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R. G. LATHAM, M.A., M.D., F.R.S., &c., 



VOL. I. 



The Right of Trantlaiion and Reproduction is Reserved. 

CCS . i . /s? 


The present work is a contxibution to a department of inqairy 
which may be called Political Ethnology. Perhaps, it is some- 
thing more than this. Perhaps it is the first regular treatise of 
the kind. At any rate the writer knows of no work, with any 
pretensions to a systematic character, on the same subject in the 
English language. If he be right in this he may safely say that 
there is none in any other ; by which he means that there is none 
with any approach to trustworthiness. This is because the con- 
dition of the numerous questions of nationality at the present 
moment is such that no one but an Englishman (or, perhaps, a 
Bussian) can treat them in the only spirit which can give value 
to his treatise; a spirit of impartiality. In every other country 
the questions dealt with are questions of personal or national 
interest; questions which are going-on during the discussion; 
questions in which the feelings warp the judgment; questions 
in which every man is an advocate and no man a judge. 

It is possible that the preface of a work may not be the best 
place for laying down such an assertion as this ; inasmuch as it 
ought to be proved rather than asserted. 'J'he contents, however, 
of the present volumes furnish ample evidence to its truth. 
Every country on the Continent of Europe has a question now 
pending; in which^ either as a principal, or an accomplice, its 
occupants have an interest. 

On the other hand, there are events of which an Englishman 
is not the best narrator. In the feelings with which many ques- 
tions of nationality are carried-on he participates but coldly. He 


can look at the qaestion as a judge: but the spirit which 
animates the litigants he knows only as a spirit to be condemned 
or approved. For the mixture of good and bad which it con- 
tains he finds, in his own breast, no explanation, except that 
which is supplied as a cold generalization from his knowledge of 
human nature in the abstract 

In many of the facts which a work like the present lays before 
him an Englishman sees much that is foreign to his own ex- 
perience. He has, however, only to remember that his own 
experience is mainly based upon his feelings as an Englishman 
and upon his practical knowledge of the working of his own 
institutions. In addition to this he has also to remember that 
all the world is not English. 

The present work, however, is a general one ; a general one, 
and, as far as it goes, a systematic one. For this reason I 
submit that, however much the feeling of indifference with which 
many questions of vital importance to the actors themselves may 
subtract from its value as a picture or as a piece of advocacy, the 
fact of its being written in a spirit which no national interests 
bias is an important characteristic. 

The term nationality I have taken as I find it. It is a word 
which is better defined at the end of the details upon which its 
signification is founded than at the beginning of them. Here, it 
means anything exceptional to the predominating feeling and 
constituent elements in certain political aggregates. 

As for its fiill import; its nature; its strength as a feeling 
compared with other motives; the generalization of its ingre- 
dients—the philosophy of the thing, so to say — it will be time 
enough to go into this when the details of the whole earth have 
been made familiar to us. The present work deals with Europe 

Europe, however, means much. Of Russia and Turkey the 
dominion is continuous ; extending from Bussia, through Siberia, 
to America, and firom Constantinople, through Asia Minor and 
Syria, into Africa. This line is foUowedout. Of the isolated and 
sporadic elements which constitute the dominions of England 
and France nothing is said. 

Of the political ethnology of Great Britain itself little is said. 
I write to Englishmen, Welshmen, Irishmen, Scotchmen, Manx- 


men, and Channel Islanders — not about them. They are sup- 
posed to know as much concerning themselves as any student can 
tell them. 

Of the Jews, again, important as they are, I have said nothing ; 
having not gone sufficiently into the details of their dispersion 
and di£fusion. 

That there is a want of system in the manner in which the 
different details are treated is clear. One class is noticed on the 
strength of one characteristic, one on the strength of another. 
Upon the whole, this is a result of the subject-matter. To a 
great extent, however, the nature of the characteristics which are 
considered depends upon the writers knowledge of them. 

In another respect there is a want of symmetry. The work 
partly represents the writer as an ethnologist, partly as a politician. 
It is, to some extent, a contribution to biological science ; to 
some extent one to practical politics. 

In each of these departments a leading principle is, or ought 
to be, conspicuous. 

1. Of race, so far as it means an original and inherent diffe- 
rence in the way of superiority or inferiority between one aggre- 
gate of human beings and another, I know nothing. I take 
things as I find them now ; and, from the present state of things, 
argue backwards. I come to no beginning. Indeed, what is 
meant by the term is not easily understood. It is probable 
that no two writers give it exactly the same meaning. It is 
certain that very few of those who use it begin with a definition of 
it. By some authorities ethnology is called the science of races ; 
but, as long as the meaning of the main term itself is unsteady, 
the definition is no definition at all. The word, however, is one 
which the present writer, even elsewhere, has rarely had recourse 
to. He has avoided it when he can, and has done well enough, 
in numerous works on ethnological subjects, without it. If he 
has used it occasionally, he does so inadvertently. If an original 
difference mean anything it means a difference of species. If 
there be no original difference the term variety is sufficient. It is 
not, however, necessary to go farther on the point. Even by the 
strongest advocates of the doctrine of original specific differences, 
Europe is admitted to be nearly homogeneous. Such being the 
case, the fact to which attention is drawn is this — that for nine- 

• •• 


tenths of Europe the blood can be proved to have become mixed 
within the historical period, and for two-thirds of the remainder 
it can fairly be inferred to have been so at the period not very long 
before it. Different breeds (to borrow a term from the zoologists 
proper) there are. Different species may or may not exist. It 
will be time enough to consider this question when the naturalists 
have agreed as to what the term species may mean. 

Other generalizations are also impugned. Able — very able — 
men, have written about the antagonism of the Asiatic and 
European families of mankind. But what if the Turks have 
always been in Europe ? What if countries so far west as Lower 
Austria and Bavaria were once to a great extent, Turk ? Keasons 
for believing that tliis was really the case are given in the sequel. 

Able men, too, have written on what may be called the missions 
of certain populations, e. g. the Slavonic. The Slaves have done 
little hitherto in history ; therefore, they have a great part to 
play in the future. What if a thousand years ago they had done 
much ? What if half Germany be Slavonic ? 

2. That more than one nationality is grievously wronged and 
cruelly oppressed is assumed. If it were not so, why write a 
book ? But it is one thing for a nation which was once power- 
ful, and dominant, and which treated other nations just as, at 
the present moment, it complains of being treated itself, to claim 
an independent recognition for itself; another thing for it to 
claim the restitution of its old dominion and prerogative. The 
claim that it should have good government, self-government, or, 
at least, the government that was promised to it on certain 
occasions, is valid. The claim that it should regain its old power of 
governing others is less so. That the two may coincide is true. 
A may wish to be incorporated with B, just as decidedly as B 
wishes to incorporate A. But the vote of A must be taken on 
the matter, and, by no means, be determined by either the 
aspirations or the evidence of B. 

" Emancipate us " is a reasonable cry. " Strengthen us by the 
incorporation of this, that, or the other, in order that we may 
defend our independence," is an unreasonable one. 

The thorough recognition of this difference has made me, more 
than once, follow my convictions rather than my impulses. 

Between the feeling of nationality, and the feeling which its 


friends call a spirit of reform, and its enemies the revolutionary 
or democratic impulse, I have drawn a broad distinction. The 
most homogeneous nation in the world may be revolutionary. 
For the feeling of nationality a national antagonism is required. 
The two are often (in most cases, of late, they have been gene- 
rally) mixed in their operation. In all such cases, each has 
injured the other. 

By means of this confusion, along with the undue extension 
of old claims incalculable injury has been done to more than 
one good cause. And it will continue to be done. It is 
easy for a writer who has a minimum of either national or 
political grievances to lecture on moderation and singleness of 
purpose. England is, comparatively speaking, a reasonable and 
an enlightened country. Tet what Englishman will say that, 
under the conditions of a Pole, a Greek, or even a North 
American, he would not act as they do ? 

If treaties and diplomacy are here made light of in the follow- 
ing pages — or rather if they are ignored — it is not because the 
writer thinks them useless. They act as cliecks. They serve as 
ballast. They are valuable as landmarks. They are part and 
parcel of that complex of antecedents which form the opinions 
and mould the feelings of the generation tliat lives under their 
effects. As such, they are powers in determining the character of 
sentiment. But here they cease to act as forces. The only real 
forces are the wills, the sinews, and the intelligence of so many 
actors under such or such circumstances. That these should be 
regulated by a certain respect for certain antecedents is right and 
proper. But if they are not so regulated, they must be token as 
they are. They are the only eflBcient causes that history recog- 

To conclude — the work has been some time in the press; and 
the beard has grown during the shaving. Events have gone on 
whilst they were being written about. In some cases, towards 
the end of the work (for instance, in the affairs connected with 
Servia, Montenegro, and Greece), events have taken place between 
even the printing and the correction of the sheets. Here, I have 
let the original text stand, and added a note. Upon one point, 
however, I find it necessary to record my modification of one of 
my statements. In speaking of the extent to which the Lithuanian 


and Little Bnssian provinces sympatbized, or failed to sympathize 
with Poland, I have made them more indifferent than I should do at 
the present moment The movements in Minsk and Podolia are 
what I scarcely expected. They are, apparently^ more Polish 
than was, at first, surmised. At the same time, I doubt whether 
they are not more political and social than Polish in the proper 
sense of the term. They coincide with the movement in Poland ; 
they may be more closely connected with it than I imagine ; and 
I should not be sorry to think that they were so. 




Poland till the Union with Idthaania. — The Original Extent of the Polish 
Area Westward. — The Fabnloos Period. — ^The Early Historical Period. — 
Bficeslas I. to Ladislas Y. (Tagellon) 1 

The Tatshyings 18 

The Idthoanianfl Proper.— Their Poetry.— Their Faiiy Talee . .28 

Early History of Lithnania. — Its Contrast to its Present State. — The Old 
Lithuanians a warlike People. — Mindog and his Saccessors. — Tagello to 
Sigismond XL 48 

Poland from Sigismnnd II. to the Partitions 52 


Two Episodes.— Poland as a bulwark against Turkey. — The Campaigns df 1448 
and 1683 79 

Lithuania, from the Death of Sigismnnd II. to the Treaty of Vienna 97 

C6rland and Livonia generally 102 

C6rUind 106 

IdTonia, orLiefland 110 

Poland from the Battle of Jena to the Treaty of Vienna 122 




The Estonians.— Their Rn Affinities.— Their Poetry 128 

The Liefs of Estonia— of Ctirland 146 

The Swedes of Lironia and Estonia 151 

The Vod.— Their Poetry 163 


The Ishor, SayRkot, and Anramoiset.— The TBh<id.^The Vesp.— The Fins of 
the Gbyemment of Tver, kc 160 

Finland.— Its early Connection with Sweden. — ^Its Conquest by RoFsia A.D. 
1809 163 

The Popular Poetry or National Literature of inland. — The Fin Mythology. — 
TheKaleyaU 177 

The Permians and Zirianians. — The Votiaks.— The Volga Fins. — The Tsherimis. 
— ^The Mordvins. — The Tshuvash.- The Bisermans 21 

Russian Lapland. — ^The Munnanzi, or Murmans. — Legends .... 226 


The Voguls and Ostiaks. — ^The Samoyeds.— Their Legends and Poetry. — The 

Teniseians and Tukahiri 230 

The KamtsHadals— The Koriaks.— The Aino 242 


The Turks and Tartars. — General View of the Class.— The Khazars, Petshenegs, 
and Cumanians. — ^The Ehanats of the Crimea, Astrakan, and Kazan. — 
The Nogays, Bashkirs, Meshtsheriaks, Tyeptyars. — The Kii^hu. — The 
Barabinski, &c.— The Tshulim, and the Kuznetsk Turks.— Koiba]s.—Ea- 
ragaa, &c. — ^Yakuts.- The Dolganen.— The Karaikalpaks. — The Turco- 
mans.— Khivans.— The Us.— The Tshagatai.— Turks of Minsk, &c . .246 

The Mongols of the Russian Empire. — Six Ealka Tribes. — The Buriats. — The 
Kalmuks 263 


The Tongiis. — Tshapodzhirs. — Daurians. — Lamut. — Orotshong. — Manyak. — 
Goldi 267 




The Aleutian Islands 278 

Bnwian America 281 

The Gaaeasos and Transcaacama 291 

The Iron, or Oset 299 

The Circassians, or Tshericess, and Apkhases. — ^The Tshetsh Group . . 807 

The Georgians. — Kartwelians. — Imerotians. — ^Kingrolians. — Swans, &c. . . 314 

Russian Armenia. — Shirvan.— The Talish Country 819 

War in Caucasus. — Resistance of the Lesgians. — Shamil .... 825 


The Germans of the Baltic Proyinces. — Distribution of the Jews. — ^The G^ypsies. 

—The Turks 849 

Colonists, &0., in Russia. — Germans. — Bulgarians. — Senians. — ^Annenians. — 
Greeks, &o. 856 

The Russians » . 861 

The Ko6akB.~Their War with Poland.— Pugatshefs Rebellion . .876 


Age of the Russian Empiro. — Spread of the Russians. — Importance of the 
lithuanic Element 892 


All the Russias.— Little Russia.— White Russia.— Black Russia.— Red Russia. 
—Great Russia.— Tables 406 



Dunham — EUstory of Pol&nd. Lardner's Cabmet Encyclopiedia. 

Sjogren — Paper on the TatshYingB. TranaactionB of the Imperial Academy of St. 

Koppen — Der Littauische Yolkstamm. Bulletin EUstorioo-Philologique, Imperial 
Academy of St. Petersburg, tome yii. 

Schleicher — lithuanica. 

Neasellmann — lattauische Volkslieder. 

Hillner — Die liren an der Nordkuste Ton Kurland. Bulletin Historico-Philo- 
logique, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, tome iiL 

Edppen — Die Bewohner Kur-und lieflands im AUgemeinen und die Liven 
insbesondere. Bulletin Historico-PhilolQgique, Imperial Academy of St. Peters- 
burg, tome iii. 

Sjogren — On the liefs. Transactions of the Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg. 

Schiefner— Die lieder der Woten, metrisch iibertragen. Bulletin Historico-Philo- 
logiqne, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, tome xiii. 

Castrdn— Translation of the Ealevahi. — Trayels in Siberia. 

The Conquest of Finland, Translated from the Narrative of a Eussian Officer. 

Eabenstein — On the Amour. 

Erskine — History of India under Baber and Humayun. 

Dittmar — Ueber die Koriiiken und die Ihnen sehr nahe verwandten Tshuktschen* 
Bulletin Historico-Philologique, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, tome xiii. 

Koppen — Ueber die Dichtigkeit der Bevolkerung des Europ&ischen Eusslands. 
Bulletin Historico-Philologique, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, tome iii. 

Edppen — Die Deutschen im St. Petersbuigischen Gh)uyemement. Bulletin His- 
torioo-Philologiqae, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, tome viL 

Kunik — ^Eritische Bemerkimgen zu den Eafnischen Antiquit^s Busses et sn dem 
ErusiBchen Ohronicon Nordmannorum. Bulletin EListorico-Philologique, Imperial 
Academy of St. Petersburg, tome vii. 

Elaproth — ^Asia Polyglotta. 

Brosaet — Examen Critique des Annales Gkorgiennes. Bulletin Historico-Philo- 
logique, Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, tome iii. 

Bodenstedt — Die Ycilker des Eaukasus. 

Haxthausen -Transcaucasia. Tribes of Caucasus. 


LLdansky — Voyage Bound the World. 

Marshall — The Country of Shamil. Vacation Tomists and Notes of Travel, 1862. 

Bichardaon (Sir John) — ^Boat Voyage in Search of the Franklin Expedition. 

Hahn — Albanesiache Studien. 

Skene — On the Albanians. Transactions of the Ethnological Society. 

Leake— Travels in Northern Greece. 

Finlay — ^The History of Greece under Othoman and Venetian Domination. 
-Medieval Greece and Trebizond. 

History of the Greek Bevolution. 

Creasy — History of the Ottoman Turks. 

Jochmus— On the Balkan. Transactions of Geographical Society, vol. xxiv. 

Porter — History of the Knights of Malta. 

Badger — The Nestorians and their Eituals. 

Ainsworth — On the Teiedis. Transactions of Ethnological Society. 

Layard — Nineveh. 

Chameauz. — On the Dnues of Lebanon. 

Von Hammer — History of the Assassins. Translated by 0. C. Wood, M.D. 

Burckhardt — Notes on the Bedouin Arabs. 

Grove— Nabloofl and the Samaritans. Vacation Tourists and Notes of Travel, 1362. 

Arbuthnot — Henegovina ; or, Omar Fasha and the Christian Bebels. 

Zeuss — Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstiimme. 

Banke — History of Servia. 

Bou6 — La Turquie d* Europe. 

Milman — History of Latin Christianity. (Used not only for Bome, but for many 
other countries.) 

Banke— History of the Popes. 

Thiers — History of the Consulate and the Empire, vol. iv. (For the Seculariza- 

Biondelli — Sagg^o sui Dialetti Italian!. 

Michel — Le Pays Basque. 

Watts — Becent History of the Hungarian Language. Transactions of Philological 

Geijer — History of Sweden. Translated by HalL 

Allen — Det Danske Sprogs EListorie i Hertogddmmet Slesvig eller Simderjylland. 

Foreign Quarterly Beview — Articles on Polish Literature, and on the Literature of 
the Kosaks of the Ukrain. 




Poknd till the Union ivith Lithuania.— The Original Extent of the Polish 
Area Westward. — The Fabulous Period. — ^The Early Historical Period.— 
Miceslas L to Ladislas Y. (Jagellon). 

Stmplt on the strengtli of its enonnons extent and the multi- 
plicity of nations under the dominion of its Czar Russia is a 
convenient country to begin with. Area for area, it is one of 
the largest empires in the world. It is equally a first-class Power 
if we look to its population; which amounts to more than 
sixty millions. There are, perhaps, more individual men 
and women in India, and more in China. Nevertheless, there 
are not four empires on the face of the earth wherein sixty mil- 
lions can be counted. Still less, with the possible exception of 
China, is there any one wherein so large a proportion of its 
inhabitants belongs to the same division of the human race ; every 
one of which is equally obedient (passively obedient) to the same 
rule and equally imbued with the same national spirit. 

There is much in Russia which is other than Russian; but, 
when this is subtracted, the pure Moscovite remainder is of 
inordinate magnitude. Whether we look to differences of dialect, 
differences of creed, or differences of nationality, there are upwards 
of forty millions of pure and proper Russians, between any two 
of whom there is less difference than is to be found between an 
extreme Englishman and an extreme Scotchman ; possibly less 



than is to be found between an English Dissenter and an English 
High-Churchman of two distant counties. Such being the case, 
the amount of heterogeneous, and even conflicting elements, may 
be considerable in respect to its absolute dimensions, and yet of 
but little importance when we consider it in its relations to the 
rest of the Empire. There are elements in the great Russian 
mass which are by no means Bussian. There are differences 
between the Russians themselves, which (though they amount 
to something) amount to but little considered as diflereuces. 
But, even if they were greater, if the alien elements were more 
numerous than they are, and if the differences between the Rus- 
sian elements themselves were more decided, the vast mass of its 
uniform and homogeneous constituents would, still, be over- 

In the way of Theology, all this homogeneous power is a 
power of the Greek Church. In the way of Ethnology, 
all this homogeneous power is a power of the Slavonic stock. 
Whether the blood be so purely Slavonic as certain other charac- 
teristics would make it, is another question. Nevertheless, for all 
intents and purposes, a Russian is a Slavonian ; and, not only is 
he this, but he is pre-eminently the representative of Slavonism. 

There are Slaves, it is true, beyond the boundaries of Russia, 
just as there are Germans beyond the pale of Germany, and 
Frenchmen beyond that of France. And they are numerous. 
They are numerous, however, only when compared with the 
smaller divisions of mankind. All in all, they amount to less 
than a fourth of the Slaves of Russia only* 

Russia, then, in way of Slavonism, is a representative Power ; 
and so it is in the way of Theology. Russia is to the Greek 
Church in Divinity what it is to the Slaves of the world at large 
in Ethnology. 

What Russia is in her relations to the spirit of political pro- 
gress, I merely hint. Whatever she may be besides, and whatever 
exceptions may be made to the current doctrine that she is the 
very incarnation of absolutism, is either too well known, or too 
generally beUeved to be known, to require more than a cursory 

With an inconsiderable exception, all the Russians in the world 
are Russian — by which I mean, that every individual acknowledg- 


ing the name and blood and speaking the language of Bussia, is 
(with the exception aforesaid) a subject of tbe Czar. A few 
Buthenians or Busniaks, occupants of the Eastern part of 
Gallicia, are under Austria ; but, with the exception of these, tbe 
Bussian has no congeners subject to any rule but the one which 
he himself obeys ; nor has he any Bussian nationality to cnre 
about beyond the boundaries of Bussia. There are no notable 
Moscovite analogues to the French hahitana of Canada ; none to 
the Germans of Curland and Livonia ; none to the Italians of 
Malta; none to the Bosnians^ WaUachians, Albanians, and 
Greeks of Turkey. 

Bussia, then, is extensive, populous, compact, representative, 
and homogeneous. What is to be said about that Slavonism 
which it so especially represents will be said in the sequel. The 
immediate investigation is that of the heterogeneous elements of 
the Bussian Empire; first and foremost amongst which, come the 
Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. 

The original extent of the Poles and their near kinsmen is not 
to be measured by the present size of Poland. Whether we look 
upon it as a kingdom reduced by partition, or as an originally 
great empire, the early domains touched the Elbe and the Baltic 
on one side, and the Dnieper on another. In the eighth century 
they went far beyond this. I do not say that all which may then 
be given to Poland was actually PoUsh. I only say that much of 
it was as truly Polish as many parts of Poland itself at the begin- 
ning of the historical period ; and that the rest was Polish in the 
way that the Lowlands of Scotland were English, or the Northern 
parts of England were Scotch, before the Union. All that was 
not actually PoUsh was nearly so. This means that the particular 
division of the great Slavonic family which Modem Poland now 
represents extended far beyond its present boundaries. The 
Vistula is, in the main, Polish at the present moment; but in 
the eighth century the Oder was Polish as well, and the Elbe 
nearly so. 

The Germans have pressed eastwards ; and what we must now 
do is to see over what amount of country, originally Slavonic, 
they have stretched themselves. Nor is this difficult : a mere 
glance at the ordinary maps will put us on the line of in- 



quiry. If we move from Hanover eastwards, we soon find that 
we are in a land of which a great numher of the geographical 
names is other than German. Faint signs of this show them- 
selves K8 far westwards as the drainage of the Weser ; and the 
parts about Verden give us the first elements for our investiga- 
tion. Here comes the little river Bomlitz with its decidedly Sla- 
vonic name. As it is, it stands nearly alone. It rises, however, in 
Luneburg, which takes its name from the Slavonic tribe of the 
Linones. In the old muniments of the town of that name we 
find enactments against any German intermarrying with a Wend 
or Slavonian, along with other notices which tell us that, in the 
capital at least, the Slavonians were treated as an inferior popula- 
tion — a population which originally held the land ; but from whom 
that land had been wrested by German conquerors who felt them- 
selves to be an intrusive nation. To the East of the Ilmenau, 
along the valley of which runs the railway from Hanover to 
Hamburgh— so that, by some means or other which can scarcely 
be called accidental, the civil and the natural lines of demarcation 
coincide — the signs of an early Slavonic occupation increase ; and 
we have not only a greater percentage of Slavonic local names, but 
the fragments of an actual Slavonic populatioiL In three parishes, 
those of LuchoWj Danneburg,and Wustrow, there is to be found at 
the present moment^a small population whom the Germans of the 
neighbourhood caiU Wends, and amongst whom, in the last century, 
individuals might be found who still spoke a strange sort of Sla- 
vonic. The Lord^s Prayer, in what is called the Linonian of the 
seventeenth century has come down to us, and though greatly 
mixed up with German, it is not only Slavonic, but Slavonic of 
the Polish branch. More, however, will be said about these 
Linonian, or Luneburg Wends, when we treat of Hanover. At 
present they are merely quoted as evidence to the extent to which 
Slavonia originally extended. 

In Altmark the Slavonic names for villages and other geogra- 
phical localities not only increase, but, in many maps, prepon- 
derate; whilst the name of the district is not only indicative 
of the land having been a march, or boundary, but of its having 
been an old one ; inasmuch as the word is neither more nor less 
than the Old March. Further east comes the Middle March, or 
Mittelmark, and further eastward still the New March, or Neu- 


mark^ and Uckennark, the first element of which is the Slavonic 
synonym of the Gennan. The Slaves called it an Ukraine, the 
Germans a March. Out of the two names^ hy a process of which 
most oonntriee which have heen occupied hy populations speaking 
different languages give us instances, come the present hyhrid, or 
biUngual, compound. 

Beyond the Elbe all is clear and patent ; indeed, the assertion 
that that river was the boundary between the Germans and the 
Slavonians at the time of Charlemagne, is not only common, but 
generally received. Upon the fact, at the time in question, there 
is neither doubt nor shadow of doubt; the only doubt being 
whether, at some earlier period, the land may not have been held 
by Germans whom certain Slavonians replaced. How far this 
be true or not, is another question — a question which the present 
writer has elsewhere answered in the negative. Still it is the 
doctrine of many competent authorities, especially in Germany. 
These, however, admit that in the eighth ceotury all beyond the 
Elbe was Slavonic. And few, if any, deny that, as Slavonic^ it 
was more Polish than aught else. 

In carrying, then, the Slavonic boundary to the Elbe, I am only 
doing what others do ; though not exactly in the same sense. The 
point, however, wherein there is any difference at all is, for the 
present work, an unimportant one. Neither do I differ from many 
in carrying it as far west as the parts about Yerden. All admit 
that Eastern Luneburg was Slavonic. 

How far the Hartz was Slavonic is doubtful. Its south-eastern 
valleys seem to have been so. At any rate, to the south of the 
Hartz Slavonia prolongs itself westward. The Saale was cur- 
rently held to divide Slavonia from Thuringia; but there are 
signs of Slavonic occupancy beyond even the Saale. Of the 
Slaves of the Mayn I shall speak when Bohemia comes under 
notice ; for I consider that, even if the aborigines of that river 
were Slaves, they were in a different category from those now 
under notice. They were the nearest coogeners of the Bohe- 
mians rather than the Poles. 

With this remark I move northwards, and approach the valley 
of the Lower Elbe and the parts about Hamburgh. When 
Luneburg was Slavonic, Lauenburg was the same and Ratzeburg 
was a Slavonic metropolis. We know the names of the popula- 


tions of these parts. There were the Polahingians, or the men on 
the Elbe, and there were the Wagrians, or the men of the Ukraine, 
or March. These latter, eo nomine^ occupied the Eastern part of 
Holstein, and either touched, or approached, the Eyder. Doing 
this, they came in contact with the Danes. The parts about Kiel, 
Plon, and Ltibeck, were Wagrian ; a name which is to be found 
amoDg the titles of the earlier Danish kings, as well as in the 
chronicles of the time. But of these more will be said when we 
treat of Denmark. 

As for Mecklenburg, it is at the present moment Slavonic in 
respect to the blood of its dukes — the Dukes of Mecklenburg, the 
Prince-bishops of Montenegro, and the Princes of Servia being 
the only representatives of Slavonic blood in high places now 
existing ; for the Emperor of Bussia is of German rather than of 
Slavonic extraction. 

The island of Riigen is well known to be the great locality for 
such Slavonic antiquities as illustrate Slavonic paganism, whilst 
Pomerania is a Slavonic word, meaning '' on the sea." All this 
will find its application when we read of certain Polish kings 
being either suzerains or sovereigns to certain Pomeranian 
dukes ; and also, when we hear of others carrying either their 
arms or their influence as far as Holstein. 

In Eastern Pomerania there is a fragment of the original Sla- 
vonians who still speak a dialect closely akin to the Polish at the 
present time ; and there is another in a different quarter, «. e. in 
Lnsatia, which does the same ; except that this latter dialect is, 
more or less, Bohemian as well.- But more of these elsewhere. 
Enough has been said to draw attention to the original extent 
of either Poland, or something very like it, westward. 

A little remains to be said about the name. At present we 
treat the term as the name of a country, or as a compound of the 
word land. In respect to its etymology, it is nothing of the 
kind. The final d^ though current, is a blunder ; it is as much 
out of place as it is in gownd for gown. The German form 
Pohlen is better. It is a word like Wales,* meaning Poles. 
Still it is, fundamentally, a geographical term, from polie=^a 
plain, a level, a champaign country. A Pole in the Highlands 
iSy etymologically, a contradiction in terms ; for the word means 
* Wak» If WeaihoB, the plural of Wtalh^ WeUhman. 


merely the people of a certain tract with a certcdn physical 
character. It may, originally, have excluded many a true Pole. 
It may, originally, have comprehended many a man who was 
anything hut Polish in hlood, language, and nationality. The 
native name, be it remembered, is Lekh. 

Hence, when the Poles first appear in history they are any- 
thing but the most western of the Slavonic populations ; anything 
but the frontagers of Germany — though this is what they are at 
present. On the contrary, they are a central section of North- 
western Slaves, who have between themselves and Germany, Sile- 
sians, Saxons, Lusatians, Brandenburghers (though that was not 
their Slavonic name), Mecklenburgers (or Obotrites), Linonians* 
Polabingians, Wagrians, and others. 

That some of the earliest Polish movements began at a point 
beyond the present western boundaries of Poland, in districts where 
Poland has ceased to exist with its full characteristics of name, 
nationality, and language, is probable ; at any rate, it is highly 
probable that their direction was from the south or west rather than 
from the east or north. Warsaw has no prominence in the older 
history of the kingdom to which it is the capital ; indeed, it only 
becomes a true metropolis, with undivided honours, in the four- 
teenth century, subsequent to the union with Lithuania. The 
older names are those of Gnesna, Krustwieo, and Cracow. In 
these, and not in Warsaw, the venues of the earliest events 
were laid. 

These are clearly fabulous. Lekh I., who is merely an eponymus 
for the nation, fixed his dwelling at Gnesna, a place which took 
its name from the word gniazda^^neat. One day he was clearing 
a piece or ground, and he found an eagle's nest. This determined 
his abode. His descendants ruled after him, till the most tyran- 
nical of them forced his people into a rebellion at the head of 
which was Cracns — unde Cracow. Wenda was one of his descen- 
dants ; she was a princess of great beauty, whom Rudiger, the 
German, thought to conquer by force of arms in the first place, 
and, afterwards, to marry. He failed, and killed himself. Wenda, 
however, ended unhappily. After a sacrifice on the Vistula she 
threw herself into the river. Now, word for word, Wenda is 
Wend ; so that the legend, if it deserye the name, though early in 
respect to its appearance in history, is scarcely of home growth ; 


inasmuch as the men who used the term were not Poles but 

Przemislas, another early king, had to defend his country against 
the Hungarians. He cut down a lot of trees, and planted them 
so as to look like soldiers. The Hungarians were deceived, and 
suffered accordingly. This looks like the old old story, mutatis 
mutandis, of Bimam Wood and Dunsinane. Then came Lesko I., 
who won his crown by winning a horse-race ; mutatis mutandis, 
after the fashion of Darius in Persia. 

After him, with an interval, came Popiel IT., who poisoned his 
uncle. The body bred rats. The rats attacked Popiel. Popiel 
lit fires all round him. The rats got either through, or over, the 
fires. Then he took to the water. The rats got into his boat. 
Then he got into the highest room of the highest and most solitary 
tower he could find — where the rats ate him up. Mutatis mutan- 
dis, this is the story of a wicked Bishop in Germany. 

Then came Piast, the founder of the Piast dynasty, and (as 
such) an apparently historical personage. He was very poor; 
but, along with his wife, who is specially mentioned, he received 
with hospitality two strangers. His provender was scanty ; but 
it never failed. So he was made King of Poland. Mutatis 
mutandis, this is Baucis and Philemon. 

I have noticed these legends, in order to show the extent to 
which the earliest Polish history is not only other than historical, 
but other than native. 

Amongst the successors of Piast was a Ziemovit. Ziemovit 
was the father of Lesko IV., Lesko lY. of Zemomysl, and Zemo- 
mysl of Miceslas I., who is as truly a historical individual (though 
all the events of his reign are not so) as Ziemovit is, apparently, 
an ens rationis. Yet Ziemovit was his grandfather. With 
Miceslas I., then, we have the dim dawn of Polish history. 

It was a Hungarian princess whom Miceslas I. married ; and, as 
her father would not consent to her union with a Pagan, the same 
occurred in Poland as occurred with Ethelbert of Kent in Eng- 
land. Christianity was introduced amongst the Anglo-Saxons 
through a Frank Queen. A Hungarian wife gave it to Poland. 
There are various accounts as to the details of Miceslas' conver- 
sion. All agree in making him renounce polygamy and in his 
being earnest in teaching it to his subjects. But there was 


a rumour that^ towards the end of his life, he relapsed. The 
preacher was from Germany — St. Adalbert; and when the Em- 
peror Otho visited his successor at Gnesna, where the remains of 
the Saint were entombed, he thought himself fortunate in taking 
away with him an arm of the first apostle who had preached 
the Gospel to the fierce warriors of the Vistula. With the 
exception of KamenieCy which I presume is the town of that 
name in Podolia, and from which I infer that, at this early period, 
the Polish domain, though perhaps as a mere strip along the 
northern edge of the Carpathians, extended thus far in the direction 
of Russia, all the bishoprics established by Miceslas lie westward. 
Cracow, however, is one of them. Undoubtedly, the parts of Poland 
that lay to the east of the Vistula bore but a small proportion to 
the rest of the domain : and these lay to the south rather than the 
north. To the north lay the Prussians and Yatshvings; and 
lower down the Lithuanians, the Cumanian Tartars, and the 
Russians. Gallicia appears to have been partly Polish and partly 
Russian. A feudatory to the Empire, then under Otho the Great, 
Miceslas I. was no king ; but only a duke. The former title was 
conferred by the Pope and the Emperor ; and, though the Pope 
had granted it to the Hungarian ruler, it was withheld firom the 
Polish. There were wars under Miceslas on both sides of his 
dukedom : a war against Saxony and Bohemia, and a war against 
Russia. A memorial of this period still exists in the name of the 
eastern part of Gallicia — Lodomeria, which is firom Vladimer the 
Russian prince who conquered it 

Miceslas' son, Boleslas I., succeeded him, and his wars were in 
the same directions ; against Saxony in the west, against Russia in 
the east. Saxony at this time, like Brandenburg, was to a great 
extent Germanized; though, even at the present time, neither is 
exclusively German. They are nearly so; but not wholly. 
There is, as has been stated, a remnant of the Sorbs in Lusatia, 
and there is a remnant of them in the Circle of Cotbus. 

In Russia, the centre of the warfare is Kiev. Vladimer the 
Great had divided his kingdom between his two sons, Swiatopulk 
and Yaroslav. The former, from his dukedom in Tver, attempted 
to bring the whole of Russia under him. His brothers, united with 
Yaroslav in opposing him, and drove him upon Poland. Less to 
help Swiatopulk than to regain Lodomeria, Boleslas defended 


him, won a battle on the Bug, porsued Yaroslay to Kiev, and took 
the city. Swiatopulk was restored, and then came the Kiev 
Vespers. The refugee conspired against the army that protected 
him, and organized a massacre of the Poles within the city. The 
remainder revenged them with more than usual ferocity, and 
made the way homewards loaded with booty. The Russians 
pursued, and a second battle on the Bug was fought against 
them and won. A third victory was needed ; and it was effected. 
Taroslav, having destroyed the garrison left in the fortress, 
crossed the PoHsh frontier, and was defeated. He Uved, however, 
to be a great conqueror, and one of the present Governments of 
Bussia bears his name. 

He found little to oppose him in Boleslas' indolent successor, 
Miceslas II. ; in whose time the Polish frontier was iugloriously 
insulted. Besides the incursions of Yaroslav, there were Bohe- 
mian inroads, Moravian inroads, dishonours in Saxony and Silesia, 
a rebelUon in Pomerania — for the kings of Poland were dukes of 
Pomerania ; and, on one occasion, Boleslas bad penetrated as far 
as Holstein ; for we must remember that at this time Mecklenburg, 
Luneburg, Lauenburg, and even the eastern part of Holstein 
itself was Slavonic. We must also remember that at the present 
time there is a remnant of the Slavonians in Pomerania, and that 
in the last century an impure Slavonic, full of German words, was 
spoken in Luneburg. 

From 1034 to 1041 was a period of anarchy. The widow of 
Miceslas was a German, the niece of Otho; and Casimir, her 
son, was a minor. She fled with him and he became a monk. 
But, at this time, a matter of wonder in Poland, the feeUug of 
legitimacy asserted itself, and Casimir was recalled. With a 
dispensation from the Pope, allowing him to wear a crown and 
marry a wife, he returned to Poland, and verified the hopes that 
had been formed of him. His wife was a sister of the powerful, 
and once hostile, Taroslav. With a large body of Russian troops 
he set himself to reduce Silesia, Pomerania, and the district now 
called Mazovia. It had revolted, and the formidable Prussians 
had supported the author of the revolt. No longer a monk, but 
a brave soldier and a skilful captain, Casimir defeated him. 
Mazos, the rebel in question, who is said to have given his name 
to the distiicty fled to Prussia, and the Prussians slaughtered him 


as the antbor of their discomfiture : for they now paid tribute to 
Casimir. Silesia yielded to him. Bohemia left him in quiet 
Hungary sought his alliance. 

His son, Boleslas II., was wholly a soldier. Greedier of renown 
than of material acquisitions, and chivalrous in his ardour in 
behalf of fugitive princes, he supported Yaromir of Bohemia 
against his brother Yradslav ; but not to the end. The end of his 
interference was a marriage between Yratislav and his (Boleslas') 
sister. He supported Bela of Hungary against his brother Andrew 
and put on his head the Hungarian crown. He afterwards supported 
Geysa, the son of Bela, against his cousin Salomon. Eventually, 
however, Salomon became king. In Bussia, he supported Isislav 
against Ucheslav, both sons of Taroslav, who, like his father, had 
sown discord in his family, and entailed misery on his country by 
dividing his dominions. He restored Isislav ; but made him a 
tributary to Poland. He overran Yolhynia; and, then, retired 
to Kiev. Kiev was his Capua. He made both Kiev and 
Yolhynia tributary; but he returned to Poland an enervated 
voluptuary. We may believe this : though we may not believe all the 
details concerning the latter part of his reign. There is a strange 
story that reminds us of the Herodotean account of the wives of 
the Scythians and the slaves. So long was Boleslas away from 
Poland that the wives of his officers treated their husbands as 
dead in law and took their slaves in their place. Not, indeed, all 
— all but one. The one faithful wife was Margaret, the wife of 
Count Nicolas de Zembosin. And she resisted temptation. But 
to do this she shut herself up — according to some, in a dungeon, 
according to others, in the steeple of a church. 

Where and how Boleslas died is unknown. He murdered the 
Archbishop of Cracow at the altar with his own hand and fled 
to Hungary. Some say that, after this, he sought refuge, in 
vain, in Hungary; others that he died a monk in Carinthia; 
others that he went mad and killed himself; others that, like 
ActsBon, he was torn to pieces by his own dogs in hunting; 
others that he lived in a humble condition in disguise, and that, 
just before his death, he revealed himself to his confessor. 

His brother, Ladislas I., succeeded him, taking the crown 
under an interdict (which he got removed) of the Pope on 
account of the murder of the Archbishop. But he was only re- 


cognized as Duke ; the title of King being withheld. This limita- 
tion, which lasted for more than a century^ strengthened the hands 
of the aristocracy. The possibility, too, of the return of Bo- 
Icslas gave room for the machinations of party. There was a 
Bussian invasion in the reign of Ladislas, sumamed the Care- 
less, and there was also a Hungarian one, by which Cracow was 
reduced. Yet the daughter of the king of Hungary became 
Ladislas' duchess. His reign shows the Poles under a new 
character; that of superstitious pietists. From the murder of 
an archbishop to a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Giles there 
is a long interval. But so it was. The duchess could not be 
got with child until the pilgrims returned. In due time a child 
was bom; and he was named Boleslas — afterwards Boleslas 
III. However, before the marriage with her, there was a 
natural son, and his name was Sbigniev. Better had it been for 
Poland if one had remained unborn. Between the two brothers 
there was a blood feud, which the father fondly thought to allay 
by dividing his dominions between them. To Boleslas he gave 
Silesia, Cracow, Sendomir, and Sierdiec, with the title of the 
Duko of Poland: to Sbigniev Pomerania, Lenszysa, Cujavia* 
and Mazovia. As Sbigniev*s machinations began during the life 
of his father, I^adislas witnessed a civil war between two brothers, 
with which the neighbouring States were neither unvdlUng nor 
unready to mix themselves up. The old troubles on the side 
of Bohemia and Pomerania were revived, and the division of 
a country like Poland was made worse by the worthlessness of 
Sbigniev. A war against the Pagan Prussians was another of 
the events of the ill-starred reign of Ladislas I. 

Boleslas III. won forty-eight battles. We may guess who they 
were against — first and foremost, the Pomeranians the allies of 
Sbigniev, then the Silesians, the Moravians, and the Bohemians, 
who were becoming more and more German ; lastly, the Hunga- 
rians and the Russians — by whom, conjointly, he was, towards the 
end of his life, defeated. He divided his dominions into four divi- 
sions ; and anarchy was the result — modified, indeed, some years 
afterwards, when the chief power became consolidated in the per- 
son of Boleslas, but still, lamentable and injurious anarchy. 

Ladislas was the eldest son, and his wife, a German princess, left 
them no peace until he attempted to consolidate his power at the 

PBZ£MI8LAS. 1 3 

expense of his brother's. But his brothers found strong partisans , 
and it was not Ladislas, but Boleslas, who effected an approxi- 
mate unity. Then came Casimir II., an amiable and not 
inefficient, prince ; then, after an interval, another Boleslas (the 
Chaste) ; then after an interval, Przemislas, Duke of ^ ^ 1295- 
Great Poland and Pomerania, and heir to Sandomir and ^S^o* 
Cracow, who revived the title of King. During this period the Mon- 
gol invasions, along with the Crusades of the Teutonic Knights and 
the EJiights of the Sword took place, as well as the great battles 
against the Yatshvings, all of which will be noticed elsewhere. 
The time, however, was one of disorganization ; though the re- 
sult of the usual wars against the Russians, Bohemians, and the 
like — chequered with occasional alliances — was less unfavourable 
than we expect. The order of dukes from the death of Boleslas 
III. in 1 139 to the accession of Przemislas in 1195 is as follows: 
— Ladislas II., Boleslas IV., Miceslas III., Casimir II., the 
Just, Lesko the White, Ladislas III., Lesko the White, restored, 
Boleslas Y., Lesko the Black. 

Przemislas revived the title of King, which he ^J>- 1295. 
assumed without asking leave of either the Pope or the Kayser: 
and he found amongst his clergy an archbishop bold enough to 
place the crown upon his head amid the acclamations of a hopeful 
people. He fortified Dantzic, and re-established his authority in 
Pomerania ; and the seal, which was stamped in commemoration of 
his success, bore on one side, Sigillum Preniialai Polonorum 
Regis et Ducts Polonia ; on the other, Reddidit ij)se suis vie* 
iricia signa Polonis. 

He was murdered, however, in the fifth year of his reign : and 
left only a female child to succeed him. The murderer was his 
cousin the Markgrave of Anhalt. Ladislas succeeded; but 
reigned only a few months. Though he fought bravely against 
the Silesians and Brandenburghers (who are now to be added to 
the list of the enemies of Poland), his arrogance inceuBed the 
people, and, excommunicated by the Church, he was deposed at 

His successor Wenceslas, the King of Bohemia, was a 
widower, and, as such, free to marry the daughter of Przemislas. 
This was one of his recommendations. Another was the alliance 
between the two hostile kingdoms, which the union of the 


crowns would effect Few events, according to human calcu- 
lations, would more materially and more favourably influence 
the future history of Poland and Europe than such a consoli- 
dation. There was then, as there is now, a provincial feeling of 
international dislike, often amounting to intense hatred, between 
the Tsheks and the Lekhs, the Bohemians and the Poles ; for 
there was that similarity combined with difference which so often, 
between contiguous nations, evolves more mutual repugnance than 
can be developed by the very strongest contrasts. But on the 
other hand, there were two languages that, in some of their fonns» 
at least, were mutually intelligible ; there was the same belief in 
the so-called tradition as to their common origin ; and there was, 
what future events would have strengthened, the common hostility 
to the dangerous and encroaching Germans. Wenceslas was the 
first foreign king who was called in by the Poles to unite their 
crown with his own. But he offended his new subjects by the 
partiality he showed to his earlier ones. It was the old old story 
of favouritism ; the old old tendency to make the new accessions 
of patronage ancillary to the need and greed of the importunate 
suitors of his native land. Barely can a monarch, with the 
opportunity of enriching his own kith and kin out of the coffers 
of an occasional dominion, refrain from the indulgence of this 
short-sighted liberality. None but Bohemians (some Tsliek, &orae 
German,) shared the confidence of Wenceslas. Firet came in 
the breasts of the Poles, envy, hatred, and jealousy, and then 
sympathy for the banished Ladislas, whom the King of Hungary 
had promised to restore. So that danger threatened from that 
quarter. So did it from Pomerania: so, also, from Lithu- 
ania. Neither were the hereditary domains of Wenceslas un- 
threatened. The Emperor was an enemy, and an unscrupulous 
one; and the troubles that were hanging over Bohemia itself 
recalled Wenceslas from Poland. He left it with his wife, the 
daughter of Przemislas, whom he married on his accession and 
departed for Prague. The garrison of Poland he filled with Bo- 
hemian soldiers. That, along with others, they did their duty, as 
protectors of the kingdom against external enemies, is an inference 
from the victory won over the Russians, Lithuanians, and Tartars, 
near Lublin. That they cruelly oppressed the Poles, is a pre- 
sumption confirmed by the usual conduct of foreign soldiers under 


similar conditions. It is also a matter on which the testimony of 
the Polish historians themselves (with whom, however, we must 
allow much for national prejudice) is decided. Meanwhile La- 
dislas was active; and in 1306 he succeeded to the throne. 

There is much in the further details of the personal history of 
Wenceslas that demands attention. The crown of Hungary (for 
instance) devolved on him ; and he declined it. This, however, 
belongs to the history of Bohemia rather than Poland. 

The reign of Ladislas IV. (1306 — 33) was one long war 
against the Germans ; for the Bohemians were more and more 
becoming German, and the Knights, though occupants of 
Curland, Livonia, and Prussia were wholly so. Brandenburgh, 
too, was both hostile and formidable. (Jpon the whole, he held 
his own. In another direction, he prepared the way for one of the 
most important events in Polish history. He married his son 
Casimir to the' daughter of Gedymin, Duke of Lithuania. If 
the tale be true, that the princess visited Poland and brought with 
her twenty-four thousand captives, who had been enslaved by the 
Lithuanians, we get a sad measure of the misery and ruin created 
by these frontier wars. The numbers, however, in Polish, as in the 
history of early Greece, generally run suspiciously high. To the 
last moment, King Ladislas nourished his resentment against the 
Knights. " Bather bury yourself under the ruins of your throne, 
than suffer them to possess the territories they have invaded! 
Punish the traitors ! Drive them out of the kingdom." These 
were amongst his last words, and they were addressed to his son 

Casimir HI., the Great, tempered his courage with ^•^- ^^^^" 
prudence, and knowing well that, under the difficulties 
by which he was oppressed, some concessions must be made, 
bad influence enough with his people to induce them to make 
terms with the hateful Knights. They were bad — but still the 
best that could be made. The Bohemian king, supported by two 
of the Polish Palatines, claimed the Polish crown; and the 
Knights pressed heavily for the cession of Culm, Michalov, and 
Pomerania. Under the mediation of the King of Hungary they 
obtained these, but restored Cujavia, and Drohiczyn. What he 
gave up as a warrior, he more than redeemed as legislator. We have 
seen that the title of '* Great " has been awarded to him. Even as 


a soldier, he added yolhynia and Podolia with the Palatinate of 
Bizescz and Beltz to the kingdom. Having only one child, and 
that a daughter, he proposed as his successor the son of his sister — 

Lewis, King of Hungary, on ascending the throne, made 
a special compact with the nohles, by which their power was in- 
creased both as against the Crown and as against the Com- 
monalty. They were to be firee from all contributions. In 
guarding themselves against an abuse of patronage, and a swarm 
of Hungarian oflScials, they acted wisely. But the guard was in- 
sufficient Immediately on his arrival at Cracow, Lewis conferred 
two fie& on two of his relations, and removed the daughter of 
Casimir to Hungary, thus putting them out of the way of making 
any marriage which endangered the transmission of the crown to 
his own descendants. He was forced, however, to leave his 
mother regent, and, himself, to reside in Hungary. The queen- 
mother was loved less than the son, and a revolt, in which the 
Idthuaniaus lent assistance, was the result. Her son supported 
her moderately and effectively. He connived at much of what 
bad been done; and succeeded in procuring the election of his 
daughter, Maria, as his successor. For this he had to make 
further concessions to the nobles, after which he left the country 
under the Duke of Oppeln as Governor. Him they refused to 
obey, and put the government in commission to three natives 
whom they obeyed just as badly. 

Loved in Hungary, and bated in Poland, Lewis died in 1382, 
having annexed Bed Russia, a dependency of Poland, to the 
Hungarian Crown. He relinquished all claims to Silesia. Pome- 
rania had been relinquished before. By these two concessions, 
the original character of the Polish area was notably altered. It 
was (so to say) thrown eastward ; so that it is as a kingdom of 
Eastern, or North-eastern, rather than as one of Western Europe 
that it is usually considered. We must remember, however, the 
original Polish character of Silesia and Pomerania. 

The claims of Maria, and her husband Sigismund, were set 
aside, and Hedvig, youngest daughter of the late king, and grand- 
daughter of Casimir the Great, grand-daughter also of a Lithua- 
nian princess, stood, like another Helen, prominent before a world 
of suitors — beautiful, virtuous, and the heiress of a crown. She 
married Jagello, the son of Gedymin, Duke of Lithuania, and by 


this marriage the Ejngdom of Poland and the Dukedom 6f Lithu- 
ania were united. The Piast was succeeded by^ or rather amalga- 
mated withy the Jagellon dynasty. 

With the marriage of Hedyig of Poland to Jagellon of Lithua- 
nia» I take leave, for a while, of the kingdom of Poland, in order 
to notice the duchy which is now united with it; and I do so 
with the intention of giving greater prominence to the latter than 
has usually been assigned to it 



The Tatshvings. 

LITHUANIG is used both in a general and a special sense. 
As a general term its import is ethnological and philological 
rather than political ; as a special one it is political rather than 
either philological or geographical. 

Ethnologically, the Lithuanic stock falls into four divisions — 
the Tatshvingy the Lithuanic Proper, the Lett, and the Prussian. 
Of these it is only the first, second, and third that are sufficiently 
connected with Poland to command our attention just now. Of 
the first two, the former is of comparatively slight importance, 
for which reason it will be dealt with first and disposed of at once. 

Of all the populations of Europe, the Yatshvings are, perhaps, 
the most fragmentary. Indeed, at the present time, the name 
occurs in only the following localities. 

(1. 2.) There are two small villages on the left bank of the 
Bobr, in the Circle of Bialostock, named Yatvez Stara, and 
Yatvez Nova, or Old and New Yatvez, The Prussian maps 
give the form of Jacwiz. Not far from these are the Mogilki 
Yadzhvingovskie, or the YaUhving Graves ; memorials, in all 
probability, of one of the battles of the thirteenth century. 

(8. 4.) Two villages named Yatveak, lie on the right side of 
the Niemen, in the Government of Yilna, and in the Circle of Lila. 
The environment here is Lithuanic. With the villages in Bia- 
lostock, it was Polish. In Schubert's map, a distinction is drawn 
between the two, and the one is called Polish, the other JRussian, 

(5.) Not far from these is a small population called Yatveshai. 
Aie these the Yodvezhai which Narbut places to the east of 
Grodno, occupants of Yatvez Pol, or the Yatshving Field ? If 


80, they are said to differ from their neighbours in habits, in 
dresSy and in complexion, their skins and clothing being dark. 

