 

19.03 



New 
balance 



0.00 



$18. 93 
0.00 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7843 



Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc., Findlay, Ohio- — Continued 
GROUP NO. 826. BEET WORKERS' NAMES: JOHN VARA, PASMILLAN 



Old 
balance 


Date 


Detail 


Charges 


Credits 


New 
balance 


0.00 


10/16 
11/17 
11/16 
11/26 
11/25 
12/13 
12/16 
12/16 
12/18 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 

12/19 
12/19 


Advance by Julio dela Pena 


$25. 25 








Harvesting, Bishop, #529, 5.95 acres @ 6.82 


$40. 58 






Advance, EF CK#5047.. 


10.00 

15.25 

1.00 






Whiteys Food Market, Findlay, 








F Wfuel 








Harvesting, Cramer #31, 116 long rows 


24.36 






Whiteys Food Market, Findlay 


1.00 
6.06 
1.00 






Whiteys Food Market, Findlay 

Whiteys Food Market, Findlay 

Harvesting, Esckilsen #151, 1.98 acres @ 4.50. _ 














8.90 






F W Equip. 


9.21 

1.25 

.50 






F W Tools 






F W fuel 






Harvesting, Edwards #52, .05 acres @ 8.00 


.40 
1.40 

11.84 






Harvesting, Edwards #52, 3H hrs. @ .40 








Harvesting, Bricker #38, .53 acres @ 8.00 and 19 hours 
@ .40 








EF CK#5611 


16.96 
4.08 






EF CK#5638.._ 




$4.08 








GROUP NO. 614. FIELDMAN: TENANT. BEET WORKERS' NAMES: EULOGIO GUER 
RERO, BENJAMIN GUERRERO, EULOGIO GUERRERO, Jr., FEDERICO GUERRERO 


0.00 


5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
7/12 
8/8 
8/16 
9/11 
9/11 
9/12 
9/12 
9/12 
9/13 
9/14 
9/18 
9/19 
10/18 
11/16 
11/20 
11/26 
11/25 
11/27 
11/28 
11/29 
12/18 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 
12/19 


Advance by Julio dela Pena . 


$50.50 
2.65 
4.05 
3.39 
.50 
18.00 
5.00 


$189. 42 
94.93 

3.84 
24.00 

150. 59 
52.99 

41.07 
41.83 
24.08 
17.60 






F. W. equip 






F. W. tools 






Grocery special 






F. W. fuel 






Cabin rental— No. 110 






F. W. fuel .' 






B. T. H. labor— B. Smith #603—17.22 acres @ 11.00—. 






Ef. Ck. #4442 


105. 33 






B. T. H. labor— Walter #603—8.63 acres @ 11.00... 






Ef. Ck. #4649 


92.83 

1.60 

.50 

1.60 






F. W. tools 






F. W. fuel 






F. W. tools 






Hoeing labor— Bormuth #561—1.28 acres @ 3.00 






Ef. Ck. #4700 


2.24 






B. T. labor— Inbody #567—3.00 acres @ 8.00 






Ef. Ck. #4725 


24.00 

.50 

5.00 

5.00 

6.00 






F. W. tools 






Advance— Ef. Ck. #5044 






Advance— Ef. Ck. #5078 . 






Advance by Julio dela Pena 


• 




Harvesting— Smith #603—17.23 acres @ 8.74.. 






Harvesting— Walter #602—8.63 acres @ 6.14. . 








Simonis Gro. Co.— Carey 

Ef. Ck. #5256. 


22.58 

25.00 

5.06 






Groceries — Dolans Grocery. 






Harvesting— Miller #17— 5.97 acres @ 6.88 






Harvesting— Shuey #2.5—7.03 acres @ 5.95 








Harvesting— Creps #66—3.01 acres @ 8.00 








Harvesting— Creps #66—44 hours @ .40 








Ef. Ck. #5575 


217. 34 

39.51 

2.17 






Ef. Ck. #5633 






Ef. Ck. #5632 to A. V. Mahnen. 


0.00 










GROUP NO. 621. FIELDMAN: CLARK. BEET WORKERS' Ni 

DEZ, SEFERINO HERNANDEZ 


IMES: Bl 


5NITO H 


ERNAN- 


0.00 


5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
5/20 
8/1 
8/1 
8/1 
8/1 


Advance by Julio dela Pena 


$27. 25 

4.96 

2.15 

3.39 

.50 

18.00 

32.04 


Detroit 

$68. 08 
33.90 






F. W. equip ... 






F. W. tools 






Grocery special.. 






F. W. fuel- 






Cabin rental— No. 37 






Groceries— Burnaps White Front — Vanlue 

B. T. labor— O. Phillips #651—8.51 acres @ 8.00. 






Hoeing labor— O. Phillips #651—11.30 acres @ 3.00 








Ef. Ck. #3972 


13.69 


0.00 













7844 



DETROIT HEARINGS 




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NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7845 




7846 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



No. 4327 
Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio: 
Food and groceries for 2 loads of Texas field workers transported back to 

Texas $60.00 

Julio dela Pena. 8/15/40. $60.00. 



Debit account 


Amount 


Credit account Amount 




$60.00 


1 
First National Bank of Findlay j 







Cont. No. — 



(Duplicate) 
Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: 8/15, 1940. 

There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 
Food and groceries for 2 loads of Texas field workers transported back to Amount 
Texas $60. 00 

Total 60.00 

Chg. Agri. Exp., Payee of Order. 
(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 

(Initialed:) C. W. E. 

Original. 



-, Fieldman. 



Dated at: Findlay, Ohio, May 20, 1940. 
For value received, I hereby assign, transfer and order payment to Julio dela 

Pena or order, address Realitos, Texas, the sum of Dollars ($50.50) 

from any sums of money due or to become due to me from or 

other Beet Growers affiliated with the Great Lakes Growers' Employment Com- 
mittee, Inc., which may be payable to me through the Great Lakes or Lake Shore 
Sugar Companies, or otherwise. 

Eulogio Guerrero (64). 
Benjamin Guerrero (22). 
Witness: Eulogio Guerrero, Jr. (18). 

R. D. Newcomer. Federico Guerrero (34). 

(Field Worker's Signature) 



(Posted) 



826 



Dated at: Findl\y, Ohio, 10/16, 1940. 

For value received, I hereby assign, transfer, and order payment to Julio dela 
Pena or order, address Realitos, Texas, the sum of Twenty-five and 25/100 
Dollars ($25.25) from any sums of money due or to become due to me from 

or other Beet Growers affiliated with the Great Lakes Growers 

Employment Committee, Inc., which may be payable to me through the Great 
Lakes or Lake Shore Sugar Companies, or otherwise. 

Witness: John Vara (40). 



R. D. Newcomer. 



Jas. Mills (33). 



(Field Worker's Signature) 



For value received, I hereby sell, assign, and transfer to 
within Order. 

Dated 10/16, 1940. 
Witness : 

R. D. Newcomer 



the 



J. dela Pena. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7847 

Group, 614. 

(Posted) 

Dated at: Findlay, Ohio, Nov. 22, 1940. 
For value received, I hereby assign, transfer and order payment to Julio dela 
Pena, or order, address Realitos, Texas, the sum of Six and no/100 Dollars ($6.00) 

from any sums of money due or to become due to me from 

or other Beet Growers affiliated with the Great Lakes Growers' Employment 
Committee, Inc., which may be payable to me through the Great Lakes or Lake 
Shore Sugar Companies, or otherwise. 

Eulogio Guerrero. 



Witness: 

(Field Worker's Signature) 
(Initialed:) C. W. E. 

#605 
(Posted) 

Acct. Trinidad Trujillo, Whitacre Lease, 2yi mi. E. of Cygnet. 

Dated at: Findlay, Ohio, Posted 6/5, 1940. 

For value received, I hereby assign, transfer and order payment to Julio dela 
Pena, or order, address Realitos, Texas, the sum of Seven and 39/100 Dollars 
($7.39) from any sums of money due or to become due to me from Great Lakes 
Sugar Co., or other Beet Growers affiliated with the Great Lakes Growers' .Em- 
ployment Committee, Inc., which may be payable to me through the Great 
Lakes or Lake Shore Sugar Companies, or otherwise. 

Schwab, Lease Cont. 39, $46.97. 



Witness: 

R. D. Newcomer T. Trujillo. 

(Field Worker's Signature) 

For value received, I hereby sell, assign, and transfer to 

the within order. 
Dated 6/5, 1940. 
Witness: R. D. Newcomer J. dela Pena. 



New. #605 

Dated at: Findlay, Ohio, May 19, 1940. 
For value received, I hereby assign, transfer, and order payment to Julio dela 
Pena, or order, address Realitos, Texas, the sum of Thirty-five and no/ 100 Dollars 
($35.00) from any sums of money due or to become due to me from Great Lakes 
Sugar Co. or other Beet Growers affiliated with the Great Lakes Growers' Em- 
ployment Committee, Inc., which may be payable to me through the Great Lakes 
or Lake Shore Sugar Companies, or otherwise. 
Deming Lease Cont. 40, $54.12. 

Trinidad Trujiello (40). 
Roman Gonzales (39). 
Eustaquio Barriontes (27) 

Witness: 

R. D. Newcomer — ■ — — — . 

(Field Worker's Signature) 



For value received, I hereby sell, assign, and transfer to 

the within Order. 

Dated May 19, 1940. 

Witness: 

JOSE B. GOYALZ. 

R. D. Newcomer. 



7848 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



621 

New. 

Dated at: Findlay, Ohio, May ,i(), 1940. 

For value received, I hereby assign, transfer, and order payment to Julio dela 
Pena or order, address Realitos, Texas, the sum of Twenty-Seven and 25/100 
Dollars ($27.25) from any sums of money due or to become due to me from O. 
Phillips or other Beet Growers affiliated with the Great Lakes Growers' Employ- 
ment Committee, Inc., which may be payable to me through the Great Lakes or 
Lake Shore Sugar Companies, or otherwise. 
O. Phillips Contract 651, $33.90. 

Benito Hernandez (29). 
Seferino Hernandez (32). 

Witness: 

R. D. Newcomer. 



For value received, I hereby sell, assign and transfer to 
the within Order. 
Dated: 5/20, 1940. 
Witness: 

R. D. Newcomer. 



' Field Worker's Signature) 



J. dela Pena. 



No. 3867 



.Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio. 

Mileage— 6/1/40 to 6/30/40: 

Truck 6DF48 Trans, field workers, 961 miles, @ 60. _ -- 57. 66 

Truck 6DG15 Trans, field workers, 2,474 miles ©60 148. 44 

Pickup Truck 3BT97 Trans, field workers and field workers' 

equipment, 2,998 miles @ 60 179. 88 

Total, 6,433 miles @ 60 385.98 

Less 353.45 gals, gasoline @ 150__ $53. 02 

Less 2 qts. oil @ 150 • 30 

53. 32 



$332. 66 



Julio dela Pena. 7/16/40. $332.66. 



Debit account 



Trans, field workers 



Amount 



$332. 66 



Credit account 



First National Bank of FindJay 



Amount 



('out. No. — 



(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

kindlay, ohio 

Date: July 15, 1940. 

There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 
Mileage, 6/1/40 to 6/30/40, inch: 

Truck 6DF48: Trans field workers, 961 miles, @ 60 $57. 66 

Truck 6DG15: Trans field workers, 2,474 miles, @ 60 148. 44 

Pick-up Truck 3HT97: Trans field workers & field workers' 
equipment, 2,998 miles, @ 60 



179. 88 



Total miles, 6,433 miles, @ 60 385. 98 

Less 353.45 gals, gasoline, @ 150 $53. 02 

Less 2 qts. oil, @ 150 j_30 



Total 



— , Payee of order. 
(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 

(Initialed:) C.W.F. 



$332. 66 
332. 66 



Dee, Fieldman. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7849 



Julio dela Pena, 
Findlay, Ohio. 

Truck mileage — hauling dusting material to dusters, 545 mi., (« "n- $27. 25 

Moving field workers in territory, 71 miles, @, 5^ 3. 55 

Truck 6DG15, Julv 1-15, incl $30. SO 

Julio dela Pena. 7/23/40. $30.80. 



Debit account 


Amount 


Credit account 


Amount 


Dusting., 


$27. 25 
3.55 


First National Bank of Findlay 




Trans F. W 








30. 80 





(Duplicate) Cont.No.— 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: July 22, 1940. 
There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage — hauling dusting material to dusters, 545 mi., @ 5^ $27. 25 

Moving field workers in territory, 71 mi., (o 5<t 3. 55 

Truck 6DG15, July 1-15, inc. 

Total 30. SO 



— , Payee of order. 
(Original and Copy to Findlay Office. 



J. F. W., Fieldman. 



Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio: 

Truck mileage, transfering labor in territory, 2,305 mi. at 6c 
Truck 3HT97, July 1-15, incl. 

Julio dela Pena. 7/23/40. $138.30. 



No. 3913 



$138. 30 



Debit account 



Trans. F. Workers. 



Amount 



138. 30 



•'redit account 



First National Bank of Findlay 



Amount 



(Duplicate) 
Great Lakes Sugar Company 
findlay, ohio 



Cont. No. 



Date: July 22, 1940. 

There is due (Name) J. dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Amount 

Truck mileage, transfering labor in territory, 2,305 mi. at .06-. 138. 30 

Truck 3HT97, July 1-15, inc. 

Total 138.30 



— , payee of Order. 
(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 

(Initialed:) C. W. E. 



J. F. N. 



7850 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



No. 4029 
Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio: 

Mileage for truck transporting field workers in territory, 478 miles, at 6c. $28. 68 
Julio dela Pena. 8/6/40. $28.68. 



Debit account 



Trans. F. Wrks. 



Amount 



$28. 68 



Credit account 



First National Bank of Findlay. 



Amount 



(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 



Cont. No. — 



Date: Aug. 5, 1940. 

There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Amount 
Mileage for truck trans, field workers in territory, July 11-31, inc., 478 
mi. at .06 28. 68 

Total 28. 68 



, Payee of Order. 

(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 

(Initialed:) C. W. E. 



J. F. N. 
No. 4031 



Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio: 

Truck mileage hauling dusting material to dusters, July 16-31, inch, 931 
mi. @ 50 $46.55 

Julio dela Pena. 8/6/40. 46. 55. 



Debit account 


Amount 


Credit account 


Amount 


I, L. Dusting 


$46. 55 


First National Bank of Findlav 











Cont. No. — 
(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: Aug. 5, 1940. 

There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage hauling dusting material to dusters, July 16-31, inch, 931 Amount 
mi., @ .05 $46.55 

Total 46. 55 



-, Payee of Order. 



(Original and Copy to Findlav Office.) 
(Initialed:) C. W. E. 



J. F. N. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7851 

No. 4559 



Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio: Truck mileage hauling dusting material, 
Aug. 1-3 1st, incl.: 

Truck 6DG33, 1,325 mi. @ U $66. 25 

Truck 6DG15, 542 mi. © 50 27. 10 



Julio dela Pena, 9/7/40. 93. 35. 



$93. 35 



Debit account 



L. L. Dustine 



Amount 



$93. 35 



Credit account 



First National Bank of Findlay . 



Amount 



Cont. No. — 

(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: Sept. 7, 1940. 
There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage hauling dusting material, Aug. 1-31, inch: Amount 

Truck #6DG33, 1,325 mi., @ 5 $66. 25 

Truck #6DG15, 542 mi., @ 5 27. 10 



Total 93. 35 



, Payee of Order. 

(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 

(Initialed:) C. W. E. J. F. N. 

No. 4560 
Julio dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio: 

Truck mileage tranc field workers to work on leases for B. T. & hoeing Amount 

beets, July 1-Aug. 31st, inch: Truck 6HT48, 2,394 mi., @ 6^ $143 64 

Julio dela Pena, 9/7/40. —143 61. 



Debit account 



Trans F. Workers. 



Amount 



$143.64 



Credit account 



Firs 1 Nationa 1 Bank of Findlay. 



Amount 



Cont. No. — 



(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: Sept. 7, 1940. 
There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena, Findley, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage, trans, Field workers to work on leases for B. T. & hoeing Amount 

beets, July 1-Aug. 31, Inc., 2394 mi. @ 6(4 $143. 64 

, Pavee of Order. 

J. F. W. 

(Original and Copv to Findlav Office.) 
(Initialed:) C. W.E. 



7852 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



No. 4561 
Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio: 

Truck mileage looking after Texas workers in territory: Truck 3HT97, 

July 15-Aug. 31, incl., 3,093 mi., @ H $185.58 

Less 140.1 Gals, gasoline, furnished @ 15^ 21. 01 



Julio dela Pena. 9/7/40. -164.57. 



$164. 57 



Debit account 


Amount 


Credit account 


Amount 


Agr). Exp 


$164. 57 


First National Bank of Findlay _ 











(Duplicate) 

Tont. No. — 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: Sept. 7, 1940. 

There is due (Name) J. dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage looking after Texas workers in territory. Truck 3HT97 -Amount 

July 15-Aug. 31, inc., 3,093 mi., @ 6(4 $185 58 

— , Pavee of Order. 

J. F. W. 

(Original and Copy to Finlay Office.) 
(Initialed:) C. W. E. 

Julio dela Pena, No. 4749 

Findlay, Ohio: 
Truck mileage hauling dusting material to dusters in territory, 177 mil. 

@ 5 $ ". $8. 85 

Hauling machinery 131 mil. @ o$ 6. 55 

Truck 6DG33, Sept, 1-15, incl 15. 40 

Julio dela Pena, 9/25 40 -15. 40 



Debit account 


Amount 


Credit account 


Amount 


L. L. Dusting 

Agrl. Exp ... 


ss. N.i 
6.55 


First National Bank of Findlay 


- 




15.40 





(Duplicate) 

Cont. No. 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: 9-23 1940. 

There is due (Name) J. dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage hauling dusting material to dusters in territory, 177 miles Amount 

@ 5tf $8. 85 

Hauling machinery 131 miles @ 5^ 6. 55 

Truck 6DG33 Sept. 1-15, inc. 

Total 15.40 



— , Payee of Order 
(Original and Copy to Findlay Office. ) 



.1. F. N. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7853 

No. 4949 



J. DELA PENA, 

Findlay, Ohio: 

Truck mileage: 

Hauling machinery, 380 mile at 60 *22. 80 

Hauling Field workers in territory, 611 mile at 60, Oct. 9- 

Nov. 1, inclusive 48. 66 Amount 

$71. 46 

J. dela Pena, November 8, 140,-71.46. 



Debit account 


Amount 


Credit account 


Amount 


Agrl. exp 

Trans. & maint. of F. L 


$22. 80 
48. 66 


First National Bank of Findlay . . 






71.46 





(Duplicate) 

Cont. No. - 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: Nov. 7, 1940. 
There is due (Name) J. dela Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Truck mileage, Oct. 9- Nov. 1, inc.: 

Hauling machinery 380 mil. @ 60 $22. 80 

Hauling field workers in territory 811 mil. @ 6^ 48. 66 

Amount 
Total $71.46 

, Payee of Order. 

J. F. NUTKE. 

(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 
(Initialed:) C. W. E. 

No. 5102 
J. dela Pena, 

Findlay: 

Truck mileage: Trans, field workers in territory Nov. l-15th, 881 mi. 

at 50 . $44. 05 

J. dela Pena. 11/22/40. $44.05. 



Debit account 



Trans. F. workers- 



Amount 



$44. 05 



Credit account 



First National Bank of Findlay _ 



Amount 



(Duplicate) 

Cont. No. — 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 

findlay, ohio 

Date: Nov. 22, 1940. 
There is due (Name) J. de la Pena, Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 

Amount 

Truck mileage: Trans, field workers in territory 881 mi. at 50 $44. 05 



7354 DETROIT HEARINGS 

(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) 

$0. 50 

. 58 

1. 60 

. 55 

1. 90 

1. 65 

1. 65 

38 

Mileage 8. 81* 

. 05 



Trans. F. Workers 44. 05 



Xo. 5657 



JULTO DELA PENA, 

Findlay, Ohio: 
Moving and supervising Texan field workers, Nov. 16th to Dec. 19th, 

1940, incl., 3,304 Miles at 50 $165. 20 

Julio dela Pena. December 21, 1940, $165.20. 



Debit account 



Agrl. & Field, Securing & Main- 
taining Field Workers. 



Amount 



$165. 20 



Credit account 



First National Bank of Findlay. 



Amount 



(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 
findlay, ohio 



There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena. 
Box or R. F. D. Findlay, Ohio, for the following: 
Moving and supervising Texan field workers, November 16th to Decem- 
ber 19th, 1940, Inch, 3,304 miles @ 50 per mile $165. 20 



Cont. No. - 
Date: December 21, 1940. 

Amotint 



Total 165. 20 

, Payee of Order. 

(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) , Fieldman. 

No. 5662 
Julio dela Pena, 

Findlay, Ohio: 

Moving and supervising Texan field workers, Dec. 16th and 18th, 1940, 

198 miles @ 60 per mile $11. 88 

Julio dela Pena, December 21, '40, $11. 88. 



Debit account 



Agrl. & Field, Securing and 
Maintaining Field Workers. 



Amount 



$11.88 



Credit account 



First National Bank of Findlay. 



Amount 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 

(Duplicate) 

Great Lakes Sugar Company 
findlay, ohio 



7855 



Cont. No. — 



Date: December 21, 1940. 
There is due (Name) Julio dela Pena. 

Box or R. F. D., Findlay, Ohio, for the following: Amount 

Moving and Supervising Texan Field Workers, December 16th and 18th, 

1940, 198 miles @ H per mile $11. 88 



Total 11. 88 

, Payee of Order. 

(Original and Copy to Findlay Office.) , Fieldman. 



Exhibit 50. — A Study of Sugar Beet Field Workers' Earnings 

and Expenses 



report by m. 



C. HENDERSON, BEET GROWERS EMPLOYMENT COMMITTEE, INC., 
SAGINAW, MICH. 1 



January 25, 1941. 

Three fieldmen were chosen for assistants in compiling the data which follows 
concerning the earnings and living expenses of sugar beet field workers during 
the 1940 season. Tony Willems of Lansing, Gilbert Smith of Caro, and Norman 
Gardner of Crosswell gathered the information. Each was asked to report on 
three families, one exceptionally good, one average, and one poor family. 

The information shown is more or less self-explanatory and does not require 
interpretation by the writer. A summary of the information showing totals 
and averages is shown on the last sheet of this report. 

It has been anticipated that totals and averages would also be shown in con- 
nection with interseasonal work. However, this type of information was the 
hardest of all to get since there were no records in the plant offices covering such 
work and also because certain of the reporting fieldmen used different bases in 
reporting number of days of work, etc. At the time that this information was 
requested, the interseasonal work had been completed and many of the workers 
involved could not remember facts and figures concerning this work. Should 
further information be desired next year it should be requested before the inter- 
seasonal work begins. 

The fieldmen involved have done an excellent job of reporting and without 
their help nothing like accuracy in these figures would have been possible. 

1. Name of head of group: Rafael Gomez. 

2. Where from: Eagle Pass, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Rafael Gomez 39 

Amalio Gomez 35 

Walter Patino 17 

Amado Patino 15 

Ernesto Patino 11 



Billy Patino 6 

Dora Patino 13 

Olga Patino 3 

Julian Gomez 16 

Amado Esqueda 39 



4. Number of acres worked, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: 55.10. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $606.10. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) Transportation $50 

(6) Grocery bill 92 



(c) Company deductions $0 

(d) Other items 13 



7. Net cash received at time of first payment: $501. 



1 Mr. Henderson was a witness before the committee in Chicago on August 21, 1940, when he submitted 
a paper and testified on the employment in Michigan of migratory labor from Texas. See Chicago hearings, 
pp. 1271-1298. 



7856 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Inter season work 

8. Type of work engaged in: Picked pickles and farm work. 

9. Approximate number of days of work : 80. 

10. Total amount earned: $140. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $80. 

12. Net profit for interseason work: $60. 

******* 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 63.40. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 8. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $505. 

16. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill $80 

(b) Company deductions __ 

(c) Other items 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $425. 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $1,251.10. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $315. 

20. Net profit for entire season's work: $936.10. 

Report submitted December 28, 1940. 



Tony Willems. 



1. Name of head of group: Louis Coultrerr. 

2. Where from: San Antonio, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Louis Coultrerr 53 

Minnie Coultrerr 47 

Robert Coultrerr 17 

James Coultrerr 16 

Marie Coultrerr 16 



Joe Coultrerr 15 

Alfred Coultrerr 9 

Rudy Coultrerr 6 

Minnie Coultrerr 3 



4. Number of acres worked, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: 22.90. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $251.90. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 

(a) Transportation $50,001 (c) Company deduc- 
ts Grocery bill 128. 22 l tions ._ 

(d) Other items 1 39 

7. Net cash received at time of first payment: $251. 9C. 

******* 

Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: Picking pickles. 

9. Approximate number of days worked: 100. 

10. Total amount earned: $150. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $150. 

12. Net profit for interseason work : None. 

******* 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 23.90. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 6.50. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $146.88. 

16. Total guaranteed accounts andldeductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill.. ... $140 (c) Other items 

(b) Company deductions 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $548.78. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $469.61. 

20. Net profit for entire seasons work: $79.17. 

Report submitted December 28, 1940. 

Tony W illkms. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7857 



1. Name of head of group: Louis Ruise Cortez. 

2. Where from: San Antonio, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Louis Cortez 26 

Melshore Cortez 23 

Juan Cortez 60 

Maria Cortez 50 

Juan Cortez 33 

Pedro Cortez 30 

Simons Cortez 21 



Jesus Cortez 21 

Felix Cortez 20 

Lupe Cortez 14 

Louis Cortez 2 

Alfonso Cortez 2 

Marilen Cortez 4 

Trinidad Cortez Dias 18 



4. Number of acres worked, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: 53.80. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $538. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) Transportation.. $92. 00 

(b) Grocery bill 14°.. 00 



(c) 



deduc- 



Company 

tions 

(d) Other items $22.90 

7. Net cash received at time of first payment: $275.10. 



9. 

10. 
12. 

13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 



17. 
18. 
19. 

20. 



Interseason work 

Type of work engaged in: Picking pickles and general farm work. 

Approximate number of days of work: 60. 

Total amount earned: $260. 

Net profit for interseason work: None. 

******* 
Number of acres worked, pulling, and topping: 62.30. 
Average tonnage per acre: 7. 

Total amount earned, pulling, and topping: $436.10. 
Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 



(a) 
(6) 
(<0 



Gro« y bill 

Con ,ttny deductions. 
Othff items 



$130 





Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $306. 

Total earnings for season, all work: $1,234. 

Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $652.90. 
Net profit for entire season's work: $581.10. 



Report submitted December 28, 1940. 



Tony Willems. 



1. Name of head of group: Rafael Munoz. 

2. Wherefrom: 1314 El Paso Street, San Antonio, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children 

Rafael Munoz 39 

Candelaria Munoz •__ 32 

Patricia Munoz 11 

Lupe Munoz 9 

Alvria Munoz 6 



Margaret Munoz 5 

Candelaria Munoz 3 

Juan Munoz 42 

Jesus Saldana 29 



5. 
6. 



Spring work 

Number of acres blocked and thinned: 33.40. 

Number of acres hoed: 33.40. 

Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $365. 

Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) Transportation... $60.00 

(6) Grocery bill 105.00 

(c) Company deduc- 
tions (hoes, file, 
and clothing) _ _ 10. 25 



(d) Other items (auto- 
mobile) $71. 00 



7. Net cash received at time of first payment: $118.75. 



60396— 41— pt. 19- 



7g58 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: 2 weeks picking beans at McBain, Mich.; day work 

on farms, R..F. D., care for sugar beet growers. 

9. Approximate number of days of work: 

10. Total amount earned: $155. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $40. 

12. Net profit from interseason work: $115. 

******* 

Fall work 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 34.40. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 9.50. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $300.62. 

16. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill $60. 00 

(b) Company deductions (doctor bills) 35.00 

(c) Other items (coal) 3. 85 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $300.62. 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $820.82. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $345.10. 

20. Net profit for entire season's work: $475.72. 

Report submitted November 22, 1940. 

Rafael Munoz. 

1. Name of head of group: Pedro L. Estrada. 

2. Where from: San Antonio, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Pedro L. Estrada 25 

Juanita Estrada 24 

Jose Estrada 5 

Margaret Estrada 2 

* * 



Pedro Estrada, Jr 1 

Antonio Estrada 18 

Petra Estrada 16 



Spring work 

4. Number of acres blocked and thinned: 30.70. 
Number of acres hoed: 30.70. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $337.70. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 

(a) Transportation $40. 00 

(6) Grocery bill 140. 00 

(c) Company deductions (3 hoes, 1 file) 3. 25 

(d) Other items (automobile payment) 25. 00 

7. Net cash received at time of first payment: $129.45. 

******* 

Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: Picking tomatoes and pickles near Marshall, Mich.; 

also day work on farms. 

9. Approximate number of days of work: 10. 

10. Total amount earned: $20. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $20. 

12. Net profit from interseason work: None. 

******* 

Fall work 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 20.70. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 11.34. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $206.95. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7859 

16. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill (company) $113. 00 

(6) Deductions, company (doctor bills) 8. 00 

(c) Other items *_ 3. 85 

(rf) Milk and eggs from farmer 7. 00 1 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $75.10. 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $564.65. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $340.10. 

20. Net profit for entire season's work: $224.55. 
Report submitted November 23, 1940. 

Peter Estrada. 



1. Name of head of group: Desiderio Raygosa. 

2. Where from: Box 35, Castroville, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Desiderio Raygosa 47 

Petra Raygosa 38 

Esther Raygosa 16 

Sara Raygosa 16 

Marcela Raygosa 15 



Angelita Raygosa 14 

Leocidia Raygosa 9 

Josephine Raygosa 7 

Antonio Raygosa 5 

Augustine Raygosa 3 



Spring work 

4. Number of acres blocked and thinned: 42.75. 
Number of acres hoed: 42.75. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $470.25. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) 



(own 



Transportation 

car) .__ $50 

(b) Grocery bill 180 

(c) Deductions, company. 

Net cash received at time of first payment 



(d) Other items (traded 
cars, paid cash to 
dealer) $200 

$40.25. 



Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: Head of the family worked day work on farms and 

three girls worked in canning factory at Pigeon, Mich. 

9. Approximate number of days of work : (?) . 

10. Total amount earned: $200. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $120. 

12. Net profit from interseason work: $80. 



Fall work 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 49.35. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 11.40. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $497.01. 

16. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill (total living expenses) $160 

(6) Company deductions 

(c) Other items 



17 
18 
19 



Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $497.01. 
Total earnings for season, all work: $1,167.26. 

Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 
interseason work: $457.01. 

Report submitted November 16, 1940. 

Desiderio Raygosa.. 



7860 DETROIT HEARINGS 

1. Name of head of group: Luis Gonzales. 

2. Where from: Crystal City, Tex. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Luis Gonzales 23 

Mary Gonzales 25 

Andena Gonzales 14 



Ernestine Gonzales 5 

Johnnie Gonzales 3 



Spring work 

4. Number of acres blocked and thinned: 12.08. 
Number of acres hoed: 12.08. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $132.88. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) Transportation $33. 85 

(6) Grocery bill 55.00 

(c) Company deduc- 
tions None. 



(d) Other items. .. $51.03 



7. Net cash received at time of first payment: None. 

******* 

Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: String beans. 

9. Approximate number of days of work: 35. 

10. Total amount earned: $50. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $48. 

12. Net profit for interseason work: $2. 

******* 

Fall work 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 12. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 6.50. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $76. 

16. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill $41. 20 

(b) Company deductions None. 

(c) Other items 13. 92 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $76. 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $258.88. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $243. 

20. Net profit for entire season's work: $15.88. 

Report submitted January 6, 1941. 

Norman Gardner. 

1. Name of head of group: Simon Gutiericz. 

2. Where from: San Antonio, Tex., Poteet County. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Simon Gutieriez 42 

Carmar Gutieriez '- 39 

Vincente Gutieriez 14 



Rodolfe Gutieriez 17 

Paul Gutieriez 15 

Velia Gutieriez 14 



****** 

Spring work 

4. Number of acres blocked and thinned: 45.91. 
Number of acres hoed: 45.91. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $505.01. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) Transportation $70 

(b) Grocery bill 124 

Net cash received at time of first payment: $279.01 
***** 



(c) Company deductions. $0 

(d) Other items 32 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7ggl 

Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: String beans. 

9. Approximate number of days of work : 22. 

10. Total amount earned: $115.01. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $80. 

12. Net profit for interseason work: $35. 

******* 

Fall work 

13. Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 49.91. 

14. Average tonnage per acre: 7.07. 

15. Total amount earned, pulling and topping: $368.09. 

16. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill $67. 00 

(b) Company deductions 

(c) Other items 13. 54 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $368.09. 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $988.10. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $386.54. 

20. Net profit for entire season's work: $601.56. 

Date report submitted, January 6, 1941. 

Norman Gardner. 



1. Name of head of group: Fred Vogt. 

2.) Where from: San Antonio, Tex., Bexar County. 

3. Names and ages of all persons in group, including children: 



Fred Vogt 40 

Salme Vogt 38 

Ruben Vogt 18 



Jose Vogt 17 

Lupe Vogt 15 

Fred Vogt, Jr 7 



Spring work 

4. Number of acres blocked and thinned: 32.83. 
Number of acres hoed: 32.83. 

5. Total earnings, blocking, thinning, and hoeing: $361.13. 

6. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of first payment: 



(a) Transportation $65. 00 

(6) Grocery bill 136.70 



deduc- 



(c) Company 
tions 

(d) Other items 67. 55 

Net cash received at time of first payment: $91.88. 



Interseason work 

8. Type of work engaged in: Picking cherries and tomatoes. 

9. Approximate number of days of work: 44. 

10. Total amount earned: $366. 

11. Approximate living expenses: $216. 

12. Net profit for interseason work: $150. 



13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 



Fall work 

Number of acres worked, pulling and topping: 32.83. 

Average tonnage per acre: 12.80. 

Total amount earned pulling and topping: $361.14. 

Total guaranteed accounts and deductions at time of second payment: 

(a) Grocery bill $23. 02 

(b) Company deductions 

(c) Otheritems 19.92 



7862 DETROIT HEARINGS 

17. Total cash received for fall work, including bonus: $361.14. 

18. Total earnings for season, all work: $1,088.27. 

19. Total guaranteed accounts and deductions, including living expenses during 

interseason work: $528.19. 

20. Net profit for entire season's work: $560.08. 

Report submitted January 6, 1941. 

Norman Gardner. 

Total number of workers 50 

Total number of men workers 25 

Total acres blocked, thinned, and hoed 329. 47 

Average acres blocked, thinned, and hoed 6. 59 

Total earned, blocking, thinning, and hoeing $3, 567. 97 

Average earned, blocking, thinning, and hoeing $71. 36 

Total earned, interseasonal work $1, 456. 00 

Average earned, interseasonal work $29. 12 

Total earned, pulling and topping $2, 897. 79 

Average earned, pulling and topping $57. 96 

Total earned from beets $6, 465. 76 

Average earned from beets $129. 32 

Total earned for season, all work $7, 921. 76 

Average earned for season, all work $158. 44 

Total expenses for season, including nonworkers $3, 990. 69 

Average expenses per worker, including expenses of dependents • $79. 81 

Average cash received at the end of season $98. 74 

Average number of days work per man in beets 2 29. 65 

Average earnings per day per man in beets $4. 36 

1 Includes automobiles, purchases, etc. 

2 Based on ^ acre per day per man, blocking and thinning; 2 acres per day per man, hoeing; H acre per day 
per man, pulling and topping (9 tons beets). 



Exhibit 51. — History of Sugar Beet Labor in Michigan 

REPORT BY LABOR DIVISION, FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION, U. S. DEPARTMENT 

OF AGRICULTURE, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

The beet-sugar industry in Michigan began when the Michigan Sugar Co. built 
a plant at Essexville, near Bay City, which operated for the first time in 1898. 
A beet-sugar factory erected in" White Pigeon, Mich., in 1840, operated for a short 
time, but there was no further development of the industry until about 1880 when 
Michigan State College undertook investigations "on the subject of obtaining a 
supply of sugar from plants that could be raised" in the State. The attention of 
the college investigators was first turned to sorghum. 

The interest of the State in the development of the sugar industry had been 
evidenced by the passage of an act in 1881 to promote the manufacture of sugar 
within its boundaries. This act provided that Michigan would pay $2 for every 
hundred pounds of merchantable sucrose sugar manufactured in the State from 
sugar cane, cornstalks, or beets grown in the State. The bounty was to be paid 
each year for the 5-year period beginning with January 1, 1882. In addition, all 
buildings and machinery used for the manufacture of sugar from these sources 
were exempt from taxation for 5 years. 

Encouragement from the State in the form of bounties and tax exemptions, 
and the work of the college in developing sugar from sorghum failed to give 
impetus to the sugar industry. Only one man applied for the bounty for sugar 
made from sorghum, the total of payments to him for three years being $404.70. 
No claims were made for bounties for sugar manufactured from beets or corn- 
stalks. 1 

After the failure of the college to secure results with sorghum, its attention 
turned to sugar beets. Seeds weie imported for distribution among farmers in 
the State. Of 400 farmers receiving the seeds, 228 farmers in 39 counties reported 
results and sent beets to the college for analysis. "The results of these trials were 
most gratifying." 2 Michigan thereupon passed a second act in 1897 providing for 
bounties of 1 cent a pound on all sugar from beets grown in the State, provided 
the farmer received $4 a ton for beets containing 12 percent sugar. 3 The State 

i R. C. Kedzie, The Beet Sugar Industry in Michigan, 1901; Michigan Experiment Station Bull. 305, 

Sugar Beet Costs and Returns in Michigan, by K. T. Wright, December 1940. 

2 Kedzie, op. cit., p. 3. „ „ .1 , , ■ ,* 

» Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1898, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 

Government Printing Office, 1899, p. 56. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7863 

bounty law, as well as the Federal Tariff Act of 1897, 4 gave great impetus to the 
industry. During the 10-year period following the passage of these acts, there 
was a remarkable expansion of the beet-sugar industry in Michigan. Idaho, 
Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, New York, and Nebraska also enacted laws to en- 
courage the manufacture of sugar. 5 

The United States Department of Agriculture was extremely active in promoting 
the sugar-beet industry. From 1897 to 1909, the Department issued annual 
Reports on the Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry, several of which were printed 
as congressional documents. The work of the Department along these lines can 
best be summarized from one of the reports: 

<<* * * rp^ Department of Agriculture, working in conjunction with the 
State experiment stations, has been diligently experimenting and solving the 
agricultural questions that entered into the beet sugar problem. The kinds of 
soil, the conditions of climate, the sections of country, the cost and profits of 
production, the direct and indirect benefits to the farming industry are subjects 
that have been carefully studied, and the results have been published. The secular 
and agricultural press and writers and lecturers on agricultural subjects have 
aided materially in this work." 6 

The number of Michigan factories manufacturing beet sugar increased from one 
in 1898 to nine in 1899. The rapid expansion of the industry brought about many 
problems, including a serious drain upon the State's finances, as a result of the 
bounty payment. 

"Michigan has been the storm center of the objection to this bounty system. 
This probably grew out of the fact that nine factories were put in operation in 
Michigan in the short space of 2 years. The legitimate claims of these factories 
under the law seemed an enormous drain upon the State treasury. Under the 
terms of the law it was provided that factories were to receive 1 cent per pound for 
all sugar manufactured. The act appropriated $10,000 for the payment of the 
bounty and provided that any excess above that should be paid out of the general 
fund by warrants drawn against the same. The first factory built in the State 
was that of the Michigan Sugar Co., which drew the bounty for the first year, 
1898, absorbing the $10,000, and then put in a claim for the balance from the 
general fund according to the law. Eight other factories were constructed and 
put into operation for the campaign of 1899. These nine factories produced 
33,150,873 pounds of sugar, and under the terms of this law were entitled to 
$331,508.73. 

"The people of the State were confronted with an enormous drain upon their 
State treasury. These factories operating for the first year were late in beginning. 
They were in the experimental stage; they were working on the first crop of beets 
ever produced by Michigan farmers. Owing to all these causes it is probable 
that the factories did not produce sugar equal to half their capacity. Thus if no 
additional factories were built, the demands on the State treasury might reach 
something like $700,000. The following legislature undertook to amend the law 
by inserting one-half cent per pound instead of 1 cent, as under the old law; the 
Governor has insisted in his message that there should be a clause limiting the 
maximum amount that could be paid to any one factory to $25,000. The legis- 
lature refused to take this view of the case, and the Governor vetoed the bill. 
This left the old law in force. The attorney general rendered an opinion that 
warrants could not be drawn on the treasury for this purpose; that the object 
was not one for which a tax could properly be levied. The sugar factories in- 
sisted upon their right under the law. The matter was carried through the 
courts and finally it was decided by the Supreme Court that the law was uncon- 
stitutional and the attorney general's opinion was sustained." 7 

The action of the courts in putting a stop to the bounty on beet sugar had no 
appreciable effect in slowing up the expansion of the industry in Michigan. A 
factory erected at Marine City produced beet sugar for the first time in 1900, 
making a total of 10 plants operating in the State during that year. Three more 
factories began operations in 1901, four in 1902, and four in 1903. By the end 

4 "The rapid development of the industry after 1897 has been largely due to the direct encouragement 
by the Federal and State Governments, particularly the former. While customs tariffs have afforded a 
large measure of protection to the industry since 1883, it was not until after the Tariff Act of 1S97 that the 
rapid development of the industry began," (p. x). (Fedtral Trade Commission, Report on the Beet 
Sugar Industry in the United States, May 24, 1917, Government Printing office, 1917.) 

6 Report on the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States, Federal Trade Commission, May 24, 1917, 
pp 14-15. 

6 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1900, 
Rept. No. 69, 1901, p. 6. 

' U. S. Department of Agriculture, Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1900, 
Rept. No. 69, 1901, pp. 19-20. 



7g(34 DETROIT HEARINGS 

of 1903, there were thus 21 factories in the State which had operated during one 
or more seasons, and two more factories which had been built but never operated. 

The industry was soon confronted with the results of over-expansion and 
hasty, ill-advised building. Several factories removed to points outside the 
State during 1904 — 6 years after the start of the industry. 

"Michigan has installed more factories than any other State in the 
Union. * * * 

"In Michigan we find most of the unfortunate records chargeable to the beet- 
sugar industry since its inception. These were the results of natural and eco- 
nomic causes." There was too much rush and not enough careful study of eco- 
nomic conditions in establishing the factories. Too many plants were located in 
too small an area; few of them received enough beets on that account. If suffi- 
cient time had elapsed for developing the resources, Michigan could have sustained 
all the factories she had built. As it was, some of them led a precarious existence. 
Two of them have been removed from the State, the one at Benton Harbor to 
Canada, and the one at Kalamazoo to Chippewa Falls, Wis. Possibly two or 
three more may find it necessary to seek new locations." 8 

The competition between factories was so ruinous that many were unable to 
obtain enough beets to slice. Some did not operate at all; others were forced to 
seriously curtail operations and operate for very short seasons. Although there 
were favorable weather conditions during the 1904 growing season, three factories 
were idle. Only 16 plants ran campaigns during that year. 9 During the 1905 
season, again only 16 plants operated. Two additional plants removed from the 
State during that year, four were idle, and many operated for short terms. The 
United States Department of Agriculture observed on this point: 
«* * * The factories in this State must content themselves, however, with 
shorter campaigns and smaller supplies of beets than those in any other section 

of the country." 10 

By 1912, 7 factories had removed from the State. The Charlevoix plant, which 
had begun building about 1902, operated for the first time during the 1906 cam- 
paign. The only new factory to manufacture beet-sugar in Michigan after 1906 
was the Mount Pleasant factory, which operated in 1920. Up until the depres- 
sion, about 16 plants operated each year. During the depression, this number was 
considerably reduced. For example, in 1931, only 6 of the beet-sugar factories 
in the State operated, and during the years 1929-32, an average of 9 factories a 
year. Thirteen factories have operated each year since 1934. At present there 
are 15 factories in Michigan. 

'labor force of the sugar beet industry 

The most pressing problem of the sugar beet farmer, since the inception of the 
industry, has been the securing of an adequate labor supply. Sugar beet cultiva- 
tion requires periods of intensive hand work spread over 6 or 7 months of the year. 
The hand labor requirements of the crop are exceedingly large as compared with 
other crops. "More than 10 times as much hand labor is required to raise an 
acre of beets as to raise an acre of wheat, over 5 times as much as to raise an acre 
of corn, and more than twice as much as to raise an acre of potatoes." u 

The difficulties faced by beet farmers in securing enough workers to meet this 
unusual tvpe of seasonal* labor demand, were early recognized by the agencies 
and individuals who had been instrumental in fostering and encouraging the 
growth of an American beet-sugar industry. In 1902, for the first time, a section 
of the annual beet-sugar industry report of the Department of Agriculture was 
devoted to a discussion of the labor supply and the possibilities of meeting the 
need created by the fast-expanding industry. 12 Subsequent annual reports devoted 
more and more space to this problem. The advisability of recruiting cheap non- 
local labor was discussed, and the suggestion made that immigrant labor from 
beet-producing countries be secured from the towns and cities and from abroad. 

s U. S. Department of Agriculture, Rept. No. 80, Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United 
States in 1904, p. 61. 

• Ibid., p. 113, 115, 116. „ T J . .. TT ., , 

io U. S. Department of Agriculture, Rept. No. 82, Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United 
States in 1905, p. 56. „ „ . , _, .. _ . 

i> Franklin S Harris, The Sugar Beet in America, New York, 1919, p. 45. The Special Report on the Beet 
Sugar Industry in the United States, U. S. Department of Agriculture. Government Printing Office, 1898 
(also printed as II. Doc. No. 39C, 55th Cong., 2d sess.) states: "The raising of sugar beets requires consider- 
ably more hand labor than any other farm product, and it is labor of such a kind and extent that no faimer 
doing considerable business could hope to perform more than a small portion of it" (p. 170). 

"U.S. Department of Agriculture, Rept. No. 72, Progiess of the Beet Sugar Industry in the United States 
in 1901, Government Printing Office, 1902, p. 19. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7865 

The vise of other immigrant groups, such as Chinese, Japanese, Italians, Rouma- 
nians, Portuguese, and southern Europeans, who had no experience with beet work, 
but who were "accustomed to this kind of work," was also proposed. Other 
possible sources of supply named were Indians, the unemployed of cities and towns, 
inmates of State penal and reform institutions, and juvenile delinquents. Children 
were continually pointed to as a large and ready source of beet workers. The 
desirability of building up a local labor supply by settling these migrant workers 
in the beet areas was also recognized. 13 

As the need for more and more nonlocal labor grew, sugar companies assumed 
the responsibility for recruiting labor and brought in large groups of workers, who 
were distributed among the farmers contracting with the company. Not only the 
individual farmer's inability to recruit the necessary labor, but the desire of the 
sugar companies to obtain contracts for beets motivated this action. Farmers 
were loathe to work a crop which required large amounts of hand labor, and they 
disliked the idea of performing the type of work necessary in the hand operations, 
which are among the most difficult and unpleasant of agricultural occupations. 

The composition of the sugar-beet-labor force during the early years of the 
industry is indicated from various sources: 

"Detroit (Mich.) News, May 26, 1903. — Forty-five men left Detroit yesterday 
afternoon for the sugar-beet fields in the vicinity of Flint, under the direction of 
the Detroit Sugar Co. The men, who were mostly habitues of the river front, 
will receive $1.50 per day, boarding themselves, or $1 per day and board." 

"Alpena (Mich.) Argus, June 24, 1903. — The management of the beet-sugar 
factory at East Tawas. has secured about 100 boys and girls in this city, to go to 
the beet fields around Tawas and pull weeds. The dealers in sweetness pay 
them $1 per day." 

"Lansing (Mich.) Journal, July 23, 1903. — Nearly every morning persons 
passing the city hall or the corner of Ottawa Street and Washington Avenue are 
surprised to see crowds of children huddled together, barefooted, and heads 
almost uniformly covered with broad-brim peak-crown straw hats, styled 'Pan- 
ama.' These children are waiting for the farmers' wagons to take them out into 
the country where they work all day weeding sugar beets. Both boys and girls 
carry hoes that resemble the common garden variety, only the handle is about 
1 foot long and the blade is about one-fourth as large." 

"Detroit (Mich.) News, July 17, 1903 (special from Prescott, Mich.). — Two 
coaches, filled with children ranging from 12 to 18, have arrived from Alpena to 
work in sugar-beet fields." 

"Grand Rapids (Mich.) Press, August 22, 1903. — Factory to field. Welcome 
change for boys from Owosso. As beet weeders, hundreds of them are employed 
all through the summer. Modern methods in sugar industry make room lor the 
children at good wages. 14 

• <* * * An instructive lesson may be read by witnessing the behavior of a 
crowd of juveniles as they receive their weekly pay for weeding beets. Some of 
the tots are so small that their chins hardly reach the level of the paying clerk's 
desk, but each receives his wages and marches off, a capitalist * * *. 15 

"The sugar-beet industry, now carried on so extensively in Michigan, gives 
opportunity for foreign laborers. One iactory requires 5,000 acres of beets, and 
as it takes 1 person a week to thin an acre of beets, 5,000 weeks' work are required 
in June, and as much in September and October to harvest the beets. It is very 
difficult to get the labor needed. This is partly due to the fact that this factory 
was located in a district already given to peach growing, which requires much 
labor at the same time that the beet crop requires it. Russian Jews and other 
foreigners are brought over from Chicago during the 2 busy seasons." 16 

"The Bay City (Mich.) Times-Press, April 25, 1903.— About 500 Russians 
from Hastings, Nebr., arrived at Saginaw yesterday from Chicaro on a Pere 
Marquette special train. They are under contract to work in sugar-beet fields 
in Tuscola and Huron Counties and were distributed along the line this morning." 17 

Prior to 1906, it appears that the Michigan sugar-beet industry employed 
mainly gang labor — groups of men, women, or children. Hired family groups in 

13 See Appendix, excerpt from U. S. Department of Agriculture, Rept. No. 80. See also U. S. Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, Rept. No. S2, Progress of the Beet Sugar Industry in the United States in 1905, pp. 
10-13: Rept. No. 74, Progress of the Beet Sugar Industry in the United States in 1902, pp. 20-21; Rept. No. 
86, Progress of the Beet Sugar Industry iu the United States in 1907, pp. 20-21. 

> 4 Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1903, op. cit., p. 106. 

18 Robert C. Kedzie, The Beet Sugar Industry in Michigan, Lansing, 1901, p. 4. 

19 Reports of the Industrial Commission, Immigration and Education, vol. 15, p. 533. 
17 Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1903, op. cit., p. 104. 



7866 DETROIT HEARINGS 

the form which later predominated were not found, but there were undoubtedly 
some family groups in the labor force during this period. 18 Groups of laborers 
were brought to the fields each morning and returned to their homes in the 
evening. In some instances, workers migrated from distant places and remained 
in the beet areas for the season. The contract system had already developed. 
It seems probable that by 1906 the labor supply of the Michigan sugar-beet in- 
dustry began to take shape in the fashion in which it was to continue until the 
end of the first World War. The United States Department of Agriculture 
reported on the Michigan sugar-beet industry during that year as follows: 

"Rapid changes are taking place in Michigan which are beneficial to agricul- 
ture generally. Many settlers are emigrating to the State and going to work as 
laborers and tenants in the beet fields. These are of Hungarian, Russian and 
German extraction." 19 

Consideration began to be given to the settlement of laborers in the beet areas. 
"While for a year or two these laborers may migrate back and forth from a certain 
locality to the beet fields in which they are working, each year sees more and more 
of them permanently settled in the vicinity in which the beets are grown. During 
the summer months they engage in beet growing, and during the other months 
they engage in other lines of labor connected with agricultural and other indus- 
trial occupations. An extract from the Port Huron (Mich.) Times of May 12, 
1907, indicates how this takes place: 

"Lansing businessmen have under consideration a plan of colonization of the 
foreigners who annually visit the vicinity to work in the sugar-beet fields. It is 
proposed to purchase lands to be sold in tracts of perhaps 5 acres to the men as 
an inducement for them to locate permanently there. " i0 

The labor supply in northern Ohio sugar-beet fields, which are adjacent to the 
southern Michigan fields, and which supply a factory in southern Michigan, ex- 
perienced a similar development during the first decade of the century. When 
the industry began, there was a sufficient supply of laborers in nearby towns and 
communities to work the fields. In time it became necessary to recruit laborers 
from distant localities. These were generally immigrants. A survey in 1909 
found Belgian beet workers, although "several other nationalities had been tried 
in previous years. The Belgians worked in gangs. 

"About 350 men were brought into the area above mentioned [northern Ohio] 
during the past season [1909] to work in the beet fields. All were Belgians, and 
were secured by an agent of the sugar company from Detroit and neighboring 
communities in Michigan. The entire labor force were either single men or mar- 
ried men who came without their families, principally the former. When not en- 
gaged in the beet fields they work in various industries in and about Detroit. 
Many work in lumber camps during the winter. The agent of the company goes 
to some of the Belgians who are in business in Detroit, usually saloonkeepers, 
boarding-house keepers, and small shopkeepers, and through them gets in touch 
with a number of laborers, who generally cooperate with him to secure others. 
Many of the men return to the beet fields year after year, and in many instances 
bring their friends. 

"After experimenting with several races this company found the Belgians 
more adaptable and generally better suited to the work than any other race. In 
past years as many as four or five races have been employed during the season, 
but for 2 years an effort has been made to employ Belgians only. In 1908 a few 
Bulgarians and Poles were employed, but during the past season only Belgians 
were brought in * * *" 21 

During the very first year of the industry in Michigan gangs of local women and 
children were hired by the day. 

"* * * In the campaign of the Michigan Sugar Co. in 1898 beet raisers 
found it possible to hire women at from 50 to 65 cents per day to thin beets. 
Later in the season, as the labor supply proved inadequate, these same women, 
and children as well, asked and received from 75 cents to $1 per day * * *" 22 

18 See for example, Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in 1907, Rept. No. 86, U. S. Department of Agri- 
culture, Government Printing Office 1908, "Throughout the beet districts the laborers are usually composed 
of families consisting of father and mother and from 3 to 10 children" (pp. 22-23). 

> s U. S. Department of Agriculture, Rept. Mo. 84, Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United 
States in 1906, Government Printing Office 1907, p. 76. See also Michigan Bureau of Labor and Industrial 
Statistics Bulletin, The Beet Sugar Industry, 1908(?), which describes the labor force in 1908 as being com- 
posed of Belgians, Russians, and Hungarians, migrant and resident. 

2° Progress of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1907, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 
Rept. No. 86, Government Printing Office, 1908, p. 23. 

2 > Reports of the United States Immigrant Commission, Immigrants in Industry, pt. 24, "Recent Immi- 
grants in Agriculture", vol. 2, pp. 569-575. Government Printing Office, 1911. 

22 Reports of the Industrial Commission, Agriculture and Agricultural Labor, vol. 10, Testimony of Clinton 
D. Smith, director, Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station, p. 574, Government Printing Office, 1901. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7867 

The tremendous growth from 1898 to 1899 in acreage and factories exhausted 
the available local labor. In 1899 gangs of men were brought from Detroit to 
the Alma district to work at thinning and hoeing. 23 Around Bay City at this 
time, the wives and children of immigrant Poles were employed for the hand beet 
work. 24 As the industry grew, more and more nonlocal labor was brought in to 
supplement the local labor force. Women and children as well as men worked 
in beets. 

The use of family contract labor appears to have grown steadily. Belgian, 
German-Russian, and Hungarian immigrants with large families were recruited 
to work on a contract acreage basis. Many of these families became tenants 
and owners who also grew beets, and tbeir places as laborers were taken by groups 
of new workers of foreign nationality. The movement to the beet fields each year 
became regular. Some families remained in the beet areas, and lived in the beet 
snacks which were provided by the companies to house their field laborers. These 
families did not become farm tenants or renters, but tried to find work as farm 
hands or in casual pursuits. Some sought and found industrial employment in 
large towns or cities near the beet areas, such as Saginaw. Others subsisted on 
their beet earnings and on credit supplied by the beet companies at local stores. 

Although many beet workers undoubtedly returned to the fields each year and 
brought new workers with them, recruiting each spring continued. Beet hand 
work was unattractive to laborers who could obtain other employment. Thus, 
early each spring, company agents went forth into large industrial centers, appeal- 
ing to tne immigrant residents of the slum areas, holding out attractive and 
glowing promises. Beautiful homes in the country, easy work, good pay, fresh 
air, the opportunity of raising their food, and the chance of utilizing the labor of 
their children — all appealed to the immigrant slum dwellers, who were frequently 
of peasant origin. 

During the World War beet workers of Mexican origin were first recruited to 
work in the sugar-beet fields of Michigan. These families came from Texas and 
other border States or directly from Mexico. The change from a European to a 
Mexican labor force is discussed below. 

MICHIGAN SUGAR-BEET LABOR FORCE 1919-22 

Agents of the processing companies have recruited beet labor since the earliest 
days of the industry. The activities of these agents were described in 1908 as 
follows : 

"* * * It is the fiist requisite of every sugar factory to see that sufficient 
laborers are secured for growing the beets, and for doing the work of the factory. 
Agents qualified for this work are immediately put into the field to secure thesa 
laborers. They keep informed concerning the immigiation of laborers from 
foreign countries, and carefully investigate the labor supplies of large cities." 2S 

Theresa Wolfson, in her study of Michigan sugar-beet labor published in 
November 1919, described the recruiting methods in use at that time. 26 Com- 
pany agents visited large industrial cities of the Middle West and East. They 
broadcast their message by posters, advertisements, and public meetings in 
vacant stores. They concentrated on foreigners, usually of peasant stock and 
with large families. These workers lived in congested quarters — the slums — of 
the city and were most anxious to get back to the soil. Families migrated to 
the Michigan beet fields from Buffalo, New York City, Philadelphia, Erie, 
Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago, Milwaukee, Toledo, and other cities. Difficulties 
in obtaining workers in the usual midwestern cities had forced company agents 
to go far afield in recruiting the Michigan sugar-beet labor supply in 1919. 27 
More than one-half of nonlocal families interviewed by Miss Wolfson expected 
to return to the cities from which they had migrated at the end of the beet season. 
One-quarter of the families expressed an intention of moving to some nearby 
city, and less than one-sixth planned to remain in the country. 28 

In 1920 the Children's Bureau of the United States Department of Labor 
conducted a survey of beet workers' families in Michigan and Colorado. 29 It 

23 Ibid. 

24 Ibid., testimony of Prof. Robert C. Kedzie, Michigan Agricultural College and Agricultural Experiment 
Station, p. 547. 

26 Progress of the Beet Sugar Industry in the United States in 1907, op. cit., p. 21. 

26 People Who Go to Beets, by Theresa Wolfson, The American Child, November 1919, pp. 216-239. 

27 Ibid., pp. 218-29. 

28 Ibid., p. 234. 

29 U. S. Department of Labor, Children's Bureau, Child Labor and Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields 
of Colorado and Michigan, Bureau Publication No. 115, Government Printing Office, 1923. 



7868 DETROIT HEARINGS 

was found that the bulk of the beet, hand work in Michigan was done by nonresident 
laborers, and that the great majority of the workers, whether resident or non- 
resident, were in family groups. 30 Approximately 90 percent of the beet acreage 
in the State was tended by family groups. 31 

The company agents had experienced the same difficulties described by Miss 
Wolfson in securing sufficient labor for the beet fields. "Labor agents of the 
sugar companies in the spring of 1920 had had to go far to secure labor. They 
had been obliged to bring in workers not only from Detroit, Chicago, and the 
larger cities of Ohio, but also from the mining districts of West Virginia and from 
small towns in Texas and even Mexico. There was no large resident population 
of 'beeters' like the Russian-Germans in Colorado. Belgian labor, which had 
been the prevailing beet-field labor in earlier years, had practically disappeared 
since the war, and the supply of central Europeans had also fallen off. The labor 
turn-over was high. In a number of cases cited by the sugar companies' agents 
15 or 20 families brought in for the spring work had all disappeared by mid- 
summer, and it was expected that an entire new lot would have to be brought in 
for the fall work. Inability to secure labor had led in some places to the formation 
of crews of day workers, usually boys, but occasionally girls, from 10 to 16 years 
of age or over. The children generally lived in the towns where the factories 
were located and were taken out bv the sugar company agent to the fields each 
day * * *." 32 

The Children's Bureau survey of 1920 found the method of recruitment to be 
that described by Miss Wolfson. "Those who are brought in from the outside 
for the work are usually recruited from the foreign quarters of large cities. During 
the winter the agent of the sugar companies visits such localities as are likely to 
furnish laborers, advertises in their papers, visits local employment agencies, and 
otherwise gets in touch with the labor supply." 33 The difficulty of procuring 
labor forced the company agents, who had formerly been able to recruit sufficient 
labor from towns and cities of the Middle West, to go to New Mexico and Texas, 
and to the border of old Mexico" to draw to a much greater extent upon the great 
fields of Mexican labor." Fort Worth, El Paso, and San Antonio were found to 
be important recruiting centers for beet workers for the eastern fields — which 
included Michigan — as well as for the western areas. 34 

Both studies found that the migrant families had come to the beet fields for 
the following reasons: Opportunity to utilize the labor of the entire family, par- 
ticularly of the children; unemployment or the high cost of living in the cities; 
desire to earn enough money so that they could save to buy homes; desire to settle 
permanently in the country; and in many cases attractive descriptions of the pros- 
pective employment. 

The most detailed account of recruiting for sugar-beet work in Michigan at 
this time is given in a study made by the National Child Labor Committee. 

"Sugar companies assume definite responsibility for recruiting contract laborers 
sufficient to supply all farmers applying for beet workers. They act as labor 
agents, enter into agreements for hand labor on beets, furnish transportation to 
the fields, and through the field boss direct all the work on the beets as specified 
in the labor contracts. 

"Sugar companies send their employees into immigrant districts of eastern and 
midwestern cities for the purpose of securing families to work beets. Often 
supervisors of the department of contract labor go in person. Advertisements 
are inserted in foreign-language newspapers and periodicals, and local roustabouts 
are used as means of advertising in advance. The agents make opportunities to 
appear at numerous gatherings of immigrants for the purpose of 'talking up 
beets.' They make a house-to-house canvass for the dual purpose of 'sizing up' 
families in their homes and of explaining the advantages of beet work in the open 
country. These advantages, as represented, include free railroad transportation, 
free transfer of the families and their household goods from the railroad station 
at the point of destination to a designated dwelling, free return to the railroad sta- 
tion, a suitable dwelling rent-free until harvest is completed, pure water, fuel at 
the door, a chance to have a good garden, chickens, pigs, cows, and horses. 
Besides, they are promised as much work as they want, for large and small, at a 
specified price per acre, in the fresh air of open fields, with a month or more rest 
during the summer, when men can secure other work at $2 or $3 a day. 

3° Ibid., p. 79. 
81 Ibid., p. 90. 
" Ibid., pp. 80-81. 
« Ibid., p. 3. 
« Ibid. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7869 



"At specified times and places, the agents meet family heads of all prospective 
workers and with them sign the 'Agreement for Hand Labor on Beets' for one 
season. This contains the name, address, ages of all children, number of acres- 
each family wants to work, and the schedule of payment per acre. This is usually 
signed in duplicate; one copy is left with the family head, the other retained by 
the company's agent. * * *" ' 

******* 
"At a time designated by the agent of the company, the families congregate 
at the railroad station where transportation is furnished, and they are literally 
'shipped' by 'the train load' to points in Michigan for easy distribution. Here 
the labor agent is often displaced by a local man known as field boss, for the 
company acting as labor agent seems to be through when the families arrive in 
Michigan at the railroad station. They have accomplished their purpose — 
bringing laborers and farmers together. The company does not guarantee the 
quality of the work done by the families of contract laborers, although agree- 
ments with the growers, written or verbal, bind them to undertake to furnish 
the best workers obtainable at the price set by the company; nor do they always 
see that families get the full acreage signed for before they left the city." 35 

The sources of beet migration were described by the National Child Labor 
Committee study of 1922 as follows: 39 

"The majority of the 274 contract laborer families are immigrant families, but 
with the exception of the Mexicans, they did not come directly from the old 
country to the beet fields. Seventy-two and two-tenths percent, or 199 con- 
tract laborer families, migrated to the fields this year from 18 cities and 32 towns 
and villages, and we refer to them as urban migrants. Twenty-seven and four- 
tenths percent, or 75, spent last winter in the open country, and we refer to them; 
as rural migrants. At one time or another all of them migrated to the Michigan 
beet fields, coming from 13 States and Mexico. Sugar companies paid transpor- 
tation for 238 families, farmers for 10, and 26 journeyed at their own expense. 
There came from points in: 



Families 

Michigan 146 

Illinois 31 

Pennsylvania 7 

New York 3 

New Jersey 2 

Colorado 1 

Indiana 1 



Ohio 

Wisconsin 

West Virginia, 

Texas 

Virginia 

Iowa 



Fa milies- 
-_ 56 
-. 8 
4 
-. 3 
1 
1 



Mexico 10- 



"Cities in which immigrants gathered furnished large numbers: 



Families 

Saginaw 50 

Bay City 28 

Detroit 19 

Milwaukee 5 

Owosso 4 

Philadelphia 3 

Morgantown 3 

Youngstown 2 

Muskegon 2 



Families 

Chicago 30 

Cleveland 24 

Lorain : 7 

Cincinnati 4 

New York 3 

Flint 3 

Toledo 2 

Paulding 2 

Newark 2 

The three studies cited in this section show that beet laborers were recruited 
from industrial centers, although many were of peasant origin. With the excep- 
tion of the Mexicans, workers did not migrate directly from the old country to 
the beet fields. Michigan had not built up a resident beet labor supply as had 
Colorado, for example, and companies recruited anew each spring. Most of the 
workers who did not settle in the vicinity of the beet fields returned to the cities 
from which they had migrated. Beet laborers were not crop followers; they 
showed a pattern of migration in which beets were the only agricultural occupa- 
tion, aside from interseasonal farm work. Many of the workers who became resi- 
dents in the beet areas also obtained nonagricultural employment during the 
winter in nearby cities or towns. 

as child Labor in the Sugar Beet Fields of Michigan, by Walter W. Armentrout, Sara A. Brown, and 
Charles E. Gibbons, National Child Labor Committee, New York, 1923, pp. 42-4-1. 
36 Ibid., pp. 30-31. 



7870 . DETROIT HEARINGS 

Beet-workers' families were generally large, and the majority of their children 
over 6 years of age worked in the fields. The parents of the beeVworking families 
were frequently foreign-born or first-generation Americans. Most of the families 
had come from Russia, Germany, Belgium, Hungary, Rumania, Mexico, Serbia, 
Bohemia. The Children's Bureau found that there "was little difference between 
the nationality of resident and of nonresident labor in the Michigan fields, except 
that only one resident family was Mexican." 37 Many workers were spending 
their first year in the beet fields. The large majority of the families expressed 
dissatisfaction with the conditions of work and living. 

CHANGES IN THE SUGAR-BEET LABOR FORCE AFTER 1922 

During the World War of 1914-18, there was a large expansion of-sugar-beet 
acreage due to the increased market for American-grown sugar. In Michigan 
alone the acreage of sugar beets harvested rose from 101,000 acres in 1914 to 
150,000 in 1920. 38 During this period Mexican workers were added to the ex- 
panding labor force of the United States as a new reservoir of unskilled cheap 
labor. Mexicans already resident in Texas were being recruited by northern beet 
companies and railroads. Additional workers were sought to replace those 
spirited away to the North and to meet the needs of an expanding agricultural 
economy. 

Pressure exerted by agricultural interests of the Southwest and the sugar-beet 
industry caused the Department of Labor, in 1917, to waive the head tax and later 
the contract-labor and illiteracy-test provisions of the immigration law, tempo- 
rarily admitting Mexican laborers for agricultural work. This order was extended 
to include laborers for work on railroads and in mines. These exemptions con- 
tinued in effect until December 15, 1918. Renewed requests by various sugar- 
beet interests made the Department of Labor on January 23, 1919, extend the 
order for the temporary admission of Mexican laborers for work in sugar beets 
until June 30, 1919. On July 9, 1919, it was again extended, to terminate on 
December 31, 1919. 38 Shortly thereafter, the House Committee on Immigration 
.and Naturalization held hearings on House Joint Resolution 271, calling for the 
temporary admission of illiterate Mexican laborers into the United States for 
purposes of employment in agricultural pursuits. 40 These hearings were con- 
ducted in January and February of 1920, and on February 12 and April 12, 1920, 
-the Department of Labor again issued orders admitting temporarily Mexican 
laborers for employment in agricultural pursuits. "The exemption order con- 
tained instructions to admit alien laborers without the enforcement of the head 
tax and the literacy test contained in the immigration law, for the purpose of 
admitting temporarily agricultural laborers from Canada and Mexico during the 
season of 1920 to perform labor in the border States and in Florida, together with 
a provision expressly authorizing the sugar-beet growers in the large western belt 
to recruit alien labor under the terms of the order. 41 Although the provisions of 
the 1920 order applied specifically to the western beet areas, the Michigan fields 
as well as the border States were undoubtedly recruiting Mexican laborers from 
Mexico at this time. 

MEXICAN LABOR IN THE SUGAR BEET FIELDS OF MICHIGAN 

Sugar beet hand work is considered one of the most arduous and disagreeable 
of all agricultural occupations. The monotony, difficulty, and drudgery of the 
work, frequently performed in inclement weather, combined with the long hours 
of work and low earnings, make sugar beet field work one which most laborers 
would avoid if they could find other means of employment. Since the work is 
customarily done under contract, by the terms of which laborers are obliged to 
remain in the areas from 6 to 8 months each year with long periods of idleness, 
the total earnings are very small. From the beginning of the industry in Michi- 
gan, immigrant labor of one nationality or another has been utilized for this work. 
As one representative of a large beet sugar company in Michigan said to the inves- 
tigators of the National Child Labor Committee: "We need more immigrants of 
this kind from Europe. We have to bring it in. Americans will not do the dirty 

3' Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan (op.cit.,pp. 82-83). 
8' Wright, op. cit., table 23, p. 40. 