(6.) There is a village named Yatvesk about seven versts from 

The history of the Yatshvings is also fragmentary, though 
at one time they were a formidable people. Their name com- 
mands attention, or rather the multiplicity of forms under which 
it is found. Nor is this to be wondered at. To say nothing about 
the extent to which the Lithuanian phonesis differs from the Latin 
and the Grerman, the difference between the populations by which 
the Yatshving area was surrounded is alone sufficient to account 
for it So many languages, so many media : so many mediae so 
many chances of change. Then there are the differences of 
orthography ; e. g, the use of t for <?, and vice verad, Thunmann 
found the form Jecwesin^ and, treating it as the accusative case of 
Jecwesi^ made it a Fin gloss, the termination -wesi being Fin for 
water. He might, however, have found any amount of strange 
forms, i.e. Jacuits, Jatuit®, Ozecwesii, Terra Gzeowesia, Ozet- 
wintzits, Getwinziti, Oetwezits, Jetwesen, Jazuingi, Jasuingi, 
Jacuingi, Jaczwingi, Jacwingi, Yatwyagi, Yatwyazhi, Yatwya- 
gove, the latter forms being Bussian. Oeta, too, and JazygeSy 
he might have found; but, with these it would be doubtful 
whether he had a real name or a piece of ethnological specu- 
lation. It is only certain that forms like those given above 
are, by no means, uncommon. Little, however, has been written 
about them. 

The Mithridates — whereof it may be said, by the bye, that the 
section on the Lithuanic is one of the most exceptionable parts of 
the whole — mentions them, in a cursory and perfunctory manner; 
excusable, perhaps, from the fact of Language being the main 
object of the work, combined with that of the Yatshvings having 
left no specimens of their speech except a few proper names. 
It mentions them, however, after Thunmann aud Slozer ; treat- 
ing them as Lithuanians. Winning, who is the only Eng- 
lishman who has written at large upon the Prussians, never 
mentions the Yatshvings. Neither does Prichard. Amongst the 
Germans, Zeuss, whose work, though a Kosmos for fact, is an 
ignis fatuus for results, tells us more about them than any pre- 
vious writer. Nevertheless, there is one standard monograph upon 

c 2 


them — one by Sjdgren in the Transactions of the Imperial Aoa* 
demy of St Petersburg ; and it is this from which the following 
fragmentary notices are taken. 

The place is the Polish, Prossian, and Lithuanian frontiers; 
the time the thirteenth century. 

The town and fortress of Drohitshyn is stated by fair authori- 
ties to have been the metropolis of the Tatshvings in the plenti- 
iude of their power. This, however, is denied by Sjogren ; who 
says that, as a general rule, it was in the hands of either the 
Bussians or the Poles, and, for a short time, in those of the 
Teutonic Knights. The same able writer demurs to the state- 
ment of Dlugosz, who gives the year 1264 as the date of their 
final overthrow; not to say their extermination. Then, (as is 
said) Boleslas the Chaste, so utterly broke their power and 
dissolved their nationality, that, with the exception of a few 
peacefiil labourers and some sick men, the whole population 
either made itself over to the conqueror, or mixed itself with the 
Lithuanians ; and that to such a degree that *' now the very name 
of Yatshving is no longer in existence." Mathias of Miechov s 
notice is, in the main, the same; except that instead of his 
saying that the name is extinct, he writes that it is perrarum et 
paucis notum. It is enough to believe that Boleslas' victory 
ejected them from Podlachia: inasmuch as, in 1282, along with 
a formidable body of Lithuanians, they attacked Lublin. To 
bring down their history somewhat lower, Eromer writes that 
in 1589 a few remains of them were said to survive the rest 
of their nations {feruniur supercsse) in Russia and Lithuania, 
distinguished by their language from the Lithuanians and the 
Russians. We have seen that it can be carried farther down. 

The centre of the stock was Podlachia, nearly coinciding with 
the present province of Bialostock: of which they appear to 
have held the whole. On the west they extended into Mazovia, 
of which they held only a part ; the remainder being Polish. On 
the east a portion of Polesia was Tatshving; and here their 
frontagers were either pure Lithuanians, pure Bussians, or a 
population of mixed blood. Finally, a part, at least, of the area 
usually assigned to the Old, or true, Prussians was Tatshving : 
namely, the Sudauer district Now if this name be, word for 
word, Sudcni, and if it also represent the early population of 


the country, the Sadeni of Ptolemy were among the ancestors 
of the northern Yatshvings. 

What they were remarkahle for was their ohstinate Paganism ; 
and the extent to which every man's hand was held against them. 
Their only allies seem to have been the Gumanians and the 
Mongols. Notwithstanding all the allowance that must be made 
for the dark colours in which they are drawn, they were, evidently, 
a barbarous, though a brave, people. By 1800, however, they had 
ceased to be a nation. 

The first campaign against them was undertaken by Conrad, 
duke of Mazovia, and Vassilko Bomanovitsh, who, conjointly 
with his brother Daniel, was Duke of Halicz, or Gallicia. This 
was in 1 24 G. The year after this, Conrad, and the year after that, 
Conrad's son and successor, died. This made Semovit duke: 
and, under him, the offensive alliance with the princes of GalUcia 
continued. There were battles in 1248 and 1251. Meanwhile, 
the Teutonic Knights, with their hands against every one, were 
fighting to-day against their old allies, and to-morrow in alliance 
with their old enemies. By 1254 Semovit has made over to them 
a sixth of the Tatshving territory — whatever that was. The part 
that was thus cut off from the rest seems to have lien in the 
Sudauer country. The next year the allied arms of the Mazo- 
vians and the Gallicians extorted tribute firom another Yatsh- 
ving district. In 1256, the Pope, Alexander IV., announces the 
voluntary conversion of a few of them ; and makes them over to 
the protecting hands of the Bishop of Breslau and two of the Teu- 
tonic Knights. About the same time he enjoins a crusade against 
the remainder; including in his denunciations the Lithuanians. 

And now the Mongols have reached Yolhynia, Gallicia, and 
the firontiers of Lithuania and Poland ; and Wasilko Bomano- 
vitsh is compelled to join them in the inroad upon the Lithua- 
nians and the Yatshvings whose frontier has again to be 
encroached on. The great Lithuanian king, Mindog, gives a 
part of it to the Teutonic Knights. 

In 1264 the Yatshvings attack Lublin, and we may suppose 
that their chief, Komat, is at their head ; since that is the name 
of the Yatshving king who, a few months afterwards, is killed 
in the great battle (already alluded to) which was won by Bo- 
leslas^ to the discomfiture, though not (as asserted) to the utter 


annihilation of the Tatshvings. The chiefs, Mintel&, Schurpja, 
Mudejko, and Pestilo, are still able to offer an ineffectual resist- 
ance to the Bussian princes. Lew, Vladimir, and Mtsislav, in 1272. 
Soon afterwards, another chief, Skumand, heads their armies: 
and it is, probably, he who, after joining an heterogeneous army 
of Russians, Lithuanians, and Tartars in a murderous invasion of 
Poland, is attacked by the Grandmaster Mangold, defeated, and 
baptized. Skumand was the last of the Yatshvings whose name 
appears in history, and he was, perhaps, the first who died in his 
bed. This he did between 1280 and 1200. 



The Lithuanians Proper.— Their Poetiy.— Their Fairy Tales. 

With the single exception of the Esthonians, the Lithuanians are 
the most pagan of all the nations of civilized Europe : in other 
words, their superstitions are not only the most numerous, 
but they are the most redolent of Heathendom. Of the 
thousand-and-one songs which illustrate the simple modes of 
thought of the flax-dressers and foresters of their rude regions 
scarcely one is founded upon either a saintly legend or a Chris- 
tian sentiment The Virgin is nowhere: the miracle nowhere: 
the saint nowhere. There are holy wells, and mysterious groves ; 
hut the tales connected with them are not of a holy character. 
There is superstition and there is religion ; but it is the super- 
stition which in Italy would invoke Neptune in a storm, and the 
religion which sees in the Sun and the Morning-star a Ood of Light 
and a Messenger of the Dawn rather than mere heavenly bodies. 
As little do the ballads savour of heroes, warriors, and robbers. 
For all that they tell us, there is no heroic, no predatory age in 
Lithuania. Of border feuds, and of bold moss-troopers, there is 
scarcely a word ; and scarcely a word about any ancient king or 
captain. Of the songs that show even the soldier-sentiment there 
are but few, and the antiquity of these is but low. They date 
back to the times of Frederic the Great or of Charles XII. at 
thO'Very most. All the following are samples from Nesselmann : — 




To-day we'U drink ale ; 
To-morrow we'U march ont 
To the land of Hnngary, 


Where there are riyers of wine, 
Where there are golden apples, 
And where the woods arc orchards. 

And what shall we do there? 
And what shall we do there, 
In the land of Hungary 1 

We'll build ub a city 
With costly stones, 
And windows of the Sun. 



And what shall we eat ? 
And what shall we eat, 
In the land of Hungary ? 


Tender chickens ; 
Pigeons roasted, 
At the Son's stove. 


And what shall we drink 1 
And what shall we drink. 
In the land of Hoogaiyl 


Milk, mead, 
Douhle beer^ 
Bed wine. 


And what shall we wear 1 
Short coats, 
With gold buttons. 


To-day we will drink mead ; 
To-morrow we will march 
Into the land of the Franks. 


There grows a green forest 
In the land of the Franks-^ 
In the land of the Franks. 


Through that green forest 
Buns a clear stream- 
Buns a clear stream. 

Over the clear stream 
Is a bright bridge — 
Is a bright bridge. 



And where shall we sleep 1 
On beds of silk. 
And pillows of down. 


And who shall wait on usi 
And who shall wait on us» 
In the land of Hnngazy 1 


The Daughters of the Gods, 
With white hand% 
And soft words. 

And when shall we come back f 
And when shall we come back. 
From the land of Hnngaiy t 


When poets have buds, 
When stones have leayes. 
When trees grow on the sea. 


Under the bright bridge 
Swims a many-coloured fish — 
Swims a many-coloured fish. 


He that shall catch the fish 
Shall be king of Poland- 
Shall be king of Poland. 


The Saxon shall catch it, 

And he shall be king of Poland — 

And he shall be king of Poland. 

In aU this the Lithuanian songs stand in strong contrast to 
those of the Servians, the Spaniards and the Scotch, and the 
Germans; in all of which the personal element and the adven- 
tore are prominent. Bat of the simple sentiment of rural life, 
they are fiiU ; and the imagery corresponds. Here and there, 
too, there is an approach to the apologue. 




The gpanow gave 
A wedding feast for his daogliter; 
Dam dam dall dam, 
A wedding feast for his daugUter. 

Oat of a grain of rye 
He baked the bread ; 
Dam dam dali dam, 
He baked the bread. 


Oat of a grain of barley 

He brewed the ale ; 
Dam dam dali dam, 

He brewed the ale. 

And he called 

All the birds ; 
Dam dam dali dam. 

All the birds. 

The owl alone 
Was not called ; 
Dam dam dall dam. 
The owl alone. 

But the owl came 
Dam dam dali dam, 

The owl set himself 
At the end of the table; 
Dam dam dali dam. 
At the end of the table. 

The owl took 
Crumbs of white bread ; 
Dam dam dali dam, 
Crombs of white bread. 

The sparrow asked 
The owl to dance; 
Dam dam dali dam. 
The owl to dance. 

The sparrow trod on 
The owl's toes ;] 

Dam dam dali dam. 
The owl's toes. 

The sparrow picked oot 
The owl's eye. 
Dam dam daU dam. 
The owl's eye. 

The owl danced 
Blind and lame ; 
Dam dam dali dam. 
Blind and lame. 

The owl as judge 
On the hedge ; 
Dam dam dali dam, 
On the hedge. 

The owVs nest. 
Is it not a palace 1 
Dam di^m dali dam. 
Is it not a palacel 

The owl's sons, 
Are they not lords 1 
Dam dam dali dam, 
Are they not lords! 

The owl's daughters. 
Are they not ladies 1 
Dam dam dali dam. 
Are they not ladiesl 

The owl's head. 
Is it not a skillet] 
Dam dam dali dam] 
Is it not a skillet 1 

The owl's eyes, 
Are they not bungholes 1 
Dam dam dali dami 
Are they not bungholes 1 


The owl's beak. 

Is it not a gun] 

Dam dam dali dam, 

Is it not a gun] 



The owl's feathers, 
Are they not silk? 
Dam dam dali dam, 
Are they not silkl 


The owl's wings 
Are they not posies? 
Dam dam dali dam. 
Are they not posicsl 


The wolf, the wolfie. 
The beast of the forest, 
Ooes out of the wood 
Into the meadows, 
Worries the catves, 
And the foals : 
Such is his work. 


The fox, the fozie. 
The beast of the forest^ 
Creeps from the wood 
Into the homestead. 
Steals and bites 
Cocks and geese : 
Such is his work. 


The dog, the doggie. 
The watcher of the house, 
Barks and bites 
The thiefs toes. 
Frightens old women, 
And l)eggarmen: 
Such is his work. 


The owl's feet. 
Are they not harrows! 
Dam dam dali dam. 
Are they not hairowsl 

The owl's taU 
Is it not a besom! 
Dam dam dali dam. 
Is it not a besom! 


The flea, the flcaie. 
Sucks the blood 
At dawn of day. 
To wake the maids^ 
To milk the cows : 
Such is his work. 

The bee, the beeie. 
The insect of the forest, 
Hums on the heath. 
Stings our fingers, 
Ears, and fftce. 
Gives us honey : 
Such is his work. 


Oh ! man, manikin, 
Look at the bee. 
Thou Btlngcst 
Our hearts, our hearties. 
Give then comfort 
To your brother : 
Such is man*s work. 

More interestiDg than any of the preceding are those which 
convey allusions to the old mythology of the pagan period ; or, to 
speak more strictly, those which represent that amount of Pagan- 
ism which still exists — still exists, though overlaid and disguised 
by an imperfect Christianity. To Perkun, Perkuns, or Perku- 
nos, was awarded either the first, or the second place in the Lithu- 
anic Pantheon — his rival in power being Pikullos. The name 
of the latter, though not found in the collection from which the 
present specimens are taken, is, still, to be found elsewhere — as will 
be shown in the sequel. 



"Sun/Daughter of Ood, 
Why BO fiur goest thou ] 
Why 80 long waiteBt thoa. 
From us departing V 


" Over seasy over hills, 
I have looked at the meadows, 
I have cheered the shepherds : 
Many are my gifts." 


The Moon went with the Son, 

In the early Spring ; 

The San got np early : 

The Moon went away from him. 


The Moon walked alone, 

Fell in love with the Mozning-Star ; 

Yesterday, in the evening. 
My lamh got lost ; 
Wholl help to seek 
My only lamh 1 


I went to the Morning-Star ; 
The Morning-Star answered, 
" At the dawn of Day, 
I must light the Son's fire." 

I went to the Erening-Star ; 
The Eyening-Star answered, 

" Sun, Daughter of God, 
Who, Morning and Eveningy 
Lights your fire, 
Makes yoor bed 1" 


** The Morning-Star, the Evening-Star ; 
The Morning-Star for my fire. 
The Evening-Star for my bed : 
Many are my mates." 


Perknn, greatly angered. 
Stabbed her with a sword. 


Why wentest thon away from the San 1 
Why walk alone in the night 1 
Why tall in love with the Morning- 
Star 1 
Your heart is fall of sorrow. 


" At the close of Day, 

I must make the Son's bed.** 


I went to the Moon ; 

And the Moon answered, 

" I have been stabbed by a sword : 

Sad is my countenance !" 


I went to the Sun ; 

The San answered, 

"For nine Days will I search. 

And on the tenth I won't leave ofif." 



The Moming^tar gave a feast ; 

Perkun rode past the gate : 

He struck down a green oak- tree. 

The oak-tree, dripping with blood. 
Splashed my garment- 
Splashed my garland. 


The Sun's Daughter, weeping. 
Collected, for three years. 
The withered leaves. 


" Oh, where, my mother. 
Shall I wash my garments 1 
Where shall I wash out the blood V* 



" Oh, my yoang daughter, 
Go to the pond 
Into which nine streomB flow ! " 

" And where, my mother, 
Shall I dry my clothca 1 
Where shall 1 dry them in the wind 1 


There sailed— there sailed 
From the Russian town, 
Two young fishermen. 


They cast — they cast 
Their fine nets, 
In the middle of the bay. 

They took — they took 
The fishes of the sea, 
With their fine nets. 

And they caught in their nets- 
Oh, what a wonder I — 
Two sea-calves. 


« Mate ! mate ! 
Friend ! friend ! 
What are these two fishes 1" 


And the Gk>d of the Sea 
Was angry with them : 
A storm arose. 


" Oh, mate ! mate ! 
Friend I friend ! 
Throw out the golden anchor ! " 


" Oh, my young daughter. 
In that green garden 
Where nine rose-trees grow ! 



" Oh, mate I mate I 
Friend I friend ! 
Run up to the top of the mast ! 

** Perhaps you may see 
The hills of the harbour ; 
Perhaps a slender fir-tree." 

" I see no harbour — 
I see no hills — 
I see no slender fir-tree. 


" 1 can only see 
My own dear maiden. 
Walking in the fir- wood. 



Black— black is her garland. 
Yellow her curls, 
Green her skirt. 

" I would if I could 
Pull in two 
The green skirt. 


"One half 
I would keep in my locker ; 
Of the other half I would make a flag.* 

Poems, however, of this kind are exceptional. The generality 
is of the same sort as those of Estonia; and to some extent, 
(allowing for a dijQTerence of imagery) of the Swiss and Tyrolese. 
But, as will be seen in the sequel, it is with that of those of 



Estonia that the imagery most agrees. The horse, which is 
always called by its poetic name zirgus rather than by its ordinary 
name arhlys^ appears in almost all of them. It carries the lover 
to his sweet-heart, who is in a garden of me and peonies, pluck- 
ing lilies, and preparing wreaths. Or she is helping at the mow- 
ing ; or palling the flax ; or, it may be, spinning in her mother s 
hut. The love-making, though an air of simple sentiment is flung 
around it, is of an ordinary kind ; with a modicum of reserve and 
but Uttle refinement. Allowing, however, for the practice of what 
the Germans call ** love between the blankets," to which the Welsh 
give a grosser name — it is innocent withal. It is done prettily, 
to say the least ; perhaps, poetically. 



" Come hither, maiden 1 

Come hither, yoang one I 
Let U8 talk sweet talk— 
Let U8 dream dreams, 

Where the springs are the deepest — 

Where the love is the loyingest." 



" I cannot, yoang man — 

I cannot, young man I 
My mother will scold, 
The old father will scold. 

If 1 go home late — 

If I go home late." 


" Then say, young maiden — 

Then say, young one, ^ 
That two ducks flew to the spring. 
And muddied the water." 


" It is not tme, my daughter- 
It is not true, my young one ; 
Yon talked with a young man — 
You dreamed with a young man, 
Under the green, 
With sweet words." 


" My daughter Simonene, 

Where did you get the hoy 1 
Dam, dam, dali dam, 

Where did you get the boy T* 


" Mother — ^honoured mother. 

It came in a dream ; 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

It came in a dream." 


" My daughter Simonene, 
And how will you cover himi 

Dam, dam, dali dam. 
And how will you corer him 1 


" Mother — honoured mother. 
In the hood of my gown ; 

Dam, dam, dali dam. 
In the hood of my gown." 


" My daughter Simonene, 
And who will watch over him ? 

Dam, dam, dali dam. 
And who will watch over him 1 " 


" Mother — honoured mother. 

The daughters of Qod, 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

Will bear him on their hands." 



" My daughter Simonene, 

What will you lay him in 1 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

What wiU you lay him in T 

" Mother — ^honoured mother, 

In the shroad of the dew ; 
Dam, dam, dali dam, 

In the i^iroud of the dew." 

" My daughter Simonene, 

Where will yoa rock him 1 
Dam, dam, daJi dam. 

Where will you rock him T 

" Mother— honoured mother. 

In the cradle of the Laima ; 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

In the cradle of the Laima." 

" My daughter Simonene, 

What will yon feed him with 1 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

What wiU yon feed him with T 

" Mother— honoured mother. 

With the white bread of the Sun ; 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

With the white bread of the San." 

'' My daughter Simonene, 

Where will you send him 1 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

Where will you send himl** 

« Mother— honoured mother. 

In the army of the Boyards; 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 

In the army of the Boyards." 



My daughter Simonene, 
What will he bet 
Dam, dam, dali dam. 
What will he be 1" 

" Mother— honoured mother, 

He will be a Hetman ; 
Dam, dam, dali dam, 

He will be a Hetman." 



I went into the town of Tilsit— 

Into the town of Tilsit, among the dragoons. 


There rode out one troop— there rode out another. 
But there was not — there was not my young man. 


I went into KSningsberg — 

Into Kdningsberg, among the fine people. 

There walked out one company — ^there walked out another. 
But there was not — there was not my young man. 

I went into Berlin, 
Amongst the King's guards. 

There went out one company — there went out another. 
But there was not — there was not my young man. 


I went into a green meadow — 
Into a green meadow, among the mowers. 

I looked at one, I looked at the other, 
Bat there was not — there was not my young man. 

I went on a high hill — 
On a high hill, among the p1oagher& 

I looked at one, and I looked at the other. 
And there I set eyes on my young man. 


And there flew a bright-coloured greenfinch 

Out of the garden. 
And bespoke a many-coloured nightingale 

In the garden. 
'< Now, go away, yon many-coloured greenfinch, 

From me ; 
Ton will find other nightingales 

As good as I." 
'' No ! I hare flown oyer a hundred gardens 

And one, 
But never I have found nightingale 

Like you I •* 


And there rode a young courtier 

Out of the eourt. 
And bespoke a young court lady, 

In the court. 
*' Now, go away, you young courtier. 

From me ; 
You will find other court ladies 

As good as I." 
*' No I I haye ridden through ten courts 

And one. 
But neyer found lady like you ! " 

And there rode a young yillager 

Out of the village. 
And bespoke a young maiden 

In the village. 
** Now, go away, you young villager, 

From me; 


Yoa will find other maidens 

As good as 1." 
" No ! I have ridden through ten yillsges 

And one, 
And never found a maiden like yon." 

And there rode a young townsman 

Out of the town, 
And hespoke a young lady 

In the town. 
" Now, go away, you young townsman, 

From me ; 
You will find other young ladies 

As good as I." 
'' No ! I have ridden through ten towns 

And one, 
And never found lady like you ! " 

Between the earliest of these and the latest there is but little 
difference. The oldest song in Lithuanic belongs to the six- 
teenth century ; but it might have been composed yesterday ; as 
hundreds like it are composed. Perhaps, we should say that the 
Lithuanian songs ^row : for they are anonymous, and, until lately^ 
all unwritten ; and in different parts of the country the same song 
takes a different form or differs in length from its fellow. Thus 
a few stanzas may be found in one village; whereas another may 
give it with addition upon addition. The longest, however, are short 
— sonnets, so to say, in a metre different from that of the ordinary 
sonneteer. The name for them is Dainusf word for word, the 
name of similar songs in Wallachia and Moldavia. The gesme 
is the sacred song, the dainus the popular one. The gesme makes, 
perhaps, a hundredth part of the whole collection ; the dainus 
all the rest 

The fairies of Lithuania are the Laumas, of whom tale upon 
tale is current. The Lauma haunts lonely places, and visits the 
dwellings of men at night. It is a female, and is skilled in all 
female employment. It can spin, weave, sew, work in the fields. 
One thing, however, it can not do. It cannot begin a work, and it 
cannot end one. It is not malicious, but only mischievous. It 
steals and changes infants. A child of a Lauma is soon either 
discovered or suspected. It has a big swollen head. It sometimes 
lives to be ten years old, rarely twelve, never thirteen. 


Once apon a time a poor woman bad her child changed. It had 
never spoken ; a beggar came to the door, and told her what to do 
with the child. She must break an egg and take the shell ; she 
must make a kettle of it and fill it with water ; she must take it into 
the kitchen and wait till the child opens its eyes. The child, 
when it saw what was going on, would ask what she was doing. 
She was to answer " brewing ale." When the child heard this, it 
would speak, and then die. The mother did all that the beggar told 
her. " What are you doing, mother ? " said the child. " My child, 
I am brewing ale," said the mother. " God give you grace," said 
the child; ''I was bom before the trees at Kamschen were 
planted. They have grown to be big trees, and are now cut down 
or dead. Such a wonder as this I never saw." It said this, but 
it said no more ; it pined and died. 

Again : once on a time there was a man with his wife in Bud- 
weten. They had a child, and it was fit to be baptized. The 
father went to the town to buy some things for the baptism, and 
the child slipped off on the floor. At that time the Lithua- 
nians had large halls, with wide polished floors. You find them 
now in some of the old houses. So the father and mother went 
to bed ; but their son, who was a lad, slept in the hall. When all 
were fast asleep, in came two Laumas. No one knew how they 
came, but the boy heard them talk to one another. He was not 
asleep, but only slumbered, so that he said nothing. The two 
Laumas went into the kitchen and lit a torch, and then crept back 
again into the hall. And then they took the new-bom babe, and 
swathed it up, and put a besom in the swathing-bands. It was 
now time to put the changeling into its place, so they agreed who 
should put it. " Go you," said one Lauma. " No ! go you," 
said the other. " / shan't," said one ; *' / shan't," said the other. 
They would never have changed it at all, if they had not agreed 
to take it between them. So they both took it, but they left the 
real child behind. The boy who had heard all the quarrel, waited 
till they were out of the room, and then jumped up and took the 
trae child with him to his own bed ; and when he had done this, 
the two Laumas came back. ** Look whatyow've done," said one, 
'* Look what yew've done," said the other. " Kirikiri ! Kirikiri ! 
Kirikiri ! " crowed the cock. So now the lad took the trae child 
and went with it to the bedroom of the father and mother, and 



gave it to them. The torch was baming, bat the mother was 
sleeping sound. The lad awakened her. *' Thank you/* said she, 
'' thank you again and again. I have had such a terrible dream. 
I dreamed that there was a nightmare on my breast, so heavy that 
I could not draw my breath." So the lad told her all; but she 
would not believe him till she looked between the sheets, and, lo ! 
there were two babes there. One was like the one just bom, but 
the other was strange and wonderful to behold. So the next day 
they went to the parson ; the parson was a wise man, and knew 
all about Laumas and their lying tricks. So he gave them 
these orders : — " If the boy be quite sure that he tells nothing but 
the truth, let him swear to it, and let him then take the false 
child, and as soon as he gets home, take a hatchet, lay its head on 
the threshold of the door, and cut off its head ; it cannot be dead 
twenty-four hours, and after that time it will be alive again." The 
boy wished to do as he was told, but was afraid to do it alone ; so 
lie waited till his master came back. The master said, " Let us do 
what the parson tells us." So they took the false child, and went 
and got an axe, and laid the child's neck on the threshold of the 
door, and cut off his head, and took it up to look at the neck. There 
was nothing under the skin but the straw and twigs of the besom, 
and these were bleeding just as if they were veins. Ever since 
tlien the Lithuanians have burnt torches at christenings. 

Again : once upon a time there was a young man, and he slept 
all alone in his bed-room ; but he was pressed all night long by a 
Lauma. He did all he could to get rid of it. One day he met a neigh- 
bour who told him how he might do it. He was to go into the wood, 
and in a clump of trees he would find a young oak growing; he 
was to cut this down and see which way the grain of the wood ran ; 
he was to keep his hatchet along the grain and make a bolt; he 
was to go to the room where he slept and bolt his door with it ; 
he was to drive it in with a hammer made out of nine-times-nine 
pieces of iron, with a hme-tree handle. So he went to the wood, 
and he found the clump of trees, and he picked out the oak, and 
he cut it down, and he saw which way it grew, and he made the 
bolt, and he went home, and he lay awake in his bed. And the 
Lauma came creeping up, and he heard her coming, and he 
jumped out of bed, and he took the axe, and he drove in the bolt. 
And he went to bed again, and he lay awake and listened. And 


he heard no moie of the Lauma, hut he heard a sound like a 
oat scratching. And he lay awake till the day dawned ; and then 
he saw a beautiful maiden all in tears, and he married the maiden, 
and she made him a good wife ; and he worked hard at his daily 
labour, and she worked with him, but she could never begin any 
work, and she could never end it. And they had two children, 
but she was always crying and talking about the bolt in the door, 
and she begged and begged until he took it away. And then she 
said she could begin her work, and she could end her work. Thus 
they lived many years together, and at last the bolt was taken 
away, and the night after the wife was gone, and the husband 
never saw her again. He never saw her again ; but every Thursday 
night she brought the little children some white handkerchiefs. 
The white handkerchiefs were brought every Thursday evening, 
but the young man saw nobody. 

Again : there was a poor girl, who had neither father nor mo- 
ther. But the Lauma pitied her, and every day brought her great 
rolls of sheets and fine linen. She might use them as her own, 
but she was never to measure them with a yard-band. However, 
the heap grew and grew, till she wondered what it was worth, and 
how many yards of Unen there were in it. She said, '' I must sell 
some, and to the market it shall go. I'll take a few yards at first, 
and afterwards take more." So she measured off a few yards. 
But the next night it was all gone, and no more was ever brought 
to her. 

Again: there was a widow who had a good harvest, but could 
not get it in. A Lauma promised to help her, if she would only 
let her eat as much bacon as she could. So she helped to get the 
harvest and ate away at the bacon. She ate and ate until she had 
eaten all the boiled and all the fried. Then she ate it raw. At 
this the widow lost patience. There was only one flitch left, and 
that hung to the roof by a band. She took the band and struck 
the Lauma with it on the mouth, who was so angry that she scat- 
tered all the com she had got-in over the field, and ate up the rest 
of the bacon. 

Again : there was a woman who had a child, and she went 
every day to wash the baby-linen in a pond with a flight of steps 
that led down to it. In Lithuania, where the washing is done out- 
of-doors, such steps are common ; and the washerwomen beat Uie 



linen with bats or clubs instead of rubbing it between their hands 
as we do. She washed the linen every day ; on Thursdays, as 
well as at other times. Now Thursday is the washing-day of the 
Laumas, when they go of an evening to the wash-ponds and beat 
the clothes Uke the ordinary washerwomen. They washed and 
washed, and made so much noise over their washing that all the 
neighbourhood was frightened ; and no one more than the good 
woman with her baby-linen. She did not know what to do^ until 
she was told that if she made a whip out of the bast, or inner 
bark, of the lime-tree, and went to the pond, and stood on the 
steps, and laid about her, whether any one was to be seen or not, 
the Lauma would go away. She might get her brother to do this, 
or do it herself. Her brother's name was Jakam ; he was a bold 
man ; for he had been a soldier. So he did what his sister asked, 
and got the whip, and went to the pond, and stood on the steps, 
and waited till he heard the noise. He then laid about him with 
the whip. But he saw nothing except three washing-bats, which 
lay on the steps. He took them, and went home with them. After 
this there were no more noises at the pond : not even on a Thurs- 
day evening. But when Jakam went to bed, he heard a voice say- 
ing — ** Jakam! Jakam! good Jakam, give us back our washing- 
bats." So it was for two Thursdays running ; and on the third 
he heard more — "Jakam! Jakam! good, kind Jakam! give us 
back our washing-bats. We shall be very miserable without 
them ; and if you will let us have them, we promise we will never 
wash again. Good J&kam, give them back to us, or else we shall 
die." J&kam was a kind man, and he gave back the washing-bats : 
after which the Laumas were as good as their word, and they never 
washed there again. 

Another Lauma saw a mother washing her child. The mother 
went out, and when she came back, the child was dead. The 
Lauma had taken it, and wanted to wash it in a bath just as the 
mother. Instead, however, of lukewarm water she made it boil- 
ing hot, and scalded the poor baby to death. 

The Lauma often teaches good housewives to spin and weave, 
and if the housewife can guess their name, she has all tlie linen ; 
otherwise, the Lauma takes half of it. There was only one wo- 
man who ever guessed right. The Lauma's name was Bigute^ 
and this the woman found out by guessing. 


Thursday is the great day for the Lanma. If you hegin any 
spinning or weaving, or any kind of work that Laumas are given 
to, they will come when you have gone to bed, and go on with it 
till the cock crows: when they will take it away for themselves. 

The longest story about the Lauma is the following from the 
neighbourhood of Pilkallen in East Prussia. 

There were nine brothers, and they had only one sister among 
them. All nine went to the wars ; but before they went away, 
they bought their sister a golden ring. This was when she was 
a little girl. When she had grown up she looked in her desk and 
found the ring her brothers had bought. But she did not know 
who had put it there. So she said to her mother, " Mother, who 
has put this ring here ? " And the mother answered, " My child ! 
thou hast nine brothers, and the eldest has bought the ring and 
left it here for you. They are all soldiers, and have gone to the 
wars." Then the maiden asked her mother if she might go after 
them. The mother said yes ; and got her a little horse and a 
little car, and harnessed the horse to the car, and put her daugh- 
ter in, and sent her on her way. As she was driving she met a 
hare, and the hare said, " Oniite ! " (that was her name) " Onute ! 
my dear sister ! let me go with you." "Oh, yes," said Onute, 
" get up, and sit behind." So they both drove until they came 
to a lake where the Laumas were bathing. Oniite was dressed very 
beautifully, and the ring was on her finger. When the Laumas 
saw her, they said, "Come to us, Onute — come and bathe. 
We have a river flowing with milk, and its bank is all of red 
wine." But the hare said, " Oh ! Onute ! go not with them. 
The river is all tears, and the bank is all blood." Then a Lauma, 
who heard what was said, jumped up and tore off the poor 
hare*s hind -legs. They drove a little further, and found some 
more Laumas bathing, and they spoke to her as before : " Come 
and bathe, Onute ; we have a river of milk, and its banks are all red 
wine." But the hare warned her against it again. So the 
Lauma, very angry, tore the hare to pieces, and flung her out of 
the car. 

Onute drove on, and found some more Laumas bathing ; and, as 
the friendly hare was not with her, she was persuaded to take 
off her clothes and bathe. Then said a Lauma, " Oniite ! I will 
change you into a louse, and myself into a flea, and well jump 


into the water at the same time, and whoever comes out first sball 
put on your fine clothes, and whoever comes out last shaU pat on 
this ragged jacket." Onute agreed to this, and the Lauma came 
out first. But though Onute had taken oS all her clothes, she had 
not taken off the golden ring ; and although she had put on the 
ragged jacket, she had still the golden ring on her finger. Bat 
this the Lauma did not see. 

So they went a little further, and Onute hegan to cry. " What 
are you crying for ? " said the Lauma, *' and what are you seek- 
ing ? " "I am seeking my nine brothers, who have gone to the 
wars." So they went a little further until they came to a great 
house. The Lauma went in, and said — " Have you got nine win- 
dows here, and nine tables, and nine plates, and nine saucers, and 
nine spoons,'* and at last she said, " have you nine brothers here ? " 
** No," said the woman of the house, " we have neither nine 
brothers, nor nine windows, nor nine anything." 

So they went a little further until they came to another great 
house, and there tliey found the nine windows, &c., and also the 
nine brothers. The eldest of them said to the others, " That must 
be our sister." So the Lauma was treated like their sister and 
placed at the head of the table and made much of. *' But who 
have you got with you ? " said the eldest brother. The Laama 
onswercd, " I was driving along the bank of a lake, and I saw a 
Lnuma, and she asked me to take her with me, and I did so." 
To this the brother said, " Good ! let her go into the fields and tend 
the horses." And she did so. But when she put them up in their 
stalls the eldest brother's horse would not eat ; so she sang to him 
thus : — 

Oh, my- horse ! oh, my brown 1 

Why wilt thou not cat 

The green grass of the meadows ? 

AVhy wilt thou not drink 

The clear water of the stream 1 

Then the horse answered, and said : — 

Why should I eat green grass 1 
Why drink the water of the stream) 
That Lauma, that witch, 
Drinks wine with your brothers, 
And thou, the sifter of your brother^ 
Must keep horses. 


Now, the eldest brother heard this, and said, ** Lauma ! will 
you come and .... head off." So his sister came to him cry- 
ing bitterly; when her brother saw the ring. Then he said, 
" Where did you get that ring ? " So she told him all about it. 
The brother then fell down in a fit : and when he recovered he 
took his sister to the great house and had her dressed in clean 
and beautiful clothes. And he told the other brothers who she was, 
and all about the Lauma. And, then, they considered what 
should be done with the Lauma. So they took a horse and covered 
it all over with pitch, and let it stand befofe the door. Then they 
cried to the Lauma, "Lauma! witch! get away out of the house." 
'' I cannot do that," said the Lauma, " because there is a horse 
before the door ! " " Then take it away," said the brother. So 
she laid her hand on it to take it away. But the hand stuck to 
the pitch. "Try your foot," said the brother. But the foot 
stuck. " Try the other hand." But that stuck. " Try the other 
foot." That stuck too. Then she pushed the horse with her 
whole body. But that stuck. So the brother took a strong 
girth, and tied her on the horse^ and gave it a smart cut with the 
whip, saying: — 

Off! horse t 

Off ! brown t 

Over the heaths^ . 

Through Tales and dales, 

Uon to the sea, and then throw her oSL 

The horse did as he was told. 

But it is not the songs of the Lithuanians, nor yet the obscure 
fragments of their history, which give them their ethnological 
importance. That which has drawn the eyes of philologues from 
all quarters is their language. The modem inquirer, who 
examines it with more than ordinary interest and curiosity, only 
regrets that he finds in it but ruins of the numerous dialects into 
which it may have been divided and sub-divided. Of the changes 
it may have undergone during its numerous stages, he knows 
nothing — has no materials for knowing. Of its original extent 
he can get but a rough measure ; and that only by inferences, in 
which so much speculation and assumption is mixed up, that he 
is never sure of any second investigator agreeing with him. 

There is much, however, which is certain ; much that no scio- 


lism can overlook, no scepticism abolish. In the amount of 
its inflection, especially in respect to the declension of its substan- 
tives and its adjectives, and (more especially) its participles, the 
Lithuanic reminds us of languages like the Latin of Cicero and 
the Greek of Pericles, rather than any modem tongue, like Italian, 
Spanish, or English. Where we use prepositions, and say, to a 
town, from a town, or the like, the Lithuanians have true cases. 

The Icelandic and the High-German only approach the fulness 
of the Lithuanic noun in this respect. On the other hand, 
however, the conjugation of the verbs is limited. Still, the 
language is more ancient than modem — at any rate, it is more 
like the Latin than the Italian, more like the Greek than the 
Bomaic, in its development 

But this is not the chief point upon which the attention of philo- 
logues has been concentrated. After a long series of unsatisfactory 
speculations, and hasty guesses ; after a mass of different opinions 
as to whether the Letts and Lithuanians constituted a separate 
stock or a mixed mass of Slaves and Fins; after a conflict of 
statements as to the real relations and position of their language, 
the unexpected fact, that of all the languages in the world, it is the 
ancient literary language of India— the Sanskrit, and its congeners 
— with which the Lithuanic (after its immediate congeners, the 
Slavonic forms of speech) is most immediately connected — has 
become generally admitted and authoritatively adopted. And 
this, for a language so little known through its literary, its com- 
mercial, and its political importance ; for a language spoken by 
less than a million individuals ; and for a language limited to the 
fragments of a province, is saying much. 

The fact, however, is beyond doubt. How it is to be explained is 
a question which scarcely finds place in a work like the present. 
At any rate, the present chapter is no place for it. 

I conclude with the following extract from Prichard ; written 
after the Indian affinities of the Lithuanic had been acknow- 
ledged, but before they had received the attention which, within 
the last few years, they have commanded. 

Of late years, and since the hifltory of the Indo-European langnages has en- 
gaged 80 much attention, the dialects of the Lithuanians and Letts have been 
diligently studied and elucidated. The result has been a now-prevailing and 
perhaps fully-established opinion, that this idiom may justly claim a particular 
place of its own among the languages of that class. It appears, indeed, that the 



Lithuanian, of all the idioms of Europe, has the nearest affinity with the Sans- 
krit. It is a &ct, though a very surprising one, that the language of the ancient 
Prussians and Letts was strongly allied to the sacred and classical dialect of 
Hind(istan. How this can have happened would be a puzzling question, which 
fortunately it is needless to discuss, since our concern is merely to ascertain fiicts. 
An analysis of the Old Prussian language, by Professor Yon Bohlen, fully estab- 
lishes the assertion, which the grammatical researches of MM. Bopp, Grimm, 
Lassen, and others had made sufficiently probable, if not quite certain. — Vol. ilL 
p. 453. 

I^ecimem 8 and 4 in the original Lithuanian, 


Zada zwirblelis 

Dukryte leisti, 

Dam dam dali dam 

Dukryte leistL 

Isz rugiCk grudo 
Iszkepe duna^ 
Dam dam dali dam 
Iszkepe duna. 

Isz meziii grudo 

Padare alu, 

Dam dam dali dam 
Padare alu. 

O ir sukwete 
Wisus pauksztyozna^ 
Dam dam dali dam 
Wisus pauksztyczuB. 

Tiktay ne kw^te 
Peleda wdna, 
Dam dam dali dam 
Peledj^ w^na. 

Ateit peleda 
Ir nekweczama, 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ir nekw^czama. 

Sedos peleda 
Uz stale galo. 
Dam dam dali dam 
Uz stale galo. 

Isztrauk peleda 
Pyrago gala 
Dam du m dali 4a m 
Pyrago gala. 

Iszwede s wirblis 
Pel^a szokti, 
Dam dam dali dam 
Peleda BZoktL 

ir pamyne 
Peledds pirszta, 
Dam dam dali dam 
Pel^d6s pirszta. 

Iszkirto zwirblis 
Peled6s aki. 
Dam dam dali dam 
Peled6s akL 

Szoko peUda 
Akla ir raisza, 
Dam dam dali dam 
Akla ir raisza. 

jPeleda prowon, 
Zwirblis i tworjt 
Dam dam dali dam 
Zwirblis I twora* 

Pelddds lizdas 
Ar ne dwarelis 1 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne dwarelis 1 

Pelddte waikai 
Ar ne ponaczei 1 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne ponaczei 1 

Pelcd6s dukres 

Ar ne paneles? 

Dam dam dali dam 

Ar ne paneles 1 

Pelcdds galwa 

Ar ne pudelis 1 

Dam dam dali dam 

Ar ne pudelis 1 

Peled6s akys 
Ar ne spunteles 1 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne spunteles f 



relcd68 snapas 
Ar nc puczkele 1 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne puczkele 1 

Pcledds plunksnofl 
Ar ne barwelcs 1 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne barwelcs 1 

PeledOs epamai 
Ar ne.kwetkelofll 

Wilkas wilkelifly 
Medinia pauksztii, 
Iszeit iaz girds 
Ant ganyklclds, 
Pleazia wcrszel} 
Ir kumcluka. 
Tai sawo darbas. 

Lape lapele, 

Medinis paukszlis, 

Slenka iaz girOs 

I priwartcle, 

Pjauna sugauna 

Zasi wisztele. 
< • 

Tai sawo darbas. 

SzA, szu, szunelis, 
Trobds sargeliSy 
Loja ir pjauna 
Wagfts kulncle, 
Baidin' bobeles, 
Kelion6s zmones. 
Tai sawo darbas. 


Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne kwetkelet t 

Pelcdds kojoa 
Ar negrdbleleit 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne grdblelei f 

Ir j6« Adega 
Ar ne szl&trazys t 
Dam dam dali dam 
Ar ne sslutrazys I 

Blusa blusele, 
Smilus paukszicllB, 
Surbja krai^jcliy 
Ausztant auszrelei 
MiUzti karwoica 
Budin' meigeles. 
Tai sawo darbas. 

Bite bitele, 
Medinis pauksztifl^ 
Birbja szileiy, 
Gil i pirsztelj, 
Weida, auseld, 
Dfid ir medeliaoB 

Tai sawo darbas. 


Zmogau zmogeliaOf 

Begck bitele 1 

Gana tu g^U 

Szirdij' szirdelej* ; 

Duk ben salduma 


Sawo brolelioi. 
Tai ionogaaa darbas. 

This is in the orthography of Nessellmann, which slightly 
differs from both the older and newer modes of spelling. 



Early History of Lithuania.— Its Contrast to its Present State.— The Old Litha- 
anians a warlike People. — Mindog and his Successors.— Tagello to Sigis- 
mnnd U. 

So low is the present condition of tbe small peasantry which now 
represents the Lithuanic name and language, that many of those 
who assume the immutable character of national aptitudes and 
national energies, are unwilling to believe that the original Lithua- 
nians were formidable warriors, and ferocious conquerors — so 
much so that they have taken refuge in the doctrine that, in the 
times of their historical importance, the Lithuanian leaders were 
no Lithuanians at all, but either Poles or Bussians, or of mixed 
blood. From the details of their early history, and from the 
names of their heroes, I find myself unable to agree with this view; 
I find that, anterior to the union with Poland, there is no evidence 
of any notable Polish influence ; and that, in respect to Bussia, 
it was the Lithuanians who, in the way of domination, exerted 
full as much power as was brought to bear upon themselves. This, 
however, refers only to the earlier^ and, I may add, to the darker 
and more obscure periods of their history. The nearer we come 
to our own times the more uniform is the warlike superiority of 

In wars against the Letts and Courlanders, their own near con- 
geners, the Lithuanians were generally victorious; and it is the 
early historian of Liefland, Henry, himself a Lett, who writes that 
his countrymen were as lambs to wolves in respect to the Lithua- 
nians. The analogy of the Tatshvings and the Old Prussians 
points in the same direction. Between these and the Lithuanian 
there were border wars. There were also intestine wars between 
the different divisions of the Lithuanians themselves, (especially in 
Samogiti^ the typically Lithuanian part of Lithuania^) both at tho 
dawn of history, and at the present time. 


Upon the Ugrians of their frontier the Litbaanians seem 
steadily to have encroached ; so much so that I doubt whether 
there is a single acre of Lithuania which was not originally Finn. 
This, however, is a point of general ethnology, upon which there 
is no need to enlarge; neither is the fact very important So 
many are in the habit of looking upon the Ugrians as one of the 
weaker divisions of mankind, that no amount of victories over them 
would prove much as to the prowess of the conqueror. Though 
I hold this view to bo erroneous, I need scarcely stop to correct 
it. What I wish to suggest at present is the fact that, though 
now depressed, the Lithuanians were once bold warriors. The 
Germans, however, upon the whole, worsted them; though not at 
once and easily. From West to East the encroachment of the 
Teutonic Knights and the Knights of the Swords was steadily 
successiiil. Tet it told more upon Courland and Livonia than 
upon Samogitia and Lithuania Proper. Besides which, it was 
backed by a mass of powerful dukedoms, principalities, and king- 
doms ; not to say an empire and a pope. These wars of the 
Orders under notice were Crusades, though not in the technical 
sense of the term. They were Crusades like that against the 
Albigenses, and, perhaps, bloodier and more disgraceful ones. 
They were resisted, though not equally, in all directions, and they 
were only partially complete. Though Courland and Livonia 
were, more or less, Germanized, and though, at the present time, 
they constitute the so-called German Governments of the Russian 
Empire, Lithuania and Samogitia are as they were always — Rus- 
sian or Polish (so far as they are other than Lithuanic) rather 
than Teutonic. Neither, in later times, did the Swedish influence 
extend far southwards. 

The nerve and courage of the Lithuanians themselves had much 
to do with this, yet it cannot be denied that the impracticable 
nature of their country had a large share in it. The land is a 
land of moors, fens, and forests, one of which (and here is a 
measure of its inaccessibility) is the only locality for the almost 
extinct aurochs. In the single forest of the only remain- 
ing herds of this once numerous ruminant are now found wild — and 
this, through the protection of stringent laws for their preservation. 

It is hardly necessary for us to speculate upon the Jbrces by 
which the Lithuanian nationality was broken-up : inasmuch as it 


was never thorongbly coosolidated. When we first meet with the 
name — the condition of the populations to which^ in its general 
sense, we have applied it, was that of a loose aggregate of States, 
some of which might be more inclined to amalgamate with their 
neighbours than others, and some of which had grown larger than 
the others by the absorption of the smaller ones. ^ Besides which, 
there was an irregular chain of affinities and intermarriages 
amongst the potentates. But this state of things is the rule 
rather than the exception with all countries in their infancy ; and 
it no more applied to Lithuania in particular than it did to the 
neighbouring countries of Poland and Bussia ; where the Duke 
of Mazovia or Susdalia might, in one year, lead an army against 
the Duke of Gujavia or Novogorod, and in another marry his 
daughter or contract an offensive or a defensive alliance with 
him. It no more applied to Lithuania, in particular, than it did 
to that heterogeneous mass of principalities which, under the name 
of Germany, has still to be consolidated into a unity. It no more 
applied to Lithuania, in particular, than to England under the 
Heptarchy. Here and elsewhere, as well as in Lithuania, there 
was only an incipient consolidation. But in Poland, in Bussia, 
to some extent in Germany, and to a great extent in the British 
Isles, this incipient nationality developed itself into its full integ- 
rity, and out of it grew powerful kingdoms — powerful because 
the union was complete. With the Lithuanians, however, this 
development was arrested, and the fusion of Gourlanders, Livo- 
nians, Samogitians, Yatshvings and Prussians into one, or even 
two, united empires never took place. If, then, there be, at the 
present time, but little nationality to lose, and the little that there 
is, has been well-nigh lost, it is because there was, from the very 
beginning, but little to keep. There never was a time when 
Lithuania was at once consolidated into a single kingdom and 
united to Poland. 

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the small principaUties 
seem to have been that of Lithuania Proper ; that of Samogitia; 
that of Buskow; that of Bulewit; that of the Lett country. 
If these weakened the influence of the Lithuanian name, die 
weakness was relative rather than absolute. There were the same 
divisions elsewhere. What was afterwards the kingdom of Poland 
constituted, in the time of Mindog, the dukedoms or principalities, 


of Mazovia, of Cujavia, of Cracow, of Sendomir, of Fomerellia, 
and the like. What was afterwards the empire of the Bussian 
Czar gave the dukedoms, or principalities, of Tshemigof, of Ha- 
litsh, of Novogorod, or of Moscow. Prussia was Lithuanian as 
far as the Vistula, at least. Silesia was well-nigh as Slavonic 
as Poland. The Finn districts to the east and north, except so 
far as Finland itself was Swedish, were in a similarly unorganized 
condition. There was consoUdation, indeed, in Germany, and there 
was consolidation in Scandinavia; hut in Sarmatia there was 
little hcyond sectional nationalities, and unsteady alliances — ^un- 
steady alliances even against the common enemy the Crusaders 
from Germany. 

At the same time there was an approximation to the formation 
of kingdoms : inasmuch as warlike princes attacked their neigh- 
hours and politic princes intermarried with them. Neither did 
claimants for a power stick at either perjury or bloodshed. The 
hrother who stood in a brother's way had as fair a chance of being 
done to death, at the decease of his father, in Lithuania, as ever a 
descendant of Othman had in Turkey. This we may see in the his- 
tory of Mindog ; with whom, instead of with Gedymin, the history 
of Lithuania begins. Soon after his succession to such divided 
power as devolved upon him after the murder of Wishekut, the 
chief of the Bulewit, he married his widow, and killed his brothers. 
By other machinations, which the silence of history allows us to 
hope were less nefarious, he came, eventually to a position, in 
Lithuania, not unlike that of Ecbert's in England. His title is 
Grand Duke. About 1250, he is at war with his own nephews 
Tewtiwil, and Jediwid ; with their uncle Wykynt of Samogida ; 
with Daniel Eomanovitsh of Halicz ; and, fourthly, with the Ger- 
man Knights in Livonia. He enters into relations with the Pope ; 
apparently aware that there is a struggle between the eastern and 
western churches for the conversion of the heathens of the debate- 
able land between Germany and Muscovy. He allows himself to 
be baptized ; being aware that Christianity, real or professed, would 
take away from the Teutonic Knights their excuse for attacking 
him. He is crowned by the express order of the Pontiff, and has a 
bishop assigned to his kingdom : whilst the ecclesiastic authorities 
of Oesel, Courland, Riga, and Dorpat are enjoined to arrest such 
movements on the part of the Order as might be undertaken under 


the nodon that he was still either a pagan or a douhtful convert. 
Neyertheless, we find that he has to give up a portion of his 
dominions, and the gift is confirmed at Bome. So is another and 
a more important one. Viz, that of the whole of his kingdom pro- 
vided he die without issue. So is another, hy which he richly 
endows the first Lithuanian bishopric; upon the income of 
which the Order levies a tithe. He is not, however, as 
yet, childless; so that the reversion of his kingdom to the 
Teutonic Knights is little more than an improbable contin- 
gency ; or, perhaps, his promise was construed to mean that any 
son who rejected Christianity should be treated as no son at all. 
At any rate, in '55, his son not only became King of Lithuania; 
but king in conjunction with his father. After his coronation, the 
Pope confirmed him in the possession of certain districts conquered 
from Russia. The Order gained by this a corresponding con- 
cession on the frontier of Lithuania and Gourland. Meanwhile, 
the power of the Christian world was shaken, and the thought 
of the Pope painfully and anxiously turned towards the 
formation of a common league against a common enemy. 
He was attempting to organize a Crusade against the Mongols. 
Their inroads had weakened both the Bussian and the Polish 
princes ; but not the populations which still adhered to pagan- 
ism. Against the swords of Germany, the bow and mace of 
the Asiatic nomads were, as far as they had tried, ineffectual; 
and we can scarcely believe, that the bad, but bold men of the 
Order, looked upon their expected attacks with any feeling but 
that of conscious and complacent security. Still, the Mongol in- 
roads upon Poland and Lithuania were serious complications for 
them. What influence they may have had upon the mind of 
Mindog can only be conjectured. He became, however, an apostate 
to his old paganism, and abandoned his alliance. He attacked 
the possessions of the Knights both in Courland and Livonia; and 
his nephew Troinat, of Samogitia, under whose instigations he is 
said to have abandoned Christianity, assisted him in his hostilities. 
In '63, however, his nephew Troinat murders him— him and his 
two sons. 

Such was the Ecbert of Lithuania : who seems to be as pure a 
Lithuanian as the lowest of his soldiers, and as fair a specimen of 
a barbaric potentate— with the elements of a conqueror and con- 


solidator within his crafty soul — as any one I have read about 
And his successors were much the same; though we get only 
glimpses of their career. From what we know of Voyshelk, 
Mindogs son, we may infer that he was a formidable neighboor; 
but that his Duchy was too large to be defended on one side, if 
attacked on the other. There is a notice during his reign of 
attacks upon Mohilev, Smolensko, and Tver : along with a more 
important one on Novogorod. It was made more for the sake of 
plunder than of permanent conquest; and it seems that it was 
on their way back with a great booty of chattels and slaves that 
the invaders were overtaken by Vassiliy Alexandrovitsh, Prince 
of Novogorod, who signally defeated and despoiled them. The 
battle was fought in the present Government of Pskov, near 

Within a year or two of the battle of Toropetz, Novogrodek 
and his other possessions in Grodno were given up to Bomanns, 
the son of Daniel : a fact which enables us to bring the Lithuanic 
influences as far south as the frontier of Yolhynia and Gallicia; 
an influence which I believe was not only political but ethnolo- 
gical. In other words, I think that the present Government of 
Grodno was not only a Lithuanic domain but a Lithuanic occu- 
pancy as well. Woishelk, himself, became a monk. He was 
succeeded by Ringolt, the father of Gedymin, the father of Olgerd, 
the father of Yagello, who takes us back to Poland. I shall 
continue to call him Tagello, (though on his coronation he 
changed it for that of Vladislas IV.,) partly because such is the 
practice of numerous writers, and partly because I wish to give as 
much prominence as possible to the Lithuanic element in Polish, 
in Russian, and in German history. He promised much. He 
promised to renounce his native paganism, to propagate Chris- 
tianity throughout his dominions, and to incorporate these with 
Poland. Tliis he promised, and this he performed. To re- 
conquer Silesia and Pomerania he also promised: but here the 
performance fell short. As a neophyte, but at the same time a 
missionary, he seems to have acted with good faith and judg- 
ment. We hear nothing of any relapse, nothing of any persecu- 
tion. He was jealous of his wife, and, at times, brutal in his con- 
duct towards her : but there was a romantic element in her early 
history, and he knew that, if she had chosen for herself, another 


l!7ouId have been her choice. Though deficient in energy and 
easily deceived, he sincerely loved both his new religion and his 

Let us now notice the details of the Polono-Lithuanio union. 
Yagello himself was one of thirteen sons. Of these, Skirgello 
first comes under notice. He was left by his brother, on his 
accession to the Polish crown, as governor of Lithuania; but he 
made himself hateful to the Lithuanians. Another brother, 
Witold, took advantage of this; and not only blew the embers 
of discontent into open rebellion but called in the aid of the 
Teutonic Knights : who more than once besieged (but failed in 
taking) Wilna, a newly-made episcopal town, and the first of its 
kind in Lithuania. That Yagello fought against them (and 
not without success), is true : but he stopped short of the true 
objects of the war. Instead of deposing and punishing Witold — 
he was probably right in ignoring the claims of the tyrannical 
Skirgello — he offered him conditions which ended in his being in- 
vested with the government. By this, the usurpation was con* 
firmed ; and Skirgello took up arms. He also obtained conditions. 
Indeed, the whole family knew how to get them. There was the 
German Empire and there was the Order of the Knights ; and 
in either of these they found an enemy to Poland equally effec* 
tive and unscrupulous. 

Witold, ambitious and, though acknowledged as governor, 
dissatisfied with anything short of complete independence, con- 
tinued his machinations: which a defeat which he sustained at 
the hands of the Tartars only arrested. His hostility was dis- 
guised. He more than once co-operated with his brother 
against the Knights. Still, he bided his time and waited for oppor- 

The wisdom of his brother in encouraging a community of 
feeling between the divisions of his kingdom, for a while, dis- 
concerted his schemes. Steps were taken to assimilate the two 
constitutions. The nobles of Lithuania were put on a level 
with the nobles of Poland and took an equal share in the election 
of a king. To the Polish nobles they conceded an equal 
interest in the election of their own Grand Dukes. After this, 
Witold demanded from the Polish Senate the title of King — 
which was refused. Soon afterwards he died ; succeeded, as Grand 
Duke, by his brother Swidrigal. 



Witold had been a successful warrior^ and had conquered 
Novogorod from the Bussians. 

Yagello left Poland with a small retinue to attend his brother's 
funeral. Swidrigal seized and imprisoned him as soon as the 
service was over. The Pope interfered for his deliverance. The 
Polish Dobles did the same, only more effectively. Of unbounded 
ambition, Swidrigal attempted to incorporate Podolia and Volhynia 
with his own grand-dukedom. A war followed — Yagello and the 
Poles against Swidrigal and the Koights. Tired of his arrogant 
ambition, the Lithuanians themselves at length expelled him, and 
took his nephew Starodubski in his place.* 

Starodubski held his grand-dukedom as a fief under Poland, 
and promised never to make war except with the consent of his 

During Witold's life a great battle, to which his valour oon- 
tributed, was won over the Knights, 60,000 of whom, along with 
their grand- master, were left dead on the field. Such are the 
numbers. They are always high in Polish history. However, it 
was a great victory, though not properly followed up. Dobrzyn 
and Samogitia were the districts which more especially changed 
hands at this time, sometimes being in those of the Knights, 
sometimes in those of the Poles. 

Starodubski, who, like his uncles, aspired to royalty, was mur- 
dered, and Casimir, brother to Vladislas, succeeded him, aspiring 
to royalty also. His career, both after and before his acces- 
sion to the grand-dukedom, had been eventful. The religious 
disturbances of Bohemia had begun, and the intolerable persecu- 
tion which the followers of Huss and Jerome underwent had led 
to revolt ; indeed, to the election of a rival king for Bohemia. 
This was Casimir, of whose tolerant tendencies the appointment 
must be taken as a measure. Vladislas supported his pretensions, 
and sent troops to help him. Albert, however, became the actual 

On the death of Vladislas, who united the crowns of Hun- 
gory and Poland, Casimir was called from Lithuania to suc- 
ceed him. Now was an opportunity for strengthening the over- 
weak link which connected these two countries. With real or 
feigned reluctance, Casimir became King of Poland. We may 
almost say that ho allowed the crown to be thrust upon him. 
Though King of Poland, ho was essentially a grand duke of 


Lithuania. He treated Fodolia as Litbuanio, and he instigated 
the Tartars to an invasion of the soath-eastem districts of Po- 

If Poland needed Lithuania, Lithuania stood in need of Po- 
land, for the reign of the great Moscovite Tsar, Ivan Vasilievitsh, 
had begun ; and, of the fierce conquerors amongst the Bussian 
kings, Ivan Vasilievitsb was the greatest and the fiercest. He 
had conquered the Khanates of Kazan and Astrakan, and now 
retook Novogorod — a conquest of Witold's. Besides this, he 
attacked White Bussia and Sieveria. Add to this, that Tartar 
allies had been called into Lithuania^ that they came, and that 
they were unwilling to go. By assistance from Poland they 
were ejected. 

The three next kings were three brothers, sons of Gasimir. 
John I. (Albert) ruled first, Alexander his brother being Grand 
Duke. That Lithuania might keep Polish he was afterwards 
chosen king ; indeed, it was agreed at his coronation that there 
should be no more Grand Dukes at all. The Lithuanian deputies 
should join with the Poles in the election of a king, and that 
king should rule over the two countries equally. In this way 
Alexander was a king. So slight, however, was the validity of the 
new arrangement, that his successor, Sigismund, was elected by 
the Lithuanians single-handed. The Poles confirmed the election. 
The haste, however, of the Lithuanians augured ill for the con- 
solidation of the countries. 

Under Sigismund II., the union between them became as com- 
plete as it was ever made. The lithuanians, Uke the Poles, had 
two separate chambers for the management of their internal affairs, 
but in treaties with foreign Powers they were considered as one 
and indivisible — a single Bepublic, with a chief, elected by a 
Polono-Lithuanio Diet, at the head of the Executive. But Sigis- 
mund 11. was the last of the Yagellos— the last, at least, of the 

E 2 



Poland from Sigiflmimd IT. to the Partitioxuu 

The accession of Yagello under the title of Vladislas V.^ took 
place in 1386. The last of bis successors in a direct line from 
father to son (so that there was liithuanic blood throughout) died 
in 1572. There were seven kings, but only three generations. 

For the general historian of Poland, there is much — very much 
— to be said in the notices of this period. The ethnologist, how- 
ever, thinks it enough to leave Poland as he found it; to indicate 
a few of the important events in Europe which happened during 
the interval, and to remark tliat the details of the period are, in 
kind, neither more nor less than a continuation of what has pre* 
ceded and a preliminary to what follows — the events which affected 
Poland being found in the ordinary history of Europe, especi- 
ally of that of the Ottoman Turks, the Moscovite Russians, 
Sweden, the House of Brandenburg (which means Prussia), 
and Austria. Hungary, Bohemia, and Wallachia supply minor 
details ; Denmark some indirect ones. The bearing of the Refor- 
mation (connected with all this) has also a bearing upon Poland. 
Still, with a few general notices, the ground may be gone over 
sicco pede, Vladislas, the son of Yagello, was called to the 
throne of Hungary. What he did against the Turks will bo noticed 
elsewhere. Casimir succeeds him, succeeded by John, or Albert, 
in whose reign Wallachia and Moldavia take an unusual historic 
prominence. The effects of the Reformation need only be mentioned 
so fur as they introduce the statement that the Germans of both the 
Teutonic Order and the Sword, as a general rule, adopted Protes- 
tantism, and that the Thirty Years* War brought the great Gus- 
tavnsof Sweden into Livonia, Courland, Silesia, and Brandenburg. 
It also filled Poland with Protestantism under several denomina- 


tions, some of them of which, in any country bat Poland (where 
the union of everything which was not Romanist against every- 
thing which was, without quarrels about the minuter points of 
difference, was a pressing necessity) would have been of great 
political importance. 

As a general rule every succession to the Grown added to the 
power of the nobles. They had only to agree upon something to the 
advantage of their order, and the request had the strength of a de- 
mand. In this way, privileges grew into rights, and when Sigis- 
mund died, the Grown was so purely elective that any one might be 
a candidate for it. There was no need that he should be a Piast ; 
no need that he should be a Pole. Whether the fact of his 
being one were, in and of itself, a recommendation, or the 
contrary, was a point upon which there were differences of 
opinion amongst the electors; as well as one upon which 
later writers may differ. The Archbishop of Gnesna in 
these elections was the Interrex; the Marshal proclaimed the 
new King. The Diet of Election chose, and the Interrex 
nominated ; the place was the plain of Praga. Such were the 
points which were settled after the death of Sigismund, when the 
marshal, Firley, was a Protestant. In the resolution that it 
should be he who should proclaim the king, we have a measure of 
the strength of the Dissidents. This is the name we must give 
them; for the class included Ghristians of any denomination 
whatever, provided they were not Boman Gatliolics. A Socinian 
was a Dissident, and a member of the Greek Ghurch was a Dis* 
sident; and these Dissidents agreed to act together. Even a 
liberal Bomanist might be called a Dissident. 

Of these Dissidents the Greek Ghristians were numerous enough 
to take care of themselves. In lithuania they formed a majority, 
and in Polish Bussia nearly the whole of the population. The Pro- 
testants were far weaker, and the Socinians, though more numerous 
in the father-land of Socinus than elsewhere, were weaker still. 

The candidates for the Grown were Ernest, Archduke of Austria; 
a Swedish Prince; the Czar; and Henry of Valois, Duke of Anjou^ 
who was, afterwards, Henry III. of France. He was elected; 
but he abandoned his Grown, and escaped from his kingdom; 
Stephen Batory, the Voyvod of Transylvania, was elected in 
his stead, and be was one of PoIand*8 greatest kings. His accea- 


creased ccfrespooding regcccgtbtTrcyy. Ifosvizie, to B^eddIe 

SUdsciTH^i m^ EiLirr's sc-^cesBcr, w^is Ciovii Prince of 
Svedec Tbe STEai deeds of Gosomzs Adc^ph]s bad lifooglit 
S vedeii thus far scmh : bet the i^Iigiocs eooditioBS tbat lay on 
tbe Idn^ of Sv^dea aod the kings of Pobnd wen inmnipatible> 
end Sigismimd became a Pole. 

VladislaT vas bis son; ^ was YladisiaTs soooesBor John 

Uicbael Konbntb vas a Pole, elected to tbe aoipdse of bim- 
self, and to the disgiaee of the republic. 

A troe Pole soceecded him; Sobieski, or Jcim HL 

Then came a time of tumult and diaaenaon until the a ccc ea i on 
of Augustas II., Elector of Saxony, and the union of the two 
Crowns in the person of that sorerdgn. Up to this time, though 
there is much which is abnormal in the condition of Poland, there is 
nothing which throws her at the feet of Bussia. On the contrary, 
tbe peace of Carlowitz, though won by Austria, bad improved 
her relation to Turkey by the restoration of Podolia; whilst the 
aenriee hereby conferred by Austria was scarcely an equiTaknt 
to the still greater one rendered by Sobieski when be rdiered 
ViemuL Bussia, it is troe, had gained in strength ; though more 
at the expense of Turkey than of Poland. Tbe diplomatic po- 
sition of both countries had improved; inasmuch as, by tbe 
treaty of Carlowitz, tbe intervention of the Western Powers in 
the aflfairs of the Porte had been recognized : and the affairs of 
the Porte involved those of Poland. Thus early, then, had the 
integrity of these two Powers been indicated as a principle in the 
policy of both France and England : in other words the aggressive 
character of Bussia had been indicated. In England, however, 
the indication led to little in the way of diplomatic activity. 

When Charles XII. of Sweden came to the throne, Augustus 
I.»'king of Saxony and Poland, though wearing the Crown of 
two kingdoms, wielded the power of only one. The more 
the Poles know of hmi the less they loved him. His sen- 
suality, his favouritism, his dependent bearing toward Bussia, 
all lowered him in their eyes. He affronted the Polos in general 


by appointing his favourite Fleming to the mastership of 
the horse in Lithuania^ and the whole family of the Sapiehas he 
absolutely alienated from his allegiance. The moment that 
Charles appeared they devoted themselves to his service. They 
assisted him in his easily-won victories^ and supported the candi- 
date whom he eventually placed on the Polish throne. 

Charles had ejected the Bussians from Livonia, and was turn- 
ing his arms towards Saxony. For having done this he has 
been blamed by more than one military critic. He should have 
left Augustus alone, and turned the whole force of his arms upon 
the only rival who was jeally formidable — Peter. Had he done 
this, he would have followed up his successes in Livonia and 
Ingria until the Czar was either permanently weakened or 
separated from the Saxon (Polish) alliance. Instead of this, he 
marched southwards ; and, doubtless, his personal dislike to the 
King of Saxony had much to do with his movements. He justi- 
fied them, however, in the way of strategics ; alleging the utter 
faithlessness of Augustus as his motive. He could not be trusted, 
and would always have been dangerous in the rear. 

Be this as it may, Charles overran Poland, and placed his 
fiomini Stanislas Leczinsky on the throne. There were now two 
concurrent kings in a republic. But the battle of Pultowa^ which 
hurt the Poles more than the Swedes, was lust, and Stanislas 
Leczinsky became helpless. Then, under Bussian coercion, Fre- 
deric Augustus II. succeeded Augustus I., like him Elector of 
Saxony — then Prince Poniatovski, the favorite of Catherine of 
Bussia, whom heralds coll Stanislas Augustus — the last of the 
kings (if so he may be called) of Poland. 

The battle of Pultowa was lost to Sweden ; and with the loss 
of it fell the physical and moral influence of the nation, which, of 
all the ones in Europe, has achieved the nearest approach to what 
may be called a chivalrous history. The Swedish history was 
this, because, whilst pre-eminently Protestant, it had, for a few 
short years (though for a few short years only), such a king as 
Gustavus Adolphus^ with a brave and disciplined army to lead, 
and a country to uphold him. Nor was he the only warrior of his 
family and dynasty. His predecessors and his successors were 
great soldiers, and some of them great generals and great adminis- 
trators. The last, however, who breathed his spirit breathed it 


OYer-hoUy and over-hastily. A civilian who writes upon strategics 
is always like the professor or pedant who lectured to a class of 
which Hannibal incognito is said to have been one; and who, on 
leaving the room, said that he had never listened to so learned a 
fool in his life. I abstain, then, from calling him either a knight- 
errant, or a mere soldier. Great captains, such as Napoleon, have 
condemned him as a general, and respectable writers have de- 
fended him. 

Nor was even the great Gnstavus purely chivalric. What 
he wanted was a footing in Germany, and when he undertook 
to defend Fomerania, he made a hard bargain, and he knew 
that he made it. Neither was he, elsewhere, deficient in cal- 
culation. For all this, the Swedish history, of which he and 
Charles XII. are extreme types, is a chivalrous history in the 
way of an approximation — an approximation only. Except that 
the Protestants would have persecuted the Catholics, instead of the 
Catholics persecuting the Protestants, and that the Sapiehas would 
have overridden the Oginskis instead of the Oginskis overriding 
the Sapiehas^ the power of Charles XII. might wax or wane with- 
out either hurting or helping Poland. His influence on the a£fair8 
of that divided country was that of an ambitious foreigner; that 
of the Czar was no more. The same intrigues that brought Bussia, 
Prussia, and Austria together, might have brought together Swe- 
den, Prussia, and Turkey, or any three members of any combina- 
tion : under the policy of whom the same internal dissensions 
might have been fostered, the same real improvements neglected, 
the same intolerance exhibited, and the same mutilations nn* 
dergone. It was as early as a.d. 1706 — nearly seventy years 
before the first mutilation of Poland — that there was a king and 
anti-king in the country, in the persons of Frederic Augustus 
I. and Stanislas Leczinski ; the latter, purely and simply a nomi- 
nee of the Xing of Sweden, but better than his rival so far 
as his personal character was less exceptionable, and so far as 
he was a Pole. That he could have comported himself as a 
king of Poland under such a protectorate as that of Charles is 
as unUkely as that his protectors demands would have been 
moderate. No Russian or Prussian looked upon any portion of 
Poland which lay convenient to his territory, with a more covetous 
eye than Sweden looked upon the German, Polish, and Lithuanian 


ports of the Baltic. Ships and sailors was what all the Swe- 
dish kings who had to do with Germany, made no secret of own- 
ing that they wanted. Land they had enough, and ahundance. 
Their great desideratum was a Southern sea-board. If no libe- 
rality upon these points was exhibited by the great Gustavus, little 
was likely to characterize the conduct of his harsh and iron-handed 

This was more than sixty years before the Partition : but it was, 
also, more than sixty years after the idea of a Partition had been 
broached by Charles IX., some years before either Catherine or 
Maria Theresa, or Frederic of Prussia, was bom. The idea, how- 
ever, never took effect. It might have been better if it had done 
so. Perhaps, for Poland; but for England to a certainty; and 
not improbably, for Europe and civilization in general. Still, there 
would have been the sure and certain growth of Bussia in the back- 
ground : her sure and certain objects of ambition ; and, finally, the 
certainty that the power as well as the will to carry them out would 
sooner or later arrive. In all this there would be the putting-off of 
the evil day. As it approached, Sweden would manoeuvre, diploma- 
tize, form combinations, persuade third parties that the integrity of 
Poland must be upheld ; possibly tempt them into wars as success- 
ful and conclusive as the Crimean. 

The influence, however, of Sweden over Polish history was 
annihilated on the field of Pultowa ; and with the restoration of 
Frederic Augustus I. came the restoration of two influences other 
than Polish — the Saxon, to which the nation had long been accus- 
tomed, and which it was strong enough to check if inordinately 
exercised ; and the Bussian, with which it was not unfamiUar, but 
which had never weighed upon her with such pressure as it now 
exerted. The whole country was a garrison, and the soldiers were, 
to a great extent, foreigners. The King was a persecutor of the 
Dissidents. Events, which will be noticed when the history of 
Courland comes under consideration, tore that province from Po- 
land, with which (though loosely) it was connected. 

With the annexation of Courland to Bussia Poland's dis- 
memberment began. 

In 1783, Frederic Augustus I. died, after reigning thirty-six 
years. Each of his successors reigned nearly as long; his son 
Frederic Augustus II. thirty-three, and Stanislas Augustus, n^ 
Poniatovski, thirty-two. Three such long reigns in succession 


deserve notice : otherwise we may overlook the fact that they 
cover more than a century of Polish history : and overlooking 
this^ we may make the downfall of the Bepublic mach more sad- 
den and much less gradual than was actually the case. 

When Frederic Augustus II. succeeded his father, there was a 
display of national feeling, a display of faction, and an external 
influence. The Diet passed a resolution that no one but a Piast 
should be eligible; a resolution which was meant to restore 
Stanislas Leczinski — Charles's nomine. That e£Pect should be 
given to this was unlikely. Both Austria and Bussia supported 
the King of Saxony; and so did a strong party vrithin the 
Bepublic itself. France, on the other hand, promised assistance 
to his rival, who was now the father-in-law to Louis XV. 
Nothing, however, came of it. The obstinate support of the 
ex-king on the part of the town of Dantzic — so honourably 
obstinate in other and more important sieges — along with the 
narrative of his escape and flight are matters for the local 
historian and the personal biographer. Upon the former, the 
patriotic Prussian may enlarge with pride. In the latter the 
novelist finds a parallel to the adventures of the Pretender. The 
upshot (however, and it came quickly) was that one of the 
few kings of our own degenerate age, whose physical frame might 
have made a Oommodus jealous, or have satisfied a Messalina, 
ruled over the factions as a King of Poland^ as an Elector of 
Saxony, and as a pensioner of Bussia, until a finer courtier and a 
more decided pensioner succeeded him. He died in 1763. 

This is nine years before the Partition. Let us look at the 
relations of the four nations most concerned in it — Poland, 
Prussia, Bussia, and Austria. On the part of Austria there was 
a strong feeling against Prussia, on account of the conquest of 
Silesia: and there was an estrangement between Prussia and 
Bussia. The war with Turkey was still going on, and, so far as 
this went, it was an element in favour of Poland, Bussia being 
tlie weaker for the purposes of aggression. But her influence 
was great elsewhere : in Denmark, and in Sweden, through means 
of her diplomacy ; and on the frontiers of Poland by means of 
her army in Courland. As for Poland itself, it was treated as a 
Bussian province. There was supineness on the part of Eng- 
land, and intrigue on the part of France. Indeed, in Poland 
itself, France had the Badzivils and the Branitskis at the head 


of her interest, the Czartorinskis, the Oginskis, and the PoniatoY- 
skis being Russian. 

An alliance, however, was formed between Bussia and Prussia. So 
far as the public conditions went, the treaty contained nothing re- 
markable. Each power was to keep what it had got, and, as Prussia 
had so lately wrested Silesia from Austria, this was an important 
point for Frederic. In case of an attack, each was to help the 
other with 1000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, unless the assailants 
were either the Turks or French and Bussia were attacked : in 
which case the aid firom Prussia was to be in money. The secret 
article was far more dangerous ; dangerous, insidious, and, in its 
wording, odiously hypocritical. The system of free election to 
the Grown of Poland was guaranteed by these outside potentates 
with as much care as if it were one of the internal interests 
affecting their own kingdom ; as carefully as if its integrity had 
been put into their charge by Poland itself; as carefully as if it, 
instead of being the curse of Poland, had been the bulwark of 
her liberties and the source of her prosperity. With such tender- 
ness as an EngUshman would treat the Freedom of the 
Press or the Trial by Jury in the case of his own country, 
with such tenderness did Catherine and Frederic treat this 
mischievous privilege of the free Veto; and that as mere 
amateurs or lookers-on. The Bepublic shall be maintained in 
its state of free election. It shall not be allowed for any one to 
make the succession hereditary. Poland shall not be stripped of 
this its right. Anything that even tends to strip it shall be put 
down by force of arms ; so necessary it is to preserve this funda- 
mental element of the Constitution. If the Poles themselves 
were speaking, and if the institution were a blessing, language 
like this would be appropriate. As it is, it is the language of 
Poland's worst enemies. 

There was an interregnum of a year, during which the nobles 
at the head of the two parties were in arms. The Czartorinskis 
defeated the Badzivils and Branitskis who took refuge within the 
Turkish dominions. They had previously attacked the Bussian 
general Chmutof and driven him to Graudenz. It was soon after 
the retreat of these opponents, that Poniatovski was elected, i. e. 
in September 17G4. The treaty between Bussia and Prussia had 
been signed in the foregoing April. 


Three demands were now made on Poland by Bussia; (1) that 
the Polish army should consist of 50,000 men and that an offen- 
sive and defensive alliance should be effected with Bussia ; (2) that 
certain territories on the Bussian frontier should be given np ; (3) 
that full toleration should be granted to the Dissidents. This latter 
was also urged by Prussia. The first of these demands was re* 
fused at once. The second was granted by the subsequent force 
of events. In the third lay the germ of nearly all the future 
troubles. Let who would make the demand for equality of rights 
between the Dissidents and the Boman Catholics the demand 
itself was not only just in itself, but essentially constitutional. 
It was guaranteed by one of the last treaties made with Sweden ; 
that of Oliva, and the right was more than one hundred years old. 
It had, indeed; been violated, and the violation had been embodied 
in formal resolutions ; but the treaty of Oliva (1660) not only 
contained an article in favour of them, but it was guaranteed 
by England, Brandenburg, and Denmark. The proposal, how- 
ever, was received by the Diet with bigoted indignation. So far 
as this arose from jealousy of foreign dictation it was laudable. 
But jealousy of foreign dictation was anything but the sole ground 
of it. The subsequent machinations of Soltikov and the Confede- 
racy of Barr are sufficient evidence to this. When the Gzartorinskis 
submitted the bill to the Diet, the clerk was cried down, and pre- 
vented from reading the proposal, and there were some deputies 
who drew their swords and threatened him. Besolutions passed 
under the excitement of this act, resolutions which restored the 
odious and unconstitutional enactments of 1717 and 1736 (the 
years in which the conditions of the Peace of Oliva were most 
signally violated), were just the weapons which Catherine and Fre- 
deric wished to have put into their hands. They made them the 
champions of religious toleration ; not exactly after the fashion of 
Gustavus Adolphus, but still champions in a good cause. In 
this way, Philip of Macedon was at the bead of a religious war. 
He was not himself devout ; but the show of devotion was good 
policy. Neither Frederic nor Catherine were bigots, and so far 
as they were truly liberal, their interference was honest But the 
rehgion which they claimed for the Dissidents of Poland was 
greater than that which a Dissident from their own state religions 
was allowed. The Poles, however, who had yet to learn the great- 


est of all revolutionary arts — the art of putting their enemies in 
the wrong--^oppo8ed all concessions. 

The Diet of September, 1766, was now approaching; impotent 
for aught save dissension and the designs of Russia. The country 
was full of Bussian troops, more than enough to overawe the Diet, 
more than enough to counteract the activity of the French party. 
And the Prussians supported them in their diplomacy : if diplo- 
macy it may be called, which consisted in laying injunctions 
upon the Government. The ambassadors of the two nations, at the 
opening of the Diet, demanded that all the improvements which had 
been e£Pected by the King and the Gzartorinskis should be re- 
scinded. Many of them were rescinded. Still, the institution of a 
system of four colleges, by which the king could obtain a greater 
power of administration, was retained : and the free veto which 
had been wholly abolished (though re-established) was re-established 
in a modified form. No provision, however, was made for the 
rights of the Dissidents. 

The whole country was now broken up into confederations. Of 
the first two formed by the Dissidents, one had its head- quarters 
in Lithuania under Bussian, the other at Thorn under Prussian, 
protection. To the first of these the Gourlanders, to the second the 
cities of Elbing and Dantzig, attached themselves. And there were 
Catholic confederations to match; none, perhaps, so important 
and mischievous as one which is about to be formed — the confede- 
ration of Barr — but still sufiBcient to divide the country against 
itself. Schlosser writes, by the month of May (1767) they had 
amounted to one hundred and seventy-eight. Every one belonged 
to some confederation or other, except the king, and he was left 

The more liberal Catholics, and they were numerous, were in 
a degree themselves Dissidents : some of the most influential of 
them being members of some Dissident Confederation. To 
this they lent authority and influence, and the place that they 
held in it was high. At the head of that of Lithuania was 
Badzivil; Branitzki afterwards joined it. But Bussia exacted 
from even Protestant Dissidents more than their patriotism could 
willingly give when she exacted concessions in the way of or- 
dinary politics as well as in religion. And in the way of religion 
the Protestant Dissident must needs go farther than his Boma- 


nist ally. They were all, however, coerced by Basaia; some 
coerced, some deceived. 

The general confederation had met at Warsaw ; and to Warsaw the 
Dissident Confederacy removed from Badom, where their policy 
had been debated and their chief resolutions e£Pected. Badzivil was 
at the head of it ; and under heavy pressure on the part of Busaia, 
he proclaimed the union of his own with the general confederation. 
Opposed to this demand were the Catholics in general ; but (with 
the exception of the most fanatic of their leaders) neither hope- 
lessly nor irreconcilably so; inasmuch as the demand was backed by 
the whole influence of. Bussia it required more than ordinary obsti- 
nacy to resist it. And here the Papal nuncio, who had previously 
protested against the recognition of the conditions of the Treaty of 
Oliva, found, as he had found before, an active abetter in Soltyk. 
Through him and through his adherents the union was repudiated. 
This was on the 12th of September, when, supported as they were 
by a Bussian army, the Dissidents were in a position to command it 
It was agreed, however, that the matter should be reconsidered on the 
16th, and in the interim the leaders of the party, at once Anti- 
dissident and Anti-Bussian, were arrested — Zaluski^ bishop of 
Kiev, Soltyk, bishop of Cracow, the Voyvode of Cracow, thestarost 
of Dolina, and others. This was done, because in the words of 
Bepnin, under whose orders they were seized, they had ** com- 
promised the dignity of Her Imperial Majesty, the Empress 
Catherine, by having attacked the purity of her salutary and dis- 
interested intentions towards the Bepublic." After this it was easy 
to pass an act of toleration, which was done in November. As 
a pendant to it all the old abuses of the constitution were con- 
firmed. Never was a boon more dearly bought, or more disgrace- 
fully tendered. The bad and good which were mixed up in such 
different proportions in the legislation of this stormy period— the 
recognition of the rights of Dissidents and the old Constitution 
with its free veto— gives us the PoUsh Constitution of 1768; for 
the integrity of which Bussia was the guarantee. So far as 
the rights of the Dissidents were concerned, it was guaranteed by 
the Protestant Powers as well; by Denmark, Sweden, Bussia, 
and Great Britain. 

The policy of toleration was not the policy of France, neither was 
it any part of the French policy to encourage the growth of Bussia. 


In this direction Gboisenl, the French minister of the time, saw 
clearly. He also saw the extent to which the weight of Turkey 
might be thrown in the opposite scale. A war on the Dnieper, or 
the Black Sea, might at any time affect a diversion in Bussia, by 
which, as a general rede, Poland would be the gainer. A Turkish war 
and a rebellion on the part of the Catholics were now contemplated 
by the ministers of Louis XV. and the confederacy of Barr, and 
the campaigns that followed were the result. The Bussian sol- 
diers were now to be withdrawn from Poland; upon the withdrawal 
of whom, a confederacy of the extreme Bomanists, represented by 
Fulavski, Erasinski, and others, was to be proclaimed. It was pro- 
claimed, however, five days too soon, and the contrivers fled to Po- 
dolia. Here they organized themselves afresh, and took the name of 
the Confederation of Barr. They were suborned by France, they were 
favoured by Spain, and they were not disapproved of by Austria. 
They lay within a few miles of the Turkish fiontier, which they 
might pass whenever troops were sent after them. Should such 
troops follow them, a war with Turkey would be the result. And it 
was the result The confederates crossed the frontier, soldiers fol- 
lowed them ; the Turkish soil was violated ; the passions of the Sul- 
tan were inflamed by the representations of the French minister, 
and six weeks after the small frontier town of Balta had been burnt 
down, war between Bussia and Turkey had begun. It began on 
account of the protection that had been given by the Turks to the 
Poles; but, before it was over, Poland had declared war against 
Turkey — Poland meaning Bussia through Poland. The pretence 
was that the Turks had violated the Polish territory. 

The result of this war was to put the Khanate of Crimea in the 
power of Bussia. It existed, by sufferance, a few years longer. 
Its real subjugation, however, dates from the present campaign. 
In all this, both Austria and France were mixed* up. France 
subsidized the Confederates of Barr, and lent an officer destined, 
in the sequel, to achieve a high reputation — Dumourier. 

Austria, though not as yet prominent in the transactions, had 
still some share in them. When Poniatovski was proposed as the 
Bussian candidate for the Polish crown, Austria had put forward 
the elector Charles, son of the late king, a Saxon and a protege 
of the Empire, which had engaged that freedom of election should 
be guaranteed by a German army, and that the Bussian influence 


should be counteracted if not diminished. But the prince died 
during the negotiations. 

In the present war, Austria was willing to mediate, but the me« 
diation was not of the kind that the Czarina would admit. Finally, 
Austria looked upon the spirit of aggrandizement exhibited by 
both Prussia and Bussia with disapproval. For all this, there was 
more than enough to bring her into the field when booty had 
to be shared. Nor were her claims to be, neglected. Meanwhile, 
with all her armies, Bussia had enough to employ them on ; for 
besides the Turkish war, there was Fugatsheff's rebellion, con- 
cerning which more will be said elsewhere. 

Anarchy continues, and the treaty of 1772 is at hand. Oppor- 
tunities are offered which no good man would have seized and 
which few ambitious men would have spumed. That Frederio 
proposed a dismemberment is probable. The notion was in unison 
with his policy, and he had no principles which could engender 
a scruple. He was not likely to deceive himself by mistaking it 
for anything but what it was — a convenient way of increasing 
his influence in Europe. His brother is believed to have broken 
the matter to Catherine, who was both willing and ready to enter- 
tain the plan, though doubtful as to what Austria would think about 
it. Austria had the choice of three lines of action. She could 
stand aloof and see the thing done, but keep her hands fix>m 
doing it ; she could, either single-handed or through an alliance, 
oppose it ; she could acquiesce in it, and share the spoil. The 
third was what was done. 

The treaty was signed at St. Petersburg, August 6th, 1772. 

1. Prussia got Marienwerder, the Polish portion of Pomerania, 
Wermeland, Culm, and a part of Poland. 

2. Austria got Gallicia, with parts of Sendomir, Cracow, and 

3. Bussia got Polotsk, Vitepsk, Micieslaf, and part of that 
portion of Livonia which belonged to Poland. 

Soon ader this the career of Bussia was arrested, and had the 
King of Prussia been less long-sighted or less scrupulous than he 
was, the fate of Poland might have been arrested also; indeed, 
(if we may use the word in connection with fate,) it might have 
been retrieved. Not to mention the Pugatsheff Bebellion and the 


Turk war, there was a new oomplication ; a direct alliaDce with 
Prussia, and an indirect one with Turkey. What is now the 
policy of England was then that of Prussia — ^not to let the 
Porte grow too weak. At present its very weakness is its 
strength; for it has a diplomatic value. At the time under 
notice, it had a material one as well; and the alliance with 
Prussia was to cripple Bussia hy keeping-up this strength. With 
such a view, the Prussian interest in Poland was allowed to 8uh« 
serve that of England ; and the allianoe between Poland and 
Bussia in an offensive war against Turkey was to be prevented. 
Nevertheless, there was one definite object upon which Prussia 
was determined, and, for this, either the co-operation or the 
connivance of Bussia was indispensable; viz., the possession of 
Dantzic and Thorn. For this reason, the whole diplomacy, as 
between England and Prussia, was insincere. If Turkey could 
be relieved of the pressure which would have been put. upon 
her by the addition of the Polish armies to the Bussian, well 
and good ; but, if Bussia were to be estranged by any bold or 
active interference, she might, for all that Prussia cared for either 
the Ottomans or the English, have Constantinople. Still, these 
manceuvres and machinations gave Poland a breathing time. 

Then came those of Austria. A Saxon prince on the Polish 
throne would have suited Austria's interests; and, in Austria's 
eyes, the abolition of the electoral system (the election once having 
been made), and, with it^ of the firee Veto, would have been 
cheaply purchased at the price of a certain amount of reform ; 
provided always that it was a German who wore the Crown. To 
this end, the abolition of the system had the concurrence of 
Austria. To this end, it was determined by the Diet that, even 
during the lifetime of the present king, his successor should be 
appointed. This, however, was not carried through. The Em- 
peror died, and the pressure of their real interests brought Prussia 
and Bussia more together. Whatever may have been the intellect, 
and whatever may have been the integrity of the reigning king, he 
was instrumental in bringing about some important reforms. A 
constitution which Burke could praise was given to Poland; and 
for a constitution to be worth the paper it was written on, we 
know beforehand what it must contain ; viz., the abolition of^ at 
least, the worst parts of the electoral system^ and freedom of 



conscience in religion. The Polish Constitution of 1792,. con- 
tained this and more. 

May 14, The Confederation of Targovitsh gave Russia the 
1792. means of obstruction — indeed, it was a Polish Confede- 
ration with Russian interests. To this the Poles opposed three 
armies. Two of the names of the commanders deserve notice : 
one was Michael Vielhorski, of whom nothing need be said ; the 
second was Joseph Poniatovski, a nephew of the king's; the 
third was Kosciusko. They were not strong enough to do much 
against the Russians and the Russianized Poles ; yet their war- 
fare was neither inglorious nor wholly unsuccessful. It ended, 
however, in the king subscribing to the conditions of the Con- 
federation. Soon after this, Russia, Prussia, and Austria came 
to an understanding ; but it was a secret one. A war between 
Prussia, Austria, and England on one side, and France on the 
other, gave the opportunity for this complication ; for England 
had now fairly taken fright at the principles and the practice ex- 
hibited in the French Revolution. Indeed, on the part of Poland 
revolutionary, and on the part of the rest of Europe (France alone 
excepted), anti-revolutionary principles were at work. Prussia 
now found an opportunity for taking Dantzic. Thorn came to 
it by the treaty of October 14, 1793, and, by the details of what 
is called the Second Partition, the remainder of Great Poland, 
and part of Little Poland. 

Meanwhile, the greater part of Lithuania and Volhynia became 

Austria had no share in this second spoliation. 

The territory of the Republic now amounted to little more than 
4000 square miles. 

Between the second mutilation and the third, there was an 
interval of about a year; but it was a year crowded with im- 
portant events. Prussia made peace with France on its own 
account ; and, by its machinations in Poland, excited the jealousy 
of Austria. Her first policy was to win territory from France ; 
but it was soon discovered that Poland was an easier prey. So 
she kept back her apposition to Prussia, and bided her time for a 
share in the spoil. The Polish movements were now essentially 
revolutionary — revolutionary in the good sense of the word. The 
king was nothing, and Kosciusko was, for all practical purposes. 


Dictator. But he was overpowered. The massacre of Praga 
under Savarov annihilated Poland, and a third mutilation was 
easy. In this, Austria had a share. She took the remainder 
of Sendomir and Cracow ; Bussia, the remainder of Lithuania^ 
Volhynia, and Podolia ; Prussia, Poland itself. 

Such is the general view of a series of transactions which, 
falling, as they do, in the way of most historians, must needs 
be mentioned, and which, as often as mention is made of them, 
suggest strong terms of blame, and indignation ; blame which 
is well-deserved, and indignation which is as honest as it is 
genuine. The current phrase in the way of vituperation is, that 
the Partition of Poland is the great crime in modem history. 
To this there is the comment, oo -extensive with the text, '' that 
it was worse than a crime, that it was a blunder." Sentiments 
repeat themselves ; and so do the phrases that convey them : and 
out of this arise conventional moralities and platitudinal exhi- 
bitions of them. That the Partition was a blunder is doubtful, 
except so far as every deviation from the straight line of honesty 
is a deviation from that of policy. But, thus interpreted, the 
phrase is too general to be significant. That it was a blunder 
in the ordinary sense of the term is a doctrine of pre-eminent 
ambiguity. Was it one on the part of those who sinned or on 
the part of those who permitted them to sin ? Except under 
some such general apophthegm as the rule that what is best 
for one is best for all, (a rule which, like the one just given, 
is far too wide to be applicable to every case,) it can scarcely 
have been a blunder on both sides. It can scarcely have been a 
blunder for the Bussians, &c., to have weakened themselves by 
over-increasing their territories, and also, a blunder for France 
and England to have neglected to interfere. 

That it was a crime is clear ; but to brand it as the great and 
indelible crime of modem history is merely to deceive ourselves 
as to the average magnitude of political crimes in general. It 
engenders a pernicious sophistry to use extreme terais for ordi- 
nary deeds of violence or fraud. I should be happy beyond 
measure to think that nothing worse than the first Partition of 
Poland had been done by men who are defended, approved, and 
admired. Bad as it was, many worse things have been done, 
and that by men whom the Partition itself shocks and irritates. 


It was a great crime ; but when ordinary men act together, the 
fact of their mutual contact divides responsibility, blunts the 
moral feeling, and engenders peccadilloes — to say the least of 
them; and when kings and heroes, or even powerful ministers, 
act in concert, peccadilloes rise into crimes. The Partition of 
Poland was a foul affair; but there are few men in politics 
who have not done something, either as bad, or nearly so. 

Politicians may (and do) call it a partition; and historians 
must use the word which politicians hand over to them. The 
men who make history will always give the language to those 
who write it. The registrar must use the language of the com- 
munity to which he is the clerk. It is possible that my own 
objections to the term may arise out of a technical and profes- 
sional train of thought, and that in improving it (as, of course, 
I think I do), I merely replace the language of courts, camps, 
and parliaments, by the language of the anatomical theatre or the 
dissecting-room. There, however, no one calls an amputation a 
partition. No one calls a mutilation sl partition. To hang, draw, 
and quarter, to dismember the whole bodily frame, is to partition ; 
between which and mere mangling there is as much difference as 
there is between lopping a timber-tree and cutting one down. 

Nor is the difference ignored by able writers. It is not ignored 
by influential ones. It is not ignored by those who are so pre- 
eminently influential as to modify the thought, and even the 
language, of their times, and of posterity. I will make this 
plainer by laying before the reader some extracts which he has, 
doubtless, seen before, and which he may possibly have read 
with approval. It is needless to add that the writer, with all his 
high qualities, both moral and intellectual, was honourably dis- 
tinguished by none more than his burning hatred to injustice, no 
matter how successful or how high-handed. It is Lord Macaulay 
speaking of the partition of the Spanish empire as proposed by 
William III., from whom I take the following remarks. 

The long negotiation touching the Spanish succession had at length been 
brought to a conclusion. Tallard had joined William at Loo, and had there met 
Heinsius and Portland." After much discussion, the price in consideration of 
which the House of Bourbon would consent to waive all claim to Spain and the 
Indies, and to support the pretensions of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria was de- 
finitely settled. The Dauphin was to have the province of Guipuscoa, Naples, 
Sicily, and some small Italian islands, which were part of the Spuiish monarohy. 


The Milanese was allotted to the Archduke Charles. As the Electoral Prince 
was still a child, it was agreed that his father, who was then governing the 
Spanish Netherlands as vieeroy, should bo Regent of Spain during the minority. 
Such was the first Partition Treaty, a treaty which has been, during five genera- 
tions, confidently and noisily condemned, and for which scarcely any writer has 
rentured to offer even a timid apology, but which it may, perhaps, not be impos- 
sible to defend by grave and temperate aigument. 

Such is the matter ; the reflections upon which run thus : — 

It has been said to have been unjust that three States should have combined 
to divide a fourth State without its own consent ; and, in recent times, the parti- 
tion of the Spanish monarchy, which was meditated in 1698, has been compared 
to the greatest political crime which stains the history of modem Europe, the 
Partition of Poland. But those who hold such language cannot have well con- 
sidered the nature of the Spanish monarchy in the seventeenth century. That 
monarchy was not a body pervaded by one principle of vitality and sensation. 
It was an assemblage of distinct bodies, none of which had any strong sympathy 
with the rest, and some of which had a positive antipathy for each other. The 
partition planned at Loo was, therefore, the very opposite of the partition 
of Poland. The partition of Poland was the partition of a nation. It was such 
a partition as is effected by hacking a living man limb from limb. The parti- 
tion planned at Loo was the partition of an ill-governed empire which was not 
a nation. It was such a partition as is effected by setting loose a drove of slaves 
who have been fastened together with collars and handcufis, and whose union has 
produced only pain, inconvenience, and mutual disgust. There is not the 
slightest reason to believe that the Neapolitans would have preferred the Catho- 
lic king to the Dauphin, or that the Lombards would have preferred the Catho- 
lic king to the Archduke. How little the Ouipuscoans would have disliked 
separation from Spain and annexation to France, we may judge from the fact 
that, a few years later, the States of Guipuscoa actually offered to transfer their 
allegiance to France, on condition that their peculiar fhtnchises should be held 
sacred. One wound the partition would undoubtedly have inflicted, a wound on 
the CasUlian pride. But surely the pride which a nation takes in exercising 
over other nations a blighting and withering dominion, a dominion without pru- 
dence or energy, without justice or mercy, is not a feeling entitled to much 
respect. And even a Castilian, who was not greatly deficient in sagacity, must 
have seen that an inheritance claimed by two of the greatest potentates in 
Europe, could hardly pass entire to one claimant, that a partition was, therefore, 
all but inevitable, and that the question was, in truth, merely between a partition 
effected by friendly compromise, and a partition effected by means of a long and 
devastating war. 

I do not pretend to say that the parallel between the proposal of 
William runs on all-fours with those of the Czarina and Frederic. 
Such parallels never occur in real history, however much they 
may be affected in books. The elements of tlie Polish Republic 
were far more compact than those of the Spanish empire ; indeed, 
those of the latter were pre-eminently heterogeneous. A Lombard, 
for instance, was farther from an Asturian, in all that constitutes 


nationality, than a Pomeranian from a Lithnanian. In Poland, 
too, there was no such conflict of claims as those which existed 
hetween the Dauphin, the Emperor, and the Elector of Bavaria. 
Finally, there was no question so threatening to Europe as the 
union of two such Powers as either France and Spain, or Spain 
and Austria, under a single crown. It is possible, too, that the 
active anarchy of Poland was attended with less internal weak- 
ness than the decrepit anarchy of Spain. 

Allowance may be made for all this; yet the two cases are 
alike in kind, though not in degree ; sufficiently alike, at least, 
to forbid us throwing them into two different and extreme cate- 
gories. Few look at William III. with the very favourable eyes 
of our late lamented historian, so that few defend his proposed 
partition wholly and heartily. Yet it was more right than wrong. 
As such, it improves the view that must be taken of even its 
distant analogues. 

I do not defend the parallel in toio. Neither can I duly mea- 
sure one most important element in it, viz. the wishes of the popu- 
lations which the Partition, when it was suggested, would transfer. 
What is known about the pubUc feeling upon the question of 
annexation to Bussia on the part of the people of Vitepsk and 
Polotsk during the reign of Stanislas Augustus ? What about the 
Prussian predilections of the Warmeland and Nattangen fanners ? 
Who can say what the Bussniaks of Gallicia thought about the 
relative merits of Austrian and Polish government ? The current 
complaints have come from the Poles, rather than from those with 
whom they had to part. But it is clear that we must look at the 
parts removed, as well as the parts from which they are taken. 
If Poland is deprived of Lithuania, Lithuania is deprived of 
Poland. To ignore this distinction, where there is anything like 
equality, is to omit half the elements of the case. The com- 
plaints of East Prussia and Lithuania in a true grievance are 
the proper complement to the complaints of Poland. Yet they 
are not heard either so loudly or so long; and there is but little 
evidence that they ever were heard at all as the voices of nations 
indignant at being dismembered. 

I submit, then, that what is found in the preceding extracts 
about the want of any pervading vitality and sensation in the 
Spanish monarchy, and what is said about the *' assemblage of dis- 


tinct bodies, none of which had any strong sympathy with the 
rest, and some of which had a positive antipathy to each other/' 
applies, in some degree, to the Polish domains: and I leave it 
to any one who looks at the map with a fair amount of ethno- 
logical and historical knowledge, to infer that the first partition 
of Poland was not the " partition of a nation," and not the 
'' hacking a living man limb by limb," — at least, so far as that 
proposed for Spain was not. I submit that for every Neapolitan 
who would have ''preferred the Catholic king to the dauphin," 
there was a Lithuanian who would have liked the Czarina as well 
as Stanislas Augustus, and a German who would have preferred 
Frederic to him. Of the Gallicians who were made over to 
Austria, I cannot say as much ; for, although we separate Gallicia 
Proper from Lodomiria — tbe former being truly Polish, the latter 
Bussniak or Buthenian — in Gallicia a real violation of the body 
and life of Poland was effected ; and that largely. 

That the Polish pride was as susceptible as the Spanish is likely 
enough. But pride is a bad councillor, and wins but few advo- 
cates amongst impartial lookers-on. Yet it was as easy for a 
sagacious Pole to see that the Germans of East Prussia and the 
Lithuanians of Yitepsk were not likely to be retained as true and 
genuine Poles, as it was for a sagacious Spaniard to see that an 
Italian of the Milanese was no good Castilian. 

The sagacious Spaniards, however, were but few in number ; 
though the plan was detected. 

QuiroB, the Spanish ftmbassador at the Hagne, followed the trail with such 
skill and peneveranoe that he discovered, if not the whole truth, yet enough to 
furnish materials for a despatch, which produced much irritation and alarm at 
Madrid. A council was summoned, and Rat long in deliberation. The grandees 
of the proudest of courts could hardly tail to perceive that their next sovereign, be 
he who he might, would find it impossible to avoid sacrificing part of his defence, 
less and widely-scattered empire in order to preserve the rest ; they could not 
bear to think that a single fort, a single islet, in any of the four quarters of the 
world was about to escape from the sullen domination of Castile. To this senti- 
ment all the passions and prejudices of the haughty race were subordinate. 
" We are ready,** such was the phrase then in their mouths, " to go to any body, 
to go to the dauphin, to go to the devil, so that we all go together. " 

The feeling in Poland was the same. In the Polish feeling, 
however, Europe participates. This is partly because the details 
and the spirit of the partition were worse, and partly because the 
three Partitions are generally dealt with as one. If we do this, 


we alter the conditions of the question — indeed, we justify the 
term Partition. Make it up out of the three mutilations, and it is 
correct. But this is not the way in which the matter is viewed. 
The Partition of Poland is the first. 