3 9 Temporary Admission of Illiterate Mexican Laborers, Hearings before the House Committee on Immi- 
gration and Naturalization, on H. J. Res. 271, January and February 1920, 60th Cong., 2d sess., Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1920, appendix A, pp. 358-373. 

40 Ibid. 

*i Monthly Labor Review, Results of Admission of Mexican Laborers, under Departmental Orders, for 
Employment in Agricultural Pursuits, vol. 11, November 1920, pp. 1095-1097. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7871 

work, as we call it." 42 Beet workers have been considered "cheap labor," and 
have been regarded as a class apart in the communities into which they migrated 
in Michigan. Miss Wolfson found that the traditional attitude of the Michigan 
farmer toward these laborers employed by him was "Anything is good enough 
for the Hunkies." Beet workers who were "good" moved up into the tenant and 
owner class, and began growing their own sugar beets — those who weren't good 
continued to be beet workers. 

The attitudes of beet growers and sugar companies toward beet laborers, and 
the reasons for using Mexicans came out very clearly in hearings held before 
congressional committees during the 1920's. It was argued that the sugar-beet 
industry could not survive without continued immigration from Mexico, following 
the restriction on European immigration. Sugar-beet work was alleged to be a 
form of work Americans would not do, and actually no "white man" would do. 
The only workers among other nationalities who were left to perform this work 
were the "dregs," who were inefficient and poor workers. The better workers 
had gone into other employment, or had become farmers themselves. Mexicans, 
according to the representatives of the sugar-beet growers of America, were defi- 
nitely not desirous of becoming either tenants or owners of American land. Mex- 
icans were also likened to "children," were characterized as law abiding, unde- 
manding. They were excellent workers and peculiarly suited to "stoop" jobs. 
It was also emphasized that Mexican sugar-beet workers did not settle in the 
beet areas of Michigan, but went back to Mexico or to the State of their origin 
after the harvesting season. 

Representative Woodruff, of the State of Michigan, told the House Committee 
on Immigration and Naturalization: 

"In the past, before the enactment of the present immigration law, the sugar- 
beet industry brought Europeans into our country to supply the labor necessary 
to the raising of these beets. After the passage of the immigration law it was 
necessary to go to Mexico for that labor, and without this labor, gentlemen, it 
would probably have been necessary to close every one of the sugar factories in 
my district and I presume the same thing applies to sugar factories of other 
districts. 43 

<<* * * J have not known any [Mexicans] who remained during the winter. 
The Columbia Sugar Co., when the season is closed, gets them together and 
returns them to the Mexican border. I do not know whether under the law you 
can compel them to go or not, but I have never observed a single Mexican family 
around that section of the State in the wintertime. They may be there, but I 
do not know of it. However, if they were there in any great numbers, I would 
have known of it." 44 

A representative of the beet growers of Colorado, testifying at the same hearing, 
contended that the sugar industry would close if Mexican labor were not available, 
since white men would not do the work, and only the worst workers among the 
nationalities formerly used remained in the beet laborer class. 

<<* * * -p en y ears a g our help came from Europe, largely Russians, 
Germans, and Belgians. Now, the better class of that beet help, that was beet 
help 10 or 15 years ago, are owning or renting farms; and the poorer class, that 
could not accumulate, are still with us. 

"The result is that if you compare acres tended by the Mexicans you will 
see that the number of tons of beets they produce per acre, compared in this way, 
that the Mexican help produces practically 1 ton more per acre than the present 
Russian or German help. That is because the best has gone on up, and we were 
left with the dregs. I do not know that our country will be absolutely ruined if 
the beet factories are closed, but I say they will be closed in 3 or 4 years if some- 
thing is not done now because their help is dwindling out. The reservoir from 
which that help has come has been closed. 

"* * * I want to say that there is not a white man of any intelligence in 
our country that will work an acre of beets. The only help we can get to do this 
work, and I think it is rightly so — I want to say that I do not want to see the 
condition arise again when white men who are reared and educated in our schools 
have got to bend their backs and skin their fingers to pull those little beets. But 
you can do one of two things; you can let us have the only class of labor that will 

42 Armentrout et al., op. cit., p. 26. 

« Seasonal Agricultural Workers From Mexico, hearings before the Committee on Immigration and 
Naturalization, U. S. House of Representatives, 69th Cong., 1st sess., on H. R. 6741, 7559, 9036, Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1926. p. 272. 

" Ibid., p. 273. 



7£72 DETROIT HEARINGS 

do the work, or close the beet factories, because our people will not do it, and 
I will frankly say I do not want them to do it. 45 

<<* * * j n ther words you might comb the town with a fine tooth comb 
and yOu could not get two Americans who would be willing to get out there and 
do that beet work, or, if you could, they would be such dregs of society that they 
would not be any good * * *." 46 
The same witness also stated: 

«* * * if y OU are going to make the young men of America do this back- 
breaking work, shoveling manure to fertilize the ground, and shoveling beets, 
you are going to drive them away from agriculture. I will tell you, you have got 
to give us a class of labor that will do this back-breaking work, and we have the 
brains and ability to supervise and handle the business part of it. There is no 
danger of that class of labor taking over the supervising work * * *." 47 

Other witnesses stressed the insufficiency rather than the inferior skill of the 
European beet workers. A Nebraska grower aptly described the situation as 
most of the beet growers found it. He said: "Russian labor is not undesirable 
to us if it remained labor." 48 The representative of a Michigan sugar company 
stated that the Russians had been excellent beet workers, and still were. 49 The 
Europeans had become renters and owners of farms, and were no longer available 
for sugar beet work. 50 Others preferred the better jobs provided in industry. 

"The reason for that is that the automobile industry is paying prices to Belgians, 
particularly, and the Czechoslovaks and Hungarians, to work in the automobile 
plant for 2 or 3 days' work, enough for them to say when you solicit them for 
farm w r ork: 'No; we would rather stick around. We are making $18 a week and 
we are not going out into the beet fields when we can live in Detroit and see the 
movies, etc' We cannot get them to come out, for the simple reason that the 
automobile industry does not lay them off in blocks. The automobile industry 
cuts down to 2 or 3 days a week, exactly as does the mining industry. In 1920 
and subsequent to that we went to the mines of Virginia and Pennsylvania, in 
conformity with a suggestion that I heard made today, and we received exactly 
the same story over there: 'No; we can make enough money in 2 or 3 days of work 
that we like 'rather than to go out to your beet fields.' They were somewhat 
profane in the way they described the beet fields. Some of them had worked in 
beet fields in their own country." 51 

The Children's Bureau in 1920 found that only 10 percent of the laborers 
families interviewed were Mexican. 52 The prevalence of Mexican labor in Michi- 
gan sugar beets by 1926 is indicated in the following testimony of a sugar company 
official: 

"During the spring of 1925, after a very thorough canvass of all the large cities 
of the North and East in an endeavor to get labor for our beet fields, we found 
that it would be necessary to go to Texas and ship in 1,000 Mexicans or curtail 
our acreage to a very large extent. 

"After a very careful survey, made in January of this year, we find that it will 
be necessary for us to have 2,500 Mexicans or curtail our acreage 50 percent; in 
other words, it will be necessary for us to close down one of our three plants if 
we are not able to get this labor. During the past 4 years we have shipped in a 
total of 4,000 Mexicans. * * *" 53 

Another Michigan sugar beet company official predicted that whereas labor 
needs had been fulfilled from among Mexicans living in Midwestern steel districts 
during 1924 and 1925, it would be necessary to go to Texas during 1926. 

"These farmers are raising sugar beets, and raising them in such quantities 
they cannot take care of them with their own families and regular labor and we 
have to supply the demand from the present market, which is mostly Mexican 
labor. 

« Ibid., pp. 61-62, testimony of Fred Cummings. 

« Ibid., p. 64. 

< 7 Ibid., p. 66. 

« Ibid., testimony of J. T. Whitehead, p. 103. 

« Ibid , testimony of L. B. Tompkins, representing the Columbia Sugar Co., p. 17/ . 

so Ibid , testimony of Mr. Whitehead, Mr. Tompkins, and S. R. McLean, plant manager of the Holland 
plant of the ilollan'd-St. Louis Sugar Co., Michigan, pp. 103, 176, 178, 180. 

si Immigration from Countries of the Western Hemisphere, hearings before the House Committee on 
Immigration and Naturalization, on H. R. 6465, 7358, 10955, 11687, 70th Cong., 1st sess., Government Print- 
ing Office 1928. Textimonv of T. G. Gallagher, Continental Sugar Co., Ohio. p. 556. 

n Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. at., p. 82. 
In 1922 the National Child Labor Committee reported only 13 families out of a total of 274 as coming from 
Texas or Mexico to the Michigan beet fields. The acreage planted in beets in Michigan had decreased from 
one hundred and fifty to eighty-two thousand acres from 1920 to 1922. There may have been Mexicans 
from Northern States in the beet fields in 1922. but the figures on nationality are not given; only those on 
Statcor city of origin. 

« Seasonal Agricultural Laborers From Mexico, op. cit., testimony of L. B. Tompkins, p. L6. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7873: 



"For the past 2 years we have not gone to the border for the Mexicans. We 
filled our requirements from the steel districts of Gary, Calumet, Indiana Harbor, 

Chicago, and South Chicago. We found we were getting a skilled class of labor. 

* * * 



"On account of the building program outlined throughout the States of Michi- 
gan, Ohio, and Illinois, our survey of the labor market shows we will not be able 
to fill our requirements of beet labor, whether Mexican or European, and unless 
some relief is given we will again have to go to Texas and join in a merry scramble 
with the cotton growers and the beet companies of the West in getting help." 54 

The recruiting of Mexican families for work in the Michigan sugar-beat fields 
was common throughout the twenties. The Tariff Commission reported that 
the number of Mexican contract laborers employed in beet work in the States of 
Michigan, Ohio, Kansas, and Minnesota, rose from 7,140 in 1922 to 11,109 in 
1926. These figures lepresented 34 percent and 50 percent, respectively, of the 
total number of contract laborers employed in these 2 years. During the same 
period of time, the number of foreign-born northern Europeans decreased from 
12,125 to 10,199, or from 59 percent of the labor force to 45 percent. For the 
entiie sugar baet industry of the United States, the proportion of contract workers 
who were of Mexican origin, rose from 22 percent to 31 percent from 1922 to 
1926. 55 

A survey of Mexican labor in the United States conducted by the Bureau of 
Labor Statistics, which was published in 1927, showed that Mexicans comprised 
from 75 to 90 percent of the sugar-beet laboiers in the States of Ohio, Michigan, 
Minnesota, and North Dakota. "The Belgians and German-Russians who 
remained throughout the war have been drifting into trades and small businesses 
in the cities or have become renters or owneis, often in competition with their 
former employers." There were 6,720 Mexican beet workers in Michigan during 
the 1926 season. 56 

At this time, most of the Mexican workers were recruited in San Antonio and 
Fort Worth, Tex., where large sugar-producing companies maintained agents. 
They were also secured in Kansas City, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, and other 
cities with Mexican settlements, by the labor agents of the companies. 57 

Table 1.- — Estimated number of contract laborers engaged in sugar beet field work in 

1939, by source and State 





Total 

number of 

contract 

laborers 

1939 


Within the State 


Total 
from 
other 
States 




State 


Total 


Local 


Other 
areas 


Comments on "Other States" 


United States 
total. 


93, 109 


62, 581 


43, 499 


19, 082 


30, 528 




Percent of total 
California 


100.0 
16, 504 
20, 822 

7,356 

623 

1,149 

663 

12, 270 

2,809 
6,714 


67.2 
16, 504 
19, 800 

3,336 

343 

344 

564 
2,505 

842 
2,314 


46.7 

6,276 

16, 359 

3,336 

249 

57 

199 

2,237 

140 
1,378 


20.5 

10, 228 

3,441 

94 

287 
365 
268 

702 
936 


32.8 




Colorado 

Idaho 

Indiana... 

Iowa .. _ 


1,022 

4,020 

280 

805 
99 

9,765 

1,967 
4,400 


Largely from Kansas, Michigan, and 
New Mexico. 

From California, Oregon, and Wash- 
ington. 

Nearly 100 from Texas, others from 
Illinois, Michigan, and Ohio. 


Kansas. . . . 


From Oklahoma and Texas. 

More than 8,000 from Texas and 400 
from Missouri; also Ohio and 
Kansas. 

Mostly from Texas, Oklahoma, Kan- 
sas, and Nebraska. 

About 2,600 from California. 800 from 
North Dakota, 400 from Washing- 
ton, 300 from Colorado, 300 from 
Texas, and few from Arizona and 
Oklahoma. 


Michigan .. . 


Minnesota. _ 


Montana 





61 Ibid., testimony of S. R. McLean, pp. 178-179. 

« United States Tarifi Commission, Costs of Producing Sugar Beets, pt. X. United States Summary. 
Government Printing OfEce, 1928. Table 4, p. 17. 

«« Mexicans Replacing European Labor in Sugar Beet Fields of Northern States, United States Daily, 
Washington, D. C, July 23, 1927. Reprinted in full in the hearings on tariff readjustment, 1929, before the 
House Committee on Ways and Means, 70th Cong., 2d sess., vol. 5, schedule 5, Sugar and Molasses, pp. 
3216-3218. 

67 Ibid. See also above, testimony of S. R. McLean. 

60396—41 — pt. 19 8 



7874 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table 1. — Estimated number of contract laborers engaged in sugar beet field work in 

1939, by source and State— Continued 





Total 

number of 

contract 

laborers 

1939 


Within the State 


Total 
from 
other 
States 




State 


Total 


Local 


Other 

areas 


Comments on "Other States" 


Nebraska 


5,294 
1,226 

3,434 

1,358 

846 
4,147 
1, 159 
1,665 

5,070 


4,765 

77 

2,066 
679 

761 
3,940 

580 
1,249 

1,912 


3,963 

77 

841 

665 

676 

3,940 

464 

957 

1,685 


802 

1,225 
14 

85 

116 
292 

227 


529 
1,149 

1,368 

679 

85 
207 
579 
416 

3,158 


Largely from Colorado, Kansas, Mis- 


North Dakota 

Ohio 

Oregon 

South Dakota 

Utah 

Washington 


souri, and Texas. 

From California, Kansas, Minnesota, 
Nebraska, New Mexico, Okla- 
homa, Texas, and Iowa. 

Largely from Michigan, Texas, and 
Illinois. 

From California, Washington, and 
the drought States. 


Wisconsin . . 

Wyoming 


About 300 from Illinois, more than 100 

from Texas. 
Largely from California, Colorado, 
Kansas, Missouri, New Mexico, 
' and Texas. 



Source: Sugar Division, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 

Table 2.- — Estimated number of contract laborers engaged in sugar beet field work in 

1939, by nationality or race, and State 



State 


Total 
number 
of con- 
tract 
labor- 
ers, 1939 


Native 
Ameri- 
can 


Mexi- 
can or 
Span- 

ish- 
Ameri- 

can 


Fili- 
pino 


Ger- 
man 
(prop- 
er) 


Ger- 

man- 
Rus- 
sian 


Other 
Euro- 
pean 


Japan- 
ese 


Indian 


Not 
speci- 
fied 
and 
other 


United States totaL 


93, 109 


15, 350 


52, 929 


6,195 


4,853 


6,587 


3,942 


67 


197 


2,989 


Percent of total 


100.0 


16.5 


56.8 


6.7 


5.2 


7.1 


4.2 


0.1 


0.2 


3.2 




16, 504 

20, 822 

7,356 

623 

1,149 

663 

12,270 

2,809 

6,714 

5,294 

1,226 

3,434 

1,358 

846 

4,147 

1,159 

1,665 

5,070 


3,390 

3,710 
249 
172 
13 
447 
422 

1,609 

91 

297 

245 

1,059 

3,732 
753 

170 


12,371 

12,313 

2,980 

187 

690 

650 

9,841 

1, 609 

2, 580 
2,297 

586 
663 
285 
355 


3,810 
675 












323 




4,187 


1,932 










Idaho 
















187 
115 








Iowa 


57 




115 








Kansas 








Michigan 






215 
281 
962 
2,336 
129 


326 
281 






1,441 


Minnesota 


140 

1,338 

88 

45 






76 
76 

45 




Montana 


149 


Nebraska 


90 
2,439 


44 


438 


North Dakota. ... 
Ohio 


34 

87 


Oregon 

South Dakota 


14 














389 








102 


Utah 












415 


Washington 

Wisconsin 


348 

495 

4,679 






58 
170 










28 


666 


504 








Wyoming 


23 











Source: Sugar Division, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 



CONFLICT BETWEEN TEXAS AND MICHIGAN INTERESTS CONCERNING MIGRATION OF 
MEXICAN LABORERS TO NORTHERN STATES 

During the World War and immediately thereafter, the agricultural interests 
of the Southwest and the West, the beet growers of the eastern and western 
regions and the railroads vied with each other in their attempts to recruit Mexi- 
cans. These groups were not only successful in lowering the bars during the period 
from 1917 to 1920, but thereafter they successfully opposed all attempts! to impose 
quota restrictions on immigration from countries of the Western Hemisphere. 
The bars to Mexican immigration during that period were the head tax, the 
literacy test, and the provisions against admission into the United States of any 
individual who had contracted for employment in this country. While these 
restrictions were removed during the World War years, the Texas employers who 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7875 

depended upon Mexican labor were not too greatly concerned about the flow of 
Mexicans to the North and West. When, however, the free flow of Mexicans 
ceased, Texas employers found themselves competing with the sugar-beet growers 
for the Mexican laborers resident in Texas. 

This competition became acute in the years prior to 1929, when the beet 
interests of Michigan found it necessary to recruit more and more Mexicans 
each year. Many of the laborers brought up to the north at this time did not 
return to Texas at the close of the sugar-beet harvest, but drifted off into the steel 
districts and other industrial areas of the midwest. This failure of the Mexicans 
to go back to Texas caused great concern to the Texas employers who wanted 
them for agricultural and other types of work. The rivalry which sprang up was 
expressed on several occasions in the hearings before the House Committee on 
Immigration and Naturalization on bills placing restrictions on immigration from 
countries of the Western Hemisphere. A Michigan sugar company official, in 
deploring the shortage of Mexican labor in the North, remarked that unless some 
relief were granted, his company would be forced to go to Texas and join in a 
merry scramble with the cotton growers and the beet companies of the West in 
getting help. 58 The labor superintendent of the American Beet Sugar Co., of 
Colorado, expressed the rivalry thus: 

" Mr. Box. Do you meet a feeling in Texas that you are taking away labor that 
the State of Texas needs? 

"Mr. Heckman. Yes; naturally labor is a commodity and we are competitive 
in going after it." 59 

The concern of agricultural employers in Texas over this loss of Mexican 
laborers to the sugar beet areas was formulated by a Texas farmer, thus: 

"Whenever the beet growers of the various States of the Union come to south 
Texas for laborers to harvest their crops, they are taking them away from us, 
leaving us in an even worse condition than before, when they could find a supply of 
labor in the eastern cities for their beet fields." 60 

Agricultural interests of the State of Texas agitated for the passage of State 
legislation which would stop the flow of Mexican laborers out of the State, and 
succeeded in effecting the passage of laws regulating the activities of employment 
agents recruiting labor for work outside the State. The vigilance of the border 
patrol in keeping out illegal entries also provided impetus for such measures. 

<<* * * Agitated by the activities of the patrol inspectors, south Texas 
interests as represented by the Winter Garden, South Texas, and West Texas 
Chambers of Commerce sought to check the drain on Texas labor principally 
through shipments to sugar beet fields of the North. First an occupational 
tax on 'emigrant agents' was levied, to the amount of $7,500. Enforcement of 
this act was immediately enjoined by a Federal Court upon application of a 
Michigan beet sugar company. Apprehending that the law might be declared 
unconstitutional on the ground of prohibitive fees, its sponsors had it repealed 
and new laws passed. * * * 

"The theory behind the laws was plainly stated by one of the sponsors: 

" 'It is the same situation as where you have had a stream of water running 
through your ranch. If someone turns its source off you want to put up a dam 
to hold what you have.' " 61 

When Paul Taylor pointed out to a Catarina farmer that he was in the same 
way taking away the labor supply of Asherton growers, the former "was unwilling 
to admit that it might similarly justify the Asherton growers in securing an injunc- 
tion to stop the drain of labor to Catarina." 62 Said the Catarina grower: 

"We will hold our present supply by our agency law. If the beet companies 
would return the labor it would be all right. We did what the Asherton people 
customarily did to get their labor when they needed it, but we did not move labor 
a thousand miles away like the beet companies. They are the people who have 
hurt the situation by taking the Mexicans north where they take other jobs." 62 
Taylor wrote in 1930 that the "effect of the emigrant agency laws is harassing, but 
it presents no insuperable barrier to sugar beet or other companies' shipping 
thousands of laborers out of Texas." 62 Events have borne out this evaluation of 
the effectiveness of the laws. 



88 Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico, op. tit., testimony of S. R. McLean, plant manager of 
the Holland Plant of the Holland-St. Louis Sugar Co., Michigan, p. 179. 

s» Immigration From Countries of the Western Hemisphere, op. tit., pp. 463-9. 

60 Seasonal Agricultural Laborers From Mexico, op. tit., testimony of S. Maston Nixon, president of the 
Blacklanders, Inc., an organization of farmers and businessmen. 

6i Mexican Labor in the United States, Dimmit County, Winter Garden District, South Texas, by Paul 
S. Taylor. University of California Publications in Economics, vol. fi, No. 5, Berkeley, Calif., 1930, pp. 
331-332. 

« Ibid. 



7876 DETROIT HEARINGS 

The emigrant agency laws, which became cumulatively effective in 1929,. 
provide for an annual license tax of $10, to be paid for each county in which the 
agent operates. In addition, there are levied a State occupation tax of $1,000' 
per annum, and a county occupation tax of from $100 to $300 per annum, gradu- 
ated according to the population of the county in which the agent is soliciting. 
According to the Texas State Employment Service, the emigration agency lasw 
have not checked the dispersion of Mexican workers to other States. 63 

"Violations and evasions of these laws measurably reduced the effectiveness- 
and weakened the original purposes thereof. 

"The occupation tax provisions for emigrant agents in Texas, as in other States, 
were intended to be a deterrent to the exploitation of migratory laborers. They 
were established to discourage invasions from outside on the State's labor market 
and mobile workers. 

"That the occupation tax provisions for emigrant agents in Texas has been 
largely inactive is apparent from the fact that, according to the records, only one 
company has ever paid the State occupation tax of $1,000. That was shortly 
after the passage of the Texas emigrant agency law." 64 

"Chief offenders in this evasion and violation of the occupation tax provision 
are employment agents and emigrant agents representing the cotton growers of 
Arizona and the sugar-beet growers of Michigan and certain other States." a 
Although this law is represented as preventing the exploitation of Texas workers 
there is no doubt that the original proponents of the law, and the present employers 
of Mexican agricultural labor in Texas, look upon it mainly as means of preventing 
the loss of their cheap labor to competitors. 

DISPERSION OF MEXICAN BEET WORKERS INTO NORTHERN CITIES 

A bone of contention between the Texas employers of Mexican labor and the- 
beet growers has been the dispersion of these workers after they have migrated 
to the Northern and Western States. The sugar-beet interests have maintained 
that the Mexicans do not stay in the beet areas, but drift back to Texas and the 
border of Mexico after the season. On occasion it is admitted that the Mexican 
beet workers migrate to northern cities. 

Beet growers and sugar companies have strenuously denied that the Mexican 
laborers whom they imported for agricultural work came into competition with 
American workers for industrial jobs. 

The Secretary of the United States Beet Sugar Association stated at a hearing 
of the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization: 

"It has been asserted that there are millions of Mexicans now in the United 
States, and that while they mostly enter for seasonal agricultural work many of 
them eventually drift to the cities, becoming a menace to American labor and 
causing a serious social problem. While this may be true to a limited extent, we 
believe the statements regarding this condition have been very much exaggerated. 

"The experience of the beet-sugar producers and sugar-beet farmers is that, as a 
general rule, the Mexican has a 'homing instinct'; that he loves his country; and 
even though he remain in this country for several years, the hope and expectation 
ci returning to his homeland is always uppermost in his mind. * * * 

"The very fact that each year the beet-sugar industry is compelled to exert its- 
efforts to secure Mexican laborers clearly demonstrates that the greater proportion 
of them return home. If this were not the fact, there would be sufficient labor in 
the field to adequately fulfill this requirement, and it is evident that the industry 
would not go to the expense of securing additional Mexicans each year if those 
which they secured 1 year remained in this country for the succeeding year." 66 

An official of the Continental Sugar Co. of Ohio testified: 

"Mr. Brigham. Have they begun to employ Mexican laborers in the automobile 
factories? 

"Mr. Gallagher. Not that I know of. I know the Willys-Overland Co., of 
Toledo, have not. 

"Mr. Brigham. If they find out they are such good laborers, and the Mexicans 
take employment with these plants at the scale of wages paid, what are you going 
to do then? Do you not think the Mexican is as wise as the Belgian and will 
take advantage of a wonderful opportunity of that kind? 

•3 Interstate Migration, hearings before the Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of 
Destitute Citizens, House of Representatives, 76th Cong., 3d sess., pt. 5, Oklahoma City hearings, pp. 1810. 

m Interstate Migration, hearings before the Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of 
Destitute Citizens, House of Representatives, 7tith Cong., 3d sess., pt. 5, Oklahoma City hearings, p. 1810. 

« Ibid., p. 1811. 

m Immigration from Countries of the Western Hemisphere, op. cit., testimony of Harry A. Austin, p. 418. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7877 

"Mr. Gallagher. I personally do not think that the Mexican will ever compare 
with the Belgian. For a monotonous piece of work such as the automobile indus- 
try is, where a man sits and feeds a machine— they are extremely adept at using 
their fingers and they seem to be tireless. The Mexican is perfectly willing to put 
up with such monotonous work as beet work is. 

"Mr. Brigham. Is it not true that the reason Mexicans are liked so much for 
the growing of beets is because it is the only class of labor that you can employ 
for just a short period and then turn them loose to shift for themselves? 

"Mr. Gallagher. No, sir; that is not quite true in our territory. We go to 
Detroit, we go to Cleveland, we go to Toledo, and as far west as Fort Wayne and 
Chicago to get labor, and we cannot get them into the beet fields. I speak of 
Bohemians, Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, when I say that. Now, the Mexican is 
inclined to an agricultural life, and he wants an agricultural job if he can get one. 
If he cannot get an agricultural job, strange as it may seem, he wants to work in 
a furnace. This is true always of the Mexican. I was in the smelting and 
mining business in Mexico, and the Mexican first applied to you for a job on the 
furnace. It is a weird complex he seems to have in his make-up." 67 

A Michigan sugar company representative stated at another hearing: 

"These Mexicans wish to drift back to their land. They do not care to stay over 
or stay out in our country, but wish to drift back, and while a few go to Texas we 
:are getting a larger number around the southern end of Lake Michigan." 68 

Representative Woodruff of Michigan testified that he knew of no instances in 
which the Mexican beet workers remained in his section of the State, and reported 
that the Columbia Sugar Co. returned their laborers to the Mexican border. 69 
An official of this company stated that only 20 percent of the Mexican beet- 
laborers brought in by it had stayed in the north. 

<<* * * During the past 4 years we have shipped in a total of 4,000 Mexicans. 
Eighty percent of these Mexicans returned to Texas — we pay the railroad fare 
"both ways — 10 percent remained over the winter in houses provided by the 
•company, and 10 percent went to Chicago and other large cities and returned to 
work for the company's beet growers the following spring." 70 

Contrasting with the claims of the northern sugar-beet interests are data on 
the migration of Mexicans to the industrial centers of the North. A study of 
Mexican labor in the United States by the Bureau of Labor Statistics found that 
about half of the migratory Mexican sugar-beet workers in the States of Ohio, 
Michigan, Iowa, Minnesota, and North Dakota, returned to the border States 
after harvesting. This investigation also revealed that many of these workers 
who remained in the North, and migrated to cities for industrial work, also went 
back to Texas before the spring. 

<<* * * About half of the beet workers leave for the border States about 
November 1. Most of the others go to the cities to get work in foundries and 
ships, but of these a number drift back to Texas before spring. A small number 
remain in the beet country, some obtaining a little work from farmers, and on rail- 
roads and others living on their summer's earnings * * *." 71 

Census data show the dispersion of Mexicans into northern cities and industrial 
•centers. In 1910, the Mexican population of Michigan and Ohio was estimated 
at 251. The number increased to 2,286 in 1920, and by 1930, there were 17,373 
Mexicans in these States. 72 Naturally, it is impossible to allocate the numbers 
■of Mexicans who drifted away from sugar-beet work, since a large number of 
workers migrated to the North for railroad and other work. 

The Mexican migration from sugar-beet fields to industrial centers of the North 
during the twenties is attested to by several writers. 

"When work was plentiful and common laborers scarce, before the industrial 
depression which began in October of 1929, the industries located in the Great 
Lakes area had particularly felt the effects of the quota law. As a result, the 
Mexicans who sought winter refuge in such cities as Chicago, Detroit, Saginaw, 
Flint, and Pontiac found work in foundries and factories; but it was the sort of 
work which other laborers were not eager to accept. Many were employed for as 
much as $4 and $4.50 per day, which seemed a princely sum to the immigrant who 
had had but one season in this country, and who had been accustomed to work 
from daylight to dark, with all his family, in the thinning and weeding of beets. 

67 Ibid., testimony of T. G. Gallagher, Continental Sugar Co., pp. 555-558. 

«s Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico, op. cit., testimony of S. R. McLean, Holland-St. Louis 
Sugar Co., Michigan, p. 180. 
6 ' Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico, op. cit., p. 273. 

70 Ibid., testimony of L. B. Tompkins, p. 176. 

71 Mexicans Replacing European Labor in Sugar-Beet Fields of Northrn States, op. cit. 

7 ? Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930 (U. S. Bureau of the Census) Population, Vol. II, p. 4. 



7878 DETROIT HEARINGS 

As a result, these laborers were unwilling to return to the beet fields when the 
next season came around, and the beet growers were therefore under the necessity 
of continually recruiting new workers." 73 

"Sifting through the fingers of beet companies and the railroad companies 
there is an increasing stream of Mexican labor which is annually lost for the pur- 
pose for which it is recruited and which drifts into the industries. Where there 
are both beets and automobile factories, the Mexican gets into industry. The 
bulk of the Mexicans thus employed are, therefore, in Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, 
western Pennsylvania, and western New York; in a word, in the industrial area 
which borders the Great Lakes region. The general trend, therefore, which has 
been noted in industries is from beets and railroads to factories and foundries." 74 

"With reference to employment, it should be said that a great many of the Mexi- 
icans who live near Hull House are recent arrivals and are out of work except at 
the best season of employment. Many of the Mexican families go to the beet 
fields of Michigan and Minnesota and, instead of returning to their southern 
homes at the close of the season, come to Chicago. They seldom have enough 
for a period of idleness, and work is always scarce in the winter. The first winter 
is a hard one. Those already established lend a neighborly hand and do all they 
can to alleviate the suffering, for the supply of clothing, bedding, and furniture 
is meager. The Mexican Consul tried to prevent this suffering during the winter 
of 1928 by inserting a notice in the chief Mexican papers warning the people not 
to come to Chicago in the winter expecting to find work. Many, however, did 
not see this notice. Most of those who have work are at the Illinois Central freight- 
house, the beading factories on Roosevelt Road, at the Cracker Jack factory, 
other candy factories, and at the hotels of the Loop.. All this work is irregular, 
and during periods of depression many of the Mexicans lose their places." 75 

The National Conference of Social Work in meetings during the twenties dis- 
cussed the problems of the Mexican population of the United States. At the 
1928 meeting, the dispersion and stranding of the Mexicans in northern industrial 
centers was noted: 

"The factor of unstable or seasonal employment explains much. The railroads 
and the beets are the two agencies which more than any others have served to 
draw the Mexican across the line and scatter him throughout the country. It 
is worth noting that the railroads want him, as a rule, from March to October, 
and the beet growers, roughly, for the same period. What he does for the rest 
of the year does not as a rule interest them. He is supposed to go back to Mexico, 
and in many cases he does. But very often he does not. He drifts into the 
cities to pass the winter; jobs are scarce, his money goes, and he appeals to the 
cha ities. Result, one more Mexican case. * * *" 76 

Mexican beet workers are discouraged from remaining in the sugar-beet areas 
after the season's work is done, because they are frequent relief recipients and a 
burden to welfare agencies. However, the drift of beet workers to northern 
cities continues. It is here that they become relief charges: 

"Conditions are such that the sugar-beet workers have little opportunity to 
secure an income in the winter in the locale of their summer toil. Occasionally 
some of them attempt to remain in the North. Lack of training makes it difficult 
to find positions as general farm hands. Relief or a trek to the South are about 
the only alternatives. There has been, however, some movement to railroad 
work. '* * * Sometimes sugar-beet workers move directly to industry. 
The movement is not always one-way for the recruiting of beet workers is an 
annual occurrence in Chicago." 77 

LIVING CONDITIONS OF MICHIGAN SUGAR BEET WORKERS 

Sugar-beet workers generally spend from 6 to 7 months in the beet areas. In 
the early days of the industry, workers recruited frcin nearby cities and towns 
were brought to the fields each morning and returned at night to their homes. 
Their transportation was provided by companies or growers. When long-distance 

« The Northern Mexican, by Robert N. McLean, 1932, pp. 9-10. 

7 < Ibid., p. 7. See also Mexican Colonies in Chicago, by Anita Edgar Jones, Social Service Review, vol. 2, 
No. 4, December 1928, pp. 584-585, an 1 Mexicans North of the Rio Grande, by Paul S. Taylor, Survey 
Graphic, Mav 1. 1931, p. 137. 

75 Mexican Colonies in Chicago, by Anita Edgar Jones, Social Service Review, vol. 2, No. 4, December 
1928, p. 589. See also Mexicans in Chicago, by Ruth S. Camblon, The Family, vol. 7, No. 7, November 

'« National Conference of Social Work, Proceedings, 1928, Mexicans— an interpretation, by Charles A. 
Thomson. 

" Transient Mexican Labor, by Lawrence Leslie Waters, Southwestern Social Science Quarterly, June 
1941, vol.22, No. l,p. 59. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7879 

recruiting began, the sugar companies were faced not only with problems of trans- 
portation, but with those attendant upon the use of a large seasonal migratory- 
labor supply such as the allocation of labor to the acreages available, the extension 
of credit, the payment of wages, etc. A division of responsibility for these 
matters was accomplished between the growers and the companies, with the 
latter taking over the major problems of recruiting, allocating workers to farm- 
ers, housing, extension of credit, transportation to the beet area, and the payment 
of wages. The beet growers were supposed to furnish transportation from the 
station at the beginning of the season, fuel, wood, water, and, in most instances,, 
garden plots. 

An early report on sugar-beet labor refers to the housing of migrant beet workers 
in tents. 78 Laborers in the sugar-beet fields of northern Ohio around 1910 were 
housed in the following fashion: 

<<* * * The men in each gang are housed in a shanty 16 feet long by 7 
feet wide and 7 feet high, with a door at each end and two windows on each side. 
This shanty is built on ordinary wagon wheels so as to be readily moved. One 
end is equipped with a stove and a table for cooking and eating, while the other 
is fitted up with bunks for sleeping. An average of five men live in each of these 
shanties. When a gang has finished the fields of one grower, the farmer hitches 
his team to the wagon and readily moves them to the next farm. The portable 
shanty has been in use only one season, and a sufficient number has not yet 
. been built to house all the laborers. The company previously used a stationary 
shanty, which could be easily taken down and moved, but at best considerable time 
was required to move it. This house is still used to some extent. The shanties 
of every kind are furnished by the sugar company, and with each house there is 
a stove, table, knives, forks, dishes, and cooking utensils, as well as bedding — one 
pair of blankets and a comfort for each man. There is little cold weather during 
the period of employment and the houses furnished are sufficient for their needs." 79 

The housing of the sugar-beet workers in the Michigan area has traditionally 
been arranged by the companies. All references to the conditions under which the 
beet laborers' families lived stress overcrowding, poor sanitation, and the usual 
evils to be associated with rural slums. Workers were housed in old farmhouses, 
shacks, and barns, or in dwellings built by the company. The latter were station- 
ary shacks or houses, portable houses, and caravan or wagon dwellings. The 
portable dwelling appears to have been the first and principal type of housing 
built by the Michigan companies, with stationary dwellings appearing somewhat 
later. In cases where company-built houses were not available, houses, shacks, 
or barns were rented by the company and provided to the families of the beet 
workers. 

In 1919, Miss Wolfson found the living quarters of the workers she visited, 
"unspeakably wretched" with a "shocking degree of insanitation." 80 The 
Children's Bureau found that: "Many of the beet field laborers were obliged to 
sleep with from 3 to 10 persons of both sexes in a small, ill-ventilated room, even 
when the combined kitchen and living room was also pressed into service as a 
bedroom. There were 112 laborers' families, two-fifths of the total number, with 

2 persons or more per room and 39 families with 3 or more persons per room. 
Thirty-six families with from 3 to 9 members lived in houses containing only 2 
rooms, and 10 families, consisting of from 3 to 10 persons, occupied 1-roorn 
dwellings." 81 

Sanitary facilities were generally lacking. The great majority of the families 
surveyed by the Children's Bureau in 1920 had outside privies, 3 had water closets, 
and 2 families had no toilet accommodations at all. Although most families had 
private privies, in 30 cases 2 families shared a common privy, and in 8 instances, 

3 families used the same privy. Screens were almost never provided for windows 
of the dwellings, and in only a few instances were there screen doors. 82 

The water supplies were unsanitary, inadequate, and, in many cases, great 
distances from the dwellings of the workers. Seventy-five families were forced 
to carry their water from distances of 50 yards or more. One-fifth of the families 
had only a dug well, and these were frequently polluted. "Open wells were in 
some cases protected by a few loose boards, and tin cans, pieces of wood, and 

78 Progress of the Beet Sugar Industry in the United States, op. cit., p. 19. 

7 » Reports of the United States Immigrant Commission, Immigrants in Industries, pt. 24, Recent Immi- 
grants in Agriculture, vol. 2, Seasonal Agricultural Laborers, pp. 569-575, Government Printing Office. 
Printed as S. Doc. No. 633, 61st Cong., 2d sess. 

80 Wolfson, op. cit., pp. 218, 222. 

81 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., p. 118. 

82 Ibid. 



7880 DETROIT HEARINGS 

•other rubbish had, in some instances, fallen into the water. Some families re- 
ported that the water was muddy or sandy; others that it had a bad odor or 
made them ill. * * * Eight families obtained their water from springs or 
brooks, and in one case from a ditch, all of which sources were likely to be dirty 
and polluted." 83 

Regarding the company portable houses, the Bureau wrote: 

"* * * The portable houses were 1-, 2-, or 3-room structures, usually 
•sheathed and shingled, set up on wooden props, and having 2 or 3 small windows 
and 1 door. They were purposely kept as small as possible, 16 by 24 feet, 
so they could be moved easily. When not overcrowded and when clean and 
weatherproof, they were suitable enough camping places for the summer, but 
all too frequently too many people were crowded in, and the houses were allowed 
to fall into disrepair. In 1 house, for example, which rested on 4 stones and 
looked as if it might fall to pieces, the floor had warpedand settled and was full 
of cracks, which were stuffed with rags to keep out the cold. Several described 
their houses as 'nothing but cardboard and paper' or 'cardboard papered.' The 
buildings were neither suitable nor intended for all-the-year dwelling places, 
though some families remained in them through the winter for lack of a better 
place. Occasionally a 'shack' of tar paper or tin, or a caravan wagon to be moved 
about as the work required, was the only shelter provided. These wagons fur- 
nished such cramped quartets that, as one child told the agent, the family 'has 
to take turns going in, as there isn't room for all of us at once.' One wagon 
housed 2 families of Mexicans, 10 persons in all. A double-decked bed (about 
the size of an ordinary double bed) , built of rough boards covered with a nailed- 
down mattress, had been provided, each family using 1 berth." 84 

The farmhouses and other dwellings not built by the company displayed all 
the undesirable qualities of substandard housing that were found in the company 
shacks. 

"The companies also lodged the beet-field laborers' families to a considerable 
extent in unused farmhouses. For one reason or another a good many old farm- 
houses stood vacant, and where they were in decent repair the} 7 made the most 
desirable dwellings; often, however, they were even more dilapidated than the 
portable houses. Families frequently reported that they were unable to use the 
upper floor of such houses because the roof leaked badly. As one family expressed 
it, 'in good weather we have three rooms, in bad two.' In one house some of the 
windows were out and boards had been nailed over the frames. In another house 
in which the window glass was out the family had repaired the windows with 
glass taken out of their picture frames. * * *" 85 

Of the 289 laborers' families canvassed by the Children's Bureau agents, only 
4 were living in houses furnished by farmers, and only 9 others rented or owned the 
houses which they occupied, making a total of 276 families occupying dwellings 
provided by the company. These 276 houses reflected the view which both 
Wolfson and the Children's Bureau found was prevalent among both companies 
and farmers; namely, "anything is good enough for the beet workers." "One- 
fourth of the 276 company houses, including portable houses and farmhouses, were 
badly out of repair and did not furnish decent living quarters. Only two-fifths of 
them were in fair condition, while but little more than one-fourth were in good 
shape, that is, were tight against wind and weather, had doors and windows that 
were whole, and wood or plaster that was sound." 86 

It was found that many families complained about "the failure of the company 
to provide such accommodations as had been promised by the company agent. 
* * * 'Beet work isn't like it stood in the newspaper,' was a typical remark. 
'Newspaper said company give wood and coal and big wages and nice house. But 
it don't.' In a few cases' the families charged that no house had been given them. 
One family had been housed in a shed until they had threatened to leave. The 
father of another family stated that while waiting for a house his family of 5 had 
been forced to live for 2 weeks in 2 rooms containing 19 other people; during this 
time his baby had caught cold and had died." 87 

Most of the houses were not provided with household furnishings; about three- 
fifths of the families brought all their own furnishings to the beet shacks. One- 
fifth brought everything except a stove. Twenty-five families were provided with 
household furniture and equipment by the companies. In the cases where the 
furniture, etc., was brought in by the family, the company paid the freight charge 

«3 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., pp. 118-119. 

84 Ibid., pp. 115-116. 

85 Ibid., p. 116. 

8 « Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, p. 116. 
"Ibid., p. 771. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7881 

to the beet area, but not the return charge. The furnishings supplied "were- 
usually insufficient and of the roughest sort — a stove, shelf or rough table board, 
one or two chairs or boxes, and a bed, often boards with only a rough mattress 
and a few blankets, comprising the outfit. * * * A Mexican family whose 
house was exceptionally clean and tidy had been provided with only two beds, 
one without any mattress, a rough board table, three tree stumps for chairs and a 
few dishes. In many cases not enough bedding was supplied to keep the family 
warm." 88 

In a study conducted 15 years later, in 1935, the Children's Bureau found little 
improvement in the housing and living conditions of beet workers' families. 
Although this survey was conducted in several States, and the Michigan results 
were not separately tabulated or discussed, it may be assumed that the conditions 
applied to Michigan as well as to the other States. The type of dwellings occu- 
pied show little change from 1920. It is interesting to observe that the sugar 
companies placed the responsibility for the bad housing on the shoulders of the 
farmers. 89 

The housing provided sugar-beet workers in Michigan has been improved, in- 
some instances, in recent years. These improvements have been too limited, 
however, to materially affect the housing situation. In 1937 and 1938 the 
Michigan Department of Labor and Industry, acting upon complaints, surveyed 
the conditions of sugar-beet workers in the State. An investigator reported — 

"In one instance we found 27 people living in 1 house. In another, 3 families 
are living in a scale shanty owned by the company. A family of 10 is living in a 
trailer which measures 8 by 12 feet." 90 
In Blissfield, the conditions were particularly bad: 

"These people are living in a colony of dilapidated shacks on the property of 
the sugar company at this place and inside the corporation limits of the village. 
The majority of them consist of only 2 small rooms and are in a filthy condition, 
full of vermin and without any sanitation whatsoever. Each of these houses is 
occupied by 1 to 3 families. In one instance there were 14 people and only 1 bed. 

"There is an inadequate number of outdoor toilets. All there is for the entire 
colony probably have never been cleaned or limed. 

"Ait least one dead Mexican baby is buried in a shallow grave there * * *." 91 
A report on health conditions in Saginaw County contained the following excerpt 
on the housing of the workers in that county: 

"The families, averaging 15-18 persons, live in deplorable 1- or 2-room shacks 
with no sewerage facilities and only surface wells available." 92 

The housing conditions of Michigan beet workers, common to most migratory 
workers, are rendered more serious because the families must spend 6 to 7 months 
each year in the beet areas. Their shacks are for the most part unprotected 
against the cold weather which comes to Michigan during October and Novem- 
ber — the harvesting season — intensifying the hardships which these workers 
suffer. 

WAGES AND EARNINGS BEET WORK 

Although references are found to payment of wages on an hourly or daily basis 
in the early years of the Michigan sugar-beet industry, the pattern of payment on 
an acreage basis- was set by 1910. The method of wage payment traditionally 
has been determined by contract, which is consummated at the beginning of the 
season, between the sugar company and worker or between the grower and worker. 
This specifies the number of acres, the method of payment, and other conditions 
of employment. Formerly workers were paid three times each year. Thus, 
when the blocking and thinning operations were completed, the worker was paid 
at the rate specified; there was another payment after the hoeings, and a final 
payment upon completion of the harvest. At present, Michigan beet laborers 
are paid only twice each season — after cultivating and harvesting. 

The contract system grew out of the desire of the companies and growers to 
insure the maintenance of their labor supply. Contracts, either written or verbal, 
called for the performance of all the hand operations on the sugar-beet crop. A 
contracting worker would agree to block, thin, hoe, pull, and top a stated acreage 

88 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, p. 117. 

8S Elizabeth S.Johnson, Welfare of Families of Sugar-Beet Laborers, U.S. Children's Bureau, Publication 
No. 247, 1939, pp. 76-79. 

B0 Letter to Chairman George A. Krogstad, department of labor and industry, from Forrest G. Brown, 
inspector, dated August 18. 1937. 

81 Memorandum from Forrest G. Brown, inspector, Department of Labor and Industry, Lansing, Mich. r 
May 13-14, 1938. 

82 Letter from V. K. Volk, health commissioner, Saginaw County Department of JHealth, to Dr. C. D. 
Barrett, State Health Department, dated October 13, 1937. 



7882 DETROIT HEARINGS 

of beets. Because of the lapse of time — from 6 weeks to 2 months — between the 
summer season which ends with hoeing, and the autumn season, in which the 
pulling and topping are performed, it ordinarily would be necessary for the growers 
and companies to secure a new labor force for the harvesting work. There 
was not much expense or trouble involved in recruiting a local labor supply. 
When, however, the sugar-beet industry became dependent upon migratory labor, 
the employers wished to protect themselves against the possibility of workers 
leaving at "the end of the summer operations and not returning for the topping 
season. The labor contract was one form of protection against this contingency 
though instances are found in which families failed to return to the beet fields in 
the autumn. 93 The contract usually contained a hold-back clause providing for 
the retention by the company of $1 to $2 per acre from the blocking and thinning 
or hoeing wage. In the past this was paid upon the completion of the harvesting 
only if the worker kept his contract. As a result of recent legislation, farmers 
are forced to pay full wages for work done. 94 

The family system of contract labor also resulted from the desire of the com- 
panies to maintain a stable cheap labor force. Workers in family groups are less 
mobile and more dependent than unattached or solo workers; they are more 
attached to the job and less likely to leave employment at hand. Moreover, 
family groups tend to consider earnings in toto, rather than earnings per worker. 
This has a depressing effect on wage rates which is to the advantage of the 
•employer. 

During the first several years that sugar beets were raised for manufacture in 
Michigan, wages were paid to the beet laborers on a daily basis. During the 
1898 campaign of the Michigan Sugar Co., workers were paid from 50 to 65 cents 
a day for thinning, and from 75 cents to a dollar a day for operations later in the 
season. During the season of 1899, wages around Bay City were $1 a day and 
dinner. At Benton Harbor, in this same year, wages were paid at the rate of 
$1.25 per day and board, and elsewhere in Michigan, daily wages were set at 
about $1 a day and upward. 95 

In northern Ohio beet fields, some years later, wages were paid on a piece-work 
basis. They were set at $18 an acre, and paid as follows: $6 for thinning and 
blocking for which $4 was paid at the completion of these operations; $4 for hoeing, 
with a total payment at the end of this process of $5, including $1 due from the 
blocking and thinning wage; $8 per acre for pulling and topping, at the end of 
which a total of $9 an acre was paid, for that work and for the $1 due for hoeing. 96 
During the 1913 beet season, the average cost per acre of hand labor was $18.65 
in Michigan. 97 

In 1919 Miss Wolfson found that the contract wages of sugar-beet laborers 
were $22 an acre for beets planted in rows 28 inches apart, and $24 an acre for 
beets planted 18 to 22 inches apart. 98 The Children's Bureau reported wages 
during 1920 of $28 an acre when the rows of beets were. 22 to 24 inches apart, 
and $26 an acre for rows 26 to 28 inches apart. During that season, in addition 
to the wages of $26 or $28 per acre paid by the grower, the workers received an 
additional bonus of $7 an acre from the company if they had performed the 
work according to agreement. 99 The National Child Labor Committee reported 
a wage payment of $18 per acre in 1922. > 

Wage rates of Michigan contract workers cultivating and harvesting the beet 
crop of the Michigan Sugar Co. are available for the years 1909 to the present 
and presented in table 4. They indicate that for a long time payment was 
based on the manner in which the beets were grown, and varied according to the 
distance between the rows of beets. This has not been the custom for the last 
decade. The work involved in cultivating beets becomes greater as the distance 
between the rows of beets decreases, and payment on such a basis is essentially 
more equitable. In table 3 are found average wage rates per acre for the years 
1927 through 1940, as compiled by the Sugar Division of the United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture. 

es Wolfson, op. cit., p. 233. 

M See below, section on Federal legislation. 

88 Reports of the Industrial Commission, vol. 10, op. cit., p. 574. 

K Reports of the Immigrant Commission, pt. 24, Recent Immigrants in Agriculture, op. cit. 

87 Report for the Committee on Labor Conditions in the Growing of Sugar Beets, by W. Lewis Abbott, 
March 1934, table 1, p. 33. 

»8 Wolfson, op. cit., pp. 219-220. . 

•» Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., p. 112. 

i Child Labor in the Sugar Beet Fields of Michigan, op. cit., pp. 45-46. "The plots had not yet been 
measured, but the grower estimated that Sam worked 30 acres (he had signed up for 45), so his first payment 
would not exceed $210, with a second payment of $60 'when all hoeing is completed,' and the last of $270 
when harvest is completed.' " 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7883 

Table 3.— Average sugar-beet wage per acre by States, 1927-40 





1927 


1928 


1929 


1930 


1931 


1932 


1933 


1934 


1935 


1936 


1937 


1938 


1939 

and 
1940 


United States.. 


23.74 


23.23 


23.26 


23.18 


18.76 


15. 78 


14.21 


16. 33 


18.23 


18.87 


20.05 


' 22. 21 


21.34 


•Ohio 








22.48 
23.00 


19.48 
17.16 


15.83 
13.51 


13. 83 

13. 15 
13.93 
16. 12 
14. 09 

14. 76 
14.00 
13.24 
14.64 
12.57 
14. 20 
16. 05 
14.10 
17.44 
15.29 


16.90 
15.14 
16. 93 
17.63 
15.14 
15.71 
14.00 
16.75 
15. 32 
15.18 

18. 52 

19. 31 
16.36 
16.72 
17.28 


16.13 
15. 59 
16. 93 
17. 86 
15.14 
16.71 
14.00 
18.19 
19.14 

19. 24 

20. 43 
21.00 
20.38 
17.06 
18.04 
20.43 


IS. 07 
16.60 
17.07 
18.00 
17.52 
19.14 
13.38 
18.19 
19. 15 
19.05 
20.42 
21.04 
20. 96 
19.42 
19.12 
20.43 


18.46 
17.55 
18. 00 
19.29 
17.88 
19.64 
14.38 
19.66 
20.11 
20.19 
21.73 
22.81 
22.45 
20.17 
20.93 
21.55 


10.28 
19.32 
18.86 
19.07 
19.29 
21.08 
16.63 
20. 60 
22. 61 
22.65 
23.20 
24.36 
23.64 
24.92 
23.73 
22.24 


18.84 


Miehiean 


23.00 


23.66 


23.00 


18.90 




IS. 43 


"Wisconsin ... 


23.00 
23.61 
23. 24 


23.00 
23.61 
23.24 


23.00 
23.61 
23.24 


23.00 
23.61 
23.24 


19.20 
21.61 
21.16 
15.50 
17.71 
19.21 
18.63 
19.43 
20.15 
15.21 
17. 44 
20.27 


16.43 
16.13 
17.14 
16.50 
13.79 
14.79 
14.62 
17. 63 
16. 40 
15.88 
16. 69 
18.49 


18.75 


Minnesota 


18. 73 


Iowa 


20.32 




16.62 


South Dakota 

Nebraska 

Colorado 

Wyoming. 


24.00 
23.65 
23.79 
24.99 
26.26 
25.96 
21.91 
22.86 


24.00 
22.80 
22.74 
23.99 
24.95 
25.96 
21.16 
22.87 


24.00 
22.88 
22. 85 
23.99 
25.26 
25. 96 
21.16 
22.79 


24. 00 
23.00 
22.90 
23.99 
23.90 
26.13 
20.26 
23.80 


19. 65 
21.43 
21.46 
22.05 


Montana 

Idaho 


23.38 
22.38 


Utah . . ... 


23.18 


•California 


23.47 
22.24 





















Source: Sugar Division, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 

Table 4. — Labor contract rates 

[State: Michigan— Company: Michigan Sugar Co.— District: Alma, Bay City, Caro, Crosswell, 

Carrollton, Owosso, Lansing] 



Year 


Remarks 


Block 
and 
thin 


First 
hoeing 


Secondj 
hoeing 


Total, 
sum- 
mer 


Topping 


Source 


1940 1939, 1938 




$11.00 
8.00 

6.50 

6.00 

6.00 

5.00 

5.00 

i 18. 00 

i 23. 00 

i 23. 00 

i 23. 00 

i 23. 00 

7.00 

7.00 

7.00 

7.00 

7.00 

9.00 

9.00 

9.00 

8.00 

8.00 

7.00 






$11.00 
10.00 

8.50 
7.50 
7.50 
6.00 
6.00 


$7 for 7 tons or 
less; plus $1 
per ton over 
7 tons. 

$6 for 7 tons or 
less; plus $1 
$1 per ton 
over 7 tons 
to 12 tons; 
$0.50 per ton 
over 12 tons. 

$6.50 for 8 tons 
or less; plus 
$1 per ton 
over 8 tons. 

$7.50 for 8 tons 
or less; plus 
$1 per ton 
over 8 tons. 

$7.50 for 8 tons 
or less; plus 
$0.50 per ton 
over 8 tons. 

$6 for 8 tons or 

less; plus 

$0.50 per ton 

over 8 tons. 

do 


Determination 


■1937 




2 $2. 00 

2 2.00 
2 1.50 
2 1.50 

2 1.00 
2 1.00 




data from com- 
pany, Mar. 18, 
1938. 
Do. 


1936 




Do. 


1935 




Do. 


1934 




Do. 


1933 




Do. 


1932 




Do. 


1931 




Do. 


1930 












Do. 


1929 












Do. 


1928 












Do. 


1927 












Do. 


1926 




3.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
2.00 
3.00 
4.00 
3.00 
3.00 
3.00 
3.00 


$1.00 

1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 
1.00 


11.00 
11.00 
11.00 
11.00 
10.00 
13.00 
14.00 
13.00 
12.00 
12. 00 
11.00 


$12 per acre_. 

do 

do 

do 

$8 per acre 

$10 per aero. .. 
$14 per acre.-. 

$13 per acre 

$12 per acre._ 

$10 per acre 

$9 per acre 


Do. 


1925 




Do. 


1921 




Do. 


19?3 




Do. 


1922. 




Do. 


1921... 




Do. 


1920 

.1919 


22- to 24-inch rows. 
26- to 2?-inch rows. 
18- to 22-inch rows. 
24- to 26-inch rows. 
28-inch rows 


Do. 
Do. 

Do. 




Do. 
Do. 



1 Total wage, break-down not eiven. 

2 Price shown as hoeing by company, shown as hold-back on contract. 



7884 



DETROIT HEARINGS 
Table 4. — Labor contract rates — Continued 



Year 


Remarks 


Block 
and 
thin 

$8. 00 

8.00 

7.00 

i 22. 00 

" 20.00 

i 18. 00 

( 3 ) 

O 

5.00 

.5.00 

5.00 

i 16. 00 

i 15. 00 

i 18 00 

W 

m 
w 

5.00 
6.00 
6.00 


First 
hoeing 


Second 
hoeing 

$2.00 

1.00 
1.00 


Total, 
sum- 
mer 

$14. 00 

12. 00 
11.00 


Topping 


Source 


1918 


18- to 22-inch rows. 

24- to 20-inch rows. 
28-inch rows_ .. . 
IS- to 22-inch rows. 
24- to 26-inch rows. 
28-inch rows 


$4.00 

3.00 
3.00 


$10 per acre... 

do 

$9 per acre 


Determination 


1917 


data from com- 
pany, Mar. 18, 
1938. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 












Do. 












Do. 


1916 










Do. 


1915 












Do. 


1914 


28-inch rows. 

23- to 27-inch rows. 
18- to 22-inch rows. 
23- to 27-inch rows . 

28-inch rows 

18- to 22-inch rows. 


2.00 
2.00 
3.00 


1.66 
1.00 
2.00 


8.00 

8.00 

10.00 


$7 per acre 

$8 per acre 

do 


Do. 


1913 


Do. 
Do. 
Table from com- 










pany. 
Do. 












Do. 


1912 










Do. 


1911 












Do. 


1910 












Do. 


1900 


28-ineh rows 

24-inch rows. . . . 
18- to 21-inch rows. 





3.00 
3.00 
4.00 


8.00 

9.00 

10.00 


$8 per acre 

$9 per acre 

$10 per acre . . 


Do. 
Do. 
Do. 



i Total wage, break-down not given, 
s Same as 1914. 
* Same as 1909. 

Source: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Sugar Division. 

Since 1938, wages of Michigan sugar-beet workeis have been set by the Secre- 
tary of Agriculture in accordance with the provisions of the Sugar Act of 1937. 
Rates are determined each yeai after healings and are set on the basis of several 
geographic areas which may include one or more sugar-beet-producing States. 
These wages are not mandatory, but they must be paid by growers who wish tO' 
qualify for benefit payments under the Sugar Act. The wages are set at a mini- 
mum, but tend to become a maximum. Worker representation at the wage 
hearings for the Michigan sugar-beet area is generally lacking. Sugar-beet 
laborers in Michigan are unorganized, and unable to bring concerted pressure to 
bear upon the rates foi beet work. In only one instance has the going rate been 
fixed as the result of collective bargaining, southern Michigan in 1935. The 
prevailing wage in that locality was $3 and $4 higher than in central Michigan, 2 
where a collective agreement was lacking. 

The wage rates set by the Secretary of Agiiculture 1938-41 have been generally 
higher than previous wages in the Michigan sugar-beet area. These rates are 
given below: 
1938 — Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin: 

Blocking, thinning, and hoeing, per acre $11. 00 

Pulling and topping, for 7 tons or less (plus $1 for each ton per acre 

in excess of 7 tons), per acre 7. 00 

1939— Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin: 



Blocking, thinning, and hoeing per acre. 

Topping: 

Below 4 tons per acre per ton. 

4 tons per acre. 

5 tons do... 

•6 tons do --- 

7 tons do... 

8 tons do... 

9 tons. ..do.. 



10 
11 



tons per ton. 

tons. ..do.. 



12 tons do. 

13 tons do. 

14 tons do. 

15 tons do. 

16 tons or above do. 



11.00 

1.50 

1.30 

1. 15 

1.06 

1.00 

.96 

. 93 

.91 

.89 

. 87 

. 85 

.83 

.81 

80 



2 Johnson, op. cit., p. 61. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7885 

(The rate for all fractional tonnages between 4 and 16 tons rounded to the 
nearest tenth of a ton shall be in pioportion within each interval.) 
1940. Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin: 

Blocking, thinning, and hoeing: per acre__ $11. 00 

Topping: 

3 tons per acre or below per ton.- 1. 50 

4 tons per acre or below do 1. 30 

5 tons per acre or below do 1. 15 

6 tons per acre or below do 1. 06 

7 tons per acre or below do 1. 00 

8 tons per acre or below do . 96 

9 tons per acre or below do . 93 

10 tons per acre or below do . 91 

1 1 tons per acre or below do . 89 

12 tons per acre or below do .87 

13 tons per acre or below do . 85 

14 tons per acre or below do . 83 

15 tons per acre or below do . 81 

16 tons or above do .80 

(The rates for all fractional tonnage between 3 and 16 tons rounded to the near- 
est tenth of a ton shall be in proportion within each interval.) 
1941 — Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin: 

Blocking, thinning, and hoeing, $11 per acre, or 40 cents an hour for block- 
ing and thinning, and 35 cents an hour for hoeing. 

Topping: On a time basis, 45 cents an hour; on a piece-work basis, the same 
rates as prevailed in 1940. 

The Sugar Act has undoubtedly helped raise the wages of beet laborers above 
the low level of the 1930's. However, the fact that the wages set for the 1941 
crop are not higher than the 1940 wages would appear to place sugar-beet workers 
at a disadvantage during the present year. One bad feature of the wage determi- 
nations for Michigan since 1939 has been the lack of a guaranteed minimum for 
topping. 

The wages of sugar-beet workers are, on the whole, much lower than necessary 
for the maintenance of a decent standard of living. The National Child Labor 
Committee has recommended that sugar-beet wages be set at from $23 to $28 per 
acre. 3 The Committee on Labor Conditions in the Growing of Sugar Beets 
pointed out that the minimum wage for sugar-beet work would have to be from 
$21.50 to $24.50 an acre 4 in order "to insure a minimum subsistence wage." 
This was based on an average acreage of 7 acres per worker during the beet season. 

The net earnings of Michigan sugar-beet workers have been marked by a 
downward trend. The foremost factor is the decrease in the wage rate per acre, 
which now stands at the pre World War level. Another important factor has 
been the general reduction in the number of acres tended per worker. This has 
come about because of changes in the method of planting the beets; whereas 
farmers formerly staggered their plantings so that workers could go from one 
field to the next, this is no longer the case. It is also contended that the sugar 
companies and growers of Michigan recruit many more workers than are neces- 
sary to care for the crop, and that reduced acreages are the result. The fact that 
workers now pay their own transportation costs and the costs of moving their 
furnishings to and from the beet areas also results in a reduction in their net earn- 
ings from this work. It had been customary for beet workers' families to be pro- 
vided with garden plots where they could grow vegetables, and enough land to 
keep a few chickens or a cow. Fewer families are able to supplement their earn- 
ings in this way at the present. The employment agency fee, and the health 
examination fee paid by workers recruited from Texas for the Michigan fields 
are other expenses which workers did not bear in previous years. 

The low level of sugar-beet wages has been supported by the contention of 
some growers that wages should be considered only in terms of the period of time 
spent in beet work, i. e., the actual number of days of work which the laborer 
performs in tending and harvesting the beets. 

3 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Adjustment Administration, hearing on clauses relating 
to hours of labor, rates of pay, and other conditions of employment in the beet-sugar industry of the United 
States, to be made part of a basic code of fair competition in the beet-sugar-refining industry, August 30, 1933, 
testimony of Courtenay Dinwiddie. 

* Abbott, op. cit., p. 9. 



7886 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Mr. P. V. Goldsmith, representing the Farmers and Manufacturers' Beet 
Sugar Association, composed of growers and sugar companies in the States of 
Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana, testified at the 1937 wage hearing before the Secre- 
tary of Agriculture: 

"The sugar beet grower cannot afford to pay the beet labor, for the short time 
required for labor in the beet fields, an amount sufficient for the beet labor to- 
live on the entire year. It is not to be expected that in a 3 months' effort and 
labor a fair annual salary or wage can be obtained. There is ample opportunity 
for the beet labor to work during periods when they are not required in the beet 
fields. Contract labor may be had in the cultivation and harvesting of such 
crops as tomatoes, pickles, onions, berries, peppermint, and many others. Day 
labor may be obtained in general farm work throughout the season such as 
threshing, making hay, cutting and husking corn, and numerous other odd jobs 
that farmers have for him. The opportunity for other work is increasing every 
year." 5 

The Relief Administration of the State of Michigan, on the other hand, found 
in 1934 that beet workers were not being paid subsistence wages and held that 
relief payments constituted a subsidy to the industry. Dr. William Haber, State- 
relief administrator, at a hearing on proposed labor provisions to be included in 
beet-sugar benefit contracts, testified as follows: 

"* * * As State relief administrator, we come in very intimate contact 
with various aspects of it (the sugar-beet industry), labor conditions and wages in 
the sugar-beet industry during the past 2 years, and I simply wish to present here 
briefly the problem which we have had and the attitude of the State emergency 
relief commission * * * as it has come down to us during the past year or 
two. 

"The State relief administration, in conformity with the requirements of the 
Federal Relief Administration, and trying to follow the policy that relief funds 
shall not be used to subsidize industry which cannot pay a living wage to its 
employees- — with that in view we have been compelled to deny relief to people who 
had or might appear to have full-time jobs on the theory that those jobs ought to. 
pay those people enough to support themselves and their families. 

"The problem in question arose, then very early last spring, with the beet 
growers, in various parts of the State. They came to us and asked us to deny re- 
lief, welfare relief, to any worker who refused a job in the beet fields on the theory 
that to give such a person welfare relief in Michigan, who refused such a job 
would cause a genuine shortage of labor in the beet fields, and that it would result 
in the importation of Mexican and other groups in Michigan fields, something 
which if at all possible we should wish to avoid. 

"The State relief commission, after investigating the matter, and consulting 
with the administrators in other counties, where sugar beets are grown to a large 
extent, came to the conclusion that we would not deny relief to workers unless 
they turned down a genuine job, at genuine wages, paid in American money, at a 
reasonably short period of time after the work was done. That created, as some 
of the growers know, a considerable problem in Gratiot County, particularly due 
to the possible labor shortage. 

"The conclusion which our commission came to, after an investigation of this, 
matter, was that a very great proportion of the workers in the beet fields, even 
though they had jobs and employment, still remained recipients of welfare. And 
upon investigation * * * this year, they were found to have an income not 
sufficient to meet the elementary needs in terms even of subsistence of their 
families, and so in 8 or 10 of the Michigan counties, where sugar-beet acreage is 
quite large, we have also a very large relief roll of persons working in the sugar- 
beet fields at the time when they are so employed. And the only explanation 
we can make of it is that in substance the income of those people would not be 
sufficient, during the period of employment, to take care of their needs, and, in 
another sense, that that income which they get is paid to them at a period con- 
siderably after the work is actually done. 

"Now, the first suspicion which we had, was, of course, that people were receiv- 
ing relief when they were wage earners, and should not receive relief, and that the 
difficulty may be due not so much to the sugar-beet contract as it may be due to the 
ease of getting relief in those counties. So we checked our administrative depart- 
ments in those counties to make pretty sure, and we investigated, and I wish to 
make the statement that a large number of sugar-beet workers are on relief in the 
State even when they are employed, and to amplify that they are getting relief 
only if after the most thorough investigation which we know it appears necessary. 

« ITearing with resppct tc waee rates for persons employed in the production, cultivation or harvesting; 
of the 1937 suear-beet crop, Toledo, Ohio, October 29, 1937, before the Secretary of Agriculture. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7887 

If there are some of them getting relief and they shouldn't get it, it is simply 
because they are much more successful liars than we are investigators. 

******* 

"When the State relief commission had this problem presented to them, natur- 
ally, as a basis for coming to a conclusion, some members of our staff interviewed 
about 25 families in Ingham and Eaton Counties, counties which are close to Lan- 
sing. They were families which had refused jobs in the sugar-beet fields, and 
whom we had tentatively cut off relief until they proved their claim for assistance. 

"I regret to say that I have not with me an actual transcript of those interviews- 
and that data, but as my memory serves me the information which we had was 
that the income of those people in the sugar-beet fields was not very much more, 
if more, than they would be getting on welfare, if they turned down the sugar-beet 
jobs, and the average compensation that a family of five on welfare in Eaton 
County gets is $18.67 a month, and in Ingham County, outside the city of Lansing, 
about $22 a month. Those two factors, Mr. Chairman, I wish to present simply 
from the point of view of the State relief administration. 