Now it is to the first, and to the first alone, that the present 
criticism applies, and its application tells us that, as far as the 
distinction drawn by the partizans of William III. between 
Spain itself and Spain's outlying dependencies holds good in prin- 
ciple, so far will a similar principle hold good for the Partition 
of '72 — though not to the same extent. Of the parts taken 
away from Poland, it was only a fraction which was truly 
Polish. Such was Cracow; such was Sendomir; such was the 
western part of Gallicia. All these fell to the share of Austria; 
and, in all these, there was the actual violation of Poland itself. 
Cracow, perhaps, notwithstanding the peculiarity of its jurisdiction 
as a Hanse town, was more Polish than even Warsaw itself. In 
Sendomir, too, the A^(>yi-polish element was at a minimum. But 
the eastern half of Gallicia was Bussinian, Butbenian, or Buss- 
niak; and the name it bore — Lodomiria— was taken from the 
name of a Bussian king. Podolia was even less Polish and 
more Bussniak than Lodomiria. 

In Prussia's share, no portion of the spoil was either wholly 
Polish or even more Polish than German — except, perhaps, the 
town and district of Culm. East Prussia was then, as now, Ger- 
man in respect to its commerce, wealth, and intelligence ; whilst, 
in the eastern divisions of it, at least, the native population was 
neither German nor Polish, but Prussian Proper — and the Prus- 
sians Proper were Lithuanians. It was to Lithuania rather than to 
either Germany or Poland that the ethnological affinities of East 
Prussia attached themselves. At the same time, there was a deep 
fringe of Polish occupancy along the southern frontier: and 
there was much Polish blood, and (perhaps) some Polish nation- 
ality in Pomerania. I commit myself, however, to the statement 
that in all the districts taken by Prussia the German element 

Of what went to Bussia no part was Polish at all. What 
Bussia got was certain districts which, so far as they were other 
than lithuanic, were exclusively Bussian. Of evidence that any 
one of the transferred countries exclaimed against the transfer (or 


eyen regretted it) not a tittle has been adduced — and, with the 
exception of Sendomir, Cracow, and the eastern part of Gallicia, 
I doubt whether any of them were dissatisfied. Certain it is that 
some of them may be called portions of an ill-governed empire 
rather than nations. What Prussia took was the most Protestant 
portion of a kingdom in which toleration for Protestantism had 
always been demanded, had often been promised, and, except 
under foreign coercion, had never been granted. What Bussia 
took was a vast block of territory in which the Greek Church 
was predominant ; but in which the Greek creed was only tolerated 
when Bussia herself enforced the toleration. For Austria, there 
were no religious grievances to mitigate and no pressure on the 
conscience to remove. The Polish Government, however, was 
wholly insufficient for the protection of the transferred provinces 
against the Turks : and, though it is true, that from this side of 
Turkey little danger was now to be apprehended, the removal of it 
is no measure of the strength of Poland. What it really measures 
is the weakness of Turkey. It was Bussia, however, that weak- 
ened her. That Poland could protect what she held in either 
Podolia, or Volhynia, few, who know what her condition was, will 

I am not defending the Partition ; nor am I inspired with the 
ambition of changing the term under which it is talked about. I 
only desire to cut down the magnitude of a great crime to its 
proper dimensions; and, in doing this, to show the class of 
actions to which it belongs. The mere pergonal question as to 
who first suggested it is a small one. We have seen that par- 
titions of some kind have been recognized by such princes aa 
William III. ; and we may also see, that at the very best, par- 
titions are suspicious pieces of policy. The least blameworthy 
are not so good, and the most flagitious are not so bad, as the 
world makes them. 

Neither am I desirous of effecting a just and righteous distri- 
bution of the several shares of blame due to the three contracting 
Powers. The part that Austria took was certainly the most 
gratuitous, and the one which might most easily have been 
avoided. To Bussia, Lithuania; to Prussia, the parts between 
the Vistula and Niemen were, in every way, of more im- 
portance than Gallicia or- Podolia was to Austria. In East 


Prassia and Lithuania there was, at least, a notable mass of 
German Protestants for Prussia, and of Greek-Church Bussians 
for Bussia to be interested in. In Gallicia and Podolia there was 
nothing that appealed to any feeling on the part of Austria hut 
the coarsest. She coveted the salt-mines of Wiclicza ; and she 
was unwilling lest Bussia and Prussia should enrich themselves 
at the expense of Poland, whilst she did not. She had nothing 
better than this in the way of motive. There were neither Ger- 
mans nor Hungarians in Gallicia : and there were no co-religion- 
ists with the Bomanist Emperor of Austria, who were not also 
co-reUgionists with the Bomanist King of Poland. The insuf- 
ficiency of motive is the chief gravamen against Austria. 

As compared with Austria, Prussia and Bussia had definite and 
direct temptations. The secret article in an earUer Treaty be- 
tween Bussia and Prussia gives the measure of their craft and 
falsehood. In it is recognized the most wicked of all political 
maxims, viz. the principle of preventing improvements in a State 
foreign to one's own for the sake of keeping it weak. This was 
what was done with the Elective principle, as opposed to the 
Hereditary : the Elective principle which was so carefully looked- 
after by the two sovereigns who, according to every principle of 
law and justice, had nothing to do with it. This, too, was what 
was done when the integrity of the free Veto was insisted on. 
For this, Catherine seems to have been the chief stickler. Fre- 
deric, however, seems to have been the original proposer. 

Be all this as it may, the Partition of Poland under Frederic 
and Catherine was not the first; nor was either Bussia or Prussia 
the first Power that thought of it When Sweden was strong 
find hostile, Swedish kings had gone far in the same direction. 
Let us look at what happened in the reign of John Gasimir. 

Sigismund III., when Crown Prince of Sweden, had been 
elected to the throne of Poland ; the throne of Poland requiring 
a Boman-Catholio King, that of Sweden a Lutheran. That 
the earlier election barred the subsequent one is clear. The 
Crown of Sweden was made absolutely impossible to the Swedish 
Crown-Prince; and, as this was in the time of Gustavus Adol- 
phus, the complication was not likely to be got over. Sigis- 
mund, then, never reigned in Sweden : though two of his sons 
reigned in Poland. His immediate successor, however, was 


Ladislas VII., a tolerant and energetic king, who died without 
issae ; and whose death was followed by an interregnum ; an . 
interr^[num during the horrors and dangers of the famous Eosak 
war nnder the terrible Bogdan. Of this, however, a fuller notice 
will be given elsewhere. The candidates for the Crown were the 
Czar Alexis, the father of Peter the Great ; the Voivode of Tran- 
sylvania, Bagotski ; and two sons of Sigismund — Swedes in blood 
and politics, both ecclesiastics, and both desirous of obtaining 
from the Pope a dispensation which should allow them to marry. 
The one was the Bishop, who afterwards reigned as John III. ; 
the other was John Casimir, who was also suitor to Sigis- 
mund's widow. He was a Cardinal : but had resigned his high 
office for a higher one — for it was upon him that the elec- 
tion fell. This is that Cardinal King, whom Mazeppa, in his 
youth, according to Byron, served as a page ; and it is possible 
that it is only from the notice of him in Byron's poem, that the 
majority of readers know anything about him. The little, how- 
ever, that is thus known of him is inaccurate ; in other words it 
is not known at all. '' John Casimir," says the old hetman: — 

John Casimir, I was his page — 
8iz summers in my early age, 
A learned monarch, sooth, was he ; 
And most nnlike your Majesty. 
He made no wars, and did not gain 
Kew realms to lose them back again ; 
And, save debates in Warsaw's Diet, 
He reigned in most unseemly quiet. 
Not that he had no cares to rex ; 
He loved the muses and the sex ; 
And sometimes these so Aroward are. 
They made him wish himself at war. 
Bat when the fit was off he took 
Another mistress or new book. 
And then he gave prodigious fetes, 
AU Warsaw gathered at his gates, &c. 

He certainly loved the sex ; and that not wisely but too well : 
for it was an intrigue with his Chancellor's wife which made the 
last drop of his troubles run over, and helped, inter alia, to bring 
upon him a war with Sweden. When the king of that country 
died, and the Crown from which John Casimir, as a Roman- Catholic 
King of Poland, was debarred, became vacant, the injured hus- 


band fled to Sweden and returned with the Swedish king at the 
head of the army. This was after the death of Christina, when 
John Casimir protested against the election of the Duke of 
Sudermannia as her successor. Here, however, we anticipate. 
Gasimir's troubles had burst upon him firom another quarter — 
from more quarters than one. 

In the first place, there was the Kosak war; the Eosak leader, 
Bogdan, having possessed himself of the whole of the Ukraine, 
and overrun Bed Bussia. Arians, Socinians, Anabaptists, Protes- 
tants, and Greeks, had flocked to his standard ; seeking under it 
relief from the oppression of the Bomanists, and vengeance against 
the Jesuits, who were the instigators and supporters of it. The 
peasants, oppressed by the Jewish usurers, had done the same : 
and so had done, from the love of plunder and other motives, whole 
hordes of Crimean and Bessarabian Tartars. It was against 
the Jews and Jesuits that their fury burned the hottest Then 
there was the insurrection of the serfe, whom Bogdan, as he 
marched over a tract of blood and fire through Gallicia, had 
brought to his standard. Then there was commotion upon com- 
motion, and faction upon faction, within the kingdom itself. 
There was the Chancellor s party, and there was a party to each 
palatine. Leopol (Lemberg) had opened its gates to Bogdan; 
Zamoso, however, bravely and obstinately resisted him. As soon 
as the king was crowned, he moved to the relief of that town : and 
his negotiations would have succeeded if it had not been for the 
perfidy of Yisnoviecki, the General of Lithuania. The assault 
had been countermanded ; when Yisnoviecki attacked the camp 
of the Eosaks, who, trusting to an armistice, were wholly unpre- 
pared for the defence of it, and committed a terrible slaughter. 
We can never believe the number of Polish battles. One hundred 
thousand — one hundred and sixty thousand — three hundred and 
forty thousand — are to be found as valuations of the combined 
armies which Bogdan and his ally, the Tartar Khan, brought to- 
gether on the plain of Zborov. Policy, however, efiected what 
even Polish valour would have found it impossible to do by arms. 
The Tartar was prevailed upon to withdraw. A treaty was made : 
which the Diet repudiated. The armies met again: the Poles 
amounting (according to the national calculation) to one hundred 
thousand, the enemy to treble that number. Bogdan was worsted; 


and he retreated — but with his face to the foe. His son, mean- 
while, was on his way to Moldavia to be married. Forty thou- 
sand Poles attacked him ; and were out to pieces. Kaminiec was 
then invested : and, in one of numerous obscure actions connected 
with this campaign, Bogdan's son was killed. The father now 
applied to the Czar, and offered to become his vassal if two hun- 
dred thousand Bussians were poured into Lithuania. After some 
real or affected hesitation, Alexis accepted his proposal; and 
overran Smolensko, Mohilef, Vitepsk, Polotsk, Severia, and 

It was at this juncture that the King of Sweden landed in 
Pomerania. The Greek Catholics had joined the Czar; the 
Protestants flocked to Charles ; the Anabaptists and the extreme 
Dissidents had long ago crowded the tents of Bogdan. First at 
Warsaw, then at Cracow, then at Leopol did Charles show him- 
self at the head of a victorious and ever-swelling army: the 
King of Poland having fled to Silesia. Then it was that a 
partition was proposed. The Elector of Brandenburg was to have 
an accession on the side of Prussia. Bagotski, the Yoivode of 
Transylvania, was to have another portion. Bussia had already a 
strong grip on Lithuania. The fact itself was determined on; 
and the name Partition was given to it in a speech by Lubomirski 
when denouncing it in the Diet. 

Still it failed of effect. Holland, the Empire, and Denmark 
interposed. The Elector of Brandenburg himself either ceased 
to press, or opposed, it. Europe, indeed, may be said to have 
forbidden it; the most effective of the Powers who then 
prevented what, in 1772, France and England could not prevent, 
being Denmark — the snake that bites Sweden in the heel. 
Sweden was invaded ; and the Elector of Brandenburg was re- 
leased from doing homage for his fiefs in Pomerania. He also 
had Lauemburg and Butov granted him. All claims on the part 
of John Casimir on the Swedish crown were renounced and the 
greater part of Livonia was ceded. The peace of Oliva was the 
result : a peace to which allasion has often been made already, to 
which allusion may be made again ; inasmuch as it is the treaty 
by which it was accompanied which ensured religious toleration to 
the Dissidents. How its conditions in this respect were kept wo 
have seen. 


That the condition of Poland at this time was^ in many 
respects, even worse than it was in 1772 is apparent. On the 
other hand, the conditions in her favour were different She had 
great generals — Lubomirski^ Czamicki, and (then rising into 
renown) Sobieski, her future king. The enemy, too, was Sweden, 
against whom Denmark could be more effectively pitted than any 
Power in '72 could be pitted against Russia, Austria, and Prussia. 
Finally, there were no such sovereigns in Europe as Catherine and 
Frederic on any European throne. 

The conditions, then, were different. Still, the fact of (at 
least) an inchoate partition was real. It came from Sweden ; and 
the then King of Sweden was not the first of his dynasty that had 
proposed it. Who did so first is uncertain. It is only certain that 
80 great and good a King as Gustavos Adolphus entertained the 
idea of a Partition of some kind. 

So much for the so-called Partition of 1772. Of the other 
two nothing in extenuation can be said. The second of them, 
more especially, was the flight of greedy vultures to a stricken 
quarry — bleeding, yet sensitive. 



Two Episodes. — Poland as a bulwark against Turkey. — The Campaigns of 1443 

and 1683. 

Having now brought down our very general sketch of the history 
of Poland to the time when that once formidable country no 
longer exercises any independent influence upon the history of 
Europe^ we pause to take a cursory retrospect, and to select from 
among the numerous wars which either illustrate or deform her 
heroic career two which have a special bearing upon the objects 
of the present work. It should be remarked that they are two, 
and two only. That they belong to a series which, if exhibited in 
its full detail, would contain other narratives of the same kind is 
true. The events, however, which they would deliver would be 
the same with those to which we now refer in kind only. In 
degree, they would fall far short of them in magnitude^ in im- 
portance, in their bearing upon our sympathies with the old and 
new suflFerings of Poland, and in every other element of historic 
interest I allude to two great occasions — the two great occa- 
sions — on which, when the proud power of the Ottoman Turks was 
as formidable as it is now contemptible and when their temper 
was as aggressive as it is now passive, the safety of Eastern 
Europe, and perhaps of Christendom at large, was preserved, not 
by the normal bulwarks which Austria is supposed to constitute, 
but by the voluntary chivalry, the military skill, and the unde- 
niable courage of a nation that lay wide away from the scene of 
danger, had little to gain as the reward of success, and as little to 
lose as the penalty of inaction. Twice when Poland might safely 
have looked on the dangers of her neighbours with indifference 
did she help them both readily and effectively ; and in serving 
them served Christianity and civilization at large. 

Admitting that such was the case, I have no inclination to 
decry the feeling that honours in the present Poles the descend- 
ants of a population of warriors whom many have called the 
champions of Christendom. Whatever maxims of statesmanship. 


whatever cold utilitnrianisra^ whatever extreme forms of the 
summum jus or the summa injuria we may set against the sym- 
pathies that the belief in such services excite — however much we 
may be as unwilling to admit the charitable principle of vicarious 
rewards as we are loath to recognize the malignant theory of 
vicarious punishment— however much we may exclude retrospec- 
tive sentiment in our estimate of human affairs— great deeds done 
in distant times cast the halo of their glory before them ; and as 
it is with Greece and Italy, so is it with Poland. 

Nevertheless, the measure of such great deeds must be taken 
with qare and accuracy ; and the share in them which belongs to 
others truthfully awarded. It does no good, but, on the contrary, 
much harm, to run into metaphorical generalities or to overstate 
cases : especially when an over-statement may lead not only to 
a contradiction but to a counter-statement. To any over-hasty 
advocate of Poland's claims on the score of her services against 
the Infidel, the too true answer, which his exaggeration would 
provoke, would be that, taking their history altogether, the Poles 
and Turks have oftener been allies than enemies. Nor is this ex- 
traordinary. Still less is it blameworthy. If alliance with a 
Mahometan Power, never tolerant and once formidable, be a crime, 
who are so criminal as our own countrymen ? As a general rule, 
then, the antagonism to Turkey on the part of Poland is a 

Two great wars, however, are realities. Yet even those we may 
overvalue as measures of the services of Poland. In the first 
the protagonist is no Pole. He is more of a Hungarian than 
aught else, but certainly no Pole. In the second, however, both 
the army and the hero are Poles. The first of the great oc- 
casions on which Poland stood between Mahometanism and 
Christianity was in the wars of John Corvinus, better known as 
Huniades. The second was when Sobieski performed the thank- 
less service of relieving Vienna, a second time besieged, and 

It was in the time of Amurath II. that the events of the first 
great campaign took place. '' Sultan Murad, or Amurath,'* 
wrote Gibbon, " lived forty-nine, and reigned thirty years, six 
months, and eight days. He was a just and valiant prince, 
of a great soul, patient of labours, learned, merciful, religious. 

THE CRUSADE OP A.B. 1443. 81 

charitable: a lover and encoarager of the studious^ and of all 
who excelled in any art or sciences; a good emperor, and a 
great general. No man obtained more or greater victories than 
Amorath; Belgrade alone withstood his attacks. Under his 
reign the soldier was ever victorious, the citizen rich and secure. 
If he subdued any country, his first care was to build mosques 
and caravanseras, hospitals and colleges. Every year he gave a 
thousand pieces of gold to the sons of the Prophet, and sent two 
thousand five hundred to the religious persons of Mecca, Medina, 
and Jerusalem." 

When this great Sultan ascended the throne, it cannot be denied 
that, compared with what it was both a little before and a little 
after his time, the power and prestige of the Ottomans were 
diminished. The bow was somewhat strained. Still it would 
bear a strain. Impetuous, proud, and fiery, the Turk exulted in 
an excess of strength. The great battle gained by Timur over 
Bajazet had neither broken nor permanently diverted the stream 
of conquest that was setting in the direction of Constantinople. 
The victory of Angora was the heaviest blow that had been given; 
but the captivity of the Sultan was its chief result. There had 
been wars between his sons and a period when no one could say 
who was the real Sovereign. There was always an enemy in the 
background in the allied dynasty of Caramania. There was Byzan- 
tine gold and Byzantine intrigue ; but there was no warlike spirit 
in the hearts of the people, and there was no general, much less 
a hero, amongst the emperors. Servia had thrown off its alle- 
giance; there was the spirit of a guerilla warfare in Albania; 
there was boldness enough in Venice to attempt a recovery of 
Thessalonica. But, in all this, there was nothing that materially 
weakened the Ottoman power. It had been formidable under 
Bajazet, and it was formidable under Amurath. Constantinople 
had been besieged by him; and in this we get a measure of his 
strength and his* ambition. A crusade was what he was to be 
checked by; and in this we get a measure of the extent to 
which kings and emperors were unable to cope with him single- 

The faith of Islam, though not burning with the fiery fanaticism 
of the immediate followers of the Prophet, was still fresh and 
sanguine; and, even at this early period, the Ottoman Turks had 



been taught to look upon themselyes as the representative people 
not only of their race but of their religion. It was they with whom 
the mission to conquer was most especially connected with the 
mission to propagate the true faith. There were Mahometan 
conquerors elsewhere; none more fierce, or more bloody, than 
Timur. Elsewhere, too, there were formidable dynasties of the 
Turk blood — what more so than that of the Mamltikes in Egypt? 
But no Mahometans and no Turks, Iiowever powerful and how- 
ever ambitious, were at one and the same time great conquerors, 
and great conquerors on the Christian soil of Europe. Tamerlane 
bad overrun a great part of Asia. The immediate successors of 
Tshingiz-Ehan had carried the dreaded name of Tartar as far, 
into Europe, as Germany on the west, and Livonia on the 
north. But Tamerlane had left Europe in peace ; and the suc- 
cessors of Tsliingiz had cared little about the Koran. That 
there was one God, and that Mahomet was his Prophet was,, 
doubtless, the ruling creed amongst their heterogeneous armies. 
But they seem to have caired little about the promulgation of it 
As far as any Mahometanism was propagated by these fierce bar- 
barians, they might as well have been what they were at the be- 
ginning, Shamanists and Fire worshippers, or what they are now, 
Shamanists and Buddhists ; so little did they use the sword for 
the purposes of conversion. They used it freely; but only for 
the legitimate purposes of robbery and murder. The Turks, on 
the other hand, were burning to insult the religion of Europe 
and to diffuse their own. War, the business of the Janizaries, 
was their duty as well. Whether we take the earlier or the later 
date for die institution of them, they were in full vigour under 
Amurath the Second ; and constituted a " standing army of regu- 
larly paid and disciplined infantry and horse, a full century before 
Charles VII. of France established his fifteen permanent com- 
panies of men-at-arms, which are generally regarded as the first 
standing army in modem history." * Whilst the Janizaries were 
paid, another large portion of the army had lands given them on 

* Sir £. Crea8j*8 History of the Ottoman Turks, chap. 1. In attriboting 
the organization of the Janizaries to Alaeddin, the vizier of Orchan, he writes : 
" It was by his advice, and that of a cotemporary Tnrkish statesman, that the 
celebrated corps of Janissaries was formed, — an institution which European 
writers erroneously fix at a later date, and ascribe to Amurath the First" 

THE CRUSADE OF AJ). 1443. 83 

a military tenure ; and this taught them not only to preserve old 
oonquests but to aspire to new ones. 

Oyer their own kinsmen in Asia Minor, especially over the 
Turks of Karamania, victories had been won at sundry times and 
at divers places, fully sufficient to stimulate the taste for war, to 
keep their discipline intact, and to show that, of all their conge- 
ners, the Osmanlis were the ones to whom the groat glories of 
their blood and lineage were destined. Over the Constantino- 
politan Bomans (for this is what we may by courtesy call them) 
battle after battle had been won ; and, though the second and 
last siege of Constantinople had yet to be attempted and suc- 
ceeded in by Amurath's successor, Amurath himself had planted 
the Crescent within sight of her walls. Indeed he had pressed a 
siege towards — but not to — a conclusion. An embassy from the 
JBmperor had been dismissed with contempt, and twenty thousand 
of Amurath's best troops had assembled before the Capital. The 
little of BumeUa beyond the walls, that remained to the Emperor, 
had been given over to the fire and the sword ; and an embank- 
ment within a bow -shot from the city wall, from the sea to the 
Golden Horn, faced the whole landward side of the city. Under 
cover of this the walls were attempted both by storming parties 
and mines ; and (on important fact as a measure not only of the 
valour of the Ottomans but of their skill) cannon were fired 
against them. The treasure of the city was promised to the true 
believers who should enter it. The day and hour on which it was 
to fall had been announced by dervishes, whose prophecies were 
competent to form their accomplishment. The siege, however, 
was raised.* 

The early victories, however, of the Ottomans in Europe hod 
been won not only over degenerate Greeks, but over the braver 
populations of Servio, Bulgaria, and Bosnia — some of the hardiest 
and most warlike in Europe. The league that the King of Servia 
had formed against Amurath I. was irretrievably broken on the 
field of Kossova ; where Lazarus, the Servian King, was brought 
captive into the presence of his conqueror, who died in pronounc- 
ing the orders for his execution. To his son, however, he gave 

* See, for a graphic accoant of the details of this siege, Sir £. Creasy's History 
of the Ottoman Tarks, chap. 4. 



his sister as a wife^ and no Mahometan fought under a suzerain 
with greater loyalty and valour than Lazarovitsh. 

Bulgaria had yielded a little before Servia: Wallachia soon 
after. A more numerous, though not a braver, nation than that 
of the SeiTians was the next to fall. 

It was a Crusade that brought the bravest of the warriors of 
Europe, both of France and the Empire, from the northern slopes 
of the Alps, and from the shores of the German Ocean to the 
bloody field of Nicopolis. It was Hungary that was threatened ; 
but it was no mere Hungai'ian war. At least it was not by 
Hungarian valour alone— though this was not wanting — that 
Hungary was to be defended. Through Boniface IX., through 
the King of France, and through the Emperor, the King of 
that country, Sigismund, was sufiBciently successful in his repre- 
sentations of the danger which from his own frontier over- 
shadowed the whole of Christendom to create a spirit through 
Western Europe that simulated the zeal of the true Asiatic Cru- 
sades. We know much of the detail of the great armament thus 
created from Froissart, and the names read like the roll of Batile 
Abbey or the lists of the warriors who fought under Louis IX. 
— so thoroughly are they those of the nobility and chivalry of 
France. That they take undue prominence is likely; for the 
Poles and Hungarians bore harsh names, and, to a great extent^ 


UiigentDr, ignotique longa 
Nocte jacent 

However, the son of the Duke of Burgundy, the Count of 
Nevers, who led the French detachment, was to ''break the 
force of Bajazet in Hungary, and, when this was done, was to 
advance to Constantinople, cross the Hellespont, enter Syria, 
gain the Holy Land, and deliver Jerusalem and the Holy Se- 
pulchre from the infidels." 

The names of the Germans who joined the march are equally 
numerous and important If there were three cousins of the 
French King amongst a crowd of nobles on the one side, there 
was the Grand-masier of the Teutonic Order and the Elector 
Palatine of Bavaria on the other— full of confidence, who boasted 
that " if the sky should fall th^ would uphold it on the points 
of their lances." 


Diis aliier visum est. Sigismund himself escaped ; so did a 
few others. But the bulk of the army was cut to pieces at Nico- 
polisy and the mass of the captives was murderously butchered 
after the battle. " Three knights, of whom Sir James de Helly 
was one, were brought before Bajazet and the Count do Nevers, 
who was asked which of the tliree he wished should go to the 
King of France and to his father the Duke of Burgundy. Sir 
James de Helly had the good fortune to be made choice of, be- 
cause the Count de Nevers was before acquainted with him. He 
therefore said to the Sultan, — 'Sir, I wish that this person may 
go to France from you and from me!' This was accepted by 
Bajazet, and Sir James de Helly remained with him and the 
other French lords ; but the two unsuccessful knights were de- 
livered over to the soldiery who massacred them without pity." * 

Daring the thirty years that elapsed between the battle of 
Kicopolis and the next great outbreak of hostilities Mahomet had 
succeeded Amurath, and Amurath II. Mahomet. 

Not Amaraih an Amurath succeeds. 
Bat Harry, Harry. 

Henry IV. 

With a name in a form thus familiar, we may follow Gibbon, 
retaining it instead of the more correct form Murad. Murad, 
however, or Amurath, is now tlie Sultan : and the King of the 
Poles is Ladislas (I again give the more incorrect form in prefer- 
ence to either Vladislas or Vladislav) the Sixth — the son of 
Ladislas Yagello, the husband of Hedvig and the first of the 
Lithuanian dynasty. 

The two great kingdoms that lay between him and the Otto- 
mans were now, either more or less, tributaries to the Sultan : and 
Poland was on the very edge of the whirlpool. In this there 
was a reason why she should arm herself. 

tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet. 

The party-wall was smouldering. More than this, Albert, 
King of Bohemia and Hungary, had died without leaving any bom 
son behind him : though he left his widow Elizabeth with a fair 
chance of giving birth to a posthumous one. And this is what 
she did. At first she put forward on his behalf a claim for the 

* Sir £. Creasy, History of the Ottoman Turks, chap. 3. 


CrowD : but the days of the early Ottoman po\ver were not the 
days when the government of such a country as Hungary could 
be committed to an infant or a regent. There was, indeed, one 
man in the kingdom who would have guarded both the child and 
the kingdom with skill, bravery, and integrity : the famous Hu- 
niades. Huniades, however, recommended that his countrymen 
should choose a king who could defend them, and bring with 
him as much power as he took. He was then an inferior officer. 
Afterwards, though he never sat on a throne, he both approached 
and deserved one, and, like our own John of Gaunt, ho was the 
father of a king, though never a king himself. 

It was Ladislas whom Huniades pointed out, and it was La- 
dislas on whom the election fell. He appointed a regency, and 
accompanied the Hungarian deputies to Buda. Soon after 
this the campaign began. The proportion that the Polish army 
bore to the Hungarian (the crown of Bohemia which Albert had 
worn along with that of Hungary had gone elsewhere, so that 
only two out of three of this triumvirate of kingdoms were united) 
is unknown : but, large or small, it was like the Argive contingent 
at Troy. It had, at best, but an Agamemnon at its head. The 
Achilles was from Hungary. Whether he was Magyar in blood 
is doubtfuL According to one account, his Cather was a Wal- 
lachian, his mother a Greek. According to another, he was the 
son of King Sigismund and a fair Wallachian named Morsine. 
With foolish flattery, provided that the story was ever seriously 
meant to be believed, the co temporary historians found in his 
name, Corvinus, a connection with the Valerii of Rome. Gibbon 
derives it from a Wallachian village. Philip de Gomines calls 
him the Chevalier Blanc de Valaigne — the plain, literal, and 
grammatical meaning of which word is- not Wallachia but Vol- 
hynia. Wallachia, however, is what is meant It is not many 
great names that the Danubian Principalities can boast, and this 
is our excuse for enlarging upon the origin of the greatest of 
them. Huniades is ranked by Sir William Temple, in his Essay on 
Heroic Virtue, among the seven chiefs who have deserved, without 
wearing, a royal crown: Belisarius, Narses, Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
William, first prince of Orange, Alexander, Duke of Parma, and 
George Castriotes, or Scanderbeg, being the other six.* It is with 

* QibboD, chap. 67, and note. 

TUB CRUSADE OF A.D. 144>3. 87 

this last, tbat Honiades is generally associated, and though the 
war in which Hnniades and Ladislos acted together was not one in 
which Scanderbeg took a part, his exploits were nearly coincident 
with it in point of time. Hence, any credit which is to be awarded 
to the warriors of the fifteenth century for stemming the stream of 
Turkish conquest must, in some degree, be shared by the brave 
Albanian. In his youth Hnniades had served in Italy and 
Croatia. In the year in which Amurath retired from Bel- a.d. 
grade he relieved Hermanstadt, and won another battle at ^'^-^3- 
Vasag. He stained his successes by cruelty : still, there were suc- 
cesses. Unless belied in a story that runs in his name, he would 
have been an intolerant conqueror. When the Servian chief, 
George Brankovitsh inquired of him what he intended to do 
in respect to the two religions, the Soman Catholic and the 
Greek, in case he proved victorious, he answered that ho 
should compel all the country to become Romanist. The story 
further adds that the same question was put to the Sultnn, who 
replied that he would build a church near every mosque and leave 
the people free to bow in the mosques or cross themselves in the 
churches according to their inclinations or their consciences. The 
Servians who heard this preferred the Sultan to the Hungarian. 
The Turks called him Jancus Lain, or Wicked John, and, secun- 
dum artem, frightened their children with his name. One great 
battle at Varna he lost ; perhaps when it might have been won. 
At another, at Kossova, which was lost, he was present : though not 
in command. In every other engagement he was successful ; and 
all his engagements were well-timed and of historical importance. 
His last act was the defence of Belgrade against Mahomet II. 
The Ottomans, after a siege of forty days, had already begun to 
enter the town, when Huniades relieved it and forced them to 
raise the siege. This was the last act of his life. Mahomet, when 
ho heard of his death, regretted that the only adversary who had 
foiled him should be removed from his path before he could be 
revenged on him. 

The campaign of 1443 is the campaign of an heterogeneous 
armament. It is a Crusade, preached up by the Cardinal Cesa- 
rini, equally well or better known as Cardinal Julian, and licensed 
or approved by Pope Eugenius. The Cardinal himself fought in it 
like an ordinary officer, and has given us in his letters some of the 

88 THE CRUSADE OF A.B. 1443. 

most important notices concerning it He fell in it. How he 
comported himself, as a priest and Christian, in other matters 
connected with it, we shall soon see. The Servians had risen in 
rebellion. The Greek Emperor was to guard the Bosphorus and 
sally from Constantinople. The hereditary enemy of the Otto- 
mans, the Prince of Karamania, himself a Turk and a Maho- 
metan, was to co-operate with these and other Christian Powers. 
Such, at least, was the programme. The real work was done by 
the Poles and Hungarians — by Ladislas and Huniades. The un- 
scrupulous eloquence of the Cardinal had done much to bring the 
army together : but the fame of Huniades, which attracted men 
to his person, and the prestige of his name which satisfied them 
to act under him, had done more. 

On the drd of November, 1443, was fought the first great battle 
of the campaign— a campaign in which there were Servian, 
Wallachian, Italian, and German contingents to a main army of 
Poles and Hungarians, in which the instigator was an Italian 
Cardinal, in which the King was a Lithuanian Pole, and the 
General a Greek Wallachian. It was fought on the Morava, near 
Nissa, and was won by Huniades. The loss of nine standards and 
four thousand prisoners on the part of the Turks rests on satisfac- 
tory evidence. These, along with thirteen Pashas, were paraded in 
triumph in the main street of Buda ; and those who went to see 
could count them. The number of the killed is another matter. 
It was probably, something between two thousand and six thousand. 
The Hungarians make it thirty thousand. The remainder of the 
Turkish army retreated, Huniades followed close upon it, took the 
capital city Sophia, and crossed the Balkan : he and Diebetsch ( who, 
A.D. from his exploit in our own times, took the title of Za-bal- 
1829. kanski^ithe crosser of the Balkan) being the only two 
commanders who have ever done so from north and south. From 
south to north it has been passed by Alexander, and by Amurath I. ; 
A.D. not to mention Darius and Sviatoslaf. It was in the month 
^07. of December that Huniades crossed it ; and it was on Christ- 
mas day that his army found itself on the southern slope. At 
the foot of Mount Cunobizza, where the Turks had rallied and 
received reinforcements, they were again met and again defeated. 
What is the conqueror now to do ? 


petal Urbem 

Pott GtimaSy an post nimbos et falmlna caatus 
Cireumagat madidas a tempestate cohortes 1 

The way from Gunobizza to Adrianopolis was as open to Hu- 
niades as to Hannibal was the march from Cannie to Rome. It 
was not, however, taken. Huniades returned in triumph to Buda, 
and the peace of Szegeden was the result. 

Szegeden is, in Hungary, with no fault of its own, what 
Limerick is in Ireland — the City of the Broken Treaty. The 
peace of Szegeden was an armistice of ten years. The Ottomans 
were ready to hold by it. Amurath — under what is called his 
second abdication, but which was, in reality, such an abdication as 
Tiberias made when he retired to CaprecB —had retired to a some- 
thing between a mosque and a harem in Asia Minor. The 
Serrians were restored to their independence and Wallachia was 
given up to Hungary. But there was an ecclesiastic magnate of 
the church militant, who held that no treaties with the Infidel 
were binding, and the Cardinal Cesarini, or Julian, absolved the 
Christians from their oaths. He promised, too, to Huniades the 
kingdom of Bulgaria when re-conquered; which it never was. 
The peace had been made before that unscrupulous priest 
had learned, as he did soon after, that Anatolia was invaded by 
the Prince of Earamania; that the Greek empire was either 
ready to invade, or had invaded, Thrace ; and that the fleets of 
Venice and Genoa were masters of the Hellespont. The fleets of 
Genoa were masters of it, and we shall see how they used or abused 
their mastery. " Is it thus," spoke Julian, '' that you will desert their 
expectations and your own future? It is to them, to your God, 
and your fellow- Christians, that you have pledged your faith ; and 
that prior obligation annihilates a rash and sacrilegious oath to the 
enemies of Christ His vicar on earth is the Soman pontifi', without 
whose sanction you can neither promise nor perform. In his 
name I absolve your perjury and sanctify your arms ; follow my 
footsteps in the paths of glory and salvation; and if ye have 
scruples, devolve on my head the punishment and sins." 

His casuistry — we use the mild term of Gibbon, who, never- 
theless, writes with malicious pleasure on the perfidy of the Chris- 
tians — though honourably opposed by the Polish Bishop, achieved 
its object ; and the Ottomans were attacked without a declaration 

90 TEE CRUSADE OF A.D. 144.3. 

of war. Amnrath left his harem, and the Genoese found it a 
good commercial speculation to convey him and his army across 
the Hellespont. He crossed some part of the Balkan from 
the south and came upon his faithless enemies at Varna. I 
can neither condense nor improve the following description of 
the hattle which ensued as given by the best writer on military 
matters amongst English civilians. 


Measengers soon hurried into the Christian camp, who announced that the un- 
resting Sultan had come on against them by forced marches, and that the im- 
perial Turkish army was posted within four miles of Varna. 

A hattle was inevitable ; but the mode in which Hunyades prepared for it 
showed that his confidence was unabated. He rejected the advice which some 
gave in a council of war, to form intrcnchments and barricades round their 
camp, and there await the Sultan's attack. He was for an advance against the 
advancing foe, and for a fair-stricken field. The young king caught the enthu- 
siastic daring of his fiivourite general, and the Christian army broke up from 
their lines, and marched down into the level ground northwurd of the city, to 
attack the Sultan, who had carefully strengthened his encampment there by a 
deep ditch and palisades. 

On the eve of the feast of St. Mathurin, the 10th of November, 1444, the two 
armies were arrayed for battle. The left wing of the Christian army consisted 
chiefly of Wallachian troops. The best part of the Hungarian soldiery was in the 
right wing, where also stood the Frankish crusaders under the Cardinal Julian. 
The King was in the centre with the royal guard and the young nobility of his 
realms. The rear-guard of Polish troops was under the Bi^op of Peterwaradln. 
Hunyades acted as commander-in-chief of the whole army. On the Turkish side 
the two first lines were composed of cavalry and irregular infantry, the Beyler- 
Bey of Roumclia commanding on the right, and the Beyler-Bey of Anatolia on 
the lefU In the centre, behind their lines, the Sultan took his post with his 
Janissaries and the regular cavalry of his body-guard. The copy of the violated 
treaty was placed on a lance-head, and raised on high among the Turkish ranks 
for a standard in the battle, and as a visible appeal to the God of truth, who 
punishes perjury among mankind. At the very instant when the armies were 
about to encounter, an evil omen troubled the Christians. A strong and sudden 
blast of wind swept through their ranks, and blew all their banners to the ground, 
save only that of the King. 

Yet, the commencement of the battle seemed to promise them a complete and 
glorious victory. Hunyades placed himself at the head of the right wing, and 
charged the Asiatic troops with such vigour that he broke them and chased them 
from the field. On the other wing, the Wallachians were equally successful 
against the cavalry and Azabs of Roumelia. King Ladislaus advanced boldly 
with the Christian centre ; and Amurath seeing the rout of his two first lines, 
and the disorder that was spreading itself in the ranks round him, despaired of 
the fate of the day, and turned his horse for flight. Fortunately for the House 
of Othman, Karacya, the Beylcr-Dcy of Anatolia, who had fiillcn back on the 
centre with the remnant of his defeated wing was near the Sultan at this critical 
moment He seized his master s bridle, and implored him to fight the battle 

TnE CRUSADE OP A.B. 1443. 91 

oaL The eommaiidant of the Janissaries, Yazidzi-Toghan, indignant at such a 
breach of etiquette, raised his sword to smite the unceremonious Beyler-Bey, 
when he was himself cut down by an Hungarian sabre. Amurath's presence of 
mind had fidled him only for a moment ; and be now encouraged bis Janissaries 
to atand firm against the Christian charge. Young King Ladislaus, on the other 
aide, fought gallantly in the thickest of the strife ; but bis horse was killed un- 
der him, and he was then surrounded and orerpowered. He wished to yield 
himself op prisoner, but the Ottomans, indignant at the breach of the treaty, had 
sworn to glTO no quarter. An old Janissary, Khodja Kbiri cut ofif the Christiau 
Xing^s head, and placed it on a pike, a fearful companion to the lance, on which 
the fiolated treaty was still reared on high. The Hungarian nobles were ap- 
palled at the sight, and their centre fled in utter dismay from the field. Hun- 
yades» on retaming with his yictorious right wing, vainly charged the Janissaries, 
and strore at least to rescue from them the ghastly trophy of their yictory. At 
last he fled in despair with the wreck of the troops tiiat be bad personally com- 
manded, and with the Wallachians who collected round him. The Hungarian 
rear-guard, abandoned by their commanders, was attacked by the Turks the next 
morning and massacred almost to a man. Besides the Hungarian King, Cardinal 
Jalian, the anther of the breach of the treaty and the cause of this calamitous 
campaign, perished at Varna beneath the Turkish scymitar, together with Stephen 
Bahory, and the Bishops of Eilau and Grosswardein. This overthrow did not 
bring immediate ruin upon Hungary, but it was fatal to the Slavonic neighbours 
oi the Ottomans, who had joined the Hungarian King against them. Scrvia and 
Bosnia were thoroughly reconquered by the Mahometans ; and the ruin of these 
Christian nations, which adhered to the Qreck Church, was accelerated by the 
religioos intolerance with which they were treated by their fellow Christians of 
Hungary and Poland, who obeyed the Pope, and hated the Greek Church as 
heretical. A Servian tradition relates that George Brankovich once inquired of 
Hnnyades what he intended to do with respect to religion, if he proved victo- 
rions. Hnnyades answered that he would compel the country to become Roman 
Gatholie. Brankovich thereupon asked the same question of the Sultan, who 
replied that he would build a church near every mosque, and leave the people at 
liberty to bow in the mosques or to cross themselves in the churches, according 
to their respective creeds. The Servians, who heard this, thought it better to 
snbmit to the Turks and retain their ancient faith, than to accept the Latin 
rites. The tradition expresses a fact, for which ample historical evidence might 
be dted. So also in Bosnia, the bigotry of the Church of Rome in preaching up 
a erosade sgainst the sect of the Patarenes, which was extensively spread in that 
eonntry, caused the speedy and complete annexation of on important frontier 
province to the Ottoman Empire. Seventy Bosnian fortresses are said to have 
opened their gates to the Turks within eight days. The royal bouse of Bosnia 
was aimihilated, and many of her chief nobles embraced Mabometanism to avoid 
a similar doom. 

Saoh is the first notable service done by Poland in its capacity 
of the Bulwark of Christianity. I have taken the account as I 
found it ; without recurring to any original narratives, or collat- 
ing authorities. Had I had the leisure to have done this, it would 
not have been done. What I want is not so much the historical 
fact as the valuation of the force that excites our sympathies; and 


these are to be found, Dot iu the comparison of discordant autho- 
rities, but in the current text-books. No one \?ho argues in 
favour of Poland under Ladislas having deserved well of Chris- 
tendom is likely to go beyond the authors upon whom I have so 
freely drawn. 

The date and place of our next episode are a.d. 1683, and 
the suburbs of Vienna. The Hungarians had revolted ; and an 
Ottoman army was on the way to Vienna. It is said to have 
amounted to more than a quarter of a million of men. The 
Emperor had but few allies to whom he might betake himself. 
He turned his eyes, however, to Poland, then at peace with the 
Porte, and obtained from Sobieski the promise of fifty-eight 
thousand men. Of these he brought on the field twenty 
thousand : but, as he was joined by the Duke of Lorraine and 
some other German commanders, the number of the troops by 
which he efiPected the relief of Vienna amounted to seventy 
thousand. The city itself was gannsoned by eleven thousand 
men under Staremberg: and the siege had lasted from the 
15th of July to the 12th of September. Sobieski, uxorious and 
nepotistic, a great soldier but a weak administrator, was the hus- 
band of a Frenchwoman, and had, from first to last, been a strong 
partizan of the French interest, as the French had been of his. 

It is not often that talent of any kind descends to the third 
generation. It did so with the Bernouillis as mathematicians. 
It did so, in the times of which we now write, with the Euiprilis 
as Viziers to the Sultan. But the third Euiprili had been dis- 
graced and Kara Mustapha reigned, or ruled, in his stead. Ma- 
homet IV. was the Sultan, and Kara Mustapha was his son-in- 
law. The Ottoman power was broken ; or if not broken, sta- 
tionary; and the armies which under Othman and his suc- 
cessors were the terror of Europe, had now fallen both from their 
old discipline and their old prestige. Kara Mustapha was 
sanguine enough to believe that Austria was as easily dealt 
with as it was in the times of Amurath and Solyman : and that 
a second siege of Vienna might be indulged in with impunity. 
But the first years of his Vizierate had been consumed in an 
inglorious war with Russia. There was an alliance between 
Turkey and Poland against her. There was a Eosak war ; with 
the Kosak Doroshensko at its head. As far as Turkey was con- 


ceraed this ended with the peace of Zuravua; hut the peace of 
Zaravna was concladed hetween Turkey and Poland; and not 
between Turkey on the one side and Poland and Bussia, taken to- 
gether, on the other. It was, essentially, a private composition 
between two of the belligerents, from which the third was excluded. 
BusBia took no part in it; indeed, after its conclusion, the war 
between Bussia and Turkey continued : and it ended in the former 
Power supporting Doroshensko. He had grown discontented with 
the Saltan and had put himself in relations with the Czar. 

The result was a kind of triangular duel : for Poland had a 
claim upon the Kosak country. Whatever it was, it kept the 
Ottomans employed against Bussia. Kara Mustapha, after 
being beaten oflF from Czehryra, captured it in the following year. 
A peace with Bussia followed, followed five years afterwards by 
another with Poland, in which the Bepuhlic acknowledged the 
BOTerdgnty of the Czar over the whole of the Ukraine. 

In 1683 Kara Mustapha was before Vienna. We have already 
given the real or fictitious numbers of his army. As far as 
treaties were concerned it was Austria, and Austria alone, with 
whom he had to deal — but we have seen how treaties with the 
Infidel are treated by Christians who have an opportunity before 
them. Both as a parvenu, and as a partizan of the French, 
Sobieski had been treated with either contumely or a near ap* 
preach to it by the Kaiser. But he was the type of the Christian 
borderer in all deaUugs with the Turk. Not only did he make 
light account of the treaty, but he made light account of the 
policy of the French Court; and the French Court, which took 
no pain from the disgrace of Austria. 

A breach had been made in the walls of Vienna ; and, with an 
army of a quarter of a million of men, any amount of life might 
have been spent on forlorn hopes and not wasted. With an army 
of a quarter of a million of men there were ample means for sending 
out whole legions in the shape of detachments to cut ofip either 
supplies or reinforcements. But either the Vizier was no cap- 
tain, or the army was less in reality than on paper. By the 11th 
of September the Poles were on Mount Kahlenberg, and " from 
this hill," says Coyer, " the Christians were presented with one of 
the finest and most dreadful prospects of the greatness of human 
power ; an immense plain, and all the islands of the Danube 


coTered with pavilions, whose magnificence seemed rather calcu- 
lated for an encampment of pleasure than the hardships of war ; an 
innumerahle multitude of horses, camels, hufialoes ; two million 
men all in motion ; swarms of Tartars dispersed along the foot of 
the mountain in their usual confusion ; the fire of the besiegers 
incessant and terrible, and that of the besieged such as they 
could contriye to make — in fine, a great city, distinguishable only 
by the tops of the steeples, and the fire and smoke that covered 
it" All this Sobieski saw, and said — " this man is badly en- 
camped ; he knows nothing of war; we shall certainly beat him." 
To his wife he wrote, " we can easily see that the general of an 
army who has neither thought of entrenching himself nor con- 
centrating his forces, but lies encamped as if we were a hundred 
miles from him, is predestined to be beaten." And so he was. 
Sobieski had been invested with the command of the whole army, 
which, with honourable magnanimity^ the Prince of Lorraine had 
acquiesced in. On the morning of the 12th they descended firom the 
heights, the road firom which was broken with ravines, which made 
the carriage of artillery difficult or impracticable. Yet the Vizier 
took no advantage of this, and (strange to say) is reported not to 
have known that it was Sobieski who was upon him until nearly 
or wholly within sight of him. " God for Poland !" was the cry 
in the native Slavonic. " Non nobis," was the fuller chorus firom 
the Latin. *' Sobieski 1 Sobieski ! " was the shout that drowned 
it. " AUah !" cried the khan of the Crimean TarUrs; '' the king 
is with them, sure enough." 

The Vizier had divided his forces; some he had ordered to 
intercept Sobieski. Others he had left before the town. But there 
was a sortie firom the city ; and there was Sobieski himself for the 
other division. Each fought well ; each was routed. A solemn 
Te Deum was sung in the magnificent cathedral of St Stephen's, 
and Vienna was saved. All Europe felt that a burden and a 
terror had been taken ofi^. The Ottomans were pursued into 
Hungary, and two other victories were gained over them. The 
Emperor alone was either ungrateful or ungracious. 

Meanwhile, another of the Polish generds had signally worsted 
the Tartars in the Ukraine, and the hospodar of Wallachia had 
been replaced by a partizan of Poland. 

The Tartar khan had good reason to know Sobieski. This was 


not the first of his blows that he had felt. In a pre\'ious campaign 
the Polish king had entrenched himself at Zuranov, vrith ten 
thousand men^ and sixty pieces of cannon. The Turkish force 
was two hundred and ten thousand under Ibrahim Shaitariy or 
Ibrahim the Devils Pasha of Damascus. In the churches of 
Poland prayers were offered up for his delivery; and in tliis 
we have the measure of either the fear or tlie danger. For 
twenty days this comparative handful of men was harassed both 
by cannonadings and attacks. Terms were offered; but the only 
ones which were to be accepted were such that Sobieski threatened 
to hang the messenger who, in future, should presume to bring 
them. Hostilities went on. The Lithuanians threatened desertion. 
•'Desert who will," said the king, " I will remain — alive or dead." I 
oonclade this notice in the words of the most popular * English 
historian of Poland, from whom I have already taken much. " To 
remain in his camp was no longer safe ; one morning he issued 
from it, and drew up his handful of men, now scarcely seven 
tbonsand, in battle array as tranquilly as if he had legions to mar- 
shal. Utterly confounded at this display of rashness, or of con- 
fidence, the Turks cried out — 'There is magic in it!' a cry in 
which Shaitan, devil as he was, joined. Filled with admiration at 
a brayery which exceeded his imagination, the pacha sued for 
peace on less dishonourable conditions. 

"By the treaty, two-thirds of the Ukraine were restored to 
Poland, the remaining third being in the power of tlie Porte; 
the question as to Podolia was to be discussed at Constantinople ; 
all prisoners, hostages, &c., were also restored. The conditions, 
indeed, were below the dignity of the Bepublic ; but that such 
favourable ones could be procured at such a crisis, is the best 
comment on the valour of the king. This was the senti- 
ment of all Europe, which resounded more than ever with his 

" Is this history or romance ? " writes one of the narrators of 
Sobieski s exploits. That depends on the accuracy of the figures. 
To me a romantic element is apparent. Still a great service 
was done to Christendom, and it was the Poles who did it. 

In restricting the notice of the wars, between the Poles and the 
Mahometans, to these two campaigns, I do not mean, that the 

* Donham—HUtoxy of Poland, in Lardncr*B Cabinet Encyclopaedia. 


limitations thus suggested apply to the general history of Poland. 
There are plenty of other instances, wherein extraordinary valour 
was shown by the Polish armies against any odds of numbers and 
position. But these apply to what we may call the private wars 
between the two Powers ; the wars that the common frontier, and 
other elements of hostility, engendered. In these, however, there 
is no such an element as that which we just found, viz. a dis- 
interested defence of Christendom (u such; a defence of third 
parties ; an act of chivalrous championship. For mere exploits, 
another campaign of Sobieski's — that of 1667 — is on the high 
level of his relief of Vienna. Then it was when, after the deep 
abasement in which his country was sunk during the unhappy reign 
of John Casimir ; after the eastern half had been overrun by the 
Bussians and Kosaks ; after the western half had been conquered 
by the Swedes ; and after a partition had been either arranged or 
begun, that a multitudinous army of Turks and Tartars invaded 
Podolia, and, for the thousand- and-first time invested Kaminiec. 
Czamie9ki and Lubomirski, who had done so much to rescue 
Poland in the previous wars, were no more. Whether, at this 
time, and under these circumstances, Sobieski routed eighty 
thousand of the enemy with no more than ten thousand men is 
doubtful. It is certain that he achieved a most glorious, decisive^ 
and greatly-needed victory. 


Litlnianii, from the Death of Sigismund II. to the Treaty of Yienna. 

It was at the death of Sigismund I., that the Crown first hecame 
electiye; and amongst the numerous bitter discussions which 
took place during the interregnum, was one as to the place of the 
election. The Poles proposed Warsaw, the Lithuanians, a vil- 
lage on the frontiers of Poland and Litliuania. The Poles carried 
the day. Nor was the question an unimportant one. It was an 
election to which neither deputies nor proxies were admitted. It 
was an election in which every noble was to meet his peers in 
person. In such a plan as this, distance is an important element; 
and when the third election came on the Lithuanians complained, 
and ¥rith probable justice, that in the first two the Poles had 
carried matters with an unduly high hand, and that the Grand 
Duchy had been but imperfectly represented. Next came the 
question as to the Dissidents — a term which included, among 
others, the members of the Greek Church— the Church which had 
an overwhelming majority in Lithuania. Finally, the Cztur was 
one of the candidates; the candidate who had the support of 
Lithuania, and tlie candidate who lost. 