«* * * And during the sugar-beet season last spring and early summer, 
the complaints from the sugar-beet counties were definitely discernible, and while 
not entirely analyzed the sugar-beet workers feel that there are some serious 
complaints' about being denied relief when they had a job, and presented in their 
own testimony not only evidence as to working conditions which we accepted at its 
face value, but the job' required hard physical labor, but evidence in regard to the 
kind of income which they had and therefore needed to be supplemented. Our 
interest in this problem is obviously the interest of not using relief funds in what is 
supposed to be a going industry. It hasn't been followed consistently because 
the human requirements of actually feeding people, even though they have a job,, 
is greater than the rigid principle of supplementing an industry which is supposed 
to pay a living wage." 6 

The Committee on Labor Conditions in the Growing of Sugar Beets 7 believed 
that the beet-sugar industry should bear the. brunt of the full support of its 
working force. The committee, in its report prepared by W. Lewis Abbott, 
reasoned as follows : 

"In attempting to determine what would constitute adequate wages for contract 
workers, in contrast to those which they are now receiving, it has been assumed 
that their wage should render them at least self-supporting. This immediately 
raises the question as to whether they should be expected to secure their entire 
living from 6 or 7 months' employment in the beet fields, or whether they should be 
expected to secure other employment during the remainder of the year. It has 
been pointed out that in the period of the several studies, 44 percent of the families 
had additional earnings during the summer, 50 percent had winter earnings, and 
that this other income amounted to $300 to $500 for the midgroup of families. 
Replies to the questionnaire sent to the county administrators of the Federal 
Emergency Relief Administration indicate that about one-third of the families 
are now able to secure other work, and that this income averages $60 per year. 
Under these conditions, it would not seem unjust to require that the full burden 
of supporting its workers must fall upon the beet-sugar industry." 8 

The Children's Bureau study of conditions among sugar-beet workers in 1935 
found that the "income from the arduous physical toil of the whole family in this 
seasonal industry is seldom sufficient to provide a decent standard of living, and for 
many it is not enough to provide even the bare necessities of life. As a result 
they must either accept public relief or face absolute destitution during a part of 
the year." 9 Forty-two percent of the beet workers' families in central Michigan 
and 38 percent in southern Michigan had received relief during the year ending 
October 31, 1935. 10 These figures do not reveal the full extent to which Michigan 
beet laborers had been relief recipients, since the survey did not include those 
families leaving the State upon the completion of the harvest work, i. e., the 
out-of-State migrants. 11 

A comparison of the earnings of beet workers' families in 1920 and in 1935 
throws considerable light on the question of the ability of the industry to support 

6 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Adjustment Administration, hearing with reference to 
proposed labor procisions to be included in beet-sugar benefit contracts under the Agricultural Adjustment 
Administration, East Lansing, Mich., September 21, 1934. Testimony of Dr. William Haber, State relief 
administrator, pp. 68-72. 

7 See below for composition and character of Committee. 

8 Abbott, op. cit.; p. 6. 

• Johnscn, op. cit. p. 82. 
i« Ibid, p. 71. 
ii Ibid., p. 8. 



7888 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



its labor force. The earnings of Michigan sugar-beet workers' families surveyed 
by the Children's Bureau in 1920 were distributed as follows: 

"Between two-fifths and one-half of the 250 'aborers' families that reported the 
amount their work would bring them expected to earn less than $800 for their 6 
or 7 months in the beet fields, providing they performed all the processes on the 
same acreage on which they had worked up to the time of the interview. Most 
of them would earn from $500 to $800, including 66 families with but 2 workers — 
usually 2 adults, but in some cases 1 adult and 1 child. In the group expecting 
to earn $800 to $900 were 52 families approximately one-half of them having 4 
or more workers. Thirty-two larger families expected to earn from $1,000 to 
$1,199. Forty-seven families, averaging a little over 5 workers a family, expected 
to earn between $1,200 and $2,000, and the earnings of 7 families with an average 
of between 6 and 7 workers per family would amount to between $2,000 and 
$2,600." 12 

Fourteen of the 22 families who expected to earn less than $400 for the season's 
work had 2 working members. It was also found that the cash income of the 
beet-field laborers survej r ed in 1920 was frequently supplemented by garden pro- 
duce, and by the maintenance of a cow or chickens; 88 percent of the laborers 
reported a garden, 60 percent kept some chickens, and 41 percent had 1 or more 
cows. 13 

The median family earnings from beet work of Michigan workers were $854 in 
1920. In 1935 they were $400 in central Michigan and $600 in southern Michigan, 
representing declines of 53 percent and 30 percent, respectively. No adequate 
data are available on the extent to which family incomes of Michigan beet workers 
were supplemented by gardens, poultry, or livestock in 1935. It was found that 
63 percent of all contract families in the survey had planted gardens, 14 but that 
"beet workers do not supplement their wages to any large extent through raising 
their own vegetables or keeping livestock." 15 In central Michigan, median 
earnings of beet-working families from beet work were approximately the same 
in 1934 and 1935. In southern Michigan, where the wage rates and average 
acreage tended by each family had increased as a result of a collective agreement, 
yearly earnings "were significantly higher in 1935 than in 1934." 16 Beet earnings 
increased noticeably after the passage of the Sugar Act. Thus, 70 familes who 
had worked at all beet operations in Michigan during the 1939 season, showed 
average earnings of $760. 17 

Table 5. — Amount payable for work in beet fields, by number of persons working; 
families working in beet fields 1 Michigan group, 1920 









Families working in beet fields 










Total Number of persons working 


2 




Amount payable per work in 
beet fields 


Num- 
ber 




2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 






Percent 
distri- 
bution 


1 


Num- 
ber 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


8 to 10 


Total 


3 250 


100.0 


1 


91 


100.0 


44 


49 


31 


17 


9 


8 






Less than $400 


22 

40 

50 

52 

32 

20 

14 

5 

8 

7 


8.8 

16.0 

20.0 

20.8 

12.8 

8.0 

5.6 

2.0 

3.2 

2.8 


1 


14 
23 
29 

18 
5 
2 


15.4 
25.3 
31.9 
19.8 
5.5 
2.2 


5 
11 
7 
9 
6 
1 
4 


1 

2 

9 

20 

10 

• 3 


1 
2 
3 
3 
9 
3 
5 
4 
1 








$400 to $599 


2 
.... 

1 
6 

4 






$600 to $799-.. 


1 

1 


1 


$800 to $999 




$1,000 to $1,199 


1 


$1,200 to $1,399 


2 


$1,400 to $1,599 


1 


$1,600 to $1,799 








1 


$1,800 to $1,999 








1 


2 
2 


1 
2 


2 
2 


1 


$2,000 to $2,559 








1 















i Excludes tenant and farm-owning families. 

2 Percent distribution not shown where base is less than 50. 

3 Excludes 39 families that did not report amount payable. 

Source: Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., 
p. 113. 

'2 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., pp. 112- 
113. 

'3 Ibid., see note, p. 113. 

t* Johnson, op. cit., p. 74. ... 

n Elizabeth S. Johnson, Wages, Employment Conditions, and Welfare, of Sugar-Beet Laborers, Montmy 
Labor Review, February 1938, p. 339. 

i« Johnson, op. cit., p. 63. 

' 7 Sugar Division, Labor Section, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 






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NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7889 

OTHER EARNINGS AND TOTAL INCOME 

In 1920, Michigan sugar-beet workers had greater earnings from supplemen- 
tary work than in 1935. "Of the total number of fathers, both resident and 
migratory laborers, who had worked during the winter preceding the inquiry 
and who reported the amount earned, 47, or slightly over one-fifth, had made 
less than $300 from their winter employment, but over three-fifths had made 
$400 or more, and approximately 40 percent had earned at least $600." 1S The 
median earnings of this group of workers from winter work were $519. 19 The 
median yearly income of beet laborers' families in 1935 from all sources except 
relief was $520 in central Michigan and $740 in southern Michigan. 20 "Among 
the families in Michigan, where some industrial employment was available, only 
30 percent received, in addition to beet earnings and relief, an income of $200 or 
more in 1935." 21 In central Michigan, the median annual supplementary in- 
come per family not including relief was $93. It should be noted that most 
out-of-State laborers were not included in these data. 22 Of the 70 families in- 
cluded in the Sugar Division data on family earnings during 1939, only 65 per- 
cent reported any other work during the previous year. Those who reported 
other work showed average earnings of $275 per family. 23 

The economic status of sugar-beet workers has become less and less favorable. 
Michigan beet workers earned more money per acre in the period from 1917 to 
1930, with the exception of 1922, than they have in any year since that time. 
The lowering wage level becomes more distinguishable when it is recognized that 
wage rates at the present time are about the level that they were in the period 
from 1909 to 1913, and that from 1932 to 1937 workers received smaller payment 
for their work than they did in the pre World War years. The Sugar Act, through 
raising the level of wages, had brought about some measure of economic relief to 
this group of workers. The money income of beet workers is still inadequate to 
provide any measure of security. Families who worked at all operations in 1939 
earned $760 for their season's labor in beets. There was an average of five workers 
in these family groups, making the average earnings per worker for this 6- to 
7-month period, $152. Figuring on a 6>2-month basis, the average beet earnings 
per worker were roughly $23 a month. Average earnings per worker from occu- 
pations other than beet work were $55 for the entire year. 23 

The reduction of the Michigan beet workers from a fairly independent group of 
workers who were able to become renters and owners to a permanent migratory 
agricultural labor force has taken place over the past 20 years. The agricultural 
ladder, which once operated to bring these workers out of the laborer class, has 
broken down completely. Few Mexican beet workers have become renters and 
owners of land, unlike the early Russian, Belgian, and other immigrant beet 
workers. Not only did the higher earnings of the early beet workers enable them 
to rent or purchase land, but they were encouraged by sugar companies to become 
beet growers. Attractive offers were sometimes made to induce them to acquire 
and rent farms. The contemporary Mexican beet worker is rushed out of the 
community at the end of the season, and discouraged from settling in the beet 
areas. His meagre earnings make acquisition of land impossible. 

Wage rates in the early 1930's were changed in many areas to provide a scaled 
rating for topping. This generally provided for a minimum wage based on a 
given tonnage of beets per acre, with additional payments per ton per acre for all 
tonnage exceeding the stated yield. There were variations of this type of pay- 
ment; in some cases, the scaled payments stopped at a particular tonnage, and in 
others, these payments were continued no matter what the yield per acre. The 
main reason for introducing this new method of payment was the desire to take 
into account differential yield and permit the farmer with low tonnage to pay less 
wages than the farmer with higher yields per acre. In this way risk was passed 
along to the field workers. The growers claimed that the scaled payment provided 
an incentive to the beet laborers and that payments above the stated minimum 
were compensation for good work which helped produce high tonnage per acre. 
For the past few years there has been no stated minimum for topping wage, but 
merely a set rate based on yield. 

Workers have complained that this method of payment penalizes them, since 
more work is required in a poor field with low yields than in a good field. It has 

is Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., p. 114. 
19 Computed from table LVII, p. 115, ibid. 
2° Johnson, op. cit., table 25, p. 68. 

21 Johnson, Monthly Labor Review article, op. cit., pp. 336-337. 

22 Ibid., p. 337. 

23 Sugar Division. 

60396— 41— pt. 19 9 



7890 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



also been charged that poor fields are frequently the fault of the farmer who has 
planted in bad fields, or of weather conditions, blights, plant diseases, etc., over 
which the laborer has no control. Moreover, the same number of beets frequently 
are handled regardless of the size and yield. 

One of the most serious complaints leveled against employers is that beet workers 
do not receive the acreage they can handle, which, as has been pointed out above, 
results in the reduction of their earnings. The earnings of beet workers depend 
upon the acreage for which they are able to contract. The unregulated system of 
labor recruiting, the system of family labor, the use of an out-of-state migratory 
labor supply, and the practice of recruiting more workers than are necessary to 
cultivate the crop, all tend toward reduction in acreage per worker and per family. 
These practices also have an adverse effect on the wage rate, and on the other 
conditions of employment in sugar beet work. 

The Texas State Employment Service, in a statement to the Tolan committee, 
contended that Michigan beet growers in an effort to keep wages down encouraged 
a surplus of labor to migrate to the fields each year, which caused a reduction in 
acreage per family. 

"However, the wages paid by the growers vary in scale approaching the mini- 
mum established under the quota system, according to the supply of labor available 
for the intermittent work during the 6-months' period; it is, therefore, obviously 
to the advantage of the grower to encourage a surplus labor influx. As this is 
true, it is also a fact that the acreage allotted to individuals or family groups is 
reduced and thereby the income of the worker decreases." 24 

The Children's Bureau found that many families of beet workers failed to con- 
tract for the acreages which they were able to handle. 

<<* * * -p/he problem of obtaining a large enough acreage of beets to provide 
a maximum amount of employment during the brief working periods was an im- 
mediate one to many families of beet laborers, particularly those in the Mountain 
States beet region. The desire of the farmers to have their work done within a 
brief period of time when it can be performed most advantageously has the effect 
of shortening the working season to the extent warranted by the labor supply. 
The great variation in the length of the working season among the families inter- 
viewed suggests that many did not have all the work they could have done if 
more had been available to them and time had been allowed for its performance." 25 

According to the testimony of a beet worker at the Michigan hearing on the 
wage rate determination for the 1940 crop, it was once possible for a single adult 
worker to handle from 15 to 20 acres a season. Farmers staggered their plantings- 
so that beet workers went from one field to the next as the various operations 
became necessary. The present practice of seeding all fields at the same time 
makes it impossible for a laborer to work more than one place in one field. As a 
result, a worker can handle only 7 to 9 acres each season. 26 The secretary-treasurer 
of the Northern Sugar Beet Growers Association, who is a large grower of beets in 
Arinac County, testified at the same time, that there are "some cases where 
farmers plant too much at one time" instead of staggering their plantings. 27 

There was wide variation in the number of acres worked per full-time worker 
between the two sections of Michigan studied by the Children's Bureau in 1935. 
The average number of acres thinned was 8.5 in central Michigan and 12.6 in south- 
ern Michigan. For hoeing, the averages for these two regions were 9.0 and 12.5 
per full-time worker; and for topping, 7.9 and 13.1 per full-time worker. More 
recently, the labor section of the sugar division has calculated the average acreage 
per worker for States of the eastern sugar beet areas, on the basis of a survey 
conducted in 1939. 

Average number of acres per worker, 1989 



State 


Blocking 
and thinning 


Hoeing 


Topping 


Michigan . 


8.9 
12.4 
11.3 


9.1 
12.4 
11.3 


9. 1 


Ohio . - - 


13.8- 


Indiana. 


11.5 







24 Hearings, pt. 5, op. cit., p. 1845. 

2 « Johnson, op. cit., p. 55. 

29 Hearings on Wage Rates and Prices for the 1940 Sugar Beet Crop, before the Secretary of Agriculture,, 
Detroit, Mich., January 31, 1910. Testimony of Albert Marka. 

27 Ibid., testimony of John R. Staebler, secretary-treasurer, Northern Sugar Beet Growers Association, 
Bay City, Mich. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7891 

Since there are few differences in the methods of cultivation and the growing 
conditions in the States of Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana (the wage determinations 
are made for these States and for Wisconsin as one section), the variations in the 
amount of acreages handled by the workers are undoubtedly due to company 
practice. The complaints of Michigan workers that they are able to tend larger 
acreages appear to be well founded. Professor Thaden reported to the Tolan 
committee that "Most families feel that they can take care of more acres and 
that if fewer beet workers came up from Texas they would have a larger acreage." 28 

In central Michigan, for the 1934 season, the median acreage thinned per family 
amounted to 29 acres; this decreased to 28 acres during 1935. In southern 
Michigan, on the other hand, the median acreage thinned per family increased 
from 28 to 36 acres. 29 The workers in southern Michigan had a collective agree- 
ment with the growers in 1935 and were able to exert some control over the 
number of workers hired. Their ability to tend the larger acreages was evidenced 
by the fact that they hired fewer extra help in 1935 than any of the nine areas 
surveyed. In central Michigan, in 1935, 33.9 percent of the beet laborers' families 
hired workers to help them in caring for their acreages. In southern Michigan 
on the other hand, where the acreages were much larger, only 7.1 percent of the 
contract families hired extra help. 30 It should also be noted that the necessity 
for hiring extra help reduces the earnings of the contract labor family. 

The Colorado and Nebraska beet fields were visited in September 1936 by an 
investigator for the National Child Labor Committee, and the trends noted 
above with regard to the oversupply of labor and reduction in acreages handled 
were found to be very sericus problems. To quote: 

"There are at present a number of elements that make the situation for laborers 
worse than in the past. In the first place the number of laborers has reached the 
saturation point. There are more adult laborers than are needed to do the beet 
work. This is true in spite of the fact that the acreage in Colorado increased from 
140,000 in 1935 to 174,000 in 1936, and in the Scottsbluff area of Nebraska from 
about 40,000 in 1935 to about 62,000 in 1936. One complaint frequently heard 
is that families are no longer able to get as large an acreage as they can handle — 
certainly not enough to carry them through the year. 

"Another factor imposing hardship upon beet laborers arises from a change in 
the method of planting beets. The grower would plant one field, then wait a few 
days before planting another, and so on. Now the tendency is to plant the entire 
acreage as near one time as possible. Formerly the laborer family would have 
time to finish the respective hand work processes in one field before the next one 
was ready but now the entire acreage demands attention at once. The grower 
reserves the right to hire extra help to care for the crop at the time when needed, 
and charge the cost of the same to the contractor. So a family who may have a 
sizable acreage stands to lose a considerable portion of its supposed income by 
being forced to pay for extra help." 31 

An evil of the wage-payment system in sugar-beet work is the dependence of the 
contract laborer on credit during his stay in the beet fields. Laborers are recruited 
in late April and early May, and generally arrive at the sugar-beet farms several 
weeks before the hand work begins. Since most of the families are destitute or 
have only a limited amount of cash on hand, the sugar companies or farmers 
provide them with credit at local stores. As early as 1919, Miss Wolfson found 
sugar beet contract families living on credit. The Children's Bureau survey of 
1920 found that "Practically two-thirds of the total number of families, 190, 
reported that they made their purchases entirely on credit. For about one-half 
of the laborers' families credit was established by the sugar companies; that is, the 
company vouched for their accounts up to a stated amount. This they did usually 
by paying the store bills, deducting the amount from the laborers' pay. It was 
customary, as has already been pointed out, for the company to pay the laborers 
by taking the farmer's note for an equal sum. Many of the workers expressed 
dissatisfaction with arrangements, saying that they were overcharged by the 
stores; that they did not know where they stood financially; and that they bought 
more than they should when they made a practice of buying on credit." 32 

The 1935 study found the same widespread use of the credit system in the 
sugar-beet fields that had prevailed 15 years previously. "In the Michigan 
localities visited it was customary for the sugar companies to make the payments 
to the laborers for summer work on assignment from the growers; and therefore 

" Ilea rings pt. 3 p. 1302. 

29 Johnson, op. cit., table 19, p. 59. 

30 Idid„ appendix, table XI, p. 93. 

si Charles E. Gibbons, the Beet Fields Revisited, the American Child, September 1936, vol. 18, No. 6, p. 3. 
32 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., pp. 113-114. 



7892 DETROIT HEARINGS 

store-credit arrangements for the laborers were usually made by the sugar com- 
pany's field men rather than by the growers themselves. The field man would 
take the worker to the store, where he handed the worker his pay check, and in 
this way he assisted the storekeeper to collect what the beet worker owed him." 33 

The Children's Bureau found in 1935 that payment for the harvesting work 
was frequently delayed in Michigan and other eastern sugar beet States, and that 
about one-fifth of the Michigan families had not been paid in full for their work 
on the 1935 crop at the time they were interviewed in December. 34 This method 
of payment still prevails in Michigan, the contract family receiving the wages 
for the blocking, thinning, and hoeing at the conclusion of this work, and for the 
pulling and topping in November or December. The holdback is still in force, 
but growers usually pay workers in full for their summer labor. Farmers will 
not receive their payments under the Sugar Act if workers have not been fully 
paid for their work. 

In the past, the wage pajunent system worked a hardship on the labor force of 
the sugar beet industry, because bad fields could not be abandoned and new 
employment sought. The worker had to peiform the operations contracted for, 
even though conditions beyond his control made the work more arduous and 
more exacting, or the holdback was forfeited. 

The method of paying wages for sugar-beet work places a burden on the com- 
munities in which the beet workers reside. Elsewhere in this report are described 
the experiences of the Michigan State Relief Commission concerning sugar-beet 
workers who were in need of relief. Dr. Haber stated that the presence of large 
numbers of beet workers on the relief rolls of the State was due not only to low 
earnings but also to the fact that workers were not paid while they were working. 
At the same hearing Dr. Haber amplified this point. 

"Two years ago the city welfare director of Lansing, which had 2,800 families 
on relief, cut automatically without question, rigidly, cut off every person who 
was offered a sugar-beet job, and people began to take the sugar-beet jobs, and 
to their great surprise they had to supplement their income, the income of the 
sugar-beet workers, at the end of the week or the end of the month. 25 

<< * * * j think our commission would have taken a very different stand if we 
felt the sugar-beet workers were getting paid every week or every 2 weeks in 
United States money, and would not have to wait this long period of time. 

"We said this: The chairman of our commission said to me 'as administrator 
if we say every worker must accept a job in the sugar-beet field, how many people 
do we cut off from relief?' I said, 'none, because they would stay on relief until 
they got their first grocery order,' and we don't want to object to the grocery 
order * * *." 36 

The commissioner of labor and industry, Daniel O'Connor, testifying at the 
same hearing with Dr. Haber, stated: 

<<* * * s i n ce I have been commissioner of labor and industry in Michigan, 
one of the serious problems is the collection of the wage for sugar-beet workers. 
The amounts do not ordinarily run as high as in some other industries, but the 
complaints are very, very frequent. 

"A man will come in and claim he worked for some farmer out here and that he 
can't get his pay. He was to get so much an acre, and 1 believe that the men here 
in the sugar-beet industry will understand this better than I. We go along until 
June or July and there is a payment due, and he doesn't get his payment. Often- 
times he is paid in an order, and that order can be taken to someone to cash for 
him, or to a store to buy groceries, and so on, like that, and the complaint is that 
the smaller grocer will not accept the order in payment for groceries because the 
order reads that it is to be paid when the sugar is sold, something to that effect. 
I may not have this just right. 

"Another thing is that the man will come in and make a complaint against some 
farmer that owes him for working in the beets. The farmer will say, 'Well, J. 
haven't received my money from the sugar-beet company.' We then take it 
up with the sugar-beet company and they say, 'We have paid the farmer.' Now, 
it may be probable that they have paid the farmer and he needs that money for 



something else and spends that instead of paying the workmen.^ 
"Again, in some cases these orders are cashed at a discount." 



37 



" Johnson, op. cit., p. 70. 

34 ibid , p. 69. 

35 Hearing with reference to proposed labor provisions to be included in beet-sugar benefit contracts under 
■the A. A. A., op. cit., pp. 78-79. 

3« Ibid., p. 78. 
"Ibid., pp. 160-161. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7893 

Some of the abuses associated with the withholding of wages and the failure to 
pay sugar-beet workers what is due them, have been eliminated through the 
machinery of the Sugar Act. Workers have received assistance in collecting 
wages due, and a strong compulsion is placed on the growers to see that these 
are paid in full. 

The setting of a fair and adequate wage for sugar-beet workers is a complicated 
problem. An analysis of the considerations involved are set out below: 

"A complex of factors must be considered in setting the rates: The prevailing 
market price of sugar beets, the general level of agricultural wages, the cost of 
living, the annual earnings of sugar-beet workers, and the relation between the 
price of sugar beets and wages in the past. Today the price which the sugar 
company agrees to pay the growers for beets sets a limit upon the wage which the 
grower can afford to pay the contract laborer. As a result the level of wages is 
controlled, for the most part, by the processors. For this reason beet laborers have 
asked that wage rates be agreed upon before the processors and the growers fix 
the price for the season's crop. 38 This request has received the endorsement of 
the Industrial Commission of Colorado which recommended, in the spring of 1937, 
'that the price of beet field labor should be determined or given consideration 
prior to the time of the establishment of the price for the sale of sugar beets.' 
It suggested that 'the price of beet field labor should be one of the determining 
factors in the establishment of a price for the sale of beets.' 39 

"The further problem arises as to what weight should be given to the loss of 
earnings due to lack of off-season employment of agricultural beet workers in the 
determination of wage rates. It has been shown that a considerable number be- 
come public charges after the beet-growing season comes to a close. It is similarly 
clear that even if the beet workers' earnings were doubled in the great majority 
of cases, they would still fail to provide the minimum American standard of living. 

"Any increase in wages, however, depends upon the rise in the income of the 
growers. It is significant that the growers at the public hearings have not 
attacked wages as being too high. They have pointed out, however, that wages 
have been out of line with their returns. While the growers' income is in large 
measure determined by the price of sugar, it is based also upon the share of the 
sugar dollar which they obtain. To mechanically increase the price of sugar 
without providing for a "more equitable distribution of the proceeds would benefit 
the processor more than the grower. It would probably also penalize the con- 
sumer several times the amount which the grower would receive, unless the_- 
terms of the grower-processor contract were changed." 4U 

HOURS OF WORK AND LENGTH OF WORKING SEASONS 

Long hours of toil are customary in sugar beets, particularly during the thinning 
and topping seasons. The extremely long hours reflect "both the traditional 
10-hour day for agricultural labor and the pressure on workers to perform a maxi- 
mum amount of work within a brief seasonal period." 41 They also result from 
the worker's fear that he will be forced to hire help to finish the work on his 
contracted acreage, and thereby reduce his earnings. 

In 1920, the Children's Bureau found that beet laborers' families had the follow- 
ing hours of work during the blocking and thinning season. "For the laborers' 
families work usually started at 6 a. m., though 5 or 5:30 was sometime given as 
the hour of beginning, and even 4 o'clock was reported. The laborers' families 
usually took the shortest possible time for meals, and worked until 6, 7, and 
sometimes 8 p. m., of later. Even when meal time is excluded these hours indi- 
cate a long working day." 42 Children of contract laborers worked incredibly 
long hours at blocking and thinning. The Bureau found only 9 out of a total 
of 361 laborers' children working less than 7 hours a day at thinning and block- 
ing. 43 "Thus, Anna, the 11-year-old child of a Polish laborer, began her field 
work at 5 o'clock in the morning, leaving the field at 8 at night, with only 1 hour 
for dinner. The children of another Polish laborer, Helen, aged 14, Stevie, 12, 

38 "In the matter of hearing (sugar hearing 2) before the Secretary of Agriculture with respect to wage rates 
for persons employed in the production, cultivation, or harvesting of the 1937 sugar beet crop." Session 
held in Denver, Colo., October 14, 1937. pp. 60-62; and in Billings, Mont., October 25, 1937. pp. 197-201. 

39 Recommendations by the industrial commission of Colorado in the Matter of Colorado Conference af 
Beet Field and Agricultural Workers' Unions, Employees, v. The Great Western Sugar Company and the Sugor 
Beet Growers of the State of Colorado, Employers, May 7, 1937, p. 2. 

40 Protection of Sugar Beet Field Workers Under the Federal Sugar Control Acts of 1934 and 1937, by 
Samuel Liss, typewritten manuscript in the files of the Labor Division, Farm Security Administration. 

41 Johnson, op. eit., p. 31. 

42 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. eit., p. 90. 

43 Ibid., table XLIII, p. 91. 



7894 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



and Julia, 10, worked from 4 a. m. until 8:30 p. m., with one-half hour for breakfast 
and one-half hour for dinner. Another example of a 14-hour day is found in the 
case of a Hungarian boy of 13 years, whose work in the beets had lasted 4 weeks." 44 
Working mothers also labored long hours each day at blocking and thinning. 
"Only 32 of the 232 working mothers in laborers' families worked less than 9 
hours a day and 89, or more than one-third, worked 12 hours or more." 45 

Laborers' children also worked for many hours each day during the hoeing 
season. Over four-fifths reported that they had averaged from 9 to 14 hours or 
more per day while hoeing. 40 A workday of from 10 to 12 hours during the hoeing 
was most commonly reported by the working wives of contract laborers. 47 

The daily hours of work of sugar-beet laborers do not show any appreciable 
decline over the past 20 years. In 1934, Abbott reported that working days of 
12 hours in blocking and thinning were not uncommon, and that 9 to 10 hours per 
day was the average in pulling and topping. 48 The Children's Bureau 1935 
survey found that working hours were at least 12 a day for half of the fathers of 
the families at thinning time and at least 1 1 hours a day for half of them at topping 
time. 49 The usual daily hours worked at each process by the father of the contract 
labor family are set forth in table 6. These data are not available for the State of 
Michigan, but it may be assumed that hours of beet laborers in that State were 
similarly distributed. 

Table 6. — Usual daily hotirs worked at each process by father of family, 1935 





Father of family working at — 


Usual daily hours worked ' 


Thinning 


Hoeing 


Topping 




Number 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


Number 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


Number 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


Total 


946 




946 




946 








Hours reported 


799 


100.0 


696 


100.0 


512 


100.0 






Less than 8 hours 


12 
23 

44 
150 
145 
196 
121 
77 
31 


1.5 

2.9 

5.5 

18.8 

18.2 

24.5 

15.1 

9.6 

3.9 


38 

83 

102 

210 

111 

94 

30 

16 

12 


5.5 

11.9 

14.7 

30.2 

15.9 

13.5 

4.3 

2.3 

1.7 


12 
24 
47 
127 
139 
82 
33 
29 
19 


2.3 


8 hours.. 


4.7 


9 hours -. 


9.2 


10 hours 1- 


24.8 


11 hours 


27.2 


12 hours 


16.0 


13 hours -- 


6.4 


14 hours 


5.7 


15 hours 


3.7 






Hours not reported 


19 
83 

45 




19 

186 

45 




293 
96 
45 




Father did not work at process 






No father in family 











i Hours are reported to the nearest whole number. 
Source: Johnson, op. cit. 

An unpublished report of the Children's Bureau, based on a survey conducted 
in the autumn of 1939 in Michigan and Ohio, 50 found: "The median hours re- 
ported for blocking and thinning was 10.8 for both children and adults; for hoeing 
it was 10.5 for both groups of workers; and for pulling and topping it was 9.3 for 
the children as compared with 10 for the adults." sl A canvass made by the 
Sugar Division of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration during the same 
year reported that the hours of work for beet laborers in Michigan were: 

** Ibid., p. 88. 
« Ibid., p. 109. 
« Ibid., pp. 92-3. 
^ 7 Ibid., p. 110. 
* e Abbott, op. cit., p. 4. 

< B Johnson, Monthly Labor Review, op. cit., p. 332. 
w See Appendix. 

S1 United States Children's Bureau, Employment of Children in the Sugar Beet Fields Under the Sugar 
Act, unpublished manuscript. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7895 

Average hours 
Process: (per day) 

Thinning 11. 

First hoeing 10. 2 

Second hoeing 10. 

Topping l 9. 8 

i Sugar Division. 

The shorter hours noted during topping in all of the studies cited are attributable 
to the shorter days to be found during October and November when the topping 
season is in progress, and in no way reflect decreased pressure to complete the 
work. 

The length of time actually spent in the fields during the 6- or 7-month period 
of employment in beets, depends mainly upon the contracted acreage. The 
pressure on beet workers to finish the hand operations as quickly as possible tends 
to shorten the number of days spent in working an acre. The combination of 
these factors must be considered in an evaluation of the working conditions of 
sugar-beet laborers. The results are long hours and comparatively few days of 
intensive labor. Frequently the condition of the fields are such as to make the 
lot of the overworked beet laborer even more difficult and trying. Thus, the 
length of time spent at hoeing does not depend on acreage alone, but upon how 
well the farmer has cultivated his fields. The investigators of the Children's 
Bureau reported that "numerous complaints were made by the families regarding 
the poor cultivating that was done, and it was said that the hoeing had been 
particularly hard that season [1920] on most of the farms because the weeds had 
been so bad." 52 Workers have frequently complained about the difficulties 
involved in working in rocky fields, and, in many instances, they have been com- 
pelled to clear such fields with no extra compensation. 53 

In 1920, when the acreages worked by families, and presumably, by individual 
workers, were larger than they are at the present, the Children's Bureau found 
that more than half of the contract laborers' families reporting their acreages had 
contracted for at least 25 acres. Four-fifths of their children had worked 4 or 
more weeks at blocking, thinning, and hoeing, and three-fifths had spent from 
6 to 13 weeks at this work. 54 One Polish family, in which there were three work- 
ing children under 15 years of age, reported that all of its members had spent 
9 weeks at blocking, thinning, and hoeing their acreage. 55 The 7-year-old child 
of a Mexican laborer had worked more than 8 weeks for 11}^ hours each day. 58 
The families estimated that the working capacities of children were about one- 
quarter of an acre a day in thinning and blocking, one-half an acre a day in thin- 
ning alone, and one-half an acre a day in hoeing. 57 The majority of laborers' 
wives had worked at these processes from 8 to 9 weeks during 1920. 58 

In 1935, the Children's Bureau found wide variation in the number of days 
worked by beet-field laborers. In the eastern areas surveyed, which included two 
areas in Michigan and one in Minnesota, the median number of working days of 
the fathers or heads of contract families was 68; 10 percent of the fathers had 
worked 95 days or longer. 59 A distribution of the total days worked in the beet 
fields by the fathers of families follows: 

" Child Labor and the Work of Mothers, etc., pp. 93-94. 

" Wolfscn, op. cit. 

«* Ibid., p. 87. 

« Ibid., p. 88. 

« Ibid., p. 89. 

w Ibid., p. 95. 

«» Ibid., pp. 109-110. 

m Johnson, op. cit., p. 56. 



7896 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



Table 7. — Total days worked in beet fields by fathers of families in 3 eastern areas 

and in 3 Mountain States areas, 1935 





Families working in beet fields 


Total days worked by fathers 
in 1935 season 


6 areas 


3 eastern areas 


3 Mountain State 
areas ' 




Number 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


Number 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


Number 


Percent 
distri- 
bution 


Total 


530 




232 




298 










Days worked reported 


405 


100.0 


195 


100.0 


210 


100.0 






Less than 20 


28 
31 
40 
67 
60 
72 
41 
36 
30 


6.9 

7.7 

9.9 

16.5 

14.8 

17.8 

10.1 

8.9 

7.4 


7 
7 
14 
22 
19 
38 
30 
30 
28 


3.6 

3.6 

7.2 

11.3 

9.7 

19.4 

15.4 

15.4 

14.4 


21 
24 

26 
45 
41 
34 
11 
6 
2 


10.0 


20, less than 30 


11.4 


30, less than 40 


12.4 


40. less than 50. 


21.4 


50, less than 60.. 


19.5 


60, less than 70 


16.2 


70, less than 80 


5.2 


80, less than 90 


2.9 


90 or more 


1.0 






Days worked not reported . 


J 125 




37 




88 













1 Includes northern Wyoming, southern Montana, and Sidney. Montana. 

2 Includes 62 families in which there was no male head or in which the male head of the family did not work 
at beets, and 63 families visited before the harvest work was completed or for whom the information was not 
reported. 

Source: Johnson, op. cit„ p. 89. 

Table 8. — Days worked in beet fields by fathers of families in three eastern areas and 

seven mountain States areas, 1935 



Area and process 


Families re- 
porting days 
father worked 
at process 


50 percent of 

the fathers 

worked less 

than — 


90 percent of 

the fathers 

worked less 

than — 


Thinning: 

All areas 


797 
189 
608 

687 
185 
502 

394 

185 
209 

405 
195 
210 


Days 

21 
24 
19 

13 
18 
11 

22 
25 
21 

56 
68 

48 


Days 

32 


3 eastern areas 


37 


7 Mountain States areas 


29 


Hoeing: 

All areas 


26 


3 eastern areas. . .* 

7 Moutain States areas _ 

Topping: ' 

6 areas. .. 


34 
23 

35 


3 eastern areas . . 

3 Mountain States areas ' 


40 
28 


All processes performed: 

6 areas ' 


88 


3 eastern areas 

3 Mountain States areas ' 


95 
69 



i Exclusive of the three areas in Colorado and western Nebraska, visited before families had completed the 
harvest work. 

Source: Johnson, op. cit., p. 56. 



The Sugar Division found the average number of days of work per laborer in 
families which performed all the hand operations in Michigan during the summer 
of 1939 to be: Thinning, 22 days; first and second hoeings, 16 days; and topping, 
24 days. 

CHILD LABOR IN THE SUGAR-BEET FIELDS OF MICHIGAN 

It has already been indicated that the sugar-beet industry of Michigan, since 
its inception, has been characterized by the widespread use of child labor. This 
has been a direct consequence of the family contract system. However, children 
have been hired by farmers and sugar companies apart from the family group. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7897 

During the early years of the industry in Michigan, gangs of boys and girls Jiving 
in the locality were employed on a daily basis; they were brought or came to the 
fields each morning and returned to their homes each night. Later, as the in- 
dustry developed, groups of children were brought in from cities and towns, and 
stayed in the fields during the duration of their employment. This became a regu- 
lar migratory movement. As the family system of labor developed, the recruit- 
ment of solo workers, child or adult, diminished, and, in time, child labor apart 
from the family group disappeared. It has reappeared at times, as, for example, 
during the sugar-beet labor scarcity in 1920. It was reported that, "Inability to 
secure labor led in some places to the formation of crews of day workers, usually 
boys, but occasionally girls, from 10 to 16 years of age or over. The children 
generally lived in the towns where the factories were located and were taken out 
by the sugar-company agent to the fields each day." 60 

The early encouragement of child labor in sugar beets reflected the general 
attitude toward child labor at the time. As the enlightened American public 
began to understand the evils inherent in such a system of labor, the opposition 
to child labor increased and began to make itself felt. One of the first studies of the 
employment of children in the sugar-beet industry was that made by Theresa 
Wolfson in Michigan in 1919. This was done under the auspices of the National 
Child Labor Committee and appeared in its official publication. In 1920, the 
United States Children's Bureau conducted a comprehensive survey in Michigan 
and in Colorado. In 1922 the National Child Labor Committee again visited 
the beet fields of Michigan and published a report on its findings. From that 
time on, many investigators of private and public agencies, social workers, 
magazine writers, etc., have made investigations and published reports on 
child labor in the sugar-beet industry throughout the United States. 

The economic status of sugar-beet families, the attitude of the community into 
which they migrate, their inferior social status, and the fact that they have been 
traditionally of foreign extraction, all combine to place their children in a dis- 
advantaged position. Many communities have not cared whether or not the 
children of beet laborers attended school, and have made no pretense of enforcing 
the school attendance laws with regard to them. Parents of sugar-beet families 
are frequently of foreign birth, are illiterate, and do not even speak English. Mexi- 
can sugar-beet workers are isolated socially from other groups in the community, 
their children are not permitted to become assimilated into the American culture 
in the traditional fashion. That these children customarily are referred to as 
"Mexicans," although they are practically all American born, indicates their 
general isolation as a group. 61 

Beet work is essentially a "stoop" job. A description of the operations per- 
formed and of the physical conditions under which they are executed, will suggest 
the dangerous effects of such work on the bodies of children and young adoles- 
cents. Blocking and thinning, performed during the months of May and June, 
are necessary because the sugar beet is produced by a multiple seed planted in 
continuous rows. Blocking consists of chopping out plants in a row so that 
bunches of plants are left at intervals of 10 or 12 inches. This is done with a 
short-handled hoe, and necessitates some stooping. The thinning, which im- 
mediately follows, consists of removing all but one plant from the bunches, and 
is performed entirely by hand. Workers crawl along the rows on hands and 
knees, or work in a stooping position. This operation is exceedingly laborious 
and is performed at great speed since the work must be finished before the plants 
grow too large. The drive to complete these operations in as short a time as 
possible makes for great haste and long hours each day. "An added trying and 
doubtless injurious aspect of this work comes from breathing the dust raised from 
the soil in the process. The thinning work, which is carried on in late spring, is 
done under a hot sun that is very trying to many workers. 62 If the season is a 
rainy one, the work is even more unpleasant, since it must be done in muddy 
fields. 

The hoeing process, performed during late June and July, is not done under 
the same pressure, but may have to be repeated two or three times during the 
season. Hoeing keeps the soil loose and free from weeds and is done with a long- 
handled hoe. It does not require stooping or crawling as does bunching and thin- 
ning, but calls for more physical strength. The daily hours of work are shorter, 
and the hoeing is done with less speed than any of the other hand operations per- 
formed bv beet laborers. 



«o Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, op. cit., p. 81. 

81 See Johnson, op. cit., Wolfson, op. cit., Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of 
Colorado and Michigan, op. cit. 

82 Johnson, op. cit., pp. 29-30. 



7898 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Harvest operations, which consist of pulling and topping the beets, call for the 
most strength and endurance on the part of the worker. The beets are first loos- 
ened from the ground by the farmer or hired man who runs a machine known as 
a lifter through the fields. Workers then pull the beets from the ground, knock 
them together to remove the dirt and throw them in piles or windrows. The 
pulling operation requires a stooping or bending position and is physically tiring 
since the beets weigh from 1 to 3 pounds. Topping is the process of removing the 
bunch of leaves from the top of the beet, and requires considerable skill. The 
worker is equipped with a sharp-bladed knife weighing nearly 1 pound. The beet 
is grasped with the left hand, and is topped with a single stroke of the topping 
knife, which is held in the right hand. The combined weight of the knife and the 
beet, the continual rapid stooping and lifting, and the speed with which the opera- 
tion must be performed make topping an exceedingly arduous task. It is danger- 
ous work, as well. Cuts on hands, legs, and knees, and even loss of fingers are 
sometimes suffered from topping work. 

Workers may also experience great physical discomfort during the harvesting 
season. Sugar-beet cultivation requires that tbe beets be left in the ground as 
long as possible during the growing season, and the harvest work in Michigan is 
frequently performed during cold and freezing weather and even with the ground 
covered with snow. Beets then have to be pulled from cold, stiff earth, or are 
covered with frost which makes them difficult to handle. Besides the unpleasant- 
ness surrounding the work in such weather, the possibility of accidents with the 
topping knife, increases, for workers' hands become cold and raw. These opera- 
tions must be performed with all possible haste because the beets cannot be 
pulled from frozen ground. The hours of work are as long as is possible during 
the short autumn days. 

The physical effects of beet work on children are exceedingly harmful. In the 
autumn of 1920, the Children's Bureau conducted examinations of approxi- 
mately 1,000 childern in families employed in the beet fields of Colorado. A high 
percentage of orthopedic defects were noted among the children: 676 cases of 
winged scapulae were found, representing 66.1 percent of those examined; "hence 
2 children in 3 were taxing the muscles of an undeveloped shoulder girdle in this 
period of their growth. . . . This high percentage of winged scapulae sug- 
gests that the steady stooping in the kneeling and crouching position which block- 
ing and thinning necessitate and the intermittent stooping to handle and lift the 
very considerable weights involved in the harvest has an effect on the outline and 
posture of the growing child's body." In this deformity "the back is high and 
bowed over, the chest is dragged downward, and free action in breathing is inter- 
fered with." 63 Many cases of flat-foot were also found. The existence of left 
flat foot only, in some of the children was attributed to the fact that children 
topping beets support the weight of the body on the left foot and raise the right 
knee. The Children's Bureau found that these defects occurred more frequently 
among these beet-working children, than they did among groups of non-beet- 
working children who had been studied elsewhere. 64 

Absence from school and retardation have been the rule among migratory beet 
workers' children. This has likewise been the case with the children of resident 
beet-working families, whether tenant or laborer. Many localities have "beet 
vacations" during the harvest season, when the entire school is closed down for a 
period of several weeks. This serves to diminish the effect of nonattendance on 
the beet-working children, as compared to others, but tends to shorten the school 
term. The most serious consequences of nonattendance have been felt most 
among the children of migratory families. Leaving for the fields in late April or 
early May forces the withdrawal of the children during the spring term. When 
the families return to their winter homes in November or December, the winter 
session has already been under way for 2 to 3 months. Thus, even when their 
labor is not utilized in the beet fields, and even when under the most ideal circum- 
stances, the children are immediately put into school, the constant change of 
schools results in retardation. When children are used in the beet work, families 
may not register them in schools at all. In cases where they are registered, 
nonattendance to help in the fields frequently occurs. 

A combination of factors tends to make the attendance of children of migratory 
beet laborers irregular — indifference on the part of the school authorities, refusal 
of parents to send children to school, difficulty in enforcing the school attendance 
laws, and failure to acquaint parents with their obligations to send children to 
school. This would be the case not only in the beet areas where families spend 
from 6 to 7 months each year, but also at their winter homes. 

« Child Labor and the Work of Mothers, etc., op. cit., p. 76. 
« Ibid., p. 77. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7899 

BEET WORKERS AND FEDERAL LEGISLATION 

The wages and earnings of beet workers declined so seriously during the de- 
pression that many of these families became public relief charges. Their incomes 
had to be supplemented by relief, not only during the winter months, but also 
during the beet seasons. Conditions in Michigan have been described elsewhere 
in this report, but the situation was Nation-wide and not confined to this particular 
State. In 1933 Federal agencies took steps to alleviate it. 

A proposed marketing agreement for the sugar industry under the Agricultural 
Adjustment Administration contained a provision directly related to beet field 
workers. This provided that beet producers pay field laborers a commensurate 
rate per acre, depending upon the price received for beets, and that the rate be 
irrespective of the time of payment or the system of determining payment. At a 
hearing on the proposed sugar marketing agreement, Katharine Lenroot, then 
Assistant Chief of the United States Children's Bureau, stated that: 

"Information obtained by the Children's Bureau regarding living conditions, 
earnings, and child labor in the families of beet workers in Colorado indicates the 
need for prohibiting the work of young children in the beet fields, limiting the hours 
of work of older children, and providing for an equitable contract that will enable 
the laborer and his family to have some assurance as to the amount of remunera- 
tion, to arrange credit, and to receive pay at intervals following the completion of 
sertain processes." 65 

Miss Lenroot presented a statement covering the living and working conditions 
of contract laborers. At the same hearing, Charles E. Gibbons, representing the 
National Child Labor Committee, asked that the provision concerning payment 
be retained in the sugar-stabilization agreement "with the proviso that it be so 
interpreted as not to perpetuate the postponement of pay for labor until the 
year after it is performed." 66 He put into the record a statement covering the 
conditions of beet workers, which was based on a field study conducted by the 
National Child Labor Committee during June and July of 1933. A beet worker 
also testified at this hearing and asked that something be done to alleviate the 
bad conditions of work and living of beet-field laborers. 67 

Miss Lenroot and a representative of the National Child Labor Committee, 
at a hearing on the subject of a code of fair competition for the beet-sugar industry, 
requested some consideration for the problems of the agricultural workers at- 
tached to this industry. The sugar-processing companies disclaimed any respon- 
sibility for the working conditions of beet-field laborers. One of their representa- 
tives stated at the hearing, "We have no right to say to the farmer who he can 
employ any more than we can tell him the plan under which he can irrigate or 
harvest his crop." In answering the industry's contention that field workers 
could not be classified as part of its labor force, both Miss Lenroot and the 
National Child Labor Committee representative declared that beet work was an 
industrial form of employment of agricultural labor. The beet-sugar companies 
also turned down a proposal that they embody some form of disapproval of child 
labor in their contracts with beet growers. The National Child Labor Com- 
mittee asked for a minimum wage of from $23 to $28 an acre, as well as action 
on the child-labor problem. 68 

As a result of the attention called to the problem of the living and working con- 
ditions of sugar-beet contract workers during these hearings, the President author- 
ized the Secretary of Labor to appoint a committee for "the immediate formula- 
tion of a plan which will place the labor policies of sugar-beet production on a 
reasonable and equitable basis." This Committee, which became known as the 
Committee on Labor Conditions in the Growing of Sugar Beets, was composed 
of one representative from each of the following: The Federal Emergency Relief 
Administration, the National Industrial Recovery Administration, the Depart- 
ment of Labor, and the Department of Justice; and two representatives from 
the Department of Agriculture. It appointed W. Lewis Abbott to prepare a de- 
tailed study of conditions in the sugar-beet fields. The Committee made a 
general report which was signed by five of its members, the sixth being out of the 
city and unable to see or sign it. The general report of the Committee and 
Abbott's special report were transmitted to the President late in March 1934. 

M Hearing on proposed sugar marketing agreement, Agricultural Adjustment Administration before the 
Secretary of Agriculture, August 10 and 11. 1933, p. 418. 

« Ibid., p. 445. 

• 7 Ibid., testimony of Leo Rodriguez, pp. 441-444. 

68 Hearing on clause relating to hours of labor, rates of pay, etc., to be made a part of basic code of fair 
competition in sugar-beet refining industry, op. cit. 



790Q DETROIT HEARINGS 

In a memorandum to the Secretary of Labor, the President said, "I have been 
much interested in this excellent report. I think that labor and agriculture 
should see to it that it is followed up during the coming beet-sugar season." 81 
The summary of Abbott's report follows: 

"The average wages of hand workers in sugar beets were $13.87 per acre during 
the summer of 1933, with some receiving as low as $8. In Colorado the average 
rate was $12.37, equivalent to an income of about $78 per worker, or $312 per 
family. Only one-third are able to add to this income from other sources. 

"Employment of children under 16 and as young as 10 or 11 for long hours a 
day is common in beet work. 

"Many of these families are dependent upon relief from Federal Emergency 
Relief Administration, or other sources during the winter. Reports from the 
former show that in 15 counties heard from, 748 families of beet workers had 
applied for relief up to February 15. 

"To be self-supporting at a subsistence level, it is estimated that these workers 
should have an income of at least $600 per year per family. This would amount 
to $21.50 per acre, allowing for an income of $75 from sources other than beet 
work. 

"Wages have decreased more than prices. The average rate is 72.7 percent 
of the rate paid during the base period of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, 
August 1909 to July 1914. It amounts to 66.7 percent of the purchasing power 
of the wages of that period. A rate of $21.50 would give the worker 102.1 per- 
cent of his purchasing power of the base period. Exact parity at the average 
price level of 1933, would be given by a wage of $20.80 per acre. 

"Wages have decreased more in proportion than the gross income from beets. 
In 1933, they were 23 percent of the grower's returns as against an average of 
33 percent during the base period. In the base period, the grower received an 
average price of $5.58 per ton for beets, and paid $19.08 per acre wages. In 
1933, he received $5.32 per ton, and paid $13.87 for wages. 

"Net profits from the growing of beets have also declined, however. A study 
of a few growers shows profits of $10.83 per acre in 1933 as against an average of 
$19.35 over a period of years preceding. An increase of wages to $21.50 per 
acre would leave them a 'margin of about $3.20 per acre. Since these are aver- 
age, many of the growers whose expenses exceed the average would make no 
profits with this rate of wages. 

"If sugar is made a basic commodity the payment of wages of $20 to $21.50 
per acre would still leave the average grower with a larger net profit, and with 
a larger cash return, than he had in 1933, even with a restriction of acreage of 
17 percent." 

In considering the "possible ways of securing an improvement in the compen- 
sation and working conditions through the various agencies now operating," the 
Committee found that: "It did not seem possible to apply to these workers the 
provisions of a code under the National Industrial Recovery Act, because they 
are engaged in an agricultural rather than an industrial pursuit." 70 The pro- 
posals of the Committee and its reasons for formulating them are quoted in full 
below: 

"I» considering the situation of these workers the Committee recognized the 
desirability of taking some action to eliminate child labor and to improve the 
rates of compensation, but it was also faced with the fact that the farmers by 
whom these workers are employed are also suffering grave economic difficulties. 

"The Committee considered possible ways of securing an improvement in the 
compensation and working conditions through the various agencies now operat- 
ing. It did not seem possible to apply to these workers the provisions of a code 
under the National Industrial Recovery Act, because they are engaged in an 
agricultural rather than an industrial pursuit. 

> "Higher compensation would result either in higher costs for the growers or 
for the processors. If the expenses of the growers were raised by an increase in 
the compensation of the contract workers, it seemed necessary to increase their 
incomes in some way. This led to the consideration of the possibility of meeting 
an increase in contract rates through an increase in the tariff on sugar. Such a 
plan seemed undesirable in view of the reports of the Tariff Commission of 1924 
and 1934 recommending lower duties on sugar and the present policies of the 
Administration, which contemplate a decrease rather than an increase in the 

«» Cited in a letter from the Secretary of Labor, transmitting the reports to the Secretary of Agriculture, 
dated Apr. 25, 1934, the National Archives, general correspondence, Agricultural Adjustment Admimstra- 

70 Report of the Committee on Labor Conditions in the Crowing of Sugar Beets, The National Archives 
general correspondence, Agricultural Adjustment Administration. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7901 

tariff on this article. The proposed reduction in the tariff and the proposed 
change in the Agricultural Adjustment Act will have an effect on processors that 
cannot now be estimated. In view of this lack of certainty it seemed unwise to 
place the full burden of the improvement of labor conditions upon the processors. 

"The proposals of the President in his message to the Congress, of February 8, 
1934, seemed to the Committee the best means of securing the necessary increase 
of income to the farmers to make possible the payment of higher compensation 
to the beet workers, and these means can also be used for the elimination of child 
labor. These proposals, it will be recalled, included the making of sugar a basic 
commodity and the establishment of a quota system to restrict the production 
of sugar in the various areas from which the United States draws its supply. 
This would be accompanied by the levying of a processing tax upon sugar, the 
lowering of the tariff by the amount of the processing tax, and the payment of a 
benefit to the beet grower in return for a restriction of acreage planted in beets. 

"If the latter proposal is embodied in law it will make possible the control of 
the situation revealed by the investigation of this Committee. The payment 
of benefits to beet growers in return for restriction of acreage could be made 
dependent upon their signing a contract with the Secretary of Agriculture whereby 
they agreed to pay an established minimum compensation for beet workers per 
acre and to prevent the employment of children in the cultivation of beets. 

"The drafts of the bill, S. 2732 introduced by Senator Costigan in the Senate 
on February 6 (calendar day February 12) and H. R. 7907 introduced by Con- 
gressman Jones in the House on February 12 (calendar day February 12), con- 
tain a provision which would give to the Secretary this power, in the following 
terms : 

" '(F) In order to more fully effectuate the declared policy of the Agricultural 
Adjustment Act, as set forth in its "Declaration of Policy" and to insure the 
equitable division, between producers and (or) growers and the processors of 
sugar beets or sugarcane, of any of the proceeds which may be derived from the 
processing and (or) marketing of such sugar beets or sugarcane and the products 
and byproducts thereof, all agreements authorized by this Act may contain pro- 
visions (1) with respect to the terms which contracts between processors and pro- 
ducers and (or) growers may contain, and (or) (2) which will eliminate child 
labor among, and will fix a minimum of wages for, agricultural workers employed 
by, or under the control of, processors and (or) producers who are parties to such 
agreements, and the Secretary, upon request of any producer or grower, or of any 
producers' or growers' association, or of any processor, of sugar beets or sugarcane,, 
is hereby authorized to adjudicate any dispute as to any of the terms under which 
such sugar beets or sugarcane are grown, or are to be grown, and (or) marketed, 
and the products and (or) byproducts thereof are to be marketed. The decision 
and any determination of the Secretary shall be final, if in accordance with law/ 

"The inclusion of a paragraph substantially in this form in the final draft of the 
bill seems to this Committee essential to the improvement of the working condi- 
tions of the industry through the benefit payment plan, for it appears doubtful 
under the Agricultural Adjustment Act as presently drawn that the Secretary 
would have the needed powers. 

"There appears to be no scarcity of labor available for work in the beet fields. 
Therefore the elimination of child labor would probably not result in any shortage 
of labor. It is more likely that its elimination will make possible the continued 
employment of adults who might otherwise be unable to secure work as a result of 
the restriction of acreage in beets. 

"The Committee is informed that this suggestion of a benefit payment of a 
sufficient amount to enable the grower to augment the wages of the workers would 
not require the imposition of a burden upon the Treasury of the United States. 

"The study of the Committee and information received from the sources stated 
indicate that at least $20 should be the minimum rate of wages per acre, in addi- 
tion to housing. 

"The Committee recommends: 

"(1) That the policy of declaring sugar a basic agricultural commodity and the 
application thereto of the powers of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration 
should be carried forward, as a means of securing for the growers of sugar beets 
and for the contract workers an adequate return. 

"(2) That the act declaring sugar a basic commodity should include a clause 
which will empower the Secretary of Agriculture to require that agreements- 
authorized by the act may contain provisions eliminating child labor and ensuring 
adequate compensation for the workers. 



7902 DETROIT HEARINGS 

"(3) That pursuant to this provision the Secretary of Agriculture should 
incorporate in the benefit contracts a condition providing for the payment during 
the current season of compensation of at least $20 per acre to the contract workers, 
in addition to housing or its equivalent. 

"(4) That pursuant to this provision the Secretary of Agriculture should 
incorporate in the benefit contracts a condition forbidding the employment of 
children under 16, other than those of the families of the growers themselves. 

"Such a program, it is believed by the committee, will receive the cooperation 
of the growers and processors." 

The President signed the Jones-Costigan Act on May 9, 1934. Its labor pro- 
visions marked the first effort on the part of the United States Government to 
set labor standards for any group of agricultural workers. The Jones-Costigan 
Act amended the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 by adding sugar to 
the list of basic commodities. Its purpose was to stop the tariff stimulated 
production of raw sugar in this country, and the sharp decline in the price of sugar. 
It provided a means of limiting sugar marketings under a quota system and of 
adjusting production of sugar beets and sugarcane in the producing areas. In 
general, the act provided for: 

(1) Adjusting available supplies for marketing to consumption requirements 
by establishing of quotas. 

(2) Adjustment of production in the various producing areas to bring sugar 
within the limits of the quotas. 

(3) Financing this adjustment through a processing tax on sugar. 

The recommendations of the Committee on Labor Conditions in the Growing of 
Sugar Beets formed the basis of the labor provisions of the Jones-Costigan amend- 
ment, which are set out below: 

"(3) In order more fully to effectuate the declared policy of this Act, as set 
forth in its declaration of policy, and to insure the equitable division between 
producers and/or growers and/or the processors of sugar beets or sugarcane of 
any of the proceeds which may be derived from the growing, processing, and/or 
marketing of such sugar beets or sugarcane, and the processing and/or marketing 
of the products and byproducts thereof, all agreements authorized by this Act 
relating to sugar beets, sugarcane, or the products thereof may contain provisions 
which will limit or regulate child labor, and will fix minimum wages for workers 
or growers employed by the producers and/or processors of sugar beets and/or 
sugarcane who are parties to such agreements; and the Secretary, upon the 
request of any producer, or grower, or worker, or of any association of producers, 
or growers, or workers, or of anv processor, of sugar beets or sugarcane, is hereby 
authorized to adjudicate any dispute as to any of the terms under which sugar 
beets or sugarcane are grown or are to be grown and/or marketed, and the sugar 
and byproducts thereof are to be marketed. The decision and any determination 
of the Secretary shall be final." 

The provision concerning child labor and minimum wages was simply an 
enabling one. It permitted the Secretary of Agriculture to add provisions limiting 
child labor and setting minimum wages to the adjustment contracts. In accord- 
ance with the law, the sugar-beet and sugarcane production adjustment contracts 
prohibited the employment of children under 14 years of age and limited the 
employment of children of 14 and 15 years of age to 8 hours a day. Minimum 
wages were set for certain areas in Colorado, Nebraska, Wyoming, and Montana. 
A procedure was set up for settling disputed wage claims which had to be taken 
care of before adjustment payments were made to producers. No minimum wage 
order was issued for Michigan for either the 1934 or 1935 crop. 

The Agricultural Adjustment Administration conducted hearings with reference 
to proposed labor provisions to be included in beet-sugar benefit contracts in 
various regions. During the hearings held in Michigan in September 1934, the 
majority of the growers and their representatives who testified voiced no opposi- 
tion to the inclusion of a minimum wage in the production-adjustment contract. 
There was almost universal opposition among Michigan growers, however, to the 
prohibition of child labor. The arguments opposing the prohibition of child 
labor are presented below in the form of testimony of sugar-beet farmers at the 
hearing: 71 

71 Hearings with reference to proposed labor provisions to be included in beet-sugar benefit contracts 
under the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, op. cit. Hearings were also held in Colorado. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7903 

OTTO MONTEI, CARO GROWERS ASSOCIATION 

"Well, as concerns this child labor, I don't know. Personally, myself, I think 
we should have child labor, not too young, probably, but I think in our locality 
that there hasn't been one child working in the field who hurt themselves, or also 
to hurt them as having an education as good as anybody could expect. And 
I don't see hardly how we could get along without our child labor as it is. Possi- 
bly we could, but it is going to bring very much hardship on quite a few of the 
beet laborers which we have." 

Presiding Officer Ham. Excuse me. You are arguing that it would be a great 
disadvantage to the beet laborer not to be able to use his family? 

Mr. Montei. Yes. 

Presiding Officer Ham. You are not arguing that there would be any particular 
disadvantage to the grower not to be able to use the labor of children? 

Mr. Montei. Yes, it will be both, both to the grower and also to the family. 

Presiding Officer Ham. But would the costs be greater, the labor costs? 

Mr. Montei. It certainly would. Our labor costs would be a great deal more, 
I should think, yes, sir. 

Presiding Officer Ham. You don't take the position that some have, that if 
you could g.:t them you would rather have adults as laborers and no children? 

Mr. Montei. Personally, myself, take a youngster from 10 years old, why, 
I would just as soon have him as an adult, and really better. * * * 

Jjl Sp Jfi Jj" *F "F t» 

Mr. Folsom. But you, as a grower, would there be any greater expense to you 
by reason of having to hire all adult labor? 

Mr. Montei. I am afraid it would, because I am afraid he couldn't work that 
for that $15 an acre, so I would have to pay probably $18 or $20 an acre for adults 
to do all the work. 

E. W. IRWIN, BAY CITY GROWERS 

"The families are hired, the man of the house, the head of the family, is hired 
to do this job, and he may have some minor children that can help him, and I 
think he has got a right to employ them and to help him make a living. 

"I have raised beets for over 30 years, and I have employed families to do the 
work, and I have never seen a child yet that was abused or hurt in working in 
sugar beets. 

"Some of the families — some of the farmers that raise sugar beets employ their 
own children, and have them help them. He don't employ them no more than 
the man who contracts to take care of the beets employs his children. He simply 
has them help him to do that job in order to make a living, and it makes a lot of 
difference whether a man — whether you employ children — child labor, so-called — - 
or whether the beet laborer employs his own children. They don't really employ 
them. They have them help them. And it makes an income which they wouldn't 
be able to make any other way. 

"Raise them right. As the gentlemen said, it sometimes does not hurt them to 
work. They are better off working at something like that than getting into mis- 
chief. They talk about children 6 years old. I never seen a child working in the 
fields that is that age. They go out and play around, piling the beets, the chil- 
dren will throw the beets up together, and at the same time they are playing, is 
really what they are doing. I noticed that yesterday, a little girl and a little boy, 
one 6 and one about 8. They were out there and they were picking the beets up, 
and they were helping their family do that work. And at the same time they 
were really not working; they were playing doing that. It wouldn't hurt them 
to do any more than to go out and play horse or something like that, as they 
might call it. And the children 10 or 12 years old, some of them will help their 
fathers throw them together, and maybe a few of them top them, but they work 
as they feel like it. If they do not feel like it, they don't. I have never had a 
family yet can ever say they compelled them to work any harder than they 
actually felt like it." 

C. E. ACKERMAN, DTTRAND, MICH. 

Mr. Folsom. * * * Are you in the habit of working or employing children 
from other families, that fall under the age of 14 or 12 years? 

Mr. Ackerman. No; excepting in case of rare instances probably in the past 
year, like picking potatoes, something like that, a day or two at a time. 



7904 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Mr. Folsom. But you do not employ them in sugar beets? 

Mr. Ackerman. No; I wouldn't want to make a contract with a child. The 
contracts are all made with the parents. 

Mr. Folsom. And their parents alone do the work in the beet fields? 

Mr. Ackerman. No, generally they — if they have a family, why, they bring 
on the children and they do a part of the work. 

Mr. Folsom. Regardless as to what the range of age may be? 

Mr. Ackerman. Yes. 

Mr. Folsom. Eight or Six? 

Mr. Ackerman. Yes. 

Mr. Folsom. Do you feel that a child at the age of 6 can turn out as big a day's 
work as a grown man? 

Mr. Ackerman. Oh, no, no. He can't turn out good work. 

Mr. Folsom. And what hours do the children in the beet fields labor, a 10- or 
12-hour day? 

Mr. Ackerman. Well, yes. 

Mr. Folsom. They do? 

Mr. Ackerman. They get out early in the morning, and they work, say, 
until — they work under their own conditions, sometimes the labor conditions 
vary, depending upon the labor or the country from which they come. The 
beet workers generally come out early in the morning, and they will work, say, 
until 9 o'clock, and then they generally have a lunch. They may take a rest of 
an hour or 2 hours and go back to work again and work until noon. During the 
last summer, this summer it has been so hot that they tried to get out early in the- 
morning, do the work, lay around in the middle of the day, probably 3 or 4 hours, 
but if the weather is cool, they try to put in a full days' work. 

Mr. Folsom. I believe, Mr. Ackerman, that you referred a moment ago to 
the economic conditions which, as they are now, are there not a sufficient number 
of unemployed able-bodied men available at this time that it would not be neces- 
sary for you to employ the services of children, 6, 8, or 10 years old? 

Mr. Ackerman. Oh, I think there is plenty. I think that is the answer to it. 

Mr. Folsom. Do you pay these children on a basis of charity, I mean, do you 
give them as much money for their services as you do the able-bodied men? 

Mr. Ackerman. No, I don't think so. 

Zfi 5f! !p -t* 3|s ^» 3J» 

Mr. Simpson. Do you believe, then, that the child labor, without the child' 
labor would be increased to the grower? 

Mr. Ackerman. Under ordinary conditions, yes, but under extreme unem- 
ployment, that would not be so marked. 

^C S(C *t* JJs 1* *F 1* 

"Now, personally, I think we would get better work done in the beet fields if we 
did not employ any child labor. But, on the other hand, I object to that clause- 
being incorporated on the ground of the old constitutional right that a child has 
the right to work for a parent, under the supervision of his parents." 

JOSEPH SCHUELLER, PRESIDENT, MOUNT PLEASANT BEET GROWERS ASSOCIATION 72 ' 

"We believe that it would be better for these children to be helping their 
parents in the beet fields than to be spending their time doing nothing and learning 
nothing. Very often fathers with very large families work in the beet fields, and 
the children actually earn more and are capable of doing more work than their 
elders. Any children from 8 to 12 are able to thin beets, and thereby help their 
fathers to maintain and support the family, which otherwise he could not do. 

"The school laws of the State of Michigan provide that children of school age 
should be in school when it is in session. Having been a school director for 18 
years in a beet-raising district, I find that we have very little delinquency in our 
schools among the children of beet workers. When school starts we insist on them 
going to school, especially those who have not yet finished the eighth grade and 
are below the age of 14. In many localities school authorities declare a beet 
harvest holiday so that children can help their parents harvest the beets. At that 
time small children carry water and also help pile up the beet tops, which is done 
more in the form of play than work. There was a time when the children of beet 
workers were kept out of school to work the beet fields, but that time is past, as 
both the school officers and the State now insist that all children shall receive at 



» Letter from Joseph 'Schueller, bound in the transcript of the Colorado hearings, held on September 
25-26, 1934, at Denver. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7905 

least an eighth-grade education. I see no reason why child labor should be pro- 
hibited, but I agree with you that it should be regulated. I also think there should 
be no age limit mentioned in section A." 

Despite the objections of the Michigan growers to the inclusion of a provision 
prohibiting child labor, the approved sugar beet production contract which was 
drawn up contained such a measure. The labor provisions of this contract 
follow: 73 

Child labor. — The producer hereby agrees not to employ nor to suffer nor permit 
the employment by any other person, directly or indirectly, in the production, 
cultivation and/or harvesting of sugar beets on this farm, of any child under the 
age of 14 years, except a member of his own immediate family, whether for gain 
to such child or any other person; and he agrees not to so employ or permit such 
employment of a child between the ages of 14 and 16 years, inclusive, except a 
member of his immediate family, for a longer priod than 8 hours a day. 

Fixing of minimum wages. — The Secretary shall have the authority (1) after 
due notice and opportunity for public hearing at a place accessible to producers 
and workers involved, and (2) on the basis of a fair and equitable division among 
processors, producers, and workers of the proceeds derived from the growing and 
marketing of sugar beets, and the products thereof, to establish minimum wages 
for this factory district to be paid by producers to workers and, where ntcessary, 
the time and method of payment in connection with the production, cultivation, 
and/or harvesting of the 1935 and/or the 1936 crop of beets. The producer 
agrees to abide by the determination of the Secretary when such minimum wages 
and the time and method of payment have been established. 

To insure a fair and equitable division among processors, producers, and workers 
of the proceeds derived from the growing and marketing of the 1934 crop, the pro- 
ducer hereby agrees to pay promptly, to the workers who work or have worked 
on this farm, all bona fide claims for wages for said workers, rising in connection 
with the production, cultivation, and/or harvesting of the 1934 crop, and to pro- 
vide to the Secretary, prior to the time of payment of the final 1934 crop payment 
under this contract, a certificate to the effect that such claims have been paid. 
The Secretary shall have the right, in his discretion, to refuse to make the final 
1934 crop payment, due under this contract, to the producer, unless the producer 
shall submit additional evidence satisfactory to the Secretary that all such wages 
have been paid. 

Adjudication of labor disputes. — The producer hereby agrees that he will abide 
by the decision of the Secretary with respect to any labor dispute involving the 
producer, in connection with the production, cultivation, and/or harvesting of 
sugar beets of the producer, when any such dispute has been presented to the 
Secretary by the producer or any other person and the Secretary has determined to 
adjudicate such dispute. 

"The payment of benefits to growers was conditional upon the observance of 
the above labor conditions. However, crop benefit payments were made on the 

1934 crop, while the labor provisions applied to conditions of work only on the 

1935 and subsequent beet crops. The nonapplicability of the labor provisions 
with respect to the 1934 crop was due to the fact that at the time the sugar-beet 
contract was approved, the crop had been delivered to the beet factories or was 
in process of being harvested. 74 This, of course, made it impossible to apply the 
labor provisions that year. 

"The only labor provision in the sugar-beet contract which was enforced with 
respect to the work done on the 1934 crop was that relating to prompt and full 
payment of wages. But the enforcement of even this provision was made difficult 
by the fact that many beet workers had neglected to sign contracts with their 
employers on the assumption that the Government would set wage rates for the 
1934 season. The determination of what constituted a bona fide wage claim was, 
therefoie, difficult to establish in many cases. To meet this situation, settlement 
committees composed of persons elected by the growers were established. The 
great majority of the complaints were settled by these committees. Those which 
remained unsettled were dealt with by an agent of the Agricultural Adjustment 
Administration. Over 1,400 cases were handled in this way. 75 

"The minimum-wage provisions in the contract gave the Secretary of Agricul- 
ture the right to set minimum rates of wages and to determine the time and method 

73 Sugar Beet Production Adjustment Contract, Agricultural Adjustment Administration, approved 
October 16, 1934, pt. I, sec. 10. 

74 W. T. Ham, Regulation of Labor Conditions in Sugar Cultivation under ,the Agricultural Adjust- 
ment Act. International Labour Review, January 1936, p. 80. 

75 Protection of Sugar Beet Field Workers Under the Federal Sugar Control Acts of 1934 and 1937, by- 
Samuel Liss, unpublished manuscript in the files of the Labor Division, Farm Security Administration. 

60396 — 41— pt. 19 10 



7906 DETROIT HEARINGS 

of payment only when and if the occasion arose. The Secretary adopted the 
policy of exercising this right only when growers and laborers were themselves 
unable to come to terms." 76 

No wage finding was made under the terms of the Jones-Costigan Act for the 
Michigan sugar-beet area. Michigan production-adjustment contracts did con- 
tain, however, provisions relating to minimum wage and hours of employment of 
children. 

"In order to provide a factual basis for a constructive consideration of the 
problems of families of sugar-beet laborers and to ascertain the effects of the 
child-labor and wage provisions of the Jones-Costigan Act on the families for 
whose benefit these provisions were established," the Children's Bureau surveyed 
the conditions of sugar-beet laborers' families in 1935. 77 Their findings on 
Michigan families follow: 

CHILD LABOR 

It was found that among southern Michigan 78 families, 12 percent of all children 
6 and under 14 years of age worked in beets. In central Michigan 79 41 percent of 
the children in this age group in the beet families surveyed, were employed in the 
beet work. 80 "The 8-hour limitation to daily working time for children under 16 
prescribed in the Government contracts was found to be less frequently observed 
in the areas of the eastern beet region than in those of the Mountain States beet 
region." 81 Only 29 percent of the working children in the eastern families visited 
reported a usual workday of approximately 8 hours or less while engaged in 
thinning. In the Mountain States region, 43 percent of the working children 
reported such a workday. 82 "Children of the eastern areas of Michigan and 
Minnesota were found to be working in the beet fields for more days in the season 
than those in the three Mountain States areas for which the information could be 
obtained, a median of 65 days for the former in contrast to a median of 48 days foi 
the latter. * * * Whether or not a working child had passed his 14th 
birthday appeared to have less effect on the length of the working period than the 
region in which he worked. Children under 14 years of age in the eastern areas 
for whom the information is reported tended to work more days in the season 
(a median of 61 days) than those 14 and 15 years of age in the three Mountain 
States areas (a median of 49 days)." 83 

Changes were recorded in the use of child labor from 1934 to 1935. Thus, in 
the three eastern areas, it was indicated that child labor was much more prevalent 
in 1934 than in 1935. It was ascertained which of the families interviewed by the 
Children's Bureau had worked in the beet fields in 1934. Then a check was made 
to see if these families contained children from 6 to 14 years of age on June 15, 
1934. On the basis of these data, the proportions of the children aged 6 to 14 
working in beets were calculated for 1934 and 1935. In 1934 the proportion of 
these children in the three eastern areas was 49 percent. In 1935 this proportion 
had decreased to 33.5 percent for these areas. Though appreciable, this was a 
smaller decrease than occurred in the seven Mountain States areas surveyed, 
where the proportion of working children aged 6 to 14 years decreased from 40.4 
percent in 1934 to 13.5 percent in 1935. 84 

PAYMENT OF WAGES 

The Children's Bureau found that about one-fifth of the Michigan beet laborers' 
families interviewed had not been paid in full for their work during the 1935 
season when seen by the investigators in December. 85 This occurred despite the 
provision in the adjustment contract calling for prompt payment of wages. 

An evaluation of labor provisions of the Jones-Costigan Act must consider also 
the extent to which beet workers were enabled to gain a higher level of living. 
Data from the Children's Bureau 1935 survey reflect a decrease in the earnings of 

"« Ibid. 

77 Johnson, op. cit., "Each family interviewed performed hand labor in sugar-beet fields in that year 
(1935) and each had at least one child under 16 years of age" (p. 3). 

78 Southern Michigan families worked in the Blissfeld factory district and were confined to Lenawee 
County. There were 42 families interviewed in this area. 

79 Central Michigan families interviewed had worked in Mount Pleasant, Saginaw and Sebewaing factory 
districts, and in Huron, Isabella, and Saginaw Counties. One hundred and fifteen families were surveyed 
in this area. 

80 Ibid., p. 26. 

81 Ibid., p. 33. The eastern beet region com the two areas in Michigan, defined above, and an 
area in southern Minnesota. 

8 2 Ibid., pp. 33-34. 
'a Ibid., pp. 35-36. 

8 < Ibid, tablo 8, p. 28. 
m Ibid, p. 69. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7907 

•central Michigan families from 1934 to 1935 and no change in the wage rate. In 
southern Michigan, there was a substantial increase in both the wage rate and 
earnings for beet work. Child labor decreased in both areas, but appreciably 
more for southern Michigan than for central Michigan beet families. The acreages 
worked by families interviewed decreased for those in central Michigan from 1934 
to 1935, and increased for families in southern Michigan. Housing conditions 
were definitely bad for Michigan beet workers' families in 1935. Many Michigan 
families were forced to live on credit during the beet season of 1935. Hours of 
labor for adults as well as children were still long, and working conditions showed 
little improvement. The report of the Children's Bureau stresses the fact that 
the highest earnings from beet work, the smaller amount of child labor, and the 
generally improved working conditions found in southern Michigan were attribut- 
able to the presence in that area of a labor union of beet workers which had bar- 
gained collectively with the growers on terms and conditions of employment. 86 

The Children's Bureau study showed the necessity for continuing the protec- 
tion of the labor conditions of beet workers which had been introduced in the 
Jones-Costigan Act. However, in January 1936, the Supreme Court of the 
United States declared invalid the processing tax and production-adjustment 
provisions of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, to which the Jones-Costigan Act 
was an amendment. The quota provisions of the Jones-Costigan Act were 
unaffected by the decision, and Congress ratified them by Public Resolution No. 
109, Seventy-fourth Congress. This action assured a protected market for sellers 
of sugar. It resulted, however, in the loss of benefit payments to sugar-beet 
growers and in the suspension of the labor provisions. The inequalities resulting 
from the extension of the sugar quotas without provision for returns to growers 
and laborers are set forth in the 1936 report of the Agricultural Adjustment 
Administration: 

"Invalidation of the sugar-processing tax presumably did not affect the cost of 
sugar to consumers, who paid an average price of 5.7 cents a pound for sugar in 
1935 and 5.6 cents during 1936. The decision did result, however, in a wide 
redistribution of income under the quota system; there was a loss to growers, 
laborers, and taxpayers and a corresponding gain to domestic sugar processors and 
foreign sugar producers. 

"The loss to sugar-beet growers resulted automatically, under the established 
grower-processor contracts, from invalidation of the former processing tax and 
production-adjustment payments, was equal to approximately 50 percent of the 
former tax. (The decline in the income of the growers was offset to some extent 
by payments under the 1936 agricultural conservation program.) It is estimated 
that at the same time the profits of beet processors were increased between 40 
and 60 percent over their net income from operations during the calendar year 
1935 when the processing tax was in effect. Sugar-beet growers whose returns 
had been decreased, although the total income of the sugar-beet industry virtually 
had not been affected, undertook to obtain an appropriate adjustment in their 
contracts with processors in order to compensate for the reduction in their income, 
but their efforts met only limited success. 

"Invalidation of production-adjustment payments to producers also destroyed 
the only practicable means that had been found to assure labor an equitable 
share in the income from sugar-beet and sugar-cane production. Consequently, 
both growers and laborers were denied assurances of an equitable and reasonable 
share in the income of the domestic industry under a program in which they, as 
well as the processors, were intended to be the beneficiaries." 87 

New sugar legislation was proposed, and President Roosevelt, in his message 
to Congress, recommended the inclusion of certain labor standards: 

"It is highly desirable to continue the policy which was inherent in the Jones- 
Costigan Act, effectuating the principle that an industry which desires the protec- 
tion afforded by a quota system or a tariff should be expected to guarantee that 
it will be a good employer.' I recommend, therefore, that the prevention of child 
labor and the payment of wages of not less than minimum standards be included 
among the conditions for receiving a Federal payment." 88 

The Sugar Act of 1937 was approve by the President on September 1, 1937. 
For the first time in the history of the United States, the Federal Government 
was enabled to stamp out child labor in an important child-labor-employing 
industry. 



86 Ibid, pp. 26-27. 58. 61, 63, 67. 

87 Agricultural Conservation, 1936, a report of the activities carried on by the Agricultural Adjustment 
Administration, from January 1, 1936, through December 31, 1936, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agri- 
cultural Adjustment Administration, pp. 103-104. 

88 Cited in Liss, op. cit. 



7908 DETROIT HEARINGS 

"The Sugar Act of 1937 provided for the continuation, until December 31, 1940,. 
of the sugar-quota system, of the processing tax on sugar, and of conditional bene- 
fit payments to growers of sugar beets and sugarcane, established under the 
Jones-Costigan Act in 1934. But, whereas under the Jones-Costigan Act the 
detailed terms of these provisions were inserted in the production adjustment 
contract entered into by the Secretary of Agriculture and the grower, they are- 
now incorporated in the act itself. By eliminating the Federal contract, the 
Sugar Act of 1937 overcame one of the basic reasons advanced for the invalidation 
of the Jones-Costigan Act by the United States Supreme Court." 89 The Sugar 
Act authorized conditional payments to sugar beet and sugarcane growers who 
comply with certain soil-conservation practices, limit their production to quan- 
tities not in excess of the proportionate share assigned to their farms, maintain 
certain labor standards, and in the case of growers who are also processors, pay a 
price for sugar beets and sugarcane purchased from other growers for processing 
at a rate not less than that which the Secretary of Agriculture has determined to 
be fair and reasonable. 

The labor standards of the Sugar Act of 1937 follow: 

"That no child under the age of fourteen years shall have been employed or 
permitted to work on the farm, whether for gain to such child or any other person, 
in the production, cultivation, or harvesting of a crop of sugar beets or sugarcane 
with respect to which application for payment is made, except a member of the- 
immediate family of a person who was the legal owner of not less than 40 per 
centum of the crop at the time such work was performed; and that no child be- 
tween the ages of fourteen and sixteen years shall have been employed or permitted 
to do such work, whether for gain to such child or any other person, for a longer 
period than eight hours in any one day, except a member of the immediate family 
of a person who was the legal owner of not less than 40 per centum of the crop at 
the time such work was performed. 

"That all persons employed on the farm in the production, cultivation, or 
harvesting of sugar beets or sugarcane with respect to which an application for 
payment is made shall have been paid in full for all such work, and shall have been 
paid wages therefor at rates not less than those that may be determined by the- 
Secretary to be fair and reasonable after investigation and due notice and oppor- 
tunity for public hearing; and in making such determinations the Secretary shall 
take into consideration the standards therefor formerly established by him under 
the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, and the differences in conditions- 
among various producing areas: Provided, however, That a payment which would 
be payable except for the foregoing provisions of this subsection may be made, 
as the Secretary may determine, in such manner that the laborer will receive an 
amount, insofar as such payment will suffice, equal to the amount of the accrued 
unpaid wages for such work, and that the producer will receive the remainder, if 
any, of such payment." 

The Sugar Act of 1937 also provides that: 

"In order to facilitate the effectuation of the purposes of this Act, the Secretary 
is authorized to make surveys, investigations, including the holding of publie 
hearings, and to make recommendations with respect to (a) the terms and condi- 
tions of contracts between the producers and processors of sugar beets and sugar- 
cane and (b) the terms and conditions of contracts between laborers and producers 
of sugar beets and sugarcane." 

The provisions of the Sugar Act of 1937 were to apply only until December 31, 
1940. The life of the act was extended for a year, and it expires on December 
31, 1941. Michigan wage determinations have been made by the Secretary of 
Agriculture for the harvesting of the 1937 crop, and for all operations for every 
crop since that time. The Secretary has not, up until this time, recommended 
any terms or conditions to be incorporated in the contracts made between the 
growers and the laborers in that State. The wage provisions of the act have been 
fairly well enforced; although a number of violations were reported for Michigan 
growers several years ago, few were reported for the 1940 crop. The child-labor 
provisions were more difficult to enforce in Michigan. A survey conducted by 
the Children's Bureau, which is reprinted in part below, reveals some use of child 
labor in the beet fields of Michigan and Ohio during 1939. It also shows work- 
days of longer than 8 hours for children so employed in violation of the act. _ It 
should be pointed out that difficulties existed in educating growers and families 
to their responsibilities with regard to the labor of children . There were no fre- 
quent and systematic check-ups made by the committees which assist locally in 
the administration of the act to see whether or not these provisions were being. 



•• Liss, op. cit. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7909 

obeyed. More recently these committees have been quite active in checking up 
■on the presence of children in the beet fields, and child labor has practically dis- 
appeared from the sugar-beet industry in Michigan. The 8-hour provision is 
more difficult to enforce, and no machinery has yet been set up to effectuate this 
part of the act. There are undoubtedly many violations of this provision. 

•United States Department of Agriculture, Report No. 80 — Progress 
of the Beet-Sugar Industry in the United States in 1904 

(Washington, G. P. O., 1905) 

SUPPLY OF LABOR FOR FACTORIES AND BEET FIELDS 

Living in cities there is a class of foreigners — -Germans, French, Russians, 
Hollanders, Austrians, Bohemians, etc. — who had had more or less experience in 
beet growing in their native countries. Their experience had been largely agri- 
cultural. Emigrating to this country, they had congregated in cities and towns, 
and were performing the work of ordinary laborers on public works, on railroads, 
and in various other lines of employment. Their attention was attracted to this 
industry when it started — old to them, new to us. They naturally sought this 
new avenue of employment. It appealed to them for two reasons: (1) They could 
secure employment in work to which they were accustomed and in which they 
were expert; (2) in the beet fields they could find work for their whole families. 
In this respect it differed from other lines of work. The head of the house could 
go out and dig in the trenches of the city, or work on the sections of the railroad, 
or in excavations and other kinds of employment under a contractor. The women 
and children of the family could not do this. Growing sugar beets was a renewal 
of their former experience. For the work of the beet fields more came from the 
cities each succeeding year, and others came from Europe, induced by the news of 
the installation of this new industry. They could secure immediate employment 
of the kind to which they were accustomed. This source of labor supply for our 
beet fields has grown to a wonderful extent. Every spring sees large colonies 
of this class of workmen moving out from our cities into the beet fields. 

There is another class of foreigners, not previously experienced in growing 
beets, who readily adopted it on account of their natural adaptability to the 
system. As a class, they are accustomed to hard drudgery work of any kind, 
spending their lives during their stay in our country in work on public improve- 
ment, railroads, large con tracts, etc., requiring hard manual labor. In this class 
come the Scandinavians (a few of whom have grown beets), Italians, Japanese, 
Chinese, Portuguese, etc. Large numbers of these, annually increasing, take 
contracts in the beet fields. All these foreign laborers, of whatever class, live in 
tents, barracks, and other temporary abodes. They board themselves, and grow 
sugar beets under contracts with the farmers. It is rulable in such cases for the 
work to be done by the acre. The farmer plows the ground, harrows it, puts 
the seedbed in thorough condition, plants the beets, and does all the necessary 
cultivation requiring horses. The contracting laborer does all the weeding, 
bunching, thinning, hoeing, irrigating, topping, and loading, usually receiving for 
the same from $15 to $20 per acre. The farmer does the work of plowing up the 
beets and delivering them to the factory. Foreigners of this latter class were 
originally more or less unsatisfactory on account of unfamiliarity with the work. 
After 5 or 6 years, most of these workers in the beet fields are efficient. The 
additional hands accompanying them each year have the advantage of associa- 
tion with those acquainted with the methods, a d become satisfactory workers 
more readily than otherwise. To this class we are also procuring large accretions 
•every year, thus augmenting the sources of labor supply of sugar factories and 
sugar-beet growers. 

Philanthropic societies and eleemosynary institutions are also gradually aiding 
in this respect. One of the strongest addresses made before the Trans-Mississippi 
Commercial Congress at its meeting in Seattle, Wash., last year was that of Com- 
mander Booth-Tucker, the head of the Salvation Army in this country. In this 
address he explained the policy maintained by that society of finding employment 
for everybody coming under the Army's influence. The beet fields appealed 
especially to him in this connection. He proposed colonization and employment. 
The plan as he represented it greatly impressed all who heard it. As a matter of 
fact, considerable has been done by this organization along this line. It is also 
quite common for the humane societies, associated charities, and other like organ- 
izations of our cities and towns to procure, for those dependent upon them, em- 
ployment in the beet fields. 



7910 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Our State reformatory institutions and asylums are also developing an interest 
in the work of growing sugar beets. One of the great problems of such institutions 
is to keep the inmates employed; in so doing it sometimes happens that they come 
in conflict with the rules of organized labor. Possibly if the supply of labor for 
the beet fields exceeded the demand the same objection might operate here. Under 
the present circumstances it does not appear to be deleterious to regular labor. If 
these people can be employed in rural pursuits it will have a tendency to strengthen 
rather than to hurt labor in regular lines. 

Our cities and towns are constantly increasing in importance as sources of labor 
for the beet fields. Every year sees more and more of the unemployed seeking 
the beet fields for remunerative work. In this respect we are developing a prac- 
tice similar to that which prevails at harvest time. Most people are familiar 
with the movement of laborers annually taking place from south to north, follow- 
ing up the grain harvest as it progresses with the season. Harvest hands pour 
into the South with the ripening of the grain, gradually working north as the work 
is completed, finally winding up with the harvest in Canada. This custom has 
developed the class of laborers known as professional harvesters. Similarly we 
are developing a class of beet growers, who move toward the fields on the approach 
of the beet season. To this class are continually added recruits who in a season's 
experience become more or less proficient. 

Our beet fields are also the beneficiaries of another class of labor possibly more 
abundant, and at the same time adaptable to this work. In the cities and towns 
public schools close about the time the active work begins in the beet fields. 
Considerable attention is being given to directing this kind of labor to beet 
growing. It is a matter of consequence and one fraught with valuable training 
to the unemployed young people of the country. Ordinarily there is very little 
that a boy can find to do during his school vacation. It so happens that the beet 
fields offer active remunerative employment for this particular period. This 
work serves a two-fold purpose: It gives a boy self-support to a degree, and relieves 
the head of the family to that extent; it also lessens the work of charitable insti- 
tutions. At the same time it inculcates habits of industry and frugality removes 
the boy from the temptation of idleness and the school of vicious habits con- 
stantly in session in the streets of our cities and towns. It promotes health, 
physical strength, and vigor. It inspires confidence and self-support. This 
applies not only to the poorer classes, but to all boys who otherwise would be idle. 

Keeping the boys of the cities and towns employed, especially those who are 
drifting into the classes of chronic idlers and criminals, is one of the social problems 
of today. During the past few years agitation on the subject has crystallized 
into a policy of establishing juvenile courts. Idleness is the most prolific of all 
causes producing the two classes named. The work of these tribunals contem- 
plates segregation and useful, healthful employment under supervision. Several 
States have enacted laws establishing such courts, and relegating to them cases 
of juvenile offenders. Such a court has regular officers, who list bo3 r s liable to 
its supervision. Such cases as come before it regularly, it places under the care 
of its officers, who direct them to some field of active employment. In districts 
having sugar factories, the beet fields have been playing an active part in this 
species of education and reformation. At first the plan did not prove very satis- 
factory. These boys, in groups or individually, were hired out to farmers, who 
found themselves without authority, and as a rule without disposition to exact 
of this class of workers faithful performance. In most instances the boy was soon 
back in his old haunts. During the past year a better system involving closer 
supervision was maintained. The boys were sent out in groups, with their pro- 
bation officer over them. This officer was clothed with full authority for main- 
taining discipline and executing the demands of the court. A group usually con- 
sisted of 20 boys, who formed a club, all sharing equally in the expense. A cook 
was hired who prepared all food. Contracts for the group were made by the 
officer; he was present at all times to maintain discipline and the faithful perform- 
ance' of the contract. The money earned by each boy was paid over to the court 
and credited to him after deducting his share of expenses. Under this system 
juvenile court work in the beet fields was much more satisfactory (pp. 37-40). 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7911 

Employment of Children in the Sugar-Beet Fields Under the Sugar 

Act 

(By the Industrial Division, U. S. Children's Bureau, part of an unpublished 

manuscript) 

introduction 

The Jones-Costigan Act of 1934, which amended the Agricultural Adjustment 
Act bringing sugar beets and sugarcane under its jurisdiction as basic commodi- 
ties, offered the first opportunity for a constructive and uniform program regulat- 
ing child labor in an agricultural industry. State efforts to regulate the employ- 
ment of children in agriculture, in addition to being confined to only a few States, 
have been piecemeal and limited in scope. For the most part, such legislation 
has amounted to little more than attempts to prevent children from dropping 
out of school for work in the fields; and even this restriction has not always applied 
to children of migrant families that are in the State only for the duration of the 
crop season. With the passage of the Jones-Costigan Act it became possible to 
establish improved Nation-wide labor standards in the sugar-beet and sugarcane 
industries applicable to both resident and migratory children. 

The Agricultural Adjustment Act, which, among other provisions, authorized 
benefit payments to growers who complied with certain prescribed conditions set 
out in the act, did not in itself contain provisions relating to child labor. The 
Jones-Costigan Act, however, gave the Secretary of Agriculture power to include 
in the production-control contracts made by the Government with sugar-beet 
growers under the Agricultural Adjustment Act provisions regulating child labor, 
making the observance of these provisions prerequisite to the payment of benefits. 
Under the authority of this act the sugar-beet production adjustment contracts 
entered into in 1935 provided that children under 14 years of age should not be 
employed and that the hours of work of children between 14 and 16 years should 
be limited to 8 a day. Growers' children, working on their parents' own farms, 
were exempt from these provisions. 

This program was short lived. With the invalidation of the production-control 
contracts of the Agricultural Adjustment Act early in 1936, the gains made in 
regulating child labor in the sugarcane and sugar-beet industries were also lost. 
The way was pointed out, however, and when the Sugar Act of 1937 was passed— 
providing for conditional payments to growers similar to those in effect under the 
Agricultural Adjustment Act— it contained, as provisions in the law, the same 
child-labor standards as had been incorporated in the 1935 sugar-beet contract 
of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. 

Under the Jones-Costigan Act voluntary cooperation on the part of growers was 
relied upon to obtain compliance with the child labor provisions of the sugar-beet 
production-adjustment contracts. Local control committees, established by 
the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, whose function it was to determine 
whether growers were complying with the terms of their contract, were responsible 
for informing growers and workers of the child-labor requirements and for investi- 
gating reported cases of noncompliance. No administrative measures were 
provided, however, to aid in maintaining the child-labor standards of the act or 
for ascertaining whether these regulations were being generally observed; and, 
while an improvement in child labor conditions was evident during the period in 
which the act was effective, the employment of children under 14 years of age in 
the sugar-beet fields was by no means eliminated. As was emphasized in a study 
made by the Children's Bureau in 1935 while the act was still in operation, the 
practice of relying on complaints for a knowledge of violations was not adequate 
for effective administration; it was evident that there was need, also, of a well- 
defined program for requiring proof of age before a child was permitted to work 
in the beet fields and for acquainting growers with the advantages of such a 
program. 

PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF STUDY 

Information for the study was obtained chiefly through interviews with the 
families of sugar-beet laborers and with school officials in charge of employment 
certificate issuance. Other school authorities, representatives of county agricul- 
tural committees, and the directors of education and labor in Michigan and Ohio 
were also consulted. 

The localities visited included 7 of the 48 counties in Michigan and 5 of the 
25 counties in Ohio in which sugar beets are grown. These counties represent 
both the northern and southern districts of the Michigan-Ohio sugar-beet area. 



7912 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



Selected chiefly on the basis of the number of sugar-beet growers in the county, 
they included: 



Counties — Continued. 
Ohio: 

Fulton 

Lucas 

Ottawa 



Number of 

sugar-beet 

growers 

226 

_ 255 

440 



Sandusky 326 

Wood 720 



s- . Number of 

•Counties: sugar-beet 

Central Michigan: growers 

Bay 1, 175 

Gratiot 1, 486 

Huron 1,090 

Saginaw 1,313 

Tuscola 1,206 

Southern Michigan: 

Lenawee 468 

Monroe 361 

A part of at least nine factory districts falls within these counties, a factory 
•district being the sugar-beet area surrounding a sugar-processing factory to which 
it is tributary; i. e., to which the beets grown are sent for processing. These dis- 
tricts included Saginaw, Alma, Bay City, Sebewaing, and St. Louis in central 
Michigan; Blissfield in southern Michigan; and Caro, Findley, and Freemont in 
Ohio. Since even the several factories belonging to a single company are usually 
under different managements, conditions of work may vary with each factory 
district. 

Within the counties included in the study areas in which sugar beets were grown 
extensively were selected for a farm to farm canvass. In the course of this canvass 
all families of sugar-beet laborers in which there were children between the ages 
of 6 and 16 years were interviewed, except those who owned at least 40 percent 
of the crop on which they worked and who would therefore not be subject to the 
child-labor provisions of the Sugar Act. Such families were included in the study 
only if they "worked beets" under contract for other growers and in such cases 
information was secured only for the work performed on a cash basis. 

Field work for the study was carried on while harvesting was still in progress 
from October 1 to November 8, in order to reach the migratory families before 
they could leave the fields. Altogether, 262 families^were visited in the 12 counties 
included in the study. 

FAMILIES INCLUDED IN THE STUDY 

Country of origin 

With the exception of several families resident in the county and one family 
that had come from Kentucky to work in the beet fields for the first time the 
year of the study, the sugar-beet families interviewed in Michigan and Ohio were 
of foreign stock. Some growers of American stock, with the help of their families, 
worked their own acreage; but cohtract laborers of American stock are an excep- 
tion in the sugar-beet industry. 

In 1920, when the Children's Bureau made its first survey of conditions in the 
sugar-beet fields, Mexican and Spanish- American labor was just beginning to 
appear in the Michigan and Ohio areas. At that time Poles and Bohemians 
predominated among both the workers brought in from outside the State and the 
resident group. 1 Other Slavs and Magyars were also present in both groups in 
larger numbers than Mexicans. At the time of the present study Mexicans and 
Spanish-Americans outnumbered all other groups coming in from outside the 
State. Practically the entire roster of workers brought into the State were 
Mexicans or Spanish-Americans, and while families of Bohemian, Polish and 
other origins were still present among the laborers who were resident in the 
State, even in this group they were represented in considerably smaller propor- 
tions than formerly. Many of the Bohemian, Polish, and German families that 
were sugar-beet laborers in 1920 are now farm owners and farm tenants, culti- 
vating and harvesting their own crops or themselves hiring contract laborers. 

Residence and migration 

Approximately half, 130 of the 262 families interviewed in the course of the 
study were migratory; i. e., nonresidents of the State in which they were working. 
In the study of sugar-beet families made by the Children's Bureau in 1935 it was 

1 Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan, p. 82. 
Bureau Publication No. 115, Washington, 1923. 



Children's 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7913 



found that labor recruiting from outside the State, which had declined rapidly 
with the increase in unemployment during the 5 years preceding that study, had 
reached the point where it was a relatively unimportant feature of the sugar-beet 
industry. In 1939, however, it was generally reported that the practice had been 
on the increase during the last 2 or 3 years and that a large number of migratory 
families were again being brought to the beet fields of Michigan and Ohio. 2 

With the exception of the 1 family from Kentucky mentioned above, 1 
from Oklahoma, and 1 that had come from Ohio to work in Michigan, all those 
families that had come from outside the State in which they were working had 
come from Texas. San Antonio supplied the largest number but 23 other towns 
scattered throughout the State were represented. Texas, for a number of years, 
has been one of the important recruiting centers of the sugar-processing compa- 
nies. Mexican families from Texas not only migrate to the fields of Michigan and 
Ohio, but also to the sugar-beet areas of Colorado, Wyoming, western Nebraska, 
Montana, and Minnesota. In addition to the families that are transported by 
the sugar companies each season, many families, familiar with conditions from 
other years, migrate on their own initiative flocking to the spinach and cotton 
fields of Texas during the winter and the sugar-beet fields of the North in the 
spring and summer. 

Identity of beet workers 

The total number of persons included in the 262 families interviewed in the 
course of the study was 1,904, of whom almost two-thirds worked in the fields. In 
keeping with the recruiting and employment policies traditional in the sugar-beet 
and many other commercialized agricultural industries, by which families with 
several children old enough to work are given preference in employment, in three- 
fourths, or 196 of the families, there were children between the ages of 12 and 16 
years. In more than half, 56 percent, there were children 14 and 15 years of age 
who, without violating the child-labor provisions of the Sugar Act, could be relied 
upon to become regular field hands. The remaining 66 families were composed of 
adults and children under 12 years of age. The number of beet workers per house- 
hold ranged from 1 to 18 but the median was 5. 



Table 1. — Composition of families of sugar-beet laborers by number of beet-field 

workers in the family, 1939 



Composition of family 


Total 


Number of beet-field workers in the 
family 


Less 
than 3 


3, less 
than 5 


5, less 
than 7 


7 or 
more 


Total families. 


262 


40 


99 


87 


36 






Families with: 

Adults and children under 12 years only 


66 
196 


28 
12 


23 

76 


10 

77 


5 


Adults and children 12 years, under 16 l 


31 






Children 12 years, under 14 only 


48 
80 
68 


8 
3 
1 


25 
33 

18 


11 
37 

29 


4 


Children 14 years, under 16 only 


7 


Children of both age groups 


20 







1 May also have children under 12 years of age 

The extent to which members of the family of all ages helped with the work is 
apparent from the following table, which shows the total number of persons in the 
families visited and the number working in the beet fields. Since it is not unusual 
for relatives and friends sharing work under one contract to live together as a 
family group during the farm season, in some instances the figures in this table 
refer to the household rather than the immediate family. Of the households 
visited, almost one-third included persons other than members of the immediate 
family. Sometimes these extra persons were adults but often, too, they were 
children. 



2 Although some movement of labor to the beet fields from inside the State was indicated, the problem of 
intra-State migration is an unimportant one. Only 8 of the 132 families resident in the State came from out- 
Bide the county in which they were working. 



7914 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table 2. — Persons in family and number working in beet fields, 1939 





Number of persons in family 




Total 


Working in the beet 
fields 




Number 


Percent 


Total 


1,904 


1,189 


• 62.4 






Father i... 


240 
231 
538 
654 
241 


224 
159 
496 
310 


93.3 


Mother ._. 


68.8 


Others 16 years and over - 

Children 6 years, under 16 


92.2 
47.4 


Children under 6 years 











i Or other male head of the family. 

While the bulk of the field labor force was made up of adults and older children, 
a very significant portion, 26 percent, was children under 16 years of age. The 
distribution of the workers was as follows: 



Number of 
beet field 
workers 



Percent dis- 
tribution 



Total 

Father, or other male head of family 

Mother 

Others 16 years and over 

Children under 16 years 



1,189 



224 
159 
496 
310 



100.0 



18.8 
13.4 
41.7 
26.1 



Hours of work 

In the blocking and thinning season when the work must be finished before the 
plants become stunted from crowding, only 21 percent of the children 6 and 
under 16 reported a working day 8 hours or less. On the other hand almost 
two-thirds, 65 percent, were accustomed to work 10 or more hours a day, and for 
31 percent 12, 13, and 14 hours weie not unusual. Seventy-eight percent of the 
children under 14 years employed in the fields were working more than 8 hours 
a day (table 6). 

Table 6. — Usual daily hours of work of children 6 and under 16 years of age at each 

process, 1939 



Usual daily hours of work ' 


Percent of working children em- 
ployed at each process during the 
season 


Blocking 
and thin- 
ning 


Hoeing 
and weed- 
ing 


Pulling 
and top- 
ping 


Total 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 






Less than 4 hours - . . 


2.3 

5.5 

13.3 

13.7 

20.1 

14.6 

16.4 

8.2 

5.9 


2.9 

6.2 

17.1 

14.3 

20.5 
11.4 
15.2 

7.6 
4.8 


5.5 


4 less than 8 hours 


10.6 


8 hours - . 


30.9 


9 hours. 


11.5 


10 hours 


19.4 


11 hours,- -- .... 


9.2 


12 hours _ 


9.7 


13 hours .- 


1.8 


14 hours or more 


1.4 







1 Hours are reported to the nearest whole number. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7915 

For hoeing and weeding, the only operation in connection with the cultivation 
■of sugar beets that does not have to be done under pressure, the hours of work 
were somewhat shorter. Due to the fact, however, that, as explained before, a 
reduced force is sent into the fields for this work the hours do not vary consider- 
ably in the two periods. A somewhat larger — though still appreciably small- 
proportion, 26 percent, of the children helping with this work reported a working 
day of 8 hours or less and a slightly smaller proportion, 60 percent, worked 10 
hours or more. 

The harvesting operations, which cannot be started until word goes out from 
the sugar company that the maximum sugar content of the beet has been reached 
and which must be completed before the ground freezes, are done under even 
greater pressure than the blocking and thinning operations. Despite the fact, 
therefore, that the hours of daylight at this time of the year are limited 53 percent 
of the children reported working more than 8 hours a day and 13 percent worked 
12 hours or more. These extreme hours in this season of the year meant that 
the families often worked by moonlight or in fields lighted by automobile head- 
lights or other improvised illumination. 

A long working day in the beet field is customary for young and old alike and 
there was little difference in the hours worked at any process by the children of 
different ages, included in the present study. Of the 27 children under 12 years 
who were able to give their hours of work on the blocking and thinning processes 
20 reported a customary working day of more than 8 hours, while 80 percent of 
the children 12 and 13 years and a like proportion of those 14 and 15 years reported 
hours as long. For weeding and hoeing, 73 percent of the children under 12 years 
of age as compared with 74 percent of those in each of the older age groups re- 
ported usual working hours of more than 8. In the pulling and topping season 
50 percent of the children under 12 years, 51 percent of those 12 and 13 years of 
age, and 55 percent of the group 14 or 15 years worked more than 8 hours. 

While there were some children who left the field in advance of the other 
members of the family and some who reported for work at a later hour in the 
morning, for the majority of the children the working day was the same or closely 
approximated that of the adult members of the family working with them in the 
fields. The median hours reported for blocking and thinning was 10.8 for both 
children and adults; for hoeing it was 10.5 for both groups of workers; and for 
pulling and topping it was 9.3 for the children as compared with 10 for the adults. 1 

Duration of work 

At the time this study was made — in October 1939 — the harvesting of the 
sugar-beet crop was just beginning so that it was impossible to obtain a report 
on the total period that the children worked throughout the season. For the 
blocking and thinning processes the median number of days worked by the 
children from whom information could be obtained was 23, almost 4 weeks of 6 
working days each. For hoeing and weeding the median was 15 days. As 
pulling and topping require practically the same length of time as blocking and 
thinning, it is estimated that the median number of days worked by the children 
for the entire season would approximate 61 days or 10 working weeks. 

SCHOOL ATTENDANCE 

The employment of children in the sugar-beet fields is not a child-labor problem 
alone; it is also an educational problem. Work in the beet fields means loss of 
schooling not only for the children who help with the crop but, particularly in 
the case of migratory families, it usually means nonattendance for all children 
of school age in the family. Either schools are located at too great a distance 
to permit younger children to attend unaccompanied by the older children in 
the family; or the children of intermediate ages are kept at home to care for the 
house and younger brothers and sisters while the older members of the household 
work; or parents working daily in the fields have neither the time nor energy to 
keep the children in proper condition for school attendance. Frequently, too, 
so far as the migrant families are concerned it is not considered worth while to 
enroll the children in school for the short time the family plans to be in the com- 
munity. 

Because of the limited time available for the present study the information 
sought in respect to school attendance was confined to that most readily obtained 

3 The hours of the adult workers were measured by the hours of the father in the fpmily or the person 
taking his place in the sugar-beet fields. 



7916 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



from the parent without recourse to school records; namely, to inquiries con- 
cerning the attendance of the children from the time school opened in the fall 
the year of the study to the date of interview. It was felt that absences in this 
period were recent enough to be remembered accurately and while the figures are 
not complete for the entire school year they represent the most serious inroads 
upon school attendance resulting from the family's work in the beet fields. It 
should be kept in mind, however, that the blocking and thinning season sometimes 
begins as early as the middle of May so that children — particularly those in families 
that come from a distance — may lose some time at the close as well as the opening 
of the school year. It should be remembered, also, that a large proportion of 
the families return to the beet fields season after season, and the picture depicted 
here is not the picture of an occasional year but, in many instances, probably is 
that of every year of the child's school life. 

Of the children between the ages of 6 and 16 years in the families visited who had 
entered or planned to enter school the year of the study, 237, 37 percent, had not 
yet enrolled at the time of interview between October 1 and November 8; of these 
139 were working and 98 nonworking children. As most of the schools in the 
localities visited opened either the first or second week in September this meant 
that these children had already lost from 3 to 7 weeks of the school term. Many 
were to lose even more before the beet season was over. Children in the primary 
grades who could not make the trip to school alone and those 14 years and over 
who were looked upon as regular field hands were affected most when it came to 
prompt enrollment in school. A little more than one-third, 34 percent, of the 
children under 10 years of age and more than half, 57 percent of the children 14 
and 15 years had not yet enrolled in school at the time of the study. Among the 
children of the intermediate age groups, on the other hand, 26 percent had failed 
to enroll up to the time they were interviewed (table 7). 

Table 7. — School enrollment at date of interview of children 6 and under 16 years of 
age in families working in beet fields, by age of child, 1939 



Age of child 



Total 

Under 10 years... 
10 years, under 12 
12 years, under 14 
14 years, under 16 



Total 
children 



654 



229 
135 
123 
167 



Enrolled 
in school 



408 



147 

101 

89 

71 



Not en- 
rolled in 
school 



237 



77 
34 
33 
93 



Enroll- 
ment not 
reported 



Late enrollment, however, was not the only factor to be considered in connec- 
tion with the school attendance of children in sugar-beet workers' families. Even 
among the children who did enroll promptly at the beginning of the term those who 
were called upon to help with the field work were usually irregular in attendance 
once the beet harvest was begun. Occasionally the children's work was confined 
to "after school hours" but for the majority field work came first. Of the 169 
working children that were enrolled in school at the time of the study 81, or almost 
half, had dropped out for varying periods to work on the beet crop. Of these 81 
children 44 reported absences of at least 1 week during the 1 or 2 months that 
school had been in session, while a little more than one-third had lost 2 weeks or 
more. 

Altogether 44 percent of the children included in the study had either failed to 
enroll in school up to the time of the interview or their attendance had been 
seriously interrupted by, field work. 

A strict enforcement of the compulsory school-attendance laws would have kept 
the majority of these children in school. In Michigan children between 7 and 16 
years, and in Ohio children between 6 and 18 years with the exception of high- 
school graduates, are required to attend school for the entire term unless they have 
obtained employment certificates authorizing them to leave school to go to work, 
which are issued for certain specified occupations not including agriculture. In 
Michigan an exemption to the compulsory school attendance law which permits a 
child over 14 years of age who has completed the sixth grade to be excused from 
attendance at school if his services are essential to the support of his parents 
could be applied to the children included in this study. In Ohio, however, no 
exemption from school attendance is possible for this group of children. While 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7917 



the compulsory school-attendance law. in that State provides that a child who has 
reached the age of 14 years may be excused from attendance at school for a limited 
period not to exceed 15 days (except in extreme cases) "to perform necessary work 
directly and exclusively for his parents and legal guardians" this exemption has 
been interpreted to apply only to children working on their own parents' farms and 
does therefore not exempt children of contract laborers, with which this study is 
concerned, from attendance at school. 

As has been found to be the case in most studies of children employed in agri- 
culture, however, policies regarding the enforcement of the compulsory school 
attendance laws and interpretations of the exemptions from the law varied from 
county to county and even from school district to school district in the sugar-beet 
areas visited. In some districts strict enforcement of the law was effected in spite 
of the difficulties encountered in connection with the attendance of migratory 
children. In others there was complete disregard of school attendance standards 
during the sugar-beet season at least, and absences from the classroom were 
countenanced without any more formality than a verbal message brought by a 
neighbor's child. 

In several communities visited in Michigan school authorities followed the policy 
of closing the schools for 1 or 2 weeks during the harvest season for what is known 
as a "beet vacation" to release the children for work in the fields but the date of 
opening school in the fall was advanced to make up for time lost in this way. 
The practice of beet vacations, however, was not general; even in Michigan and 
in Ohio it was quite generally looked upon with disfavor. 

Late enrollment was far more general among the migratory children than 
among those rseident in the State, 65 percent of the former as compared with 14 
percent of the latter having failed to enter at the opening of the fall term the year 
of the study (table 8). So far as could be learned children of migratory families 
were accepted in the schools in all the districts visited on an equal basis with 
children of families resident in the State although they were not always encouraged 
to enroll. While in some districts every effort was made to get the migratory 
children in school, in the majority compulsory school attendance was more 
strictly enforced in respect to resident than to nonresident children. In several 
instances children of migratory families included in the study had failed to enroll 
in school because the farms on which the families were working were located 6 
miles from the district school and school authorities, when appealed to, had neither 
been willing to transfer them to a nearer school in an adjacent district nor to 
furnish transportation to the school in which they belonged. For the most part, 
however, migratory children were not compelled to attend school because school 
authorities, like the families themselves, did not consider it worth while to enroll 
them for the short time they were to be in the locality or because of a definite 
prejudice in the community against beet workers as a class. 



Table 8. — School enrollment at date of interview of children 6 and under 16 years of 

age, by residence status of family, 1939 





Children 6 and under 16 years of age 


Resident status of family 


Total 


Enrolled 
in school 


Not en- 
rolled in 
school 


Enroll- 
ment not 
reported 


Total 


654 


408 


237 


g 






Resident of State 


366 

288 


306 
100 


52 
185 


g 


Migratory 


3 





So lax was the enforcement of compulsory school-attendance laws in respect to 
children in families of migratory laborers in several communities that children 
living near and even next door to the school building in sight of teachers and 
principal daily had not yet enrolled in school several weeks after the term had 
begun and the parents had no intention of sending them until their return to 
Texas at the close of the harvest season. One family who had been told by the 
fieldman that the 10-year-old girl should be in school instead of working the 
fields reported naively that no one had come to "make the children go to school" 
and therefore they would "not go" until they returned to Texas. 



7918 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Exhibit 52. — Agricultural Migration to Michigan 

REPORT BY AGRICULTURAL FIELD STAFF, SELECT COMMITTEE INVESTIGATING 

DEFENSE MIGRATION, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

(Submitted for Consideration by the Committee in Connection With the Detroit 

Hearings) 

This study was undertaken in order to determine the extent to which agricul- 
tural migration has been and is likely to be affected by the defense-stimulated 
industrial boom, as exemplified in the Michigan area. Published data already 
available were supplemented by field interviews with farmers, farm workers, and 
other observers. Michigan was selected for first examination because it is a 
wealthy agricultural State and one of the most important industrial areas in the 
country. 4 

Michigan agriculture is characterized by a high degree of diversification. The 
State, with Ohio and Indiana, is in the center of the general farming area of the 
United States. In Michigan 33 percent of all farms are classed as general farms; 
in the United States 17.4 percent are so classed. In some areas in the State 40 
percent of all farms are general farms. 1 Such farms do not require large num- 
bers of seasonal workers. Two major areas in Michigan, however, specialize in 
the production of crops requiring large numbers of harvest workers — -the sugar 
beet area of east central Michigan and the fruit and vegetable area of the western 
portion ot the State adjacent to Lake Michigan. The two areas are considered 
separately because they differ considerably in economic structure, and in type of 



migration. 



WESTERN MICHIGAN 



Western Michigan is one of the important fruit and truck crop districts in 
the United States. Large quantities of peaches, pears, apples, cherries, grapes, 
berries, tomatoes, melons, and celery are raised either for the fresh market or 
for processing, or for both. Such crops require large amounts of labor for short 
harvesting and processing seasons. 

All counties in western Michigan grow some fruits and vegetables. For most 
of these crops acreages are greatest in the south and decline to the north. 2 Fol- 
lowing the general pattern of acreage, the demand for seasonal farm help is greatest 
in the south, declining to the north. There are no accurate statistics on the 
number of migrant workers entering these counties each harvest season. Esti- 
mates, however, have been made from time to time for some counties. They are 
necessarily rough approximations, but suffice to indicate the relative importance 
of migration in the various counties. From 9,000 to 12,000 migrant workers enter 
Berrien County each year; about 2,500 enter Van Buren County; and about 1,200 
enter Allegan County. In a recent survey the Farm Security Administration esti- 
mated that cherry harvesting gave employment to about 5,000 transient workers 
in Oceana County and to upwards of 4,000 transient workers in Grand Traverse 
County. Migration to northern cherry counties is greater than migration to 
Allegan or Van Buren County but much less important than to Berrien County. 
The numbers are fewer and the season is short. 

Berrien County ranks among the first 10 counties in the United States in the 
production of peaches, cherries, apples, pears, grapes, raspberries, blackberries,, 
and strawberries. Large quantities of cantaloupes, cucumbers, and tomatoes are 
also grown. 

Problems similar to those in Berrien County are evident in the whole region, 
though to a lesser degree. Changes occurring in Berrien County are occurring in 
surrounding counties, but at a slower rate. 

BERBIEN COUNTY 

Location and boundaries. 

Berrien County occupies the extreme southwest corner of Michigan. The- 
county is shaped somewhat like a right-angle triangle, with Lake Michigan as the 
hypotenuse and the right angle in the southeastern corner. The eastern boundary 
of the county runs in a straight north-south line, a distance of about 34 miles. 
Bordering on the Indiana State line, the southern boundary of Berrien County 
extends some 31 miles westward to Lake Michigan. On the west the county line 
tapers sharply toward the northeast along Lake Michigan for a distance of about 
43 miles. The northern boundary of the county is a short 7>2-mile line. Berrien 

> Data from U. S. Census. 1930. 

2 Sweet and sour cherries are the only exception to this pattern. Cherry acreage is concentrated in the- 
West central and northwestern counties of Mason, Oceana, Leelanau, and Grand Traverse. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7919 

County enjoys a very favorable location with respect to available markets. 
Only iOO miles from Chicago, 200 miles from Detroit, and even less from the 
industrial areas of Illinois and Indiana, transportation problems are reduced to a 
minimum. Almost all of the fruits and vegetables move out by truck to consum- 
ing centers. 

Industries. 

Most of the industrial activity is concentrated in the twin cities of Benton 
Harbor and St. Joseph, but there are a number of plants, each employing several 
hundred workers, scattered throughout the count}'. In Benton Harbor and St. 
Joseph there are some 10 fairly large plants, employing a total of more than 6,000 
workers and producing a variety of commodities such as automobile parts, washing 
machines, electric ironers, dies, castings, etc. This is exclusive of a number of 
small miscellaneous plants which employ up to 100 workers. Some of these 
smaller plants manufacture fruit packages in which local farm produce is marketed. 

Resorts are found along the lake shore in Berrien County, and many of the 
smaller farmers in the interior of the county supplement their farm income by 
taking in summei-vacation boarders. There aie also several large "resort farms" 
that concentrate on the summer-vacation trade and depend little, if at all, on their 
enterprise. 

The fruit area. 

Although the nonfarm industries play a significant role in the whole economy 
of Berrien County, agriculture, particularly fruit farming, is the major economic 
enterprise. 

Large crops of various kinds of fruit are grown throughout the county except 
for three strips in the eastern, southern, and western parts. In the west there 
is a narrow, intermittent stretch of sand and dunes bordering on the lake. At 
only a few points to these' barren patches extend as much as 1)4 miles inland. 

The southern belt. 

Little fruit is grown in the southern part of the county. It is predominantly 
a general farming area. In addition to farming there are several large resorts 
on the lake shore and a few scattered industrial centers. This southern belt is 
approximately 3 miles wide at the lake and broadens to about 10 miles where it 
meets the eastern nonfruit area. The eastern strip is irregular in width and 
extends the entire length of the county, but does not exceed about 6}<2 miles at its 
widest point. Dairy, poultry, and general farms are found in the southern and 
eastern parts of the county. 

Physical and economic conditions. 

In general, a considerable portion of Berrien County enjoys the advantage of 
favorable soil and topographic conditions. There is, however, a wide range in 
these natural conditions. 

"* * * the soils are diverse in character ranging from deep, loose, dry sands 
to heavy clays and are further characterized by a wade range in depth to water 
table, moisture, and fluctuations in moisture throughout the growing season. 
* * * Most of the land consists of smooth plains on which the local relief 
does not exceed 30 to 40 feet, but elsewhere plains are pitted, and some hilly land 
is present on which the local relief is 50 to 150 feet, on which slopes exceed the 
amount of level land, and on which lakes and swamps are components of the land 
types." 3 

The environmental and economic factors, climate and proximity to markets, 
combine to determine the type of crops grown. Furthermore, because these 
combined factors are so favorable, they compensate in significant measure for 
inferior conditions of soil and topography in many parts of the country. "A 
higher proportion of relatively poor soil, on a physical basis, is in use in this area 
(southwestern Michigan) than in some other parts of the State." 4 

"The influence of Lake Michigan makes possible the fruit areas along the eastern 
shore of the lake * * * [The lake] is especially marked in its influence on 
the length of growing season as it tempers both extremes in temperature. * * * 
the autumns are long and mild, and hence favorable for ripening fruit and harden- 
ing new growth on fruit trees, thus lessening winter killing. Summer temperatures 
i along the shore are much more moderate than those across the lake or in the 
interior of the State." Thus, "The growing season is much longer along the 
i Lake Michigan shore than inland * * * the growing season inland is 20 to 

3 Hill, E. B., Types of Farming in Michigan, Special Bulletin No. 206, Michigan State College, East 
Lansing, 1939, p. 17. 

4 Ibid., p. 17. 



7920 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



50 days shorter than along the lake because of the greater distance from the lake 
and the higher elevation." 5 

With its diversity of soil and topographic conditions, and with its lake-moder- 
ated climate, Berrien County is capable, physically, of producing a wide variety 
of farm products. Given these conditions, the particular crops grown are deter- 
mined by the proximity to large local and out-of-State markets. "About 2}i 
million persons live in the major cities in southern Michigan. About twice that 
number are in near-by out-of-State markets. This large population has increased 
the local demand for farm products * * * of a high degree of perishability, 
products which tend to be produced near the markets because of transportation 
costs. Examples of such products are fluid milk, small fruits, vegetables, tree 
fruits, and poultry products. 6 Because of its favorable climate, Berrien County 
concentrates on fruit and truck crops rather than on poultry and dairy products 
which are found in other areas in the region. 

Size of farms: Economic factors. 

Land prices in the southwestern corner of Michigan have been high largely 
because of its proximity to markets, coupled with climatic conditions favorable to 
fruit production. This type of agriculture, furthermore, requires a relatively 
large and relatively long-term investment, since fruit trees do not produce before 
3 to 7 years. These factors — high land values and large investments — result in 
a tendencjr toward maintenance of small and intensively cultivated farms in 
Berrien County. 

The average size of Berrien County farms is 55.5 acres as compared with 96.2 for 
the State. Only four other counties in Michigan have an average of less than 60 
acres per farm. Two of these, Cogebic and Keweenaw Counties, are located in 
the Upper Peninsulp "* * * where the cost and effort involved in the 
clearing, combined with the uneven topography of the land, retard the 
development of farms of adequate size." 7 The other two are Wayne County, 
with an average farm size of 43.8 acres, and Macomb County, with an average 
farm size of 58.9 acres. Wayne County includes the large metropolitan area of 
Detroit and its suburbs; Macomb County adjoins Wayne County to the northeast. 
Here, again, proximity to large markets encourages intensive agriculture, in this 
case primarily truck, dairy, and poultry farming. 

Table 1 shows the distribution of farms, by size of farm, for Berrien County and 
for the State of Michigan. In Berrien County 63.1 percent of all farms are under 
50 acres, whereas only 32.3 percent of all the farms in the State fall into that 
category. Comparison with data from previous census years reveals that these 
relationships are of long standing, showing little tendency to change since the 
opening of the century. 

Table 1. — Distribution of farms in Michigan and in Berrien County, Michigan, by 

size of farms, 1940 





Number of farms 


Percent of total 


Size of farms 


Michigan 


Berrien 
County 


Michigan 


Berrien 
County 


Total, all farms- _ . 


187, 589 

12,675 

18, 951 

28, 833 

14, 757 

43, 220 

29, 630 

18, 744 

8,597 

^O^O 

4,948 

1,272 

539 

224 

169 


5,324 

462 

1,710 

1,189 

540 

620 

380 

203 

90 

54 

49 

17 

5 

3 

2 


100.0 

6.8 

10.1 

15.4 

. 7.9 

23.0 

15.8 

10.0 

4.6 

2.7 

2.6 

.7 

.3 

.1 

.1 


100.0 


Under 10 acres 


8.7 


10 to 29 acres 


32.1 


30 to 49 acres 


22.3 


50 to 69 acres 


10.1 


70 to 99 acres --- 


11.7 


100 to 139 acres -- 


7.1 


140 to 179 acres 


3.8 


180 to 219 acres 


1.7 


220 to 259 acres -- 


1.0 


260 to 379 acres . 


1.0 


380 to 499 acres - 


.3 


500 to 699 acres 


.1 


700 to 999 acres 


.1 


1,000 acres and over 


(') 







1 Less than one-half of 1 percent. 
Source: United States Census. 1940. 



» Ibid., pp. 9-11. 
• Ibid., p. 29. 
? Ibid., p. 34. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7921 

Berrien County's high land values and large investment requirements are 
matched by its high rate of mortgage indebtedness. Mortgages are carried on 
54.6 percent of all farms in the county, as compared with 46.3 percent for the 
State as a whole. On the other hand, only 11.2 percent of Berrien County 
farms are operated by tenants. This percentage of tenancy is low even for 
Michigan, which has a much lower tenancy rate (17 percent) than has the United 
States as a whole (38.7 percent). 

Farmers in Berrien County, although they have suffered from depressed prices 
in recent years, and although many have had to mortgage their farms, have been 
able, on the whole, to maintain their status as individual producers. In the first 
three decades of the century farming was very profitable in the county. When 
the depression lowered farm prices, Berrien County farmers were financially able 
to carry on for some time. Few farms were lost prior to the extension oi more 
liberal farm credit by the Federal Government. Furthermore, the impact of 
the depression was not as disastrous to Berrien County as to some other agricul- 
tural regions. Production was directed to the domestic market and was highly 
diversified. Most farmers raised several different crops, some of which, e. g. 
tomatoes and melons, could be changed from year to year as market demand 
changed. 

Fruits and vegetables have become in recent years much more important ele- 
ments in the national diet. Consequently, prices for Berrien County products 
did not fall as much as prices for staple export crops or for less necessary or less 
nutritive domestic products. In fact, as agricultural prices declined early in the 
decade, Michigan fruit and vegetable producers found their competitive position 
improved. Rigid transport charges made it increasingly difficult for producers 
and packers of Arkansas strawberries, California grapes, pears, and peaches, and 
Washington apples to ship to Chicago, Detroit, and other midwestern and north- 
eastern markets. Berrien County producers, on the other hand, w r ere in a 
position to ship to these markets by truck at extremely low rates, permitting 
them to sell at prices which, while they were low, usually yielded some net 
income. They were able to realize more on such products than on field crops, 
and dairy and poultry products, which suffered competition from other regions 
•as favorably situated as their own. 

Marketing. 

The favorable location of Berrien County with respect to consuming centers 
has been emphasized. The short hauls to these centers can be made almost 
entirely by ordinary truck; refrigerated trucks or railroad cars are used infre- 
quently. Five major methods are used by farmers in disposing of their products. 

1. Most important of the outlets is the Benton Harbor fruit market. On this 
market from 40 to 50 percent of all fruits and vegetables grown in the county are 
sold directly by the growers to buyers for chain stores, brokers, and wholesalers, 
■or to transient buyers who dispose of their purchases over wide areas. Com- 
mission merchants also maintain representatives on the market but most trans- 
actions are sales for Cash. 

The present market facilities were established in 1931 by the city of Benton 
Harbor, which operates the market as a nonprofit community enterprise. Prior 
to the establishment of the present facilities transactions were carried on between 
buyers and growers in the streets of Benton Harbor and adjacent areas. Most 
of the farmers selling on this market are small operators and most of the loads are 
small loads except at the height of certain crop seasons. Large operators use 
"the market when prices are good or when other outlets are inconvenient or not 
available for particular types of produce. 

The open-market arrangement has many advantages for the fanner. He is in 
a position to bargain with buyers; he can find out easily what prices other growers 
have received; and, most important of all, he is paid in cash for his produce. 
On the other hand, he is subject, to some extent, to the pressures of practiced 
buyers. There is no evidence of any organized attempts on the part of buyers 
to depress prices but that effect is sometimes achieved by tacit understandings 
among buyers. Perhaps the greatest disadvantage for the farmer is the fact that 
the sale of his produce takes so much time. It is not unusual for a farmer, after 
he has driven to market, to w r ait 2 or more hours before selling, in the expectation 
that bids will improve. 

To meet the competition offered by other marketing outlets the Benton Harbor 
market has encouraged farmers to provide better packs, better quality, and more 
standardized grading. The Michigan Department of Agriculture has an office 

60396— 41— pt. 19 11 



7922 DETROIT HEARINGS 

on the market grounds and furnishes produce inspectors who are on duty during 
trading hours. 

During the 1940 season 113,681 loads of Berrien County fruits and vegetables 
left the Benton Harbor market destined for 536 communities in 29 States. Ship- 
ments, by truck, went as far as Florida, Texas, Arizona, and North Dakota. 
These, however, were exceptions. Seventy percent of all shipments went to 
cities in Michigan and to the nearby States of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Wis- 



consin 



8 



2. From time to time cooperatives have been established to handle farm produce 
in Berrien County. Some of these organizations that began as cooperatives have 
become private stock companies at the insistence of the larger grower-stockholders. 
These organizations grade, pack, and sell the fruit grown by their stockholders. 
They handle fruit for outsiders when their facilities are not being fully utilized 
by their stockholders, but in normal production years the amount of outside fruit 
handled is small. 

Two fruit-packing plants in the county are operated on a quasi-cooperative 
basis. But membership fees are high and there is no desire to increase member- 
ship. Both these quasi-cooperatives and the corporate packing plants sell farm 
equipment and supplies. 

The packing plants offer standard grade and high quality packs and can there- 
fore secure the desirable business of large chain store and wholesale buyers. 
The manager of one large exchange estimated that prices on peaches sold through 
the exchange will average between 15 to 20 cents per bushel higher than prices at 
the Benton Harbor market. The same source indicated that although there is no 
desire to expand membership in the existing exchanges, the establishment of more 
such organizations in the area would be welcomed because they would tend to 
standardize and improve the quality of Michigan fruit and consequently raise 
prices. Whatever competition existed among exchanges, it was stated, would be 
more than offset by higher prices which would result from the improved reputation 
of Michigan fruit packs. 

At the present time there is close cooperation among the exchanges with respect 
to prices. Two years ago four large exchanges in Berrien County maintained 
agreements on price ranges and packed under the same brand label. This 
branded produce of uniformly high quality was attractive to large chain store and 
other buyers and gave the cooperating exchanges an additional advantage. Last 
year, although daily contact on price was maintained, the crop and prices were 
poor and cooperation among the exchanges was not quite as effectively carried 
out. This year both price agreements and the use of uniform labels among the 
four exchanges will be maintained. Beyond this some thought is being given 
to the possibility of selling the produce from all the exchanges through a single 
organization. 

The cooperation among the exchanges is the only organized attempt to influ- 
ence prices and to control marketing outlets. These exchanges operate for the 
exclusive benefit of their stockholders. The large number of small farmers can 
neither join them nor raise sufficient capital to set up effective organizations of 
their own. 

Farmers who dispose of their produce through the packing plants are generally 
the larger growers in the county. Plant managers point out that it is very costly 
to handle fruit in small amounts. Machinery has to be cleared of one farmers 
fruit before another's load can be worked. The larger the load the less time is 
lost and the lower are packing costs. Bookkeeping costs increase rapidly as- 
small loads are accepted. Consequently packing plants are interested in doing 
business with farmers who can furnish considerable quantities of a single crop. 
Since most farms are small and highly diversified, the number raising a sufficient 
amount of a particular crop to interest the packing plants is relatively small. 

However, not all large growers sell through packing plants. Some prefer to- 
grade, pack, and sell their own produce even though they may themselves be 
stockholders in the exchanges. It appears that a large grower who manages his 
own farm, or is able to hire a sufficiently capable manager, can grade, pack, and 
sell for less than it costs the exchanges. 

3. An indeterminate volume of produce is marketed directly from farms in. 
Berrien County. Chain stores, brokers, and wholesalers, usually from nearby 
markets, particularly Chicago, send their trucks direct to farms with which they 
make day-to-day arrangements for the purchase of produce. No reliable estimates- 

« Data concerning the Benton Harbor market are taken from the 1940 bulletin published by the market.. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7923 

of the quantity of produce marketed in this fashion could be obtained, but all 
observers agreed that the percentage is considerable. 

4. One large fruit and vegetable cannery is located in Berrien County, and 
absorbs considerable quantities of asparagus, tomatoes, cherries, peaches, and 
pears. Purchases by the cannery are made by contract with growers. Tomatoes 
are contracted for on an acreage basis before the planting season. Contracts for 
all other products are signed just before canning begins. The purchase of large 
quantities of produce for canning tends to improve prices received by farmers. 
This advantage is minimized, however, because the canning company will not 
discuss prices until the fruit is ready to pick, at which time offers are made in 
terms of flooded fresh-fruit markets. When cannery prices are set, fresh-fruit 
buyers have a lever with which to keep market prices down. 

5. Proximity to large population centers has encouraged the widespread estab- 
lishment of roadside markets, although these markets dispose of the smallest 
proportion of the county output. 

Farmers in the county continually change from one marketing method to 
another. When prices are high on the cash market the flow of produce over that 
market will increase. Large growers ordinarily selling through a packing plant 
also will turn to it, and sometimes the exchanges will do likewise. On the other 
hand, if prices sag at the market, the cannery will get more offers of produce. 
The competition among these five produce outlets has the tendency of keeping 
prices at maximum levels permitted by the consumer demand. Because of the 
alternative outlets, no one outlet has been able to dominate prices or to control 
the marketing process. While farmers have felt certain pressures, they have been 
able to thwart control of prices or production by the simple expedient of changing 
their selling connections. 

Local labor sup-ply. 

Employment opportunities in nonfarm industry in Berrien County have pro- 
vided a source of additional income and stability to large numbers of farm workers 
and small farmers. At the same time the large body of farm workers and small 
farmers has provided a source of stable and relatively cheap labor to local nonfarm 
industry. 

In the present survey an attempt was made to determine the extent to vvhich 
local industries draw upon the farm-labor supply. For this purpose questionnaires 
were distributed in a plant employing about 900 workers. Preliminary figures, 
shown in table 3, indicate that over 55 percent of the workers whose questionnaires 
have been received and tabulated have farm-labor backgrounds. In this sample 
of 507 male workers, approximately 11 percent are currently engaged in part-time 
farming. Including the part-time farmers, 24 peicent of the tabulated sample 
have worked on farms during the past 5 years. 

Union as well as company officials indicated that this plant has a smaller pro- 
portion of people with recent farm experience than any other plant in the area. 
The reason given was that the work was more desirable at this plant than else- 
where. Workers employed at other plants on more difficult or less desirable jobs, 
in foundries for example, attempt over long periods of time to secure employment 
in the plant that was circularized in this survey. It was stated, therefore, that 
although large numbers of farm workers would be found in this plant, many more 
would be long-standing industrial workers further removed in time from their 
farm employment than workers in the other plants in the area. 

Table 2. — Farm labor background of male workers currently employed in a Berrien 

County, Mich., industrial plant 

[Preliminary data based on 507 questionnaires received and tabulated to date] 

[Roman numerals indicate numbers of workers; numerals in italics are percentages] 

Total workers 507 

With farm labor background 282 

Proportion of total 55 5 

Without farm labor background 225 

Proportion of total 4/ h 5 

Living on farm as owner or tenant 56 

Proportion of total workers 11. 

On farm for 5 years or less 38 

Proportion of total operators 67. 9 



7924 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Not living on owned or rented farm 451 

Without farm labor background 225 

With farm labor background 226 

Total reporting most recent date of farm employment 203 

Worked on farm prior to 1930 69 

Proportion of total reporting 84- 

Worked on arm between 1930 and 1935, inclusive 66 

Proportion of total reporting 32 6 

Worked on farm between 1937 and 1941, inclusive 68 

Proportion of total reporting 33. 5 

Available evidence is unanimous that owner and renter operators as well aa 
local farm workers are entering industrial activity in steadily increasing numbers. 

The effect on industrial wage rates of the labor supply available on farms is 
indicated in the following table by comparisons with other areas. The differences 
exist despite the proximity of Berrien County to several large industrial centers. 
The relatively low level of Berrien County's industrial wages has been attributed 
to a large available supply of farm labor accustomed to relatively low wages. 

Table 3. — Current hourly rates in union 'plants and plants paying union wages, 

selected areas 



Location 



Unskilled 



Semi- 
skilled 



Skilled 



Dayton, Ohio 

Fort Wayne, Ind 

South Bend, Ind 

St. Joseph and Benton Harbor, Mich 



$0.65 
.65 
.65 
1.60 



$0.85 
.85 
.90 
.70 



$1 to $1.40. 
$1 to $1.40. 
$1.10 to $1.50. 
$0.85 to $0.90. 



' Unionization during the past 3 months has brought an increase in unskilled rates from 45 to 60 cents 
per hour. 

Source: Local organizer for U. E. R. and M. W. A., Congress of Industrial Organizations. 



Because the industrial wage scales are generally lower in Berrien County, there 
has lately been a tendency for workers to commute or migrate to other nearby 
centers of industrial activity. And at the same time a rapid and intensive 
unionization of industrial workers is taking place in the county. 

As compared with industrial rates of pay shown in the above table, farm wages 
were generally 15 to 20 cents per hour in 1940 and 20 to 25 cents per hour in 1941 
in Berrien County. During the peach harvest some farmers were paying 30 cents 
per hour. These rates usually included some type of shelter or camping space. 

Seasonal labor demand. 

Demand for harvest labor in southwestern Michigan begins in early June and 
continues throughout the summer until the latter part of October. The largest 
number of workers is required for the overlapping berry and cherry harvest in 
June and July. 

Strawberries begin to ripen about June 1 and at the height of the season pro- 
vide emp'oyment for from 4,000 to 5,000 workers. By the end of June cherries, 
raspberries, dewberries, and blackberries are ready to harvest, and these crops 
require from 10,000 to 12,000 workers. 9 

After the berry harvest is finished there follows a relatively slack period of 2 
or 3 weeks, the length depending on weather condition. Apples begin to mature 
at this time but the total labor demand is at the lowest point for the harvesting 
season. Early peaches are ready to harvest by the end of August, the peak being 
reached by the middle or the end of September. Pears, grapes, tomatoes, melons, 
and apples add to the demand for labor through September and October. During 
the peak of the peach season from 7,000 to 10,000 workers are needed for picking 
and packing operations in the county. 

The demand for seasonal labor has increased considerably in the past decade. 
Table 4 shows a marked expansion of berries, cherries, peaches, tomatoes, and 
melons between 1930 and 1940. Increases are shown in number of both bearing 
(51.4 percent) and nonbearing (123.7 percent) peach trees and of bearing cherry 
trees (117.8). On the other hand grapes, still an important crop, are declining 
in importance rather rapidly. During the decade 1920-30 the number of bearing 

» These and other estimates of labor demand are based on statements made by farmers and other persons 
familiar with the agriculture of the county. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7925 



grapevines increased by 245 percent. 10 With the repeal of prohibition, 11 and 
because of grape diseases, many vineyards were turned to the production of other 
crops. The number of vines in 1940 was little more than half the number in 
1930. Grapes, however, do not reqiure the large numbers of harvest workers 
that are required for other fruits and berries. Tomato and melon acreage fluctu- 
ates greatly from year to year. Acreages increase when fruit crops are poor; 
tomatoes and melons are planted to supplement income, and decrease when 
those crops are heavy. 

Table 4. — Acreages or number of trees, selected crops, Berrien County, Mich., 

1930-40 



Strawberries, acres 

Raspberries, acres 

Blackberries and dewberries, acres 

Cherries: 

Trees not of bearing age 

Trees of bearing age-,. __. 

Peaches: 

Trees not of bearing age 

Trees of bearing age 

Apples: 

Trees not of bearing age 

Trees of bearing age 

Pears: 

Trees not of bearing age 

Trees of bearing age 

Grapes: 

Vines not of bearing age 

Vines of bearing age 

Tomatoes, acres 

Melons, acres 



1930 



1,930 
4, 575 
1,134 

80, 490 
89,028 

444, 565 
763, 852 

250, 143 
434, 803 

38, 822 
331, 550 

301, 339 

, 557, 244 

1,439 

1,261 



1910 



2,972 
5,760 
1,271 

84, 116 
195, 187 

994, 281 
1, 156, 672 

164, 978 
587, 930 

76, 221 
325, 934 

96, 041 

4, 407, 122 

3,541 

1,532 



Percent 

increase or 

decrease, 

1930-40 



+54.0 
+26.0 
+12.1 

+4.5 
+117.8 

+123. 7 
+51.4 

-34.0 
+35.2 

+96.3 
-1.7 

-68.1 

-41.7 

+146. 1 

+21.5 



Source: U. S. Census, 1930, 1940. 