As far as the Grand Duchy was concerned, full equality of vote 
was ensured to it ; but there were Lithuanians both in Prussia 
and Ctirland, and from Prussia and Curland no noble was 
allowed to attend. Neither did those countries send deputies. 

To Stephen Batory, Lithuania owed much, and acknowledged 
the debt. He founded the University of Vilna. He recovered 
Polotsk from the Bussians, who had conquered it during the reign 
of Sigismund I., and conferred it as a fief upon the Duke of 
C^land. Ho cut his way still further northwards; even to 
Novogorod. In his Bussian campaign he met with every sign of 
the truest attachment — not, however, from the Poles, but from 



the Lithaanians. In Vilna^ he inspired confidence ; in Warsaw 
discontent and jealousy. And here, as the wars with the Eosaks 
of the Ukraine are approaching, I may remark that a great pro- 
portion of these formidable warriors, if no^ the majority, was of 
Lithuanian blood ; a fact which must be remembered when we 
find the Lithuanians so often claiming an extension towards the 
south. After Stephen Batory's death, they demand not only 
Livonia, but Yolhynia and PodoHa for the Grand Duchy, and in- 
sist upon their being incorporated with it. This is when Sigis- 
mund III. is elected ; the Lithuanian candidate being the Czar. 
That Sigismund was the Crown- Prince of Sweden, who, for the 
throne of Poland, embraced the Roman Catholic religion, has 
already been mentioned, and it may be added, that he was an in- 
tolerant king ; Lithuania being full of Greek Church Dissidents. 
During the reign of his successor, Ladislas VII., Lithuania was 
the base of a successful campaign against Russia, and in that of 
his successor of an unsuccessful one. At the conclusion of the 
former, the Polish kingdom comprised Smolensko and Tshemigof, 
over which the Czar renounced all claims or pretension. At the 
conclusion of the latter, the Russians held possession of Semi- 
galb'a on the very frontier of Ctirland. This arose out of the al- 
liance between the Kosaks and the Czar — the fortunes of Lithuania 
being connected with those of the Kosaks, with whom they were 
much more closely allied than with the Poles. After the death of 
Bogdan this became apparent. The eastern half of the Kosak 
country went to Russia, and even Yilna went with it. Podolia 
and Yolhynia were won back ; but the parts beyond the Dnieper 
never reverted to Poland. Under Michael there were fresh quar- 
rels, and factions. I cannot give the details of them ; but it is a 
remarkable fact that, even under a leader like Sobieski, the fidelity 
of the litliuanian portion of the army could never be depended 
on. Twice it traversed the plans of that soldier, by either deser- 
tion en masse, or by loud expressions of discontent. Indeed, in 
the campaign of 1672, there was actual mutiny — mutiny, how- 
ever, which was too strong to be punished. Kaminiec had been 
taken, Podolia was reduced. Red Russia was overrun ; Mahomet, 
in person, had invested Leopol ; and by the peace of Budchaz the 
Ukraine and the suzerainty (such as it was) over the Eosaks 
had been ceded. Finally, tribute had been promised; but not paid. 


The Gkand Vizier baying renewed the war, Sobieski intended 
to fUl upon two of the TnrklBb generals separately, and then to 
advanoe against Eaminiec or the main body of the army which 
the Sultan in person was expected to lead. The Lithuanians 
compelled him to reverse the order in which had prepared to take 
the generals; and to begin with Hussein, who with eighty-thou- 
aand men, held Eotzim, rather than with Caplan Pasha, who 
was advancing through Moldavia. Even against Hussein, they 
marched unwillingly, and when they found him, Paz, the Lithua- 
nian betman, was with difficulty persuaded to co-operate. Eot- 
jdm, however, was taken; only, however, to be retaken; for 
Michael died, and the election of Sobieski as king followed — 
remarkable for nothing more than for the unanimous opposition 
raised by the Lithuanians against the only man who could save 
Poland. The betman Paz was his personal enemy ; and it was 
not until Badzivil lent Sobieski his support, and Paz found his op- 
position useless, that it was withdrawn. The King, however, was 
bound to pass one year in three in Lithuania, and to hold every 
third Diet at Grodno. 

StiU the army was as untrustworthy as before. Kotzim taken^ 
and retaken, had to be taken again, and one of the first acts of 
Sobieski's reign was an attempt to recover it. He was in a fair 
way of doing it, when Paz, with his Lithuanians, again deserted, 
leaving him to retreat before a fresh army of Ottomans and 
Tartars. The indignation, however, of his countrymen forced 
bim to re-unite, and, unwillingly, to share in the glory of more 
than one victory. In the relief, however, of Vienna the Lithuanian 
army took no share. Alexander conquered Asia without the 
Spartans, and Sobieski, in helping Austria, dispensed with the 

The next important occasion on which there was room for any 
notable display of a Lithuanian feeling as opposed to a Polish, 
was when Charles XH. invaded Ingria, Estonia, and Livonia. 
At this time the Duchy was divided between two great factions ; 
that of the Badzivils and that of the Sapiehas. As far as I can 
judge by the names, and I have not gone further into the question, 
the Badzivils were of Polish, the Sapiehas of native blood. At 
any rate, the Sapiehas held with Charles : but as the Polish feeling 
was, to a great extent, in the same direction (Augustus being con- 

II 2 



sidered a Saxon rather than a Polish king) I do not lay much 
stress on this. 

Then came the times of the Partition; when Lithuania was 
de facto, though not de jure, Bussian. Then the times of 
Napoleon ; upon which we may pause. 

In 1812 Yilna was the scene of a succession of intrigues: 
heing, during April, May, and June, the residence of the Czar 
and his generals, and during July that of Napoleon. As the 
Czar left, the Emperor entered. The intrigues, however, con- 
tinued ; though they fell into different hands, and were carried on 
for different objects. Alexander had dazzled the people of Yilna 
with the splendour of his entertainments, and pleased them with 
the affability of his manners. The heads of the Lithuanian 
nobility (I observe that all the names given by Schlosser are 
Polish) had ribbons and stars conferred on them; and deputies 
from Poland were received with honour. The departure, how- 
ever, of the Emperor and his staff was abrupt They left behind 
them a great part of their provisions and anmunitions, and the 
administration of Lithuania fell into the hands of the able agents 
of Napoleon. Although the provisional government consisted of 
Poles, everything was directed by Frenchmen. Bignon and 
Jomini first, and Hogendorp afterwards, were at the head of 
the war department. The last, by his rudeness, did much to 
estrange the Lithuanians: whose country was now divided into 
four intendancies — Yilna, Grodno, Minsk, and Bialystock, the in- 
tendants being Frenchmen. It was during Napoleon's stay in Yilna 
that some of the more important declarations concerning both 
the vrishes of the Poles and the intentions of the Emperor were 
made; these last being regulated by the conditions through which 
the co-operation of Austria was insured. To a deputation from 
Warsaw the answer was that he — Napoleon — " saw, vrith pleasure, 
the Poles full of enthusiasm for the resurrection of Poland : but 
that it was not consistent with his policy pubUcly to declare him- 
sel favourable to the restoration." The answer to the speech 
containing this disheartening announcement — an answer which 
had been prepared under the expectation of a favourable promise 
— was never delivered : but another, put into the mouth of the 
Yoyood Yybieski, with, apparently, a touch or two of Bignon's, 
was substituted for it. Let it merely be said that " the kingdom 


of Poland exists and sixteen millions of Poles will sacrifice either 
life or fortune for emperors." However, this was neither said ex- 
plicitly, nor left unsaid. The Emperor had duties of divers kinds 
to fulfil, and complicated interests to reconcile. He could admire 
the enthusiasm of the Poles, and sympathize in their denuncia- 
tions of the Czar— but "I hold the same language as I held from 
the beginning ; and I should also add that I have guaranteed the 
Emperor of Austria the integrity of his dominions, and that I 
cannot authorize any scheme, or any movement which would 
tend to trouble him in the peaceable possession of the Polish 
provinces which remain to him. Let Lithuania, Samogitia, 
Vitepsky Polotsk, Mohilev, Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine 
become animated with the spirit which has shown itself in Great 
Poland, and Providence will crown with success the sanctity of 
your oanse." But no such demonstrations were made ; and the 
retreat from Moscow ended the Napoleonic portion of Lithuanian 
history. What took place after the Congress of Vienna, on the 
aoil of Lithuania, will be noticed elsewhere. 

I now pass to the localities of another division of the Lithuanio 
stock, C6rland and Livonia — which, though less Polish in their 
political relations than Lithuania Proper, are still Lithuanic, and 
which require to be noticed before Poland and Lithuania (for we 
must take the two together) are done with. 



C(irUiid and LiToni» generally. 

Though the political history of Gfirland and Livonia is, on many 
points, di£ferent from that of Lithnania, there are many points 
which, for the purposes of ethnography and in the investigation 
of nationality, connect them. There is likeness as well as differ- 
ence: difference joined to likeness. In a less degree there is 
difference hetween the two provinces themselves. The likeness, 
however, or afiBnity, is strong. As far as Language is either an 
element in nationality, or a test of it, there is a decided and un- 
douhted affinity hetween them. As far as the name is concerned, 
there is affinity also — for the root of the words Let and Lithuanian 
IS the same. Though, politically speaking, a Curlander is a 
native of C6rland, he is still a Let in language, name, and 
blood. Indeed, a Ctirlander is a Let in Gurland : and when we 
take the statistics of that Duchy, we talk of so many Letts, so 
many Lithuanians Proper, so many Germans, and so many Liefs — 
these forming hut a small and unimportant fraction of the whole. 
We must notice them, however, and we mast notice their name. 

The Let language is, in all respects, Lithuanic ; except that it 
has lost some of the Lithuanic infiexions. The statement, which 
may he found in hooks pretending to authority, that it is so much 
more modem than its congener as to stand towards it in the same 
degree of relationship that Italian has towards Latin, is an exag- 
geration. Whether there are any forms of it which are easily 
intelligible to a Lithuanian, I cannot say. 

The character of the popular poetry is the same : the Let songs 
being shorter and more fragmentary than the Lithuanic. This, 
however, may be an apparent rather than a real difference ; inas- 
much as less attention has been paid to the collecting of them. 


Even with the Lithuanians Proper, it is not certain that the 
blood and the language coincide. We must always remember that 
they are on a Fin frontier ; and that, as a general rule, the Fin 
populations of these parts have given way to the encroachments 
from the south and west. That they extended further iu the 
direction of German is an ascertained and admitted fact — and, at 
the present moment, Estonia is essentially Fin — Fin after the 
fashion of Finland itself. 

Whatever may be the case with the Lithuanic and Yatshving 
areas, the evidence that both Livonia and Curland were Fin be- 
fore they were Lithuanic is satisfactory; if not conclusive. They 
are so, to a certain extent, at the present moment : as may be seen 
from the following tables, in which the Liefs are a sub-division 
of the Fins of the southern shore of the Baltic ; and in which 
it must be observed that the Estonian Fins are more numerous 
in Livonia than in Estonia itself— just as the Liefs are more 
numerous in Curland, than in the land which takes its name 
from them Zt^-land, or ZiV-onia. 

Estonians in Estonia 252,608 

Livonia 355,216 

Curland none 


Liefs in Livonia 22 

Curland 2052 


Lief and Kur^ the names from which Ct^r-land and £i<?/'-land 
are derived, are essentially Fin, and not at all Lithuanic; but 
they are, also, names which now apply to Curland and Livonia 
just as the name Britain applies to England, «. e, very loosely. 
They are the names of the older populations, rather than the 
names of the existing ones. That these older populations left 
some of their blood in the land as well as their names is probable. 

How the Fins who gove their name to Curland differed from 
the Fins who gave their name to Liefland is unknown. We must 
only surmise that there was %ome difference between them — the 


di£ference suggested by the name. It may have be&n consider- 
able, or it may have been infinitesimally small. Neither can we 
say where one name ended and where the other began. It is pro- 
bable, however, that each extended further' westward than it does 
now. There is a notable remnant of the true Liefs in Curland ; 
whilst Curland, on the other hand, may have encroached upon 
what is now East Prussia. 

At what time the names under notice began to denote a 
Lithuania of Curland or Liefland, rather than an original Fin, is 
uncertain. Word for word, I believe, with others, that Lemovii 
in Tacitus is Lief^ or Liev ; and I think it probable that, in the 
time of Tacitus, it was the early Fin population to which it 
applied ; just as in the time of Tacitus^ it was a Kelt whom 
the term Briton designated. The notice, however, of Tacitus is 
fragmentary, and (if we may use the expression) premature ; t. e, it 
is earlier, by a very long time, than the beginning of continuous his- 
tory of the parts to which it applies. When this begins the Curi, 
Curones, or Curetes — for that is the name under which the Cur- 
landers first appear — were, probably, more Lithuanic than the 
Lieflanders; and, probably, more Lithuanic than Fin. A Boman 
in the eighth century speaking of a BHton in Devonshire would 
use a very doubtful word. He might mean an eastern represen- 
tative of the ancient Britons of Cornwall or he might mean a 
western representative of the Englishmen of Dorsetshire and 
Hants. Which he meant would be difiBcult to decide: though 
the same word, four hundred years sooner or four hundred years 
later, would have been as clear in its meaning as the sun at 
noon. It would have meant an ancient Briton at the earlier, an 
ordinary Englishman at the latter, period. 

The main difference between Ctirland and Livonia on the one 
side, and Lithuania Proper on the other, is, that the former are 
both more German and more Swedish in their political relations 
and history, than the latter — Livonia being more Swedish and 
more Estonian than Ctirland. Lithuania, on the other hand, 
IS more Polish and more Bussian — more Polish at first, more 
Bussian at present Again, Lithuania is essentially an inland 
country, and a country running far towards the south. Hence, 
the Southern Lithuanians came in contact not only with Poles 
and Bussians but with Tartars and Mongols. The Baltic Pro- 


▼inoes, on the other hand (for so we call not only Curland and 
Livonia bat Estonia as well) lay on the sea ; had ports and trade^ 
ships and sailors. 

Between the physical conditions, products, and habits of the 
two countries, as between their superstitions, there is not much 



The Curi, Curones, or Oaretes, who gave tbeir name to Cur- 
land, are first mentioned in connection with the Swedes, to 
whose piracies or commerce their position along the sea-coast 
exposed them. They were either tributaries or subjects to them. 
Amongst the barbarous idolaters of the district they were amongst 
the most barbarous. Some of the strange stories concerning men 
who dressed themselves like monks had their venue in Curland. 
From Curland, a land of auguries and necromancers, answers 
were sought from distant regions; especially, says Adam of 
Bremen, from Greece and Spain. 

Word for word, the Cur- in Ctir-ones seems to be the same 
as the Kar- in f'ar- elia, and other undoubted or probable Fin 

In the way of dynastic association C&rland followed the 
fashion of the Empire; and there was a Duke of Curland just as 
there was a Duke, or Prince, of Gotha or Lippe Schaumburg. 
The same principle told on both. The differentim^ however, of 
Ciirland are peculiar. As a conquest of the Teutonic Order it 
was granted by the Pope. As a district of Northern Germany it 
belonged to the Platt-Deutsch division of the language ; coinci- 
dent with which (with the exception of Osnaburg) there is a 
preponderance of Protestantism. 

Let us look upon Ciirland, then, as the locality of a class of 
dominant settlers from Germany : of settlers who were essentially 
foreign to the soil and dominant upon it. They were strong 
enough to indulge in their individualisms : and a large portion 
became Protestant, just as a smaller portion remained Bomanist. 
The fact of their being Northern Germans may have had some- 
thing to do with this. The fact of their proximity to a Swedish 

CUaLAND. 107 

dependency, of which Ae mass was their congeners, hoth in 
blood and language, may have had more. However, soon after 
the Befiormation they had a Duke who was a Protestant Never 
had a grand duke so vulgar a name. It was Ketder. However, 
the Kettler dynasty was that upon which the fortunes of Curland 
tamed. His fisunily became extinct : and the Protestant succes- 
sion came to an end. During its continuance Bussia had grown 
stronger, Sweden weaker; Poland weaker — both weaker, but 
especially Sweden ; Bussia being, most especially, not only abso- 
latdy stronger, but stronger at the expense of the two. 

Though Ciirland was independent of Sweden it was not so of 
Poland. Poland held it as a fief. Now, the policy of Poland 
was to incorporate C6rland as an integral part of the kingdom as 
soon as ever the line of Kettler had died out. It did die out ; 
and then came tergiversations on both sides. But there was a 
strong hand to control them. During the wars between Charles 
XIL and Peter the Great concerning the nomination of the King 
of Poland, it was a mere matter of strategics that Ciirland should 
be either effectually defended by Poland, or occupied by Bussia. 
The latter was the alternative. The Bussians took possession 
and kept it. So it was de facto. Considered de jure, the 
Poles were the more important party in the suit. They had, 
when the perpetuity of the line of Kettler was in doubt, recog- 
nized the secularization of the religious estates, and the change 
of spiritual bishops into temporal princes; and they had done 
this in &vour of the Protestant duke on the condition that when 
the Protestant Succession ceased, or that when his line came to an 
end, the relation of fief and suzerain should cease, and that Cur- 
land should be incorporated with Poland. Whatever may have 
been the faults in Polish policy elsewhere, there is nothing here to 
which we can refuse our approbation. And the line did come to 
an end : and the last duke was a convert : and the last duke was 
childless: and the last duke cored little about Curland. Ho 
apostatized from his creed and country, and his race became ex- 
tinct: and the Poles were ready to take possession when the men 
who were the statesman of Curland either repudiated or evaded 
the agreement. They called-in a son of Augustus II., and offered 
to make him duke. He accepted the offer and was acknowledged 
by both the Curlanders and the Poles — but not by the Bussians. 

lOS OURLAin). 

The Bussians kept their troops- in the duchy and the troops 
forbid his installation. The details of their occupancy are of 
little importance. We need only remember that the dukes of 
Garland had intermarried with the Russian Boyal Family; and 
add that the wife and widow of the last duke was a niece of 
Peter's: who afterwards became Anne the Czarina of all the 
Bussias. No wonder that her hold on Curlaud was of the 
strongest She had a favourite, Biren; and this favourite she 
forced upon Curland, and enjoined the recognition of him on 
Augustus III. As King of Poland he mixed compliancy with 
resistance. He acknowledged Biren; but he required ceitain 
formalities from him which implied the suzerainty of Poland. 
He held Curland, but held it as a fief of Poland. He was 
required to undergo certain formal proceedings at Warsaw. He 
did it, and was invested. 

Now Biren was a favoiirite : and, in course of time, he was 
a disgraced favourite. He went to Siberia as an exile. He 
put in certain claims as Duke of C^land, and vassal of 
Poland. The Bussian Government acknowledged each claim: 
and despised it. His suzerain exerted himself in his be- 
half; and he exerted himself in vain. The time had come 
when Ciirland must take one Bussian nominee in exchange for 
another. Prince Louis of Brunswick was put forward to replace 
Biren. But the revolution which replaced Anne by Elizabeth 
prevented him. There was a lull as to the question of succession. 
Curland was in the meanwhile misgoverned ; so far as anarchy, 
with all the disadvantages of bad government, can be called go- 
vernment The orders, when they came at all, came from St Peters- 
burg. The men who enforced them were Bussian soldiers ; soldiers 
who had never evacuated the country. The men who conveyed 
them were Bussian o£Bcials. All, in shorty so far as it was any- 
thing, was Bussian. The finance, such as it was, was managed by 
Bussians; and the taxes were applied to the payment of Biren's 
personal debts to Bussian creditors. Some of these were real ; 
some usuriously exaggerated ; some wholly unreal. However, the 
Curland taxes went to St Petersburg. In 1754, the King of Po- 
land, whose claims had to some extent been recognized by Eliza- 
beth, had allowed a deputation to apply for Biren*s liberation. But 
the Empress never met it All that was not Bussia was anarchy. 


The dake, who had been refused by Bussia, and who had been 
acknowledged by both the Poles and Curlanders, was Count 
Maurice of Saxony, afterwards famous in the military history of 
France. He was a natural son of Augustus II. The candidate 
now pnt forward, was a legitimate son of Augustus III. Ho 
satisfied Elizabeth; who was pleased to announce to Augustus 
III. that be might be invested. The Polish King and the Polish 
Senate agreed to him : but the Grand Duke, afterwards Peter III., 
objected. His nominee was a prince of the Holsteiu family : a 
&ct which directs our attention towards Denmark. The real 
contest, however, was between Charles and Biren. Charles re- 
called Biren and, between money and promises, fancied that he 
had bought np his claims; when Catherine became Empress. She 
aapported Biren and won ; the Poles supported Charles and lost. 
Biren misgoverned Garland, and it became a Russian province. 
This was in the times when the first partition of Poland was 
being brewed. Frederio the Great was one of the first who 
acknowledged Biren. 

The times of the duke and the anti-duke are now over, and 
CAxland is a Busaian province. 

110 UVONIA, 

LiToniSy or Liefland. 

A Lett of Livonia is a Livonian as an Englishman of Yorkshire 
18 a Briton, i. «. not at all. He is merely an ocoupant of long 
standing in a foreign country into which he has introduced him- 
self and upon the soil whereof he is naturalized. This has 
already been stated; but, as it involves a distinction which is 
often overlooked it will bear repetition. Perhaps, indeed, it re- 
quires it. 

The name Lief is apparently an old one. One of the names 
found by Tacitus, and ascribed by him to the vast tract of land 
which he somewhat loosely names Oermania, is Lemovii. In 
the fifteenth century we hear of the Lemonii, and Curanii, in the 
parts now under notice, i,e, in Liefland and Curland. The 
name again appears as Terra Lamotina, and Lammethis, or, 
perhaps, Lammethin ; for the inflection of these outlying names 
is doubtftil. The Letts, if not the actual occupants of a part 
of this Terra Lamotina, were on its frontier. They are more 
properly called Lettgalli ; in Russian Lyetgola. From Sem- 
gallen, Pillkallen, and numerous other names, we may learn that 
this termination gall was, pre-eminently, a Lithuanian root ; and 
we may on occasions use it as an instrument of criticism. The 
earlier historical notices that apply to them are from a native, 
Henry the Lett ; and it seems that, in his time, his countrymen 
were weaker than their Fin neighbours : for he says that they 
were harassed by the Liefs and the Estonians. They are now 
too weak to harass any one ; and the Estonians are anything but 
strong. Associated with the Letts are two other populations; 
the Selones and the Ydumei : the details of whose history are 
unknown« It is interesting, however, to observe how names 


familiar to us firom the Scriptures or the Glossies turn-up, 
at different times and in odd places in these northern latitudes. 
Certain Prussians are named Parthi ; the Hungarians, on occa- 
moDB^Afforeni ; just as certain Liefs or Letts are called Edomitea 
or Idumeans. 

Along with these we meet with the Wendi; just as in Tacitus 
we meet with the Venedi, I infer from this not only that the 
certain outlying Slavonians had settled themselves in the parts 
about Biga, some eighteen hundred years ago, but that certain 
Oermans had done the same; for, though Veud is a name which 
is applied to the Slaves, it is the Germans who apply it I do 
not, however, look upon the inference as unexceptionable. Be 
this as it may, there were Venedi here in the time of Tacitus, and 
Vends in the thirteenth century. They were a poor and broken 
people, who were driven from a river in Cfirland, which bore 
their name, into the district of which the city of Biga was after- 
wards founded. I once suggested that the Bugii, whom Tacitus 
joins with the Lemovii, might have had more to do with this 
district than with the Isle of Bugen, to which they are generally 
attributed. The doctrine, however, was treated with the contempt 
it deserved. It ran counter to more than three centuries of un- 
divided opinion, and to almost as many hypotheses. It is true 
for all that 

The contest between Bussia and Sweden for Livonia (and 
Livonia would carry with it Estonia and Ingria) took a definite 
form towards the end of the reign of Gustavus Vasa; and a 
caution against unnecessary aggressions in that direction, was 
one of the many injunctions which the anxious father laid upon 
his intractable sons, Eric and his brothers. For one of these, 
indeed, John, a portion of Livonia was intended as a kind of 
appanage. The place, however, belonged to John and his brothers, 
not to Gustavus himself. That the Danish influence in Estonia 
should be lessened, was all to which that prudent sovereign com- 
mitted himself. This was the only Swedish interest he seems to 
have recognized And it was a real one. A war with Denmark 
was imminent, and the Danes had just received the submission of 
Beval : — " Upon this we would have thee to thiuk, dear son, what 
detriment it might work for our affairs, if the Danes should be- 
come our neighbours on this side also ; whether it be not better 

1 1 2 LIVONIA, 

to forestall than to be forestalled; to take the piece from the 
hound in time, than to he bitten by him— give us thy opinion 
hereupon.*' * 

The Grand-master, then, was to be assisted by a loan from 
Sweden for which the town of Beval was to be impignorated. 
But the power of the Grand-master and his Order was on the 
wane: indeed it was setting — sinking. Poland, the Empire, 
Denmark, and Sweden were appealed to for defence against 
Bussia; and in a multitude of applications there was room for 
intrigue, cross-purposes, fraud and dissimulation. Indeed, though 
the policy indicated in the letter just quoted is a sufficient ex- 
planation of Gustavus' conduct, it is not the only one. It is sug- 
gested by the historian of Sweden, that it was not against Denmark 
alone that these precautions were taken. John had been intrigu- 
ing in the same quarter and with o£fers of nearly similar terms. 
He had connived at the piracies of Beval ; he had given shelter in 
Finland to some of the pirates; and he was tendering a loan to the 
Grand-master as a security for a certain fortress. It was wise on 
the part of Gustavus to get the management of an afifair like this 
into his own hands, instead of letting it fall into those of his un- 
wary sons, who were making their arrangements without his privity, 
though not without his knowledge. He had suspected, if not ob- 
served, something clandestine for some time, and had made a strong 
representation on the matter : — ** Seeing thou well knowest that 
Finland is not a separate dominion from Sweden, but that both 
are counted as members of one body, it becomes thee to under- 
take nothing which concerns the whole kingdom, unless he who 
is the true head of Sweden, with the estates of the realm, be con- 
sulted thereupon, and it be approved and confirmed by him and 
them, as thy bounden duty points out, and Sweden's law requires." 

However, the machinations continued, though the completion 
of them was put o£f. Neither was the plan concocted amongst 
the brothers ever put into e£fect. The father, whom they had 
conspired to deceive, was on the edge of the grave ; and when 
the grave closed over him a more than Theban enmity broke 
out between the sons. The domestic history of Eric and his 
brothers, John and Charles, is one of the saddest portions in the 

* Letter of the King to Erio, December 8 and 10, 1558. From G^'er^s Hia- 
ioiy of Sweden. 


bistory of Sweden. The two greatest of her kiogs were unhappy 
in their immediate saocessors. The daughter of Gustavus Adolphus 
and the two oldest sons of Gustavus Vasa equally let their crowns 
lose lustre. One of Eric's projects was to become King Consort 
of England, after making love to Queen Elizabeth in disguise. 
In this we have a measure of his sense. 

On the accession of Eric, his brother John reminded him that 
a tenitory in Livonia had been promised to him; and that if 
this promise were fulfilled he would undertake the protection of 
Beral against the Russians under Ivan Vassiliewitch II. But 
Erie undertook the affair himself, and sent over an nrmy which was 
received into the town. The nobles submitted to Swedish rule; 
and, after Eric had been crowned, their privileges were confirmed 
by the royal sanction given at Stockholm. The title, too, of 
Eric became " King of the Swedes, Goths, and Vandals, Lord of 
LiYonia and Beval." Such are the chief details connected with 
Sweden's first step across the Baltic. A war was the result. 
It did not, however, break out at once ; inasmuch as peace with 
Bussia was preserved. This was because there was a common 
enemy in Poland. Curland, under Kettler, had become a Polish 
fief: and, of all the Powers of Europe, the one that was most 
feared and most suspected was Poland ; whilst the Power that was 
strongest to oppose her was neither Russia nor the Empire, but 

And now our history is full of complications. Poland, with 
Curland as a fief; Russia pressing northwards or westwards from 
Novogorod and Moscow ; and Denmark, with a powerful navy, 
are all fixing their att-ention upon Livonia and Estonia. In the 
family of Gustavus the counsels are divided ; if counsel it may 
he called that has its origin in ambition, egotism, and jealousy, 
rather than in the judgment. John recommends a Polish alliance 
as against Russia: Eric allies himself with Russia as against 
Poland. When a Danish war breaks out, as it does a few years 
afterwards, the complications increase, and the extraordinary offers 
in the way of compromise suggest reflections upon the slightness 
of the causes upon which great effects may hang. It was pro- 
posed that the Swedish possessions in Livonia should be made 
over to the Empire, and held under the Empire, as a fief, by Den- 
mark. It was proposed that the Danish prince, Magnus, should 


1 1 4 LIVONIA, 

many the Czar's niece, and put himself under Bussian protection. 
This was done; and be bore, for a time, the title of King of 
Liefland: with Russia to back his pretensions. Afterwards, 
however, the contest is almost wholly between two combatants — 
Sweden and Russia; so that, except as secondary influences, 
Denmark and Poland have but little to do with the history of 
the next century and a half — the Empire less. 

It was now incumbent upon Russia to make good her engage- 
ment to John : and an army invaded Estonia and Livonia. They 
left blood upon every footstep, and struck a terror in the hearts 
of all except the garrison of Reval. This held out for Sweden 
till the eleventh hour : when relief came. The Russian successes 
and the Russian cruelties had done much to weaken the Swedish 
dominion : but the disastrous quarrels within the Swedish army 
itself bad done more. It was not an army of Swedes. There 
were German mercenaries in it, and there were Scotch mercena- 
ries; for Scotch assistance was generally to be hired by the 
Swedes. Not on one occasion only, but on many, must we 
remember this when we have occasion to go into the minute 
ethnology of Scandinavia. In one of the mutinies as many as 
fifteen hundred Scots were cut down. But a Turkish war broke 
out, and Sweden was appealed to on both sides. This gave her 
an opportunity for retrieving her fortunes ; and it was improved 
by the accession of a skilful o£Bcer to her ranks. Pontus de la 
Gardie was a Frenchman ; but he served the Swedes better than 
they served themselves. Ue married a natural daughter of 
the King, and was appointed general against the Russians. He 
ejected them from Livonia ; and followed tliem beyond the boun- 
dary. He took Narva, Kexholm, and all the fortresses in Ingria. 
The Swedes claim for their countrymen the award of com- 
parative humanity in their dealings with the natives — but com- 
parative humanity, when an invading army of Russians under 
such a king as Ivan Yassilievitsh is the standard, is but faint 
praise. The Russians were merciless: but they were then, as 
now, brave and obstinate. Their discipline then, as now, was such 
as to make them undergo any extremity rather than yield; for. 
" they," says a chronicler * of 1 627, " from their youth upward are 

* JEgidioB Gin. Chronicle of King John III. Quoted from Geyer'fl History 
of Sweden, English tranBlation. 


iniiied to oontinaouB labour and mach fasting, and can make 
shift long enough with scant food, as with meal, salt, and water. 
They know also that when they give up a fortress they are 
batdiered with the most contemptuous mockery, how great soever 
the need may have been that drove them thereto, and that they 
cannot remain in another country. Therefore they choose rather 
to defend themselves to the last man. But they hold it, more- 
OYer, for a deadly and unpardonable sin to surrender a fortress ; 
and prefer to die blissfully for their lord and father-land than 
to conmait such a sin/' 

So much for the older annalist. " Let the motive be what it 
may," writes Oeijer, in his comment upon the passage, *' he is 
powerful who bargains not with his duty. It is that principle 
which goards the frontier of a State and lends increase to do- 
minion." Ivan, at his death, recommended his son to make 
peace. John rejected the terms. A peace, however, was even- 
tually made, though disturbances of a new kind, and in a some- 
what different quarter, succeeded. These were the results of an 
arrangement, which gave Poland its last opportunity of dividing 
her influence in these parts with Sweden. 

After the death of Stephen Bathory, the Crown of Po- a.d. 
land became vacant, and Sigismund, the son of John, who 1^86. 
had married Catherine, tlie last of the Yagellon princesses, and 
the sister of Bathory 's widow, was elected against the powerful in- 
terest of the Archduke Maximilian. The difficulties that this in- 
troduced were of the gravest kind. His father was still alive, so 
that, though King of Poland, he was only Crown Prince of Sweden. 
The national religion of the Poles was Bomanism. The Swedes 
were Protestants ; though not, as yet, such strong and almost fa- 
natic Protestants as they became under the great Gustavus. As 
Henry IV. was in respect to Navarre and France : so was Sigis- 
mund in respect to Sweden and Poland. The creed which was 
compatible with one crown was impossible for the other. The 
sacrifice which this involved, had it come to one, and had the 
King been free to determine it, would have been made in favour 
of Borne. We know, however, that no such sacrifice was re- 

The transactions that followed are characterized by anything 
but good faith on the part of Sigismund. The two Swedish diplo- 

I 2 


mutists who lad the most to do with the agreement guaranteed that 
that portion of Livonia which belonged to Sweden should be in- 
corporated with Lithuania, and, as a part of Lithuania, be also 
incorporated with Poland. Had this been done, an arrangement 
too fortunate to occur in history would have been effected, and, 
with the exception of its Fin and German elements, the Duchy of 
Lithuania would have taken a truly Lithuanic augment. Poland, 
too, would have been strengthened on the Baltic, and the Russians 
permanently beaten-off from the coast of the Gulf of Finland. The 
act, however, of the councillors, £ric Sparre and Eric Brahe, was 
repudiated by their Government, and Sigismund, when he arrived 
in Poland, refused to confirm the cession — not absolutely and for 
ever, but until the death of his father, when, instead of being 
Crown Prince, he would be King. In this, the Poles, who seem 
to have been easily satisfied, acquiesced; and Sigismund was 
crowned at Cracow. The further details of this complicated 
arrangement belong to the civil history of Sweden, rather than to 
an ethnological notice of Livonia and Estonia ; and, in the civil 
history of Sweden, they are of the greatest interest. It turned 
apon John and Sigismund whether Sweden was to have a king 
who was half a Bomanist or a Gustavus Adolphus. Without, 
however, going into these details, we may state that, notwithstand- 
ing the claims of Sigismund as Johns son, the successor to John 
was Charles — his brother ; the youngest of the sons of Gustavus 
Vasa, and, with all his faults, the noblest 

Sigismund remained King of Poland ; and, from Poland, main- 
tained his pretensions: so that the war with Livonia devolved 
upon Charles IX.; in which he was more than merely unsuccessful. 
The battle of Kexholm seems to have been disgracefully lost 
Against an inferior force. The men ** ran, and let their backs be 
hacked like a flock of poultry fleeing before a small body, where 
they were four or five to one, ajsd leaving us on the field." 
The horse that bore the king was killed under him, when a 
Livonian nobleman, Henry of Wrede, gave him his, and met his 
own death on foot. His widow and children were rewarded 
by manors in Finland. Livonia, however, remained Swedish ; 
for Charles IX. was, on the whole, a successful guardian of the 
honour of his country. His immediate successors were this and 


''T hxtt,** writes the hUtorion of Sweden, " to the best of my ability sought 
impartially to pourtray the younge-^t and grealcst son of GiidLavus; in many 
qualities his father*s heir, in others both bcluw, and perchance aldo above 
him. Only one feature is to 1)e added, since even on the brink of the grave 
it atiU strikes the eye in him, and since in some measure it should mitigate 
our judgment of his blood-stained path : it is his inl>orn striving to grasp 
across every limit, beyond every goal to set anotlicr. He battled for himself 
a crown. At this point another would have halted; to him it was so little 
the /[greatest, the sole aim, that he left it les decided than he might. Whereas 
the strife ensuing, which from Sigismund's slowness and irresolution might, 
for some time longer at least, have been waged by words and manifest och, he 
straightway removed out of Sweden to Livonia, Poland, and Russia, nor did 
the ontbreak of war with Denmark prevent him from mustering as it were 
in his last gaxp the members of a future league against the Papacy and the 
house of Hapsbuig ; as in his testament he especially recommends to his children 
friendship with the evangelical princes of Germany. Thus in the soul of Charles 
perchance more than in any of his contemporaries, laboured the burning future 
which burst forth in the Thirty Years' War ; and not without significance was he 
wont to observe, laying his hand on the head of the young Gustavus Adolphus, " JUe 
/aeitt*' (he will do it). Such men verily there are, full of the hereafter, who, 
with or without their own will and intent, carry the nations onward at their side. 
Except his fiither, no man before him exercised so deep an influence on the 
Swedish people. More than a hundred years passed away, and a like personal 
influence was still reigning upon the throne of Sweden. The nation, hard to 
more save for immediate self-defence, was 1)orne along, unwilling and yet admir- 
ing, repugnant yet loving ; as by some potent impulsion, following her Gustaves 
and Charleses to victor^', fame, and to the verge of perdition. This is neither 
pndse nor blame; but so it was. And as I write the history of the Swedish 
people, I feel as strongly as may be, that it is the history of their kings." * 

From the time when Eric, the son of Gustavus Vasn, wrote him* 
self" Lord of Reval and Livonia " to the peace of Nystadt a.d. 
is one hundred and sixty years; during the whole of 1721. 
which time Livonia, Estonia, Ingria, and the southern parts of 
Finland are little more than battlefields for Russia, Sweden, and 
Poland — for Russia and Sweden as the principals, but for Poliiud 
OS a subordinate; although not always and only so. After the 
death of Kettler, Curland was a fief of Poland's. A part, too, of 
Livonia was Polish ; and, perhaps, on the Lithuanian frontier, a 
part of Estonia as well. At whatever time we take the history of 
this period the same names appear and re-appear: the same towns 
being besieged, with the same spots witnessing the same battles be- 
tween the same combatants. The cessions, too, of territory repeat 
themselves. Does Russia succeed in fighting her way towards tho 
locality of her present capital, and gaining a port on the Baltic, 

* From the English translation of Geijer's Ilistory of Sweden. Conclusion of 
the reign of Charles IX. 


it is certain parts of logria that are ceded to her by Sweden, and 
"when under a change of fortune she recedes, it is certain parts of 
Ingria which Sweden takes back. The same is the case on the 
northern side of the Gulf of Finland; in Finland Proper and 
Karelia. It is the Government of Viborg and the fortress of 
Eexholm that we meet and meet again— sometimes Russian, 
sometimes Swedish, just as if it were their business to be always 
changing hands. In like manner, Beval, Biga, and Narva are 
always being besieged or relieved ; so that Estonia and Livonia 
are ever under the miseries of war. We must, for most purposes, 
take them together; for though, in their ethnology, they differ 
from one another more than Livonia and Curlaud, they agree in 
their political history : both being more Swedish than Polish. 

As far as the mere breadth of the Baltic, and its distance by 
sea from its southern ports is concerned, Curland is nearer to 
Sweden than either Livonia or Estonia. This, however, is not 
the measure we must use. Finland, from the eleventh century, 
or earlier, to 1808, was Swedish, and it was as a country in 
contact with Finland that Estonia became Swedish also ; Estonia, 
and, with it, Livonia — for the line of demarcation which is drawn 
between them is, to a great extent, artificial. All the northern 
part of Livonia is occupied by a continuation of the native occu- 
pants of Estonia. Upon this, however, more will be said as we 

With Finland, on the one side, and Estonia and Livonia, on the 
other, either actually held or claimed and coveted by Sweden; 
with the Gulf of Finland running far inland, and, to a great 
extent, separating the two districts, the interjacent country of 
Ingria (the present Government of St. Petersburg) was, pre- 
eminently, a bone of contention. Sweden wanted it to keep -up 
the continuity of its possessions. For Bussia it contained the 
only point at which she could touch the Baltic. In Ingria lay 
the port for Novogorod, Tver, and all the midland districts of 
Moscovy. Indeed, except for what was to be obtained in Ingria, 
Bussia had no port but Archangel: since Azov, the one by 
which she first found an outlet to the Black Sea and Mediterra- 
nean, was, until Peter the Great s time, in the hands of the Turks 
— as were all the parts between the Lower Don and the Lower 


Upon the whole, Ingria was Bussinn ; and, upon the whole, 
thexe was a discontinuity in the area held by Sweden on the two 
Bides of the Gulf of Finland — a discontinuity which is ethnolo- 
gical and religious as well as historical. Finland is Fin and 
Protestant, and Estonia is Fin and Protestant — but Ingria, or 
the Government of St Petersburg, though there are fragments 
of a Fin population within its boundaries, is Russian in language 
and Greek in creed. So it is now, from the fact of so vast a 
capital as St. Petersburg belonging to it. But so it was, to a 
great extent, a hundred and fifty years before Sc. Peteraburg was 

Oharles XII., at the age of nineteen, has succeeded to the 
crown of Sweden, and the Elector of Saxony, the King of 
Denmark, and the Czar have entered into a league against 
him. They are to divide among them all his Nou-swedish pos- 
sessions. The Czar is Peter the Great; and the Elector of 
Saxony is also the King of Poland. We must distinguish 
between the two dignities. The Poles did so, and we must do 
the same. It was as Elector of Saxony that he joined the league 
against Charles. As king of Poland, he could do but little 
against him : for, however much the case of Sweden may have 
been a true partition, or however much it may be excused as 
having been nothing worse than an amputation or mutilation, and 
however much it may (from the fact of a king of Poland having 
been a party to it) wear the garb of a precedent that fell back 
upon its originators, it is nothing of the kind as far as regards 
Poland. It has nothing of the Nemesis (to use a hack platitude) 
about it. It was the achievement, in a small way, of the Elector 
of Saxony's; and it was not achieved off- hand. How Ghaiies 
dissipated the thunder-cloud which had crowded together over 
his head and which had begun to burst, is a matter for either the 
personal biographer or the historian of Sweden. He broke and 
scattered it for a time. 

Peter, when it was first charged with its terrors, had, after 
the manner of all the Czars, a Turkish war on hand; of which 
he contrived to clear himself in time to move towards Estonia, 
when the Elector appeared before Biga — appeared before Biga 
only half harnessed for the campaign. This was at the head 
of a foreign army. Meanwhile tlie factions of the country itself 


were to be utilized by the miserable Patkul — Patkul who was 
afterwards betrayed by the Saxon Elector, and disgracefully mur- 
dered (tortured on the wheel) by Charles. He was a brave man, 
Charles — and a relentless one. PaykuU's fate as well as Patkuls 
disgraces him. Paykull and Patkul, though Livonians in name, 
seem to have been Germans in blood — the name being taken 
f]*om the estate — or rather, the name being no name at all, but a 
title. Patkul, however, at the time when the Elector failed before 
lliga, failed himself. Neither the nobles nor the people answered 
his call : a fact which gives us one of the few measures we have 
of the feeling of Livonia towards Sweden. Even here, it is only 
a measure of her feeling in favour of Sweden as against Poland 
represented by Saxony — none whatever of her feeling in favour 
of Sweden as against Bussia. The Saxons withdrew from Riga. 
The Saxons then attempted Riga again. They withdrew again. 
Again, and for a third time, they attempted it, and withdrew ; when 
peace was concluded with Denmark. 

Estonia was as Livonia; harassed by the Czar, even as 
Livonia was harassed by the Elector. But the great Swedish 
victory at Narva checked this. After that Lithuania, or, at least, 
the Sapiehas, joined themselves to Charles; and the Elector of 
Brandenburgh, ambitious of becoming King of Prussia, made 
a fourth in the party of partitioners. He, too, had something 
in Pomerania and Prussia to get out from the wreck of the Swedish 
domains in Germany. 

Meanwhile, Charles was acting on the offensive in C&rland ; for 
Cfirland was a fief of Poland's, and (with its Grand- duke married 
to the niece of Peter), prospectively, an annexation of Russia's. 
He took Diinamunde ; passed the Dwina in the face of Russians, 
and pushed-on for Poland. Peter, meanwhile, gathered together 
the fragments of the army that had been beaten at Narva, and 
taught them to conquer by a campaign in Estonia and Livonia. 
He looked to the possession of these as a secondary affair, Ingria 
and the southern parts of Finland being his immediate objects. 
These he eventually made his own — as he, also, made Livonia 
and Estonia. Before Ingria had become Russian, and before it 
was wrested from Sweden, he laid the foundations of St Peters- 

For dealing with such a pigmy as the Elector, and neglecting 


BQoh a giant as the Czar, Charles has been blamed — perhaps 
righdy. But he jndged for himself. " Be assured/' he writes in 
one of his despatches, ** if I could rely upon the word of King 
Augustus, I would immediately leave him in peace. But if 
peace were concluded and we marched into Bussia, he would 
instandy accept Bussian money and fall upon us in the rear, and 
then our affairs would be in a greater state of entanglement than 
at present What Livonia suffers in the mean time may be made 
good by conferring privileges and acts of grace when God gives 
us peace." 

And Livonia suffered. Lewenhaupt, whom Charles left in the 
country, did all that a great general could do ; possibly more than 
the conqueror at Narva himself would have done. However, 
Fultava was lost ; and, when the Peace of Nystadt was effected, 
Livonia and Estonia became Bussian. So they are now. So 
they were during the whole inteiTal. A few years afterwards 
G6rland became Bussian also. 

It was the Peace of Nystadt which, following the a.i>. 
death of Charles XII., was the result of the huroilia- ^721. 
tions and defeats with which the latter half of his reign was 
clouded. It was the measure, too, of the weakness of Sweden. 
As far, indeed, as the Baldc provinces were concerned it was a 
Parddon of Sweden. 



Poland from the BatUe of Jena to the Treaty of Vienna. 

I PASS sicco pede over the last years of the last oentory, and 
over the first six of the present, antil I reach the day and 
field of Jena. The great battle then fought reduced Prussia 
to its lowest state ; and it must be^ remembered that it was 
the hands of Prussia, and not of Rassia, into which Poland 
Proper, as opposed to Lithuania and the outlying provinces, 
had been delivered. We must remember that the services of 
thousands of Poles had been given to France, and that there 
was no field of battle in which they had not shown more than 
ordinary bravery. They had been a strong weapon in the hands 
of a protectress, who had wielded it as she chose. Their services 
had engendered hopes, and the promises of the emperor had en- 
couraged them. 

Prussia was at its worst when the understanding between 
Prance and Russia efiected by the treaty of Tilsit was at its best ; 
when Austria was quiescent ; when the affairs in the Peninsula 
had yet to take a turn ; and when Louis Buonaparte was King of 
Holland, with Jerome Buonaparte King of Westphalia. It was 
a time when ephemeral kingdoms were not only called into 
existence, but strengthened at the expense of the Powers on their 
frontier ; when Russia made over Jever, and Prussia East Fries- 
land, to Holland ; when, not only small principalities like Eichfeld, 
Ravensborg, and Stolberg, but such districts as Osnaburg, Elec- 
toral Hesse, and Brunswick, were incorporated with Westphalia ; 
when Murat was Grand Duke of Berg ; and when Bavaria and 
Saxony were to be strengthened at the expense of Austria and 
Prussia ; Saxony, more especially, at that of not only Prussia 
but the Polish part of Prussia. 


' Prussia's fanmiliatioD was Poland's opportunily ; and the heart 
of every Pole beat high when Berlin was occupied by the army of 
Jena. The power of Napoleon, to those who measured it merely 
by hiB viotories, seemed inordinate ; to those who measured it by 
their own hopes and fears, unlimited. And the Poles of all the 
nations of the world most measured it by their hopes. They had 
risked life, shed blood, and helped to conquer in almost every 
country of Europe. Beyond, even, the Atlantic, under the burn- 
ing sun, and in the malarious jungles of St. Domingo, the Polish 
Soldiery had been at the service of France— of France imder the 
Bepnblio, or France under the Empire. And under both they had 
been taoght to hope for the restoration of their country — by Napo- 
leon himself the most of al]. Eloquent, not to say magniloquent, 
addresses on the eve of his numerous battles, had been made to 
the Polish regiments on every field, from that of Marengo to that 
of Jena itself : with promises to match elsewhere. 

There was hope, then, and there were reasonable grounds for 
it. At the same time, there was much that should correct or 
limit it The close of the Italian campaign had seen the 
patriots, — Eosciuszko among them — expectant, anxious, disap- 
pointed. Indeed, Eosciuszko himself had come, unwillingly, to 
the conclusion that much was not to be expected from France. 
Nor were the promises of Napoleon himself of any very definite 
kind. They suggested much more than they asserted. They 
inspired vague expectations. The sanguine desires of those to 
whom they were addressed did the rest. 

I cannot, then, commit myself to that over-strong and over- 
angry language, in which the conduct of Napoleon, after his great 
victory of Jena, towards the Poles is so often and so readily con- 
demned — and that not only in Poland itself, but in countries where 
the question ought to be more dispassionately considered. His 
power was, doubtless, great : yet, great as it was, there were 
serious checks to it — actual as well as prospective. Austria was 
emerging from the sea of troubles under which she had sunk at 
Austerlitz ; Bussia was nearly intact : England wholly so. 

And something was done. The restoration of Poland is one 
thing, the reconstitution of the Polish Empire another. Should 
England after incredible and irremediable disasters be not only 
brought to the foot of a conqueror, but reduced to the condition 


in which her weakness should he her only strength, and her only 
hope the sympathies and the jealousies of the rest of Europe, 
what would he her legitimate claims upon some friendly sovereign 
who, during her depression, had manned his fleet with her sailors, 
and fed them with promises that, if certain great victories were 
won, " the flag of England should still hlaze like a meteor," that 
" Britannia should still rule the waves," and the like — for this is the 
wav in which he would have to address them ? What would he 
her legitimate claims ? Not that India, and Canada, and the Cape, 
and Demerara, and the Ionian Islands, and Malta, and Gibraltar, 
&c., should he restored, hut simply that the British Isles should 
return to a Government of their own choice ; to the independent 
exercise of their industry; to the free use of their wealth; per- 
haps, also, to Trial hy Jury and a Press without a censor. More 
than this we might doubtless like. More than this we might pro- 
bably demand. Less than this, we should, assuredly, obtain— and, 
as assuredly, the world at large would think that, in obtaining it, 
we had gotten enough. 

However, Poland was, to some extent, restored: and that 
as a joint kingdom with Saxony. The Elector of Saxony 
was to be King of Poland. In pursuance of tliis plan, the 
tO¥m of Dantzig was to be declared a free Bepublic, and a 
territory of some few miles round was to be assigned to it 
But it was to be regulated by a French official, and a French 
army was to garrison it. When these were withdrawn it was 
to be placed under the protection of Saxony. Then, that por- 
tion of Polish Prussia which had fallen to her share by 
the treaty of 1788, was ceded to France, and made over 
by France to the King of Saxony ; just as in our own time 
Lombardy, before it became Sardinian, passed through the hands 
of the French emperor, as broker. A section, however, in the 
transfer was resented for Russia. 

The Elector of Saxony took the title of King, granted a Con- 
stitution, and by the middle of the following year was fighting in 
the service of the Emperor against Austria. His troops were 
chiefly on the Danube, and the King himself was absent from his 
kingdom. This exposed both Saxony and Poland, and the cam- 
paign in Poland of the Archduke Ferdinand was the result. The 
Russians, though allied with France, were more than lukewarm in 


the canse ; and the Bussian generals are believed, on reasonable 
grounds, to have been ordered to do as little barm as they 
oonld. The Polish army, though one of tbe weakest, had much 
imposed on it. Poniatovski, who commanded it, had not only 
to defend Warsaw, but, in conjunction with a Bussian army 
that was a long time coming, to occupy Austrian Silesia and 
Gallicia. On the 21st of April, the Saxon troops, the French 
minister, and the commandant evacuated Warsaw, and the Aus- 
trians entered it. After tbis, the Archduke marched in the direction 
of Prussia, towards Thorn and Posen, relying on the patriotism 
of the Prussians, when he was recalled by the movements of the 
French and Poles whom he bad left in his rear. On the very day 
on which he was ordering an attack upon Thorn, the Polish 
general took Sendomir, having, four days before, taken Lublin. 
He then marched upon Cracow, but before he had reached that 
city the Bussians had prepared themselves for their share in 
the alliance with the French: and the armies entered the town 

In 1811 and 1812, when the feeling toward Bussia had changed, 
and the inordinate preparations for the fatal march to Moscow 
were going on, the chief influence in Warsaw was French. It 
was French so far as the alliance of the King of Saxony with 
Napoleon could make it, and it was French on the strength 
of the direct intercourse which frotn the end of the previous 
century had always existed between France and Poland. What 
with his emissaries in the capital, what with the union of the 
Duchy of Warsaw and the Kingdom of Saxony, and what with 
the Polish regiments, in the French armies there were ample and 
abundant means for getting- up a French feeling as opposed to a 
Bussian one. It was easy to raise a great Polish army by promising 
the re-establishment of the Kingdom of Poland. It was easy to 
allay the jealousy of Austria by strong assurances that the in- 
tegrity of her tcmtory, so far as the accessions at the expense 
of Poland were concerned, should bo respected. It was easy to 
assure Bussia that, on no considerations whatever, should the 
Kingdom of Poland be re-constituted. All this was easy when the 
details were taken separately — but it was not easy to combine the 
separate processes. It was, by no means, easy to quiet Austria, 
to hoodwink Bussia, and to stimulate Poland. 


For some time, however, the agreement with Austria was kept 
secret, and the Poles were taught to helieve that it was for 
separate substantive interests of their own that they were to arm. 
Bussia s danger is Poland's opportunity. " War impends. Should 
" it break out, Poland has a chance which she has not had before, 
'' and which she will err in losing. Let her act on her own account 
'' France will be an ally. But the efforts must be extraordinary, 
" and every Pole must be in the saddle." Such is the matter of one 
of the instructions transmitted by Napoleon to Bignon, who was 
minister, or manager, in Warsaw, and afterwards in Wilna. He had 
been sent, in the beginning of 181 1, when the breach between Bus- 
sia and France was unavoidable. He had a difficult part to play, for 
the Poles were decided in their specific demand that, if they 
armed for France, France must re-establish their kingdom. And 
yet negotiations were going on with the Czar. In Modlin, Zamosc, 
and Thorn, the fortifications were improved, the garrisons 
strengthened, and the ardent soldiers who believed that nothing 
was impossible to Napoleon, were ready, at a word, to pass the 
frontier and to act offensively against their old enemy. Conta- 
gions excitement pervaded all ranks. The women, — amongst them 
die wives and daughters of the highest nobles — busied themselves 
in making lint and bandages, just as the ladies in Paris made 
them during the Crimean war. For all such service there was 
ample acknowledgment in general language ; but a specific pro- 
mise of a restoration was not forthcoming as expected. Neither 
was money. Mancipiis locuplea eget aris Cappodocum rex. 
** I have plenty of fortresses ; I have more than enough of soldiers 
in Poland," said the King of Saxony, ''but I have not the 
money to pay or equip them." In truth, there was a want of 
even the necessary clothing for the regiments. 

When Bignon went to Wilna, De Pradt, Archbishop of Malines, 
succeeded him at Warsaw. A Diet was called, and dissolved. A 
Confederation replaced it. Then there was a general Council, 
at the head of which was De Pradt. Finally, there was the 
Executive, consisting of the ministers of the King of Saxony, 
who had much influence in Dresden and Leipsic, but little in 
Warsaw and Cracow. Meanwhile, Napoleon s language was in- 
definite — encouraging at first, disheartening aft;erwards ; and when 
the agreement witli Austria, by which her permanent possession of 


Gallicia was guaranteed became known, it spread a heavy gloom 
over the whole length and breadth of the land. 

Still, the whole force of Poland was put at Napoleon s dis- 
posal during the Russian campaign ; and when the retreat was 
over, the Poles reached Poland with all their guns, and with a 
•smaller loss than any other portion of the troops. 



The Estonians.— Their Fin Affinities.— Their Poetry. 

Estonia is tfae third of what are sometimes called the Baltic, and 
sometimes the German, Provinces of Russia ; Livonia and Our- 
land being the other two. The process by which they all three be- 
came Germanized was the same. Like Curland and liiefland, 
Estonia was conquered by the Knights of the Sword ; and, like the 
Lieflanders and the Ourlanders, the Estonians were reduced to the 
condition of serfs. The serfe^ however, who, in Curland, were almost 
exclusively Letts, and in Livonia were Letts and Fins in something 
like equal proportions, were, in Estonia, almost wholly Fins. In- 
deed, in the way of ethnology, Estonia begins on the river Salis ; 
and, so doing, includes nearly all the northern half of Livonia. 

The Fin element, then — and it is the fact of the Estonians being 
Fins rather than either Germans or Lithuanians which is the 
important point in their ethnology — is common to both Liefland 
and Estonia ; being paramount in Estonia. 

Mutatis mutandis, the histories of the two couutries are in the 
same predicament. That of Liefland was mixed with Sweden. 
That of Estonia is more Swedish still. This, however, no one 
need enlarge on ; since the general character of the relations of 
Estonia to Sweden has already been given. They were in Es- 
tonia much the same as they were in Liefland. 

Of the Baltic, or German, Provinces of Russia, Estonia, is the 
one where the Fin and Swedish elements are at the maximum. 

Its ordinary name is German ; Estonia being but a Latin form 
of FiStland, t. e. the Eastern Land. Word for word, this coincides 
with the term ^styii in Tacitus-— word for word, but not place for 


place. The JEstyii of Tacitus lay between the Vistula and the 
Niemen, and were the ancestors of the true Prussians; as is 
inferred from the fact of the amber country being their occupancy. 
To the informants of Tacitus this was the Eastern end of the 
Baltic ; the coast of which, after we pass Komgsberg, suddenly 
turns northwards. It was only in after times that Estland meant 
the parts along the Gulf of Finland, or the extreme East. 

The name by which the Estonians designate themselves is 
Rahwa ; and as may in Estonian, means land, the native name 
for Estland is Marahwa'=:Rahwaland, 

Estonia, rather than Livonia, is the Land of the Bahwas 
merely because it is exclusively Rahwa — Rahwa purely and 
simply rather than Rahwa and Lett. Looking, however to the 
numbers alone, half Livonia is more than all Estonia. 

In Liefiand, the Rahwa amount to 855,216. 

Estonia, „ 



Vitepsk, „ 



Pleskov, or Pskov, 



St Petersburg, 




Some of the purest blood in Europe must be to be found 
amongst the southern, the eastern, and the central Rahwas, the 
admixture of foreign elements being the greatest on the northern 
and western frontiers. In the south, too, and the east, the greatest 
number of national characteristics presents itself ; and that in the 
way of physiognomy, in the way of manners and customs, and in 
the way of language. 

All these characteristics are definite and decided. In respect 
to his physical conformation, especially that of the cranium, 
the Estonian has had more than his share of attention : more 
particularly the Estonian of the parts about Dorpat. Here it is 
where the purity of the blood is at its maximum, and here it is 
where the careful and acute savans of the Dorpat University have 
found the chief field for their investigations. 

The results of these are clear. In many notable points the 
Rahwa conformation differs not only from that of the Russians 



and Germans but from that of the Fins as well. With the 
Letts fewer comparisons have been made. 

The skull is pre-eminently angular ; nothing being rarer than a 
truly round one. It is large as compared with the face-bones ; 
square, and nearly as broad in front as it is at the occiput The 
forehead is low ; the margins of the orbits comparatively straight ; 
the space between the nostrils and the mouth short This gives 
breadth, rather than length, to the face, which is more small than 
large ; while the skin is glabrous ; the hair blond, flaxen, yellow, 
and brown, rather than black — oftenest yellow. The beard is 
scanty, the openings of the eyelids narrow. The trunk is said to 
be inordinately large as compared with the lower extremities, the 
chest being small. Whether these be the exact details or not, the 
bodily proportions of the Bahwa are neither massive nor graceful. 
Generations after generations of servitude, depression, labour, and 
poverty have not passed over them without leaving traces of their 
influence. Heavy, muscular, and well-grown men amongst them 
are rare ; rarer in the parts about Dorpat than elsewhere. This, 
it should be remarked, is a point upon which there is a fair amount 
of independent evidence ; it being most expressly stated, by more 
observers than one, that there is a difierence in size between the 
Bahwas of Dorpat and the Bahwas of the sea-coast ; and that the 
difference is in favour of the former. The Dorpat men are 

The Estonian's habits and industry are those that arise out of 
his country and condition, which are nearly those of Livonia. 

In the ordinary works on comparative philology, the Estonian 
language is divided into two main dialects ; one with Beval, the 
other with Dorpat, as its centre; so that we hear of the Dor- 
patian and the Bevalian forms of speech as paramount I believe, 
however, that almost every parish presents some peculiarities, and I 
am, by no means, sure that the distribution of the numerous dialects 
and sub-dialects thus developed, corresponds with the usual clas- 
sification. Nevertheless, it represents the written languages ; for 
there is the Beval New Testament, and there is the Dorpat New 
Testament, each exhibiting notable peculiarities. 



Meie issa, kes sa oiled Toewas, 

Ptthhitsetud sago sinno Kimmi; 

Sinno Riik talgo; 

Sinno Tahtminne sUndko, koi Taewas, nenda 

Heie iggapttwase Leiwa anna meile tttnnaptt&w; 
Ja anna andcks meile meie Wdllad, koi ka meie 

andeks anname omma Wolglastele; 
Ja ttrra Bata meid mitte Kiasatasae siase; 
Waid pettsta maid ftrra seat Koijaat. 
Best sinno p&rralt on se Biik, ja se Wig- 

gi> ja se Anwnstofl^ iggawest Amen. 


Meije issa Taiwan, 

PUhh&ndatus sago sinno Nimmi; 

Smno Bikkns talgo ; 

Sinno Tahtminne sQndko, koi Taiwan, nida 

ka Mapftftl. 
Meye pHiwalikko Leiba anna meile tSftmba; 
Nii^ anna meile Andis meije Siida, nida kui 

ka meye andissanname ommille SUUdleisille ; 
Nink lirrasaatko meid mitte Eiusatusse sisse ; 
Enge pttsta meid ttrra Eu^ast. 
Seat sinno perralt om Bikkns, nink 

Wttggi, nink Anwastus, iggawetsel ajal. 

The purity of the Estonian's hlood is an inference from the 
general history of the country ; though upon this point we argue 
from onr ignorance rather than our knowledge. He seems to he 
aboriginal to the soil; in other words, we know of no population 
that has any pretension to having settled on it before him ; and we 
know of no land, beyond the limits of Estonia, from which he 
has ever been derived. Indeed, there is no need to look for it. He 
seems to be what we may call in situ. There are Russians, indeed, 
on the frontier, just as there are Germans and Lithuanians ; and, 
upon the circumference of the Estonian area, Germans, Lithu- 
anians, and Russians have made considerable encroachments and 
effected deep indentations. The centre, however, is, comparatively, 
intact No one can be shown to have been in Estonia before 
the ancestors of the present occupants ; and no one has intruded 
himself upon Estonian soil in after-times. The stock seems 
indigenous. Grafts there are few or none. 

K 2 


The E8tx)Diaii instrument is the harp^ of which the following 
short poem gives us the early history. 

On the pathway sang the women; 
On the pathway, on the roadway, 
BridesmaidB singing in the village. 

On the way to church I sang ; 
In the porch and in the church. 

My Btep-sisten murdered me; 
With a round stone like an ^;g; 
With a sharp axe. 

Whither did they take the maiden 1 
To the moor with the bright berries. 
What grew out of her 1 
Then grew out of her a noble birch-tree. 
And it shed a sm^ll around it. 

What came out of the birch-treel 
The birch -tree was made into a harp; 
It was cut into a fiddle. 

What made the frame of the harpt 
It was made of the gills of a salmon, 
Out of the hard teeth of a pike. 

And what were the harp-strings made oft 
Out of the hair of the beautiful bride, 
Out of the locks of the chickie-biddy. 

But where were the players on the harp, 

The players of the harp in the halll 

Brother, dear brother. 

Take the harp to the hall. 

Lean it against the wainscot, 

Put your thumb to it» 

Put the tips of your fingers. 

Strike sharp with the iron. 

The spell of the strings of the brothers sounded 
With the sorrows of the only harp. 
As when Yierland's maidens weep — 
The sorrows of the bridesmaids of Harland 
Qoing forth from the house of the fiither, 
Qoing forth from the house of the mother, 
Qoing out to the house of the bridegroom 
Qoing out to the house of the husband. 

With this harp did the native hards wander from place to 
place as the harvest-home or the wedding-feast might tempt them. 
There are none such now alive^ the last having died in 1813. 
He had no fixed residence; hut was known and welcomed^ 
whithersoever he chose to roam^ as the wanna laulumies, or the 
old singer. 


Neuss^ whose account I am following, maintains that the true 
and genuine popular minstrelsy died out with him^ perhaps a little 
before his time. At the beginning of the last century it flourished ; 
towards the end of it declined. At the beginning of the last cen- 
tury^ religious and other compositions, after German models, were 
afloat in Estonia; but only as oil on water. They touched the 
native style; but without affecting it. Now, however, they are 
imitated ; and, just in proportion as these prevail, the older poetry 
dies out. 

The following, in its extreme simplicity, seems of genuine 
Estonian growth. 

Tibbonibbo went into the wood, 
Kulaind went into the wood, 
I went into the wood likewise. 

Tibbonibbo took a gun, 
Kuhdnd took a gun, 
I took a gun Ukewise. 

Tibbonibbo shot a bear, 
Kulaind shot a bear, 
I shot a bear likewise. 

Tibbonibbo tore the hide off, 
Ealaind tore the hide off, 
I tore the hide off likewise. 

Tibbonibbo took the money, 
Kulaind took the money, 
I took the money likewise. 

Tibbonibbo went to the alehouse, 
Kulaind went to the alehouse, 
I went to the alehouse likewise. 

Tibbonibbo drank the ale, 
Kulaind drank the ale, 
I drank the ale Ukewise. 

Tibbonibbo was taken, 
Kulaind was taken, 
I was taken likewise. 

Tibbonibbo went to prison, 
Kulaind went to prison, 
I went to prison likewise. 

Of all the rivers of Estonia the holiest and the most awful is 
the Wohhanda, a feeder of the Medda, which falls into Lake 
Peipus. In the olden time no Estonian would fell any tree that 
grew on its banks, or break any of the reeds that fringed its 


watercourse. If he did he would die within the year. The 
brook, along with the tspring, that gave it hirth, was purified 
periodically, and it was believed^ that, if dirt were thrown into 
either, bad weather would be the result. Gutslaf tells a tale of a 
bold, bad German, whose hardihood and avarice induced him to 
build a mill across its stream and to stop its waters with his dam. 
Soon after the grinding had begun, a bad season set in ; and 
lasted as long as the building stood, which was only until the 
peasants of the parish and parts around became incendiaries and 
burnt the whole establishment down to the very ground. Earlier 
still, tradition speaks of offerings (sometimes of little children) 
having been made to Wohhanda; the river God beiug a little man 
in blue and yellow stockings, sometimes visible to mortal eye, 
resident in the stream and in the habit of occasionally rising out 
of it. 

The Embach, too, is holy; indeed it is called the Mother 

It 18 not all who are bappy. 

Nor IB the happiness to all, nor the good-fortano 

To walk along the mother-riyer. 

Looking on the mother's foam. 

Listening to the mother^s mnrmur. 

Sailing on the mother's back. 

Looking on the mother's eyes, 

Seeing yourself again. 

With the song about Tibbonibbo contrast a Christmas caroJ, 
for such the following seems to be: though in Estonia, as in 
Lithuania, sacred poetry is scarce. 

Jesus walked along the pathway ; 
Mary went along the pathway; 
Little Jesus met her. 

** Welcome, welcome little Jeens ; 
Have you seen my son, my darling! 
Qo now to Jerusalem.'' 

** What does he in foreign countries! 

Is he sleeping, is he waking 1" 
** He is deeply, deeply moaning ; 

On the riyer-side, a spear is." 
'' Why are spears on rirer-sides 1 " 

Through the world he wanders lonely; 
Devils tempt him, Derils tempt him ; 
Angels call him, fuU of pity ; 


Open vide the doors of HeaveD, 
Baise aloft the gates of Heaven, 
JesuB enten. 

All along a golden pathway, 
God Almighty shows himself; 
Walking on towards the sheep-pen. 

On the cross he took his payment ; 

On the cross lie hnng ; 

From mom to evening gproaning 

Of this the following is a variant 

Mary walked along the pathway 
Looking for her son. 

" Son, son, why waitest thou 
Wakest or sleepest 1 
All long for you-** 

" WhQ longs for met 
My blood is shed, 
My blood is like the sea." 

On the sea there stands a spear. 
What does the spear there 1 
It goes through the world. 
When the Devil tempts. 

The angels walk their way. 
And bum white candles ; 
Made out of my agony. 
Made out of my blood. 

Ah me 1 miserable man, 

I must hence to Hell. 

There are two ways on earth to go. 

One to Heaven, one to Hell ; 

Is it not shame and sin ? 

Where you go, bestir yourselves. 

Ever think on death, 

Quicken your lamps, with the oil of life. 

How the Rainbow was made is told in the following. 

The Eain had five children. 

Foster-children at the font ; 

The first lived in the cradle of the sea, 

The second lived in the lap of a lake. 

The third was the foster-child of the springs, 

The fourth lived as a maid in the river. 

The fifth was a widow of the fountains. 

They flew up aloft to the clouds 
To build the bridge of the rain ; 
And they wove the woof of the mist 
Of the hue of gold. 


They made the vapour — 

Of the red of the Sunaet its lining. 

The path of the Maker they made like a bow. 

And the bridge of Maiy bright blue. 

A still freer play of fancy is found in the history of the man of 
straw ; in whom we are supposed to see an emblem of the peasant 
or husbandman as favourably contrasted with the soldier, the mer- 
chant, and the noble. 

Let us go and row upon the sea 1 

The men go along the sea, 

The women go along the Riyer of the Water-falls. 

What man comes out of the seat 
A man of gold comes out of the sea. 
On his head a hat of gold. 
On his hat a garland of gold. 

On lus feet boots of gold, 
On his boots spurs of gold. 

On his hands gloves of gold. 
On his gloves rings of gold. 

Along the sea go the men, 

Along the Biver of the Water-faU go the women. 

What man comes out of the seal 

A man of silver comes out of the sea. 

On hlB head a hat of silver. 
On lus hat a garland of silver. 

On hlB feet boots of silver, 
On his boots spurs of silver. 

On his hands gloves of silver. 
On his gloves rings of silver. 

Along the sea go the men. 

Along the River of the Water-fall go the women. 

What man comes out of the sea ? 
An iron man comes out of the sea. 

On his head a hat of brass. 
On his hat a garland of brass. 

On his feet boots of brass, 
On his boots spurs of brass. 

On his hands gloves of brasa^ 
On his gloves rings of brass. 

Along the sea go the men, 

Along the River of the Water-&11 go the women. 

What man comes out of the sea 1 
A man of straw comes out of the sea. 


On his head a hat of atraw, 
On his hat a garland of straw. 

On his feet boots of straw. 
On his boots spurs of straw. 

On his hands gloves of straw, 
On his gloyes rings of straw. 

To him the mother promised her. 
To him the father gave her. 
To him the brothers sold her : 
The sisters drank the ale. 

The Shepherd and Little Fish, or the War and the Refuge. 

Willie, the keeper of the Iambs, 

Willie of the meadow, Willie of the field; 

Knew the sun, knew the moon, 

Knew the stars of the sky ; 

Knew that war was coming. 

But he told what he knew 

To none of his mates — 

He told it only to his golden sweetheart. 

His sweetheart told it to the boy. 

The boy told the master, 

The master to the wise woman, 

The wise woman to the little water, 

The little water to the daughter of the water, 

The daughter of the water to the little fish. 

The little fish to the man who brought the cattle to drink. 

The man who brought the cattle to drink to me, 

I to my mother. 

The mother divided her house. 
Took away the children. 
In the hollows, in the woods. 
In the cracks of the stones, 
In breakings of the slabs. 

Fall down stone, fall down slab, 
Fall down slab, fiiU down band. 
Fall stone, break slab. 
Fall slab, break band. 
Fall tree, break all. 

Majora ca;iamfi« — beginning with a fragment of Estonian 

The eagle of the north, the cunning bird. 
Built a nest in the island's fir- trees. 
In the middle of the rocks of Kalleya. 

There were in the nctit three eggs ; 
Two wore of the hen of the eagle. 


The third was of the hen of KaUeva. 
This was the nest-egg of Katleva. 

The eagle flew forth to Finland, 
Thence from Finland through Sazonj. 

Secretly did I slip to the nest, 
Took the egg of Kalleya, 
Carried it to the town, 
Baised it with a crane into a boat. 
Hastened homewards In the skiff. 

The egg snnk to the bottom of the sea; 
Smashed in two on the rocks. 

Oat of one shell came a man of war ; 
Out of the other was a merchantman ; 
Out of the shard baiges. 
Out of the yolk came Kjugesare, 
Oat of the white came Tatlaraare, 
Oat of the embryo the other islands. 

Majora canamus — continmng mth a sample of EstoniaQ 

Out I went a-binding besoms. 
Golden besoms of the fir-trees, 
Silyer besoms from the aspens. 
From the leaves of stalwart oak-trees. 
In my arm the knife I held. 
Under my arm a ringing iron, 
Under my breast a bright iron. 
I came to the hill of Hollevi.* 
There came to me a child of Salleyi; 
Sulleyi's Kallevi*s child 
Snatched a kiss of me, 
A bold kiss; took my hand. 
I, a bird, gave no one kisses, 
Kor tamed my head under the garland. 
In my hand a knife I held, 
Under arm a ringing iron. 
Under breast a bright iron. 
Qaick I struck the child of Kulleyi, 
Quick I struck the child of Sullevi, 
Quick I struck him through the hearty 
Through the liver, too, I bored him. 
Through the lung I turned it inwards ; 
Went back crying to the homestead. 
And the motherkin she asked me. 
And the fatherkin he asked me. 
Daughter, daughter, why so criest thoal 
Straightway, then, I told my mother 
Why it was that I was crying. 

* St Olaf. 


Oat I went a-binding besoms. 

Golden besoms of the fir-trees, 

Silver besoms from the aspens, 

From the leaves of stout oak-trees. 

In my arm the knife I held, 

Under my arm a ringing iron, 

Under my breast a bright iron. 

I came to the hill of Hollovi ; 

There came to me a child of Snlleyi; 

Sullevi's Kalleyi's child 

Snatched a kiss of me, 

A bold kiss; took my hand. 

I, a bird, gave no one kisses, 

Nor turned my head under the garland. 

lu my hand a knife I held. 

Under arm a ringing iron. 

Under breast a bright iron. 

Qnick I struck the child of Kullevi, 

Quick I struck the child of Sullevi, 

Quick I struck him through the hearty 

Through the liver, too, I bored him. 

Through the lung I turned it inwards. 

Much at that my mother pondered. 
Much at that my father pondered. 
^Daughter, thou hast done it rightly. 
Killing so the savage monster. 
Else hadst thou thy kindred slandered. 
Else hadst thou thy lather blackened. 
Else hadst thou thy brother perilled. 
Else hadst thou beshamed thy sisters. 
Never-ending shame to sisters. 
Curse of lying to thy kindred. 
It was thou, thy father's ale. 
It was thou, thy brothers' malt. 
It was thou that hadst to watch them ; 
All the socks of all thy kindred, 
All the stockings of thy sisters. 
Joy your father now shall see, 
Joy your mother now shall see, 
Joy your brothers now shall have. 
Golden joy your golden sisters.** 

The opu8 magnum, however^ which Neoss dignifies by the 
name of Epic, is the following. Its repetitions arc Homeric ; but 
there is a reason for them. The song was danced to, and the 
figures recurred. 

Then the war began to lower ; 
Russian soldiers rushed upon us, 
Polish soldiers came and robbed as, 
Saxon soldiers came and shot us. 


YoQng and tender, I kept crying, 

Kneeling mid the garden flowers. 

Keep me, keep me, Lord of Harland. 

Bring out yoor deep boats, 

Till I get back to the house. 

Till I find some merchant. 

Till I find some one to save me. 

Who will saye me in the war. 

At the front-door, at the back-door, 

In the war, and in the slaughter. 

In the war. and in the clutchingSy 

From the Cfirlanders, 

From the Russians, 

From the murderous kniyes 

From the foemen*B sword. 

Then I went to beg my mother. 
" Oh f my dear mother, 

Saye me from the war." 
" How can I save youl * 
" You haye got three aprons, 

One worked with gold. 

One worked with silyer 

One with old brass. 

Give the best for me, 

Giye the best for your only daughter." 

Then straightway the mother answered, 
" ru not giye them for my daughter. 

Not my aprons for my daughter; 

Daughters there are here and there, 

Here to-day, and gone to-morrow. 

A.prons last your lifetime." 

Then the war began to lower, 
Russian soldiers rushed upon us, 
Polish soldiers came and robbed us, 
Saxon soldiers came and shot us. 
Young and tender, I kept crying. 
Kneeling mid the garden flowers. 
Keep me, keep me. Lord of Harland. 
Bring out your deep boats, 
Till I get back to the house, Ac 
Then I went to beg my father. 
<'Ohl my dear Father, 
Saye me from the war. 
From the frontdoor," &e. 
** How can I saye youl * 
" You haye got three bullocks, 
One has a horn of gold. 
The other a horn of silyer. 
The other a horn of old brass. 
Give the best for me. 


Giye the best for yonr only daughter." 
Then straightway the father answered, 
" 111 not give them for my daughter, 
Not my bullocks for my daughter; 
Daughters there are here and there. 
Here to-day, and gone to-morrow. 
Bullocks last your lifetime." 

Then the war began to lower, &c. 

Then I went to beg my brother. 
''Oh! my dear brother. 

Save me from the war," &c. 
** How can I save youl " 
" You have got three horses. 

One, a horse with mane of gold; 

One, a horse with mane of silver; 

And the third, a mane of old brass; 

Give the best for me. 

Give it for your only sister." 

Then straightway the brother answered, 
" III not give it for my sister. 

Not my horses, for my sister ; 

Sisters there are here and there. 

Here to-day, and gone to-morrow; 

Horses last a lifetime." 

Then the war began to lower, &c. 

Then I went to beg my sister. 
" Oh ! my sister, little sister, 

Save me from the war, my sister! " &e* 
" How can I save youl " 
''Ah! my little sister, 

Tou have three garlands; 

One is like a garland of gold; 

Another like a garland of silver, 

The third is of old brass. 

Give the best for me, my sister, 

Give it for your only sister." 

Then the sister answered straightway^ 
** ril not give them for my sister. 

Not my garlands for my sister ; 

Sisters there are here and there. 

Sisters you can have for one moon ; 

Sisters you can have for two moons ; 

Garlands last your whole life long." 

Then the war began to lower. &c. 
** Lads of y ierland. 

Noble fellows. 

Save the maiden 

From the soldiers," &c. 
' How can we save youl " 
" Ton have got three hats, 


One is a hat of old biass; 
One is a hat of new silTer ; 
And the third, a hat of gold. 
Giye the best for me, 
Give it for your only maiden." 
''How long will a hat last) 
Hats last only two days; 
Maidens last a whole life long.* 


There was a maid, a yonng maid. 
She took the herds to the homestead ; 
Foand a chicken in the field. 
Took the chicken home; 
Out of the chicken came a man. 
The maid was Salmi, Salmi the fiiir. 

There came three wooers — 
One, the Moon*s son. 
One, the Son's son, 
The third, the Star's son. 
The handsome Moon's son came, 
He came with fifty hones ; 
He came with sixty bold led-horses. 
Then spoke Salmi ftom the corn-loft t 
Crying out, from out the bam — 
** No, no ; not the Moon for me ; 
He has three daties : 
First, he rises in the twiUghf» 
Then he rises at the sonset, 
Then he rises at the sinking." 

The handsome Son's son came, 
He came with fifty horses ; 
He came with sixty bold led-horses. 
Then spoke Salmi : 
" No, no ; not the Son for me 
The Son has many daties : 
The Son sends hot beams^ 
Makes the fine weather. 
Makes the hanrest for tJhe mowing, 
Makes the rain come down in showers; 
Sets the crops of oata a-growing, 
Makes it soltry, makes it thunder; 
Boming op the oats a-growing. 
Kills the barley In the yalleys; 
In the sand beats down the linseed. 
And the peas in all the farrows; 
And the wheat behind the fiirm-yard. 
And the flax along the forest.'* 


The handsome Star's son came, 

He came with fifty horses ; 

He came with sixty bold led-hones. 

Then Salmi spake from out the com-Ioft; 

Took the Star's horse to the stably 

The roan to the stable. 

Gave him his fill of oats. 

Dressed him in fine linen, 

Pat a housing over him, 

Let him close Us eyes in silk. 

Up to his hoo& in oats. 
"Sit down. Star, 

At the table 

By the white-wall 

On a bench of hornbeam 

To the seasoned dishes, 

Seasoned with pepper." 

Then she took the Star to the chamber, 
"Eat, Star ; drink. Star, 

Live in pleasure." 

But the Star drew his sword. 

No eating, no drinking, 

Send Salmi into the chamber. 

Salmi spoke from out the com-loft» 

In the house behind the homestead i 
" Dearest mate, and dearest bridegroom. 

Give me time to grow : 

Give me time to array myself. 

Slowly does the fatherless one array herself; 

Slowly does the motherless one array herself; 

Slowly does the orphan array herself. 

No mother to dress me, 

No parents to clothe me ; 

The mothers of the village must dress me^ 

The old women must clothe me. 

The village gives cold comfort. 

The people of an iron heart." 

Of the war songs the number as well as the merit is higher 
than it is in Lithuania. 

Gould I but die In the war. 
Die in the war without sickness; 
Go ofi* with the shot of the enemy. 
Without the weary pfdn, 
Without the weakness of death. 
Without the waste of sickness. 
Better to fall asleep in the battle, 
To faU before the banners. 
To seU your life to the sword, 
To the arrow from the ci:t)as-bow. 


No fight with dckneaBi 
No alayerj to sorrow. 
Sleepless on the bed of pain. 
BeaUi in war has higher joy, 
With the wounds of your brothers, 
When the sister^s eye weeps. 
Ah 1 my brother in the pride of life 
Has fiillen in open war. 

Neuss calls the following a drinking-song. The bacchanalian 
element^ however, holds but a subordinate position. 

I drank ale and emptied the can. 

Threw the staves in the wood. 

Threw the hoops in the thicket, 

Dashed them on the g^nnd. 

In the morning went to look for them. 

The day after looked abont 

A fine ash-tree had grown up, 

A fine ash-tree, a broad wood. 

A mnskin on each twig^ 

A squirrel on each branch, 

A singing-bird on each roost. 

Wait, wait^ wait, squirrel. 
Stay sUU Uttle bird, 
TiU I get my gun. 
Till I dean its barrel. 

From every twig I shot a muskin. 
From every branch I shot a squirrel, 
From every roost I shot a 8inging-biid« 

As a specimen of the language and metre we give tlie first of 
the foregoing in the mother-tongue. 

Tela lauUd tttttarlapaed. 
Tela laulid, mala lauUd, 
Ealla alia laulid neiud. 

Ma lauUn kirriko teela, 
Kirrikusfi^ kaijamala. 

K&IIikfed minnogi tappid 
Snrella monna-kiwwila, 
Tarrawalla kirweella. 

Kus nad wifid neio norel 

Wifid kulla marja foosfe. 
Mis fe&lta minnusta kaswis ? 
Minnuft kaswis kallis kaske, 
Ullenes mctla illufiu 

Mis feklt kasfeft tehtanekfe? 
Easfeft kannelt raiutakfe, 
Wiolida westetasfe. 

Euft faid lauad kandelalel 
Lohhe fure louasta, 
Hauwi pitka hambaasta. 



Euft &id keled kandelilel 
Jnokfeft fid neio nore, 
Karwaft fiu koddokaimafe. 

Ei olnnd pilli pekfiaida^ 
EandeU ellUiiyaida. 

Minno ella wennakenne, 
Wi kannel kamberie. 
Sea f&ngi fdrwa pettle, 
Pekfift isfe peigelalla, 
Oaka fbrme otfadelle. 

Bapfi raada kftmbellila ! 

Nenda hiidis wenna pillii 
Halledaste aine kannel, 
Eui need nnttid, Wirro piad, 
Halledaste Harjo neiad, 
Minneala iafa koddnnta, 
Minnesfa emma koddunta, 
Mehhe koio minnesfana, 
Kafa koio k&iesfiuia. 

The extent to whioh tbe Estonians and Letts have acted upon 
one another is uncertain. A great deal that is common to the two, 
is due to the common influences to which they are exposed. I 
consider, however, that there is more Estonian blood among the 
I^tts than there is of Lett blood among the Estonians. This 
is because the Letts and Lithuanians seem to have moved east- 
ward, encroaching upon the Estonians and their congeners. 
How far westward the Ugrian area originally extended is uncertain. 
I think that it may safely be carried to the Vistula; perhaps to 
the Oder— not impossibly to the Elbe. 

146 THB LIEF& 

The lAth of Estonia— of Cdriand. 

It is only by coartesy that the liefs find a place in a work on 
Nationalities; so microscopically small is the portion of the 
earth 8 surface which they coyer, and so namerically small is the 
amount of the Lief population; for of all those divisions or sub- 
divisions of mankind in which the ethnologist delights, and for 
which no one else cares, the Lief is the smallest that Europe 
can supply. There is as small a one in Asia, and there may be 
smaller ones in America, but in Europe there is nothing so 

Many writers would merge the Liefs, at once, into the Estonians ; 
and the Estonians are, certainly, their nearest congeners : but be- 
tween the Lief and the Estonian Proper there is a difference in 
name and language. About the difference in name there is no 
doubt. Have we not said that, word for word. Lief is the root 
of Livonia or Liefland ? and do we not know that Liefland, or 
Livonia, is a large, though thinly-peopled, country? Yet the 
name comes from the fragmentary Liefs. It has also been stated 
that, name for name. Lie/ is Lemovii, and that the Lemovii are 
mentioned by Tacitus. 

Even then, if there were no other ethnological characteristics, 
the name, alone, is one. But there is the language as well. We 
know so little of anything beyond the two main dialects of the 
Estonian —that of the parts about Dorpat, and that of the parts 
about Beval — that, in separating the Lief Proper from the ordi- 
nary Estonian of Livonia, where (as has been stated) it is spoken 
concurrently with the Lett, we may be wrong in treating it as a 
separate substantive language. Good authorities, however, make 
it such. 


In the ethnological map of Bnaaia ('52) and in its statistical 
oonunentary, (a commentary which is founded upon the tahles of 
Edppen, and which represents a census for 1846,) the numher of 
the Lie& of Livonia is twenty- two. The present numher is twelve ; 
their occupancy being a small district near the mouth of the river 

But, besides these, along the skirt of that peninsular tract of 
land, which lies within sight of the Isle of Osel, are to be found 
about two thousand individuals, who are certainly neither Letts 
nor Estonians ; who are also more Lief in language than aught 
else. Tet (7i^r-land, rather than £i^-land is their locality. They 
may be a remnant of the true Livonians who, at one time, 
extended thus far westward — carrying, so to say, Livonia into 
Curland. At the same time, as has been suggested by the best 
authority on these points out of Russia, H.I.H. the Pxinoe 
L. L. Bonaparte, they may be simply settlers from Osel. 

It is, certainly, from that island that another division of 
the population of these parts is derived ; a division known as the 
Krivonian, Krivingian^ or Krivono-Livonic. According to K6p- 
pen's authorities, these Erivonians are the descendants of a colony 
from Osel who were settled on the Memelhof estate of the Herr 
von Hahn at the beginning of the last century. Here, and in New 
Baden, in Erussen, and in Witwenhof, they amounted, in a.d. 1839, 
to no more than fifteen souls. 

Another small class is formed by the Poluvyertai, This means 
Half 'believer : and on the eastern frontier of Livonia a variety of 
the ordinary Estonian bears this name : though the denomina- 
tion is not sufficiently definite to take its place in the ordinary 
statistical tables. During the wars between Charles XII. and 
Peter the Great, several Estonians were taken prisoners, and 
conveyed to Russia, where they married, and became converts to 
the Greek Church. 

To return, however, to the real or supposed Liefs. It is the 
Letts who apply the name ; a name which is not used by the 
Fins themselves except when they speak Lettish ; and this they 
do no more than they can help. Traditions as to their origin 
have been carefully sought for ; the result being that none were to 
be found, and that the absence of them was in favour of the 
population being aboriginal. 


148 THE LIBFa 

They call themselves Seashore-men ; and it is sometimes b3rits 
Lett equivaleDt, and sometimes by a term meaning Fishermen, 
that they are, generally, spoken- of by the Letts. Between the 
two, however, the commerce is of the scantiest : intermarriages 
being rare ; and their respective pursuits and aptitudes different. 
In the way of physical conformation, bodily stamina and energy 
of temperament, the balance is in favour of the fishermen. On 
the other hand, however, they are hard drinkers, and unscrupulous 

Small as is the number of these fragmentary Liefe, their lan- 
guage falls into two decided dialects, that of Pisen, and that of 
Kolken — not to mention the Lief of Liefland, in the strict and 
proper meaning of the term, with its twelve proprietors. 

It is from the Eolken dialect that the following samples of 
the lief poetry are taken : — 


Mj Ikiher made me a new ship, 

Mj mother woye the nils. 

I can lail with it againat the North-wind ; 

The North haa white snow ; 

I have white aaila. 

Ban, ship ! haate, ahipf 

In oar aea there are no atampe. 

May atompa grow in LetUand, 

And break the ploughs f 

Sing, fiither, aing, son. 
Sing, two lada. 
The &ther, with the son, 
Sings more than the two lada. 

Little doggie, shaggy doggie, 
Took my goat to the lake ; 
Brought my little brother a harp-string, 
Brought my little sister a head-band. 

" Whither goest thou, Hias Mary, 

With the golden besom under the arm 1 ** 
'^ It is no golden besom : 

It Is the lowest branch of the birch." 

A hogshead in the cellar. 
Two jugs on the table. 
Turn about, move about 
To the end of the table. 

TH£ LIKFa 149 


Big mice, small mice : 
Bring the children deep : 
Then when thej axe grown up, 
The children will thank you. 

Hans went out to mow the grass ; 
He did not mow a picking for a chicken, 
Or a moathful for a goat. 

A father had nine sons : 
They had three bnsinesBeB. 
Three beat the dmm. 
Three played the Ante, 
Three dragged the net on the beach. 


*" Ran— nm, little girl I 

Ban, crying I 

Haye 1 not said to thee, 

' Why goest thoa so vain 1 ' 

Each day a white skirts 

A silken skirt, 

Coloured stockings, with shoes on your feet» 

A fine young man from a foreign country. 

Of good £unily. 

Three fair maidens 

Have longed for him." 
•* Where will you lay me 1 

Such a drinker : 

Every day in the alehouse 1 " 
** I follow my mind \ 

Where my mates chatter, 

Kanniken clink. 

There is my heart, 

Washed with beer." 


Dead on Oood-Friday, when I was bom ; 
Who does away with my sin, as I was baptized. 
Grace, as John says, we have gotten. 
And 1 have it received for myself. 


The dying-day is dear to me, 
Sorrow and joy could not conquer me. 
But the Heavenly Father's Holy Spirit 
Be to me the greatest wealth and fortune. 

150 THE LIEFa 


Through borowb of all aorUi following thy tracki^ 
May I enjoy what is no eigoyment ; 
Here or on earth, where much is tad, 
Wiiret thou joy— then there is grief. 

The heavenly treasare which Thoa hast given 
I cannot take here on earth ; 
Qrant that by thy strength, I'may do thy will. 
So that I may obtain heayenly life. 

6. * 

Help, heavenly Father, me to do thy will 1 
Thoa hast shaped me, therefore help me 1 
Let me shine as a bright li^^t 
(And not under the bushel) on the table. 

If the doctrine tsuggested in a previous chapter, viz., that the 
Rugii of the Germania were the coastmen of the Galf of Riga, 
and if the identification of the Liefs with the Lemovii be real, 
we have two names for the parts and populations under notice as 
old as the second century of our era. To these, I consider that 
a third may be added, viz., that of the Hirri ; which, word for 
word, seems to be Hatrien, the name of one of the divi&ions of 



The Swedes of LiTonia and Estoiiia. 

The political iDflueoce of SwedeD in Livonia and Estonia is one 
thing : the hodily existence of a Swedish population is another. 
Such, however, is to he found. Nor are the settlements in which 
we find it of recent origin. Henry, the Lett, speaks of the 
Swedes of Reval ; whilst the Swedes of Hapsal are mentioned in 
the laws of that town, as early as a.d. 1294. At the present 
moment local names like Stoorhy, S5derhy, Lyckholm, Klut- 
torp, and the like (names which are as truly Swedish as the 
names in Sweden itself), are to he found in the parts between 
Beval and Memel — a few on the continent, but more on the 
islands. In Manno, Eyn5, parts of Osel, Moon, Dago, and 
some of the patches on the mainland, either the Swedish occu- 
pants have been actually replaced by Estonians, or they have lost 
those characters by which they are to be recognized as Swedes. 
In Nargo, one-half of Worms, half Nucko, and a few spots on 
the continent opposite, there are Swedes and Estonians mixed. 
In Rogo, Odinsholm, the other halves of Nucko and of Worms, 
in parts of Dago, Runo, and a small district near Roslep, the 
population is not only Swedish in blood, but Swedish in appear- 
ance, and language also — Swedish in tempernment, and (if tlie 
word may be applied to so small a body) Swedish even in respect 
to their nationality.* In one respect they stand apart from the 
proper Estonian. They are no serfs; but freemen — privileged 
freemen ; and they proudly call themselves, as they are called 
by others, the Free Swedish Yeomen^ or De Fria Svenska 

* See Sohlman (the authoritj for the whole of thu notice) on the Remains of 
Swedish Nationality in Estonia and Livonia.— Om Lemningar of Svensk Nati/on- 
alitet uti EsUand i>ch Liffiand, 


A detachment of them has been transplanted to the parts near 
Berislav in the Government of Kherson; their localities being 
Schlangendorf, Milhansendorf^ Gamle Svenskby (= Old Swedish 
town), and Elosterdorf. Even here, they preserve their language, 
and speak Swedish among themselves. 

The following is the Swedish population of Bussia according to 
K5ppen s tables for a.d. 1846. 

In the Government of St. Petersburg . 6156 






Of the Swedes of Finland this table takes no cognizance. 
Those of St Petersburg are, probably, their immediate congeners. 
Those of Estonia, Livonia, and Gurland are, apparently, our 
islanders; and those of Slierson the colonists derived from 

That these may possibly represent the supposed companions of 
Ruric, who, with his bold Varangians, in the ninth century, 
is said to have crossed the Baltic, and cut his way, through the 
hostile bands of Vends, Letts, Lievs, and Kurlanders, who then 
occupied the whole coast between the Vistula and the Neva, to 
the present site of Novogorod ; in which he laid, with Swedish 
hands, the great base of the present Moscovite empire ; in other 
words, that these Fria Svenska Bonder are the descendants of 
the true Russians, has, of course, been surmised. All^ however, 
that we know of them is that they can be traced up to the thir- 
teenth century, and that» for want of data, they can be traced no 

THB VOD. 153 


The Vod— their Poetiy. 

The gronnd on which the great city of St. Petershurg stands 
belonged, at the accession of Peter the Great, to Sweden. But 
the Swedish dominion itself was foreign, and such Swedish 
elements as Ingria, or the present Government of St. Petersburg, 
contained were intrusive — so truly was it a continuation of Finland 
in the direction of Estonia, or of Estonia in that of Finland. 

All was Ugrian — continuous at first, interrupted afterwards. 
Have these interruptions entirely obliterated the aborigines ? No. 
Akin to the Bahwas but different from them — akin to the Fin- 
landers but different also from them, are the men of what the Swedes 
and Germans call ^a/land, or the Land of the Vod ; the Yod 
who are the true representatives of the aborigines of the Govern- 
ment of St. Petersburg ; the Vod who serve as samples for what the 
Ugrians were when all between Narva and Viborg was Ugrian. 
There are other Ugrians besides; some from the northern frontier 
of Estonia, some from the southern parts of Finland — but the 
true aborigines are these Yod ; transitional in language, and pos- 
sibly in many other less definite characteristics, to the Estonians 
Proper and the Finlanders of Finland. 

These Y&tlanders, or Watlanders, call themselves Yadd jalaiset, 
the latter part of the word being inflectional; for the Gentile 
form in the singular number is -lainen, in the plural -laiset. 
In number the Yod amount to something more than five thou- 
sand. They occupy certain small villages between Narva and 
Cronstadt in the Circles of Oranienbaum and Yamsburg. We 
may think of them, if we choose, as the Ugrians of Yamsburg ; 
inasmuch as they are, doubtless, belonging to the great Yam 
division of the Ugrian population, a division which contained the 

154 THE YOD. 

aborigines not only of St. Petersburg but of Novogorod as well — 
of St. Petersburg and Novogorod as well as much besides. 
These it was with whom the Slavonians from the south came in 
contact, upon whom they encroached, and by whom they were 
resisted. By the end, however, of the thirteenth century the 
Yod, at least, were quieted. The fort Koporie was, then, built 
to overawe them. Add to this the influences of Christianity; 
which the Russians introduced. In Estonia it was the Germans 
who did so ; so that, in Estonia^ the creed, now Lutheran, was^ 
originally, Roman Catholic. In Vodland, however, it both was 
and is ihe Christianity of the Greek Church. 

Their language is called Vais. " Tunnet pajattaa Vaiag " = 
** Do you apeak Vod?" It is in the parishes of Eattila and 
Soikina that it is spoken; and it was from an old woman of 
Kattila that Lonrot first, and Ahlqvist afterwards, made a collec- 
tion of Yod songs ; an old woman who has since died (i. e, in 

In the eleventh century one of the divisions of the ancient 
Novogorod was called Votsiaia Patina (i. e, the Vod Fifth), 
just as, in the eyes of the old Norsemen, Northumberland was a 
fifth part of England, or, as in Yorkshire, we talk of the Trith' 
ings (Ridings). The Swedes took up this name (Russian as it 
was), and in a document of King John III. (a.d. 1590) we find 
that he makes his son "Prince of Finland^ Carelia, Wdtzkij- 
Pethin, and Ingermanland," in Russia. 

Upon the popular poetry of the Yod a flood of light has been 
recently thrown by Ahlqvist ; previous to whose inquiries, two 
short fragments were the only known representatives of what is, 
apparently, a rich literature in its way. The great storehouse, as 
is so often the case, and as we have just stated, was the memory 
of an old woman ; the most important poem which it supplied 
being a long wedding-song. More than a mere ode, it seems 
to be adapted to the details of the chief preliminary ceremonies ; 
and it was, to some extent, an acted chorus — a true prothala- 
mium. Too long to be given in full, it is sufficiently remarkable 
in form to claim notice. Hence, the following extracts are simply 
intended as a sketch of its general structure. The imagery is that 
of the Estonian compositions in general, and the metre is Estonian 
as well. 

VOD POBMa 156 

The openiog : — 

Bathe— bathe, my brother I 
Bathe— bathe, my spark f 
Bathe in ten parts water — 
Wash in eight parts f 
Before the door stands father, 
Ishind-boots in hand. 
Fish-caps under arm. 
Before the door stands mother. 
Checked shirt in hand. 
Fish-caps under arm — 

And so on, through the brothers and sisters^ &c.^ until the bride- 
groom leaves the bath-room. Then — 

Hail ! in the wind of Yumala ! 
Hail ! out of the bath 1 
Hail 1 fish after the cleamng f 
Take now Ynmala for thy help. 
Take the dear Creator, 
The mother of God before her. 

On entering the room : — 

Come, Yumala, and help- 
Come, Yumala, and help the boy ! 
Help him, kind father. 
In treading across the threshold, 
Villagers, Christians, 
Step on each side ; 
Make way for my grouse. 
Make way for my blackberry. 
Father at the top of the table, ftc 

Sorrow not, my dear brother, 

Fear not, my spur-wearer. 

Never is your coat other than comely, 

Kever are the island-boots shabby. 

Never is your belt bad, 

Never your hat awry. 

Honey-drops spirt out 

From the golden girdle. 

From the chalk-white hehn. 

Sorrow not, my dear brother ; 

Fear not, my spur-wearer. 

Go not alone, my brother ; 

Go not by yourself, my fish : 

With thee goes a Une of bridesfolk, 

A band of mates. 

With the Moon as bridegroom's hiher, 

At the head of the troop the Snn ; 

Thou, as the Sun's son, at the aide, 

With the bride's train as stars ; 

166 YOD POEHa 

The sUier brings words in her glo 
Songs in the pocket of her gown. 
Sorrow not» my dear brother ; 
Fear not, my spar- wearer ; 
Thou art new stricken, my leaf 1 
Not cast away, my berry I 

The bridegroom takes his seat nnder a figure of Sl George. 

Great kinsmen of my bird. 

Noble men of a high house. 

Help the well-beloYed : 

IVui with words, and part with clothing. 

Help him with copper. 

Help him with gold. 

In married life gold g06% 

Gold coins melt away. 

Sorrow not, my dearest brother. 

Work shall be done in the hooae. 

Tonr Ikther is still alire: 

My mother is still aliye. 

At the table sits the father. 

At the cupboard the mother. 

The fiither helps his kin ; 

The mother sets the table. 

The bridegroom now goes to fetch the bride. 

Help now, Tumala f 

Come, Creator, 

With the Mother of God f 

Come, Creator, on the Cross 1 

Saviour on the 

Mark a cross, my dearest t 

Knock at door, my little bear f 

Knock at door carefully, 

Stoop your fiice, my golden one I 

On each side, my little fish 1 

The tree thou nearest^ 

Bed shall it be ; 

The hedge thou nearest^ 

Green shall it be, &c. 

Villagers, children of Christ, &c 

Od entering the house of the bride : — 

Come into the room, brother ! 

Warm, my heart 1 

My brother comes to one whom he knows. 

Come to the ownership of the house : 

Father at the end of the table ; 

Make room for the apple of my eye, 

A place for my own and only one, &c. 

VOD POKMa ^^7 

Theo^ to the bridegroom : — 

Haat kej in girdle) 
Hast secret skill behind 1 
Canst open the Butterbnrg — 
The white Church of the Vod? 

And now, they ask for meat and drink. 

Mj brothers-in-law, lads of gold, 

Mj tme kinsmen, 

Let not the cates spoil. 

Let not the meats cool ; 

I shall not spare the cates, 

Nor yet hoard the drink. 

My brothers-in-law, lads of gold, 

The beer warms you. 

The brandy lights you up : 

Yierland's brandy, good for drinking. 

Honey -beer from our own land. 

I tarry not at the brandy : 

The beer does not warm mo. 

Work must be done in the house : 

The mother is still alive, &c. 

The bridegroom sits down at the table. 

Sit thee down, my loved one ; 
Sit thee down, my only brother. 
At the foot of Yumala, 
Under the holy kerchief. 
Before the face of the Kind One 1 

Grace after meat : — 

Thanks and blessings 

For the meat and drink : 

IVe been at many weddings— 

At eight in all : 

Never ate I such cates. 

Never drank I such liquors, &c. 

To the bridegroom : — 

Hast key in girdle 1 
Hast skill in pocket 1 
Canst open the Butterburg — 
The white Church of the V od 1 

To the host : — 

Dear brother-in-law, my golden one^ 
It is not my brother 
That thou decoivest, 


It is thj own brother — 

Th J own sister. 

Tike a messige to Uie maiden, 

Let goosey know. 

That the maiden weep not more. 

Weeping wean the hearty 

Tears hurt the eyes. 

As the gueets depart : — 

nme to go— time to go^ 
The horses are neighing. 
The nags tap whinnying, &e. 

The bride reaches the bridegroom's hoose : — 

Brotherkin went out alone : 
Back lie comes with some one else. 
Bringing the mother a helpmate, &o. 

Oreeting of the bride : — 

Hail, yonng^ dear maiden I 
Hail, coming firom the way ! 
Let me see my maiden ! 
Let me see her by the fire- 
Let me see her by the light I 
BUck was she painted, my chicken, 
Bmoke-biaek was she painted. 
Black are they who said it— 
Bmoke-black the si^yers. 
She was good, and ihe is good| 
Fair in her open sleeves. 
Clean in her silken shirt, 
Beaatlful in her kirtle. 
Dear maid— dear maiden. 
As thoa comest, so stay, &c. 

The bride is taken to a well to look at the water : — 

Go to the wen, my maiden. 
To look at the water; 
How it springs ap 
From the pebbly bottom. 
From the sandy spring: 

The presents being inspected and divided, the poem concludes 


Dearest maiden— only maiden, 
As thoa comest, so stay. 
Try to be carefnl, 
Tiy to be right <dean. 