The rapid increase in the acreages of labor requiring crops after 1930 may be 
explained by three factors: (1) The improved competitive position, already 
described, in fruit and vegetable production as prices declined, (2) the increased 
emphasis on fruits and vegetables in the national diet, and (3) the supply of cheap 
harvest labor made available by agricultural and industrial depression and by the 
drought in the plains areas. 

As the increased plantings of berries and fruits come into production it may be 
expected that the demand for harvest workers will gradually rise. This will 
certainly be the case in the immediate future as trees already planted begin to bear. 
With improving prices for fruits and vegetables and with increasing emphasis by 
Government officials upon the desirability of expanding such crops at the expense 
of field crops, it appears likely that this increase in the Berrien County seasonal 
labor demand will continue as long as suitable land is available for expansion. 

Seasonal labor supply in agriculture. 

Prior to 1930 the demand for migratory seasonal workers in southwestern 
Michigan was small. Farmers diversified their plantings in such a manner that 
most of the harvest work could be handled by family labor. Itinerant single 
workers furnished such labor as could not be supplied by farm families or local 
people. 

After 1930 acreages in labor-requiring crops expanded rapidly, as described in 
the preceding section. A factor explaining this increase was the large supply of 
cheap labor available after 1929. This was partially a result of the general 
industrial depression which made many local nonagricultural workers available 
for farm employment. More important, however, were the distressed conditions 
of 'plains agriculture, brought on by depression and intensified by drought. 
Throughout the decade people from Arkansas and southeastern Missouri formed 

i° TJ. S. Census, 1930. 

11 Enactment of the eighteenth amendment resulted in the purchase of large quantities of bulk grapes for 
use in nearby population centers. This demand ceased when wine from more distant vineyard areas was 
again legally available. 



7926 DETROIT HEARINGS 

the largest part of the migratory farm worker supply in the area. This attraction 
to Berrien County was explained very largely by publicity the county received in 
Arkansas in 1931. At that time many people in Arkansas were suffering seriously 
from the effects of the severe crop failure of the 1930 season. Citizens of Berrien 
County undertook to alleviate this suffering by collecting and shipping to Arkansas 
truckloads of food, clothing, and other necessities. The gesture of good neighbor- 
liness was widely publicized in Arkansas. Berrien County, Mich., became to 
many people in that region of the South an oasis toward which they turned their 
conveyances when dislodged from their land. 

A small initial migration was sufficient to stimulate a large movement. Reports 
of high wages filtered back by letter and by word-of -mouth. Reports of earnings 
of $5 and $6 a day picking cherries or peaches failed to mention that these earnings 
were made only on special days which were few in number. The movement grew 
steadily throughout the decade. 

Tn July of 1940 the Labor Division of the Farm Security Administration con- 
ducted a survey of migrant workers in Berrien County. 12 Detailed schedules were 
taken from 120 single workers and from 137 heads of families. It was found that 
106, or 41.2 percent, of the persons interviewed considered Arkansas as their 
permanent residence. Missouri was considered "home" by 55, or 21.4 percent. 
In 1941, a year later, farmers, officials, and other observers agreed that the per- 
centage of people from Arkansas and Missouri had increased considerably over 
the previous year, estimates ranging between 75 and 90 percent. 

Migration to Michigan is seasonal. Most of the workers return to Arkansas 
or to other Southern States in the fall to supplement their earnings by cotton pick- 
ing. Fears are occasionally expressed by local residents that these migrants will 
remain in the county during the winter and become a relief burden. While some 
relief is extended to migrants before harvesting starts, and during slack periods in 
the summer, almost all migrants leave at the end of the season without pressure 
and without assistance. 13 

The majority of these workers return to Berrien County year after year. In the 
Farm Security Administration study, it was found that only 87, or 34 percent, of 
those interviewed were in the county for the first time. On the other hand, 68, 
or 26 percent, had worked one or more previous years for the employer for whom 
they were working at the time of the survey. 

Opinions differ as to the quality of the labor supply. Some farmers believe 
that the southern workers are shiftless and lazy and will hire them only if they 
can secure no other workers at the wages they are willing to pay. This attitude 
probably is due largely to the fact that farmers often expect migrants born and 
raised on southern cotton farms to handle efficiently specialized tasks such as 
milking, pruning, or spraying, for which some experience is needed. Most 
employers, however, are well satisfied with southern labor, some asserting they 
prefer it to local labor. The manager of a large Benton Harbor fruit-packing 
plant stated that he has been using southern labor for 4 years and found it very 
satisfactory. An official of the local cannery summed up the situation in this 
way, "They aie like any other group. Some of them are dumb as hell; some of 
them are mighty fine people." As local industrial employment opportunities 
increase, farmers are depending moie and more, whether they like it or not, on 
migratory southern workers untrained for and generally unable to obtain regular 
industrial employment. 

Labor recruiting. 

Until 1941 no labor-recruiting system was necessary in southwestern Michigan. 
In 1932 one large grower is the county made a trip to Arkansas and arranged to 
import by truck about 200 workers. 14 The initiative, however, has in general 
been taken by the workers rather than by the employers. They left Arkansas 
because of necessity — -they went to Berrien County because they were told some- 
thing about conditions there. As pointed out above, many families have returned 
year after year to work for the same farmer. Correspondence between the 
employer and his workers informed the migrants of the condition of the crops 
and as to when work would be available. When workers arrived in Michigan 
they went either to the farm on which they had previously worked or they applied 
for work from farm to farm. Farmers, assured of an abundant supply of workers, 
found no necessity of organizing a recruiting service. 

1! A report based on this survey is included elsewhere in this volume. 
'3 Chicago hearings of select committee, pt. 3, pp. 1243, 1244. 
i< Ibid., p. 1236. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7927 

In 1941, however, newspapers and periodicals all over the country carried 
stories of anticipated labor shortages due to industrial expansion. Farmers be- 
came concerned and began to act. Michigan Fruit Sponsors, Inc., an organization 
of growers and fruit exchanges, formed to advertise southwestern Michigan 
agricultural products, had been using time on Chicago radio stations WLS and 
WMAQ. In April and May, well before the cherry and berry harvest, this organ- 
ization inserted announcements in their regular programs relative to labor short- 
ages in fruit areas of the State. These announcements continued from time to 
time as the season developed. 15 The determination of whether or not a shortage 
was imminent was made by the director of publicity of the organization after 
consultation with members of the board of directors. No check was made with 
the area office of the Michigan State Employment Service to see how much 
unemployed labor was available or to secure the judgment of the State officials 
as to how best to remedy any employment situation which had arisen. 

The results of this attempt at radio recruiting are uncertain. The stations 
which were used serve principally areas which have not been important sources of 
Michigan fruit workers in the past. Of 68 inquiries received by the Benton 
Harbor Chamber of Commerce concerning these announcements, 38 came from 
Illinois, 17 from Indiana, 6 from Wisconsin, 3 from Michigan, and 2 each from 
Iowa and Missouri. Most of those who wrote were workers seeking year-round 
farm jobs or high school and college boys interested in steady jobs for the summer. 

These announcements may have contributed to the increase in supply of mi- 
grant workers in the early part of the season, a condition discussed in a following 
section. 

During the 1941 season the Michigan State Employment Service established 
a systematic attempt to place agricultural workers. An employment office was 
established on the grounds of the Benton Harbor Market and posters were sent 
out, urging farm workers to apply. Upon application at the office, workers were 
referred immediately to jobs in the surrounding area, or, if no job orders were on 
file, were told to report back from time to time. The records kept of applicants 
were meager — a mere listing of the name of the applicant and the number of 
workers in his party. More detailed records were not kept on the grounds that 
applicants rarely had permanent mailing addresses and were continually moving 
from place to place in search of work. 16 

The employment service at the beginning of the season prepared and sent to 
over 5,000 farmers in the area work orders to be filled out and returned as soon as 
it was possible to determine needs. By May 30, 464 of these orders had been 
returned. By August 13 approximately 2,400 agricultural placements had been 
made and no orders had gone unfilled for either seasonal harvest hands or for 
regular farm hands. 

This agricultural placement service in its first year of operation suffered from 
several handicaps. Workers registered only after exhausting the possibilities of 
getting work for themselves. The office was of necessity located in Benton 
Harbor, the center of marketing activities and of farmers' business, but not the 
center of the producing region. This location made it necessary for workers, in 
order to use the service, to drive in from outlying fruit areas to the office and then 
out again. Most farmers, accustomed to having plenty of workers apply at the 
farms, neglected to use the service until late in the summer when it was evident 
that the usual oversupply of labor was not forthcoming. Then the requests were 
often received only when crops were ready to pick, making it impossible for 
placement officials to advise workers of jobs available in the near future. 

In 1941 for the first time, Mexican workers from sugar-beet areas appeared in 
the southwestern fruit counties during the period between sugar-beet hoeing and 
sugar-beet topping. Fruit and vegetable growers, and other people interviewed, 
seemed pleased at this development and look to its growth to offset anticipated 
labor shortages in coming seasons. Several reasons were given to account for the 
enthusiasm expressed in this regard. Mexicans are thought to be excellent workers 
who won't leave in the middle of the season. The farmer has to deal with only one 
or two leaders in order to provide himself with a crew. 

16 In reply to a request from the committee's staff for dates and transcripts of these announcements station 
WLS replied, "We are sorry that we cannot give you transcripts of the announcements regarding the need 
for farm laborers in southwestern Michigan, since these were ad lib and not from script, but simply explained 
the situation informally on our noon 'farm program.'" 

16 Factual information concerning the placement sprvice was furnished by W. T. Arend, manager, and 
George Daly, farm representative, Benton Harbor office, Michigan State Employment Service. 



7928 DETROIT, HEARINGS 

Migrant living and working conditions. 

Living and working conditions ot southwestern Michigan fruit workers are 
described in detail elsewhere in committee hearings. 17 These data are supple- 
mented in the present volume by the study of the Farm Security Administration 
made last year. This study reveals that during the week preceding the interviews, 
411 people earned an average of $2.89. In that week the cherry harvest was 
almost ended, and work was scarce. However, those interviewed (single men and 
family heads) reported an average yearly income from earnings of only $394. 
This figure includes the contribution to earnings by all family members. 

This study also confirms reports on the inadequacy of housing for migrants. 
Only 39 of the 257 persons interviewed were living in houses, 55 in labor cabins, 
16 in garages, and 7 in barracks. The remaining 140 were living in makeshift 
shelters ranging from barns, tool sheds, and chicken sheds, to cedars, tents, and 
truck bodies. Generally shelter or space was furnished without charge. Only 
16 persons reported that they paid any rent. 

The Farm Security Administration has considered the establishment of migrant 
labor camps in the county in order to alleviate the housing conditions during the 
harvest season. Strong opposition was manifested to such a program. At a 
public meeting called to discuss the question some growers expressed the fear that 
the establishment of such camps would lead the workers to organize unions. 
Others expressed the belief that the health and public order of the county wouid be 
threatened by concentrations of agricultural workers. According to the Benton 
Harbor News-Palladium, "Growers attending last night's meeting were mostly 
large producers who employ large numbers of migrant workers each year. Most 
of them opposed the proposal for camps, but the limited representation of small 
growers appeared to favor the plan." 18 

Some of the larger growers prefer that the migrants live on or near their farms 
so that they will be immediately available when they are wanted. 

Labor shortage. 

It has already been mentioned that the farmers of Berrien County became con- 
cerned about labor shortage before the harvesting season began. This concern 
appears to have been caused by newspaper reports and encouraged by data 
released from time to time by the Agricultural Marketing Service of the United 
States Department of Agriculture. 

The Agricultural Marketing Service collect their data through the medium of 
questionnaires mailed to farmers who serve as crop reporters. Included in these 
reports are estimates on the supply of, and the demand for, farm labor as a per- 
centage of normal. Instructions to reporters are to "Report percent of present 
farm labor supply and demand at current wage rates, in comparison with the 
normal supply and demand at this time of year. 19 From the two figures thus 
secured the Agricultural Marketing Service calculates the supply as a percentage 
of demand. The Agricultural Marketing Service has long emphasized that their 
reports on the supply of, and demand for, labor refer to the situation existing at 
"current wage rates." They have also insisted that "The supply and demand 
percentages serve only as a relative indication of where farm labor is considered 
to be ample or short and are not useful as a basis for definite quantitative measure- 
ment of a deficiency or surplus of farm labor." 20 

The service reported the April 1 supply of farm labor in Michigan to be 66 
percent of demand. By July 1 the ratio had fallen to 50. These figures were the 
lowest of any State in the country. The U. S. Department of Agriculture's 
Michigan office in a bulletin published in January of 1941 stated: 

"In years when industrial employment is at a high level, many laborers move 
from rural districts into the cities, and the supply of farm labor is reduced below 
the level of the number needed for agricultural production. Such a situation has 
prevailed during 1939 and 1940. During these 2 years industrial activity has 
steadily moved upward, and the ratio of supply to demand with respect to farm 
labor has declined almost as uniformly. It is interesting to note the comparison 
of this ratio at the present time with that which prevailed during the worst 
depression years, 1931 to 1934. With a further market increase in industrial 
activity in prospect for at least the next 1 or 2 years, it is probable that Michigan 
farmers are facing the most serious shortage of farm labor in the history of the 

1 7 Chicago hearings, pt. 3, pp. 1220-1271. 

18 December 20. 1940. 

" 1941, (ictu'ral Schedule, Form C. E. 2 5777, Agricultural Marketing Service, U. S. Department of 
Agriculture. 
20 First Interim Report of Select Committee, p. 47. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7929 

State * * *. A short supply of farm workers will add to the difficult situation 
for fruit and truck crop growers whose operations require the employment of a 
large number of extra workers for certain definite periods during the crop season." 21 
These figures and statements, based originally on reports and opinions of 
individual farmers lent authoritative weight to complaints of labor shortage and 
occasional increasing concern among those interested in Michigan agriculture. 

Validity of Estimates in Light of Experience. 

There undoubtedly has been a scarcity of general farm labor, at current wage 
rates, in Michigan this year. However, the scarcity of harvesting labor in the 
fruit and vegetable areas of the southwestern part did not materialize until late 
in the summer, and with the exception of one short period, was never so serious 
as to cause crop losses. 

Farmers in Berrien County and other southwestern counties complained about 
their inability to hire dairy help and general farm hands. Many workers, sons of 
farmers and hired hands, had left the farm. Some had been drafted. Many 
more had been lured to industrial plants by wages far above those that farmers 
felt they could pay. Many farm operators themselves had taken jobs in nearby 
manufacturing plants. The result was a scarcity of relatively skilled farm labor — 
labor trained for such operations as tractor driving, pruning, spraying, milking, 
and supervising harvest workers. Farm hands and sons of farmers are not 
remaining on farms at $40 to $50 for thirty 10- to 14-hour days when they can 
earn perhaps three times that much, or more, for four 40-hour weeks. Moreover, 
farmers who have complained about a shortage of hired hands have not, in many 
cases,-sought the help of the employment service. On August 13 the manager and 
the farm placement representative of the Benton Harbor office of the Michigan 
State Employment Service stated that that office had been able to fill all requests 
for seasonal labor, dairy hands, and general farm hands, as of that date. 

With regard to the supply of seasonal labor in southwestern Michigan, not 
only were shortages absent, but there was an actual over-supply until after Labor 
Day. Both the berry and the cherry crops were large. As pointed out above, 
farmers became worried and attempts to secure labor were intensified. But in 
August all persons contacted in the region agreed that the supply of labor had 
been greater than in any previous year — and more than enough to satisfy the 
demand. As one county official put it, "Why, we had plenty of labor during the 
cherry season; turned them away by the dozens. Everybody was happy." 

The most authoritative statement in this connection was made in a letter to the 
committee staff by Mr. W. A. Godfrey, secretary-treasurer of Michigan Fruit 
Canneries, Inc. He stated, "I have talked with growers relative to labor shortages 
for picking peaches. With the influx of labor when it was most needed during the 
cherry and berry season, there was more than ample help. These people were 
without employment for some time and a big percentage returned to their homes 
in the South. It now appears for a short period during the harvesting of Elberta 
peaches that there is an acute shortage. My observations would indicate that this 
is for a period of approximately 2 weeks only. 22 

During the last 2 weeks of August and the first week in September growers were 
beginning to worry about the adequacy of the supply of peach pickers when the 
peak of the peach harvest was reached. Apparently these fears were somewhat 
better founded than those felt earlier. By September 5 orders in the farm place- 
ment office were in excess of workers available. Mr. Godfrey, in the letter quoted 
above points out a 2-week shortage in peaches during September. The investi- 
gators have been informed, however, that no actual crop losses clearly resulting 
from labor shortage have been sustained during this period. A letter under 
date of September 18 from Mr. Edward L. Cushman of the Michigan State 
Employment Service, Detroit, to the committee states: 

"In reply to your letter of September 8, 1941, addressed to Mr. Daly, *you are 
advised that it is difficult to determine whether or not any peaches were actually 
lost because of an inadequate number of pickers and packers. 

"A study that was made showed that about 125,000 bushels of peaches were 
not marketed, but that this condition cannot be attributed solely to the lack of 
help. During the harvest of this crop the weather was unusually warm for a few 
days and as a result the crop ripened in advance of the time originally anticipated. 
In many instances peaches which were too ripe for marketing were sold at reduced 
prices for local consumption." 

. 21 U. S. Department of Agriculture, in cooperation with Michigan State Department of Agriculture, 
Lansing, Mich., 1941. Annual Crop Summary, 19Jfi. 
32 Letter to committee, dated September 2, 1941. 



7930 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



It appears, then, that while there has been a scarcity of general farm labor at 
current wage rates, the shortage of seasonal labor, to the extent that it developed 
at all, was vastly exaggerated. 

Mr. Godfrey's letter, quoted above, indicates that the influx of labor in the early 
part of the season was so great that many migrants could not find employment 
and returned to their States of origin. 

The over-supply of labor in Berrien County has therefore been ascribed in some 
measure to publicity given to supposed shortages, based on data supplied by the 
Agricultural Marketing Sen ice. It appears that data of the Agricultural Mar- 
keting Service not only failed to prove "of real value as indicators of the need for 
hired help and the availability of persons to fill this need, 23 " but actually oc- 
casioned or substantiated misleading reports of labor shortage. 

Experience in Michigan during the 1941 season also has raised the question 
whether any estimates of farm labor supply and demand can be other than 
inaccurate when they are made on a State-wide basis. The estimates for Michigan 
released by the Agricultural Marketing Service reflect in a general way the situa- 
tion existing on general and dairy farms at current wage rates. They are not 
applicable to the fruit and vegetable areas nor to other areas using large amounts 
of seasonal labor. Column 3 of table 3 shows the average expenditure for labor 
of farms in Michigan, by type of farm as reported in the 1930 census. 24 

Table 5. — Cash expenditure for hired labor— by type of farm, Michigan and Berrien 

County, Mich. 





Michigan 


Berrien County 


Type of farm 


Percent 
farms 

(1) 


Percent ex- 
penditure 

(2) 


Average ex- 
penditure 

(3) 


Percent 
farms 

(4) 


Percent ex- 
penditure 

(5) 


All farms 


100.0 

33.0 

1.2 

9.8 

3.6 

2.1 

24.0 

4.2 

3.6 

5.3 

13.1 


100.0 

20.8 

.9 

9.5 

12.7 

5.4 

23.9 

8.3 

3.0 

.5 

15.7 


$117 

74 

91 

113 

412 

298 

117 

231 

71 

11 

140 


100.0 

15.5 

1.3 

2.1 

45.0 

2.5 

9.3 

1.0 

2.9 

3.3 

17.2 


100.0 


General 


7.8 


Cash grain 

Crop specialist 


.4 
1.2 


Fruit 


65.1 


Truck 


3.8 


Dairy 


9.2 


Animal specialist 


4.1 


Poultry 


1.5 


Self-sufficient- . 


.2 


Abnormal or unclassified 


6.6 







Source: United States Census, 1930. 



It will be noticed that while only 3.6 percent of all farms in the State are fruit 
farms, these farms spent 12.7 percent of the cash expended for labor, an average 
of $412 per fruit farm as compared with $117 average for all farms. These figures 
indicate that fruit farms which hire large numbers of workers for short periods are 
more important from the point of view of labor requirements than are the more 
numerous general or dairy farms that require one, two, or a few men for the whole 
year. 

In Berrien County 45 percent of all farms are fruit farms (column 4). These 
fruit farms expend 65.1 percent of all money spent for labor (column 5). General 
farms and dairy farms combined represent 24.8 percent of all farms (as compared 
with 55 percent for the State as a whole) and expend 17 percent of the amount 
spent for labor. It would be an error to select an equal number of general, dairy, 
and fruit farmers to serve as reporters of labor supply and demand in Berrien 
County since fruit farms are so much the more important in the structure of the 
county and so overwhelmingly important from the standpoint of labor expendi- 
tures. Berrien County general farmers have some idea of the supply and demand 
of harvest workers in their county, but general and dairy farmers to the east and 
to the north cannot be expected to have any exact information of conditions in 
Berrien County or other seasonal crop regions. Estimates of labor supply and 
demand are heavily weighed by the opinions of these general and dairy farmers, 
because the data are collected and the estimates made on a State-wide basis. This 



« Agricultural Marketing Service, A New Technique for the Estimation of Changes in Farm Employ- 
ment, January 1940. 
24 1940 data not yet available. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7931 

explains why the supply and demand ratio for Michigan stood at 50 at a time 
when there was plenty of labor available in southwestern fruit areas. The 50 ratio 
was the result of estimates of supply and demand based on the ability of crop 
reporters to hire one or two general farm or dairy hands. 

A memorandum to the committee from the Department of Agriculture states, 
"If, as appears likely, the migratory class of labor is less fully represented in the 
reported series than regular farm hands, this would tend to minimize rather than 
exaggerate the 'swings.' " 25 In the case of reported shortages, this would be true 
only if those crop reporters who make their estimates in terms of seasonal labor 
requirements reported shortages of greater magnitude than the shortages reported 
by other crop reporters who report hi terms of shortages of year-round hired hands. 
If estimated shortages were of the same magnitude for both types of labor there 
would be no tendency to minimize or exaggerate the "swings." If, on the other 
hand, shortages are believed to exist by those who report in terms of hired hands, 
but not by those who report in terms of migratory workers, and if the migratory 
class is less fully represented in the series, then it follows that the "swings" will 
be exaggerated. 

Exaggerated estimates of shortages appear in southwestern Michigan and else- 
where. Farmers in many regions are complaining about the way in which the 
draft and industrial acitivity are siphoning off their regular farm help. But few 
migratory workers are fitting into the industrial boom. Some are getting the 
more unskilled jobs; others are filling farm vacancies created by the departure of 
more experienced farm sons and farm hands; most of them are still available for 
seasonal harvest work in the usual areas. Reliable farm labor estimates can be 
made only on the basis of small areas delineated on a type-of-crop basis. Even 
then, inaccuracies would result unless a clear-cut division was made between 
seasonal labor and regular farm hands in the reports. 

Next year, and in subsequent years during the emergency, farmers in this area 
may find their usual labor supply curtailed. Some Arkansas and Missouri 
migrants expressed the belief that with cotton-picking wages at $1 a hundred 
pounds they could realize a greater yearly net income by staying in the South. 
Higher wages in Michigan will be necessary to overcome the preference of these 
migrants to stay at home. It is possible that a greater scarcity of labor, at wage 
rates farmers now believe they can pay, is in prospect. 

With regard to shortages of regular farm hands, changes are taking place 
similar to those in the field of seasonal labor. Retired farmers are resuming the 
operation of farms previously managed by sons or employees. Women are hand- 
ling light work for which sufficient farm hands are not available. As long as the 
disparity between farm and industrial wages remains so great, it is to be expected 
that this situation will continue. There is, of course, a possibility that the 
shortage of farm hands will be eliminated by industrial lay-offs occasioned by 
defense priorities and by the failure of defense industries to absorb the workers 
dismissed as consumer-goods industries are curtailed. Industrial workers of 
recent rural origin may return to farms when faced with industrial unemployment. 

Many farmers are mechanizing their operations. Actual or anticipated labor 
shortages may be partly responsible, although other factors probably are more 
important in explaining this tendency. Sales of farm machinery have been 
increasing since the introduction of tractors and equipment adapted for relatively 
small acreages and diversified agriculture. The increase in sales has been at a 
much greater rate this year. 

Most tractor sales are made in the spring of the year. Implement dealers 
estimate their sales of tractors and equipment this year to have increased from 40 
to 80 percent over the same period last year. Most of the sales accounting for the 
increase were made to the operators of small farms. Labor shortages are not the 
major cause of tractor purchases by these small operators, since they hire little or 
no help. Some of these farmers are buying tractors so that they can take jobs in 
industry and do their farming in their free hours. Most sales can be accounted 
for, however, by the fact that only in the last 3 years have small, low-priced tractors 
been available. As farm income has risen, more and more small farmers have 
invested in farm equipment, many of them believing that if they don't buy this 
year, prices will be too high for them to buy later. So far there is little evidence 
in southwestern counties of a tendency for farmers to attempt to buy or rent 
more land in order to utilize machinery more economically. When, and if, the 
present boom is over and farm prices sag, farmers will probably be forced to utilize 
their machinery to its full capacity in order to meet the charges against their 
operations. This situation will make it imperative to expand acreages whenever 
possible. 

*• First Interim Report of Select Committee, p. 48. 



7932 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Exhibit 53. — The Eastern Michigan Sugar-Beet Region 

REPORT BY LABOR DIVISION, FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION, UNITED STATES 
DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

The Saginaw Valley district of east-central Michigan has felt the impact of the 
national-defense program, principally as it has affected the migration of sugar- 
beet labor. Michigan is one of the leading sugar-beet-growing States in the 
country, 1 and annually imports between 7,000 and 12,000 workers from other 
States to meet the major part of the demand for additional labor in the sugar-beet 
fields. 

About 65 percent of the total beet acreage harvested in the State each year is 
concentrated in the seven counties that comprise Saginaw Valley (see table 6) 
and a commensurate proportion of the beet-labor supply is assigned to work in 
that region. 

Labor migration to the sugar-beet districts of Michigan differs from the influx 
of workers into the western counties of the State in two ways. First, most sugar- 
beet labor is recruited and assigned to particular work areas in an industrially 
organized manner under the supervision of chosen representatives of the sugar- 
processing companies and of the growers' associations. Consequently, the majority 
of workers in sugar beets are not forced into haphazard job hunting upon arrival 
in Michigan as are the migrant fruit and vegetable workers. Secondly, the peak 
demand for hand laborers in beets is concentrated in two distinct periods — early 
summer and late fall — separated by a 2-month period of total unemployment in 
the beet fields. During this recess, their search for work is conditioned by the 
necessity to return to the beet fields by the end of September. In the fruit-and- 
vegetable area, however, the harvesting of one crop follows without long periods 
of delay the maturing of another so that a more or less continuous season of 
summer employment may be secured within the broad area. 

The conditions of employment for sugar-beet workers in Michigan are also 
different from those of beet workers in the other principal producing States such 
as California and Colorado. There are few large beet farms in Michigan that 
conform to the large-scale pattern characteristic of western beet-growing areas. 
Even in Michigan's areas of concentrated sugar-beet cultivation the average farm 
size is less than 100 acres and the average size of beet patch per farm is only 9 
acres (see table 6). Most of the cropland is planted in numerous other crops, 
some of which require manual labor during the slack season in beets, whereas 
in the West the beet-farming areas are highly specialized so that the opportu- 
nities for intraseasonal employment of beet labor within the immediate area are 
limited. 

Moreover, the major sugar-beet-producing section of Michigan lies within easy 
distance of the currently booming industrial centers that might be expected to 
siphon off some part of the customary local farm labor supply and thus create 
additional employment opportunities for outside beet labor. 

Importance of the sugar-beet crop in Michigan agriculture. 

The sugar-beet crop ranked fifth in the production of cash incomes to farmers 
from the marketing of unconverted crops, during the period from 1930 to 1939. 
During that decade, the farmers realized an average of approximately $5,000,000 
in cash annually from the sugar-beet crop, exclusive of Government benefit pay- 
ments. Among the cash crops grown in Michigan, this amount was exceeded 
only by the incomes derived from the sales of beans, potatoes, wheat, and truck- 
garden products. 2 

Though sugar beets constitute an important crop in the production of cash 
incomes for Michigan farmers, only a small proportion of the total number of 
growers in the State raise sugar beets. Furthermore, an extremely small per- 
centage of the total tillable acreage is devoted to the cultivation of beets. In 
1940, for example, 12,757 or 6.8 percent of all farmers in Michigan harvested 
sugar beets (see table 6) and only 1 percent of the total cropland was utilized 
for the sugar-beet deal. 

The production of sugar beets occupies a comparatively important place in 
certain counties. Beets are grown in 46 of Michigan's 83 counties — from Delta 
County on the Upper Peninsula to Lenawee County on the southern border and 
from Ottawa County at the western edge to Huron County in the eastern 

» In 1939, it ranked fourth in acreage of beets harvested and sixth in total production in the Nation. U. S. 
Department of Agriculture in cooperation with Michigan State Department of Agriculture, Annual Crop 
Summary, 1940, Lansing, Mich., 1941, p. 8. 

2 U. S. Department of Agriculture in cooperation with Michigan State Department of Agriculture 
Annual Crop Summary, 1940, Lansing, Mich., 1941, p. 7. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7933 



"thumb" region. As table 6 shows, however, more than 60 percent of the acre- 
age harvested between 1937 and 1940 was concentrated in the seven east-central 
counties that comprise the Saginaw Valley— Bay-Gratiot, Huron, Isabella, 
Saginaw, Sanilac, and Tuscola. 

Table 6. — Concentration of Michigan sugar-beet production in Saginaw Valley 

region 



Counties 



Bay 

Gratiot 

Huron 

Isabella 

Saginaw 

Sanilac 

Tuscola 

Total, 7 counties 

Total, State 

Percent 7-county acreage is of 
State total 



Acreage harvested, 1937-40 « 



1937 



Acxes 
6,001 
10, 523 
6,809 
7,946 
6,821 
6, 423 
6,112 



52, 634 
75, 253 

69.9 



1938 



Acres 

7,994 

13, 934 

13, 449 

13, 207 

8,158 

9,696 

12, 734 



79, 172 
122, 653 

64.5 



1939 



Acres 

8,518 

12,467 

13, 387 

12, 726 

8,009 

8,999 

11,412 



75, 518 
117,644 

64.1 



1940 



Acres 

8,183 
9,480 

12, 714 

13, 558 
7,143 

10, 706 
11,087 



72, 871 
113,469 

64.2 



Proportion of farmers growing 
sugar beets, 1940 



Number 
of farms 

in 
county 2 



3,190 
3,346 
4,155 
2,619 
5, 362 
4,897 
4,459 



28, 028 
187, 589 

13.9 



Number 

of farms 

growing 

sugar 

beets i 



1,192 
1,186 
1,087 
755 
1,257 
1,106 
1,221 



7,804 
12, 757 

61.1 



Percent 
of farms 
in county 
growing 

sugar 

beets 



37.0 
35.4 
26.2 
28.8 
23.4 
22.5 
27.3 



27. & 
6.& 



i Data furnished by U. S. Department of Agriculture, Sugar Section. 
2 United States Census of Agriculture, 1940. 

In the production of cash farm income, the sugar-beet crop plays a more impor- 
tant role in the Saginaw Valley region than in the State as a whole. In the 
delineated district, a comparatively large proportion, or 27.8 percent, of the 
farmers depend upon the beet deal for some part of their farm income. Bay 
County has the highest percentage of beet-growing farmers and Sanilac the 
lowest in the Saginaw Valley area. However, in the period between 1937 and 
1940, the acreage of beets harvested in Sanilac County has increased from about 
6,000 to 11,000. To some extent this increase represents the concentrated 
activity of the sugar companies to compensate for the decreased number of 
growers in other areas that resulted from the successful competition of other 
crops. Farmers interviewed in Sanilac County this year were again less enthusias- 
tic about the beet crop, since other crops — especially beans — are now so profitable. 

The other major beet-growing counties are located around the periphery 
of the "sugar-beet block." In Clinton, Shiawassee, Midland, and Arenac 
Counties, between 10 and 25 percent of the farmers raise beets. Growers of 
Lenawee County and the southwestern portion of Monroe also raise a considerable 
acreage and some good beets are grown in the rich muck soils of Ottawa County. 
In Ottawa County, however, the soil conditions are especially well suited for the 
growing of certain truck crops, such as asparagus and celery. These specialty 
crops yield a higher return per acre than do sugar beets so that the farmers 
generally prefer them. In those instances where the farmers wish to be assured 
of a certain, cash income, however, beets are grown. 

The Saginaw Valley sugar-beet block. 

The seven counties that comprise the Michigan sugar-beet block are located 
in the east-central portion of the State jutting westward from the Bay region for 
about 125 miles. The block is primarily an agricultural region although there 
are many industrial plants in the major cities. These factories produced a wide 
variety of products — gray iron, automobile parts, hoists, and processed foods. 
Most of these plants have increased their output since the inception of the defense 
program. To a large extent, they have drawn upon the agricultural labor supply 
of the immediate and adjacent counties for additional workers. 

The pattern of commercial agriculture in the Saginaw Valley district is deter- 
* mined largely by three factors; namely, the qualities of the soil, the proximity 
to urban centers and the comparative price positions of various cash crops. 



7934 DETROIT HEARINGS 

In Saginaw Valley, large sections of the land are composed of loams and silt 
loams that are high in lime content, humus and other elements of fertility. The 
region was originally wet or semiswampy, but the application of careful drainage 
techniques has transformed it into good growing terrain. The topography is 
level or gently rolling for the most part. Both the type of heavy soil prevalent 
in the valley and the topography are favorable for beet cultivation. The soil 
is also good for the production of other crops. Chief among these may be noted 
beans, potatoes, chicory, wheat, corn and alfalfa hay. 3 The last three crops are 
grown principally to provide feed for the dairy herds and only a small proportion 
is sold for cash. 

Nearby urban centers such as Pontiac, Flint, and Detroit provide outlets for 
Saginaw Valley dairy products and potatoes. Under the stimulus of the defense 
program, the migration of industrial workers into these cities has increased and the 
market for food products has expanded. Some agricultural representatives antici- 
pate an increase in the size of dairy herds in 1942 and concurrently an expansion 
of feed-crop acreages in this region. 

Competition between beets and other cash crops for acreage is a third deter- 
minant of the pattern of farm organization. The market for the entire sugar- 
beet yield and the price to be paid for the crop are guaranteed before the planting 
season by a contract between the sugar beet processing companies and the growers. 
The contract stipulates the acreage of beets to be planted by the farmer and the prices 
to be paid per ton of beets delivered. To some extent, the assurance of a cash 
income provided by the contractual agreement tends to neutralize the competition 
between beets and other crops and even to give beets an advantage in years when 
market and crop prices are low. If the prices of alternative cash products are 
high or appear to be rising, the farmers will usually gamble on the market and limit 
the acreage of beets on their farms. This year, the rivalry between sugar beets 
and other cash crops — particularly beans — has been unusually keen because the 
demand for beans has increased and the price has risen. 

The average size of farms in the Saginaw Valley sugar-beet district is 96.1 acres. 
The average sizes of farms in the counties under consideration range from 71.6 
acres in Bay County to 117.1 acres in Huron. 4 Comparison of census data for 
1930 and 1940 does not indicate any marked trend toward larger farm units occa- 
sioned by the merging of two or more individual enterprises. Farmers and county 
agents interviewed in 1941, however, suggested that the increase of machinery 
purchases this year had tempted some buyers to acquire more land. On the other 
hand, most of the machinery purchased consisted of small tractors and combines 
suitable for small farms. This suggests that there will be no immediate change 
in the scale of farm operations. 

The proportion of tenancy in the seven counties varied around the state average 
of 17 percent in 1940. In Saginaw it was approximately 14 percent - in Gratiot 
about 32 percent. In some cases, farms are rented to younger men by old farmers 
who can no longer operate them themselves and who cannot afford to hire labor 
or do not wish to do so. In some cases, the figures reflect the custom of per- 
mitting a migrant family to "rent" some land from the farmer by clearing it for 
him. In such cases, the tenant pays no cash. He does receive the use of the land 
for planting his own crop the fiist year. This practice, however, appears to be 
quite infrequent. 

Production of sugar beets. 

Between 1937 and 1940, the number of acres of sugar beets harvested in the 
State increased by 38,215 acres. Approximately two-thirds of this increase 
occurred in the seven major sugar-beet-growing counties in the Saginaw Valley. 
Between 1939 and 1940, however, the acreage of beets harvested decreased both 
for the State as a whole and for the seven major counties. It is expected that 
the acreage to be harvested in 1941 will be much less than that of 1940. 

The reasons most commonly advanced to explain the decline in sugar-beet 
acreage are: (1) The decrease of the State allotment and (2) the competition 
offered by other crops. A third factor is the destruction of part of the crop by 
adverse climatic conditions and disease. 

The cancelation of acreage contracts by the farmer before the crop has been 
planted varies from year to year and from area to area with the attractiveness of 
other crops. In one factory district in Saginaw Valley, approximately 3 percent 
of the contracted acreage was not planted in 1939; this rose to about 10 percent 

a Hill, E. B., Types of Farming in Michigan, Special Bulletin No. 206, Michigan State College, East 
Lansing, 1939, pp. 20-21. 
« United States Census, 1940 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7935 

in 1940 and dropped to roughly 8 percent in 1941. Most of the county agents 
attributed the cancelation of contracts in 1940 and 1941 to the rising prices offered 
for other products. This year, most of the best acreage canceled was planted in 
beans. The popularity of the bean crop increased when the Government pegged 
the price at a minimum of $5 per hundredweight on the Atlantic seaboard. In 
Michigan bean prices vary around $4.25 per hundredweight — about $2.40 higher 
than last year. 

In some districts the cancelations of beet contracts have been so numerous 
that the processing companies took steps to fill their 1941 quotas and to protect 
future allotments. Isabella Sugar Co., for example, rented 100 acres and the 
St. Louis plant of the Great Lakes Sugar Co. rented about 65 acres on which to 
grow sugar beets. Most of the company representatives held that it was bad 
policy for them to grow their own beets because such activity would complicate 
their position at the annual price-determination conference. They professed their 
intention of withdrawing from the growing phase of the industry as soon as they 
are assured that their allotted acreage will be filled. 

The third factor that may effectuate a reduction in the acreage of beets har- 
vested is adverse climatic conditions and attack by disease. This year, for ex- 
ample, an early frost destroyed over 1,000 acres of beets in Saginaw County alone. 
A severe drought later in the season has also had an adverse effect upon the an- 
ticipated yield per acre. In Isabella and Gratiot Counties last year, the black- 
rot disease destroyed a large part of the crop. 

Most of the agricultural representatives do not entertain the notion that the 
reduction of beet acreage this year due to the increased attractiveness of other 
crops constitutes the commencement of a long time declining trend. They sug- 
gest, instead, that the competition between beets and other crops has alwaj^s been 
present. Most of the reduction in acreage this year is due to a reduction of 17 
percent in the acreage allotted to the State by the Department of Agriculture 
between 1940 and 1941. The disparity between the acreage allotted and the 
amount planted, however, is due to the intensified competition between crops 
occasioned by the peculiar circumstances of the defense program. 

Marketing of sugar beets. 

The sugar-beet crop differs from most agricultural commodities in that the 
terms of the purchase agreements are determined between the processors and the 
growers some time before the planting season. This procedure has the net result 
of assuring the sugar manufacturing company of a supply of beets and the grower 
of some cash income for his product at a predetermined price. 

In Michigan, the price to be paid for beets is established early in the year at a 
conference between the sugar companies and the representatives of the growers' 
associations. Besides price, the terms of the contract establish particular pro- 
cedures with respect to the purchase of seed from the sugar company, the planting 
method, the transportation of the crop, the rights of the company in examining 
the crop at any time during the growing season, etc. 

Several factors enter into the relative positions of the processor and grower in 
setting the price to be paid and the method and time of payment. For example, 
the initial cost of constructing a processing plant is quite high and unless the sugar- 
manufacturing company receives a sufficient supply of beets to keep the plant in 
operation for about 3 months, the per unit costs of manufacture will be so large 
that the return realized from the sale of sugar will be too low to warrant the opera- 
tion of the plant. Therefore, competing plants are rarely constructed in the same 
district. The actual effect of such procedure is to place any one company on a 
quasi-monopolistic position in a given area. Of course, the grower may deliver 
his beets to any plant that he chooses, but since the crop is bulky and perishable, 
and since he must bear the cost of transporting the beets himself, he is under pres- 
sure to sell at the most readily available market. 

On the other hand, the price set must be such as to compensate the grower for 
the risks involved in raising the crop. If the prices for alternative crops should 
increase, the farmer may — and frequently does — cancel his contract. Thus, it is 
generally maintained that a considerable portion of the disparity between the 
acreage of beets contracted for and the acreage of beets harvested, in 1940, was 
directly attributable to the enhanced attractiveness of other crops. In Bay 
City, for example, the amount of beets delivered to the three plants last year was 
so small that two of them have suspended operations this year. It is largely to 
secure an adequate supply of the raw materials that the sugar companies will 
cooperate with the growers to the extent of advancing funds, of waiting for the 
payment for seed until the end of the season, and of aiding the growers to secure 
and house a sufficient supply of labor. 



7936 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



At present, payment to the growers in Michigan is made upon the basis of the 
weight of the crop after delivery to the factory yard. The rate of payment is- 
fixed at 50 percent of the "net proceeds" 5 per ton realized from the sale of sugar, 
pulp, and molasses produced by the company calculated on an average of all beets 
received. Part payment for the crop is made at stated intervals throughout the 
year and full payment is usually not completed until all beets are processed. 
Since this may run over into the following year, it has become a major source of 
disagreement at the annual conferences between the growers and the companies. 
Also, the processors usually include a clause in the contract that permits them to 
refuse to accept any crop or part of a crop that they consider to be unsuitable for 
manufacture. 

In the final analysis, then, the market remains a buyers' market. The only 
major bargaining weapon in the hands of the growers' associations is the right to 
refuse to contract for beet acreage. Since the sugar-beet crop does constitute a 
major cash income producer, the use that the growers' association makes of this 
power is governed by the prices offered for alternative cash crops. 6 

Production and marketing of other crops. 

Agriculture in the sugar-beet counties shows a wide diversification of crops 
grown in the region. As one county agent pointed out: "We grow more than 
52 different crops in this county." Besides beets, a considerable proportion of 
the cropland is planted in potatoes, tomatoes, cucumbers, chicory, and beans, 
as well as in corn, alfalfa hay, and wheat. 

About 60 percent of the total tillable acreage in the sugar beet block is devoted 
to the growing of hay, spring and fall grains, and corn. About 17 percent of the 
land is used for pasture. Most of the grains and hay grown are used to feed the 
numerous dairy herds. Proximity to the urban industrial centers plus favorable 
physical conditions has made this area a profitable dairy region. According to 
the 1940 census, approximately 25 percent of the whole milk sold in the State 
by producers within the State was delivered by farmers from the 7-county region. 7 " 
"The major labor-requiring crops grown in this region other than sugar beets 
are potatoes, chicory, tomatoes, cucumbers, and beans. Table 7 shows the 
number of acres in each deal harvested in the census year 1939. 

Acreage of crops requiring hired labor in Saginaio Valley, 1939 



Counties 


Beets 


Beans * 


Chicory 


Cucum- 
bers 


Potatoes 


Tomatoes- 


Bav 


Acres 
7.911 
12, 2!il 

7. 923 

8, 504 
12, 6.30 
10, 757 
12,314 


Acres 
19,319 
21, 944 
68. 801 
12, .316 
48,011 
44. 868 
46, 620 


Acres 
2, 032 


Acres 

274 

55 

44 

102 

679 

94 

310 


Acres 
6, 246 
911 
3,402 
2,634 
4,072 
1.848 


Acres 
884 




32 




401 
442 
99 
354 
404 


159' 


Huron - - 


6 




162- 


Sanilac - 


4- 


Tuspola 


4 






Total 


72, 300 


261, 709 


3, 732 


1,558 


26, 000 


1,251 







i Dry field and seed beans (navy, pea bean, Great Northern, kidney, lima, pinto, lentils, etc.). 
Source: U. S. Census, 1940. 

In Bay County, potatoes have become an increasingly important cash crop in 
the past decade. Acreage in potatoes has expanded until annual production has 
far outstripped the needs of the immediate market and a large part of the crop is 
now shipped to Detroit, Pontiac, Flint, and other industrial centers. Until 1941, 
independent truckers came into the region and bought up the crop for resale to 
the large wholesale markets in the industrial areas. The farmers depended com- 
pletely upon the truckers to purchase the crop and to transport it to the wholesale 
market. Consequently, the truckers could and did set the price. 

{ "Net proceeds" is defined as the amount received by the company after the following deductions have 
been made: Actual cost of out-bound freight, brokerage, cash discount, insurance, credit insurance, storage, 
declines and allowance";, advertising and all expenses accruine after the sugar has been bagged that are 
properly charsreable to the marketing of sugar, pulp, and molasses. Deductions are also made for all taxes 
levied upon the processing, production, ownership, handling, possession or sale of sugar, pulp, and molasses. 
The company reserves any differential accruing from the sale of sugar packed in other than 100-pound bulk 
bass. 

8 A more thorough analysis of the relationship between the processor and the producer may be found in 
C. M. Nicholson, Preliminary Report with Respect to Processor-Grower Relations in the United States 
Sugar Beet Industry, issued by the U. S. Department of Agriculture, Sugar Section, 1938. 

7 Based on data in United States Census, 1940. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7937 

This year, however, the farmers went on strike and refused to sell the crop 
until the price paid them by the truckers was more in line with the increased 
prices that the crop was commanding at the wholesale and retail markets in the 
cities. In retaliation, the truckers declared a boycott and some part of the crop 
was spoiled. The strike was broken when one of the farmers arranged to have 
his potatoes taken to market in Port Huron. Others followed suit and the 
"strike" was ended. However, a potato growers' association has been formed to 
provide a cooperative marketing service including more favorable transportation 
facilities — so that next year the Bay County farmers may be independent of the 
truckers. If the association does develop well, the acreage planted in potatoes 
next year will probably be increased. This possibility is of some significance to 
the migrant sugar-beet workers who depend upon the potato crop for part of their 
intraseasonal employment. 

All told, about 1,500 acres of cucumbers were planted in Saginaw Valley in 
1939. It is variously estimated that the acreage has increased since then. Four 
pickling companies operate in the area and a fifth company maintains salting 
stations in several counties. Like the beet crop, the cucumber acreage is con- 
tracted for at the beginning of the growing season. Since there are four companies 
in the area, and since farmers cannot be compelled to deliver the cucumbers to 
the company with which they have signed contracts, price setting is to some 
extent determined by the growers as well as by the pickle companies. Last year, 
for example, the cucumber harvest w r as a poor one and the cash income realized 
by the farmers was reduced. As a consequence, the farmers refused to contract 
for pickles unless the price were increased before the growing season. In the case 
of grade 1 and grade 2 pickles, all companies offered more this year than they did 
in 1940 and some have increased the 1941 contract price. The crop this year is 
again poor and the farmers are having some difficulty securing labor to pick the 
pickles. The usual arrangement is for the grower to pay the picker one-half of 
what he receives for the crop. Since the yield is poor and many of the pickles 
of grade 3 quality, the cash yield is relatively low. The pickers have been demand- 
ing a 60-40 division of the cash yield and the farmers have been asking that the 
contracted price be increased. The workers have been completely unsuccessful 
in changing the division of income paid but the farmers have been moderately 
successful in securing the increased prices for grades 1 and 2. 

Chicory is grown in six of the seven principal sugar beet counties. In 1939, 
Bay County led these six with 2,000 acres in the chicory crop (see table 7). Since 
then, however, the acreage has been somewhat reduced. It is difficult to deter- 
mine who takes the initiative in the chicory deal. Company representatives 
interviewed claimed that they were having difficulty getting farmers to sign con- 
tracts to raise chicory. On the other hand, some farmers claimed that the com- 
panies will not accept all applications. 

A major problem in the chicory deal is to secure an adequate labor supply. 
In the past, the provision of workers to harvest the crop was the concern of the 
chicory companies. They used to recruit recent Belgian, German-Russian, and 
Polish immigrants from industrial centers like Toledo and Cincinnati. To some 
degree, they also depended upon the overflow of sugar-beet workers to harvest 
the chicory crop which matures simultaneously with beets. At present, however, 
the companies refuse to be involved in the intricacies and responsibilities of pro- 
viding an adequate labor supply. Consequently, few farmers will agree to grow 
more than the acreage they can handle themselves so that the chicory deal is of 
no great importance in the scale of crops providing additional employment 
opportunities for sugar-beet workers. 

The bean crop has become very important this year. Partly as a result of 
the increased demand for beans to supply the needs of the Army and for export 
and partly as a result of the increased price that resulted from the floor established 
by the Federal Government, the acreage devoted to beans has been expanded. 
In certain counties, notably Saginaw and Gratiot, it is said that the major portion 
of the cancelation of beet-acreage contracts has been due to the competition 
between beets and beans. 

For the most part, the labor necessary for bean harvesting has been supplied by 
local agricultural labor. A large part of the bean crop was threshed last year. 
This year, however, fear of a shortage of such labor, among other things, induced 
many farmers to purchase small combines. In this way the labor requirements 
are reduced from about 10 men needed on a threshing crew to about 2 or 3 men 
per combine. In some few cases, migrant workers have been hired to help in the 
bean harvest this year. This is a new field of employment for beet workers. 

Examination of the pattern of agriculture in Saginaw Valley has revealed four 
major characteristics that will govern the impact of the defense program upon 
sugar-beet workers. (1) The principal beet-growing area of Michigan is rather 

60396 — 41— pt. 19 12 



7938 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



concentrated in the Saginaw Valley. (2) The farms in this district are of a size 
that would require little additional hired labor were it not for the beet patches. 
(3) The average acreage in beets per farm is small but the manual labor require- 
ments are high. (4) Moreover, the competition for acreage between beets and 
crops that require little additional labor is keen. It has always been a factor in 
determining farm policy with respect to beet acreage. In a period such as this, the 
competition ceases to be latent and becomes an extremely active determinant. 

Partly as a concomitant of the small size of beet patches per farm and partly 
to increase the comparative attractiveness of the best crop by assuring an adequate 
supply of labor, the sugar-beet force is organized and distributed through coopera- 
tion of the sugar company and growers' association in each factory district in a 
manner that closely resembles industrial procedure. 

Because of the active competition between crops for acreage, because of the 
industry-like organization of the beet labor supply despite small acreage per farm, 
and because of the diversification of labor-requiring deals in Saginaw Valley, de- 
termination of the total impact of the national-defense program upon the migrant 
beet workers in Michigan must take into account the effects it has had upon the 
local agricultural labor supply as well. 

Farm labor in the sugar-beet area. 

There are four main types of labor utilized by farms in the sugar-beet areas: 
Unpaid family labor; regular hired labor, retained on a monthly basis; seasonal 
hired labor, retained on a daily or weekly basis; and sugar-beet labor, retained on 
a contract basis. In practice, the personnel of these four kinds of labor force is 
to some extent, interchangeable. Farm-family workers, for example, sometimes 
secure summer day-labor work from neighboring farmers. Similarly sugar-beet 
contract workers are sometimes hired for day labor. 

Family workers are the core of the farm-labor force in the sugar-beet area. 
In 1935, 84.2 percent of the farms in the seven-county area were operated entirely 
by farm-family labor during the first week of January. 8 This proportion, re- 
flecting winter labor requirements in the area, describes the farm-labor force 
when the minimum amount of hired labor is used. 

Virtually all farms using hired labor in 1935 reported its use in conjunction with 
family labor. Counting all types of workers reported, the mean average number 
of workers per farm in January 1935 was 1.7. 

Reports of the various types of hired farm labor used throughout the entire year 
of 1939 supplement the 1935 data. From these earlier data, the proportionate 
use of family and hired labor in the winter is indicated. The 1939 data, however, 
expand the hired labor picture by reflecting the summer use of hired labor. 

Approximately two-fifths of the farmers in the seven-county area hired farm 
workers in the course of the year 1939. Regular monthly hired men were hired 
by 12.7 percent of these farmers. More than one-fourth of the farmers reported 
that they hired farm workers on a daily or weekly basis, and 13.9 percent reported 
that they hired workers on "other" bases. In this area "other" would signify 
contract sugar-beet workers for the most part. 

Table 8. — Proportion of farms in 7-county area hiring labor and types of labor 

hired, 1939 





Percent of 

all farms 

hiring labor 


Percent 

hirin? 

monthly 


Percent 
hirine daily 
or weekly 


Percont 

hirinc 

other, 

including 

contract 


State 


37.0 


12.2 


25.1 


10.3 


Bav 


49.0 
38.5 
35.0 
48. 1 
42.1 
41.7 
40.7 


10.9 
11.7 
13.1 
15.4 
11.0 
15.5 
11.6 


32.9 
26.4 
21.9 
33.5 
26 2 
25.0 
29.0 


21.9 


Gratiot . . 


14.5 


Huron 


8.1 


Isabella 


10.0 


Sascinaw 


16. 5 


Snnilao . • 


11.6 


Tascola 


11.2 






7- county total 1 


41.7 


12.7 


27.6 


13.9 







Source: U. S. Census, 1910. 



8 United States Census of Agriculture, 1935 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7939 

While census data do not provide a clear numerical picture of farm labor in the 
seven-county area, they do irdicate the relative importance of the various types of 
farm labor in that area. They show that many farms are operated by 2 or 3 
year-round woikers and that most of these are family laborers. They 'also indi- 
cate that in the course of a year additional workers are required. Summer day 
laborers are lured by 27.6 percent of the farmers, and about half as many farmers 
hired summer contract workers. 

Year-round workers. 

In 1941 farmers in the sugar-beet area commonly reported difficulty in obtain- 
ing good hired men. By this they meant that, even if they should offer as much as 
$75 a month, they could not hire a regular hired man who would be worth this 
expenditure. The gocd hired man shortage was compounded of a general increase 
in the rate of pay to regular hired men and a decrease in the supply of experienced 
general farm workers. In its ramifications, this shortage reflected depletions in 
the family labor supply as well as in the regular hired man supply. 

Two facts, a general increase in the wages paid to hired men and an increased 
use of farm machinery, suggested the existence of a conditional shortage of regular 
hired men. In 1940 regular hired men received from $30 to $40 per month. In 
1941 monthly wages paid to regular hired men increased to $40 or $50. The 
spread of wages paid farm labor in Michigan this year was very wide, however. 
On one hand some few farmers are paying $75 per month; on the other the employ- 
ment service had "difficult-to-fill" orders that offered $25 per month. These 
rates carried, as in the past, certain perquisites. Single hired men received board 
and room in addition to their cash wages, while married hired men received a 
house, garden plot, varying amounts of farm produce, and sometimes fuel and 
electricity. 

Increased wages, however, did not appear to secure a wholly adequate supply 
of regular hired men. Particularly in the farming areas near industrial centers, 
the increase in wages was not large enough to offset the counter attraction of 
nonagricultural wages. Farmers in the sugar-beet area generally believed that 
they could not compete with industrial wage rates. One Saginaw farmer re- 
marked, "If a man is worth $50 to a farmer, that man can get twice as much 
in a plant." 

But the drain of farm workers to industrial centers, was by no means complete. 
Older hired men, particularly if they were married, were apt to be immune to the 
attractions of defense employment. The increase in wage rates for hired men 
reflected competition among farmers for a reduced supply of experienced hired 
men, rather than an attempt to outbid industrial employers. Since the competi- 
tion was confined to farmer-employers, the upper limits of wages to monthly 
hands were set below minimum industrial payments. 

Although some of the farmers did turn to machinery to compensate for the con- 
ditional labor shortage, the total increase of combine and tractor sales was not 
occasioned solely by the labor situation. There are no complete data of farm 
machinery sales in Saginaw Valley in 1941. Available estimates, however, indi- 
cate a considerable increase over 1939 and 1940 sales, especially in sales of small 
combines and tractors. Managers of farm-equipment outlets estimate that 
about 50 percent of the sales in 1941 represent replacements of old machines. 
Also, they attribute a large part of the 1941 demand for farm machinery to the 
fear of increased prices and reduced supplies in the very near future. A fourth 
factor that may have contributed to the rising demand for machinery was ex- 
pressed by one machinery salesman: "Farmers are good spenders when they 
have money and this year they've got it." 

Behind the increase in wages to hired men and in the purchase of farm ma- 
chinery are two defense factors: The Selective Service Act, and defense-stimulated 
industrial expansion in Michigan cities. The Selective Service Act drew upon 
the supplies of family labor and single hired men, but the effect of the draft 
appears to be exaggerated in the minds of the farmers. When requested, defer- 
ment of agricultural workers until November was granted. Next year, however, 
the labor force will probably be further reduced by the draft. Even should such 
reduction be considerably more appreciable in the future, the loss of farm workers 
to the Army will be insignificant in comparison with the drawing power of in- 
dustrial employment. 

Fundamentally, the heaviest drain upon year-round workers is the expansion 
of industrial pay rolls in defense-stimulated production centers. Two such 
centers, Saginaw and Bay City, are loated within the seven-county area. In 
July 1940 there were 14,079 workers on the pay rolls of Saginaw's industry; in 



7940 DETROIT HEARINGS 

1941, there were 23,246. In February 1940 Saginaw counted 18,032 industrial 
workers, as compared with 29,097 workers in February 1941. A similar but 
smaller expansion occurred in Bay City. In July 1940, 7,415 workers were em- 
ployed in Bay City plants, as compared with 9,882 in July 1941. 

It is estimated that 80 percent of the expanded pay rolls in Saginaw represent 
the hiring of local men. There appears to be considerable preference for farm 
workers without previous industrial experience on the ground that less time is 
required to train a new man than to retrain an experienced man. As a con- 
sequence of the defense-stimulated paj'-roll expansion and of the hiring policies 
of the expanding plants, many erstwhile farm family workers and hired men have 
taken industrial employment. 

Industrial expansion in the area has further contributed to the demand for 
hired men on farms by attracting full-time farmers to the cities. For example, 
the records of Farm Security Administration show that approximately 30 percent 
of the standard loan cases in Saginaw and Bay Counties have become part-time 
farmers — farmers outside of factory hours — "for the duration." In Isabella 
County, more distant from industrial expansion centers, it is estimated that 
perhaps 10 percent of the cases have cut operations to a part-time farming basis. 

These new part-time farmers have contributed to the demand for experienced 
hired men. They seek $40-a-month hired men to replace them on their own farms. 
Good hired men, while they work at $6-a-day factory jobs, however, are also at- 
tracted by industrial employment. Consequently, the new part-time farmers are 
unable to find replacements and, commonly, they reduce the scale and character 
of their farming operations. In some cases, they acquire a small dairy herd, 
since dairy chores can be done before and after factory hours. In other cases 
they sell part of their dairy herds if the herds are too large for part-time care. 
Shifts of cropland use from crops requiring summer care to hay and other feed 
crops are also common. The net result of all of these adjustments, insofar as 
farm labor is concerned, is that the part-time farm operator works longer hours 
and his wife takes over part of his farm work. 

The sugar-beet area has lost both family workers and regular hired men, partly 
through the draft but mainly through defense-stimulated industrial expansion. 
At the same time, the demand for hired men in this region has actually increased 
with the shift to part-time farming from full-time farming. 

In response to a tightened farm-labor market, wages to hired hands have 
increased quite generally throughout the area. The farm-wage increase, how- 
ever, has leveled off below the level of industrial wages; and consequently, has 
had little effect in bringing the labor supply in line with current farm require- 
ments. The major adjustments to the new situation have been some increased 
use of labor-saving machinery and, in certain cases, reorganization of farm oper- 
ations to reduce the labor required to operate the farm unit. 

Shortage of day laborers. 

In many respects, day-labor problems in the sugar-beet area resembles those of 
year-round labor. In some quarters it was stated that there was a shortage of 
good day laborers, and increased rates of pay to such workers were pointed to in 
support of the allegation. In 1941 white workers were paid $2.50 to $4 a day, 
including the midday meal, for summer seasonal jobs such as haying, harvesting 
grain, or machine cultivating. Three dollars a day was the most common 
wage. These 1941 rates compared with $1.50 to $2.50 for the same type of work 
in 1940. Notwithstanding the increased rates of pay, many farmers complained 
that they could not locate a summer hand who was worth his asking price. One 
Saginaw farmer who usually rented acreage additional to his own 80 acres decided 
to do day labor this year instead of working additional acreage. He had all the 
work he could do at $4 a day. 

A light crop in hay, and the return of temporarily unemployed workers from 
nearby cities to harvest grain were factors easing the demand for day labor in 
the area. 

A further moderating factor was the use of contract beet laborers for general 
farm work in the beet slack season. The 1941 situation has accelerated a practice 
of some years standing. There is some evidence that these migrant workers were 
paid less than the native workers for day labor. Moreover, they did not usually 
receive the perquisite midday meal. 

New purchases of machinery reduced the demand for day labor in the sugar- 
beet area. Some of this 1941' buying can be attributed to the fact that farmers 
feared labor shortages but perhaps the larger share was due to dissatisfaction, 
with the traditional swap system of harvesting. In the past, it has sometimes 
been customary for all farmers in an area to form a cooperative harvesting crew 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7941 

and work on each farm as its crops ripened. In 1940, however, some farmers 
took a loss on their grain and bean crops because the crew did not harvest them 
before the rains set in. This experience induced some farmers to start buying the 
newly developed small combines. In 1941 the reduction of local labor supplies 
made it difficult to form a large enough cooperative threshing crew. Other 
farmers also decided to avoid the complications involved in forming a crew by 
purchasing combines. 

The purchase of combines has in some cases increased the summer day-labor 
work of the sugar-beet area farms. The hand-hoeing of field beans has become 
more common in the area, because successful combining requires a minimum of 
weeds. The increase of hoeing labor, however, has been smaller than customary 
threshing labor needs. 

The summer day-labor situation in the sugar-beet area contained symptoms 
■of labor scarcity. Wage rates increased, and complaint of scarcity was common. 
An actual shortage of this type of labor did not occur because no crops were lost. 

Contract laborers. 

The contract labor force is employed primarily for work in sugar-beet fields. 
Recently, however, it has been supplying an increasing part of the labor demands 
of other important cash crops both in the sugar-beet counties and other in agri- 
cultural regions in Michigan and neighboring States. Insofar as the defense 
program has induced farmers to alter the acreage proportions in various crops and 
to the extent that defense activity has reduced the customary local supply of 
agricultural labor, it has also affected the migration and employment of contract 
laborers in Michigan. 

The principal employment of contract laborers in the area is in sugar-beet field 
work. For this work between 10,000 and 13,000 workers are employed annually 
in the State. A recent study shows that 39 percent of the sugar-beet workers in 
1939 were residents of Michigan, that 56 percent were migrants from Texas, and 
that 5 percent were migrants from other States. 9 There are no precise data 
relating to the proportion of these workers in the Saginaw Valley counties but 
estimates indicate that about two-thirds of the total force is employed in this 
region. Beet work is highly seasonal. Between the early period of hoeing, block- 
ing, and thinning and the final work in harvesting and topping there is a 2-month 
period of complete idleness in beets. The first work ends in mid-July and the 
topping period does not begin until about the third week in September. 

The development of intraseasonal employment in the sugar-beet area illustrates, 
on a small scale, the manner in which sugar-beet workers have come to a position 
of key importance in many non-sugar-beet labor forces. Within the seven-county 
area, the clearest example of this development is the use of beet workers as potato 
pickers in Bay County. Some farmers place the beginning of this employment 
pattern as early as 1932. Other farmers cannot remember when the Mexicans 10 
started coming into the area, but simply have the impression that as potato acreage 
increased each year more Mexicans appeared each year to pick them. In the 
summer of 1941 potato growers repeatedly stated, "We don't know what we would 
do without the Mexicans," but there seemed to be no organized recruiting of potato 
pickers. 

The Mexican sugar-beet workers are also employed to pick cucumbers during 
the off season in the beet fields. It is estimated that one worker is required to 
pick each acre of cucumbers. The recent increase of cucumber acreage in the 
seven counties of Saginaw Valley has increased the demand for pickle pickers. 
Today, the farmer relies more upon beet workers and less on his own family labor 
to harvest the cucumbers. 

As described above, the defense program has reduced the available supply of 
resident farm labor and concurrently increased the job opportunities for contract 
laborers. This year, this has been specially notable in the grain and bean harvests. 
According to all reports, "if it had not been for the 'Mexicans' " it would have been 
much more difficult to get through these harvests. 

Outside the even-county area a similar gradual, uneven dependence upon sugar- 
beet workers has developed. In some areas, such as the cherry areas around 
Hart and Traverse City, the use of sugar-beet workers in non-sugar-beet work is a 
fairly recent development. In others, such as the cannery bean area around Scott- 
ville, the use of "Mexicans" is an established practice. Once sugar-beet workers 
appear in a new crop labor force, there is a tendency for them to replace classes of 
workers previously involved in these crop harvests. 

e Thaden. J. F., Mexican Migratory Laborers in Sugar Beet Fields of Michigan, 1941 (unpublished). 
10 In Michigan, the term "Mexicans" is commonly employed to designate the beet workers. Most of 
"these are Texas citizens of Mexican antecedents. 



7942 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Two factors are involved in the potential replacement process; growers' prefer- 
ence for sugar-beet workers, and the availability of these workers. 

With few exceptions, preference for sugar-beet workers has followed their 
appearance in new crop areas. Cherry growers, who are among the more recent 
"discoverers" of sugar-beet workers, enumerate the advantages of these workers 
as follows: They are more industrious and more stable than local workers. They 
are easier to deal with than other types of workers, because transactions are 
carried on through a single group leader. And, finally, it is believed that these 
workers have a sort of racial aptitude for hand labor. Sugar beet, cucumber, 
tomato, potato, bean, and pea growers have all preceded cherry growers in finding 
out the desirable qualifications of sugar-beet workers. Their reasons for preferring 
"Mexicans" duplicate those of the cherry growers. 

The crucial factor in replacement is the availability of sugar-beet workers. 
Notwithstanding the versatile character of summer employment, the number of 
sugar-beet workers is determined, primarily, by sugar-beet acreage, and bears no 
necessary relation to total summer labor needs. 

The precise number of workers used intraseasonally in the seven-county area is 
not known. It is estimated, however, that not more than one-fourth of the total 
hired sugar-beet labor force was used in Saginaw Valley between the middle of 
July and the end of September. 

The relatively small labor requirements indicated by census data correspond 
with local estimates. Although sugar-beet workers are essential to summer har- 
vests in the seven-county area, the relatively small labor forces required by these 
harvest affect only a portion of the seven-county sugar-beet labor force. The 
major part of this force moves outside the area to other work locations in the intra- 
seasonal period. 

Although the intraseasonal employment of sugar-beet workers is of concern to 
many Michigan farmers, intraseasonal placement shows only the most rudimentary 
organization. Farmers wishing to hire sugar-beet workers during the intrasea- 
sonal period may make arrangements with such workers personally, may apply to 
the fieldman of the sugar company with which they are connected, who in turn 
relays the offer to sugar-beet workers of his acquaintance; or they may apply to 
third parties, such as pickle or canning company managers. These third parties 
then apply to the sugar company fieldmen. In many cases, farmers simply rely 
on the personal application of sugar-beet workers in search of intraseasonal 
employment. 

In 1941, the increased competition for sugar-beet workers during the intrasea- 
sonal period accentuated the disorganization of what might be called the intra- 
seasonal labor market. Farmers in some localities complained that there was a 
near-shortage of pickle and cannery bean and tomato pickers, not because there were 
fewer "Mexicans" in the locality, but because these workers moved around more. 
Sugar-beet workers in one county would move to another on the rumor of more 
advantageous working conditions. At the same time, sugar-beet workers in the 
second county would move to the first on the same compulsion. The net effect 
was a waste in man-days of labor, and considerable anxiety among farmers 
concerning supplies of hand labor. 

The 1941 cucumber crop was poor and the workers felt that they did not 
receive adequate compensation for the time spent in the first picking. Conse- 
quently, few "Mexicans" were willing to continue to work in the cucumber deal. 
For example, 1 family of 5 workers spent 5 hours picking cucumbers and earned 
16 cents each. They preferred to move to some other crop in which earnings 
were greater. Furthermore, the resultant scarcity of pickers made it impossible 
to pick over cucumber fields often enough to prevent the growth of "Jumbos" — 
very large cucumbers which bring low prices from the pickle companies, if they 
are bought at all. In the sense that a labor scarcity resulted in a depreciation 
of the value of cucumber acreage, the farmers maintained that they experienced 
a crop loss occasioned by labor shortage. 

Some farmers and all of the sugar-beet workers questioned on this situation, 
however, attributed the pickle picker shortage to the poor cucumber crop. The 
low returns from pickle picking, however, indicate that, if the "Mexicans" 
"jumped around" more than usual, the reason for increased mobility was that 
they could not earn enough in pickles. Under pressure from farmers, the pickle 
companies increased the prices paid for pickles about 20 percent, and consequently 
the per hundredweight prices paid to pickers also rose. But the increase was 
said to be not sufficient to offset the decline in earnings occasioned by the poor 
crop. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7943 

In most cases, relatively poorer earnings in particular crops were at the bottom 
of labor scarcity. Disorganization of the intraseasonal labor market accentuated 
these scarcities. Much of the intraseasonal movement of sugar-beet workers 
from crop to crop was stimulated by rumor and was needlessly long. Neverthe- 
less, there were some few attempts at organization. In Bay County, for example, 
the sugar company wrote a letter to the County agricultural agent, offering to 
cooperate with truck farmers in the placing of sugar-beet workers during the 
slack season in beets. Some farmers did request tomato pickers of the sugar 
company through the county agent as a result of this letter. In the area as a 
whole, however, intraseasonal employment of sugar-beet workers is typically 
haphazard. 