YOD POKM& 159 

From the smaller poems, I subjoin — 


The Bad Wife. 

liark, little lark — 

Whither goest thou, little krk 1 

Gloves on your hands, 

Flowers in the gloves : 

Whither goest thou, little lark ? 

To build a storehouse, 

To build a bath room. 

Tou is the bath-room for 1 

For a maiden with rich locks. 

Why a maiden with rich locks 1 

To pull off my stockings, 

To undo my shoes. 

I had a wife without a head : 

She threw away my shoes, 

She buried the linen in the snow. 

She set the bath-room in a blaze. 

She burnt half the linen — 

Two pairs of stockings : 

More's the pity 1 

She broke the cow's horn, feeding it ; 

She fed the sheep to death ; 

She fed the sow till it was bUnd ; 

She broke the shoyel in two ; 

She spoilt the room, and broke the besom. 

There came an order for the war— 
A letter from Germany — 
That the sister should go out and fight^ 
And the brothers remain at home. 
Such a thing was neyer heard of— 
Never heard of— never seen, 
For the sisters to go out to fight — 
Brothers to stay at home 1 
Never before heard of— 
Never heard — ^never seen \ 
Petticoats on saddles 1 
Curls on saddles 1 



The Izhor, SaTakot^ «nd Anramoiset— The Tshfid.— The Yesp.— The Fina of 

the QoYemmeni of Trer, &c. 

lyoBiA, or /if^^rmanland^ takes its name irom the Tngirikot, or 
Izhora — the former being the native, the latter the Russian, name. 
At the present moment the Ingrikot amount to about seventeen 
thousand eight hundred, all within the Government of St. Peters- 
burg. I believe that they, originally, formed a frontier between 
either the Estonians and the Finlanders or between the Russians 
and the Fins. This I believe on two grounds: (1.) because the 
district is actually a boundary; (2.) because the root of the name 
seems to be the same as the -kr- in Ukraine and other similar 
words, which are admitted to mean one, just as March does in 
Oerman. At the same time, I think that they belonged to Fin- 
land rather than Estonia. This is because the Vod call them 
Karelians — thereby separating them from themselves. 

In A.D. 1623, the district of Agrep&& was ceded by the Rus- 
fsians to the Swedes, and along with it two others, namely 
Yeskis and Savolax. It is believed that when this took place the 
ancestors of the Savakot and Juramoiset, two other Fin popu- 
lations of Ingria, migrated into their present localities. The for- 
mer amount to 42,979, the latter to 29,344. 

If we now ask what parts of the Government of St. Peters- 
burg are the most Ugrian, we shall find them to be those districts 
which lie between the sea and Lake Ladoga ; the parts nearest to 
the capital itself. On the other hand, the northern and southern 
portions are Russian ; as is the southern part of the Lake Ladoga 
and the parts between Novogorod and the Peipus Lake. Mean- 

THE TSHto. 161 

while the. inteijacent country is Fin or Ugrian, the line of en* 
croachment having heen along the rivers Luga and Volkov. 

Another variety of the Ugrian family, known by the name of 
Tshud, now comes under notice. This is believed to have been 
the name by which the Slavonians designated certain nations 
which were other than Slavonic. Still, they do not seem to have 
called the Germans so ; for them they call Niemce, Nor yet the 
Turks ; who are Tartars. Where, then, the word Tshud is used, 
it is used by a Slavonian, and is, probably, applied to an Ugrian. 
It is not known to the Ugrians themselves and is anything but a 
complimentary designation. It is much such a word as Barbarus 
in Greek and Latin, only not applied so generally. 

I cannot, however, find that all the Ugrians were called TshUd. 
The Estonians are not The Finlanders are not. It seems, 
then, as if the name were given more especially by the Russians 
of Novogorod to the Ugrians of their immediate frontier; at any 
rate^ the Ugrians under notice are pre-eminently Tshud, and as 
Sjogren connects them with the Yod, he occasionally allows him- 
self to speak of the one as the Northern, the other as the South- 
cm, Tshud. 

But now another name occurs. Vladimir, son of a.d. 
Yaroslav, marched with a mighty army out of Novogorod, 10^2. 
against a population called Yem, or Yam, and conquered it. He 
lost, however, his horses through a murrain. After this, the Yam 
appear frequently in Russian history, and that as a sturdy, brave 
people. Two elaborate papers of Sjogren address themselves to the 
question — Who were the Yam ? The answer is, that they were 
the ancestors of the present Tshud of Olonets and Novogorod. 

The Tshud have suffered much from encroachment ; more than 
the Ugrians of St. Petersburg. Sometimes they lie in patches, 
oases, or islands. Sometimes they have other Ugrians in contact 
* with them. They lie — some on the banks of Lake Onega, others 
in the Circle of Bielosersk. They lie in Novogorod, as well as in 
Olonets. When Sjogren described them, he carried their numbers 
as high as twenty-one thousand. An earlier table gives for — 
The Government of Novogorod • • . 7,067 
— Olonets .... 8,560 



162 THE TSnUD. 

They call their language Luudin kieli = Luudin tongue, or 

Of the Karelian? more than a hundred thousand are helieved 
to lie apart from their congeners in the Grand Duchy of Finland, 
Archangel, and Olonets ; i. e. — 

In the Government of Novogorod . . . 27,070 

St. Petersburg . . 3,660 

Tver .... 84,638 

Yaroslav . . . 1,288 


Of these I can merely say that, in the way of language, the 
following is the Parable of the Sower in the dialect of Tver, 
which may be compared with the true Fin of Finland. 


K* hkfi knlyaa knlyamaz ; I knlrtlLsBa maTT6nnet nvat langettyz tiSdsTM : i 
tuldTX linnnt ; i gait ndkittyx. MaT¥6n6t langettyz kivi-ni5pahilU» kumbaztJin- 
pdLlU vaga oli mu&da: i tervaz gud noyatyx, sen-tax, erldn moaasa anyaz. 
PWtTas^n novBtnO gu5 kelliasuttiz, i kain fvlda nardonnOt kQl¥6ttyx. Mur- 
Tfon6t langettyz tag*iiz i kazro tag*tk i giat katto. A mnyy^nn^t langettyz 
bnyalla mn&Ua, i kaavettyi liz&von-kera, knmhane tol aa&n knmbane kaftzikum- 
menda^ knmbane kolmekOmmenda. Kella oUax korvat kniiUa kn&lgaz. 


Kaiao kylwi^i mene kylwftmMn. Ja h&nen kylw&i88Sn8&, lankesiwat muntamat 
Hen obeen, ja linnnt taliwat ja sdiw&t ne. Muntamat taaa lankesiwat kiwis- 
tAhon, knssa ei beilU ollut paljo maata, ja nooaiwat peari p&&l]e, ettei beilU oUnt 
aywUl maata. Mutta koska anrinko nouai, niin be poudittin; ja ettei beillft 
ollut junrta, nCin be kuiwettniwat Mutta mnutumat lankesiwat orjantap- 
pnroibin, ja oijantappnrat k&wiw&t ylds, ja tukabuttiwat ne. Muntamat taaa 
Unkeaiwat bywUin maaban, ja tekiw&t bedelm&n, mntuama satakertaisen, 
mnntamaknndenkymmenen kertaiaenja muntama kolmenkymmenen kertaiaen. 
JoUo on korwat knnlla, se kunlkaan. 

Of the Vesp dialect, eo nomine^ I have seen no specimens. 



Finland. — Its early Connection with Sweden.— Its Conquest by Rngsis 

A.D. 1809. 

If we speak of Finland in the widest sense of the word and 
interpret it to mean the Land of the Fins, the question of its 
nationality must be spread over our notices of three countries — 
Bussia, Sweden, and Norway ; since the Fins in both the second 
and third of these are neither few nor unimportant. Such a 
division will actually take place. Though the mass of what has 
to be written about Finland find its place here, something con* 
ceming it stands over until we come to Scandinavia. 

Even in Finland, in the more limited sense of the term, there is 
a division. The political history of that part of the country 
which was annexed to Bussia by the campaign of 1809 is, by 
no means, the political history of all the Bussian Fins. Some of 
them were Bussian at an early period, and some have been 
Bussian since the time of Peter the Great. The EareUans of the 
Government of Archangel are in the former, the Finlanders of 
Viborg in the latter, category. Nor is this without its signifi- 
cance ; inasmuch as, whilst Finland, on the whole, is, Uke Sweden, 
a pre-eminently Lutheran country, the parts of it which give the 
older Bussian occupancies are, to some extent, under the Greek 
church. This is the case, to a slight degree, in Viborg; in a 
greater degree in Karelia. 

It is convenient to call all the Fins of the Government of 
Archangel Karelians. Some of those of the Duchy are the same. 
Tlie Finland, however, of the Government of Archangel is Karelia. 
It should be added that the northern part of the coast of the 
Gulf of Bothnia gives us a third name — Quam, or (as it is 
sometimes spelt) Kwan. This is what the Fins of Sweden are 
called, and the Norwegians, who reserve the name Fi$i for the 
Laplanders, have adopted it 

M 2 


The Sitones of Tacitus were the Quains ; as is shown by the 
history of a curious blunder arising out of the antiquity of 
the latter name. Qvinna, in Swedish, means a woman ; so that 
a kingdom of Qvains may be mistaken for a kingdom of queans. 
Some one between the first observer and the direct or indirect 
informant of Tacitus fell into this mistake ; the result being that 
the text of the Germania tells us that the Sitones are ruled by a 
woman and that they are to be despised accordingly. The 
blunder continues. Alfred writes about Cwmnland ; and Adam 
of Bremen of a Terra Amazonum, Who first, cunningly, hit 
upon this element of error, I am unable to say. I can only say 
that it has been recognized as a likely one ; and that few doubt 
the identity between the Quains and the Sitones. 

The name Fin, like the names Kwan and Sitones, suggests 
criticism. The Laps like being called Fins better than the Fins 
like being called Laps; this being the case with the common 
people. Neither are all the learned Fins wholly free from a preju- 
dice against this Lap connection. At the present time, however, 
it is too late to deny the manifest a£Bnity between the languages ; 
though this has, occasionally, been done : just as patriotic Hun- 
garians have denied the Fin character of the Magyar. But (we 
repeat it) it is too late for paradoxes of this kind; and the 
affinities, on both sides, may be considered as incontestably 
established, and, with a few unimportant exceptions, generally 
admitted. How far the blood and language coincide is another 

The Fenni, as described by Tacitus, are amongst the rudest and 
filthiest of nations — without arms, without horses, without house- 
hold gods — non arma, non equi, non Penates. They feed on 
herbs ; they wear skins ; they lie on the ground. Their arrows 
are tipped with bone ; and the women join in the chase with the 
men. They live in wattled huts; but, withal, live happily — 
" securi adversus homines, securi adversus Deos, rem difficilli- 
mam adseculi sunt ut illis non voto quidem opus esset*' That 
this applies to the Laps has been maintained by the learned ; 
and the fact of Finmark being the Norwegian name for Lapland 
is in favour of the view. In my own mind the word came to 
Tacitus from a German source, and I think that the Germans 


who ased it may have used it with much the same latitude as they 
do DOW. Applied to a population which was neither Sarmatian 
nor German, it would give us, at least, two divisions of the 
class denoted by it. With one the Germans would come in con 
tact on the south shore of the Baltic in the parts about the 
Dwina and the Gulf of Finland; the other they would find in 
the northern and middle districts of Scandinavia. Both might 
be called Fins; yet the former would be the ancestors of the 
Estonians, the latter the ancestors of the Laps. The Fins of 
Lapland, however, would present the strongest contrast to the 
Germans; and, as such, be the most prominent in description. 
They would also serve best to point a paragraph for a writer like 
Tacitus; a writer in whom we must never overlook the great 
extent to which his rhetoric encroaches on his history. 

That the original Fin polity was of the simplest is an inference 
fix)m such words as kuningas, tuomari, valtakunta, esivalia, 
sakko, tori, &c., which mean king, judge, authority, power, 
fine, market, &c., all of which are Swedish. So are the names of 
the commoner trades and employments: with the notable excep* 
tions of kanguri and seppa, meaning weaver and smith. These 
are native; as are the rauta^iron, tekasez^.steel, va8ke':^cop'' 
per, hopiazn silver, holmd^^hogiron. The word for a feast was 
drinking. A maiden given in marriage was sold. There was a 
name for fireemen and for slaves : a name for a village, and a 
name for a large assembly of houses at which was held a kind of 
court — kyla and kfnaja respectively. 

If we put all this together we shall take the description of the 
Fenni, as found in Tacitus, with reservation : treating them as 
a rude population, but as a population of which the culture^ 
though low, differed from that of the Germans and the Sarma- 
tians in degree rather than kind. Between the time of Tacitus 
and the first Swedish invasions there is an interval of nearly a 
thousand years. How far it was stationary or progressive during 
this period is uncertain. 

What in the way of useful arts and national polity the Fins 
had of their own, and what they adapted from the Swedes, has 
just been noticed. They certainly had not the art of writing. 
Their poems are called runot : a word to which the Fin Ian- 


guage adds a long list of deriyadyeSi &o. In the opinion of some, 
this is enough to make it a true and indigenous Fin word. In the 
opinion of others, it is simply the Norse rune. 

Finland, itself, is, of course, a Swedish word, and, as such, 
foreign to the Fins. It is, however, current among them ; and, 
though it has not wholly superseded the native name Suomelaiset, 
it is in a fair way of doing so. It is certain that Fins may be found 
who do not know the meaning of this last denomination. It is 
much such a word as Kymry in Wales ; national, very national, 
tolerably old, but not universally recognized. 

For the scientifio purposes of ethnology and philology, there is 
a fourth term to be noticed — Tavastrian. By this is meant the 
Fins of the south-west, or the Fins who belong to the drainages 
of those rivers which fall into the gulfs of Finland and Bothnia. 
Meanwhile Zavolok, Zavolockian, Savolaxian, or SavoloceU' 
sian is a rough equivalent for Karelian ; the word being Russian, 
and meaning Tramontane, or, more literally, beyond the water- 
shed. In all the later works upon Fin archaeology this difference 
between the Tavastrians and Karelians is strongly and minutely 
insisted on. It is possible that, at times, it is overdone. This, 
however, is a point upon which a foreigner should speak with un- 
feigned diffidence. For Tavastrian, Ham and Yem are occasional 
synonyms, the former being, in its fuller form, Hdmalaiset ; die 
opposite to which is Kainuluiset. 

On the Bussian firontier there is an infusion of Bussian blood, 
and in the maritime towns a still larger one of Swedish. In Norway 
there is a Norwegian, and in Lapland a Lap, intermixture. In the 
centre, however, of the Duchy the blood must be some of the 
purest in Europe. Not that even there, it is, to a certainty, abso- 
lutely pure. All that can be said is that it has received no foreign 
elements for more than a thousand years. At an early period, 
however, the Laps extended further south. Such, at least, is 
the opinion of the most accomplished native historians ; and such 
seems to be the legitimate inference from more than one fact in 
language, in arch®ology, and in legend. Be this, however, as it 
may, the present Finlander, in his typical form, is the representa- 
tive of a very pure stock. 

Agriculture extended itself firom South to North, from Tayastria^ 


which seems to have been the germ of the Fin cultivation, to 
Eweenland, to Earelia, and to Lapland ; for in Lapland the Fins 
and Laps met, and as early as a.d. 1860, twenty Laplanders and 
Finlanders are specially mentioned as having been baptized by 
a Swedish bishop in a great vat at Tomea. 

As far south as the parts about Orivesi, on the northern frontier 
of Tavastaland, the signs of an early Lap occupancy present 
themselves in the shape of what the Swedes call the Lap Rings 
{Lappringarne) — these being circles of stones— circles of stones 
which increase in number as we move northwards, and decrease as 
we go south. That the Laps and Fins were always in immediate 
geographical contact is shown by the name Lap itself; which is, 
with the highest probability, treated as a Fin word, meaning end 
or boundary. In the early accounts of the missionaries from 
Estonia a provincia extrema Lappegunda is mentioned ; and 
in Finland itself such geographical names as the Lap Lake, the 
Lap mountains, the Lap Bay, the Lap Tower, the Lap Marsh, 
the Lap Cairn, the Lap Strand, and the Lap Dale are to be 
found. On the other hand, the Laps themselves believe that 
their ancestors lived in either Sweden, or Finland, or both. The 
Swedes and Laps (so runs the belief) were, originally, brothers : 
when a storm came on. The Swedes put-up a board and took 
shelter under it The Laps took to a tent ; and ever since, the 
latter have lived in tents, the former in houses. 

It was about a.d. 1 150, that the Swedish king Eric or 8t, Eric 
(for his virtue, his austerity, and his efforts to extend Christianity, 
have gained him that title) first introduced Swedish influence into 
Finland. He was half a conqueror, half a crusader. He coerced 
the pirates of Tavastria and Ewsenland and he sent missionaries 
among their heathens. The first bishop of Upsala, St. Henry, 
was one of these, and he met his death at the hand of the pagan 
Tavastrians. In the next century Earl Birger followed the 
policy of St Eric ; and, as the mass of the Finlanders had re- 
lapsed into heathenism, enacted a crusade against them. Charged 
not only with a national apostacy but with having perpetrated 
horrible cruelties upon the Swedes who had settled in their 
country, they were coerced by the garrison of Tavastaborg. This 
was planted by Birger» as Nyland had been planted by Eric. 


Whether the statement that, up to this time, the Southern 
Fins had heen subject to Bussia be true is uncertain. It is only 
certain that, after the foundation of Tavastaborg, the Swedes 
turned their arms against the Bussians, who in the papal letters 
of the time are massed-up with the Fins as relapsed Christians, 
against whom a crusade was to be directed. The attack, however, 
of the Bussians miscarried. 

About 1300, another Birger, or rather the regent, Thorkel 
Knutson, completed the conversion of the Western Fins. The 
Karelians, however, remained pagan and formidable, and were 
coerced accordingly. It was against them that the fortress of 
Viborg was founded ; a fortress which served as a basis of opera- 
tions against Bussia as well as against Karelia. Even now the 
names which appear so prominently in the later history of Estonia 
and Livonia present themselves with the same details. The 
Swedes take Eexholm from the Bussians in one campaign, and the 
Bussians take it from the Swedes in another. That some of the 
Fins of these parts owe their Christianity to Bussia rather than 
Sweden is likely; and the Bussians claim the credit of having, 
converted them a.d. 1227. They may have done this, and, yet, have 
done it ineffectually ; for the special charge that lay against the 
Fins was that there was nothing real in their numerous conversions. 
When an enemy threatened them, they embraced Christianity, 
and, when that enemy left them, they apostatized. 

Under the Union, Finland was held as a feudal tenure, by 
either some member of the royal family, or some great ofiBcer 
of state — who, sometimes, affected a dangerous independence. It 
was always being attacked by Bussia and not always effectively 

Under the descendants of Gustavus Vasa it was better held 
than administered : indeed, as long as Livonia and Estonia were 
Swedish, the material strength, as well as the strategic positions, 
was on the side of Sweden. 

Except, then, on the frontier of Ingria, and in Eastern Karelia, 
the civilization and Christianity of Finland are from Sweden — 
from Sweden with its Boman alphabet, its Protestantism, and its 
literature. Nor, were the benefits one-sided. Hardy seamen and 
brave soldiers were always forthcoming firom Finland, and the 


famous buff regiment of the great Gustavus consisted of what he 
used to call his Lads of Savolax, true and genuine Fins. 

We now approach our own times. By the treaty of Tilsit it 
was agreed that Bussia should be left free to conquer Finland, 
and that Denmark should be compelled to make over her fleet 
to France, and join in the confederacy against England. The 
articles which contained these conditions were secret, or meant 
to be 80. A copy, however, or a trustworthy notice of their 
contents, found its way to the British Government The power 
as well as the inclination of Denmark to uphold her neutrality 
was more than doubtful ; and with laudable decision it was deter- 
mined to demand that her fleet should be put into the hands 
of England. Less than this it would have been foolish to have 
asked. The demand, however, was one no high-spirited nation 
could have complied with. The Danish nation refused ; and one 
of the boldest and most justifiable acts of the British Govern- 
ment, the bombardment of Copenhagen, under Lord Cathcart 
and Admiral Gambier, was the result No act, however, has been 
more vituperated. May the like of it never again be demanded ; 
but may it, if demanded, be done with equal decision and prompti- 
tude ! 

It was to England that the Swedes looked for assistance: 
and, to some degree, that assistance was forthcoming. But the 
king, Gustavus Adolphus II., in every way unfit for the crisis, 
and a strange mixture of heroism and vacillation, made co- 
operation impossible. The expedition of Sir John Moore ended 
unsuccessfully. The ten thousand men, under his command, 
found that there were no adequate preparations for even the de- 
fence of Sweden ; much less the invasion of Denmark, and the 
relief of Finland. Upon the former plan there could scarcely 
have been a second opinion : upon the latter there were fair 
grounds for a difference. That Sir John Moore's instructions 
were to help in the defence of Sweden, and not to seek an enemy 
off Swedish ground, is probable : whilst it is transparently clear 
that from offensive operations against Denmark, which no one, 
perhaps, but the king himself had contemplated, he did wisely in 
abstaining. Whether Finland should have been left to its fate is 
another question. The English troops were wanted elsewhere, and 

J 70 CAMPAIGN OP 1808. 

the differences of opinion between Oustavus and Sir John Moore 
took an extreme form. The English general left in hasty and 
undignified manner ; and the army was withdrawn for services in 
the Peninsula, which ended in the retreat from Gomnua. Of the 
king's impracticability sufficient proof was given in the sequel. 
He brought his kingdom to the very verge of ruin and was forced 
to abdicate. The line of Vasa ended with his successor, and 
Bemadotta became King of Sweden under the name of Carl 

Meanwhile the conquest of Finland was going on. That it 
-was effected is not to be wondered at The wonder is that it 
was effected in a single campaign. Charges were brought 
against the Bussians for having tendered, and against the Swedish 
generals for having received, bribes: but charges of the kind 
were common on both sides of the Baltic. The special evidence 
that touches the question most nearly is the fact that, by the 
terms of the capitulation of Sweaborg, the Bussians engaged 
to make good certain deficiencies in the military accounts. 
How far an arrangement of this extremely suspicious kind ad- 
mits of a second interpretation is best known to military men. 
The imputation of having received bribes is indignantly repu- 
diated by the Swedes, and that of having offered them by the 
Bussians. Valeant quantum. The surrender of Sweaborg 
implies a deficiency of some kind. That, after the campaign, 
several Swedish officers entered into the service of Bussia is 
another fact in the same direction — though one of less weight 
than the other. The officers were ordered to retire whenever the 
enemy was superior, and never to risk a doubtful battle. These 
were the orders of the king. They were not those that would 
have been issued by the great Gustavus, or by either of the 
Charleses. They were orders, however, that the circumstances 
appeared to have justified; and they were orders which were not 
always acted on. 

The six strategic points in Finland are Sweaborg, Abo, and 
Vasa, on the sea; Tavastahus, Kuopio, and Uleaborg inland — 
the last in the extreme north, the former the most important 
The campaign began in January, 1808, and ended in the same 


On die eDtering of Finland, the commander, Count Boux- 
hoevden, issued the following proclamation ; artfully worded, and 
(it is believed) not wholly nnefiectiye. 

It is with the utmost concern hU Imperial Majesty, my most gracions master, 
finds himself necessitated to order his troops under my command to enter your 
country, good friends and inhabitants of Swedish Finland. His Imperial Ma- 
jesty feels the more concerned to be obliged to take this step, to which he is 
compelled by the transactions which haye taken place in Sweden, as he still 
bears in mind the generous and friendly sentiments which the Fins displayed 
towards Russia in the last war, when the Swedish king engaged in an invasion of 
Finland, in a manner equally unexpected and unwarrantable. His present 
Swedish Majesty, far ftx>m joining his Imperial Majesty in his exertions to restore 
the tranquillity of Europe, which alone can be effected by the coalition, which so 
fortunately has been formed by the most powerful States, has, on the contrary, 
formed a closer aUiance with the enemy of tranquillity and peace, whose oppres- 
sive system and unwarrantable conduct towards his Imperial Majesty, and his 
nearest ally, his Imperial Miyesty cannot by any means look upon with indif- 
ference. It is on this ground, in addition to what his Migesty owes to the se- 
curity of his own dominions, that he finds himself necessitated to take your 
country under his own protection, in order to reserve to himself due satisAiction, 
incase his Swedish Migesty should persist in his design not to accept the just 
conditions of peace which have been tendered to him by his French Majesty, 
through the mediation of his Imperial Russian Majesty, in order to restore the 
blessings of peace, which are at all times the principal object of his Imperial 
Migesty's attention. Good friends, and men of Finland, remain in quiet and fear 
nought ; we do not come to you as enemies, but as friends and protectors, to 
render you more prosperous and happy, and to avert from you the calamides 
which, if war should become indispensable, must necessarily hefaW you. Do not 
allow yourselves to be seduced to take to arms or to treat in a hostile manner the 
troops who are committed to my orders ; should any one offend against this ad- 
monition, he must impute to himself the consequences of his conduct ; while, 
on the other hand, those who meet his Imperial Migesty's paternal care for the 
welfiure of this country, may rest assured of his powerful favour and ^protection. 
And as it is his Imperial Migesty's will, that aU affairs should pursue their usual 
course, and be managed according to your ancient laws and customs, which are 
to remain undisturbed as long as his troops remain in your country, all officers, 
both civil and military, are herewith directed to conform themselves thereto, 
provided that no bad use be made of this indulgence contrary to the good of tho 
country. Prompt payment shall be made for all provisions and refreshments 
required for the troops ; and in order that you may be still more convinced of 
his Migesty's paternal solicitude for your welfare he has ordered several maga- 
zines to be formed, in addition to those which are already established, out of 
which the most indigent inhabitants shall be supplied with necessaries in com- 
mon with his Migesty's troops. Should circumstances arise to require an amicable 
discussion and deliberation, in that case you are directed to send your deputies, 
chosen in the usual manner, to Abo, in order to deliberate upon the subject, and 
adopt such measures as the welfare of the country shall require. It is his Im- 
perial Majesty's pleasure, that from this moment Finland shall be considered 
and treated in Uie same manner as other conquered provinces of the Russian 

172 CAMPAIGN OF 1808. 

empire, which now enjoy happiness and peace under the mild goyernment of 
his Imperial Majesty, and remain in fall possession of the freedom of religion 
and worship, as well as of all its ancient rights and privileges. The taxes pay- 
able to the crown remain in substance unaltered, and the pay of the public 
officers of every description continues likewise on its ancient footing. 

One division crossed the Eymene, and entered tbe province of 
Tavastahus ; the other invaded the Savolax. Both moved north- 
wards, with a minimum resistance. Sweaborg, which was treated 
as an island rather than as a fortification of the main land, was 
left in the rear as the Bussian army under Bouxhoevden moved 
northwards. Abo was abandoned without a blow, and within the 
first month of the campaign both Southern and Central Finland 
had been reduced. The Aland Isles, which were afterwards re- 
captured, submitted on the first summons. 

The first serious engagement cost about one thousand on both 
sides, when the Russians were driven firom the ground; but, as they 
regained it after the retreat of the Swedes, they call the victory a 
doubtful one. A Swedish orator compared it to Mantineia and 
Marengo. In this, notwithstanding the standing orders to proceed 
with caution, the Swedes acted on the offensive; and the im- 
provement in the spirit of the army that was developed by the 
movement justified their boldness. 

The greatest battle was that of Orovais. The Swedish generals, 
Adlerkreutz and Vegesack, had the advantage of the Kussian 
general in position, and considered that their victory was easy. 
They swept down firom their advantageous occupancy of some 
heights that overlooked his army, and, in a few minutes, routed more 
than seven thousand of the Bussian Light Infantry. The Bussians 
fled before them, and there was a body of Swedes in reserve. 
The only hopes of Kamensky were in four battaUons which were 
pushing on from Vasa. They arrived in time ; and a few words 
of encouragement did the work. The Swedes were defeated, and 
Orovais was taken. The battle bad lasted fourteen houi*s ; and 
both the Swedes and Bussians had shot away their last cartridge. 
Night and the exhaustion of the Bussians favoured the retreat of 
the Swedes. This was the great battle of the Campaign ; and, as 
a measure of its comparatively small dimensions, the loss on both 
sides was about two thousand men. The military historian whom 
I follow — a Bussian — calls it a complete massacre : but massacres 


of two thousand men whicb lead to the subjugation of a country 
as large as France are small things in the way of great victories. 

After this Kuopio and Uleaborg were taken, and Marshal KHngs- 
porr concluded an armistice, and left the army for the capital. He 
was an old man and an ailing one ; and he hoped, by representa- 
tions made in person, to persuade the king that the recovery of 
Finland was impossible. Part, too, of his army had been driven 
back beyond the Arctic Circle, and he hoped for leave to be al- 
lowed to let it fall back upon Sweden. His command devolved 
upon General Klercker, and his reception in Sweden was favour- 
able. Still, the king was immovable. He only sent fresh troops 
into Finland without a corresponding commissariat and with the 
knowledge that the countiy could not keep them. There was a 
short armistice ; and then the capture of a few subordinate, though, 
apparently, strong positions by the Sussians. The Sussian 
general waived some advantages which, if it had not been fot 
the armistice, he might have taken. For all practical purposes, 
however, Finland was lost. 

The year was closing, and Napoleon was at Erfurth. The war 
was determined by England still to continue. The King of 
Sweden thought only of his next campaign. His revenue was 
wholly inadequate, and the English subsidy covered but one-third 
of the outlay. The English soldiers were wanted for Spain, and 
the Ministry had no confidence in Gustavus. Sir J. Moore had 
been sent to defend Sweden , not to protect Finland ; still less to 
attack Denmark. Gustavus had insisted on the recall of the 
English Minister, and yet was asking for a fresh subsidy. He 
was on the point of laying an embargo on the numerous vessels 
then in the Swedish ports, and it was only the strong recla- 
mations of his subjects that stopped his mad design. No other 
ally but England then remained. Nor would he condescend to 
constitutional measures. Nothing would induce him to call a 
States General. His will and the patriotism of the Swedes were 
to be enough. Of the feelings of the Finlanders I have not the 
knowledge which enables me to speak. It seems to have been 
put to as low an item on either side. There was an extraordinary 
contribution and a fresh levy : and spring was waited for. The 
Russians were now in the far north, and nothing was expected 
from them except through their fleet. But the month of January 

174 CAMPAIGN OF 1808. 

was nnusnally cold, and the ice made it possible for the Bassians 
to treat it as solid ground. Charles XII. had crossed the Belt, 
and the Bassians determined on crossing the Galf of Bothnia. 
An attack on the part of the Danes was also arranged : they also 
passing on the ice. But the ice of the Sound broke up. Enor- 
ring had orders to reconquer the Alands and he did it ; vid the 
ice. Barclay de Tolli, with about five thousand men, crossed 
from Vasa to Umea, where the Swedes had their depots and 
reserves. The passage to the Alands was made in March. A 
long train of sledges with provisions, fuel, and brandy, started 
with the army. The islands between had been evacuated and 
devastated. The king, who had lived in Aland, and had believed 
that the Alanders, whom he had promised never to abandon, would 
stand by him as long as he stood by them, had directed that the 
island must be defended ; and this order was one of the last of 
his reign. During the passage, which was effected with little 
difficulty, he was deposed: and his uncle, a man advanced in 
years, appointed Begent. The Bussians then crossed from Aland 
to the continent 

Within a few days of the passage for Aland Barclay de Tolli 
crossed for Umea. On the fourth day he reached a lighthouse in 
the mid- channel. Ten days afterwards he attacked Umea. Mean- 
while the Emperor Alexander was in Finland comporting himself 
with politic affability. The main points of the cession were 
settled. It was only on the Alands that there was a doubt A 
little to prevent the settlement was done by the appearance of 
some Swedish and English vessels in the Gulf of Bothnia, and a 
little to promote it by the appearance of a Danish and Norwegian 
army on the frontier. The new king signalized the beginning of 
his reign by some notable activities : the fruit of which was an 
advantage gained over the Bussians at Batan. It failed, however, 
to lower the claims of the Czar. The Alands followed Finland, 
and Finland went to Alexander. 

The campaign by which it was reduced was pre-eminently a 
bloodless one. Of the feeling manifested by the parties most 
concerned, the Finlanders themselves, I have no satisfactory evi- 
dence. The honesty of the Swedish commanders I am not 
prepared to defend. The surrender of Sweaborg was, to say the 
least, suspicious. The fact of all the extraordinary successes of 


the Bnssians having beoD effected against stone walls rather than 
living bodies of men^ drawn up in battle array, is also suspicious. 
Measured by their successes and sieges the career of the Bussians 
is glorious. Measured by their successes in the open field it is 
scarcely creditable. Creditable, however, to the hardihood of 
both nations is their tolerance of the rigors of a hard winter in a 
climate like that of Finland; and the bold passage of the Gulf of 
Bothnia over the ice surpasses that of Charles XII. over the Belt. 

In respect to the charge of bribery, the historian whom I follow, 
and who is a Bussian, meets it on two grounds. The Swedes 
would scorn to be moved by an offer of money. This may or 
may not be the case. The Bussians would scorn to offer it. 
Credat Judaus. 

On the conduct of England the less said the better. The orders 
should have gone beyond the mere defence of the soil of Sweden ; 
especially when it was known that the Danish attack had failed, and 
that the Bussians could afford so small a portion of the forces as 
they actually employed in the invasion. The real cause of the quar- 
rel was the compact between France and Bussia, and if the Eng- 
lish predilections of Sweden had not given a colourable occasion, 
some other pretext would have been found. Still, the ostensible 
cause of hostilities was the adherence of Sweden to the English 
alliance after the bombardment of Copenhagen, and the conse- 
quent dereliction of her duties as one of the conservators of the 
Baltic, in keeping up her friendly relations with us, after the 
practical demolition of the Danish fleet. Of the two acts, (one 
of commission and the other of omission,) the latter, in the mind 
of the present writer, is the one which lies the heaviest upon us. 

I conclude with the following extract from the Bussian Decla- 
ration of War, dated February 20, 1808 :— 

" Bat the question here was, the checking of those aggressions which England 
had commenced and by which all Europe was disturbed. The Emperor de- 
manded from the Ring of Sweden a co-operation founded on treaties, but his 
Swedish Majesty answered, by proposing to delay the execution of the treaty to 
another period, and by troubling himself with opening the Dutch ports for Eng- 
land,— in a word, with rendering himself of serrice to that England, against 
which the measures of defence ought to bare been taken. It would be difficult 
to find a more striking proof of partiality on the part of the King of Sweden to- 
wards Great Britain, than this which he has here given. 

" His Imperial Miyeaty, therefore, cannot allow the relations of Sweden towards 

176 CAMPAIGN OP 1808. 

Rnflsia to remain any longer in a state of uncertainty. He cannot give hia con- 
sent to sach a neutral ity. His Swedish Migesty, therefore, being no longer 
doubtfnl, nothing remained for his Imperial Migesty but to resort to those means 
which Providence has placed in his hands, for no other purpose except that of 
giving protection and safety to his dominions ; and he has deemed it right to 
notify this intention to the King of Sweden, and to all Europe. Having thus 
acquitted himself of that duty which the safety of his dominions requires, his 
Imperial Majesty is ready to change the measures he is about to take to measures 
of precaution only, if the King of Sweden will, without delay, join Russia and 
Denmark in shutting up the Baltic against England until the conclusion of a 
maritime peace." 

Valeat quantum. The real reason for the invasion of Finland 
was the proximity of the Swedish frontier to the Russian capital ; 
and, according to the ordinary rules of political morality, it was a 
sufficient one. 

Soon after the annexation circumstances changed. The good 
understandiug between France and Bussia came to an end; the 
overthrow of Napoleon followed ; and, at the Congress of Vienna, 
Sweden had to be strengthened — though not at the expense of 
Bussia ; so, to make matters smooth, Denmark took Lauenbnrg 
and lost Norway ; Sweden took Norway ; and Finland remained 
with Bussia. 



The Popular Poetry or National Literature of Finland. — The Fii^ Mythology. — 

The Ealevala. 

Whatever the Fins may have taken from Sweden in the way of 
creed and civilization, their original character has heen hut 
slightly changed. The Fin physiognomy, the Fin temperament^ 
the Fin language, and the remains of the original Fin heathendom 
stiJl remain. Nor do they seem likely to give way to any exotic 
influences. They have heen fostered and encouraged, rather than 
opposed, hy Russia ; which has shown no little wisdom in not only 
abstaining from the attempt to transform the Fins into Muscovites, 
but has made palpable efforts to develop a Fin, in opposition to a 
Swedish, nationality. Nevertheless, in even the latest ethnogra- 
phical map of the Grand Duchy, the whole of the south-western 
coast is marked as Fin and Sweduh. In the interior, however, 
and in the north the Scandinavian element decreases : until, on 
the frontier of Karelia, even the Lutheran form of religion is 
infringed on by that of the Greek Church. 

Of the Fin physiognomy it is enough to say that, in such 
systematic works as deal in definite classes with broad lines of 
demarcation between them, it is designated by the term Mongolian; 
in other words, it is compared with that of the Asiatics of Central 
Asia and Siberia rather than with that of the Europeans of 
Germany, France, Italy, or Greece. 

In respect to temperament the Fin is reserved, stubborn, ob- 
stinate, and enduring, with agricultural and maritime aptitudes, 
and a capacity, at least, equal to his opportunities. 

His language is soft, with a paucity of consonantal combina- 
tions, and a highly developed declension — its congeners being the 
Vod, the Estonian, the Lief, and (less closely) the Lap, the 



Votiak, the Zirianian, the Ostiak, the Vogul, the Magyar, tho 
Tsherimis, the Mordvin, the Samoyed, and the Yukahiri. But of 
the Fin as the representative of a great ethnological class moro 
will be said as we proceed ; or, rather, more will show itself as 
population after population is treated as Fin or Ugrian — for 
Ugrian is the name which is most convenient for the class when 
we speak of it as a large and important genus. 

That no small amount of heathendom underlies the imperfect 
Christianity of the Lithuanians has already been seen ; and it has 
also been seen that in Estonia the amount of it increases. In 
Finland it obtains its maximum ; many of the details being the 
same for each country. This, indeed, is what we expect from 
the similarity of the Fin and Estonian languages ; not to mention 
other ethnological characteristics. In Finland, however, every- 
thing connected with mythology and legend is of large and grand 
dimensions. The Estonian narratives, with their human character 
and their moderate length, when they re- appear in Finland have 
expanded themselves into Epics. The small shrines scattered 
here and there in honour of some obscure divinities assume, 
in Finland, the proportions of a Pantheon. The Microcosm be- 
comes Macrocosmic ; and much of what is obscure, fragmentary, 
and (if taken by itself) unintelligible in the Estonian legends, 
grows clear and definite when illustrated by a Fin commentary. 

In a preface to one of the earlier Fin translations of the Psalms, 
Bishop Agricola enumerates the heathen deities in whom, not- 
withstanding their nominal Christianity, the Finlanders of his timo 
still believed in. 

f/dto ciet pluvias, metuendaque fulgura yibrat> 
Bauna movct vcntos, fulmine et ipsa minax. 
Rongotheus vcstit flavento ailigine campoB, 

Neve sit Agricolas gpes sua vana facit. 
Ilordea PtVpechua cultis producit in arvis, 

Zythifcr et genii creditor esse Deus. 
Wirankannus agros viridi fecundat avena, 

Egrti* lina, fabas, rapaquc pigra scrit. 
Kondus arat coUea, atque ostis scmina teaquis 

Credere, Sannatica callidus arte, docet. 
At curat pecudem Kekri, atque propaginc laeia 

licvpondet yotia, pastor avare tuis. 
Hutis prosequitur tristeis urosque luposque, 

Nyrka sciurorum dirigit omnc genus. 
IfiUavantu leporis saltus moderatur hibemi, 
Venator feliz est Tapianis ope. 


Betia lenta replet diyeniB piacibiis Aehtes, 

LUkio Bed plantis arboribiuque praeest. 
Dejicit hinc TurUca infesios arcubus hosteia, 

/7martne9qiie idem regna quiete beat. 
Cyclops Krattus opes veneranti donat aloinno, 

Tonhis pacatam reddit ubique domum. 
Luna coloratur variato lumine Raehki ; 

Prsedaque fit Kapeia non vigilante Jove. 
Prata bonus Kalevaa viridanti gramine tezit> 

Atque replet foeuo rustica tecta novo. 
Dulce viatori carmen facit Eunemoines, 

Quo tardsB fallat t»dia longa viao. 

Now, in a poem published within the last thirty years, many of 
these names re- appear; so that the pagan element of the sixteenth 
century is the pagan element of the nineteenth also. 

The cultus of Jumala ( Yumala) is one of the great Ugrian 
characteristics. It is widely spread. It originated early. Lan- 
guages, wherein the names of the minor and newer divinities are 
different, all agree in containing the root Jum — for the syllable 
'la is a derivational affix. Thus, in the Samoyed, the word is 
Num : the change from y to ;i being common. The Tsherimis 
form is Junta, the Zirianian Jen (from yenm, or yeml). The 
Estonian and Lap names are Jumtnal and Juhmal respectively. 

We may talk, then, of the Jumala'Cultua as being the chief 
eultus of the Ugrians. The meaning of the word is various. 
It denotes (1.) the Sky or Heavens; (2.) the God of the Sky 
or Heavens; (3.) God in general; the existing Finlanders who 
have been Christianized, using it in this third sense at the 
present moment, notwithstanding its relation to their old heathen 
mythology, just as we use the word Hell from the Goddess 

Ukko bears a name with, apparently, a very definite significa- 
tion. In the Magyar, agg means old. In Ostiak, yig does the 
same. In a secondary sense this latter word is father. Word 
for word, it is the aga, or aka, of the Turk dialects, wherein it 
has almost as many meanings as forms. All, however, imply 
seniority, and the respect which seniority demands. In Yakut it 
\a father, in other languages elder brother , uncle, grandfather. 
In pursuance with this, Ukko is (as Lenqvist writes) totiua aula 
celestis senior et prases ; his designation being a title, or form 
of address rather than a true and proper personal name. It is 


180 UKKO.— TAPIO. 

only this, however, in its primary etymology. In practice, it is a 
true and proper personal name as well. If so, Ukko is not only 
Pater and Princeps, but Diespiter, Jupiter, or Zeus. Like Zeus, 
too, he is the God of Heaven. 

Ukko, who art in the heayens ; 
Ukko, father of the heavena ; 
Ukko, in the cloads that rulest, 
And the clouds and breezes driveat ; 
Kule the clouds, and rule the heavens, — 
Bule the sky and rule it kindly ; 
Send a cloud from east to westward, 
Send a cloud from north to southward. 
Send a cloud from west to eastward, 
From the south send clouds and showers — 
Clouds whose showers drop like honey, &c 

Tapio, of Tafiola, or Tftpio-land, heads the list of the genii 
of the forest, presiding over the beasts, both of the chase and the 
homestead, more especially, however, those of the chase. Yet 
his apparel and harness are scarcely those of the hunter. His 
cap is made of the needles of the fir, his jacket of the lichens. 
His jacket fits tight, and his cap is like the mitre of a bishop ; at 
least it bears the same name, htppa. His beard is brown, and 
his neck is long, so that he is sometimes called Knippana (long- 
necked) on that account. But he has many names besides this; 
or, at any rate, many circumlocutions under which he is invoked. 
He is the Lord of Tapiola ; the Old Man of the Woods ; the 
Elder of the Hills ; the King of the Forest ; the Master of the 
Waste ; and the like. 

His more especial epithet is tarkha, that is, the exact or care- 
ful; for where need a man be careful and exact if not in hunt- 
ing ? 

He has a wife, a maid, and a son. The son is noticed first ; 
because when he has been noticed the whole of the male part of 
Tapio's family is disposed of. Yet the family is a large one. It 
is large, but it is a family of daughters ; for the gods of the Fin 
forest are chiefly goddesses. The Fauni and Silvani are Dryads 
and Oreads. Nyyrikki, however, or Pinneys, is a son ; the son of 
Tapio ; son and heir-male ; well-shaped and comely, with a high 
cap on his head, like his father ; but no jacket of lichens on his body. 
He has a blue vest instead, and he bears himself nobly in it 


When the ways are foul, and the hogs deep, Nyyrikki, or Pinneys, 
makes hridges or lays stepping-stones; or, this heing done 
already, directs the feet of the wandering huntsman to where they 
are. He marks, too, the trees, and, so doing, shows which way 
is to he taken, which avoided. Tapio, the father, gives the game. 
Nyyrikki, the son, gets it pursued in safety. 

The mother of Nyyrikki and his numerous sisters is Miellikki. 
She has many names hesides; but Miellikki is, probably, the 
commonest. She is the hostess of the woods ; the mistress of 
the court of Tapio ; the queen of the woodland ; the mother of 
the honeycomb — of which she is the consumer as well. One of 
her names is Simanten ; sima meaning honey, A damsel of ber 
train is named Honeymouth. 

If things go but badly, she is an ugly old woman dressed in 
rags, and those rags dirty. But if game be abundant, she is 
loaded with golden ornaments; rings on her fingers, ringf^ on her 
toes, rings on her wrists, rings on her ankles, and ear-rings; all 
of gold. Golden, too, is the band round her forehead ; and of 
gold the wires and pins of her hair. But her eyebrows are 
adorned with pearls, and her stockings are blue and her garters 

As are the garments, so is the dwelling ; so, at least, according 
to Gastrin's interpretation, runs an obscure passage in the Eale- 
vala. Lemminkainen sings that one day, when he was a-hunting, 
he saw three houses, one of wood, one of bone, one of stone. 
The mansion of stone was the residence of Tapio when he was 
free and liberal in sending game. When he was chary, he lived 
in the lodge of wood ; and when an actual niggard, in the bone- 
house. He owned treasures ; of which honey in abundance was 
the chief. The key of the storehouse was of gold, and his wife, 
or housekeeper, kept it on a ring by her side. For Tapio had 
a housekeeper as well as his Miellikki. This was Tellervo, X)r 
Hil/ervo. She had a round and full figure with golden hair, and 
dressed herself in a fine linen smock with ornamented edges. I 
call her housekeeper, because I am uncertain about her actual 
relation to Tapio; who may have been a polygamist. She is 
called Tapio s maid and the maiden of the woods. She is once, 
however, if not oflener, called Tapio's wife ; and, occasionally, she 
is confused with Miellikki. 


She has a name to herself. So has the good-natured Tuulikki. 
The rest of the children, or maids, of Tapio, are known only by 
their function, which is to look after the wild and the tame. Col- 
lectively, however, the female portion of them (which, with the 
exception of Nyynkki, means the whole) is called Luonnottaret, 
or Luonnon tyttdrat. One of these is more especially Metsan 
piika, or the wood-maiden, short in stature, fond of music, fond 
of honey. Indeed, this is the young woman who has already 
heen named as Honeymouth. Her flute is Sima'pilli, or honey- 
flute. She wakes the milkers with this, by blowing it in their 
ears if they be too late of a morning. 

The remembrance of Kekri is still to be found in some parts 
of Finland, where All Saints' Day bears his name. It is the 
time when much com is thrashed, so that, probably, Kekri is the 
genius of harvest, or the threshing-floor. 

Ahti Is the god of the sea ; Vellamo being his wife. 

Towards the end of the last century these and other remains 
of the original heathenhood commanded the especial attention of 
Oanander and Porthan; the latter the founder of the present 
school of mythological investigators. Then followed Topelius, who 
gave the germs of a system by arranging the legends round their 
several subjects. He collected, for instance, all those which 
appertained to a fabulous individual named Vainamoinen, Lon* 
rot went further, both in the collection of legendary poems and 
in their arrangement. The result is the Kalevala ; a Fin Ossian 
with fair claims to authenticity. It grew into form gradually, and 
was the work of more investigators than one. It is a pagan 
poem in respect to its machinery, though not without allusions to 
Christianity. Towards the end, the names even of Herod and the 
Virgin Mary appear; but this is in a kind of appendix to the 
poem, rather than the poem itself. 

The Kalevala is a series of rhapsodies ; the word being used in 
that technical sense in which it appears in the numerous writings 
on the Homeric poems. It is in the language of the present 
time and in the metre of Longfellow's Hiawatha; or rather, Hia- 
watha is in the metre of the Kalevala. The heroes are Vaina- 
moinen, lUmarinen, and Lemminkainen, whose actions (like those 
of Diomed or Ulysses in the Iliad), though separate are still 
capable of being connected in such a manner as to give unity to 


the poem in which they are exhibited. The scenes are, for the 
most part, in Ralevala and Pobiola« AH three of the above- 
named agents agree in acting more or less in concert They 
represent Kalevala as opposed to Pohiola. A sketch, however, of 
the details shall speak for itself. 

It was for a space of thirty summers and thirty winters that 
Vainamoinen, the Ancient of Days, lay in the womb of his 
mother, and long seemed those thirty years to Vainamoinen. 
He asked the Sun and he asked the Moon to set him free, and he 
asked Charles's Wain ; but neither the moon nor the sun nor the 
Wain of Charles heard him. So he freed himself. It was in the 
night that he was bom, and he was born a smith. On the first 
morning he went to the smithy, and he forged himself a horse. 
It was as a straw ; and he rode on its back to Vainogard and 
Kalevala. There was a Lap, and he squinted, and he had long 
borne a grudge against Vainamoinen. He had a bow and a 
quiverful of arrows, and he waited from mom till night, and from 
night till mom, for Vainamoinen by the waterside. It was on 
the waterside that he drew his bow upon him, and shot his arrows ; 
though his mother, and his wife, and three men, and three spirits 
had said ''Lap! Lapl shoot not Vainamoinen, for he is the 
son of thy father's sister." The first arrow flew too high. The 
second flew too low ; but the third strack the horse of Vaina* 
moinen on the left shoulder. So Vainamoinen fell into the sea, 
and lay there six years. For six years he lay adrift, with the 
waters below him and the sky above him. He raised his head, 
and there came an island. Where he stretched his hand there 
came a promontory, where his feet touched the bottom there came 
a fishing-ground. There came, too, from another quarter, an 
eagle — an eagle from Turialand and from Lapland. It was a 
nest that the eagle wanted, and it was on Vainamoinen's knee 
that it was made : for the Ancient of Days had raised his knees 
above the water, and they were all rough and shaggy like an old 
withered turf. Of this the eagle made its nest, and laid in it six 
eggs — six golden eggs. But the seventh egg was of iron. 
Vainamoinen felt the warmth and drew his knees under the 
water. He shook them, and the eggs rolled off. They rolled on 
a sunken rook and broke, and the eagle that had laid them flow 


The lower part of the egg hecame the earth ; the upper part 
the sky: the white became the sun^ the yelk the moon. The 
little pieces that were broken-off became the stars. Bat Vaim^ 
moinen still lay adrift on the waters. 

There blew a storm from the south-west; and at the west there 
was a rolling of billows: and Vainamoinen drove and drove 
before the wind, drifting and drifting on the billows^ until he 
came to Pohiola—Pohiola the Dark. He had a hondred bruises 
on his side, a thousand buffets on his body. 

Louhi^ the mistress of Pohiola, had just risen. She had lit 
her fire, and had swept her hearth, and she went out to listen. 
What was it she heard ? It was not a child that cried. It was 
not a woman who was moaning. The moaning was of a bearded 
man : the crying that of a Uvantolainen. So Louhi, the tooth- 
less^ took her raft and put out to sea. Yainamoinen was very 
wet ; so he got on the raft and sat at the steerage, whilst Louhi, 
the toothless, plied the oars, and rowed him to Pohiola, where 
she gave him flesh and honey to eat, and ale to drink. '' Moan 
no more^ Yainamoinen ; cry no more, Uvantolainen : but live 
for the remainder of your days in Pohiola." But Yainamoinen 
said, '' It is better to drink water in your own country than to fill 
yourself with ale on the ground of a stranger." Then said 
Louhi, " What will you do for me if I send you home ? " and 
Yainamoinen answered, " What is it you want ? " Louhi said, 
"Sampo." To which Yainamoinen replied, **I cannot make 
Sampo myself; but I know who can.*' "What's his name?" 
said Louhi. '' Illmarinen," said Yainamoinen. ''Let him do 
it, and he shall marry my daughter." So Yainamoinen set him- 
self on a sledge, and started to drive from Fohiola the Dark and 
from the dreary Sariola. 