The scarcity of workers in certain crops is reflected to some extent in the 
increased wages. The minimum rates for sugar-beet work are set each year by 
the Department of Agriculture. There was no change in rates paid for sugar-beet 
work this year. Both for bean picking and cucumber picking, however, rates 
have increased over those paid in 1940. The average rate for bean picking last 
year was 75 cents per hundred pounds. This year the workers received $1 per 
hundred pounds and, in some cases, $1.25. The remuneration for cucumber 
picking increased with the prices paid for pickles since the workers receive 50 
percent of the crop yield per acre. Potato pickers received 3 cents per bushel in 
most cases. This is the same as the 1940 rate. A few farmers, however, were 
paying 4 cents per bushel. At the time the field investigation was made, prices 
to tomato pickers were also the same as those of 1940, being 3 cents per 40-pound 
crate. Some farmers, however, anticipated that the cost of tomato-picking might 
increase later in the season. 

Housing perquisites, and sometimes farm-produce perquisites such as milk and 
vegetables, are attached to intraseasonal wages, but these are commonly poor or 
of little value. 

Defense-stimulated expansion of industrial employment has, apparently had 
little effect upon the supply of sugar-beet workers in the seven-county area. The 
reduction of other farm-labor supplies through defense employment, however, 
has stimulated the demand for these workers. The increased use of sugar-beet 
workers by general fruit and truck farmers during the intraseasonal period consti- 
tutes, potentially, one of the most significant developments in the Michigan farm 
labor situation in 1941. 

Sugar-beet migration 

The findings of investigations undertaken by the Federal and State govern- 
ment, as well as by private agencies, have demonstrated that substandard levels 
of living, inadequate housing, and social isolation are part and parcel of the sugar- 
beet workers' lives during the period of residence in the producing areas in Michi- 
gan. 11 These conditions are now reported to have become of increased import- 
ance as they affect the procurement of a labor supply sufficient to meet the needs 
of the industry. Already increasing competition from Texas cotton growers has 
caused some concern in Michigan. 

Approximately 7,500 workers were brought into Michigan this year to work in 
the sugar-beet fields from early Maj 7 to late December. Most of these migrant 
workers are Texans of Mexican origin. They are drawn primarily from the 
spinach and cotton ranches around Crystal City and San Antonio. Today, the 
"Mexicans" are employed almost exclusively in Michigan beet fields. They have 
largely replaced the Belgians, Poles, and German-Russians who used to be im- 
ported for beet work from nearby industrial centers like Detroit, Toledo, and 
Chicago. 

The farmers like the Texas workers because the\ T are said to be quiet, hard- 
working, and untroublesome. 12 Moreover, they usually come up in family groups 
of several adult workers who work well together. In the winter, most of them 
return "over the horizon" to Texas and other Southwest States of origin and 
allegedly do not remain in the area to become burdens on public charity. 13 

» See. particularly, U. S. Department of Labnr, Children's Bureau. Child Labor and the Work of Mothers 
in the Sugar Beet Fields of Colorado and Michigan. (Bureau Publication No. 115, 1923); National Child 
Labor Committee, Child Labor in the Sugar Beet Fields of Michigan, (Publication No. 310, 1923); United 
States Immigrant Commission. Immigrants in Industries, pt. 24. Recent Immigrants in Agriculture: 
United States Department of Agriculture, A. A. A., Hearing with Reference to Proposed Labor Provisions 
to be Included in Beet-Sugar Benefit Contracts, (East Lansing, Mich.. September 21, 1934; Haber, William, 
Sugar Beet Workers in Michigan (manuscript in files of Sugar Division, dated October 3, 1934). 

>* Oklahoma Citv hearings of select committee, pt. 5. p. 1S45. 
f » See H. Rept. 369, Report of Select Committee, p. 379, footnote 85. 



7944 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Recruiting of labor. 

The recruiting of the labor supply is accomplished by means of very close 
cooperation between the field men of the sugar companies and the beet-growers' 
associations. 

There are seven sugar companies operating in Michigan and seven major 
"employment committees." The growers of each factory district belong to a 
growers' association organized among those who deliver beets to a particular 
factory. The president of each factory district growers' association represents 
his local unit on the board of the employment organization of the company. Thus, 
the'growers who deliver beets to each of the plants of the Michigan Sugar Co. have 
formed growers' associations, the presidents of which represent them on the 
Beet Growers' Employment Committee, Inc. — the central organization. The 
growers who deliver beets to the Great Lakes Sugar Co. and the Lake Shore Sugar 
Co. have formed local associations in each plant district. The central organiza- 
tion is the Great Lakes Employment Committee. Similar arrangements have 
been made by each company. 

The membership of the central employment committee consists of the presi- 
dents of the local growers' associations and the chief field man of the company. 
This varies between companies. Some claim that the field man is not a member 
but merely acts in the capacity of a coordinator of all employment effort. 

Early in the year, the company field men visit the farmers to ascertain how many 
workers they think they will need. The total number is usually determined by 
the field men on the basis of seven contracted acres per man. 

In the middle of April, the Acosta Labor Agency 14 in San Antonio is notified how 
many workers are required. Usually, the chief field supervisor of each company 
and a representative of each growers' association go to Texas to supervise the 
recruiting of the labor supply. In addition to the Acosta Agency, some companies 
employ an additional Spanish-speaking scout to round up a supply of workers and 
bring them to the employment agency. 

Some attempt is made to secure the same workers each year. The company 
frequently keeps a record of the worker, number in the family and place of winter 
residence. However, the number of experienced workers who return year after 
year varies widely. In Saginaw, for example, it is extimated that only about 
60 percent of the workers have had previous beet experience. In the St. Louis 
and Isabella districts, on the other hand, the estimate of the proportion of experi- 
enced workers arriving each year averages about 85 percent of the total supply. 

Funds with which to pay the Acosta Labor Agency and from which to advance 
money to the workers are usually supplied by the sugar company to its growers' 
association. The amount is deducted from the first crop payment made to the 
farmer, or from the first check given the workers if, as sometimes happens, the 
laborers deal directly with the company. 

Transportation. 

The transportation of workers from Texas to Michigan has been one of the 
major evils of the annual northward trek of sugar beet labor. Many of the workers 
secure cheap transportation in trucks of other migrants or of those who make a 
business of bringing workers to Michigan. Frequently as many as 40 persons 
would crowd into one truck and stand all the way from Texas to Michigan. 

To some extent, this procedure has been arrested by the action of the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission. The sugar company employment committees are 
attempting to prevent violation of the Motor Carrier Act by encouraging rail 
transportation for beet workers. 15 

The majority of workers who came to Michigan in 1941 traveled either by 
automobile or by train. Those workers who own cars will frequently transport 
their families and as many friends as can be accommodated. Transportation is 
paid for on a share basis when this is done. 

In 1940, some of the sugar companies made arrangements to provide the 
workers with train transportation. A special rate of $15 per person is paid by 
the worker for rail-fare. In 1940, the Michigan Sugar Co. advanced money for 
rail transportation for about 200 workers. This year, the Michigan Sugar Co. 
and its growers' associations arranged for train transportation for 2,000 workers. 
None of the laborers employed by the Great Lakes Employment Committee in 

14 In former years, 4 Texas employment agencies were used. This year, however, all companies worked 
through the Acosta Labor Agency. 

A more complete discussion of the role of employment agencies in recruiting workers for Michigan beet 
fields is contained in the testimony of Robert M. McKinley at the Oklahoma City hearings of the select 
committee, pt. 5, P. 1K40. 

is Exhibit 49.— Illegal Transportation of Sugar-Beet Workers From Texas to Michigan and Ohio Fields, 
p. 7796. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7945 

1940 arrived by train. This year, however, arrangements for the transportation 
of 500 workers by train were made. 

The money advanced for the transportation of workers to Michigan is deducted 
from the first payments they receive for work in the early period of thinning, 
hoeing, and blocking. 

Transportation back home must be arranged by the workers themselves. The 
company insists that the workers leave the area at the end of the beet harvest. 
This insistance has been occasioned by the adverse publicity the companies re- 
ceived when the "Mexican" remained in the area and became public charges. 
In the event that the season's earnings are insufficient to cover the costs of 
transportation back to Texas, the companies deem it more advisable to pay the 
return fare rather than to permit the workers to remain in Michigan and seek 
relief. 

Housing. 

The exact arrangements for housing vary from county to county, but in general 
the houses that are used make bad shelter in the summer and are almost unin- 
habitable in the winter. 

Most of the migrant families live in buildings owned or rented by the sugar- 
processing companies. The Michigan Sugar Co., for example, owns about 100 
houses and this, year, they are building about 12 new ones. In addition, the 
Saginaw plant of the company rents about 30 houses on the Prairie Farm from 
the Federal Government for a monthly rental of $5 per house. The Isabella 
Sugar Co. owns 150 houses. 

The companies charge the growers 50 cents per acre to provide dwelling places 
for the migrant workers. In some cases the individual farmer provides his labor 
with living quarters on his own land. 

In most sugar-beet areas in Michigan the workers pay no rental for the shacks. 
In Lenawee and Monroe Counties, however, the Great Lakes Sugar Co. deducts 
about $18 per season for each house rented to workers. Farmers' houses in this 
area rent for $25 to $35 per season. The payment for shelter in this area is 
customary. 

The houses are not always located on the farms where the worker is employed. 
This is a major cause of complaint since no compensation is made for transporta- 
tion to and from the beet acres. 

In general, the beet workers live in tenant houses or in shacks. Kerosene 
lamps are provided. Ordinarily one three-room house is assigned to one or two 
families. Since most of the families are fairly large it is not unusual to find 
numerous children and even adults sleeping on the floor. The following statements 
concerning housing were made to the field investigators by people in the region: 

Tuscola. — "General housing conditions are very poor. Most of the houses have 
been deserted by the average farmer. Many are old tenant houses that the 
average family would not live in. The general run of houses are sadly in need of 
repair, especially the roofs, windows, and doors. The floors and plaster are 
usually in very bad shape. These houses are only good to live in in the warm 
weather although many families have to live in them throughout the winter be- 
cause of lack of funds." 

Isabella {concerning portable housing furnished by the sugar company). — "These, 
however, are not quite warm enough for our cold winters, but these people manage 
to bunch up in other houses and seem to get by all right." 

Monroe. — The houses "used to be company houses, usually a small shack on 
wheels or a portable shed, but they are now the property of the beet workers. 
The usual agreement is that they pay $10 a year to the farmer for the rent of the 
land on which their house stands. A few of the houses still belong to the com- 
pany." 

The increased competition for workers between Texas and Michigan is expected 
to bring about some improvements in the housing conditions. Only recently some 
of the companies have begun to make an attempt to reduce the crowding of workers 
by providing tents to be used as sleeping quarters. As a result of the activities 
of the State department of health, the sugar companies are taking greater precau- 
tions in supplying an adequate water supply and in keeping the grounds clear of 
rubbish. 

Earnings of sugar-beet workers. 

Few data relating to the earnings of sugar-beet labor in Michigan are currently 
I available. Some of the estimates that have been made, however, indicate that 
the level of earnings for the period of residence in the State is quite low. 



7946 DETROIT HEARINGS 

The seasonal nature of beet-field work requires that sugar-beet laborers be 
resident in the State or within easy distance from the beet fields for about 6 
monlhs of the year. The time devoted to the industry is somewhat longer since 
it includes the period of travel to the State and back home. Despite the fact that 
the worker must be available for 6 months, the work opportunities during that 
period are limited to two peak periods: (1) The early period of employment in 
blocking, thinning, and hoeing; and (2) the late period of work in harvesting the 
crop. All told, the best crop provides workers with an average of 30 to 50 days' 
employment during a 6-month period. 16 

While the period of employment is very short, the hours of work are very long. 
During the work period, the usual hours of labor number between 11 and 12 per 
day. Recent studies in certain areas suggest that hours have been slightly 
reduced but in general hours of work remain unchanged. 

The earnings of sugar-beet laborers while in Michigan are derived from two 
principal sources — sugar-beet work and off-season employment in other crops. 

Sugar-beet wage rates are determined on a piecework basis. The minimum 
rates are set by the Secretary of Agriculture. Actually, these constitute the maxi- 
mum rates paid in most cases. The schedule of payments to beet workers in 1940 
and 1941 was $11 per acre for blocking, thinning, hoeing, and weeding, payable 
when work is completed. For topping, a sliding scale per acre is paid on the basis 
of the tonnage yielded per acre. 

According to a survey made by Michigan State College of the costs of producing 
sugar beets on land yielding an average of 1 1 .4 tons per acre, each worker spent an 
average of 40 hours per acre blocking, thinning, and hoeing and 34 hours in 
harvesting. Thus, 74 hours of labor were required, per acre. 17 The payment for 
such labor was $18.60 per acre. However, since the average yield per acre in 
Michigan is only about 9 tons, 18 the payment per acre is proportionately less. 

Approximately 7 acres are assigned per worker in most cases. At an average 
rate of $18 per acre, then, he will receive $126 for the 6-month period he spends in 
Michigan. Not all workers receive a 7-acre assignment, however. For example, 
in Saginaw County, this year, many of the workers had only 4 or 5 acres to work. 
To some extent this was caused by the loss of acreage due to early frost and the 
spreading of work among all who had been brought into the district. On the 
other hand, most of the workers interviewed felt that more people had been 
brought into the area than were necessary. They argued that an average worker 
could satisfactorily handle about 12 acres of beets and that no one could earn 
enough on 7 or less acres to make the journey worth his while. 

A recent study of the earnings of 10 families in the Saginaw factory district, 
prepared by Max C. Henderson of the Beet Growers' Employment Committee, 
indicated that the average net earnings per worker tor beet work in 1940 was 
$135 for the 6 months he was resident in Michigan. 

No data are available with respect to the earnings of beet laborers in the slack 
season. In 1941, however, more empjoyment opportunities were available in 
other crops than in previous years. For example, many of the Saginaw County 
workers went down into Indiana to pick tomatoes. From other areas, notably 
Gratiot and Isabella Counties, workers went into Hart and Grand Traverse 
County to pick cherries. This is a fairly new pattern but it appears to be the 
beginning of a trend in intraseasonal migration. 

Generally speaking, attempts to secure intraseasonal employment, have been 
very informal and disorganized. Through a grapevine system workers are some- 
times informed of job opportunities in other areas. Frequently, they just get up 
and move in search of work. In the recent past, however, some of the companies 
have been acting as a clearing house for labor information. The Heinz Co. in 
Saginaw, for example, contacted the Michigan Sugar Co. to secure pickle p ; ckers. 
In other cases, the companies have urged farmers to employ the Mexicans for 
general w r ork around the farms, for threshing and for haying. This, however, 
has been only moderately effective because the expected shortage of general help 
was not as acute as farmers feared it would be. 

The companies have taken more interest in securing intraseasonal employment 
for the migrants because they fear that the Mexicans will not return once they 
have left. This is especially pronounced in Saginaw County where the crop is 

18 The 30-day estimate was made by N. C. Henderson, executive secretary of Beet Growers' Employment 
Committee, Inc., in A Study of Sugar Beet Field Workers' Earnings and Expenses, 1941, unpublished, p. 11. 
The 50-day estimate is included in U. S. Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Labor in the Suear In- 
dustry, 1940, p. 12. 

17 Wright, Karl T., 1936 Sugar Beet Costs on 87 Michigan Farms. Michigan State College, East Lansing, 
1938. 

18 Based on data supplied by U. S. Department of Agriculture, Sugar Section. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7947 

A r ery poor this year and the yield is expected to be very low. In other areas where 
the crop is poor some migrants have already returned to Texas in response to 
reports that high wages for cotton picking are current. 

It is thought likely in the area that the attempts to secure dovetailing employ- 
ment for sugar-beet workers will be more carefully organized in 1942. In the 
past, the lack of adequate earnings in Michigan has not seriously jeopardized the 
annual labor supply for the beet fields. Now, however, if some guaranties of 
intraseasonal employment are not made many of the workers may prefer to remain 
in Texas. 

Two suggestions to increase earnings of beet labor were made by interested 
persons. A representative of the sugar industry suggested that the minimum 
rates of payment for beet work be increased next year. A Gratiot farmer argued 
that a pickle clause be inserted in the sugar-beet labor contract. This, he noted, 
would have a double advantage in that it would guarantee work for the Mexicans 
and, at the same time, assure the farmers of an adequate supply of manual labor 
for other crops. This proposal, however, did not receive full support from other 
farmers. They indicated .that it might tend to discourage future migration if the 
guaranteed work did not yield adequate payments. 

The basic problem with respect to the earnings and labor conditions of beet 
workers remains unchanged by the impact of the defense problem. It is essentially 
a problem of securing an adequate income for a worker in a highly seasonal in- 
dustry that does not pay enough during the peak periods to support the laborer 
throughout the year. 

SUMMARY 

The migration of seasonal harvest workers is not a problem of Michigan agri- 
culture as a whole. It is a problem of certain well-defined and limited sections 
of Michigan. 

In the southwestern fruit and vegetable counties, considerable numbers of 
seasonal workers are required from June until November. The farms which use 
most of this seasonal labor are on the whole small highly diversified farms, although 
some, requiring large numbers of workers, are extensive and relatively specialized. 
The farms in the area are often described as being "family sized" farms, but those 
that grow fruits and vegetables find it necessary to depend on hired labor during 
harvest seasons. The demand for nonlocal seasonal worker stems directly from 
the type of crops produced, and the area devoted to labor requiring crops is 
increasing. 

The demand for labor has been satisfied to date by the supply of migrant labor 
from the South, particularly Arkansas and Missouri. The social and economic 
problems arising from this migration include increased taxes for relief, health 
facilities, and schools, for the communities; low earnings, bad housing, inadequate 
medical care, poor or intermittent schooling, for the migrants. The economy of 
the region requires an influx of workers to harvest crops. To the extent that 
migrant workers constitute a financial burden to the communities, a subsidy is 
granted to agriculture from community funds. But since the community, in 
turn, depends so largely upon agriculture, this subsidy involves to a considerable 
extent taking money out of one pocket and putting it into the other. Only to 
those whose incomes are in no way dependent upon agriculture is this a real 
burden. 

The migratory workers, on the other hand, have accepted existing conditions 
only because of necessity. With improving economic conditions in the South, it 
is considered likely that many of these workers will not be available for this work 
unless farm wages and living conditions in the fruit areas improve. 

The intermittent character of sugar-beet employment makes the labor force 
available for non-sugar-beet work during the summer. The utilization of sugar- 
beet workers during this intraseasonal period, however, is by no means complete. 
The 10- week recess from beet work has spelled serious unemployment to many 
sugar-beet workers. 

Intraseasonal employment of sugar-beet workers is not organized. The 
workers themselves are forced to find employment to supplement their beet work 
and have gradually built up recognized patterns of intraseasonal employment. 
The sugar companies and farmer employers have, until this year, taken little 
active interest in the matter. 

Wherever these workers have appeared, they have tended to become increasingly 
significant in the harvest labor force. Generally, this has been a result both of 
* the expansion of hand-labor requirements in particular crop areas and the dis- 
appearance of customary classes of workers — particularly resident labor — from 
the labor force. 



7948 DETROIT HEARINGS . 

Prior to 1941, the intraseasonal employment of sugar-beet workers has not been 
organized and has depended primarily on the initiative of the workers. Deple- 
tions of certain classes of farm labor, resulting from the expanding defense pro- 
gram of the United States, aggravated by farmer anxiety concerning supplies of 
farm labor, stimulated them to recruit actively during the summer of 1941. 

In order to utilize effectively the intraseasonal labor of sugar beet workers, some 
employers have decided it will be necessary to organize this employment. They 
feel that neither the farmers nor the workers can afford the present disorganization 
of intraseasonal employment. Secondly, since the sugar-beet migrants cus- 
tomarily require housing in the work areas to which they travel, some provision 
for housing is regarded as necessary in the new competitive areas which now lack 
housing for seasonal workers. 

As in western fruit and vegetable counties growers in eastern Michigan also 
foresee the necessity of increasing wages and improving living and working con- 
ditions in order to attract sufficient workers to harvest their crops. 

Exhibit 54. — Characteristics of Farm Labor in Berrien 

County, Mich., 1940 

REPORT BY THE LABOR DIVISION, FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION, UNITED STATES- 
DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 

Migrant workers have been pouring into Berrien County for the summer harvest 
of fruit, extending from early May to October, in steadily increasing numbers each 
year. From a small beginning of a few truckloads of migrants in 1934, the number 
of migratory workers entering the area during the 1940 season has been estimated 
at 10,000. This rapid change in the source of farm-labor supply produced serious 
problems for both the workers and the community. On the one hand, recruiting 
and placement activities have been left largely unorganized, leading to chronic 
labor surpluses and their attendant underemployment and low earnings. On 
the other hand, failure to materially expand housing and sanitary accommodations 
for the new supply of workers severely overtaxed existing facilities, creating 
potential problems in the field of public health that menaced both the migrants 
and the community. 

In order to make a concrete appraisal of these oft-repeated generalizations, the 
Labor Division of Farm Security Administration conducted a detailed survey of 
seasonal farm labor in the area during the summer of 194Q. Through this survey 
a total of 258 family units, 1 including 138 heads of families and 120 single persons, 
were interviewed. These 258 family units included a total of 648 persons. 
Only one of the enumerated cases was a resident of the area. Though the sample 
may not represent a true cross section of the seasonal labor force in terms of 
"migrants" and residents, it is important to note that exclusive use of migrants 
was especially typical of the seasonal labor force employed by the large fruit 
growers. Smaller operators depended to a large extent on migrants but also 
used resident labor more liberally than this sample might suggest. Interest as to 
status and conditions of migrants was, of course, the dominant purpose behind the 
survey. 

Insofar as the migrant group itself is concerned, it is believed that the character- 
istics measured in the sample group are reasonably typical foi migrants as a whole 
entering Berrien County. Of the 258 enumeiated cases, 185 were white and 73 
were Negroes, or a ratio of about 3 to 1. 

Most of the whites (64 percent) were heads of family groups, whereas an even 
greater proportion of the Negroes (73 percent) were single persons. Not only 
were there relatively fewer Negro families, but Negro families were smaller aver- 
aging 2.3 persons as compared with 4.0 for the white families and 3.8 for all 
families. 2 

Increasing public recognition has been given to the fact that migrants at large 
tend to fall in highly employable age groups. This is again borne out in the 
present survey. Heads of families averaged 34 years and single workers averaged 
31 years. Out of the total group of 648 persons, 10 percent were under 5 years 
of age, a few more than one-fifth were from 5 to 14, and 57 percent were from 16 
to 44. 



1 For purposes of this report, the term "family units" refers to the heads of families or single persons inter 
viewed. 
* The term "average" refers hereinafter to the median, unless otherwise stated. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7949 

While hardly well educated, the Berrien County migrants over 18 years of age 
had completed the sixth or seventh grade. The prospects for their children, a 
•commentary on migration, did not appear as blight since one-fourth of the 
•children of school age had not attended school during the 12 months preceding 
the survey. 

SOURCE OF MIGRANTS 

Migratory workers were drawn to Berrien County from at least 18 States. 
However, nearly two thirds of the family units came from the Cotton Belt area 
•of southeast Missouri and Arkansas. Southeast Missouri was considered the 
home area by 21 percent of the family units, Arkansas by 41 percent; 11 percent 
came from the nearby States of Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio. The Southeastern 
States of Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and Florida 
accounted for 18 percent. A small number, approximately 4 percent, came from 
five far Western States. Less than 2 percent considered that they had no home 
State. 

A small proportion, 4 percent of the migratory labor, was drawn from other 
areas within the State of Michigan. 

INTERSTATE AND INTRASTATE MOVES 

A high degree of mobility is characteristic of these people. The data show 
that the migrants moved from 1 to as many as 11 times during the 12-month 
period preceding the date of the survey, the average being about 3 moves. Nearly 
■one-third moved 5 times or more during the year. Only 20 percent had moved 
but 1 time. 

The great majority of the residential changes undertaken in search of employ- 
ment carried the families across State lines. Of those who moved at least once, 
98 percent had moved across State lines, whereas 54 percent had made intra- 
state moves. Thus, the average family unit made two interstate moves and one 
intrastate move during the year. 

YEARS OP MIGRATION 

The resort to migration to secure employment has become a fairly well estab- 
lished pattern for many of these people. The average family unit had been 
migrating for about 2 years. Two-thirds of the family units had been migrating 
for 1 year or more. Twenty percent have been migrating 5 years or more. 

This pattern of life runs counter to the desires of the migrants. "We travel 
'cause we have to, not 'cause we want to. You might say it's just compulsory 
"to come 'cause there's nothing to do at home," was a typical remark of the 
migrants when asked why they had migrated. Deeply embedded in them is the 
thought that economic security can be achieved only through permanent settle- 
ment on the land. Only one-fourth of the group surveyed did not include the 
possibility of permanent settlement in their outlook toward the future. As 
might be expected, the desire for settlement was strongest among family groups, 
and 83 percent of these stated that they intended to settle down as compared 
with 63 percent of the single men. 

There is every prospect, however, that the pattern of the immediate future of 
these migrants will conform to that of the present. Left to their own devices, 
the desire for settlement appears to be doomed to frustration. Except for the 
possibility of a drastic unanticipated reversal of current trends in agriculture or 
the intervention of some outside agency, the outlook for them is for increasing 
years in migrant status. 

PREVIOUS ECONOMIC STATUS 

The vast majority of the migrants interviewed had previously been engaged in 
the field of agriculture. A mere handful, amounting to less than 4 percent, 
reported that they had not done farm work of any kind before the "current experi- 
ence. 

The data on the agricultural backgrounds of the migrants interviewed cover 
the 13-year period from 1927 to 1940. 3 The trends which have been taking place 

3 Persons who reported more than one type of agriculture experience were classified in the highest economic 
status group to which they had attained; for instance, a migrant who had been both an owner and a tenant 
. "was classified as an owner for purposes of analysis. 



7950 DETROIT HEARINGS 

in the South among the small-farm owners, tenants, and sharecroppers during 
this period are revealed in the experience of the migrants interviewed. During 
this period, 36 percent of the family units had enjoyed formerly an agricultural 
status higher than that of farm laborers, ranging from sharecropper to farm owner. 
Single persons tended to come from the farm-labor class exclusively, three out 
of four having come from this class, whereas two out of four family heads previ- 
ously had enjoyed some form of farm-operator status. A larger proportion of 
family heads, compared with single persons, had at one time been owner-operators. 

The data show, further, that the white heads of families had enjoyed a previous 
higher economic status than had the Negro heads of families. Although there 
were only 19 Negro family heads in the sample, it is interesting to note that not 
one had been an owner-operator at any time during the 13-year period preceding 
the survey. On the other hand, 12 percent of the white heads of families had at 
one time been owner-operators. 

A larger percentage of the white family heads, 18 percent as against 5 percent 
for the Negroes, had been tenants. The number of family heads in the share- 
cropping class was very similar for botn races, IS percent for whites and 16 percent 
for Negroes. 

A majority of both the Negro and white heads of families had been farm laborers 
in the past, but 74 percent of the Negroes had been farm laborers as against 50 
percent of the whites. A small proportion of each race had been in nonagricultural 
occupations. 

The differences in the agricultural status attained by the single persons accord- 
ing to race were far less striking. About 70 percent of the single persons in each 
race had been farm laborers. A few in each race had been owner-operators. The 
major differences came in the distribution between the tenant and sharecropper 
classes. More of the total number of single white persons in these two categories 
had been tenants, while for the Negro group more had been sharecroppers. 

NUMBER OF JOBS HELD DURING YEAR 

Turning to an examination of the data on the number of jobs held during the 
past year, the difficulty which these people experience in maintaining steady work 
is clearly emphasized. 

The fact that some migrants had moved as many as 11 times during the past 
year, and that one-half of the migrants had moved 4 times or more, is indicative 
of the rapid job turn-over. On the average, the migrants had 5 jobs during the 
past year. The data reveal that some of the migrants had as many as 9 jobs during 
the year. 

The majority of these jobs consisted of agricultural work, though during the 
past year tne migrant group interviewed had engaged in some nonagricultural 
work. The ratio of the average number of agricultural to nonagricultural jobs for 
the family unit was 4 to 1. 

NUMBER OP DATS EMPLOYED 

The loss of time and money involved in this frequent shifting from place to 
place and from job to job is considerable. In searching for work, the migrant 
must depend upon rumors or on his own previous experience. The data on the 
"reason for coming" to Berrien County show that about 45 percent of the family 
units stated that they came to Berrien County because they had "heard of em- 
ployment." Twenty-seven percent had worked there before, and believed that 
they could find work again. About 20 percent of them said that they had made 
definite arrangements ahead of time with a job promised when they reported for 
work. Other reasons given for coming to Berrien County were "just drifting," 
"looking for work," or "came with friend who had been here before." 

Not only is the migrn .orced to waste time seeking employment but, when he 
does find a job, the work is generally for part of the week or part of the day. 
On many days, labor is kept idle because the market price may be at a low level 
which will cause the farmer to hold back the harvesting of part of his crop, or the 
weather conditions may not be favorable for picking, or more people than are 
necessary are available for work. 

The average number of days worked during the past year by the migrant group 
studied was 155 days, or one-half of the total 308 possible working days during 
the year, if Sundays and holidays are excluded. It should be noted that even 
though a person may have worked only for 1 hour on any 1 day, it was considered 
as a day of employment for the purposes of the survey. Only 11 out of the 258 
family units surveyed, or 4 percent of the total, had worked a full year of 308 days 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7951 

or more during the 12-month period preceding the survey. Seventy percent of 
the family units had worked less than 175 days — the equivalent of about 29 weeks 
of employment. 

Obviously, the migrant group studied had suffered considerable unemployment. 
Nevertheless, the number of families and single persons who had received any 
relief at all during the past year came to a relatively small proportion of the total 
included in the survey. Only one family out of every four had been on work 
relief. The type of relief received was work relief in all but one case. Thirty- 
three percent of the family heads were employed on work relief while only 10 
percent of the single men were so employed. 

Of the 258 family units, 58 reported relief income, but the actual number of 
days en relief was ascertainable for only 49 cases. Although the sample is very 
small, the average number of days on work relief was 175. Thirteen of the 49 
cases had been on work relief for 200 days or more. 

HOUSING 

The farmers in Berrien County are not properly equipped to house the large 
supply of seasonal labor which the harvesting of their crops both requires and 
attracts. Adequate housing facilities are practically nonexistent. The problem 
of housing seasonal workers has become more acute as the source of labor employed 
in the area changed from local labor and old time "fruit tramps" — who had their 
hobo camps along the railways — to the present family migrants. Sometimes the 
migrants bring their own shelter with them, parking a truck in a field or pitching 
a tent in the orchard. More often, however, they have no shelter of their own 
and expect the farmer to provide it. Water and sanitary facilities are required 
and often firewood also. 

Practically no attempt has been made by the farmers to solve the housing 
problem by constructing special quarters for the seasonal workers. The accepted 
practice is to turn over to the migrants every possible type of shelter on the 
farm. Wagons are pulled out of their sheds so that migrant families may move 
into them, and garages are cleared out to make space for bedding piles. Barns, 
chicken sheds, abandoned houses, and hastily improvised labor cabins are pressed 
into service and crowded with families. One barn in the area housed 43 men, 
women, and children. Literally, any structure on the farm capable of providing 
a minimum of protection from sun, wind, and rain might be occupied. The 
data reveal the great variety of structures in the area which are used for housing. 
Labor cabins and barns were the most common types of shelter, providing the 
housing for about 20 percent of the family units. Houses were used by 15 per- 
cent, and tents by 12 percent; sheds, formerly used for tool packing, storage, and 
chickens, provided housing for about 8 percent. Garages were another means 
of housing. Other structures included a boxcar, trailers, a green hothouse, a 
dance hall, and an empty store. 

In about 83 percent of the cases, the migrants were housed or camped in shelters 
which were provided by the employer. Migrants brought their own housing 
with them in the foim of tents, trucks fixed for sleeping, trailers, and cars in the 
remaining 17 percent of the cases. The employer provided the camping space 
for the latter group by allowing them the use of his fields. Of those migrants 
who depended on the employer to provide some housing, less than 10 percent 
had to pay rent while in the Berrien area. The rents charged varied from $1 to 
$3 per week. 

Besides the poor type of housing available, there was serious overcrowding. 
Over one-half of the migrant families were living with five or more persons in 
one room. The number of persons living with only one or two persons in the 
same room was small. 

utilities 

Water and sanitary facilities for the migrant camps were limited. An unpro- 
tected well often supplied the needs of a whole camp. Community-toilet facilities 
were the rule. No individual toilets were reported, and only two flush toilets 
were in use by the entire group. One-fourth of the family units were without 
facilities of any kind. The remaining three-fourths were served by the common 
outdoor privy. Only 4 percent of these privies would have passed the standard 
Government qualifications for a sanitary outdoor privy, which is the closed-pit 
type. The rest were open pits, and closed- or open-surface privies, which were 
in such bad condition that the families did not use them. 



7952 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Nearly two-thirds of the family units used kerosene lamps for light. About 16 
percent had no lighting arrangements at all. Only 1 in 10 had electric lighting 
of some sort. 

HEALTH 

Inadequate housing, water, and toilet facilities may seriously affect the health 
of these migrants. But the health of the migrants is not only important to the 
migrants as a group, but also to the community at large. Although the local 
health authorities in Berrien County recognized that the health of the migrants 
may menace the health of the community, no provisions were made by the public- 
welfare agencies for granting medical assistance to the migrants. 

It was common knowledge that some of the migrants were suffering with 
malarial fever, and it was also common knowledge that the migrants were suffering 
from many other ailments as well. The data reveal that of the 648 men, women, 
and children covered by the survey, 50 persons suffered from disabilities during 
the past 2 months. For persons who ordinarily work, this meant days lost from 
work. For those women and children who would not ordinarily be employed at 
wage work, this meant time lost from household duties or other family activities. 
The disabiling-illness rate for the group as a whole amounts to 8 percent. An 
average of 6 days was lost by these 50 persons. Although 68 percent of the persons 
in the survey were 15 years of age or over, 88 percent of those disabled during the 
2-month period were in this age group. From this fact it must be said that the 
disability rate affects the important wage-earning members of the migrant group 
to a larger extent than the younger persons. 

Fourteen of the fifty disabling illnesses were attributed to malarial fever. 
The prevalence of this iillness among the migrants is not only a serious threat to 
the other migrants lout also to the community at large. Diagnosis of the dis- 
abilities sustained by the 36 remaining cases reveals a vast array of other ailments. 

Twenty-four of the fifty cases had the services of a doctor. The remaining 26 
had various reasons for not utilizing such services. The reason given in 5 of these 
cases was that they did not think a doctor was necessary. Ten persons stated 
that they could not afford to have a doctor, 6 said that they treated themselves 
with home remedies, 2 bought cure-all medicine at the drugstore, 2 persons did 
not know a doctor in the neighborhood, and 1 reported that he had seen a doctor 
once but could not afford another visit. 

Certain illnesses of a minor nature, such as colds and stomachaches do not 
necessarily require the attention of a doctor. However, many of the persona 
might have benefited from a little expert care. Unable and unwilling to spend 
money unless it was absolutely necessary, the migrants rely upon native intuition, 
superstitions, and commercially advertised medicines. 

INCOME 

The average income tor all families and single persons, including income from 
relief, was $355. The actual incomes ranged from less than $100 for the year 
to one case of over $2,000, but about 70 percent of the family units reported a 
total income under $500. About 22 percent of the family units had dependents 
residing elsewhere who were also supported by the income of the migrants. 

There were four major sources of income for the migrants. The most important 
of these was cash earnings, which represented about 72 percent of the total income 
of the family units. The !east important source was perquisites, which account 
for only 5 percent of the income. Fourteen percent of the income came from the 
sale of a capitai good or from a small enterprise and the remaining 9 percent was 
secured from relief. 

INCOME OF FAMILIES 

The total income, including relief, of family groups and single persons will be 
discussed separately. The average income for families, including relief, amounted 
to $431. The average size of the 138 families, excluding the 120 single persons, 
was about 4 members. In addition, 25 of these familis had 57 dependents resid- 
ing elsewhere, who relied upon the income of the migrants for support. 

Nearly two-thirds of the families had income of $400 or less. Only 7 percent 
of the families had an income of $1,000 or more. 

An examination of the two tables showing income including relief, and income 
excluding relief, reveals that the major recipients of relief were the persons in 
the low-income brackets. 

Forty-five families, or one-third, received relief during the past year. The 
average income from this source was $138. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7953 



Although data are not available on the number of persons contributing to the 
total family income, data are available on the number of persons contributing to 
the cash earnings of the family. Two persons contributed to these earning in 
about 50 percent of the cases. Three and four contributors accounted for another 
26 percent of the cases. The rest of the families had over four contributors, and 
there were two families in the survey who had as many as nine contributors. 
Thus an average family of four persons had an average of two persons contributing 
to the major part of the family income. 

Although the number of Negro families in the survey is small, a comparison of 
the total income of Negro families and white families reveals that the average 
income for Negroes was $269 oompared with $467 for whites. 

INCOME OP SINGLE PERSONS 

The average income, including relief, of the 120 single persons amounted to 
about $277. Nearly one-third of the single persons reported incomes of $200 or 
less. Only 8 percent reported income of $600 or more. 

Forty-one of these single persons had 108 dependents elsewhere who relied on 
the means of the workers. 

Income from relief is not an important source of income for the single persons 
as a group. Only 11 percent of the single persons reported that they had received 
relief. However, the average income from relief for the 13 single persons amounted 
to about $188. 

The average total income of Negroes was $256, whereas the income for whites 
was $317. 

TRANSPORTATION 

The ability to get from one job to the next is of utmost importance to the 
migratory worker. In this connection, importance of owning an automobile as 
a contributing factor in the income of migrants is revealed in the survey. 

Slightly more than one-half of the families owned automobiles. The average 
income of these families was $518, whereas the average income for those families 
who had to depend upon some other form of transportation was $340. 

Only 10 percent of the single persons owned automobiles. Although, the num- 
ber of automobile owners is small, it is interesting to note that their average income 
was $325 as compared with $260 for single persons without automobiles. 

The data reveal that the automobiles were old. Only one automobile out of 
the 83 was a 1938 model or later. About 56 percent of the automobiles were 
models from the years 1928 to 1930. 

Employers in some areas pay the transportation costs for their migratory 
laborers. This was not the case in Berrien County. Of the 243 family units 
for whom data were available, only 1 had his transportation costs paid for by 
his employer. 

Attached to this report are 12 tables which include most of the data presented 
in the text. 



Table I. — Migratory 


status of 


all heads 


of families and single persons 


Migratory status 


Number of families 
and single persons 


Number of families 


Number of single 
persons 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Residing in Berrien County: 
Interstate migrants.- . 














Intrastate migrants. .. 














Nonmigrants . 


1 


0.4 


1 


0.7 












All residents 


1 


.4 


1 


.7 












Residing outside Berrien County: 

Interstate migrants . . _ 

Intrastate migrants . 


253 

4 


98.0 
1.6 


137 


99.3 


116 
4 


96.7 
3.3 










All nonresidents. 


257 


99.6 


137 


99.3 


120 


100.0 






Not available . 




























Total 


258 


100.0 


138 


100.0 


120 


100.0 







60396— 41— pt. 19- 



-13 



7954 • DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table II. — Migratory status of ivhite heads of families and single persons 



Migratory status 


Number of families 
and single persons 


Number of families 


Number of single 
persons 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Residing in Berrien County: 

Interstate migrants .. 














Intrastate migrants. _ _ __ 














Nonmigrants . . 


1 


6.6 


1 


0.8 












All residents 


1 


.6 


1 


.8 












Residing outside Berrien County: 
Interstate migrants . 


181 
3 


97.8 
1.6 


117 


99.2 


64 
3 


95. & 


Intrastate migrants . 


4.5 










All nonresidents .- 


184 


99.4 


117 


99.2 


67 


100.0 






Not available. _ _ __ _ 




























Total 


185 


100.0 


118 


100.0 


67 


100. 0> 



Table III. — Migratory status of Negro heads of families and single persons 



Migratory status 


Number of families 
and single persons 


Number of families 


Number of single 
persons 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Number of 
cases 


Percent 


Residing in Berrien County: . 

Interstate migrants 














Intrastate migrants _ .. . _ 














Nonmigrants 




























All residents 




























Residing outside Berrien County: 
Interstate migrants 


72 
1 


98.6 

1.4 


20 


100.0 


52 

1 


98.1 


Intrastate migrants -. 


1.9 










All nonresidents 


73 


100.0 


20 


100.0 


53 


100. 0' 






Not available 




























Total 


73 


100.0 


20 


100.0 


53 


100. 0' 







Table IV. — Number of interstate and intrastate moves made by heads of families and 

single persons, 1939-40 1 



Number of moves 


Number of families and single 
persons 


Number of moves 


Number of families and single 
persons 


All types 
of moves 


Interstate 
moves 


Intrastate 
moves 


All types 
of moves 


Interstate 
moves 


Intrastate 
moves 


None 


1 
38 
46 
42 
46 
29 
30 


5 

56 
78 
49 
43 
11 

8 


119 
62 
34 
24 
12 
5 
1 


7 

8 


11 
7 
3 
4 
1 


5 
1 
1 




1 




2 


9 




3 


10 or more . 




4 


Not available 

All groups 


1 


1 


5 




6 .. 


258 


258 


258 







i During 12 months preceding date of survey. 



. NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7955 

Table V. — Number of years heads of families and single persons have migrated J 



Number of years as migrant 



Number of 
families 

and single 
persons 



Percent of 
migrants 
and non- 
migrants 



Percent of 
migrants 



Migrants: 

5 years or more 

4 to less than 5 years. 
3 to less than 4 years. 
2 to less than 3 years. 
1 to less than 2 years. 
Less than 1 year 



54 
14 
35 
24 
37 
93 



20.9 
5.4 

13.6 
9.3 

14.4 

36.0 



21.0 
5.4 

13.6 
9.4 

14.4 

36.2 



All migrants. 
Nonmigrants - 



257 

1 



9.6 
.4 



100.0 



All migrants and nonmigrants. 
Not available 



258 



100.0 



Total. 



258 



i A migrant is defined as a person who has moved his residence at least once during the 12 months pre- 
ceding date of survey. 

Table VI. — Previous agricultural experience of heads of families and single persons, 

by race and family status 





Race and family status 


Previous agricultural 


All races 


White 


Negro 


experience ' 


Fami- 
lies and 

single 
persons 


Fami- 
lies 


Single 
persons 


Fami- 
lies and 
single 
persons 


Fami- 
lies 


Single 
persons 


Fami- 
lies and 
single 
persons 


Fami- 
lies 


Single 
persons 


Owner-operator 

Hired manager 


20 


14 


6 


18 


14 


4 


2 




2 


Tenant . ... 

Sharecropper ._ 


34 

37 

156 

9 

2 


22 

24 

72 

4 

2 


12 

13 

84 

5 


31 
25 

105 
5 

1 


21 

21 

58 

3 

1 


10 
4 

47 
2 


3 

12 

51 

4 

1 


1 
3 
14 
1 
1 


2 

9 


Farm labor 


37 


Not a farmer 

Not available 


3 






All groups 


258 


138 


120 


185 


118 


67 


73 


20 


53 



i Some persons reported more than 1 type of previous agricultural experience. Such persons were included 
in the highest economic status reported. 



Table VII. — Number of days heads of families and single persons were employed 

during 12 months preceding survey 1 



Number of days 
employed 


Number 
of cases 


Percent 

of all 

groups 


Cumu- 
lative 
percent 


Number of days 
employed 


Number 
of cases 


Percent 

of all 

groups 


Cumu- 
lative 
percent 


1 to 25 


13 
18 
25 
28 
39 
32 
25 
19 


5.1 

7.0 

9.8 

10.9 

15.2 

12.5 

9.8 

7.4 




201 to 225 


15 
13 
29 


5.9 

5.1 

11.3 


83.6 


26 to 50 


12.1 
21.9 
32.8 
48.0 
60.5 
70.3 
77.7 


226 to 250.. 


88.7 


51 to 75 


251 and over 

All groups. .. 
Not available 

Total 


100.0 


76 to 100 




101 to 125.. 


256 
2 


100.0 




126 to 150 




111 to 17>5 






176 to 200 


258 

















1 Excludes days of work relief. 



7956 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table VIII. — Total income, including relief of families and single persons, 1939-40 l 





Number 
of all 

families 

and 

single 

persons 


Number 

of 
families 


Number 
of single 
persons 


Percent of all reported 
classes 


Cumulative percent 


Income class, in- 
cluding relief 


All fam- 
ilies and 
single 
persons 


Families 


Single 
persons 


All fam- 
ilies and 
single 
persons 


Families 


Single 
persons 


$101 to $200 


13 

41 

52 

41 

30 

33 

25 

9 

7 

1 

4 


3 
14 
22 
23 
23 
15 
20 
7 
7 


10 
27 
30 
18 
7 

18 
5 
2 


5. 1 

16.0 

20.3 

16.0 

11.7 

12.9 

9.8 

3.5 

2.7 

.4 

1.6 


2.2 
10.2 
16.1 

16.8 
16.8 
10.9 
14.6 
5.1 
5.1 

2.2 


8.4 
22. 7 
25.2 
15.1 

5.9 
15.1 

4.2 

1.7 


5.1 
21.1 
41.4 
57.4 
69.1 
82.0 
91.8 
95 3 
98.0 
98.4 
100.0 


2.2 

12.4 
28.5 
45.3 
62.1 
73.0 
8/. 6 
92.7 
97.8 
97.8 
100.0 


8.4 
31.1 


$201 to $300 


56.3 


$301 to $400 


71.4 


$401 to $500.. 


77.3 


$501 to $600 


92.4 


$601 to $800 


96.6 


$801 to $1,000 

$1,001 to $1,500 


98.3 
98.3 


$1,501 to $2,000 


1 
1 


.9 

.8 


99.2 


$2,001 and over 


3 


100.0 


All classes 


256 
2 


137 
1 


119 
1 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 








Not available 






















Total.. 


258 


138 


120 





























1 12 months preceding date of survey. 
Table IX.- — Total income, excluding relief, of families and single persons, 1939-40 1 





Number 
of all 

families 

and 

single 

persons 


Number 

of 
families 


Number 
of single 
persons 


Percent of all reported 
classes 


Cumulative percent 


Income class, in- 
cluding relief 


All fam- 
ilies and 
single 
persons 


Families 


Single 
persons 


All fam- 
ilies and 
single 
persons 


Families 


Single 
persons 


$100 or less 

$101 to $200 


25 

49 

57 

34 

20 

30 

22 

8 

6 

1 

4 


9 
25 
26 

15 
14 
16 
17 
6 
6 


16 

24 

31 

19 

6 

14 

5 

2 

1 
1 


9.8 

19.1 

' 22.3 

13.3 

7.8 

11.7 

8.6 

3.1 

2.3 

.4 

1.6 


6.6 
18.2 
19.0 
10.9 
10.2 
11.7 
12.4 
4.4 
4.4 


13.4 

20.2 

26.1 

16.0 

5.0 

11.8 

4.2 

1.7 


9.8 
28.9 
51.2 
64.5 
72.3 
84.0 
92.6 
95.7 
'.is. 
98.4 
100.0 


6.6 
24.8 
43.8 
54.7 
61.9 
76.6 
89.0 
93.4 
97. 8 
97.8 
100.0 


13.4 
33.6 


$201 to $300. . 


59.7 


$301 to $400 


75.7 


$401 to $500 

$501 to $600 


80.7 
92.5 


$601 to$S00 


96.7 


$S01 to $1,000 

$1,001 to $1,500 


98.4 
98.4 


$1,501 to $2,000 


.8 
.8 


99.2 


$2,001 and over 


3 


2.2 


100.0 


All classes 


256 
2 


137 

1 


119 

1 


100. 


100.0 


100.0 








Not available 






















Total 


258 


138 


120 





























J 12 months preceding date of survey. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7957 



Table X. — Type of housing of all families and single persons, by ownership and 

rental arrangements 





Total 


Ownership and rental arrangements 


Type of housing 


Owned 

by 
worker 


Free housing 
provided by — 


Housing rented from — 


Mis- 
cella- 
neous 


Not 




Em- 
ployer 


Rela- 
tive 


Em- 
ployer 


Other 

persons 


Not 
speci- 
fied 


avail- 
able 


House 


42 
31 



7 

53 

54 

3 

64 

3 

1 


8 


36 
3 


4 


1 


1 








Tent 




20 




Rooming house 












Trailer 


















Tourist cabin 


















Barracks 


1 
4 


7 
48 
54 














Labor cabin on farm 




5 










Barn 










Car (not trailer) 










2 
7 
1 




Miscellaneous . 


44 






9 






No housing 






2 


Not available 














1 




















All types 


258 


13 


192 


4 


6 


10 




30 


3 







Table XI. — Size of families, by race 



Number of persons 

per household 

group 


All families and single persons 


Number of persons 

per household 

group 


All families and single persons 


Total 


White 


Negro 


Total 


White 


Negro 


Single persons 


120 
43 
33 
22 

14 
14 

5 


67 
27 
31 
20 
14 
14 
5 


53 

16 

2 

2 


8 


1 
3 
3 


1 
3 
3 




2 


9 

10 or more. 




3 




4 


Not available - 




5 


All groups... 








6. 




258 


185 


73 


7 













Table XII. — Age distribution of all persons by race and sex 



Age 



All persons 



Both 
sexes 



Male 



Fe- 
male 



Race and sex 



White 



Both 

sexes 



Male 



Fe- 
male 



Negro 



Both 

sexes 



Male 



Fe- 
male 



Under 1 year 

1 to 4 years 

5 to 9 years__ 

10 to 14 years 

15 to 19 years 

20 to 24 years 

25 to 34 years 

35 to 44 years 

45 to 54 years 

55 to 64 years 

65 and over 

Not available 

All age groups 



18 

43 

67 

76 

77 

82 

122 

88 

43 

23 

2 

7 



648 



11 
21 
36 
39 
49 
57 
77 
58 
33 
19 
2 
4 



406 



7 
22 
31 
37 
28 
25 
45 
30 
10 

4 



17 
41 
64 
76 
72 
60 
90 
70 
35 
19 
2 
2 



10 
20 
35 
39 
46 
41 
54 
41 
25 
15 
2 
2 



7 
21 
29 
37 
26 
19 
36 
29 
10 

4 



5 
22 
32 
18 



242 



548 



330 



218 



100 



3 

16 

23 

17 

8 

4 



76 



3 
24 



7958 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Exhibit 55.— Activities of Michigan Churchwomen in Program 
of Relief for Defense Migrants 

REPORT BY SARAH K. HEPBURN, COUNCIL OF WOMEN FOR HOME MISSIONS, 

DETROIT, MICH. 

This is a report on various activities conducted in the State of Michigan, mainly 
by churchwomen, in 1940-41. Deeply stirred by the needs of agricultural mi- 
grants, these women have visualized programs for migrant relief as an essential 
phase of home defense. They have been tr} r ing to build a better today that 
tomorrow may be stronger to meet whatever needs may arise. In this respect 
their activities can be considered programs for defense in its truest sense. 

In the fall and winter of 1940-41 Protestant churchwomen all over the State 
studied in their home-missionary socities the pamphlets edited by Benson Landis, 
Uprooted Americans. For many it was their first realization of the existence of 
the "Joads" of America; for others their first intimation that these people were 
anything but bums to be used when needed and then hustled on for someone else 
to use. Farm Security Administration pamphlets and mimeographed material 
further spotlighted conditions. Especially illuminating was the summary of the 
Government report of conditions in Berrien County in 1939. This last, along 
with photographs taken in Berrien County made a deep impression. Michigan 
women comprehended for the first time the indignities being suffered right here 
under their very noses. It was a direct challenge to their patriotism and to their 
Christianity. 

The survey of Berrien County had been made by the Farm Security Adminis- 
tration preparatory to the establishment of three Government camps in western 
Michigan. This plan met violent local opposition from farmers, many of whom 
were misinformed as to the character and purposes of the Farm Security Admin- 
istration camps. As a result, in February 1941, a resolution was introduced and 
passed the State house of representatives memorializing the Federal Government 
not to establish the camps. This was the signal for the women of the State to 
go into action. 

The resolution (No. 14) was sent to the Senate Committee on Rules and Reso- 
lutions. Immediately letters began to arrive from church and club women 
protesting against it and asking for a hearing. Meanwhile, through a few speakers 
who were very active among church groups, through women's clubs, through 
countless personal letters and contacts word went out all over the State that here 
was the perfect chance to show that Christian democracy could and did work to 
aid the underprivileged. 

The hearing was set for March 12 which proved to be cold and slippery with 
sleet and rain. The committee from Detroit which had been active in initiating 
the opposition went to Lansing wondering who else would be there to help them 
plead for the Farm Security Administration camps. To their great delight at 
least 60 people appeared, people from all over the State who were in sympathy 
with the camps. Among the groups represented favoring the establishment"of 
Farm Security Administration camps were the Michigan Federation of Churches, 
Detroit Council of Church Women, Detroit Young Women's Christian Associa- 
tion, Detroit Consumer's League, Michigan Federation of Women's Clubs, 
Michigan League of Women Voters, diocese of Michigan. In addition were 
representatives of labor organizations, ministers of several denominations, 
professors, representatives of the Farm Security Administration, and farmers 
and their wives from the areas most affected. 

FARMERS ADMIT NEED FOR BETTER HOUSING 

When the bitter hour-and-a-half session was over, the issue had been squarely 
faced. The farmers opposing the camps were frank to admit that they feared 
that migrants made self-respecting by decent living quarters and a place to clean 
up would join together in labor unions which would raise the wages paid the 
laborers. Those in favor of the camps brought out their advantages and pointed 
to the economic ills that result from a large class of underpaid, underfed people, 
the health dangers both to migrants and to the State as a whole of their present 
wretched way of life, the political dangers from a large group of desperate men 
willing to work but finding themselves treated with such little regard for human 
decency. The resolution was killed in committee, but before it died, every 
newspaper in Michigan carried the story prominently and people all over the 
State discussed the matter. One farmer from St. Joseph who had opposed the 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7959 

■camps bitterly is reported to have said in a public meeting on the subject that 
whichever side one was on, it had to be admitted that the situation was a bad one, 
and if farmers did not want the Government camps, they must do better them- 
selves for their pickers. 

Meanwhile other projects for migrants were being carried on, especially by the 
church women. Saginaw women renewed their interest in the Mexican mission 
conducted there by the Baptist Church. The Detroit Public Library held an 
exhibit of source material on and photographs of migrant life. Later, the photo- 
graphs, furnished by the Farm Security Administration, were arranged with 
pamphlet material both from the Government and the Council of Home Missions, 
into two traveling exhibits under the auspices of the Michigan Library Association 
adult education committee, and have been to 14 other towns and cities and are 
being booked now for a winter of travel. 

In the fall of 1940 the Michigan State Migrant Committee was formed to aid 
the migrant program of the Home Missions Council of North America. This 
committee is made up of representatives from various Protestant denominations, 
and so far has acted mainly in an advisory capacity. The work of the Home 
Missions Council in the State, however, has been greatly increased because of 
greater cooperation from local communities and increased donations by church 
women as a direct result of their study of conditions. Whereas in 1940 only 
three full-season nurseries were operated, one more in Benton Harbor was forced 
to close because of lack of funds, in 1941 a full-time nurse worked in the Berrien 
County area, two Negro men planned recreation programs for Negroes at Sodis, 
and nursery centers were held at Alma, Blissfield, South Haven, Benton Harbor, 
and two at Mount Pleasant. All of these centers were plentifully supplied with 
clothing and work materials; and in most cases, local church women gave food, 
already cooked, for noon lunches for the children. In connection with the mission 
at Blissfield, church leaders in the Metropolitan Methodist Church in Detroit 
directed young people in a recreation program for the children. These young 
people, most of whom worked through the week, made field trips to Blissfield on 
their week-end holidavs. 

ACTIVITIES OF DIOCESE OP WESTERN MICHIGAN 

The diocese of western Michigan, which is in the heart of the fruit area, deserves 
approval for the action of its women in devoting their spring convention to the 
migrants. Miss Edith Lowry and Miss Helen White, both from the Home 
Missions Council of North America, presented the national and the Michigan 
picture of the work of their organization. As a result the diocese of western 
Michigan now has a rural social worker whose services during the summer are 
turned over to the council. 

An independent church project was conducted by the young people of Central 
Methodist Church of Detroit under the direction of Rev. Franklin Littell. A 
group of students picked cherries in the Traverse City area until they had earned 
enough to pay their own expenses. Then they conducted a mission where they 
cared for the children of pickers. This effort was well received by the migrants 
and the farmers as well. 

In the Detroit area an effort was made by several organizations to give help 
directly to Centerline, a community that is growing by leaps and bounds as a 
result of defense migration. Money and service were given toward the summer 
recreation program for the children of defense workers. The groups participating 
in this were the diocese of Michigan, Merrill-Palmer College Women's Volunteer 
Service, Daughters of the American Revolution, Detroit Business and Professional 
Women, and Chi Omega. 

While the record is one of achievement for the women of Michigan, they are 
quite aware that they have only scratched the surface. This year there were 
fewer migrants in Michigan, and their pay was better, on the whole, but the 
conditions under which they lived were for the most part deplorable. The 
writer in June visited camps occupied by strawberry pickers in the South Haven 
area. In some of these 8 and 10 families were camping with no toilets, and water 
to drink was carried some distance. In beet areas time after time she saw over- 
crowding. At Lansing, hardly a stone's throw from the main road, five families, 
each in an improvised room, were herded into a small warehouse behind a sugar 
factory with no safe place for a dozen or so small children to play. At Blissfield 
the diphtheria epidemic revealed miserable conditions. Everywhere in the beet 
' sections are children who do not speak English. And in the fruit regions, little 
children 8 and 9 years old picked for long hours. Housing supplied to beet 



7960 DETROIT HEARINGS 

workers (described in the contracts as "adequate") was barren, usually over- 
crowded, on land with no trees or grass, with insufficient garden space, and with 
no provision at all for children's play. At Alma in the school a mission nursery 
center is conducted by local church people under the direction and with the help 
of the Home Missions Council. In this school classes in English and Americani- 
zation are held. However, no attempt was made in most places, so far as the 
writer could find from personal questioning in six other beet regions to provide 
schooling for the children of laborers who come to Michigan for 5 or 6 months to 
work the crops. 

EIGHT OBJECTIVES OF JOINT PROGRAM 

There emerge, then, from the general situation, eight main objectives toward 
which the women of Michigan, in cooperation with State and Federal efforts, 
must still work. 

1. Better housing. — In the program for the future the establishment of Farm 
Security Administration camps for migrant workers is till a main objective. 
With even one such camp as a model, local communities would be able to pattern 
their local tourist and farm-labor accommodations by it, and in many sections of 
western Michigan we would find immediate improvement in housing and sanita- 
tion standards. 

2. Better education facilities for migrant children. — With a Federal camp as a 
center to start from experiments in educating transient children could be carried 
on by the State department of education. In beet-sugar areas it is hoped that 
parent-teacher groups may be aroused to the vital need to enforce attendance 
laws for children of beet laborers and further to provide local centers for the 
teaching of English and Americanization work. Government statistics show that 
half of the children of migrants never go to school or at most never get beyond the 
first grade. Thus they are caught in a vicious circle. Knowing no other way of 
life than migrant agricultural labor, they will perpetuate the misfortunes of their 
fathers and be a constant problem in days to come. Defense of democracy cer- 
tainly demands that these children be given a chance at education. 

3. Better sanitation. — All people in Michigan should work for a close coopera- 
tion between Federal and State health departments and between those depart- 
ments and the employers of migrant laborers. This means regulation of workers' 
camps to check on toilets, water supply, garbage disposal, and safe playgrounds 
for children. 

4. More health control. — This would demand an extension of the health examina- 
tions of beet laborers in Texas to their families. Preventive measures for smallpox 
and diphtheria should be routine for children brought into the State by beet 
growers or sugar companies. There should also be an extension of the public 
health nursing service among migrants, especially in the fruit areas not directly 
served by the medical unit of a Farm Security Administration camp. 

5. Closer control of working conditions of children. — The building of a State 
organization to investigate child labor in Michigan is being planned. Functioning 
through local branches it will be the job of this group to educate communities as 
to the need for limitation of child labor in commercial agriculture. What the 
provisions of the Sugar Act have done for the children of beet laborers should be 
an encouraging factor in this part of the program. 

6. Better functioning of employment agencies. — In the past too little use has been 
made by employers of agricultural labor of State employment agencies. Beet 
labor is recruited in Texas, for the most part, through private agencies that exist 
to take what profit they can. Only in times of great scarcity of labor have State 
employment facilities been called on for workers. The practise of advertising the 
bounteous Michigan crops in areas where laborers are likely to be found has been 
followed, so that every year there is an influx of floating labor coming into the 
State (enough to keep labor "dirt cheap," of course), looking for work with no' 
known destination or any assurance of finding a job. Much of this waste effort 
could be eliminated by better employment agencies undei State or Federal opera- 
tion where farmers could register their needs and workers could apply for jobs. 
If Government camps were established, something of this sort would undoubtedly 
follow for the regions served by such camps. Such agencies would be able to 
adjust wages and hours more fairly for worker and grower, and might gradually 
evolve a plan whereby all agricultural laborers might be included in old-age 
pension security. 

7. Religious education and opportunity for migrants. —Churches in rural areas 
should enlarge their summer programs to include migrants, especially children. 
Daily vacation Bible schools in areas where migrants are congregated could do the 
country a great service in buttressing the morale of these farm laborers who seem 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7961 

to most of us to have so few of the joys of American life. City churches should 
"adopt" communities where the need is great, as was the case this summer in 
BHssfield, and lend a hand with finances and with personal service as well. 
Christian democracy presupposes a sharing of things spiritual as well as material. 
Michigan women have this last year pioneered in this field; much still remains to 
be done. 

8. Wider education programs for people in general on the problem of the migrant 
laborer in Michigan. — This means more study groups in clubs and churches; more 
competent speakers to arouse such groups; further extension of library exhibits, 
etc.; better and wider publicity for work done by the Home Missions Council 
through an active publicity plan by the Michigan migrant group; and more 
publicity for the Farm Security Administration camps. As part of this educational 
program a scheme is under consideration whereby scholarships (the money to be 
raised by the study groups referred to above) be offered to students of sociology 
for field work during the summer among migrant workers. It is hoped that this 
will serve the threefold purpose of drawing into cooperative action club and 
church women, departments of sociology in our colleges, and students who plan 
to specialize in social service. As these students would report back to the groups 
who sponsored them, we would have a perfect example here in the State of the 
effectiveness of democratic cooperation. 

The agricultural migrant as he exists today is a pitiful example of our failure to 
realize in this country equality of opportunity for all. He is a weak link in the 
chain of our defense program, for he carries with him the dangers of ignorance, 
poverty, disease, and unrest. What has been done in Michigan by earnest, 
patriotic, Christian women seems insignificant when compared with what remains 
yet to be done; but the fact that the problem is being faced courageously means 
that something has been accomplished in defense of our ideals. 

Resolutions on Farm Security Administration Camps for Migrants, 

Offered in Michigan State Senate 

The following resolution was reported in the State of Michigan Journal of the 
Senate, issue of February 6, 1941: 

A message was received from the house of representatives transmitting House Concurrent Resolution 
No. 14. 

A concurrent resolution opposing the establishment of any migratory workers camps by the Federal 
Government in the State of Michigan. 

Whereas there is being considered at this time by Federal authorities a plan of establishing migratory 
workers camps in certain parts of the State of Michigan, which plan is based upon a consideration of matters 
and information from sources that cannot be deemed the result of careful and thorough investigation; had 
such investigation been made, had the wishes of the people of the localities where the camps are to be 
located been considered, had the true facts surrounding the present method of equipment of such workers 
and the full details of certain camps of somewhat similar design been considered, it would have been found 
that such camps are undesirable, unnecessary, and unsuited for the short periods that such labor is required; 
and 

Whereas the investment by the Federal Government in this matter as planned for the establishment of 
two such camps is placed at $450,000 is considered as a waste and useless expenditure of public funds; and 

Whereas we oppose the establishment of any migratory workers camps by the Federal Government in 
Michigan: Now, therefore, be it 

Resolved by the house of representatives (the senate concurring), That the 1941 Michigan Legislature opposes 
the establishment of any migratory workers camps by the Federal Government in the State of Michigan; 
and be it further 

Resolved, That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United States, the President 
of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Representatives of Congress, and the Michigan Members in the 
Senate and House of Congress. 

The message informed the senate that the house of representatives had adopted the concurrent resolution; 
in which action the concurrence of the senate was requested. 

Pursuant to rule 59, the concurrent resolution was referred to the committee on rules and resolutions. 

The following resolution was reported in the State of Michigan Journal of the 
Senate, issue of February 21, 1941: 

Mr. Nowak offered the following concurrent resolution, Senate Concurrent Resolution No. 26. 

A concurrent resolution relative to the establishment of migratory workers' camps by the Federal Gov- 
ernment in the State of Michigan. 

Whereas Federal authorities have made a careful and thorough investigation of the migratory farm labor 
situation in Michigan particularly as it applies to Berrien County; and 

Whereas said investigation, made by nine investigators who spent 10 days in obtaining data which has 
been published in a report known as "the Field Survey of Migrant Farm Labor in Berrien County, Michi- 
gan— by the Labor Division— Farm Security Administration, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1940, ; and 

Whereas said report revealed deplorable conditions to be existing in said county because of a lack of proper 
shelters for such workers, their families and children, which has resulted in the springing up of jungle camps 
along highways, on the edges of towns, and in the fields, etc.; and . 

Whereas it was found by these investigators that in many instances such families were being housed in 
said county in garages, shacks, tents, and barns and in one instance as many as 40 persons in one barn where 
the toilet facilities were so filthv that they were little used by such families; and 

Whereas the lives of all consumers of Michigan fruit and berries are endangered in that these workers do 
not come under the health regulations as applying to beet workers and because these families must live in 
unsanitary conditions (as reported in Michigan Public Health Vol. 29 No. 1, Jan. 1941); and 



7962 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Whereas at least 10,000 such families in the area in 1940 and increasing the problem of these workers is a 
Federal one in that these migratory workers ar,e not citizens of any particular State, and 

Whereas the Federal Government has indicated a willingness to assume this burden by the construction 
with Federal funds of two camps in said Berrien County to provide these families with proper bathing, 
washing, toilet, and housing facilities; and 

Whereas such Federal camps would remove the unsightly, unsafe, and unsanitary temporary shacks from 
our State highways and other roadsides and communities; and 

Whereas such expenditures would result in economies to the State of Michigan and would pay dividends 
to the public as a whole in better health among the workers, in crime reduction, etc.; and 

Whereas we favor the erection of such Federal camps; now therefore be it 

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring) , That the 1941 legislature favors the estab- 
lishment of such migratory workers camps by the Federal Government in the State of Michigan; and be it 
further 

Resolved, That copies of this resolution be forwarded to the President of the United States and to the Mich- 
igan Members of Congress. 

Pursuant to Rule 59, the concurrent resolution was referred to the committee on rules and resolutions. 

Hearing of Michigan State Senate Committee on Farm Security Adminis- 
tration Camps for Migrants 

report by sarah k. hepburn, council of women for home missions, detroit, 

MICH. 

The hearing on the question of whether Michigan should or should not have 
Federal migrant camps was held in Lansing on March 12 before the senate com- 
mittee on rules and resolutions. The committee was composed of the following 
senators: Herman Dignan, chairman, of Owosso; Earl W. Munshaw, of Grand 
Rapids; D. Hale Brake, of Stanton; Ben Carpenter, of Harrison; and Joseph A. 
Baldwin, of Albion. Senator Baldwin left when the hearing was about half over. 

Those who spoke against the camps were Gail Handy, representative; Charles 
Miller, former sheriff; William Dech, president Derrien County Horticultural 
Society; J. T. Hammond, senator; W. G. Armstrong, master of the State Grange, 
all from Berrien County. 

Speaking in favor of the camps were Mrs. Oscar Shapiro, farmer's wife from 
St. Joseph; Mrs. Charles S. Goudy, club and church woman from Grand Rapids; 
Mr. Sumner, clergyman from Grand Rapids; Roscoe Carr, Farm Security Ad- 
ministration representative; Senator Stanly Nowak, Detroit; Darrell Smith, legis- 
lative representative for the Congress of Industrial Organizations; Mrs. Mar- 
guerite Dwan, social worker, Benton Harbor; Sarah K. Hepburn, social worker 
and teacher and representative of the Metropolitan Young Women's Christian 
Association of Detroit; and Mr. Drake, Congregational minister of Breckenridge. 

Although by actual count those in favor of the camps had more representatives 
who spoke, the time allotment was largely in favor of the opposition. As they had 
first chance, their first three speakers took the lion's share of the time, an old 
political trick. With the exception of the main point made by Senator Ham- 
mond, the remarks of the opposition speakers presented the situation of the mi- 
grants in Berrien County as a perfectly happy one for all concerned. We were 
assured over and over again that housing conditions were pleasant, "just like a 
nice vacation," in fact. There are no disturbances of the peace, we were told by 
the sheriff, that authorities were not able to "keep under control." According 
to the speakers of the opposition side, workers are perfectly satisfied with present 
wages and the only fly in the ointment is the well-meaning but misguided inter- 
ference of busybodies from clubs and churches who never ran a farm and are 
therefore not competent to judge of such matters [as child welfare, child education, 
public health measures, and common American justice]. The words in the brackets 
are mine, but the inference was plain. Only when Senator Hammond spoke did 
the real objection appear. He stated frankly that the opposition was based upon 
the feat that if migrants were allowed to live together they would organize and 
demand higher wages. One speaker voiced the fear that the camps would enable 
migrants to stay all winter and become a welfare burden, a fear which seems un- 
founded in view of the fact that the camps are to be seasonal, opening and closing 
at definite dates, thus making it impossible for migrants to stay the necessary year 
to establish settlement rights. 

Those in favor of the camps brought out the fact that the situation in Berrien 
County is part of a national problem which can be solved only with national 
help. It was pointed out that successful camps had been established elsewhere. 
Mrs. Marguerite Dwan stated positively that conditions had been deliberately 
misrepresented by the opposition, and she cited the case of inadequate hospital 
facilities which had come under her personal observation. Senators Nowak and 
Darrell Smith both asserted the essential American right of the migrants to organ- 
ization if they wanted it, and pointed out that labor troubles are much older 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7963 



than Federal camps. Both asserted that the likelihood of formal organization 
was negligible because of the temporary nature of the work and the desperate 
situation of the people involved. It was further pointed out by those favoring 
the camps that the children of migrants receive little or no education, hence no 
chance to get out of the migrant group. That they have such a chance is to the 
advantage of the farmers and of society as a whole. The right of club and church 
people to participate in decisions affecting farmers was defended on the ground 
that public health and child welfare are the concern of every public-spirited 
citizen. The best witness for the camps was Mrs. Shapiro, who spoke with 
sincerity and forcefulness for the plight of the small farmer who needs seasonal 
help but cannot afford decent quarters on his own farm and who is too self- 
respecting himself to offer his fellow human beings a chicken coop or a dirty barn 
as a home, no matter for how short a time. For these farmers the camps present 
the perfect answer. Decent living, sanitary local conditions are achieved, 
migrants are fairly treated, and the farmer gets his help when he needs it. Mr. 
Drake brought out the question of the possibility of camps for other regions, 
saying that he disliked the idea of having one county close the doors of the State 
to a benefit that other counties might like to enjoy. 

The hearing closed without our having had a chance to hear from other farmers 
who had seen the camps in action in other places and whose testimony would have 
been equally valuable. It was gratifying, however, to know that more than 50 
people came to Lansing on a stormy March day as witnesses to^the fact that they 
believed that Michigan would benefit from having Federal camps for migrants. 



Exhibit 56. — Migration of Families Into Rural Districts of 
Wayne County Within the Past 12 Months 

REPORT BY FRED C. FISCHER, SUPERINTENDENT, WAYNE COUNTY SCHOOLS, DETROIT, 

MICH. 

September 23, 1941. 
This survey is based upon a sampling of 20 of the 73 rural districts of Wayne 
County. Since these 20 districts are representative of the entire county, figures 
appearing in the second column are determined upon the basis of the sampling. 
The districts surveyed included 38 percent of the total census population of the 
73 rural districts. 





20 districts 


73 districts 

(estimated 

figures) 


Total number of families 


425 


1,117 






Living in homes more than 2 years old 

Living in homes less than 2 years old 


166 

216 

28 

15 


436 
568 


Living in trailers. . .. 


74 


Living in tents or other temporary structures other than trailers. 


39 


Homes having city water_ 


101 
142 
182 
39 
386 


265 


Homes to which city water is carried . . 


373 


Homes without city water .. 


478 


Homes with sewer connections.- 


fl02 


Homes without sewer connections.. 


1,115 








Number 
families 


School 
children 


Number 
families 


School 
children 


From Detroit . 


222 
77 
28 
31 
55 


373 

153 

69 

56 

116 


584 

202 

73 

82 

144 


981 


From other Wayne County cities and villages.. 


402 


From other Wayne County rural districts 


181 


From other Michigan cities 


147 


From other States 


305 







7964 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Exhibit 57. — Economic Opportunity and Population Movement 
in the Cut-over Region of Michigan 

report by willett f. ramsdell, pack forestry foundation, professor of 
forest land management, university of michigan, ann arbor, mich. 

September 17, 1941. 

The cut-over region of Michigan is most often referred to in general discussion as 
"north of the Muskegon-Bay City line." Obviously there is not a sharp, clear-cut 
line across the State, and the use of county boundaries is quite arbitrary. How- 
ever, counties form convenient statistical units, and the boundary most generally 
used and accepted is somewhat irregular and extends to the south borders of 
Oceana, Newaygo, Clare, Midland, and Arenac Counties, leaving Bay and Muske- 
gon Counties to the south of the region. There is much land of typical cut-over 
region character to be found south of this arbitrary division and many areas of 
good farm and orchard lands to the north. However, the predominant charac- 
teristic by area to the north is forest land and to the south is nonforest land. 
Other factors fall into line to develop a distinct regional pattern. The region 
comprises 46 of the 83 counties of the State, and 33,313 square miles of the State 
total of 57,022 square miles. Map 1 shows the region and the county groups 
described below. 

Within the cut-over region of the State in turn, certain county groupings have 
been recognized and used which are helpful in studying the problems of the region 
as a whole. 

MINERAL COUNTIES 

Quite distinctive are the six mineral counties of the western portion of the 
Upper Peninsula. 

Dickinson Houghton Keweenaw 

Gogebic Iron Marquette 

They have outstanding economic and social problems relating to the mining 
industries which are being given separate and expert consideration. They are 
also important forest industry counties, containing much of the remaining mer- 
chantable timber of the State, but are rapidly becoming "cut-over" counties 
and are included in this statement as a portion of the cut-over region. The 
group probably provides the most acute present and prospective problems of 
population stabilization. 

FOREST-FARM COUNTIES, UPPER PENINSULA 

This group differs from the mineral counties in the absence of any appreciable 
mining industry and the somewhat greater farm development. 

Alger Delta Mackinac 

Baraga Schoolcraft Menominee 

Chippewa Luce Ontonogon 

Taking all factors into consideration, this county group has probably hit bottom 
economically, and subject to general State or national prosperity influences 
should maintain its present or a somewhat improved position with respect to 
population support. 

FOREST-FARM COUNTIES, LOWER PENINSULA 

This group comprises the territory cut over earlier and with more complete 
removal of the old growth timber than the Upper Peninsula. 

Alcona. Grand Traverse. Newaygo. 

Alpena. Iosco. Oceana. 

Antrim. Kalkaska. Ogemaw. 

Arenac. Lake. Osceola. 

Benzie. Leelanau. Oscoda. 

Charlevoix. Manistee. Otsego. 

Cheboygan. Mason. Presque Isle. 

Clare. Mecosta. Roscommon. 

Crawford. Midland. Wexford. 

Emmet. Missaukee. 

Gladwin. Montmorency. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7965 



It was in this area where unwise farming venture was most pronounced, and where 
farming has now become somewhat more stabilized on the better soils. On the 
whole it seems to have reached its lowest economic ebb some years ago and to be 
slowly but surely improving in this respect. 

Map 1 




HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT 

The population of Michigan when admitted to the Union in 1837 was 87,000 
predominantlv located south of the described cut-over boundary. Not until 
after the Civif War, when the State population (1864) was 803,661 and of the noith- 
i ern region 46,000, did rapid exploitation of the northern forests begin. By 1880- 
lumbering was at its peak in the northern portion of the Lower Peninsula and it 
had pretty well run its course as a major industry by 1900. Meanwhile, agiicul- 
ture followed closely in the wake of lumbering, and for various reasons greatly 
exceeded its possible successful limitations. The peak lumber production period 



7966 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



for the Upper Peninsula came some 20 to 30 years later than below the straits and 
held up over a longer period. Since that time lumber production has gradually- 
decreased and, while still a major industry of the territory, continuing decrease is 
inevitable. The story of the round products such as pulpwood, posts, etc., is 
somewhat different and will be given further consideration. 



REGIONAL DATA 

On chart 1 is shown the relationship of the cut-over region area, 33,313 square 
miles, comprising 58.4 percent of the State total of 57,022 square miles. The 
regional area is 21% million acres. 

Chart 1 

Michigan Area and Population, 1940 

Prepared by Pack Forestry Foundation, University of Michigan 



57,022 



33,313 



CUT-OVER 
REGION 



5,256 



ENTIRE 
STATE 



6J.S% 



685 

CUT-OVER 



ENTIRE 
STATE 



(RUDAL 





92.2 




ENTIRE 




STATE 


20.6 




cur- OVER 




REGION 





AREA, 

SQUARE 

MILES 



TOTAL 
POPULATION, 
THOUSANDS 



POPULATION 

PER SQUARE 

MILE 



POPULATION 

Chart 1 also shows the relationship of the cut-over region population in 1940, 
684,981, comprising 13 percent of the State total. The State average is 92.2 
persons per square mile, while the cut-over region has 20.6 persons per square mile. 
Using the census definition of towns of 2,500 and over as urban, the State popula- 
tion in 1940 was 34.3 percent rural. The cut-over region, on the other hand, was 
63.8 percent rural. On chart 2 is shown the population trend by 10-year census 
periods from 1900 for the county groups and for the region. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7967 



The mineral counties reached their population peak, 201,014, in 1910 and have 
declined each period since, with 179,550 recorded in 1940. 

The forest-farm counties of the Upper Peninsula form the only group showing an 
increase in each census return, from 107,225 in 1900 to 143,994 in 1940. 

The forest-farm counties of the Lower Peninsula were most populous in 1910, 
399,614, declined sharply in 1920 and again in 1930, but increased 14 percent in 
the next 10-year period to 361,437 in 1940. The percentage increase was con- 
siderably greater than the State average of 8.5 percent but still left this territory 
with nearly 5,000 fewer people than in 1900. 

Chart 2 

Michigan Population of Cut-Over Region, by County Groups 

Prepared by Pack Forestry Foundation, University of Michigan 



700,000 



600,000 



500,000 



< 

_j 400,000 

D 
Q. 

O 

0. 300,000 



200,000 



100,000 -' 




-^f**M 



■-£!:^ L 



..-— £j^ 



F QR£ 



ST. 



t0VV ^ ft*, 



la 



^^_ MINERAL -UPPER PENINSULA 



FARM FOREST- UPPER PENINSULA 



J. 



_L 



1900 



1910 1920 1930 

YEAR OF CENSUS 



1940 



For the region as a whole the lowest population of this 40-year period was in 
1900, followed by an increase of nearly 100,000 people to the highest point of 
725,242 population in 1910. Then followed sharp declines in 4920 ,and 1930. 
The downward trend was reversed in 1940 with an 8-percent increase over 1930, 
which compares weU with the State average increase of 8}4 percent. This reversal 
in population trend was, of course, a reflection of the national trend away from 
urban centers and more particularly a reflection of the sharply decreased^economic 
' opportunity in Michigan's industrial centers during the 1930-40 decade. 



7968 DETROIT HEARINGS 

LAND USE IN THE CUT-OVER REGION, 1940 Acres 

Land in farms 1 5, 646, 487 

This is 26}^ percent of the regional area and represents an 
increase of 390,174 acres in farm-land ownership during the 
decade. Crop land and plowable pasture make up but 51 per- 
cent of the land in farms and 13.5 percent of the total regional 
area. 
Urban, municipal, industrial, rights-of-way, waste, other nonforest 

land 1 , 100, 000 

Forest and recreation land, not including farm woodland: 
State ownership (mostly in State forests, game 

areas, and parks) 4, 880, 000 

Federal ownership (mostly in national forests) 2, 000, 000 

Public ownership, approximately 6, 880, 000 

Private ownership, approximately 7, 693, 853 

14, 573, 853 

Total area, region ., 21, 320, 340 

1 Of the land in farms, 28 percent, or 1,571,000 acres, is classed as woodland. This, added to the other 
forest and recreation land, gives 16,144,853 acres, or nearly 76 percent of the region, in forest -recreatioD, 
wild land use. 

VALUATION AND TAX TRENDS 

The total assessed valuation of real estate and personal property for the cut- 
over region in 1939 was just under a half billion dollars, and but 8.1 percent of 
the State total. The rural property valuation of the cut-over region, not includ- 
ing mines, is only about 3 percent of the State total. The per capita assessed 
valuation was $727 for the northern region and $1,164 for the State average. 
(See chart 3.) 

Michigan Assessed Property Valuation, 1939 
Prepared by Pack Forestry Foundation, University of Michigan 

TRENDS 

In common with national trends, property valuations were reduced in Michigan 
during the past decade. The State total valuations were over 2}i billion dollars 
less in 1939 than in 1929. Every county in the State showed a decrease. The 
percentage of decrease was greatest in the Upper Peninsula mining counties, and 
next in the larger urban-industrial counties of southern Michigan. Many of the 
cut-over region counties, particularly those with growing recreation business, 
were among the lowest in proportional decrease. 

During the past decade a major change in public revenue policy has taken 
place in Michigan. This found expression in the 15-mill real property tax limi- 
tation law effective in 1933, together with the initiation of the sales tax for major 
public revenue production. It should be noted that the 15-mill per dollar of 
valuation tax rate can be and is exceeded by local taxing units under certain 
limited conditions. The rural section of the State has subsequently benefited 
tremendously through very sharp reductions in the real property tax load and the 
increase in State and Federal aids and subsidies. A study by Ford and Landers 2 
indicates that for Cheboygan, a typical cut-over county, the revenues for local 
government derived from local sources declined from 81 percent of the total in 
1924 to 41 percent in 1938. This same trend, however, is reflected to a very 
considerable extent throughout the State. A study by the same authors 3 of 
Branch County, a substantial farm group county on the Indiana State line, shows 
a similar reduction in proportion of local revenues (primarily real property tax) 
from 88 percent in 1924 to 66 percent in 1938. Property taxes amounted to 63 
percent of total revenues in 1924 and only 34 percent in 1938. 

Keeping in mind State-wide valuation and tax trends, it is interesting to 
examine the trends in some northern Michigan townships which reflect varying 
local conditions and economic opportunity for their people. Burt Township, in 
Alger County, is characterized by a large area of merchantable timber, nonresi- 
dent owned, with a relatively small resident population, 570, in 1940. Rock 
River Township, in the same county, has been going through a period of rapid 

8 Local Government in Cheboygan County, Bureau of Government, University of Michigan, 1940. 
• Local Government in Branch County, Bureau of Government, University of Michigan, 1940. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7969 



removal of the merchantable timber, and growth of farm ownership and develop- 
ment. Valuation has steadily declined from $1,410,000 in 1920 to $406,500 in 
1940. The tax levy has dropped from $60,584 in 1923 to 10 percent of this amount 
in 1940. Meanwhile, the population has increased from 1,450 in 1920 to 1,727 
in 1940. In 1940 the per capita property tax levy was $51 plus for Burt and 
$3.53 for Rock River Township. The tax rates were 23 mills and 15 mills per 
dollar, respectively. Clark Township, in Mackinac County, and Denton Town- 
ship, in Roscommon County, illustrate the relatively good position of those locali- 
ties with strong and increasing recreation developments. Denton, while excep- 
tional, is striking in its rise from a "poverty" community in 1920 to relative pros- 
perity by 1930 and a strong position even during the depression years. Popula- 
tion increased from 71 in 1920 to 165 in 1930, and 461 in 1940. The tax rate has 

Chart 3 



496 

CUT-OVER 



6.119 



ENTIRE 
STATE 



14,957 

CUT-OVER 
REGION 



106,449 



ENTIRE 
STATE 



711 



CUT-OVER 
REGION 



1,164 



ENTIRE 
STATE 



TOTAL, 

MILLION 

DOLLARS 



AVERAGE, 
DOLLARS PER 
SQUARE MILE 



AVERAGE, 

DOLLARS PER 

CAPITA 



been hiked from a low of 14.7 mills in 1936 to 25 in 1940, which is still well below 
the 40-mill rate in 1923. Clark Township has had considerable cutting of valuable 
timber, but recreation development has more than offset the timber loss. Hudson 
Township, also in Mackinac County, is typical of those sections where public 
ownership has prettv well taken the place of private values. There has been a 
steady annual decrease in valuation from $440,000 in 1920 to $210,000 in 1930, 
and but $65,400 in 1940. With a 15-mill tax rate the total tax levy of this town- 
ship in 1940 was $981 and the per capita levy was $3.98. By way of contrast 
with the above, Lodi Township, in Washtenaw County, illustrates the relative 
stability and frugal management of public revenues of a southern Michigan farm 
communit3 r . Valuations, tax rates, and tax levies remain stable over considerable 
periods of years. Reflecting the general trend, the 1940 tax rate was only 7 mills 
per dollar. The per capita tax levy was $11.45. 



60396 — 41— pt. 19- 



-14 



7970 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Table showing valuation and tax trends for selected townships 



Township 


Resource characteristics 


Total property valuation 


Tax rate in mills 
per dollar 




1920 


1930 


1940 


1920 


1930 


1940 


Cut-over re- 
gion: 
Burt 

Rock River 

Clark 

Denton 

Hudson 

Farm region: 


Large area valuable timber, 
nonresident owned. 

Rapid cutting of valuable tim- 
ber. Increasing farm use. 

Timber and recreation 

Recreation. Almost no other-. 

Timber. Liquidation, and 
transfer of land to public 
ownership. 

Good farms 


$1, 498, 315 

1,411,725 

798, 303 

95, 660 

441, 820 

1, 990, 415 


$1, 563, 175 

574, 615 

1,112,000 
514, 475 
208, 700 

2, 057, 980 


$1, 285, 220 

406, 530 

1, 174, 430 

629, 680 

65, 400 

1, 386, 700 


49 

38 

35 
36 

42 

20 


47 

60 

49 
23 
70 

20 


23 

15 

20 
25 
15 

7 


Lodi. 







Table showing valuation 


and tax trends for set 


'ected townships . 




Township 


Resource characteristics 


Tax levy in dollars 


Population 


Property 
tax levy 


1920 


1930 


1940 


1920 


1930 


1940 


per cap- 
ita, 1940 


Cut-over re- 
gion: 
Burt 

Rock River 

Clark 
Denton 
Hudson 

Farm region: 


Large area valuable timber, 

nonresident owned. 
Rapid cutting of valuable 

timber. Increasing farm 

use. 

Timber and recreation 

Recreation. Almost no other 
Timber. Liquidation, and 

transfer of land to public 

ownership. 
Good farms 


73, 934 
53, 774 

27, 944 

3,420 

18, 819 

40, 472 


73, 782 
34, 370 

53, 843 
12, 005 
14,517 

41, 230 


29,281 
6,099 

23, 339 

15, 822 

981 

10, 290 


568 
1,450 

859 

71 

525 

966 


518 
1,733 

777 
165 
210 

1,064 


570 
1,727 

793 
461 
290 

898 


$51.37 
3.53 

29.43 

34.32 

3.38 

11.45 


Lodi. 







THE TAX DELINQUENCY PROBLEM AND ECONOMIC TRENDS 

In common with the northern Lake States region, tax delinquency and reversion 
of land from private to public ownership has been widespread in northern Michi- 
gan. 4 It was the inevitable result of destruction of the merchantable forest values 
through] clear cutting, ,the expansion of farming onto poor nonfarm lands, exorbi- 
tant tax valuations and rates, and the failure of many of the servicing commu- 
nities to survive in such an economy. After a moratorium period from 1932, there 
were in 1939, 2,208,975 acres of the Michigan cut-over region deeded to the State 
for nonpayment of taxes. The 1940 deeding of tax-delinquent lands dropped to 
245,523 acres. Land abandonment will continue in this region, but there seems 
to be much evidence that the worst is over and that future delinquency will not 
be a major factor in the economy of the region. A study by the author indicated 
that in 1938 cut-over lands averaging better than those reverting to State owner- 
ship were being taxed an average of 6 cents per acre per year. At the same time 
the State is paying the local government units 10 cents per acre on State lands in 
lieu of taxes. In 1940 this 10 cents per acre payment was made on 4,423,495 acres. 

Studies in Cheboygan County by the author disclosed that about 8 percent of 
the farm ownership acreage reverted to the State in 1939. However, about half 
of this reverted farm land has been or is being restored to private ownership. 
The remaining 4 percent represents almost entirely lands which are totally unsuited 
to farming and whose elimination actually strengthens the farm economy of the 
county. 

It should be recalled that farm-land ownership increased nearly 400,000 acres 
in the region during this decade of poor-land abandonment. 

On the other hand, about 40 percent of the wold cut-over land which had 
been in private ownership reverted to the State. These lands had been paying 

* See chart 4, page 7971. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7971 



little or no taxes for an average of about 9 years, so the public revenue adjust- 
ments had been made and they will now in addition return 10 cents per acre to 
local government from the State. Some of this forest land is also being returned 
to private ownership through sale by the State, but the proportion of the total 
is relatively small. 

A study by Andrews and Bromley 5 covering Alpena, Ogemaw, and Roscom- 
mon Counties and the eastern portion of Antrim County indicates a continuing 
shift in the land-use and ownership pattern. 6 For the period 1923-38 forest 

Chart 4 



PERCENT OF 

TOTAL AREA 

1001 



90 



80 



70 



60 



50 



40 



30 



20 



10 




\ 





> 



TOTAL 1939 
_ACREAGE 

US GOVT 

_ 5 L 97 L_ 

HUNT CLUB 
68.210 



STATE 
312.085 



CORPORATE 
83.240 

LARGE PRIVATE 
159.875 



SMALL PRIVATE 
354,275 



1923-24 



1939 



land decreased 19,110 acres, or about 2 percent. Farm land increased 3,205 
acres, or about 1 percent. Actual shifts were much greater, in that some 16,000 
acres of farm land were abandoned, just about an equal area of forest land was 
cleared, and about 4,000 acres previously abandoned were brought back to farm 
use. At the same time there was a net increase in abandoned farm land of 

• Trends in Land Use in Northern Michigan, by H. J. Andrews and W. S. Bromley; Pack Forestry 
Foundation, University of Michigan.| 
6 See chart No. 5, p. 7972. 



7972 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



7,000 acres. This is a slow and painful trial-and-error process of shifting from 
the poorer to the better soils, which if continued at the same rate would take 
many years to complete, and herein lies one of the major problems of the region. 

In the ownership pattern there is a significantly great shrinkage in the large 
private and corporate holdings, and a much smaller reduction in area covered 
by small private holdings. Hunting-club ownership has increased greatly, but 
there is evidence that this trend is being reversed. Public ownership has in- 
creased greatly. 

Charts 4 and 5 illustrate the major trends in land ownership and use for these 
four cut-over counties. 

Change in Ownership of Land 

From "Trends in Land Use in Northern Michigan" by H. J. Andrews and W. S. Bromley, School ot 
Forestry and Conservation, University of Michigan. Published by the C. L. Pack Forestry Foundation, 
Washington, D. C, 1941. 

Chart 5 



X X X x 

XXX 

X X X X 

xxx 










x x x x 
xxx 

x x x x 
xxx 




3 


z 




1 


4 








5 






6 



LAND USE IN 1923-4 
From Land Economic 
Survey Map 



LAND USE IN 1938-9 
From Agricultural 
Adjustment Admmi stration 
Aerial Photograph 



CHANGES IN LAND USE 
I - forest b Abandoned 
Z - Farm to Forest 

3 - Farm to Abandoned 

4 - Abandoned to Forest 



Farmland 



Abandoned Farmland I I Forested Land 5 - Forest to Farm 

6 - Abandoned to Farm 



Major Changes~in Land Use on Hypothetical Section of Land Containing 

640 Acres 

From "Trends in Land Use in Northern Michigan" by H. J. Andrews and WS. Bromley, School of 
Forestry and Conservation, University of Michigan. Published by the C. L. Pack Forestry Foundation, 
Washington, D. C, 1941. 

THE RECREATION BUSINESS 

Probably the most encouraging feature of this four-county study was the show- 
ing of increased use of the so-called wild land zones as evidenced by the tremen- 
dously increased number of resort cottages and commercial buildingS ( a,nd the 
increase in occupied residences. This rests upon the steadily expanding tourist 
business, which includes all phases of the hunting, fishing, and general recreation, 
travel, and use. In this study the counties were divided into farm land and wi.d 
land zones, in accordance with dominant use. Chart 6 shows that there was 
practically no increase in occupied residences in the farm land zone during the 
16-year period, with an appreciable increase in the wild land zone. Chart 7 
shows only a small increase in number of commercial buildings in the farm zone, 
while such buildings more than doubled in the wild land zone. Chart 8 shows, as 
might be anticipated, a tremendous increase in resort cottages in the forest or 
wild land territory with a slight increase in the farm territory. Chart 9 shows 
the relatively large increase in mileage of improved roads for both zones. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7973 

Chart 6 



OCCUPIED RESIDENCES 

FARM-LAND ZONE l923 " 
1939 


24 


to m 
to m 


to to 
tei to 


to 
is 


to 

to 


to 

to 


to 
li 


WILD- 


LAND 


ZONE 


1923- 
1939 


24 


totototoiitotototot 

totototototototototob 


VACANT 

FARM- 


RESIDENCES 

LAND ZONE l923 " 
1939 


24 


f3 












WILD- 


LAND 


ZONE 


1923 
1939 


-24 


& & & e 
















UNIT 


m = 250 RURAL 


RESIDENCES 





Change in Number of Rural Residences 

From "Trends in Land Use In Northern Michigan" by H. J. Andrews and W. S. Bromley, School of 
Forestry and Conservation, University of Michigan. Published by the C. L. Pack Forestry Foundation, 
Washington, D. C, 1941. 

Chart 7 



1923-24 rf^ 
FARM-LAND ZONE 

1939 MEM I 


* 


1923-24 tf^l 
WILD-LAND ZONE 

1939 rf^«5 


4 


UNIT tf^l = 


50 COMMERCIAL BUILDINGS 



Change in Number of Stores, Gas Stations, and Other Commercial 

Buildings 

From "Trends in Land Use in Northern Michigan" by H. J. Andrews and W. S. Bromley, School of 
Forestry and Conservation, University of Michigan. Published by the C. L. Pack Forestry Foundation, 
"Washington, D. C, 1941. 

Chart 8 



FARM-LAND ZONE 


1923-24 


f 




1939 


* 


WILD-LAND ZONE 


1923-24 


** 4 




1939 


*********** 




UNIT 


* = 100 RESORT COTTAGES 



Change in Number of Resort Cottages 

From Trends in Land Use in Northern Michigan by H. J. Andrews and W. S. Bromley, School of Forestry 
and Conservation, University of Michigan. Published by the C. L. Pack Forestry Foundation, Washing- 
ton, D. C, 1941. 



7974 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Chart 9 













1923-24 l~~ 
FARM-LAND ZONE 


1 sel 


1939 IZ 


1 1 


I 


*sl 










1923-24 IZ 


1 1 


M| 


WILD-LAND ZONE 






1939 LZ 


1 1 


1 


1 1 1 


pei 






LES OF 


IMPROVED ROADS 




UNIT IZ 


Zl-100 Ml 







Change in Mileage of Improved Roads 
(Improved gravel and better) 

From Trends in Land Use in Northern Michigan by H. J. Andrews and W. S. Bromley, School of Forestry 
and Conservation, University of Michigan. Published by the C. L. Pack Forestry Foundation, Washing- 
ton, D. C, 1941. 

The same encouraging evidence comes to light in the Cheboygan County studies 
and from innumerable directions. In a study of Balance of Payments for Cheboy- 
gan County, Stone 7 found that for 1938 the tourist, including all sorts of non- 
resident recreation seekers, accounted for $1,116,496 out of the total receipts in 
commercial enterprise, or 30 percent of the county total. Here we have new enter- 
prise. The extent to which this may be depended upon to continue the economic 
and social betterment of the northern region is, of course, another question. 

PUBLICLY OWNED LANDS BECOMING PRODUCTIVE 

Meanwhile the publicly owned lands, both State and Federal, are beginning to 
produce for local and Stale benefit. Even the Silver Creek Ranger District of the 
Huron National Forest, containing largely worst first lands acquired by the public 
has an annual stumpage receipts revenue of about $5,000 from forest products, 
including moss, boughs, and Christmas trees. In the first process of cutting these 
products and making them ready for transportation for further processing or sale, 
their value increases to about $40,000. 

FOREST PRODUCTS OUTLOOK 

There is at present a spurt in sawed forest products (lumber production) and 
employment throughout the region, but the limited supply of old-growth timber 
means eventually a gradual reduction until this form of enterprise becomes rela- 
tively small in the total regional economy. A study by Stoddard 8 showed that 
of the 48 large sawmills operating in northern Michigan and Wisconsin in 1937, 
only 18 would probably remain in production in 1950. These mills could be 
expected to cut about 330,000,000 board feet of lumber per year, compared with 
approximately 700,000,000 feet in 1937. On the other hand, with continued fire 
protection, there is no other prospect but continuing increase in employment and 
production in round products or "short stuff," pulpwood, railway ties, posts, 
poles, cabin logs, furniture stock, box bolts, novelty or specialty stock, fuel wood, 
Christmas trees, greens, moss, etc. There is no centralized recording of cut and 
employment for most of this material, but it is growing in volume and importance 
and is the logical forest crop from the viewpoint of employment, financial returns, 
and raw material supply for a large proportion of the northern cut-over region. 
Michigan does not rank high as a paper-manufacturing State, and yet Michigan 
wood-pulp mills, which consumed 216,000 cords of pulpwood in 1932, used 337,000 
cords in 19-10. Jack pine and aspen of good quality have for years been in strong 
demand for the manufacturing of paper products, and now the restrictions on 
quality of the trees used have been greatly reduced. Even white birch is now 
being used in great quantity and some of the pulp mills are now accepting Balrn- 
of-Gilead, a week tree up to this time. It has been said that probably more log 
buildings have been erected in Michigan during the past 10 years than during 
the previous 50. The new log structures for the most part are well built, with 
modern conveniences, in contrast with the one- and two-room pioneer cabins. 

7 Unpublished manuscript by Edward Stone, graduate student in economics, University of Michigan. 
« The Two-cut System of Forest Liquidation in the Lake States Region.by Charles H. Stoddard, Jr. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7975 



POPULATION MOVEMENT 

We have noted that for two decades, 1910 to 1930, the Michigan cut-over 
region lost steadily in population. This period, particularly the latter portion, 
coincided with the period of industrial expansion in the lower Michigan manu- 
facturing centers. In common with the national situation, the predominantly 
rural northern cut-over region sent surplus population in large numbers to the 
industrial centers during this time. The northern Michigan exodus, while un- 
doubtedly increased by the generally poor economic status of its territory, was 
only part of a national movement from rural to urban districts. A comparison 
of the populations of Cheboygan and Wayne (Detroit) Counties and the State 
average by 5-year age groups from the 1930 census shows a striking surplus in 
Cheboygan of the young, up to about 20 years, and the old, over about 47 years, 
and a corresponding deficit through the most productive years, from 20 to 47. 
See chart 10. There is a difference of 21 percent between the two counties in 
the portion of their respective populations found in the ages from 20 to 45. For 
this period of greatest earning capacity, Wayne has a surplus of 7.3 percent and 
Cheboygan a deficit of 13.7 percent from the State average. Not all the Cheboy- 
gan exodus was in the productive age class, nor to Detroit or other manufacturing 
cities, but there can be no doubt that it accounted for a large proportion. The 
rural counties in general during this period were sending vast numbers of their 
ablest wage earners to the cities, while the youngsters and the old folks remained. 

Chart 10 

MICHIGAN 

PERCENT OF POPULATION BY AGE, 1930 



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10 15 10 25 30 35 40 

AGE, YEARS 



45 



50 



55 



60 



65 



Unfortunately the 1940 census figures by age groups are not yet available. 
There is no question, however, that the northern cut-over region with its greatly 
increased population in 1940 (including an increase for the 1930-40 decade of 18. & 
percent for Cheboygan County) reflected the decreased industrial employment 
during the depression years and a resultant back-to-the-land movement. Analysis 
of the 1940 figures when available will not show the great discrepancies in age 
groups to the extent of the 1930 analysis. Carrying beyond 1940, we all know 
there is again a large-scale movement of young men and women from rural 
Michigan, including northern Michigan, back to the high factory wages. This 
ebb and flow poses our cut-over region migration problem. 

How to Improve Economic Opportunity in the Michigan Cut-over Region 

Leaving aside the six mineral counties for their special consideration, it is 
believed that inquiries into this northern region have resulted in the conviction 
that there is no opportunity or need for mass population out-movement and that 
the people should and can best be supported substantially in place. In order to 



7976 DETROIT HEARINGS 

reduce the labor migrations we have noted, economic opportunity within the 
region must be enhanced. 

FARMING 

In spite of the national farm problem and the handicaps of this northern region, 
farming remains the substantial backbone of the local year-long support for most 
northern counties. Increase in the productive crop and pasture acreage of the 
well-located farms on good soil has been generally agreed upon as the No. 1 need 
for economic betterment. Abandonment of the isolated farms on poor soils and 
resettlement of their occupants are clearly needed. To meet the impact of the 
inevitable back-to-the-farm movement after the present "emergency" every 
northern county should have its lands classified for agricultural use. This infor- 
mation should be in the hands of local authorities and every reasonable effort made 
to guide people only to good soils and locations and to keep them from poor soils 
and locations. The county land-use planning committees and local option rural 
zoning can be of inestimable value in such a program. Michigan has excellent 
rural zoning enabling legislation and an encouraging start in the adoption of 
county ordinances. Whether wise or unwise as national policy, the broad pro- 
grams of the United States Department of Agriculture have been helpful to 
agriculture in this section. They might become increasingly helpful in adjusting 
the farm folk from poor to good locations. 

THE RECREATION BUSINESS 

The reestablishment through fire protection of a generally green forested cover 
and background and the development of a good road system, together with the 
great natural attractions of the territory, have been the major factors in increased 
economic opportunity through the recreation business in northern Michigan. 
With the continuation of these supports, the most that can be done in addition is 
dependent upon State and local action, such as raising standards of sanitation, 
salesmanship, and service in the broadest sense. 

The recreation-seeking public desires service in the form of good fishing and 
hunting, largely a function of the State. It desires good bathing beaches of both 
the public- and private-access types. Probably most that needs to be done in 
raising standards of service is dependent upon intelligent private action, often 
through cooperative approach. 

FOREST INDUSTRIES 

The most critical and difficult problem of forest industry is the major prolonga- 
tion of those industries based upon old-growth forests. It seems a reflection upon 
American ingenuity to conclude that the only practical solution lies in public 
forest ownership with attendant selective logging. Even such a program could 
not possibly continue present production and employment, which would suffer a 
decline over a long period of reestablishment of "sawlog" forests. 

According to a very recently published report, Forest Resources of the Upper 
Peninsula of Michigan by the Lake States Forest Experiment Station, Raphael 
Zon, director, the complete application of sustained- yield cutting to that territory 
would result in taking away the employment of approximately 6,000 men. 

The increased production of small-diameter material for a great variety of uses 
seems assured with continued fire protection and will be supported from both 
public and private lands. Intensity of management will develop only as the 
forest industry increases in profits, except under subsidy. Remanufacturing 
establishments, providing a maximum of labor and value for the raw materials 
used, are one of the greatest forest-industry needs. Research should be pushed 
to discover new and better ways of utilizing the tremendous volume of low-grade 
wood available and now largely wasted. 

Michigan's relatively few pulp and paper plants emploved 13,800 persons in 
1939, with wages and salaries of $20,000,000 and value of products of $96,000,000. 
Continuity of the present major conservation programs over a long period of time 
is the major "need" in building up the large-volume annual production of raw 
materials from the forest upon which forest industries rest: Some methods must 
be found of insuring maintenance of an adequate growing stock, upon which all 
sustained timber production rests. This continuity of the conservation programs 
enhances not only the forest industries but the great recreation business and many 
other byproducts of the forest as well. Income and employment from fur trapping 
can be tremendouslv increased. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7977 

OTHER INDUSTRIES 

Oil and gas have not previously been mentioned, but they have become very 
important in the financial and employment support of a considerable portion of 
the Lower Peninsula cut-over territory. There seems to be wise State legislation 
governing the industry and good public control, promising a maximum of life 
and of benefits to the State and its people. These controls should be maintained. 
The northern region needs more varied industry, in seeking which it must compete 
with all outside territory, and consequently must make the most of any raw 
material or other advantages it possesses. 

CONCLUSION 

The Michigan cut-over region is a deficit region in relative economic oppor- 
tunity. It seems to have passed its lowest period in this respect and to give 
promise of slow, gradual improvement in economic opportunity and total popula- 
tion support. In this process it is being aided by a large number of public pro- 
grams. The element of time and continuity of these programs is of utmost im- 
portance if continued betteiment is to be secured. 

There is population movement from the area to industrial centers during high- 
wage periods, and back to the area during periods of industrial depression. A 
large portion of this movement apparently is by individuals from families remain- 
ing in the North, and only a limited number in the form of family units. Even 
in the latter case, many families retain ties of property, relatives, etc., in the 
North. In this respect the migrations, even though generally detrimental, are 
not entirely so and do not generally form the acute problem of the movement of 
colored and other families from the South or other regions to the southern Mich- 
igan cities. 

Intelligent land classification and application of the resultant information in 
some effective manner is probably the most urgent need in cushioning the ill 
effects of probable large-scale movement of population to the cut-over region in 
search of cheap land after the present world-conflict period. All public agencies 
involved should make every effort to inform would-be settlers of the exact nature 
and limited character of their opportunities for making a living. 



Exhibit 58.— Migration Problems of Farm Families Due to 
Defense Activities in Indiana and Ohio 

REPORT BY P. G. BECK, DIRECTOR, REGION III, FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION, 
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 

Seven huge Government ordnance plants and proving grounds, constructed on 
sites in Ohio and Indiana which 2 years ago were productive farm lands, have 
brought about a difficult problem in agricultural adjustment. 

Nearly 1,500 farm families have been displaced, 1,284 individual farms totaling 
154,200 acres have been taken out of production, and the full impact of the change 
has not yet arrived. 

A far greater number of farm families have been affected by the primary dis- 
placements. Owner-operators living in defense areas, selling their farms, are on 
the market for land in other localities. In buying elsewhere, present occupants 
and tenants are displaced. Tenants on defense land move to other localities and 
compete in the scramble for rented farms. 

The reaction moves on like ripples across a pond. Hundreds of farm families, 
turned out of a defense area, hunt elsewhere for farms, displace other families who 
in turn must displace others again. 

Families with money to purchase a farm or tenants with operating capital 
better equipment, or better farm experience are able to obtain land in preference 
to others less equipped. In the end, the disadvantaged groups, ill-prepared to 
meet competition, are left stranded. 

Some of the 1,500 displaced farmers have found work in the defense industries 
near their old homes. Such work has operated to the temporary advantage of 
some whose normal livelihood is from agriculture. But to others it has proven a 
disadvantage. 

New and pressing problems have been created for agriculture by the injection 
of industrial incomes in areas heretofore dependent primarily upon agriculture. 



7978 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Six hundred farms, and a few more than 600 families, were located on a 60,000- 
acre tract of land north of Madison, Ind., which the Army purchased as the site 
of the Jefferson Proving Ground. Here is what has happened to 400 of these 
families which our county supervisor could trace: Fifty-five of them were able to 
relocate by renting other farms, but a number of these already have been dis- 
placed again when the farms they rented were sold. Two hundred seventy-five 
of those who owned their land have purchased other farms with the money paid 
them by the Government. Twenty of the evacuees retired, moving to town or to a 
small plot near a town. Fifty others retired on social-security payments. 

One hundred received employment on the proving ground construction, and 
others found jobs on construction of the powder plant at Charlestown, 40 miles 
away. 

The proving ground has employed as many as 6,000 during its construction, but 
by December 1941, when construction is scheduled to be completed, the pay roll 
will be curtailed to about 800 "permanent" employees, nearly all from the civil- 
service rolls. Few of the farmers will be afforded permanent jobs, and those who 
have been living in the towns are expected to want to buy or rent farms again 
when their jobs end. No desirable farms are for rent in the vicinity, and few are 
for sale. 

DISPLACEMENT IN OTHER AREAS 

The same conditions hold good generally at the other defense areas. A survey 
made in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Missouri by the Farm Security Adminis- 
tration shows that 10,000 rural families in those 5 Corn Belt States who have 
been receiving aid or had applied for aid from the Farm Security Administration 
were unable to find farms during the fiscal year 1940-41. 

Less than one-third of the farm families displaced from the defense areas in 
these States are now farming again, the survey showed. Most of the displaced 
farm families have been unable to find farms upon which it was possible for them 
to locate. Some are performing rural nonfarm work, a few have been absorbed 
into defense industry and other industry, and others are now either unemployed 
or on relief. 

The survey reveals that 35,000 farm operators in the 5 Corn Belt States are 
now employed in defense industries, about half of them on a full-time basis. 
Many who are employed did not leave their farm at the time of their employment 
but instead turned the farm operation over to some other member of the family. 
Thus in such cases no new farms were made available to displaced farmers. 
Already the employment peak has been passed at some of the ordnance plants, 
and hundred of workers are being laid off each week. There will be little land 
available for them unless the Government extends aid and cooperation. 

Because of the gradual laying off of construction workers, and because the 
plants will be completed one by one over a period of months, the jolt will not be 
a sudden one. But it will be severe. It will begin to be felt this fall and in the 
ensuing year will be most serious when farmers who have lost their construction 
jobs on ordnance plants will want to return to farms. 

TYPE OP FARMERS AFFECTED 

Mostly affected by the defense program is the disadvantaged class of farmers 
including the tenant farmer and the farm laborer. Owners and operators of 
large farms have not been so prone to take work in defense plants. The substan- 
tial farmer instead redoubled his agricultural efforts and is enjoying the fruits 
of better prices. 

Farm laborers, tenants, and operators of poor land on which they had difficulty 
making an adequate income naturally have been the ones to whom industrial or 
defense jobs looked best. 

Few cf the farmers working in industry or defense have voiced plans to become 
permanent industrial workers. They have generally used the money they have 
been earning to pay old debts and buy new clothing, furniture, or equipment they 
have long wanted. Few have been found who had saved any money, and it is 
possible that when their jobs end many of them will be saddled with newly 
acquired debts as the result of unwise installment purchasing. 

Near LaPorte, Ind., one wife in a Farm Security Administration borrower 
family living on a rented farm took in 10 roomers and boarders when the defense 
boom struck that community. She charged them $10 a week each, grossing 
$100 a week. Her husband obtained a $45 a week job helping construct the 
ordnance plant. The wife did the plowing, cultivating, and farm chores with 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7979 

the help of the children and the aid of her husband before and after his working 
hours. They thus had their usual farm income and when they market their hogs 
this fall they intend to pay off their Farm Security Administration loan in full. 
They have started a bank account and are saving with the intention of making 
a down payment on a farm. 

This case is not typical, but it serves to show how some families are benefiting 
from defense. 

The more general effect of defense upon the farmers working in industries has 
been to intensify the dangers of farm distress. Much installment buying of fur- 
niture, household goods, automobiles, and clothing is being done on the strength 
of defense pay checks. A tendency has been noted in some cases,, too, for the 
purchase of more mechanical equipment than the smaller farm will maintain. 
Farm income alone will not be sufficient on these farms to meet the payments 
after the defense pay checks stop coming in. 

Mechanization is being speeded up on both larger and smaller farms, attribu- 
table to the unusual income available from nonfarm sources and the decreasing 
supply of labor and the increasing cost of obtaining the services of farm labor. 
In the defense areas Farm Security Administration has found it necessary to 
make loans for a number of tractors and other mechanical equipment in order 
that crop production would not suffer. 

LARGE GOVERNMENT PURCHASES 

In Indiana, 126,100 acres have been retired from farming by Government pur- 
chase for defense sites, wiping out 903 farms. Another area embracing 400 more 
farms may yet be purchased for military purposes in Indiana. 

In Ohio, 30,200 acres have been taken and 381 farms absorbed into defense- 
plant sites. Two hundred more Ohio farms will be taken if proposed projects 
materialize. 

The Jefferson Proving Ground extending through Jefferson, Jennings, and Rip- 
ley Counties, Ind., and displacing more than 600 families is the largest single 
project in the two States in respect to size. In respect to employment, however, 
the du Pont powder plant (Indiana Ordnance Works) and Goodyear bag-loading 
plant (Hoosier Ordnance Works) in adjoining Clark Count}', rank first. To- 
gether, their peak employment was close to 40,000 men, drawn from as far as 80 
miles away. Bus lines were established operating to the powder plant from 
Bedford (SO miles away), French Lick (62 miles), Seymour (50 miles), to haul 
workers to and from the plant. Others commuted by automobile equal distances, 
and the defense pay checks were spread over a large area in southern Indiana. 

The $76,000,000' du Pont powder plant absorbed 6,000 acres of fertile Ohio 
River Valley land and took 35 farms out of production. The bag-loading plant 
"took 5,100 more acres and wiped out 41 more farms in Clark County. 

The East Coast Naval Ammunition Depot in Martin County, near Burns City, 
Ind., will take in 160 farms and 16,000 acres of generally poor hill land which 
provided a livelihood for the families living there and which they are reluctant 
4;o give up. They are clannish and steeped in the tradition of the hills. None 
of them do commercial farming but grow large gardens which provide their food. 
Practically all of them were born and reared here. 

Another 26,000 acres of submarginal land in an adjoining tract had been ac- 
quired several years ago by the Soil Conservation Service and retired from farm- 
ing because of its unproductivity. This tract, with the 16,000 acres newly ac- 
quired, will give the Navy Department 42,000 acres for its ammunition depot. 

The Kingsbury Ordnance Works in LaPorte County, in northern Indiana, put 
67 farms, totaling 13,000 acres, out of existence. 

The Plum Brook Ordnance Works at Sandusky, Ohio, absorbed 169 farms 
totaling 9,000 acres, and the Ravenna Ordnance Works at Ravenna, Ohio, ab- 
sorbed 212 farms totaling 21,200 acres. 

Table 1 shows the acres of farm land in each county, the acres taken for ordnance 
plants, the number of farms in the county and the number absorbed by ordnance 
plants, the degree of tenancy among displaced families in each displacement area, 
condition of land which was taken for each plant, and employment figures on 
>each project. 



7980 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



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7982 DETROIT HEARINGS 

OTHER REASONS FOR FARM RETIREMENT FROM PRODUCTION 

It must also be borne in mind that farmland is constantly being retired from 
production for other purposes than defense. 

The Indianapolis Water Co. a few years ago purchased 5,000 acres of farm- 
land in central Indiana. The farms on this land have been operated by 49 tenant 
families. Within a few months when the water company floods the area as an 
addition to the city waterworks system these families will have to vacate and 
look for other farms. 

Portage County, Ohio, in addition to the acreage taken for the Ravenna Ord- 
nance Works, lost 1,500 acres of farmland to the Akron, Ohio, "watershed" and 
8,000 more acres to provide a water reservoir for Youngstown. 

These nondefense displacements serve to make more acute the shrinkage of 
farmlands, speeded up by the huge Government defense site purchases. 

The fact that all of the displaced families have not sought to relocate imme- 
diately on farms has alleviated the immediate problem of finding land for them. 
But the problem is one that will have to be met in the near future, when defense 
plant construction is curtailed and the farmers who located temporarily in towns 
and cities again seek land to cultivate. 

Urban housing shortages have been responsible for some displacements of farm 
families by city families, desiring only to use the farmhouse for shelter. Land- 
owners have rented farmhouses for living quarters to defense workers for from 
$20 to $40 a month — as much as the entire farm had brought previously — and 
rented the land to a neighbor who with mechanized equipment could operate 
both farms. 

NOT ENOUGH FARMS TO GO AROUND 

The absence of available land on which farm families can settle is becoming a 
serious problem in Indiana, Ohio, and other Corn Belt States. There are not 
enough farms to supply the demand. Obviously, there are a certain number of 
farms for rent or purchase. Some of these are of an uneconomic size — too small 
to provide a living. Some are composed of submarginal crop land, unsuited for 
general farming. And others are of sufficient size and adequate fertility, but 
the cost of rent or purchase is exorbitant when compared with expected 
earnings. 

Because of this, and because of the inability to locate any sort of farm, 667 
applicants in Indiana and 918 applicants in Ohio who were otherwise eligible 
and in need of Farm Security Administration assistance were turned away dur- 
ing the fiscal year 1941. In addition to this group, by the end of the fiscal year 
1941 there were 423 standard borrowers in Indiana and 456 in Ohio with no 
farms to operate. 

This number of families is small in comparison with a total of 184,549 operators 
in Indiana and 233,783 in Ohio as shown in the 1940 census. But the number 
is increasing. Seventy-five years ago it was unbelievable that any farm family 
desiring to farm would be unable to find cropland. Seventy-five years ago, 
farms were not consolidated and operated by machine, nor at the other extreme, 
were they cut up into tiny, uneconomic units. Seventy-five years ago the rich 
topsoil now lying at the mouth of the Mississippi delta was growing crops on 
midwestern farms. 

The depletion of factory-age farm workers who have taken defense jobs be- 
cause of higher wages and better working conditions, and the gradual effect of 
the draft which has taken and will gradually draw more sons of farm families, 
has curtailed the amount of farm labor available. As the defense program 
continues this labor supply will grow shorter and shorter. 

The retirement of 1,284 farms for defense sites in Ohio and Indiana, coupled 
with the merging of others with the rapid step-up in mechanization and the 
decrease in the supply of farm labor, points to difficulties for the future. The 
machines that are being purchased today — farm machinery sales in defense areas 
have increased more than 25 percent over a year ago — will be doing the work 
when the labor supply increases. This will be a factor in causing farm laborers 
in the future, then, to be able to command less pay when their ranks again 
become bountiful. 

On the beneficial side, the defense program has enabled some of the disadvan- 
taged farmers temporarily to raise their standards of living. Their morale has 
become better, they are buying necessities they have long desired, and they are 
on the road to better health because they can afford to buy medical care and 
proper food. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7983 

Yet there are other areas in which rural poverty and all its social ills remain as 
serious problems as they ever were, accentuated now because the general welfare 
of the better-class farmers has been improved somewhat. Increased farm prices 
rarely help the farmer who grows just about enough for his own needs. 

ENLARGEMENT OF FARM SECURITY PROGRAM 

The Farm Security Administration undertaking to aid displaced farmers in 
relocating their families, has had to enlarge its program to cope with this problem. 
Grants have been necessary to pay moving expenses of some displaced families 
who were in need, and in some instances to pay for food and shelter for penniless 
families until they could find a place to settle permanently. 

Farm owners who were displaced were eligible for loans from Farm Security 
Administration, to be repaid when they received payment from the Government 
for their land. Tenant farmers who relocated were given loans for equipment 
and to make improvements when such were necessary for successful farming 
operation. 

Tenant-purchase loans also have been made to some tenants who were able to 
find suitable farms for sale. Land values are rising so rapidly that some diffi- 
culty is being experienced in obtaining farms in the price-limitation classification 
and productive enough to be desirable for tenant purchase under the Farm Security 
Administration program. 

One of the difficulties in locating land in the better land areas revolves around 
the fact that large owners and institutional landlords are not willing to break up 
large holdings in order to sell a small farm such as 60 or 80 acres, these large farms 
being for sale as a whole rather than in small parts, which makes it virtually im- 
possible for the small operator to buy in the good land areas generally. * The 
tendency is for the large farms to expand rather than liquidate. 

In the better land areas it is no doubt true the larger operators are finding it 
more profitable to farm larger acreages under commercial farming practices. It 
has been our observation that these people crowded off the good land areas because 
of the expansion of larger farms are finding it necessary to relocate in poorer 
land areas where farms are already too small, thus further crowding these areas; 
or else they can find no farm and must become farm laborers, industrial workers, 
or accept public assistance. 

The Farm Security Administration need not point out the dangers of this trend. 
To break up large farms and make room for families that wish to remain on the 
land, cooperative farms have been established, leasing associations have been 
encouraged, and defense relocation corporations have been formed in each State. 

The cooperative farms have been established to provide a basis for studying 
their success in enabling small farmers to work together in order that they might 
compete with commercialized farms on a more equitable basis. Each family on 
the cooperative farm has its own homestead, but the land is farmed jointly and the 
income prorated. 

The leasing and purchasing associations consist of farmers wishing to lease or 
purchase farmland. The group leases or purchases land and then subleases 
various tracts to the members, to be farmed as individual farms. Cooperative 
buying, marketing, and use of equipment under such an arrangement are easily 
carried on. 

To meet the immediate problems presented by the farmers who cannot find 
land to farm, defense relocation corporations have been established in both Ohio 
and Indiana. With funds, loaned by Farm Security Administration, thev have 
purchased large holdings in good land areas which will be broken down into 
smaller farms in order to make available family-size units to families displaced 
by the defense program. 

In Indiana 17,397 acres have been accepted for purchase by the defense reloca- 
tion corporation, and 13,889 acres in Ohio. (See charts A and B.) These will 
be broken down into family-size farms of about 80 acres, permitting a self-sufficient 
standard of living for each family. 

RELOCATION FOR ONLY 260 FAMILIES 

But while 1,284 farms have been absorbed by ordnance-sites purchases in Ohio 
and Indiana, only 260 families can be placed satisfactorily on the relocation land 
purchased. There are already 101 farm families living on that land, who will be 
given an opportunity to remain on an equal footing with the 260 defense-displaced 
farmers. 



7984 



DETROIT HEARINGS 






903 161 

INDIANA 



381 99 
OHIO 



1,284 260 

TOTAL IN 
INDIANA & OHIO 



NUMBER OF FARMS TAKEN FOR DEFENSE SITES 



[\\\| — NUMBER OF NEW FARMS TO BE CREATED THROUGH 
k N N1 DEFENSE RELOCATION CORP. ACTIVITIES 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 



7985 




n 




126,000 17,399 
INDIANA 



30,000 13,889 
OHIO 



156,000 31,189 

TOTAL IN 
INDIANA & OHIO 



— NUMBER OF ACRES TAKEN FOR DEFENSE SITES 



L\\\| -- NUMBER OF ACRES BOUGHT BY DEFENSE RELOCATION CORP. 



60396— 41— pt. 19 15 



7986 DETROIT HEARINGS 

None of the displaced families has actually been resettled yet on relocation 
land in Ohio and Indiana, due primarily to the impossibility of getting possession 
of the land before March 1, 1942. The rights of the present tenants on the land 
have been recognized and their leases with the present owners will hold until 
the beginning of the crop year. 

The relocation program on its present scale is entirely inadequate. The Ohio 
and Indiana relocation purchases have exhausted the funds made available under 
the present program in those States. And while these purchases are providing 
260 farms to replace part of the 1,284 taken out of production, it should also be 
borne in mind that each succeeding farm census has shown Indiana and Ohio 
with fewer and fewer farms because of mechanization. Machine farming makes 
it possible for large landowners to increase their holdings and operate with fewer 
laborers and tenants. This creates a problem for those whose services are no 
longer needed and have no place to locate in their search for a living. 

With the money that has been provided, all of the defense relocation purchases 
in region III (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Iowa) will not create enough 
additional farms to relocate those families displaced in Indiana and Ohio alone. 
The relocation program in the entire region can provide only 823 additional farms. 
In Indiana alone 903 farms have been eliminated by the location of ordnance 
plants. 

The effort has been limited by the availability of funds to hire personnel to 
buy and develop land, and also by the availability of land that could be bought 
at a reasonable appraisal. Demands on our present personnel have been increased 
to such an extent that the planning and development is not moving as rapidly 
as we would like. 

The immediate problems created by the defense effort have been given prime 
consideration. At the same time we have endeavored not to allow our rehabilita- 
tion program to. suffer. A large segment of farm families, not in acute distress, 
is living far below healthful standards and is in need of the aid and cooperation 
of Farm Security Administration. This segment of families has been little 
affected as yet by the Farm Security Administration program, which to date has 
been largely confined to the lowest-income class of families because they have 
been most urgently in need of assistance. 

Many of the displaced families are not faring so well. Each displaced family 
remaining in agriculture displaces another, which in turn displaces a third. Each 
dislocation and moving, constitutes a drain upon the tenant farmer's usually 
meager purse. Indications are that this dislocation problem will be more serious 
in the spring, when the farm year ends. Loans and grants will be needed for 
many families moving into defense relocation areas, and as more families are 
displaced by Government purchase of land for Army camps, arsenals, and proving 
grounds this problem will increase. 

All divisions of the United States Department of Agriculture are cooperating 
to meet the problems that have arisen, but Farm Security Administration is 
directly affected and must take the initiative in this work. 

Family Case Histories, Farm Displacement for National Defense 
plum brook ordnance works, erie county, ohio 

Case No. 1. 

This family, consisting of the husband, 57, and the wife, 55, wanted about 
$30,000 for their farm. The War Department gradually raised its offer to 
approximately $27,500. 

The family chose to attempt to obtain the $30,000 price through resort to the 
courts. The farm was condemned by the Government. No settlement has been 
reached, and the case has not yet come up in court. 

The family held a sale to dispose of their machinery and livestock, with the 
exception of two cows and a team. They purchased a small farm of 15 acres, 
3 miles from their old location, as a temporary home. They are interested in 
purchasing a larger farm and continuing to be farmers. 

During this summer this man and a neighbor were the successful bidders to 
combine all wheat on the land bought by the Government. He plans to operate 
the small farm he has purchased until he has received a definite settlement from 
the War Department and until he locates another desirable farm. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 79S7 

Case No. 2. 

This husband, 42, wife, 25, and three children ranging from 4 to 6, had been 
living for 2 years upon a 42-acre farm which they rented on a cash basis. The 
farm did not provide sufficient income to support the family, and the husband 
worked part-time on Work Projects Administration and bought and sold junk 
to increase the income. His application for a Farm Security Administration 
loan to buy livestock and machinery to operate the farm had been rejected because 
it was not possible to arrange a satisfactory farm and home plan. 

When the farm was purchased by the Government for the ordnance plant site, 
the Farm Security Administration had to render immediate assistance to this 
family. They were .not interested in moving into town, but desired to farm, so 
a Farm Security Administration representative contacted a landowner and 
rented a 100-acre farm 20 miles away on a cash share basis of $400, drawing up a 
3-year lease. The Farm Security Administration placed particular emphasis 
upon the writing of a sound farm lease and loaned the family $1,129 for the 
purchase of machinery and livestock to start farming. 

The family was delinquent in its rent and thus received no reimbursement 
when moved off the 40-acre farm. It was necessary for Farm Security Adminis- 
tration to grant the family $120 to pay moving expenses, and for subsistence. 

The county Farm Security Administration supervisor has reported that he is 
well pleased at the progress this family is making, that the family has taken such 
interest in their new farm that it is requiring less supervision than had been 
anticipated. The Farm Security Administration worked out with the neighbors 
an arrangement whereby this farmer can borrow a portion of the machinery he 
needs from them under cooperative service terms, which saved the family a 
considerable amount in its machinery investment. 

Case No. S. 

For three generations this family name had been associated with their 134-acre 
farm which the Government bought for $35,000 for the ordnance- works site. The 
husband, 57, wife, 60, and daughters 24 and 27, were very successful as a farm 
family. They were growers of hybrid corn and certified wheat. The farm was 
very productive and, too, the family attached considerable sentiment to the land. 
The first offers for the land were rejected and before a settlement finally was 
reached the owner hired an outside appraiser and sought counsel and advice on 
the value of the farm; also from the agricultural department at Ohio State 
University. 

The family moved to the city of Sandusky, temporarily, but plans to purchase 
a farm within a few years. Prices are high for the type of farm they wish to buy, 
and they believe it wise to wait a few years in the expectation of a drop in farm 
prices. 

The husband was quite lost when he moved to town, as he had always lived on 
a farm, but being interested in the growing of hybrid corn he has worked with 
other farmers in the county this year with their hybrid seed plots. He plans to 
work this winter selling hybrid seeds. 

Case No. 4- 

An old couple, 84 and 74 years old, and their single son, aged 50, had operated 
their 136-acre farm for many years. The elder man was blind, and both he and 
his wife were in poor health. 

The family was happy to sell the farm to the Government for $14,000, although 
they regretted having to move to new surroundings because of the elder man's 
blindness. There was considerable debt, consisting of chattel loans and judg- 
ments on the chattel property, and a heavy mortgage on the real estate, held by 
the Federal land bank. Frequent delinquencies were shown on the mortgage 
payment records. 

The family sold all its chattel property and moved to a small town nearby, 
renting a vacant house. The mother died shortly after and the son and father 
now are living alone, the son doing farm labor. 

Case No. 5. 

Three years ago this family, consisting of the father, 46, wife, 44, and eight 
children, purchased their 87-acre farm for $10,500. They sold it to the Govern- 
ment for $17,500 and retired their mortgage of about $8,000. 

They had always been fanners and desired to continue. They wanted to 
purchase a farm of about 80 acres and would pay about $10,000. They checked 
many farms in surrounding counties. They wanted a farm of black sandy loam 
soil. Farms with this type soil that were being offered for sale were offered at a 



7988 DETROIT HEARINGS 

much higher price than they were willing to pay. Consequently they were 
forced to change their minds on the type of soil. They purchased a l29-acre 
farm in an adjoining county, and plan to farm it with horses. 

This family seemed to be happy at selling its farm for $17,500, but they stress 
now that they would be more than glad to repurchase it at the price they sold it 
for. 

Case No. 6. 

For many years this couple, aged 61 and 59, had operated their 175-acre farm, 
on which they owed a heavy debt as well as chattel debts. 

The husband owns an interest in the concessions at a summer resort nearby 
and spends most of his time during the summer managing the concessions. They 
appeared pleased to sell their farm to the 'Government for $40,000. They sold all 
their machinery and livestock, then purchased a large four-wheel trailer house 
-which they moved to the summer resort and have been living in. 

They are not interested in returning to the farm, although at some later date 
they wish to purchase about 10 acres near Sandusky. 

The man's mother had lived directly across the road from him in a house where 
she had lived since childhood. In poor health and bedfast for months, she died 
a short time after learning of the Government land purchases. 

Case No. 7. 

The Government paid $28,000 for this 40-acre truck farm, including a green- 
house, which was the basis for a good-size business. The operator lived on the 
farm with his wife and three children, aged 10 to 26. A married son who helped 
operate vhe business built a house also on this farm. 

The family apparently was well pleased wilh the settlement and purchased a 
62-acre farm just outside the Sandusky city limits. An extension of time was 
granted them so they could complete new greenhouses upon the new farm. 

Case No. 8. 

On their 186-acre farm lived this family of eight — the husband and wife, four 
children from 8 to 16 years old, the husband's mother and sister. A hired man 
made his home with them. 

The family was opposed to selling the farm, and when convinced it was neces- 
sary, asked a price that was considered exorbitant. The Government had to con- 
demn the farm. 

The family are outstanding farmers, hard workers, and good managers. They 
have purchased a 150-acre farm nearby for $15,250 and made arrangements to 
move out the tenants living on it. 

Case No. 9. 

For 25 years this man, now 70, and his wife, 68, had farmed their 116 acres 
near Sandusky. They had raised two daughters who had married and left them. 
It was a shock to them to be called upon to sell their land to the Government. 
However, they agreed upon a price of $22,500. 

They wanted 10 continue farming and looked at many places that were for 
sale. They wanted a farm with two sets of buildings so that one of their daughters 
and her husband, who are now tenants, could move into one set of buildings and 
help with the farm work. They could not find such a farm so they sold their 
livestock and tractor equipment and moved into a small town in an adjoining 
county, where they purchased a business building for an investment and a small 
home for a residence. 

KAVENNA ORDNANCE WORKS, PORTAGE COUNTY, OHIO 

Case No. 10. 

This family was crowded off the farm it was renting because another family, 
which was displaced from the ordnance works site was able to buy the land. 

The father, mother, and two young daughters thus secondarily dispossessed 
were unable to find another farm to rent and sold their chattel property. He 
found work as a carpenter, but still hopes to locate a good farm and return to 
farming. 

Case No. 11. 

This family was composed of father and mother and five children, from 13 down 
to 5 years of age. 

They had owned a 133-acre farm for a number of years. Notified that the 
Government wanted the farm, they quoted their price, and it was readily accepted. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7989 

After being notified that the option was accepted, the couple could not agree 
on what they should do. It was said that this and past family troubles resulted 
in the wife securing a divorce. He then sold off all his chattel property, with the 
exception of his farm truck and bailer. He used his bailer throughout the area 
bailing straw, and his truck for moving families. 

She moved her family and household goods to Ravenna, and secured work at 
a restaurant as cook. He moved in with another family. He has found work 
with a construction company at the Ravenna ordnance plant, and also does 
trucking on the side. 

Case No. 12. 

This family is composed of a father, 76, and one unmarried son, who still lives 
at home. When their dairy farm was purchased by the War Department they 
purchased a good farm of 155 acres that is suitable for dairy farming and has a 
house with modern conveniences. 

Moving presented such a problem that the father finally purchased a truck 
for this purpose. He stated that he was too old to farm, but that since the son 
wanted to continue farming he felt that they should relocate on a farm. As he 
stated, he had purchased a bigger and better farm, paid cash for it, and still had 
$2,700 in cash left from the transaction. 

There was a secondary displacement in this case. 

Case No. 13. 

This family is composed of 9 people. The father is 50 years of age, the 
mother 43, and there are 7 children at home ranging in ages from 21 to 4 years. 

There were 103 acres in their farm, which they inherited. It was of very poor 
fertility and very poorly drained. They operated it for a few years after inherit- 
ing it and then because of low prices and lack of equipment the farm remained 
idle for 3 or 4 years. 

During this time, he worked on Work Projects Administration while she was 
in the chicken business on a fairly large scale. In 1937 they again started oper- 
ating the farm and increased the number of poultry considerably. From then 
until the fall of 1940 the family was getting along fairly well. 

After the land was purchased for the Ravenna ordnance plant, the family 
purchased another farm of 100 acres near by. They are very well satisfied 
because after making the necessary repairs and improvements and paying off 
the mortgage against the other farm, they now have their home free of indebted- 
ness. 

He has obtained work at the Ravenna ordnance plant with his team of horses, 
furnishing a supplementary income. 

There was a displacement on this farm which they purchased. However, the 
family they displaced had been working for the Work Projects Administration. 
They moved to town and the head of the family now is working at the shell-loading 
plant. 

Case No. 14- 

This young family was renting a 160-acre dairy farm on a share basis, when their 
farm was sold to another family which had been displaced by the Ravenna ord- 
nance purchase. He is 22 years of age and she is 24. They obtained a satisfac- 
tory settlement and gave immediate possession. 

At first the}' were unable to locate a farm for rent and just when they were 
ready to sell out they heard of a farm which they could get on a cash rent basis. 
Considerable difficulty and expense were involved in moving and the family did 
not have sufficient chattel property to farm for themselves. They finally borrowed 
sufficient money for this purpose from a local bank. 

Their new farm has 87 acres and the soil is of good fertility. The family is 
satisfied and feels that they may be better off. 

There was a third displacement, the owner-operator of the 87-acre farm selling 
out and moving to Cleveland to take urban employment. 

Case No. 15. 

This farm family of four was tenant-operating a 100-acre farm of only fair 
fertility and not too well drained, owned by an absentee landlord who lived in 
Detroit, Mich. When the Government bought the land the owner refused to 
make any settlement with the tenant and this proved to be the most difficult 
case in the acquisition of land for the Ravenna ordnance plant. The tenant re- 
fused to move and give possession. Finally when the construction company 
started blasting across the road, and sent rocks flying into the yard, the tenants 
began to move out. They had to sell off their crops and cows. 



7990 DETROIT HEARINGS 

They moved into the village of Hiram when they were unable to locate a farm. 
The horses were pastured out, and the machinery was stored. The tenant was 
advised to take legal action to tie up the funds of the owner, but he failed to do so. 

The tenant obtained employment at the Ravenna ordnance plant, where he 
has been working since. He hopes to find a farm and to again start farming. 
In the meantime, he is satisfied to continue working. 

The family has moved three times within the past year, and are not sure how 
long they may remain in their present house. There was no other displacement 
in this case. 

Case No. 16. 

This family represents a somewhat different situation from the other cases 
described, but was typical of the farms bordering the area. In this ease, this 
family of two owned an 87-acre farm with 30 acres in crop land. The War 
Department purchased 71 acres, leaving 16 acres of land and the buildings. This 
destroyed the farm unit and meant that the family did not have sufficient acreage. 

The husband in this case is 56 years old, the wife 48 years, and they have no 
children left at home. At first they thought they would have to sell their remain- 
ing land and buildings and purchase a farm elsewhere, or sell out and quit farming. 

However, after inquiry they located a 33-acre tract down the road, which was 
vacant, and purchased this. They have now only 49 acres of land with 24 acres 
of crop land. This is a very small unit and they will have to depend partly on 
renting outside farm land. 

He has secured employment at the Ravenna ordnance plant and will work there 
and do part-time farming. The family, upset at first, apparently has become 
fairly well satisfied. Their financial condition is such that they do not need aid, 
although they still have a mortgage on their farm. They will become full-time 
farmers when the work at the ordnance plant ends. 

Case No. 17. 

This is a young family, the father 35, the mother 26, and four children, the 
oldest of which is 6. This family owned their farm, which they inherited several 
years ago. 

The farm is composed of 39 acres, of which 29 acres were crop land. The soil 
was poor and had been very poorly operated during the past few years. During 
the 2 years prior to its purchase by the War Department, it was operated as a 
dairy farm. 

When they were bought out, the family purchased a farm in a nearby county, 
making a $50 down payment. After some consideration they decided not to move 
so far away. The husband in this case wanted to continue farming, but his wife 
felt that considering past experiences it would be better if they did not. He then 
purchased a 3-acre tract of land in Portage County. Here they have an especially 
good house and a fair barn. The family experienced considerable difficulty in 
obtaining their money from the Government and did not have sufficient money 
left to make a down payment. It therefore became necessary for them to live 
with the wife's family until the money came through. 

After making this purchase they sold all of their livestock and equipment and 
the husband found a job with a construction crew at the Ravenna ordnance plant. 
He now hopes to obtain an operating position at the plant when the construction 
work is completed in the near future. 

This family's financial condition has been greatly improved through the sale of 
their farm, and their relocation. They were badly in debt on their farm and 
might have lost it at some future date if it had not been for this sale. There was 
no secondary displacement in this case, as the house which they purchased was 
vacant. 

Case No. 18. 

This family was composed of four people — the father, 45 years old, mother 44, 
and two children, 19 and 16. 

They owned an exceptionally productive 92-acre farm within the bounds of the 
Ravenna ordnance plant site. 

After the purchase of their farm by the War Department, this family pu- chased 
a farm nearby. A few days later, they sold this and 10 days later bought it back. 
They became quite discouraged because they were unable to find a farm that suited 
them. "The husband was found dead in his garage at his old farm with the motor 
of his automobile running. His wife was crushed by the whole affair, and said, 
"They not only took our farm, but they took my husband, too." 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7991 

Their new farm has 80 acres, of which 41 acres are cropland. It is of good fer- 
tility and a very good dairy farm. The wife hopes that her son will stay at home 
and continue farming, but he appears to be more interested in industrial employ- 
ment. 

This family was definitely not satisfied with having to move and relocate else- 
where. It is thought that it would probably be true of them regardless of any 
farm they might have purchased, because of their love of the farm and home 
which they had spent years in building up. 

The relocation of this family caused a secondary displacement of another family. 

Case No. 19. 

This young family, consisting of a father and mother, both 27, and children 5 
and 2, was renting a good 80-acre farm. Good managers, they built up an excellent 
dairy herd and were quite successful and contented. 

But not far away another family's land was taken by the Government for the 
ordnance plant. And that displaced family relocated by purchasing the farm this 
young family had been renting. 

A satisfactory settlement was reached and immediate possession was given. 
However, the young family was unable to find a satisfactory farm. Finally they 
rented a 7-acre tract with a good house but no barn. They had to sell off all their 
cows, one horse, and part of their feed. They did save a team, machinery, and 
most of the feed. 

He then obtained a position in nearby steel mills. They expect to find a good 
farm at a later date and return to agriculture. For the present they are satisfied 
but do not wish to remain in industry. 

JEFFERSON PROVING GROUND, JEFFERSON COUNTY, IND. 

Case No. 20. 

This family of four owned an 80-acre farm in the Jefferson Proving Ground 
site, and had long farmed in the immediate vicinity. About 50 years old, the 
couple had a sufficient equity in their farm to enable them to buy another farm 
in Bartholomew County, two counties distant. They are nearly independent 
financially. Their purchase of the Bartholomew County farm displaced another 
farm family there. 

Case No. 21. 

This tenant, aged 65, was renting a poor farm on the site of the Jefferson 
Proving Ground. He has three sons at home, aged 16, 14, and 12 years, and a 
girl, 18. He had to have aid from the Farm Security Administration to pay hia 
moving expenses when his land was taken. He received $200 disturbance money, 
which he used to buy feed, seed, and a new team. He has farmed all his life 
and rented another farm, but his crops are poor and he will not make more than 
a bare living this season. He will have to move this winter, and is unable to 
find another farm. His problem is acute. 

Case No. 22. 

This man, 50, his wife and children, 12 and 15, have farmed 8 years in Jefferson 
County as tenants. He has sufficient equipment, and received $400 disturbance 
money. He bought a poor 120-acre farm in the same county on contract, at 
$200 a year. He paid $500 down. He is farming now, with a probable income 
of about $600 a year. 

Case No. 28. 

This man, 35, his wife and son, 14, and daughter, 3, lived on a farm which he 
part-owned. He had farmed all his life. 

The Government optioned his farm. He borrowed money on the option, and 
bought a house in a rural village. Sale of his farm to the Government has not yet 
been closed. He is working in the proving ground as a laborer now, but plans 
to resume farming when the job ends. He had enough equity in his farm to pay 
for his village house and settle all his debts. 

Case No. 24. 

This man, 25, owned 40 acres of land on the Jefferson Proving Ground site. 
He has a wife and one small child. He came from a farming family, and has 
farmed all his life. When his land was purchased, he and his family moved into 
the city of Madison, rented a house, and he found employment at the proving 
ground. When his employment ends he will want to return to a farm. 



7992 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Case No. 25. 

This man, 42, and his wife owned 160 acres on the Jefferson Proving Ground 
site. They have a daughter, 10. He has farmed all his life. When his land was 
optioned, he had to borrow money on the option for immediate expenses. His 
equity in the farm was not so great, but it enabled him to purchase another farm 
nearby, not so fertile as the farm he had to sell. He is now farming and working 
part time. He may have financial difficulties on his infertile farm when he is 
unable to obtain part-time work to supplement his income. His purchase of the 
new farm displaced another farm family. 

Case No. 26. 

This 60-year-old man has farmed all his life in the vicinity, has six children,, 
three now at home, including girls 18 and 14 and a boy 9. 

He had about $2,000 equity in his farm, and owed $1,000 in debts when the 
Government optioned his farm. He bought a 70-acre farm in an adjoining county 
for $1,700, paid $1,000 on it, and financed $700 with a local bank. He paid all 
his debts but $300. Until he secures possession of his farm in the spring of 1942, 
he is paying cash rent for a place to live. 

His new farm is unfertile. He will need to spend $300 to $400 on improvements 
before he can begin to farm it. He is now working in the proving ground, and 
will get one-half the income from the crops on the farm he purchased, which will 
amount to about $150. When he moves onto the farm he has bought, the tenant 
on it will be displaced. 

Case No. 27. 

This man, 51, his wife and two boys, 16 and 9, owned their 40-acre farm in 
the Jefferson Proving Ground site. He had a $2,000 equity in his farm, and 
borrowed money on his option when the Government acquired his land. He 
paid off his debts and had $1,700 clear from sale of his farm. He bought $1,700 
worth of livestock, dairy cows, a tractor, tractor equipment, seed, feed, etc., and 
rented another farm. 

The farm he rented has now been sold. He has little money, but he has found 
a poor farm of 70 acres in Jefferson County which he wants to buy. He plans to 
hold a sale in February to dispose of enough livestock and equipment to give 
him the amount needed for a small down payment. 

Case No. 28. 

This man, 26, his wife and 1-year-old child farmed 120 acres which he was 
buying. His father-in-law and brother-in-law live with him. He received $1,700 
for his equity, and paid it down on an 80-acre farm in the same county which he 
purchased for $2,500. He borrowed the balance of $800 at 6 percent interest. 
He could not get possession this year so he paid cash rent for a small farm in an 
adjoining county. He is working in the proving ground as a laborer. He will 
obtain possession of his new farm in March, and will displace another family then. 
He will receive $150 as half interest in this year's crops. 

JEFFERSON PROVING GROUND, RIPLEY COUNTY, IND. 

Case No. 29. 

This man, aged 59, his wife, his son, 20, and daughter, 16, tenant-operated a 
120-acre Ripley County farm which was taken for the Jefferson Proving Ground. 
He received $200 disturbance money, but required Farm Security Administration 
aid to meet moving expenses, and needed subsistence help. 

He found another farm, which he rented. He has poor crops this year and will 
have no income above a bare existence. The farm has been sold since he rented 
it, and he must move again. He is unable to find another farm to rent. His 
problem is acute. 

KINGSBURY ORDNANCE WORKS, LA PORTE COUNTY, IND. 

Case No. 30. 

This family had been farming 240 acres of land in La Porte County, 120 acres 
as owners and 120 acres as tenants. They had lived in that locality about 15 
years. They refused to sign an option on their farm and the Government started 
condemnation proceedings. 

In November 1940 they liquidated all their personal property and went to 
Michigan, where they spent the winter with relatives. They came back to La 
Porte County in May and purchased a 160-acre farm on a "shoestring." When 
the condemnation suit is settled, they will be able to pay cash for their new farm. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7993 

They have been operating on borrowed capital. Their probable income for the 
year will be approximately $2,000. 

Case No. SI. 

This young family had been operating a 160-acre farm in La Porte County for 
2 years. They were told to move by January 1, 1941, and were unable to find an- 
other farm. They finally went to his father's farm, just outside of the defense 
area, built a three-room house, and obtained work on construction of the ordnance 
plant about April 1, 1941. He is making about $140 a month from this work, and 
is helping his father on the farm during the extra time. 

There are five children, the oldest 10 years and the youngest only 1 year of age. 
They have a cow, chickens, and a garden for maintenance. He has applied for 
permanent work in the ordnance plant when it begins operating. 

Thev received no compensation from their landlord for the loss of their lease 
for 1941. 

Case No. 32. 

With their 10 children, this man and his wife moved from their 175-acre farm on 
December 1, 1940. They had been operating the land as tenants for 2 years. 
Unable to find another farm, they rented a house and a few acres of ground. He 
obtained work on construction in the defense area in November and has been re- 
ceiving around $140 a month. The older children are working wherever they can 
find jobs. Of the five sons, the oldest is 18, the second oldest, 15. The oldest 
girl is 15. 

The family is doing no farming. They received no compensation from their 
landlord for loss of their lease for the 1941 crop year. 

Case No. S3. 

For 38 years this family operated a 160-acre tract in La Porte County as tenant 
farmers. When they were compelled to move, the landlord paid them $1,400 for 
disturbance. With this money they purchased a 3-acre tract a few miles from 
the area and built a house with the financial assistance of their son. 

They paid off their Farm Security Administration loan in full and are keeping 
a team of horses, a cow, and pigs, and chickens. They also are raising a few 
truck crops for sale. Their probable yearly income from truck and livestock 
sales is around $150. In addition they are receiving $200 a year in old-age pension 
money. The balance of their living expenses is being paid by their son. 

Case No. 34. 

This man, 43, and his wife had owned and operated 130-acres of farm land in 
La Porte County for 15 years. They have one daughter, 16. When they sold 
out they purchased an 80-acre tract 10 miles from their old home. The farm 
they are now operating had previously been field rented and they displaced 
another family. 

As a result of their move they have materially improved their housing. Their 
probable yearly income for 1941 will be around $1,400. They have no other 
income. 

Case No. 35. 

Operating a 20-acre tract as tenant farmers this family had a team of horses, 
a few cows, hogs, and other livestock. The bulk of their income came from doing 
odd jobs but they did farming on a small scale. Because of faulty land titles, it 
was necessary to start a condemnation suit, which delayed settlement to the 
owner and in turn to the tenant family. 

They lived on their farm until August 1941. They purchased the house which 
they had been occupying with the intention of moving it to a small tract which 
they have purchased. In dismantling the house the husband broke his ankle. 
The family is being helped with Farm Security Administration grants. 

They have three children, the oldest a boy, 16. The other children are girls, 
one 13 and one 4. 

Case No. 36. 

This family had been purchasing a 40-acre farm in La Porte County on a land 
contract. They had lived in that locality for 7 years. When the land was sold 
to the Government they used their equity as down payment on a 60-acre farm 
about 10 miles from their old home. They are buying this farm on contract. 

The husband, 51, has been working at the Kingsbury project since last Novem- 
ber. They have five children, the oldest two being boys, 20 and 17, who have 
been operating the farm. 



7994 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Their farm income probably will abount to $600. The income from work in 
the area will amount to about $1,600. The farm which they purchased was 
somewhat inflated in value. 

Case No. 37. 

This man has been operating a 154-acre farm as a tenant since 1936. His wife 
died about that time and he has raised the family himself. His children include 
a girl, 20, and two sons, 18 and 14. The family moved out of the defense area 
about March 1, 1941, to another farm purchased by the same landlord. 

Sale of his crops to the Government enabled the tenant to buy feed necessary 
for his livestock and to move to the new farm, located about 5 miles from the old 
one. His probable income from farm operations during 1941 will be about $2,000. 

EAST COAST NAVAL AMMUNITION DEPOT, MARTIN COUNTY, IND. 

Case No. 38. 

This man, 52, and his wife, 47, have one girl at home, 22, who has a child 1 year 
old. They owned their own farm in Martin County. An average of 25 crop- 
acres were farmed each year. This provided, mainly, feed for subsistence live- 
stock. He worked out by the day, providing a cash income. Since they were 
displaced this family has rented a 40-acre farm in Daviess County and seems to 
be happy. He works at the depot at $6 a day. The relief from financial worries 
apparently helps to govern their happiness in relocation. This $6 a day income is 
greater than they have enjoyed at any time previously. They displaced another 
family when they moved on their present farm. It is unknown where this secondly 
displaced family moved, but it is likely another family was displaced. 

Case No. 39. 

This man,'a~part-time farmer and former railroad laborer, is 63 years of age and 
his wife is 58. He purchased the 40-acre tract of land near Burns City, Ind., 
about 8 years ago, and he and his son were living on it at the time of the Govern- 
ment acquisition. Farming operations were carried on by the son. The father 
more recently has been working on Work Projects Administration. Since the 
Navy bought his farm he has purchased a home and two lots at Burns City, where 
he has a small garden and continues to work for Work Projects Administration. 

Case No. 40. 

This man, aged 32, his wife, 30, and infant son lived with the wife's blind grand- 
father who owned the 40-acre farm purchased by the Navy Department. The 
younger man has had some outside employment, but has made most of the living 
on the 40 acres which he rented. When his farm was bought by the Navy the 
grandfather purchased a 54-acre farm in adjoining Daviess County. They have 
relocated and are happy. The neighbors helped move the family to the new farm. 
The younger man planted his crops and made hay before he started work in the 
depot area at $6 a day. He is continuing to farm. 

Case No. 41. 

This man, 53; his wife, aged 41; and four boys, 17, 12, 10, and 4, moved to their 
124-acre farm in Martin County, Ind., from Michigan in 1937. Since that time 
they have struggled along in an endeavor to live and meet the payments on the 
farm. They kept a cow, sow, and some poultry, thus making a meager existence, 
but fell short on their payment for the land. They farmed from 10 to 40 acres of 
their farm. The oldest boy provided the main source of income the last year. 
Foreclosure was in progress at the time the Government purchased their farm for 
a naval depot this year. The family has moved back to a small farm at Hopkins, 
Mich., where they intended to truck farm. 

Case No. 42. 

This man, 28, his wife and two children, owned a 28-acre farm near Burns City, 
which was taken by the Navy last March. They then rented a 40-acre farm near 
Hobbieville. 

Although he has been employed in the defense project continuously since 
leaving his farm he has 5 cows at the present time, 100 chickens, and a garden. 
He rented out a small amount of cropland on this 40 acres. He pays $8 a month 
rent. He taught school in 1932 and since that time has held various temporary 
nonfarm jobs. He never did any farming on the land that was acquired for defense 
except to pasture 5 or 6 cows, raise some chickens, and produce enough hogs for 
his meat and some pigs for sale. 

He is very happy about his present financial status because he is making more 
money than ever before. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7995 

Case No. 43. 

This middle-aged couple and their eight children were paying $5 a month rent 
for a small tract until it was purchased by the Government. They had enough 
land for a large garden, chickens, and pasture for one cow. By having a good 
garden, Work Projects Administration employment, and some odd jobs he has 
provided for his family. Although a Work Projects Administration worker, the 
family never has been on direct relief. This family moved to a small plot near 
Linton, Ind. The house was vacant so no one was displaced. At the present 
time they have a cow, room for a garden, and live some better since he is working 
on the Navy project at $6 a day, commuting to work. When this project is 
completed, he probably will be on Work Projects Administration again or rely on 
odd jobs for a livelihood. 

Case No. 44. 

This man and his wife, 60 years old, sold their 100-acre farm to the Navy 
Department and bought an 18-acre farm in Daviess County near Elnora, Ind. 
Though the acreage is far different, th.3 tillable crop acres remain about the same. 
A cripple for years, his main enterprise was poultry and he intends to continue it 
at the new location. The income provides a meager living. That along with a 
garden enables this family to live independently, however. 

Case No. 45. 

This couple, age 50 and 48, have two boys, 21 and 18, at home. They have 
spent most of their lives in Martin County, on their 60-acre farm. Father and 
sons operated their own sawmill and farmed some. Subsistence livestock and a 
large garden were maintained, thus keeping the table. When their land was 
taken over, they purchased a 40-acre farm near Stanford, in an adjacent county, 
where they plan to live and do limited farming while the father works at the 
Navy depot. They intend to operate the sawmill and live about the same as 
they did in Martin County when work is no longer available at the defense-plant 
site. 

When this family bought its farm, it displaced another family. 

INDIANA ORDNANCE WORKS, CLARK COUNTY, IND. 

Case No. 46. 

This man and his wife, each aged 68, owned their farm without mortgage near 
Charlestown, Ind., where they had lived for more than 25 years. They were near 
retirement when their farm was purchased for the defense site. Within a short 
time, they probably would have retired on this farm and lived on the rental 
income from the land. 

After their farm was purchased for the defense area, however, they bought~a 
house and an acre of land in adjoining Floyd County, just outside New Albany, 
where they moved. They are not attempting to farm. He has worked on his 
own place and for various farmers in the vicinity this summer. 

This family has had no defense income, but is fairly well off financially. 

Case No. 47. 

This man, 70, anu nis wife, 69, had lived a lifetime on the farm which they 
owned near Charlestown, Ind., and were almost ready to retire. They planned 
to live on the farm and field-rent the land. 

However, when they were required to sell their farm as a part of the defense 
site, they decided to retire in California, where they have a son. They made a 
trip to California, but were not satisfied there, and returned to Indiana. 

They bought 30 acres of poor land without buildings in Clark County, on which 
he has been trying to build a house. He has been trying to build it himself, 
because he could find no carpenters. The house is partly finished and the work- 
manship not very good. It is understood that he paid a rather high price for the 
bare land. 

Case No. 48. 

This woman, aged 56, is a widow and an outstanding farmer. She had lived on 
a farm near Charlestown, Ind., since her marriage. She has two daughters married 
and one, age 18, at home. 

After her farm was purchased for the defense site, she bought a farm at Bloom- 
field, Ky., but they have not been satisfied there this summer and plan to return 
to Clark County soon. Returning to Clark County may mean that she will have 
to sell her Kentucky farm at a loss. 

Before moving from Indiana, she kept a number of roomers and boarders, but 
otherwise has had no defense income. 



7996 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Case No. 49. 

This family consists of the husband, aged 66; his wife, 58; two daughters, 22 
and 20; and a son who is living away from home. A father-in-law, 87, also makes 
his home with them. 

The family had to move from their farm in Clark County, Ind., which they 
owned without mortgage, but the Government has not yet paid them for it. 
They cash-rented a small place near Jeffersonville, and sold most of their livestock, 
retaining 1 mule and 2 cows. Farming operations this summer have been limited 
to raising 300 pullets. He receives a pension in addition to his farm income, as 
he is a retired Government employee. 

The family has contracted to buy a 9-acre place near Jeffersonville, and will 
obtain possession September 20, 1941. They are required to pay 6-percent interest 
on the purchase price of their new farm, while their own capital can earn no in- 
come until they are paid for their farm in the defense area. 

Case No. 50. 

This man, about 75, owned a farm with a mortgage in Clark County, Ind., 
where he has reared a large family. The only two children now at home are an 
incompetent son and an afflicted daughter. His wife is aged, and the shock of 
having to move from her home has brought a near nervous break-down. 

He purchased a 10-acre farm near New Albany in adjoining Floyd County, 
where he moved his family. This is being used as a subsistence farm to supply 
part of the family living. 

This family has not been able to earn any defense income. 

Case No. 51. 

This man, aged 52, owned a Clark County farm with a mortgage, where he 
lived with his wife, 49. Their son, 19, is a student at Purdue University. They 
had lived on their farm for 25 years. 

When notified that the farm was in the defense area and that they must give 
possession, they had a sale and liquidated their farm equipment. Since that 
time, they have not been able to locate a farm to buy or rent. They have lost a 
year on the farm and still no job or farm is in sight. 

At present, they are living in the community with a friend and former neighbor. 

Case No. 52. 

Family A was displaced from the powder-plant site and purchased a farm which 
family B had been renting for 3 years. Family B, consisting of a middle-aged 
couple and three children, retained possession of the farm until March 1, 1941. 
Meanwhile, family A had been forced out of the powder-plant site and their 
equipment was scattered over the community in storage. 

Family B obtained credit for the purchase of another farm in the same county, 
but had difficulty in obtaining possession, as family C which was renting that 
farm had no place to move. Family C eventually moved in with relatives and 
family B was able to move into its newly purchased farm. Thus by a third 
displaced family moving in with relatives, the original and secondly displaced 
families were enabled to move into newly purchased farms. 

Family B has been renting two rooms for light housekeeping to defense workers, 
as a means of obtaining additional income. 

Case No. 53. 

This man and his wife and three children lived on a farm within the ordnance 
plant site. They have been paid a small amount, but settlement for the remainder 
of the farm has been delayed. 

The family bought a farm near Bloomfield, Ky., and bought a new 1^-ton truck. 
He made more than a score of trips to complete his move to Kentucky. The 
family was not satisfied in Kentucky and finally sold their farm there at a loss. 
They are planning to have a public sale of their equipment, and will purchase 
other equipment when they get relocated on another farm in Clark County. 

The family owned their original farm without a mortgage but are now operating 
entirely on borrowed money. They have had no defense income. 

Case No. 54. 

This young man, his wife and their three children, from 3 to 8 years old, had 
lived in Clark County several years as renters. Six months after they purchased 
a farm through a Farm Security Administration tenant-purchase loan, it was 
bought outright from them by the Du Pont Co. They received an amount suffi- 
cient to liquidate their indebtedness and leave a residue sufficient to purchase 
another farm. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7997 

They bought another farm in Clark County from a man who was retiring from 
agriculture. They continued full-time farming and did not seek employment in 
the defense industries. 

Case No. 55. 

A share renter on a farm of 236 acres in Clark County, this man, his wife, and 
two sons operated a part of the farm and managed the balance of it. His sons 
maintained their own homes. 

He had lived on this farm for 4 years when it was sold to the Government and 
they had to give possession. They had a public sale, completely liquidating their 
farm equipment, and moved to Charlestown. He is too old to be employed in any 
of the defense industries, and has been doing odd jobs this summer. The two sons 
are employed in the defense area. 

Case No. 56. 

This man, 55, his wife and their son, 18, lived on a farm which they owned with 
a small mortgage. It had been in the wife's family for four generations, and their 
son was the fifth generation to be brought up on the farm. 

When this farm was purchased for the defense site, and it was necessary for the 
family to leave, they bought a farm nearby and moved with their horse and wagon. 
They' displaced a tenant, who moved to town and obtained work in the defense 
industry. 

The family's pride was badly wounded when they had to give up the farm. 
They have been keeping roomers and boarders, and have been receiving as much, 
as $80 per month from this source, since they moved. 



Exhibit 59. — The Scioto Marsh, Hardin County, Ohio 

SPECIAL AREA SURVEY BY LABOR DIVISION, FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION, 
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 

Distress in the Scioto marsh area has emerged as a result of changes in land use 
and the inability of existing population to adapt itself to these changes. Briefly 
described, the history of the area has been that of increasing intensity in the pro- 
duction of onions on the rich muck-land soil accompanied by steady increases in 
population to provide the labor requirements essential to this production; a grad- 
ual decline since 1915 in productivity with respect to onions, a gradual abandon- 
ment of the crop unaccompanied by a proportional emigration of population. 
Throughout the period of development and decline, land tenure has been charac- 
terized by large commercial holdings and the opportunities for the farmer popu- 
lation to adjust itself to changing production on an individual basis has been greatly 
curtailed or completely inhibited. 

The key to the distress problem in this area is the fact that a substantial portion 
of this population is surplus or stranded. Of this distressed population 330 fam- 
ilies, or approximately 90 percent, were included in this survey. 

The stranded population is predominantly white and has had its principal ori- 
gins in Ohio, contrary to the common belief that the working population of the 
area consisted largely of emigrants from Kentucky. In any event, four-fifths of 
the families have resided in the Scioto marsh area for 5 years or more. 

The distressed groups consist largely of families, with the average family group 
having a membership of 4.6 persons. 

Family heads incline toward middle-age with one-sixth of the heads having 
passed their fifty-fifth birthday. 

Employment as farm workers has been virtually the exclusive occupation of 
this stranded group but almost two-thirds of them receive only seasonal employ- 
ment. A small portion of the distressed group has operator status and a little 
less than one-fourth secures fairly stable employment as regular farm workers. 

The practice of sharecropping plots of onions, ranging from 2 to 10 acres in 
size, underlies the otherwise usual employment opportunities of roughly one- 
fourth of the families. 

The median cash family income for distressed families in the area was $416 dur- 
ing 1940, with perquisites and the consumption of homegrown produce adding 
slightly to the value of nonrelief income. 

Over half of the distressed families received relief, including all types of public 
assistance, and about one-third of the farm labor population is dependent princi- 
pally upon this source of income. 



7998 DETROIT HEARINGS 

Housing is consistently bad with slightly more than two-fifths of all the dwellings 
being unfit for human occupancy and an equal number suffering from varying 
stages of neglect. 

Sanitary conditions are at a low level, there being only 2 flush toilets and 11 
closed pit toilets in use among the surveyed families. The remainder used open 
pit privies. There was no regular channel for garbage disposal and the general 
practice is simply to deposit it in out-of-the-way places. 

Although 90 percent of the marsh familes surveyed had gardens, less than 5 per- 
cent followed a satisfactory home-canning program and two-thirds of the families 
raised no livestock other than poultry and half of the families raised no poultry. 

Of the total surveyed population of 1,466 persons, 430 were disabled at least 
1 day through illness in the 60 days preceding the date of enumeration; 191 
families reported an average medical expense of $10.42 in the 2 months preceding 
the date of enumeration but one-third of this sum was still owing and one-half of 
those who had had disabling illnesses received no medical care at all. 

The distress of the marsh families is also measured in part by the degree of 
personal indebtedness, exclusive of medical debt. The average family debt was 
$66 and the average amount owed to personal finance companies, charging 3 per- 
cent per month, was $40. Only one-fourth of the families were debt-free. 

In terms of rehabilitative possibilities, it must be recognized that because of 
limited occupational capacity and weakening of morale through a prolonged period 
of distress, an acute problem is faced both in providing the economic means for 
rehabilitation and in stimulating an urge toward improvement among the dis- 
tressed families. 

History of the Area 

The Scioto Marsh, which contains approximately 10,000 acres of muck land, is 
located in the western part of Hardin County, Ohio. The main problem area 
embraces the marsh proper and an additional 15,000 acres of the surrounding 
upland fringes. Since other sections of the eight western townships of Hardin 
County contain distress conditions similar to those found in the marsh, however, 
the problem area is delimited with sufficient flexibility to incorporate these 
scattered areas. 

The problem identified with the Scioto Marsh is the distress suffered by a 
stranded farm-labor population. This problem developed as a result of the 
abandonment of onion production on the marsh. Throughout most of its history, 
the agricultural economy of the area has been dominated by the onion. In recent 
years, onion-growing has moved to other, more productive areas; but the farm 
families whose economic welfare long depended upon the onion crop, remain in 
Hardin County. A brief review of the rise and fall of the marsh as a commercial 
onion center will help to an understanding of the present marsh problem. 

DRAINAGE 

In the first attempt to drain the Scioto Marsh, begun in 1850 and finished in 
1862, approximately 4,550 acres of land were drained. Drainage work continued 
sporadically until 1916, when the upper Scioto drainage and conservancy district 
was formed to survey and adequately drain the entire area. Altogether, this 
drainage system affected some 28,000 acres, including the marsh and its im- 
mediate environs. It^was completed in 1920 at a cost of $267,000. 

SPECIALIZED FARMING THE ONION 

The rick muck soil of the marsh was found to be peculiarly suitable to onion 
growing. Onions were first planted on the marsh in the 1880's, about the time 
the second major draining project was completed. Thereafter, onion culture 
expanded rapidly on a commercial basis. By 1910, storage space for 294 000 
bushels of the crop was available in the three villages adjacent to the marsh, 
and as many as 1,000 cars were shipped annually By 1915, the year of peak pro- 
duction, approximately 5,500 acres were planted to onions. All through these 
years the Scioto March was one of the principal onion-raising centers of the 
country. 

IMPORTATION OF LABOR 

A substantial supply of labor was required to handle this large crop during the 
growing and harvest seasons. The local labor supply was inadequate. Seasonal 
farm workers migrated to the marsh from other parts of Ohio; many sharecropper 
families came from the southeastern hill counties of Kentuckv. The onion 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 7999 

growers, ever solicitous about the adequacy of labor supply, were responsible for 
initiating the Kentucky migration. Once under way, this flow of workers from 
Kentucky increased in volume, flooding the marsh with ample cheap labor and 
affording the migrants opportunities to earn larger cash incomes than was possible 
in their home communities. 

GROWTH IN POPULATION 

Farm operators, finding it desirable to have their migrant workers quartered 
nearby the onion fields, erected all manner of temporary housing facilities. At one 
time, cheap cabins and shacks literally dotted the marsh. Originally, most of 
these frail structures were not designed or intended for year-round occupancy. 
Most of the migrant labor families returned to their home bases at season's end. 
Through the years, however, many families settled in Ohio and upon the marsh, 
taking up permanent residence in the shacks. The houses and living conditions, 
though deplorable, possibly approximated the previous arrangements of some of 
the newcomers, especially those from the Kentucky hills. Unemployed out of 
season, the families lived from one onion crop to the next, but onion earnings 
usually carried them through the winters. There was no effective protest to 
their settlement, hence the population of the area increased substantially during 
the years of onion prosperity. 

SOIL CHANGES 

Just as the rich muck soil formed the basis of the Scicto Marsh onion prosperity, 
changes in that soil were basically responsible for upsetting the area's onion 
system. 

Year by year, the muck has grown more shallow. A half century ago, residents 
claim, 5 feet of muck covered much of the marsh, and the maximum depth may 
have approached 10 feet. By 1920, 5 feet was the maximum depth. Today an 
average depth of 2 to 2 x /> feet remains on about 4,000 acres, while the muck on the 
rest of the marsh is less than plow depth. This change has been caused by (1) 
decomposition of the organic material which constitutes the muck and by (2) 
wind erosion. Decomposition was natural. The rate of wind erosion, however, 
was speeded up by the present drainage system, which left the top soil dry and 
encouraged soil blowing. 

Some of the muck has been completely destroyed bv burning. 

As the muck grew shallow and became plow mixed with the subsoil, per-acre 
yield dropped. Yield also was affected by the present drainage system, which 
lowered the water table, leaving the top soil too dry for onions and preventing the 
annual flooding which may have tended to keep the soil conditioned favorably to 
onion production. Intensive and relentless onion-cropping itself contributed to 
reduced yields; failure to rotate prompted the appearance and spread of onion 
plant diseases. When the soil was new, onion yields were excellent, running as 
high as 800 or 1,000 bushels per acre. By 1934 average yields had dropped to 
between 200 and 300 bushels per acre. Moreover, the total acreage which could 
be planted successfully to onions had dropped to 4,000 acres. 

THE STRIKE 

Some onion growers were beginning to adjust their operations to this new 
situation created by soil changes when in 1934 a crisis confronted the whole 
marsh onion economy. 

During the depression years of 1932 and 1933, onion prices took a sharp drop. 
The decline in prices, together with decreased yields, placed the growers in a 
precarious position. Labor families, on the other hand, already excessive in 
number as a result of continued migration and declining onion acreage, found 
themselves in a still more serious predicament; low wages for the limited available 
work made it impossible for most families to survive independently without 
considerable hardship. There was a wholesale resort to relief. More than 150 
families were supported by local public relief agencies during the winter 1933-34. 
The following summer, at the height of the growing season, a strike of the onion 
workers for a 35-cent hourly wage rate caused a near ruination of that year's 
crop. As a demonstration, the strike was successful. As a procedure for achiev- 
ing a decent living wage for the whole labor population, the strike was doomed to 
failure. The local farm labor wage rate became stabilized at 17% to 20 cents an 
hour, but work opportunities declined abruptly. 



8000 DETROIT HEARINGS 

CROP CHANGES 

The strike precipitated a general flight from the onion. Acreage planted to 
this crop dropped sharply in 1935 and has continued to drop every year since. 
From 4,000 acres in 1934, onion production declined to 1,100 acres in 1938 and to 
800 acres in 1940. Although some growers still insist that onions were abandoned 
deliberately to avoid dealing with recalcitrant labor, the facts indicate that 
onions were already on the way out. The strike merely hastened an inevitable 
development. 

A more generalized farming system has been adopted by marsh operators in 
recent years. Some specialty crops are grown successfully; sugar beets and 
potatoes have — to a limited extent — supplanted onions as labor-requiring cash 
crops. The 1940 potato acreage was nearly double that of onions. Problems of 
both yield and quality have been solved by the Muck Crops Farm at McGuffey, 
operated by the State agricultural experiment station. Sugar beets were intro- 
duced 3 years ago, and the 1941 acreage in this crop will be slightly larger than in 
1940. Most of the abandoned onion acreage has been planted to corn, however. 

Coincident with changes in the cropping pattern has been a rapid acceleration 
of mechanization — increased use of tractors, combines, corn pickers mechanical 
sprayers. During the past two seasons, the largest potato fields have been dusted 
by airplane. 

STRANDED LABOR 

These abrupt changes in the agriculture of the marsh effected a drastic reduction 
in labor requirements. Whereas one worker and some family labor could formerly 
tend only 10 or 12 acresof onions, one worker with family labor could now handle 
15 to 20 acres of sugar beets; and one worker on a mechanized farm can tend from 
60 to 100 acres of corn. A number of operators attempted to rid the marsh of its 
excessive labor population by burning the worst of their labor shacks and ejecting 
the occupants; these families drifted away or moved to the villages of Alger and 
McGuffey at the edge of the marsh. Some labor families voluntarily migrated 
from the stricken onion center; many followed onions to Michigan when new marsh 
areas were brought under cultivation in that State after 1934. Another 75 or 100 
families, many Kentuckian, were forcibly removed from the marsh area and 
deported from the State. 

Many labor families remained. They had become residents. Some have found 
regular farm employment with the large operators. Some accept whatever 
seasonal work may be available. The economic base for many has been destroyed, 
however, by the shrinkage in labor demand. Landless and tool-less, these people 
are stranded upon the land they once cultivated. 

CONCENTRATED LAND OWNERSHIP 

Although soil, crops, and employment opportunities have changed, the pattern 
of land ownership has altered very little. Large land holdings, developed con- 
currently with the early drainage operations, still dominate the marsh. At 
present, the largest holding contains approximately 3,500 acres. The next largest 
operating unit contains 900 acres. The eight largest units embrace a total of 
6,900 acres. Six individuals and companies own 5,141 acres. Some few farm 
labor families have been able to acquire small tracts of marshland so that the 
ownership pattern consists of a few large holdings and a somewhat larger number 
of holdings smaller in average size than found in the typical farm community. 
Since the large units predominate, however, and since the level marsh is so well 
adapted to large-scale operations, there is little possibility of the area evolving 
into a generalized farming community composed of family-size units. Much less 
basis exists for expecting any natural increase in the number of small acreage 
units: as long as the large units continue to operate they will continue to require 
a considerable supply of landless labor. 

The Situation Today 

The foregoing summary of agricultural developments in the Scioto Marsh area 
provides the historical perspective to a present situation. The principal aspects 
of this situation will be set forth in the following pages in some detail as revealed 
by a survey of the area conducted in the months of February to April 1941 by the 
Labor Division of Farm Security Administration. 

In a sense, the problem of the Scioto Marsh area is a "people" problem — surplus 
population, under-employment, and distress. Under existing conditions more 
farm people live in the area than the land is supporting. This situation is a 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 8001 

result, as indicated in the historical summary of soil changes, crop changes, 
mechanization, and a rigid system of land ownership dominated by large com- 
mercial holdings. It is partially a result of the limited skills of the people and of 
their inability to adjust individually to a changing economy. Since a corrective 
program for the area would involve changing the purpose of land use to that of 
creating a livelihood for all the people on the land, it is essential to know the 
specific effects of past agricultural developments upon the people. Since a cor- 
rective program would involve, also, the development of new skills, habits, and 
patterns of living, it is essential to know the present capacities of the people. 
These essential, specific "people" facts are presented below. 

POPULATION 

Since many of the farm families adversely affected by changes in the marsh 
economy reside either in the marsh proper; on the upland fringes of the marsh; 
or in the villages of Alger, McGuffey, and Foraker at the northern rim of the 
marsh, the Labor Division survey concentrated upon this area. In the open 
country, all families not in the successful large-scale operator class were inter- 
viewed; in the villages, only families with a background of farm labor in the area. 
Although the survey approached being a census, it would be safer to estimate that 
approximately 90 percent of the low-income farm population were interviewed. 

A total of 330 schedules were taken on farm families in this compact area. The 
location of these families was as follows: 

Villages :1 

Alger 48 

McGuffey 82 

Foraker 26 

156 
Open country 174 

They represented one-fourth of the population in Alger, one-half of that in 
McGuffey, and four-fifths of that in Foraker. 

Between 1930 and 1940 the population of Alger declined from 857 to 811 and 
that of McGuffey from 710 to 618. Although these figures suggest a slight migra- 
tion from the area, the present farm population seems rather stable. A few young 
men have enlisted or been drafted into the Army. Prior to April 1941, not more 
than 8 or 10 men had succeeded in breaking away and finding defense jobs. Al- 
though defense opportunities may attract a few more from the marsh, the general 
lack of skills will probably prevent an exodus large enough to affect the problem. 

(a) Race and sex. 

The population is predominantly white. Only 9 of the 330 families are Negroes. 
No other races are represented in the resident population. 

Practically all families are headed by male breadwinners. In only four cases 
are females considered as heads of the house. Nearly every family, therefore, 
contains a white male worker. 

(6) Original source. 

Contrary to local belief, the permanent population is not now predominantly of 
Kentucky origin. Slightly more than one-third of the heads of the 330 families 
were born in Kentucky. Slightly less than one-third of the family heads are 
natives of Hardin County; and if natives of other Ohio counties are included, a 
total of 188 are native Ohioans. 

The Kentucky families came principally from Magoffin, Breathitt, and Floyd 
Counties. Their emigration was induced by the depressed economic conditions 
long prevailing there — scanty employment opportunities, low farm labor wage 
rates, the impossibility of wresting a decent living from poor hillside farms. Their 
migration to Hardin County was prompted by the desire "to better conditions" by 
gaining employment in the onion fields. Some came as single men and married 
local Ohio girls. Some brought their own families. Some became assimilated 
into the marsh community. A few families, unable to improve the low living 
standards brought with them from the Kentucky hills, have been characterized 
erroneously by local residents as "typical Kentuckians." Such indictments are 
usually made by persons eager to solve the problem by shipping the Kentuckians 
back home. 

60396— 41— pt. 19 16 



8002 DETROIT HEARINGS 

(c) Length of residence. 

More than four-fifths of all families have lived in Hardin County 5 years or 
more. Only 47 of the families have lived in the county less than 5 years; only 13 
families have moved into the area during the past 12 months. All these new 
settlers came with the intention of establishing residence. These figures show that 
the problem is not, as currently believed by many native leaders, a migrant prob- 
lem. The distressed farm population is a resident population. The distress prob- 
lem must be approached on that basis. 

(d) Family composition. 

Counting all members of the families, including the heads, a total of 1,466 per- 
sons are represented in the 330 families interviewed. Average family size is 4.4 
persons. Excluding the 18 single-member families, the average family size is 4.6 
persons. More than half of the families have 3, 4, or 5 members. Only 10 per- 
cent of the families have 8 or more members. Present needs of a family may be 
determined as much by size as by the extent of regularity of employment. 

Less than three-tenths of this total population, or 424 persons, are able-bodied 
males, aged 16 years or older. Three-fourths of the families have only one poten- 
tial worker thus defined, and no family contains more than four. Other family 
members — women and children — -do work in the fields. Women frequently per- 
form seasonal tasks; and children under 16, though prevented by State child labor 
laws irom hiring out to operators, can and do labor on their family sharecrops. 

The majority of the family heads are middle-aged or older. While 135 are 
between 35 and 54 years old, 51 are aged 55 years or older. These age figures 
indicate that a small proportion of the farm labor population is approaching a 
point where it will no longer form a part of the potential labor force. It is sig- 
nificant that 16 of these men over 50 years in age were unemployed last year. 
The importance of age as a factor influencing the future of a number of the 
distressed families increases the urgency of rehabilitative action. 

(e) Occupational status. 

A classification of this low income farm population, according to tenure of job 
and regularity of employment of the head in 1940, shows the following occupa- 
tional groups: 

Tenants and owners (including 10 onion sharecroppers otherwise unem- 
ployed 34 

Regular farm workers 95 

Seasonal farm workers 58 

Very irregular farm workers 84 

Unemployed 51 

Nonagricultural 8 

Total 330 

This is a somewhat arbitrary classification but serves to indicate roughly the 
varying degrees of occupational security — or insecurity — that exist. It indi- 
cates, also, to what extent access to the available farm work in the area is channel- 
ized. The irregularly employed and the totally unemployed constitute, of course, 
the most severely affected groups in the stranded population. 

EMPLOYMENT 

This same classification of families into groups on the basis of security and reg- 
ularity of work serves as the best means of showing the inadequacy of present 
employment opportunities in the area. 

Regular farm workers. 

There are 95 regular farm workers. These men have a preferential work status 
with a single farm operator, are usually paid by the day, and receive enough reg- 
ular work so that no prolonged unemployment periods occur. Two large oper- 
ators control about 70 percent of these regular jobs. The winter employment 
consists of work in the potato and onion storage houses, owned and operated by 
the larger growers. Several of these storage houses are located in McGuffcy, a 
few on the marsh. Approximately four out of five of these regular workers live 
on farms and receive perquisites; the others reside in the villages. 

The median average employment for this group in 1940 was 251 days. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 8003 

Seasonal farm workers. 

There are 58 seasonal farm workers. These men have a preferential employ- 
ment status, usually with a single operator, obtaining most of the seasonal farm 
work available during the year. They work during the planting, cultivating, 
and harvesting seasons and perhaps obtain some winter work at the storage houses. 
These workers have one or two definite periods of unemployment, usually in 
winter. Slightly more than one-half of these workers live on farms and receive 
perquisites; the other half live in the villages. 

The median average employment for this group in 1940 w-as 188 days. Two- 
fifths of this group received relief in 1940. 

Irregular farm workers. 

There are 88 irregular farm workers. These men have no preferential work 
status. They are paid by the day, by the hour, or at piece rate for whatever 
highly seasonal work they can find — onion weeding, onion topping, potato picking, 
haying, corn husking, perhaps some scattered days at the storage houses in winter. 
Slightly more than half of this group live in the villages; less than half on farms. 
Of this latter group only 15 receive perquisites; only 7 are provided housing, 
whereas 16 rent from nonemployers. 

The median average employment for this group in 1940 was 58 days. Three- 
fourths of this group received relief in 1940. 

Unemployed. 

There are 51 unemployed workers. These men may perform a few days of 
farm work (in addition to work on an onion sharecrop), but the amount of em- 
ployment on a day-rate or piece-rate basis is negligible. Three-fourths of these 
families live in the villages, the other one-fourth in the country. Only 2 of the 
latter receive any perquisites. All but 2 of these 51 families gained their principal 
1940 income from various kinds of relief. 

Sharecroppers. 

Onion sharecropping: Since the strike year of 1934 most of the onions raised 
on the marsh have been tended by families on a sharecrop rather than an hourly- 
rate basis. The operator "fits" the land, i. e., prepares the ground, plants the 
seed, furnishes all machine w^ork, usually furnishes the fertilizer. A small tract 
of from 2 to 10 acres is sharecropped out to a family, which w r eeds, tops, and 
harvests the crop. The family may or may not pay a "fittin' " bill of several 
dollars an acre, and the crop is usually shared on the halves cither in the field or at 
the storage house. The sharecrop family may live in the country or in the village; 
housing does not enter into the picture. The sharecrop is really a local labor 
arrangement whereby the operator avoids all labor troubles. The sharecropper 
can work his entire family, children included, without violating the State child 
labor laws; and the sharecropper must hire his own additional labor whenever 
the famiby force proves inadequate. 

Nearly one-fourth of the 330 families had onion sharecrops in 1940. Share- 
crops averaged 3% acres in size. There is no way of estimating the number of 
man-days required to tend and harvest an acre of onions, hence no way to esti- 
mate the number of days of employment represented by these sharecrops. Fre- 
quently the family tends the sharecrop if the head is employed otherwise. Of the 
78 families which had sharecrops in 1940, 23 were regular' farm workers, 19 sea- 
sonal workers, 20 irregular workers, and 12 unemployed. The median average 
net income from these sharecrops was $103, and represents a very low rate of 
pay on the basis of the labor required by the average crop. 

Many operators have continued to grow onions on this basis principally, as they 
say, to provide additional work for their laborers. Onion production was so 
unprofitable to operators in 1940 that the estimated acreage for 1941 will drop by 
one-third — down to approximately 500 acres. The onion sharecrop, as a source 
of employment and income to labor families, is on the way out. 

Migrants. 

There are an indeterminate number of migrants. Migrant farm workers con- 
tinue to enter the area during the summer months, some from Kentucky, some 
from other Ohio counties. These workers pick up such peak seasonal farm jobs 
as may be available. Operators frequently prefer the transients to local irregular 
and Work Projects Administration workers. Another, but controlled, migration 
of specialized farm workers is developing in connection with the sugar-beet crop. 
Growers apparently experimented with both local and migrant workers the past 
two seasons but have turned over the problem of recruiting labor during 1941 to 



8004 



DETROIT HEARINGS 



the sugar-beet companies. The opinion seems to be that local workers cannot do 
the beet work so well or do not choose to do it at all. The sugar-beet companies 
will import Mexicans from Texas and Belgians from the cities, provide their 
housing, and guarantee their departure from the area at the season's end. The 
importance of this development lies in the fact that the sugar-beet work no longer 
will be available to the marsh labor families. 

With reference to total employment opportunities afforded by the area's agri- 
culture, most growers believe that every local worker could obtain some employ- 
ment during the crop seasons. A few growers insist that the local labor supply is 
insufficient to meet the seasonal peak needs. All growers concede, however, that 
there is not adequate work in the marsh area to give year-round support to all 
resident labor families. 

ECONOMIC STATUS, 1940 INCOME 

An examination of the annual income of the marsh families reveals most clearly 
their present economic status. 

The total value of 1940 income for the 330 families was $174,616. More than 
half of the families received a total income with a value of less than $500. The 
form of this low income, in a sense, further reduces their economic status; for non- 
cash and relief income constitute a third of the total. In gross terms, the 1940 
income structure of the Scioto Marsh families was: 



Amount 



Percent 



Cash earnings (of family heads) 

Other cash income (including all earnings of other family members and incomes 

from sharecrops, etc.) 

Noncash incomes (including perquisites and value of farm products consumed in 

cases of tenants and owners) 

Relief income 

Total 



$74, 016 

46, 345 

13, 650 
40, 605 



174, 616 



42.4 

26.5 

17.8 
23.3 



100.0 



Excluding relief and noncash income, the total cash income of the marsh families 
was $120,362. This embraces all income from farm. work, including onion share- 
crops. On this basis the median cash family income was $416. The average 
cash income per family member was $82. 

Perquisite income — consisting of the value of housing, gardens, fuel, food, and 
other products furnished by farm operators to their employees — was received by 
about 4 out of every 10 families. Nearly three-fourths of all perquisite income was 
received by the regular and seasonal farm worker groups. 

Slightly less than one-half of all the families — 164 — received relief. Approxi- 
mately three-fourths of the relief families were in the irregularly employed and 
unemployed groups. Relief income included all types of public assistance — 
county relief, county work relief, surplus commodities, old-age assistance, National 
Youth Administration, Civilian Conservation Corps, aid to dependent children, 
soldiers' relief, blind pensions, etc.; but the principal relief income was| from Work 
Projects Administration. The relief situation in Alger, though somewhat more 
serious than in McGuffey or on the marsh, will illustrate. Of the 43 farm families 
resident in Alger, 37 received some relief in 1940. Relief provided the main source 
of income for 26 of these families, and Work Projects Administration provided 
the major portion of the relief income of 21 of these. 

During the past 5 years, relief has gradually become a permanent part of the 
marsh economy. Almost one-third of the farm labor population is dependent 
principally upon this source of income. Another segment of the population finds 
relief a necessary supplement to earned income. Still another segment strives to 
avoid relief assistance and maintain pride at the expense of family living standards. 
For the past decade the main burden of the Hardin County relief load has been 
in the western half of the county and, according to the relief director, has centered 
in the marsh area. 

With further reference to the relief problem it has been alleged that the people 
who originated in Kentucky constitute the major portion of the marsh relief load. 
There is little evidence to support this allegation, whereas, 38 percent of the popu- 
lation originated in Kentucky, exactly 40 percent of all families receiving relief 
in 1940 were from Kentucky. Kentucky families constituted the same percentage 
of total recipients of relief in the amount of $100 or more. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 8005 

DISTRESS CONDITIONS 

Housing. 

Most of the marsh families live in dwellings described as houses. Only 18 
families were found to be living in structures classified as "shacks," "shanties," 
or "cabins." Many of the houses, however, are in such a state of disrepair as to 
resemble shacks in appearance and to approximate shacks in the adequacy of 
shelter afforded. 

More than two-fifths of all dwellings were described by the survey enumerators 
as poor or unfit for human occupancy. A like number of houses were described 
as "fair"; but in view of the difficulty of achieving a uniform appraisal of housing 
conditions on a qualitative basis, it is probable that a portion of the "fair" houses 
approach being poor, depending upon the extent of neglect. 

Slightly more than one-half of the poor and unfit dwellings are located in the 
open country, many upon the marsh, and are occupied for the most part by the 
irregularly employed and totally unemployed families. These houses are the 
poor remains of the hastily constructed labor quarters bequeathed by the more 
prosperous onion era. They represent one of the worst aspects of the area's 
housing problem. 

Farm labor families residing in the villages enjoy, on the whole, somewhat 
better housing than is found in the country. A reappraisal of village housing 
(made at the termination of the survey) revealed, however, that two-thirds of 
the families interviewed actually occupy unfit or poor houses. It is evident, from 
observation and analysis, that these villages together present a woeful picture in 
terms of rural housing. 

Less than one-fourth of the families own their homes. Most of these home 
owners live in the villages and fall in the irregularly employed and totally unem- 
ployed groups. Because of their low-income status, the families have allowed 
their homes to deteriorate. One-third of the families live in rented houses: these 
are included in all occupational groups, from regular farm laborers to the totally 
unemployed. Two-thirds of the renters live in the villages and pay from $5 to $10 
in monthly rentals. The shortage of houses which exists in the area at the present 
time may account for the fact that rental charges have in many cases little apparent 
connection with the condition of houses. Very few vacancies were discovered, 
either on the marsh or in the villages. About 10 cases of doubling-up were noted. 
Slightly less than one-third of the families are provided houses as prerequisites in 
connection with farm employment. 

Inadequacy of housing accommodations is indicated further by the degree of 
crowdedness. Although the average labor home contains from four to five rooms 
and although two-fifths of the families have more than one room per family- 
member, many of the rooms are small and many unusable in winter because of 
heating problems. Excessive crowdedness is better shown by the number of 
persons occupying a sleeping room. In the winter of 1940-41 more than half of 
the families were sleeping more than 2 persons to the room; two-fifths of the 
families were sleeping more than 3 persons to the room; and 38 families had 5 or 
more persons per bedroom. This crowdedness condition is found more frequently 
on the marsh than in town. 

Sanitation. 

Toilet conditions are generally insanitary. Only 2 of the houses have flush 
toilets. All toilets arc outside privies; and in only 11 instances were they described 
as of the "closed pit", or approved sanitary type. Most of the others serve merely 
as shields and are in various stages of deterioration or collapse. 

Water pumps are frequently located dangerously near these insanitary privies. 
Wherever this occurs, the likelihood of contamination serves as a health hazard to 
the family. 

More than halt of the families dispose of their garbage by depositing it in the 
yard or in a nearby drainage ditch. Seventy percent of the families living in the 
country dispose of garbage in this manner. Whether this practice results from 
ignorance, indifference, or indolence was not ascertainable. Lacking livestock to 
which this waste might be fed, lacking fences if the waste is fed to chickens, or 
lacking the means to make their marsh-home surroundings attractive, these 
people appear to have met the problem of garbage disposal by opening the back 
door and tossing it away. 

Subsistence production. 

The marsh families as a group achieved meager results in the way of subsistence 
production. Less than 1 family out of 3 owned a hog and even fewer owned a 
milk cow. One significant result of this is the fact that 119 of the families, many 



8006 DETROIT HEARINGS 

with growing children, were without any fresh milk. Over half the families 
raised no poultry. Those that did attempt to raise livestock worked with inade- 
quate facilities and under adverse conditions. 

Almost 90 percent of the marsh families had gardens but those of the village 
families were less than a one-eighth of an acre in size and those of the families 
living in the open country less than one-quarter of an acre. Only 23 gardens 
were one-half acre or larger. The prevalence of gardens was not reflected in 
canning activities by the families. Two-thirds of the families canned 100 jars 
or less in 1940 with tomatoes the garden product most commonly preserved. 
Using 80 quarts per family as a minimum adequate standard, less than 5 percent 
followed a satisfactory home canning program. 

Lack of physical equipment and storage space weighs heavily in the failure 
of these families to produce more for subsistence. In addition, ignorance of the 
desirability of this practice and, to a lesser degree, interference with other em- 
ployment are contributing^factors. 

Health. 

Low income, poor housing, undernourishment, insanitary living conditions, 
together with the dust and dampness of the marsh, have combined to undermine 
the health of many families in the marsh area. 

Three out of ten of all persons in the 330 families lost at least 1 day from illness 
in the 2 months preceding enumeration. These 430 disabled persons lost a total 
of 4,626 days in that period, an average loss of nearly 11 days per person. Nearly 
half of the persons disabled were under 15 years of age. Loss of time through 
illness had its most serious effect, for these young people, in time lost from school. 
The effect of time lost among older people was apt to show in working days lost. 

Counting all medical charges — expenses for prescribed drugs and patent 
medicine as well as for medical and dental services — 102 of the open country 
families and 89 of the village families incurred an average of $10.42 in medical 
expenses in the 2 months preceding enumeration. At the time of enumeration, 
$1,324 of the gross medical charge of $1,990 had been paid. One-third of the 
2 months' medical expenses was still owing. 

In the 10 months preceding the 2-month period before enumeration, 198 of the 
330 marsh families incurred a total medical debt of $5,675, or an average debt 
of $26.03 per family. About three-tenths of this debt ($1,700) was still owing. 

Although medical expense was a sizable item in the expenditures of the marsh 
families, they did not have adequate medical care. Half of those disabled in the 
past 2 months had no medical care at all, and about one-third of them received 
treatment at the doctor's office. It is impossible to state the hardship occasioned 
by these visits to doctors' offices. Since a number of the illnesses treated were 
serious, the undesirability of the journey to town in winter weather is obvious. 
No physician lives in the marsh area; the nearest available doctor lives at Ada 
or Kenton, some miles distant. Charges for rural home calls range from $2.50 
to $4 per visit. 

The inadequacy of medical care was specifically evidenced in cases of confine- 
ment. During the year preceding enumeration, a total of 57 confinements was 
recorded for the 330 marsh families. All except three of these occurred at home, 
and in three of the home confinement cases the baby died. About half of the 
home confinements were visited by the doctor one or two times; and about half 
the mothers lost 10 days or less at the time of confinement. Costs of confinement 
were carried by relief agencies in four cases. For the families who bore their 
own expenses, the costs ran under $30 in most cases. 

A majority of the marsh families have current unattended needs for medical, 
dental, and optical attention. Many of the needs appear to be urgent. Several 
active cases and several suspected cases of tuberculosis were noted. 

Debt — Credit facilities. 

The distress of the Scioto Marsh families is further evidenced by their present 
indebtedness. Income inadequate to meet current family needs has forced many 
to borrow, frequently at high interest rates. Only one-fourth of all 330 were 
debt-free at time of enumeration; and the average family debt, excluding medical 
debt, was $66. Nearly half of these families were in debt to personal finance 
companies, and the average amounts owed such companies was $40. In gross 
terms, the total non-medical indebtedness of the marsh families amounted to 
$30,169, of which $5,416, or nearly one-fifth, was personal loan company indebted- 
ness. Total medical and non-medical debt was $32,537. 

Inadequacy of credit facilities is suggested by the general resort to loan com- 
panies, whose interest rate is 3 percent per month on the unpaid balance. 



NATIONAL DEFENSE MIGRATION 8007 

CAPACITIES AND ATTITUDES 

The low-income farm population'of the Scioto Marsh is on the basis of present 
occupation and past experience, principally a farm labor population. Less than 
three-tenths of the family heads have had some connection with farm operation 
in the past — as owner-operators, share tenants, or as sharecroppers other than in 
onion production. Only 26 of the 330 families have operated farms either as own- 
ers or tenants. About the same number are currently connected with farm opera- 
tion in some managerial capacity. All others have a farm labor or farm and 
non-farm labor background. 

None of the families, excepting present operators, possess farm equipment. 

Nearly all workers, the regularly employed as well as the unemployed, insist 
they are unable to make a "living" at farm work in the area. They mention 
mechanization, "land hogging," and crop changes as the chief causes of their 
distress. The regularly employed group tends to emphasize increased wage 
rates as the most desirable solution to their problem. Present rates range from 
17J4 to 25 cents per hour. Seasonal workers and the unemployed are more 
inclined to desire a "division of the land" so that they might have farms of their 
own. The majority believe that a farm program of some kind is necessary if the 
marsh problem is to be solved at all. 

Most of the workers like farm work and expect to continue in this occupation. 
Long years of displacement are tending, however, to make a number disgusted 
with farm life as they have experienced it in the marsh; these express a desire to 
obtain "a defense job"; but the general lack of skills renders these ambitions 
wishes rather than intentions. 

Morale is low, especially among those who are chronic relief clients. Most of 
the Work Projects Administration "regulars," though grateful for the security of 
relief work and satisfied to continue a Work Projects Administration "career" 
under present conditions, really prefer farm work if they could find reasonably 
steady employment. Many feel that a rehabilitation program started 5 years ago 
would have benefitted the marsh families far more and might have cost the Gov- 
ernment far less than work relief. 



INDEX 



Agriculture. (See Berrien County, Mich.; Michigan agri- 
culture; Sugar-beet industry.) 

Allocations. (See Priorities.) 

Berrien County, Mich.: Page 

Age distribution of all persons by race and sex 7957 

Cash expenditures for hired labor, by type of farm 7930 

Changes in size of farms, 1 920-40 7774 

Crops, by acreage or number of trees 7925 

Distribution of farms, by size of farm, 1940 7920 

Farm and nonf arm industries 791 8-7920 

Farm-labor background of male industrial workers. _ 7923-7924 

Health conditions among migrant workers 7952 

Housing of migrant workers 7951, 7957 

Income of migrant families 7952, 7953, 7956 

Labor recruiting 7926-7927 

Labor shortages, anticipated 7928-7931 

Local labor supply 7923 

Markets for growers 7921-7923 

Mexican workers 7927 

Migrant, labor 7948-7949 

Migratory status of heads of families and single per- 
sons 7953-7955 

Percentage of farms operated by tenants 792 1 

Seasonal labor demands 7924-7925 

Size of families by race 7957 

Transportation facilities of migratory workers 7953 

Case histories of farm families displaced by defense con- 
struction 7984-7997 

Child labor: 

Hours of work, percent of time at each process, beet 

work 7914-7915 

In sugar-beet industry 7896-7898, 7899-7909 

Percent of children employed in beet work 7906 

Prohibitory provisions in Sugar Act of 1937 7907-7909 

Prohibitory provisions inserted in beet-production con- 
tracts 7905-7906 

Studies by Children's Bureau 791 1-7917 

Testimony favoring retention of 7903-7905 

Children's Bureau: Child-labor studies, 1935 7911-7917 

Churchwomen (see also under Michigan State Migrant Com- 
mittee): Program for migrant relief 7958-7963 

Committee on labor conditions in the growing of beets: Ap- 
pointment, report, and recommendations of 7899-7902 

Cut-over region. (See Michigan cut-over region.) 

8009 



8010 ixdex 

Defense program: Pae* 

Acceleration of farm-urban migration by 7786 

Contemplated changes in farm management as result of__ 7780 

Effect on farm industry 7768 

Effect on farm labor 7982-7983 

Type of farmers affected by 7978-7979 

Defense relocation corporations: Established for displaced 

farm families 7983 

dela Pena, Julio: Case of illegal interstate transportation of 

migrant workers 7796, 7797-7855 

Diphtheria. (See under Health.) 

Displacement of farm families in defense areas 7977-7979, 7985 

East Coast Naval Ammunition Depot, Indiana: 

Case histories of displaced farm families 7994-7995 

Farm-dislocation problems created by establishment. 7979-7980 

Education: 

School attendance of beet-workers' children 7915-7917 

School terms in beet-work areas 7898 

Employment (see also Farm labor; Sugar-beet industry): 

Effect of defense program on farm families 7977-7978 

Quality of Work Projects Administration labor 7787-7788 

Scioto'marsh area 8002-8004 

Employment Service: 

Placement of agricultural workers by 7927 

Suggestions for farm aid by 7781 

Farm families in Indiana and Ohio displaced by defense con- 
struction 7977-7979 

Farm labor: 

Dislocations caused by defense construction 798 1 

Supply and demand 7785-7786 

Required to produce certain crops, by year, hours per acre, 

and variety 7773 

Farm lands retired from production 7982 

Farm-land shortages 7982 

Farm Security Administration: 

Enlargement of farm-aid program 7983 

Ineligibility of loan applicants due to farm-land shortages, 7982 

Migratory workers' camps 7961-7963 

Scioto Marsh area survey by 7997-8007 

Great Lakes Growers' Employment Committee, Inc.: 

Articles of incorporation and bylaws 7800-7804 

Case of participation in illegal interstate transportation of 

workers 7796, 7797-7855 

Health (see also under Berrien County, Mich.; Sugar-beet in- 
dustry) : 

Diphtheria outbreaks among Mexican migratory 

workers 7791-7793 

Dysentery outbreak among migrant workers 7793-7794 

Effect of beet work upon children 7898 

Scioto Marsh area 8005-8006 

Tuberculosis incidence among Mexican applicants for 

sugar-beet work 7794-7796 



INDEX 8011 

Housing (see also under Berrien County, Mich.) of — Pago 

Scioto Marsh families 8005 

Sugar-beet workers 7878-7881,7945 

Income: 

Families in Scioto Marsh area 8004 

Migrant workers in Berrien County, Mich 7952, 7953, 7956 

Indiana ordnance works: 

Absorption of farm land and labor by 7979, 7980 

Case histories of farm families displaced by 7995-7997 

Interstate Commerce Commission: Investigation and prosecu- 
tion of Julio dela Pena 7796-7855 

Jefferson Proving Ground, Ind.: 

Case histories of farm families displaced by 7991-7992 

Farm dislocation problems created by establishment 

of 7978 7979 7980 

Jones-Costigan" Act" "11" 11" 111 "7961-7902," 7906-7908', 7911-7917 

Kingsbury ordnance works, Indiana: 

Case histories of farm families displaced by 7992-7994 

Farm lands absorbed by 7979 

Land purchases in Indiana and Ohio by Federal Government _ 7979, 

7985 

Maps showing types of farming in Michigan 7769 

Mechanization: 

Chart showing progress of, in Michigan 7772 

Extent and effect of, in Michigan 7771-7772 

Major factors accelerating trend toward 7783-7784 

Table showing decrease in time required to handle certain 

products 7772 

Mexicans. (See under, Berrien County, Mich., Health; 
Michigan agriculture; Sugar-beet industry.) 

Michigan agriculture: 

Absorption of farm workers into defense industry 7939-7940 

Acreage in grains, 1910-40, by year and variety 7770-7771 

Acreage of crops requiring hired labor, Saginaw Valley, 

1939 7936 

Age of farm labor 7780 

Cash expenditures for hired labor, by type of farm 7930 

Changes in farm business required by defense program 7780 

Changes in past 30-year period 7768 

Distribution of farms, by size of farm, 1940 7920 

Diversification of crops 7936-7937 

Effect of defense program on 7768 

Effect of development of automobile industry upon__ 7782-7783 

Effect of small-truck curtailment on 7788-7789 

Farm-labor shortages 7780, 7787 

Farm-labor supply and demand 7779, 7785 

Farm-machine shortages 7783-7784 

Farm-population fluctuations 7776 

Labor costs 7778 

Labor turn-over resulting from low wages 7942-7943 

Livestock numbers on farms, 1910-40 7770 



8012 INDEX 

Michigan agriculture — Continued. Pag« 

Major farming areas 7918 

Mechanization. (See Mechanization.) 

Mexican labor in in traseasonal employment 794 1-7943 

Migration -guidance program 7781-7782 

Migratory labor in 7777-7779 

Production in Saginaw Valley region 7933-7935 

Progress of mechanized -power farming in 7772 

Rural-urban migration 7780, 7782 

Seventeen type-of-f arming areas 7768, 7769 

Size of farm units, with tables showing changes 7773-7776 

Subsistence and part-time farming 7777,7785 

Michigan cut-over region: 

Economic opportunities in 7975-7977 

Economy of 7964-7965,7968-7972 

Forest-products outlook 7974 

Historical development 7965-7967 

Land use, 1940 7968 

Land valuation and tax trends _ 7968-7970 

Major changes in land use 7972-7974 

Population trends 7966-7967,7975 

Tax-delinquency problem 7970-7971 

Michigan State Migrant Committee: Program and achieve- 
ments 7958-7963 

Migration (See also Berrien County, Mich.; Michigan State 
Migrant Committee; Sugar-beet industry): 

Average term of mobility 7949 

Camps for migratory workers 7961-7963 

Geographic origin of sugar-beet families 7912-7913 

Into rural districts of Wayne County, Mich 7963 

Living and working conditions of migrants 7928 

Mexican labor. (See under Sugar-beet industry.) 

Necessity for seasonal farm labor 7786 

Of dislocated farm families in Indiana and Ohio 7977-7979 

Previous economic status of families 7949-7950 

Program to discourage farm-urban movements 7781-7782 

Rural-urban movement 7777-7779, 7780, 7782 

Seasonal farm labor in — 

Berrien County, Mich 7925-7926 

Fruit and beet areas 7777-7779 

Scioto Marsh area 8003-8004 

Texas in-migrants to Michigan beet fields 7943 

Types of labor migration in Michigan 7932 

Urban-farm movement increased by defense program 7786 

Negroes. (See Berrien County, Mich.; Size of families, by 
race.) 

Plum Brook ordnance works, Ohio: 

Case histories of farm families displaced by 7984, 7987-7988 

Farm lands absorbed by 7979, 7980 

Population: 

Total and rural farm, for selected years, 1910-40 7776 

Trends, Michigan cut-over region 7966-7967,7975 

Potato growers' association: Organized in Bay County, Mich__ 7937 



index 8 0i3 

Priorities: Page 

Curtailment of small- truck production 7788-7789 

Effect on farm-machine purchases 7783 

Ravenna ordnance works, Ohio: 

Case histories of farm families displaced by 7988-7989 

Farm lands absorbed by 7979, 7980 

Relocation of displaced farm families 7983-7984 

Scioto Marsh, the: Special area survey by Farm Security Ad- 
ministration 7997-8007 

Sugar Act of 1937: Labor provisions 7907-7909 

Sugar-beet industry (see also Committee on labor conditions in 
the growing of beets; Julio dela Pena; Great Lakes Growers' 
Employment Committee): 

Average net earnings of workers 7946-7947 

Average wage per acre, by States, 1927-40 7883 

Between 7,000 and 12,000 workers imported annually 7932 

Child labor in 7896-7898, 7899-7909 

Composition of families in 7913-7914 

Conflict of State interests in migration of workers 7874-7876 

Contract laborers engaged, 1939, by nationality or race, and 

State 7874 

Contract laborers engaged, 1939, by source and State- 7873-7874 

Credit-system abuses.. 7891-7893 

Crop production, compared with other industries 7932 

Decline in acreage planted 7934-7935 

Dispersion of Mexican workers into northern cities. _ 7876-7878 

Earnings and expenses of selected workers in 7855-7862 

Employment of boys on probation from juvenile courts. _ 7910 

Evils of wage-payment system 7890-7893 

Grower's contract with field worker 7840-7841 

Health examination in Texas for Michigan applicants. 7794-7796 

History and development of 7862-7864 

Hours of work and length of season 7893-7896 

Housing of workers 7945 

Illegal transportation of workers from Texas 7796-7797 

Impact of defense program on workers 7937-7938 

Intraseasonal employment of Mexican workers 7941-7943 

Labor-contract rates, by year and type of work 7883 

Labor needs 7777-7779 

Labor provisions in production contracts 7905-7906 

Labor sources 7777-7779, 8003-8004 

Labor-supply development 7864-7874 

Limitation of work opportunities 7946 

Living conditions of workers 7878-7881 

Marketing factors 7935-7936 

Mexican labor 7778 

Production concentration in Saginaw Valley region 7933 

Recruiting of labor 7944 

Relief status of migrant workers 7886-7888 

Shortage of day laborers 7940-794 1 

Sources of labor supply 7909-79 1 1 

Supplementary earnings and total income of workers. 7944-7945 
Tuberculosis incidence among Texas applicants 7794-7796 



8014 i*dex 

Sugar-beet industry — Continued. Page 

Types of farm labor utilized 7938 

Variation of amounts payable for field work 7888 

Wages and earnings of workers 7881-7885 

Tuberculosis. (See under Sugar-beet industry, Michigan.) 

Wages (see also under Sugar-beet industry) : 

Current hourly rates in selected areas 7924 

Farm workers 7943 

Wayne County, Mich.: Migration into rural districts 7963 

Work Projects Administration: Quality of labor 7787-7788 

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