Then rose up the fair maid of Pohiola and drew on her red 
stockings, and let herself be seen by Yainamoinen : who asked 
her to go with him in his sledge. ** Willingly," said the maiden, 
"if you will do two things— cut through a tile with a blunt knife, 
and halve an egg without leaving a mark." 

This Yainamoinen did, but the maiden would not go into the 
sledge : " Make for me," said she, " a boat." 

Yainamoinen had now to use his axe ; and he used it for the 
sake of the maid with the red stockings in Pohiola. He chopped 


and chopped ; but Lempo sat on the blade, and Pira on the head, 
and Hiisi on the handle; so that when he was striking his 
strongest stroke the axe glinted aside and hit him on the knee. 
The knee bled, and bled, and Yainamoinen was left a limping 
cripple. There was a spell to cure him ; but he had forgot the 
most important words that belonged to it AH the rest he knew; 
but the working words he did not know. 

However, there was some one who did ; and him Yainamoinen 
went to seek. At the first house at which he knocked he heard 
the voice of a child ; but the child told him that no one there 
knew anything about the spell. He was sent onward ; but the 
old woman at the next house knew as little as the child. She 
sent him on to the next : in which there was an old man. With 
this old man ends the third canto, book, duan, or rune — for the 
name by which the divisions should be called is, to a great 
extent, arbitrary. 

The fourth, which may easily be separated from the rest, is 
a dialogue between the old man who cures Yainamoinen and 
his patient They talk, inter alia, of iron; and Yainamoinen 
talks to advantage. He does, however, nothing which bears 
upon the rest of the story, and the fifth canto begins with his 
journey homewards; or, rather, to the dwelling-place of Illmari- 
nen. Yainamoinen gets into his sledge without help, and starts. 

Upon getting home and meeting Illmarinen, he tells his ad- 
ventures, and adds that in the land of Pohiola, there is a tooth- 
less old woman as mistress, who is named Louhi, a beautiful 
maiden who wears red stockings, and a great demand for Sampo. 
If Illmarinen can make Sampo, he can marry the fair girl with 
the scarlet stockings. Illmarinen, however, has no wish to 
marry, and, if he had, would not go to Pohiola for a wife. 

Yainamoinen now brings forth a fir-tree out of the earth which 
grows, and grows, until it is so tall that Illmarinen believes that 
if he climb to the top of it he will touch the moon and Charles's 
Wain. So he swarms up it — backed, of course, by Yainamoinen. 
As soon as he is up high enough, Yainamoinen whistles for a 
wind, and the fir-tree is uprooted, and its upper half falls into the 
sea; and the lower half follows, and the whole drifts until it 
comes to Pohiola : upon which Illmarinen arrives, just as Yaina- 


moinen had arrived before, and T^here he foand just Vainamoinen's 
conditions of residence and marriage. 

These are, that he should make Sampo, which he does. He 
fares, however, no better than Vainamoinen who did not; and the 
maid with the red stockings is as little the bride of Ulmarinen as 
she was of Vainamoinen. ^ 

With Illmarinen's disappointment ends the fifth rone of the 
Ealevala ; and from the negative character of its termination, as 
well as from the fact of both Vainamoinen and Illmarinen appear- 
ing in all the other runes, it is clear that the story is not ended* 
At the same time the portion which the first five runes deal with 
is sufficiently separate from the remainder to take the appearance 
of an independent story. It can be joined-on, or worked-in with 
the rest, or it can be cut-off, and kept-apart, just ad libitum. It 
is essentially rhapsodic ; t. e. it is like a pattern in a piece of 
needle-work, or like a window in a perpendicular chapel. It can 
be kept to itself, or it can be worked-in as a part of something 

With the sixth canto, a new story begins and a new cha- 
racter, Lemminkainen, comes upon the scene. Lemminkainen 
is the antipodes of Vainamoinen. Like Vainamoinen and Ill- 
marinen, he is skilled in smith's work, in spells and the like. He 
is young and good-looking ; whilst Vainamoinen is old and ill- 
favoured : yet, upon the whole, though successful with women, he 
is less successful than his old mate. The three, however, form a 
definite trio — Vainamoinen, Illmarinen, and Lemminkainen, — 
Lemminkainen, Illmarinen, and Vainamoinen. 

Lemminkainen starts for Pohiola, but with no very definite 
reason; still less under any temptations on the part of either 
Vainamoinen or Illmarinen. In his journey, however, to Pohiola 
lies the connecting link between the sixth and the preceding 
cantos. We find, from an incidental notice in the sequel, that he 
was a married man who left a wife behind him. He delights in 
love-locks, and it is whilst he is brushing his hair that he declares 
his intention. His mother dissuades him: telling him that the 
Lap wizards will be too much for him. He does not much fear 
them. He has spells of his own which will match theirs — not to 
mention a strong coat-of-mail. " When the Laps kill Lemmin- 


koinoD^ blood will come out of that brash/' said he, and started. 
The brash was carefolly pat by, and watched. 

It is on a sledge that he starts : not withoat a large feeling of 
complacency at his fatare triamphs over the Lap wizards. 

Another name for Lemminkainen is Kaukomieli ; thoagh Lem 
minkainen is the commoner designation. He drives one day, 
two days, three days, stopping on the road, mnch as lUmarlnen 
did, and asking for some one who can anhamess and bait his 
horse. The first applications are made in vain ; however, he reaches 
Fohiola, and is received by Loahi, whom he approaches withoat 
distarbing the dogs— at any rate, withoat their barking. " Who 
are yoa that come here so boldly — and no dog barks ? " 

** I've not come hither withoat wit and skill. Yoar wizards 
may do their worst" 

So now a contest ensaes, in which Lemminkainen overcomes all 
the Laps bat one ; and him he deems anworthy to be called a 

" Why don't you try me ? " said the last old man of the 
weird company. To which Lemminkainen answers radely, tell- 
ing him that it is not against the like of him that he measures 

He, of coarse, suflfers for this : for the old man betakes himself 
to the river Tuoni (which is interpreted the River of Death), 
and waits for Yainamoinen: whose immediate business is with 
Louhi and her daughter, the maid of the scarlet hose. 

" You can have my daughter," said Louhi, " if you can run down 
the Hiisi elk with snow>skates." So Yainamoinen puts on his 
snow-skates and runs down the elk, after a long and adventurous 
run. Who can run in snow-skates like the sons of Ealeva ? 
Now catch the Hiisi horse." The horse is caught. 
Now shoot the swan of Tuoni," — the River of Death. 

But the swan was not so easily shot as the horse and elk were 
caught. On the contrary, the quest brought Lemminkainen to 
his end : for it was to Tuoni that the old insulted wizard had 
betaken himself to wait for Lemminkainen, whom he kills in the 

The mother and wife, who were left at home, now saw that the 
brush was bleeding ; and the eighth canto gives a description of 


the motber's search for her son. She reaches Taoni, makes a 
rake, and rakes up the remains, and brings Lemminkainen to life. 
The three next cantos deal entirely with Vainamoinen and 
lUmarinen without mentioning even the name of LemminkaineD. 
However, Pohiola and the mistress of Pohiola, and her daughter 
with red stockings, connect the story with what has gone before, 
and with what will follow. Vainamoinen will build himself a 
boat, so he takes his axe and walks to the wood and begins to fell 
an oak. But the oak snys, " I shall do no good in a boat, there's 
a worm at my root, and there's a raven among my branches with 
blood on its beak, blood on its neck, and blood on its head." So 
Vainamoinen left the oak, and went on to the fir tree, and he would 
have made a good boat out of the fir tree if he had not forgotten 
the three words. He had finished the prow, and he had shaped the 
sides, but when he got to the stem the three words were wanthig, 
and he could not think what they were. He met a herdsman, and 
the herdsman said, " You may get them out of the topknot of a 
swallow, or the shoulders of a goose, or the head of a swan." But, 
though Vainamoinen shot many hundreds of swans, geese, and 
swallows, he could not find the words. He then met another 
herdsman, who told him he would find them under the tongue of a 
reindeer, or under the lips of a white squirrel. But Vainamoinen 
killed hundreds of reindeer and thousands of squirrels without 
finding the words. 

So he took counsel of his own' thoughts, and said, " It is only in 
Tuoni and Manala that I shall find them," so he went one day, 
and he went two days, and on the third day he came to the river 
of Tuoni. 

Vainamoinen. — "Daughter of Tuoni, bring out the boat." 
Daughter of Tuoni, — ** Not unless you tell me what brought 
you here." 

Vainamoinen. — " Tuoni himself brought me here." 
Daughter of Tuoni, — " I can tell when a man lies." 
Vainamoinen. — " Iron brought me to Manala, steel brought 
me to Tuoni." 

Daughter of Tuoni, — " I can tell when a man lies. If steel 
had brought you hither, blood would run from your clothes." 
Vainamoinen. — " Fire brought me to Manala, flames to Tuoni." 


Daughter of Tuonu — " I can tell when a man lies. If fire had 
brought you to Tuoni, your clothes would be burnt." 

Vainamoinen. — '* Water brought me to Manala^ water brought 
me to Tuoni." 

Daughter of Tuoni. — " I can tell when a man lies. If water had 
brought you to Tuoni, your clothes would be dripping with wet." 

After this answer Vainamoinen told the truth, and Tuoni's 
daughter ferried him over, gave him meat and drink, and left him 

Now whilst he was sleeping, she netted a net of iron wire, and 
fastened it to a stone at the bottom, and drew it under the river 
and over the river, so that Vainamoinen should be caught in his 
sleep. But Vainamoinen, though very tired, slept lightly, and, 
when he knew what she had done, turned himself into a stone and 
lay at the bottom. However, the net caught him, when he turned 
himself into an eel, and slipped through the meshes. 

It's not often that any one escapes from Tuoni and Manala. 

So Vainamoinen went home, thinking and thinking about the 
Three Words, until he thought of Antero Vipunen, that old Ealava 
who had been dead for many years, and who could only be reached 
by going along a road made of the tips of needles, and the points 
of swords, and the edges of axes. 

So he went to lUmarinen, and told him to make an iron shirt 
and a crowbar of iron, "for I am going to Antero Vipunen, 
the old Ealeva." 

" Antero Vipunen has long been dead, and you won't get a 
word from him, nor yet half a word." 

However Vainamoinen went his way, and travelled along the 
road made of the tips of needles, and the points of swords, and 
the edges of axes, until he came to where Antero Vipunen lay 

An aspen had grown from his shoulder, and a birch from his 
temples, and an alder from his jaw, and a willow from his breast, 
and a hornbeam from his forehead, and a fir from his teeth, and a 
larch from his foot. 

The aspen tree that grew from Antero Vipunen's shoulder, and 
the birch from his temples, and the alder from his jaw, and the 
willow from his beard, and the hornbeam from his foreheadj and 


the fir from his teeth, and the larch from his feet did Vainamoinen 
chop up and throw down. He, then, drove bis crowbar through the 
n)oa]d into Antero Vipunen's mouth. Now Antero YipuDen ooold 
not swallow the crowbar, so he swallowed Vainamoinen instead. 
Vainamoinen is now in the stomach of Antero Vipunen, and be- 
thinks himself of what he can do. He takes off bis shirt, and out 
of the sleeves makes bellows, out of his breeches he makes the pipe, 
out of his stockings tlie mouth, uses his own knee as an anvil, his 
elbows for a hammer, and his little finger for tongs : and so sets to 
work in tlie bowels of Antero Vipunen, whereat the old Kalava 
breaks out in singing. He sings through nearly four hundred lines. 
He ends his song by spitting out Vainamoinen, who out of it has 
been lucky enough to pick the three words, and with these he re- 
turns to Illmarinen. 

'' Well, what has the good old man told you ? has he told you 
how to build the boat ? " 

** That is just what he has done," said Vainamoinen, '' and 
I'm now going to build it." 

The boat is built, and Vainamoinen is on his way to Fohiola, 
thinking of Louhi and the maiden with the scarlet hose. On his 
way he sails by a promontory, and there he sees the maiden Anni. 

Anni was Illmarinen's sister, and she was busy in the bucktub, 
washing her linen on the sea-shore. '' What s that in the distance ? " 
said she ; " it can't be a flock of geese, nor yet a swarm of fish, 
nor yet a rock ; it must be a boat, it must be Vainamoinen s." So 
she hailed the boat, and asked what the boatman wanted. 

" I have come," said Vainamoinen, ** to see how they catch 
salmon in Manela." 

" I know when a man tells a lie," said Anni ; '' when my father 
and grandfather went to catch salmon, they went with nets 
and spears." 

** I have come to see how they catch geese." 

" I know when a man tells a lie," said Anni, *^ it was not 
in a boat Uke that, tliat my father and grandfather caught geese." 

'' Come with me in a boat," said Vainamoinen. 

" If you'll tell no more lies I will," said Anni. 

So Vainamoinen told Anni the truth, and Anni went and told 
it again to her brother Illmarinen. — Illmarinen, who, as we know 


from previous story, was himself a wooer for the fair maid of 
Pohiola. So IlImariDen proposed to accompaDy VaiQamoinen, 
and Yainamoinen was fain to put up with his company. Before 
they started, Illmarinen provided himself with rich gifts of gold 
and silver, and it must he rememhered he was the younger man. 
They hoth arrived at the same time, and when Louhi saw them it 
was the old Yainamoinen whom she would fain have chosen for 
her daughter, hut the daughter chose for herself. Yainamoinen 
asked her to he his wife at once, and was at once refused. Illmarinen 
asked her also, and was told that she would live with him if he 
would do three things. There was a field fiill of snakes, and this 
field he must plough ; there was a wood full of bears and wolves, 
and these he must muzzle; there was a pike in the river of 
Tuoni which he must catch without tackle. All this he did, and 
told Yainamoinen that he had done it, whereupon the old smith 
hung down his head, taroed his hack, went homewards, and said 
these words: ''Sons of men, bom and unborn, do anything 
before you do business with Illmarinen. 

" Never swim a match, 
Never lay a wager, 
Never woo a maiden, 
With Illmarinen the smith.^ 

The story might now end, inasmuch as the three next cantos 
are devoted to a description of the marriage. The details, how- 
ever, are sufiiciently numerous, sufiSciently important, and suffi- 
ciently original to form a poem by themselves. They stand 
between what proceeds and what follows them, but they give us 
neither a breach nor a continuity. The wedding is celebrated in 
Pohiola, and it is Louhi who provides both the beef and the 
beer. There is no lack of either, but, on the contrary, a super- 
fluity of both. They have to kill an ox, but this ox is of such a vast 
size that they have to go far for the butcher. It reached from the 
Gulf of Finland to the Arctic Ocean, so that it must have over- 
shadowed all Finland and all Karelia. It was broad enough to 
stand with one foot in Lapland and one in Siberia. 

From the tip of one horn to the tip of the other a swift swallow 
might fly on a summer's day. 

From the root of the tail to the tufk at the end a squirrel could 
run in a mouth, resting for one night half-way. 


It was in Finland that the ox. was calved, and it was fed in 
Karelia. The tail swished Tavastaland ; the head touched Kemi : 
one foot was put-down in Olonets, another in Turialand; the 
third on the waterfall of Yuoksen, and the fourth in Lapland. 
The hutcher who can kill it is not to he found. 

Neither is it an easy matter to hrew the ale. They can 
get the hops, and they can get the malt; hut they can't get the 

The daughter of Louhi is told to send out a squirrel, but the 
squirrel is sent out in vain. She then sends out a martin, but the 
martin returns without the yeast, or, at any rate, without the 
means of making the brewing work. At last they send out a little 
bird named Mihilainen, who flies over nine seas, and half-way over 
a tenth, brings back some honey, and the ale is brewed. But 
it works so quickly, that no one vat, nor any ten vats will hold it; 
nor can it be held at all unless certain songs are sung by the 
company which has to drink it. So they apply to all the skilful 
singers, and, amongst them, to the old trusty Yainamoinen ; whose 
songs are effective. Meanwhile tbey take especial care not to 
ask the lively wicked Lemminkainen. 

Lemminkainen, however, comes uninvited. There is a great 
feast, and, after a time, Illmarinen is ready to go with his bride, 
and the bride seems only too willing to go with him. Her 
mother blames her for this, and then she is too much the other 
way. However, at the end, they start, reach Illmarinen's country, 
and have another great feast, which is prepared by Illmarinen's 

More episodic than the most episodic of their predecessors are 
the two next cantos — the seventeenth and eighteenth. They 
begin with the names Ahti and Eauko, each meaning the same 
person, and each, as we see in the sequel, meaning Lemminkainen. 

Ahti, however, Eauko, or Lemminkainen, who dwells on a pro- 
montory, is busy at the plough. No one has such quick ears as 
Ahti : so he hears what is going-on in Pohiola ; hears the sounds 
of messages containing invitations to a feast; hears the sound of 
the preparations for the feast itself; hears the names of many 
guests ; but fails to hear his own. So he mounts his horse, and 
goes home to his mother : " Mother, mother, make ready the meat, 
aud warm the bath ; I must eat and wash." So his mother made 



ready the meat and warmed the hath. ** Mother, mother, hring 
oat my harness." 

*' Whither wilt thon go ? to the wood, or to the sea, or to hunt 
the elk?" 

" Not to hnnt the elk, nor yet to the sea, nor yet to the wood. 
There is a wedding- feast in Pohiola, and I am not hidden to it." 

The mother now went far in her dissuasions, telling him 
of many dangers, hut of three most especially. The first was 
the cataract of flame ; the second was the island of fire in the 
middle of a fiery lake; the third was the snakes at the gates of 
Pohiola itself — gates which were of iron and which reached firom 
the earth to the sky. 

I can overcome all this," said Lemminkainen. 
But there are other dangers besides." 

Never mind, give me my harness; I look upon him as a man 
who can draw an arrow to the head on Lemminkainen s bow." 

"Be it so; hut when you drink empty only half the can." 

He started, and overcame the three difficulties ; not, however, 
without much detail, both in the way of action and of dialogue, 
and reached Pohiola. 

Lemminkainen. The bidden guest is welcome, but more wel- 
come still the unbidden one. 

Louhi, I am sorry to see you. The ale is still in the malt, the 
malt in the com. The wheaten bread has yet to be baked ; the 
meat to be boiled. It were better for you to have come a night 
sooner or a day later. 

But Lemminkainen would both eat and drink, and one of 
Louhi s maidens was told to bring him ale. She brought it in a 
double-handled can. There was water at the top, dregs at the 
bottom, and venom and snakes in the middle. But Lemmin- 
kainen took a probe of iron from his pocket, put it in the beer, 
and brought up hundreds of worms and thousands of black 
snakes. " Give me better ale than this." 

But Louhi called- up a heavy stream of water to overflow the 
room and drown Lemminkainen. 

Then Lemminkainen called up an ox to drink up the water 

Then Louhi called up a wolf to tear down the ox. 

Then Lemminkainen called up a white hare for the wolf to eat 
instead of the ox. 



Then Loabi called np a dog to kill the hare. 

Then Lemminkainen called up a squirrel to get on the dog's 

Then Louhi proposed that they should measure swords. The 
Pobiola weapon was no bigger than a grain of com, no longer 
than the line of dust under a finger-nail. 

The fight indoors only spoilt the doorposts. So they went out 
and continued the battle. They laid down a cow-hide, and on 
that they fought. The champion of Pohiola could not so much 
as draw blood. Lemminkainen, however, cut off his enemy's 
head at the first blow. 

A loud yell from Louhi now brought down upon Lemminkainen 
the whole host of Pohiola ; whereon he thought it better to go 
away. He got on his horse, and he rode home to his mother, sad 
in spirit, and with his head hanging down. 

'' Is it from drinking ? Is it women ? Is it a horse ?" 

** It is no horse ; no woman ; no drink. Get ready some meal, 
and let me have butter enough for the first year, and swine's flesh 
enough for the second. There are swords whetting, and lances 
gleaming. I ve killed a champion of Pohiola. Where, mother, 
can I hide ? " 

Mother. It is hard to hide. If you are a fir or a birch you 
may be cut down ; if you are a cloudberry or a bilberry you may 
be picked ; pike are not safe in the waters, nor bears in the wood. 

Lemminkainen. Whither can I go? Swords are whetting, 
lances gleaming. 

Mother. I know of one place, and one only ; but if I tell you 
where it is you must swear a strong oath that neither for silver 
nor for gold you will go to the wars for ten summers. So the 
son swore the oath to the mother. 

Then Lemminkainen pushed off his boat and went in search of 
the island. The maidens of the island welcomed him. There 
was not a town in the island, but what had ten houses. There 
was not a house in the island, but what had ten maidens. There 
was not a maiden in any house by the side of whom Lemmin* 
kaiuen did not sleep ; not one in ten, two in a hundred, or three in 
a tliousand. These were the only maids and wives of the island 
without a name whom Lemminkainen failed to please; indeed, 
there was only one with whom he failed. 


From town to town went Lemminkainen until he came to a 
town where there were men as well as maids. At last he saw no 
house in which there were not three rooms, no room in which 
there were not three fighting-men, no fighting-man who was not 
either sharpening a sword or whetting an axe. 

It is now time for the disappointed traveller to get hack to his 
hoat. But the hoat was a heap of ashes. 

He hnilds another and pnshes o£ The wind rises and, on the 
third day, he comes to an island. 

The boat. — Why was I built ? Ahti no more will go to the 
wars, neither for silver nor for gold ; not for ten summers. 

Ahti {Lemminkainen). — Do not grieve; you shall still see 
some battles. I will go to the war. 

So Ahti girded himself up for the war,, though he broke the 
strong oath he had sworn to his mother. ** Who shall I get to 
stand by my side — another man, another sword ?" He had heard 
of Tiero ; so he gets Tiero as a companion. 

The next rune I pass over sicco pede. Though, in Gastrin's 
analysis, connected with what follows, it has no necessary con- 
nection with any part of the story : being little more than a scene 
in the life of Eullervo an Estonian rather than a Fin hero. 

The next, however, gives us our old friends. 

Sorrow sat heavy on Ilmarinen. He wept much a-mom- 
ings, more at noon, most at night He was always plying his 
hammer, and he sought for gold and silver in the sea. Thirty 
loads of wood did he heap up, burnt them into charcoal, and 
smelted with it both his silver and his gold. His bellows, too, 
were always blowing. The thralls blew at them, and were never 
weary : the hired workmen blew at them fierce and fast. It's a 
wife of silver and gold that Ilmarinen will make for himself. 

But now the thralls blew lazily and the hirelings slowly : so 
that it is Ilmarinen himself who must blow. Once he blows. 
Twice hie blows. Thrice he blows. He looks along the bellows 
into the ashes of the charcoal and sees a sword — fair to see, bad 
to use. Every day it kills one man ; on some days two. The 
sight of such a sword gladdens the thralls, but grieves the master. 

And now Ilmarinen stirs the fire with his sword, and throws in 
of gold a capful, and of silver a hatful. The thralls blow well, 
but it is Ilmarinen who must go on with the blowing. He blows 



once, twice, thrice ; looks down the bellows ; sees a hbrae — fair 
to see, bad to use. The thralls are glad, bat the master sorry. 

Another capful of gold; another hatfol of silver; mora 
blowing by the thralls ; more by Ilmarinen. From this comes a 
yellow-haired maiden. It is now the thralls who grieve, and the 
master who is glad. 

But she has neither mouth nor eyes. These, however^ Ilma- 
rinen can give her. But he cannot give her speech. Yet she is 
fair to view : and Ilmarinen takes her to his bed. Sparks flash 
from the gold : sparks from the silver. " For whom will sach a 
wife as this do ? The old Vainamoinen will suit her, and her he 
shall have for his life." 

The first night the old Vainamoinen slept by the ride of his 
bride. The nei^t night he dressed himself in wooL He wore 
five — six folds of flannel, and two — three bearskins. For all this 
the bride froze him into ice. " Toung men," said the old Vaina- 
moinen, " never marry wives of silver and gold." 

Meanwhile Ilmarinen with sunken head and cap on one side 
betook himself to Pohiola for a wife of flesh and blood ; but the 
hostess of Pohiola only called him a blood-hound, an eater of 
raw flesh, and a drinker of warm blood. So he brought no 
wife thence ; but twisted his mouth, hung his head, shook his 
beard, and went homewards, when he met Vainamoinen. 

" What is the news from Pohiola ?" 

*' There is good living in Pohiola, for in Pohiola you may find 

Vainamoinen. Let us go and got it. 

Ilmarinen, It is hard to get : it lies in a rock of stone, in a hill 
of copper, with nine locks and nine bolts. Its roots stretch nine 
fathoms deep, one in the earth, one in the water, one on the 
brink of the sky. 

Vainamoinen, For all its hills, and all its locks, and all its 
bolts, and all its roots, we'll get it. Let us make a sword with a 
fiery blade for the dogs of Pohiola. 

So Ilmarinen set about the sword. He laid the iron in the 
fire ; the thralls worked at the bellows, the hired workmen blew 
with the bellows; the thralls blew without ceasing: the hired 
workmen blew quick ; until Ilmarinen, looking among the coals, 
saw a sword. He made for it a hilt of gold and silver and said to 


himself, "this sword suits the bearer." After this, he pat on a 
shirt of iron and a belt of steel, and said to himself, *' the shirt 
and belt suit the bearer." And now came the time for starting ; 
Vainamoinen said " Let us go by water." Ilmarinen said " Let 
us go by land." 

Whilst they were debating, Vainamoinen heard the voice of a 
boat, of a boat bewailing to itself: *'The house of the man is 
the longing of the maiden ; the billows of the sea are the long- 
ings of the boats. They said when they made me that I should 
be sent out to the wars. Worse boats than I go thither and bring 
back with them more than a king would earn in six — more than 
a smith in seven — summers. I was built by Vainamoinen and 
here I rot, with the worst of the grubs of the field in my planks 
and the worst of the birds of the air in my masts. Better be a 
fir-tree in the forest." 

Vainamoinen. If you are Vainamoinen's boat, you can fi'ee 
yourself from your moorings, and take to the sea, without the 
help of hands. 

Boat, Without hands neither I nor my brother boats can take 
to the sea. 

Vainamoinen. If I unmoor you, can you run without a 
steerer ? 

Boat. Neither I nor my brother boats can run without a 

Vainamoinen. If you are helped by oars and there is wind in 
your saib can you take to the sea ? 

Boat. I can take to the sea if there be wind in my sails and if 
I be helped by oars. 

So Vainamoinen unloosed (he boat, and sang for a crew. On 
one side was a crew of fair maidens, on the other a crew of bold 
bachelors. Vainamoinen steered at first, but after him Ilmarinen ; 
and, with Ilmarinen steering, the boat shot away like a swan, until 
it came to a promontory where Ahti was sitting, where Eanku 
was sitting. Now Ahti or Eanko was Lemminkainen, who, when he 
saw Vainamoinen and Ilmarinen, and heard they were after 
Sampo, joined in the search. 

The old Vainamoinen steers and steers until he comes to a 
waterfall ; and to the maiden of the waterfall he prays that she 
will let his boat force its way through the rock that lies before 


it He prays, too, to Ukko to let him pan onwaxd. However, tbe 
boat will not more on, and Vainamoinen moat think what it is 
that stops it It is not a stone, and it ia not a aand-bank ; it 
is a big pike, and the boat has ran agroond on its BbauMen, 
Lemminkainen sticks at it, bnt only breaks his sword ; Tlinarrnm 
does tbe same. Vainamoinen, however, digs into the flesh of the 
fi^h. After lifting it into the boat, he cries oat to his boatmstes, 
" Who is the oldest man amongst yon ? for he moat cat up the 
fish." Bat the boatmates cry oat to both the men and tbe 
women, '' Who's got cleaner hands than the fisherman himadf ? 
Let him cat ap the fish." 

So Vainamoinen cat ap the fish and said, *' What shall we do 
with his teeth ? " 

" What can we do with them ? '" said Ilmarinen, '* they axe bad 
at the best" 

" A skilfdl smith," said Vainamoinen, " might make a harp of 
them ; bat where is the skiUal smith ?" 

That was Vainamoinen himself. So he made a frame oat of the 
fir-tree, and the teeth of the pike he made into pegs. ^ However, 
a little thing was yet wonting — where shall they find a string ? 
They foand that in the tail of the horse of Hiisi. Now ''play on 
it some old man," bat no old man coald play on it. *^ Play on it 
some yoang man," bat no yoang man coald play on it Lemmin- 
kainen tried to play. Ilmarinen tried to play. Neither Ilma- 
rinen nor Lemminkainen coald play on it; so the old trusty 
Vainamoinen sends the harp to Pohiola, the kantel to Eolevala. 
Tbe hostess of Pohiola plays, the lads of Pohiola play, the 
lasses play, the bachelors play, the married men play. None of 
them, however, can bring oat a sweet sound ; and the old man him- 
self mast play. So he washes his thambs, and sits on the stone 
of glee, by the side of a silvery brook, on the top of a golden 
hill. And now the sounds flowed sweetly — the sounds from the 
teeth of the pike, the sounds from the tail of the horse of Hiisi. 
Not a boast in the forest but come to hear it, nor a bird in the 
air but it listened. The wolf awoke in its cave, and the bear 
danced on the heath ; the whole band of Tapio came to hear the 
sound, and Tapio's wife, with her blue stockings and her red 
shoe-strings, came to hear it Not a beast in the forest but came, 
not a bird in the air but it listened. The eagle flew down from the 


sky, the hawk from the cloud, the duck from the sea, and the 
swan from the river — all the little finches, thousands of larks, 
and tens of thousands of siskins. The maidens of the air came 
to hear it, and the sun and the moon listened. Not a living 
thing in the water but came to hear it ; and the fishes with their 
six fins listened. The salmon came, and the pike came, and the 
dog-fish came with them; and by hundreds and by thousands 
came all the little fishes. Ahti, with his grey beard, came to hear 
it, and his wife, who had combed her golden hair with a silver 
brush, listened to the sound of Vainamoinen's harp. 

No heroes were so stem of mood, and no women so tender- 
hearted, but they heard and wept Young cried, old cried, the 
bachelors, and even the married men, cried ; middle-age men, and 
youths, maidens, and little children all cried. At last Yaina- 
moinen cried himself, with tears as big as berries, and as number- 
less as the feathers of a swallow. They rolled from his cheek to 
his breast^ from his breast to his knee, from his knee to his 
ankle, from his ankles to his feet They wetted his five woollen 
jackets, his six golden belts, his seven blue shirts, and his eight 
flannel waistcoats. Down they rolled into the sea, and became 
pearls. "Who'll pick up my tears?" said Vainamoinen. No 
one picked up the tears of Vainamoinen. At last there came a 
blue duck, and the blue duck dived to the bottom of the sea, 
and brought up the tears of Vainamoinen. 

Vainamoinen was one, Ilmarinen another^ Lemminkainen the 

What's the news ? " said the hostess of Pohiola. 

We are come to take our share of Sampo," said Vainamoinen. 

"You cannot part a minever, nor yet halve a squirrel/' said 
the hostess of Pohiola. 

So Vainamoinen began to play on his harp, and the men of 
Fohiola fell asleep. He went on playing, and the bolts of the 
doors were moved. So Ilmarinen rubbed them over with butter» 
and pushed back the locks^ but he could not reach Sampo. 

He took an ox with a hundred horns — a beast with a thousand 
heads, and he ploughed up the ground till Sampo came in sight 

The old Vainamoinen was one, Ilmarinen was another, and 
Lemminkainen was the third* 



They put out their anns and laid bands on Sampo^ and took i( 

to the boat. 

" I know where to take it to/' said Yainamoinen. 

'^ Bat why don't you sing ? " said Lemminkainen. 

*' It's too soon for that," said Yainamoinen. 

The wind blew till it shook the boat, and the hostess of 
Pohiola awoke, and woke up her men. A thousand went to the 
oars, and a thousand set up the sails, and they all went after 
Yainamoinen. Lemminkainen ran up the mast^ and Yainamoinen 
asked him what he saw. '' I see hawks on the aspen-trees^ and 
eagles on the birches." 

'^ Don't tell lies," said Yainamoinen; ''but look again/' 

'^ I see a cloud from the north, a storm from the north-west'* 

'^ Don't tell lies," said Yainamoinen ; " look again." 

''I see," said Lemminkainen, ''the boats of Pohiola, with a 
hundred rudders, and a thousand oars; a hundred men whetting 
their swords, and a thousand men with their swords by their 

''Bow, mates, row; row Ilmarinen; row Lemminkainen; row 
one, row all." 

Yainamoinen took out his tinder-box and threw a bit of 
tinder over his left arm into the sea. "Bum, tinder, bum; bum 
all the boats of Pohiola." 

The hostess of Pohiola, the toothless old woman, now changed 
her shape. The oars became wings, the mdder became a tail^ 
and she and her boat became an eagle. 

I come to halve Sampo," said Yainamoinen. 
I come to take the whole of it," said the hostess of 

Ilmarinen cut at her three times with the sword, but could not 
wound so much as one of her claws. Lemminkainen cut at her 
too, but the hostess of Pohiola only said, " I pity your mother, 
to whom you promised that neither for silver nor gold would you 
go to the wars for ten summers." 

Yainamoinen cut at her too, and he left of her claws no more 
than a little finger. Down dropt the men into the sea; a hundred 
from the wings of the eagle, a thousand from the tail, ten from 
each feather, as the squirrel falls from the branch of a fir-tree. 
Down plumped Louhi herself. 



But she laid a finger on Sampo, and threw it into the sea. 
There it lies ; and the wealth of the sea is Sampo. Only a few 
hits were cast upon the shore, and from these came ploughing 
and sowing, and the wealth of the earth. A little bit only did 
the hostess of Pohiola keep, and this she took home, but the rest 
of Sampo is missing in Pohiola, and lost to Lapland. 

If a poem which consists in the narrative of an endless con- 
test between two series of immortal beings, who never know when 
they are beaten, can be said to ever have a natural ending, the 
Ealevala, as fetr as the epic's conditions of a beginning, a middle, 
and an end are complied with, may now be said to have come to 
its close. Yet we are far firom the termination of the book that 
bears that name. Gastrin, who (from the work which he has so 
well translated and which he has done so much to make known 
to the world at large) is our great authority, especially states 
that, where the contest between the powers represented by the 
hostess of Pohiola, and the powers represented by Yainamoinen, 
Ilmarinen, and Lemminkainen, comes to a conclusion, the true 
Ealevala ends. However, he carries it beyond the date of the 
event last noticed — t. e. the sinking of Sampo in the sea. 

With the sequelm to this the twenty-third canto begins, in 
which we may remark that none of the old heroes, except Vaina- 
moinen, plays any conspicuous part — no conspicuous part in the 
first instance at least — that we get a new name {Sampsa Peller- 
voinen) whose Christian name (so to say) is wonderfully like 
Sampo ; that we get more decidedly than heretofore into Ingria, and 
Estonia, rather than Finland Proper; and, finally, that a notable 
Christian element exhibits itself in the greater solemnity of some 
of the invocations and the use of the name Creator, which, 
though it has occasionally appeared in the previous runes, appears 
much more firequently in the forthcoming ones. 

So the old trusty Yainamoinen picks up from the sea-shore 
some bits of Sampo, and takes them to Sampsa Pellervoinen, 
perhaps the Eullervo of a previous rune. '' Sow and plough, 
and out of these will come wealth." So Sampsa Pellervoinen 
sowed and ploughed. Six sorts of seeds, seven kinds of firuit did 
he put in a squirrel-skin bag, and he sowed them until grass, and 
com, and trees of all kind grew — some ten, some a hundred. 


some a thousand fold. One tree alone would not spring 
and that was Ood s tree, the oak. 

He had prayed to Ukko. He had loosened the oxen of his ploagb. 
He had gone one night, two nights, three nights, and come back 
again, for as many days, to see whether the oak would grow. 

At last it grew too much for his good. It hid its bnuicbes 
amongst the clouds and its top among the heayens. It shaded 
and over-shaded the earth. It kept off the light of the moon. It 
kept off the warmth of the sun. The old troubles of cold and 
darkness had come upon Yainamoinen, Ilmarinen, and Ijemmin- 
kainen again ; and it was the Hostess of Pohiola that was the 
contriver of the evil. '' What can be done, if the oak cannot bo 
cut down ? Who can do it ? " said Yainamoinen. 

There came up a little man from the sea. He was (like the ox 
of the wedding-feast) not of the largest nor yet of the smallest 
He was a span in length ; and he was all clad in copper — copper 
his hat, copper his shoes, copper his gloves, copper everything. 

So he whetted his axe. Five stones from Estland ; six quem- 
stones ; seven grinding- stones — with these he whetted it. 

And he became a man — a big man. The small of his leg was 
a fathom; his knee-bone a fathom and a half; his hip three 
fathoms. One foot forward and he reached the strand. Another 
foot forward and he reached the field where stood the oak. One 
blow — sparks; two blows — sparks; three blows — the oak fell 
to the ground. Its twigs made arrows for the bowmen, and 
lucky was he who got for himself one of its leaves. Yainamoinen 
was glad. "Now let us plough and sow." What was sown 
grew, and Yainamoinen would fain have taken the light of the 
moon, and the warmth of the sun, and the seed of the field to 

But the Hostess of Pohiola had another arrow in her quiver ; 
and she locked up the moon in a rock, and the sun in a hill. 

''Do what ye can now with your ploughing and your sow- 
ing," said she. Besides this she sang songs that brought hail and 
snow, frost and rain, that charmed the birds of the air and the 
beasts of the field. Meanwhile, Yainamoinen prayed to Ukko. 

But Louhiatar helped Louhi, and bore nine sons — ten sons ; 
all at one birth. There was Fever, Gout, Colik, Ague, Plague, 


and their brethren. What can Yainamoinen do with these ? The 
sons of Yainos die under a strange ailment. A sadden sickness 
takes the Lnoto-folk. What can Yainamoinen do? He sits 
over his fire, makes a salve, and calls npon the Creator. 
" Is this a plague from the Creator, or is it a punishment ? " 
This is yery like what Antero Yipunen had said before, and not 
very unlike something in the Book of Kings. 

He also called upon Kiyatar, the mother of ailments, and hav- 
ing got all of them together, put them in a little pot, no bigger 
than the three fingers of a man, and pitched them into a hole 
in a rock. With this and with the salves he cast out the sick- 
nesses that the songs of Louhi had raised up. 

Still neither sun nor moon shone. So Yainamoinen bespoke 
Illmarinen (who now for the first time appears in these extraneous 
runes or cantos) and asked him to go up into the sky to look 
after these two great bodies and Charles's Wain. They went 
up and found a maid on a cloud. She kept watch over the 
fire ; but a spark had got away and gone downwards to the earth. 

Ilmarinen and Yainamoinen built a boat and went after it 
Sampsa Pellervoinen steered and it was over Neva up which be 
steered them. There they met the oldest of women — the mother 
of mankind; firom whom they learned that the spark had 
left Truris, Palvonen, Tuoni, and Manala and that it was in 
the Lake Aluejarvi that a perch had swam after, but a white-fish 
bad swallowed, it. A salmon had swallowed the white-fish, a 
pike the salmon. So Yainamoinen made a net, and prayed 
to Wellamo. The Sun's son came and helped them. 

" Shall I pull my best, or pull only for what is wanted ? " 

*' For what is wanted." 

So they set the net, and took a huge draught of fishes ; but 
the pike was not among them. Again they set it, and the pike 
was taken. In the belly of the pike they found the salmon ; in 
the belly of the salmon the white-fish ; in the belly of the white- 
fish a perch ; in the belly of the perch a blue ball of twine ; in 
the blue ball of twine the spark. But it was the gain of a loss. 
The spark blazed, and blazed — and burnt, and burnt, until all was 
well-nigh burnt up. Ilmarinen, however, was able to sing down 
the flames — the flames of Panu. 

The sun shone not; neither did the moon : and there was sor- 


row in the hearts of men. The fish knew the burrows of tbe deep, 
and the eagle knew the flight of the bird, and the wind knew 
which way the goose flew ; but when day, dawn, and night came in 
no man knew. The young thought and the men of the middle* 
age thought about the sun and the moon and Charles's Wain. 
So Vainamoinen went to the smithy (whether his or Ilmarin6n*8 
is not stated) and wrought at the forge, till the sweat ran from his 
brow, to make a new sun and a new moon out of silver and 
gold. And he made them : but they were of no more good than 
the wife of the same materials. They would neither shine with 
light, nor glow with warmth. 

" I must hie to Pohiola." 

On the third day he reached the waters of Pohiola. 

" A boat ! " 

But no boat came. So he whistled for a wind, and a wind 
took him over* 

" One foot from the stream to the strand," cried the crew. So 
Vainamoinen, with both his feet from the stream to the strand 
strode up. 

The crew. Now to the halls of Pohiola ! 

Pohiola 8 warriors. What does the rascal want here ? 

Vainamoinen. The sun and the moon. 

Pohiola 8 warriors. Measure swords, and let the longest strike 
the first blow. 

Yainamoinen's sword was the longer by a barley-corn, by a 
straw's breadth; and after cleaving the skulls of the warriors 
of Pohiola, he went to let out the sun and the moon. 

But there was a rock of iron with ten doors and ten locks. 
So he betook himself to Ilmarinen, and asked him to forge a 
grapple with three prongs, a dozen axes, and a load of keys. 
One day worked Ilmarinen— two days worked Ilmarinen. On 
the third day came a lark to him. 

The lark. Hear me, Ilmarinen, smith ! you are just a first- 
rate smith ; a hammerer without a match. 

Ilmarinen. I am this because I always look towards God as 
I forge and as I weld a lock for the wind and sky. 

The lark. But what is it you are forging now ? 

Ilmarinen. A ring for the necks of the hated women of 


So the Hostess of Pohiola flew away with a sad mind ; and 
when the morning dawned came again to the smithy of Ilmari- 
nen as a dove. " News ! The sun has come out of its rock ; the 
moon has got loose from the hill." So Ilmarinen looked up ; and 
when he felt the sun glowing and the moon shining broke forth 
into singing, " Old, and trusty Vainamoinen, come and see the 
sun and the moon." So Vainamoinen came, and with his song to 
the sun, ends the twenty-seventh rune or canto. 

With the song to the sun, Gastrin considers that the true 
Kalevala ends. In his translation, however, there are still five 
more runes ; of which all that can be said in the way of connec* 
tion and unity with what has preceded is that Vainamoinen ap- 
pears in them. 

Twenty-eighth rune. 

Old trusty Vainamoinen says to himself, ^'I must kill a 

He says much besides this; but the further details of his 
speech are unimportant as parts of the Kalevala, except so far as 
they give us a great number of mythologic names — Mielikki, 
Tellervo (-ffuUervo and Pellervoinen we have had before) Ohto, 
Tapio, and Tapiola, or Tapio s land. With these we find the 
name of the Creator. 

Twenty-ninth rune. 

Old trusty Vainamoinen says to himself, ^^I must make a 
barp," &c., &c. Ahti, Wellamo> and Ilmarinen appear in this 

Thirtieth and thirty-Jlrst runes. 

Old trusty Vainamoinen walks out and meets Joukahinen, who 
will not make way for him. They fight until Joukahinen's sister 
is promised by her brother to Vainamoinen. But the sister is re- 
calcitrant ; and the disappointment of the old trusty one is, among 
other details^ the result. 

Thirty-second rune. 
This is, at one and the same time, very scriptural and very un- 
scriptural. It is decidedly based upon the narrative of the birth of 
our Lord, and it is evidently successful in transforming it into 


something else. It can scarcely be translated without engendering 
the notion of a caricature ; indeed, how can it be otherwise in a 
poem, when by the side of Marietta (Mary) and Herodee (Herod) 
we have Tapio and Pillti with other incongruities to match ? 

With a few verses in the way of epilogue ends this remarkable 
poem consisting of nearly thirteen thousand lines. 

Those who love to discover the symbolic in the material may 
make out of it the antagonism between good and evil, between 
summer and winter, between light and darkness, between the Laps 
and the Fins ; between, in short, any two opposing elements of 
any possible dualism. Those, too, who love difficult InvestigationB 
and uncertain conjectures may tax their ingenuity in trying to 
find out what was meant by Sampo. It was, to a great extent, 
a mystery to Vainamoinen and Ilmarinen themselves, who, though 
they made and stole it, got but little use out of it. 

Some commentatators have thought it a talisman, some a mill, 
some this thing, some that. What it was, however, is doabtfiiL 
It was made out of a swan's feather, a fibre of wool, a grain of 
com, and bits of a broken distaff; to which some accounts add 
the milk of a cow. It ground a grist of three measures, 
one for the house, one for sale, and one for the granary. What 
it did to help the plougher and the sower we have already 

More instructive, because more intelligible than the inner 
meaning of the story is its outer history ; and it is one which 
the thousand- and-one still unborn commentators on the great 
Homeric poems will do well to attend to ; especially with a view 
to its essentially rhapsodic character ; rhapsodic being taken in 
its strict etymological sense and with a definite technical import 
By the skilful welding together of several isolated poems into a 
single mass, the Kalevala has become what may be dignified by 
the name of Epic ; to which, if we choose, we may prefix the 
terms great and national. Its dimensions justify the first, its 
language and locality the second of these respectable adjectives. 

The Wollfian doctrine of the rhapsodic character of the 
Homeric poems, had the existing state of knowledge been sufficient 
for the criticism, would scarcely have been paradox. As it was, it 
dealt with the Iliad and the Odyssey as ordinary epics; com- 


paring them only with those of Virgil, Tasso, Ariosto, Camoens, 
Ercilla, and Milton ; epics of which the single-handed authorship 
was a patent historical event, as clear as that of the authorship of 
Falconer s Shipwreck or Glover s Leonidas. The fact that was 
either not recognized or not promulgated was, the essentially rhap- 
sodic character of all known poems belonging to that stage of 
civilization to which the Homeric compositions are referred. 
With the recognition of this, the method, as well as the details, 
of the criticism wants changing : and it is not so much a question 
whether the facts in the structure of two wonderful poems justify 
the hypothesis that they arose out of the agglutination of rhap- 
sodies, but whether there is even a presumption against their 
having done so. 

The merits of the Ealevala will of course be different in the eyes 
of its different readers. They have had, however, ample justice 
done to them in more quarters than one. The poem probably 
has been more praised than read, though the readers of it have 
been numerous, and the imitators not a few. Indeed, whatever 
may be its demerits, it is essentially a readable poem ; this is be* 
cause, the narrative itself having enough of movement to stimu- 
late the reader's attention, its strange tenor makes it impossible 
for him to guess what will come next ; whilst the metre is short 
and pleasant, the images clear, the play of fancy pleasing. From 
the number of repetitions the poem seems shorter than it is. 

Of those who can read it with ease and pleasure in the original 
Fin, the number out of Finland is few. Neither does the pre- 
sent expositor belong to them, notwithstanding his criticism and 
his exposition. He can just spell his way through parts of it by the 
help of the Swedish translation of Castrdn ; but the recog- 
nized merits of this are so great that it may pass for a practical 
equivalent to the original. This is, in part, due to the author's skill, 
in part to the pre-eminent fitness of the Swedish language; 
which, though less vocalic than the Fin, is far more so than the 

We may substitute an illustration for a description, and — by 
a comparison which the reader anticipates — say that the Ealevala 
reads very like Longfellow's Hiawatha; or, rather, that Hiawatha 
reads very like the Ealevala. When the newer poem of the two was 


first published a good deal was said about tbe resemblance ; and it 
may be added that something was left unsaid. That Hiawatha wis 
in any respect a plagiarism irom the Fin poem was one of the 
laxest of charges, though one that was made. The answer, on 
the other hand, that it was a collection of genuine Indian legends 
was anything but a sufficient one. That the Kalevala saggesied 
the Hiawatha, no one who has read the two poems can doubt 
The relation, however, between the two poems was this. It was 
as if, during the time of the sensation created by Maopheraon's 
Ossian, some French poet had visited England, read Temora, and 
worked up some Breton legends into a poem with an Ossianio 
character; the form of the poem being suggested aliunde^ the 
matter original ; the form being from Scotland, the matter from 
Brittany. There would have been no plagiarism, and there would 
have been no absolute originality, of which the most original 
poets know that there is less anywhere than the world imagines. 

That Lonrot is no Macpherson, and that the Kalevala is ht 
more of an ancient Fin poem than Ossian is an old Gaelic one is 
admitted by his countrymen, who, notwithstanding the bias that 
may be given to their criticism by their nationality, are, upon the 
whole, the best judges. It might not be so if the Fin language 
were as well-known to the learned men of Europe as the Latin 
and Greek, or even as the Slavonic ; but, as matters stand, their 
authority must stand for what it is worth — and something more- 
It has not been received without criticism. On the other hand, 
it must be remembered that, unlike Ossian, the Kalevala made its 
first appearance in the original tongue. 

.The Kalevala is essentially rhapsodic. Neither is it without 
its repetitions. Not to mention the re-appeorance of certain 
words and certain formulco, there is more than one narrative which 
seems to be (if not i\ie facsimile) the reflex of some other. Tbe 
forging of the sun and moon out of silver and gold is, 
apparently, a recast of Ilmarinen s wife out of the same materials 
— or vice vers A, 

The inner meanipiff ^io use an expression which is in a fiur 
way of passing into a hazy platitude, but one which is still con- 
venient — will, probably, be a mystery to the end of time ; and the 
more we look to any single principle for its solution the further 


we shall be from it The poem is not a uniform whole, nor is the 
evidence of its separate elements being referable to a single 
source, satisfactory. The conflict between light and dark- 
ness as a dualism of oue sort, and the conflict between 
the Fins and the Laps as a dualism of another, may each be 
true to a certain extent. Neither, however, nor both com- 
bined, will cover the whole ground. Even Sampo itself, 
whatever we may make of it, will carry us but a short way. 
To the main elements of the poem there is much superadded, 
and of these additions the character is miscellaneous and hetero- 
geneous. Individually, I look for some of its important consti- 
tuents in the South rather than the North ; among the Slavonians 
the Lithuanians, the Livonians, and the other occupants of the 
southern coast of the Baltic rather than in Lapland or even in 
Finland Proper. 

A remark of Sjogren's upon the Ziiianian mythology, or 
i*ather upon the Zirianian want of one, is, if not absolutely accu- 
rate, suggestive. It is to the eflfect that, instead of a vast mass of 
the original paganism underlying their present Christianity, as is 
the case of the Fins and Estonians, the Zirianians have but few 
remains of their ancient mythology. The fact, itself, though likely 
enough, is probably exaggerated, resting chiefly on our want of 
minute information on an obscure subject. Hence, we may reason- 
ably expect, that when properly looked for, more will present itself 
than has hitherto been found. Be this as it may, the explanation 
suggested by Sjogren is, that in Finland Protestantism was a 
form of Christianity uncongenial to the Fin mind, and that, 
coming as it did before the Gospel had taken a thorough root in 
the country, it arrested rather than favoured the development of 
Christianity. Protestants are, of course, slow to believe that their 
own creed is not, at all times and under all circumstances, the best. 
If, however, they can get over such an obstacle as this, the sug- 
gestion under notice has a fair amount of facts to recommend it. 
The Fins took their Protestantism from Sweden, and, after once 
adopting it, held it with the resolute obstinacy in which their 
strength of character shows itself. But it could scarcely have 
come home to them as it came home to the countrymen of Luther, 
to the Swedes, or to the English ; and it could scarcely have 



appealed to their intellect in the way that it appealed to the ia« 
tellect in France, Poland, or Hungary. 

It is easy to see that a poem like the Ealevala, is not withoni 
its political import. In almost every part of the Continent, there 
is ^'hat is called a language-question ; and though there is less 
of one in Russia than in most other conntries, there is still a 
language- question even in Russia. In Poland, this is notoriouflly 
the fact ; whilst in Gallioia it is the Russian langaage itself whi^ 
is aggrieved, the Russians under Austria heing neither willing to 
learn German nor ready to subordinate their own form of the 
Slavonic to the Polish. 

In Finland, the language-question is in its rudiments. Nevei^ 
tlieless, it is, to some extent, a question. The Swedish is, in 
Finland, the language of commerce and literature ; and, until the 
Russian conquest of Finland, it was this without a rival. It has 
been the policy of Russia, however, to create a native feeling, 
I. e, a feeling for Finland and the true Fins as against Sweden and 
the mixed Swedes. The encouragement of the Fin languages 
and the native philologuos has been one of the means for 
effecting this ; and it would be well if all other steps towards 
similar objects were in an equally praiseworthy direction. Fin 
philology has now risen to the dignity of a separate study ; and 
the Fin philologues i'orm a special school of great merit. How 
far they are Russians rather than Swedes is another question. 

How far is the whole country Russian ? In the ethnographical 
map of tlie Grand Duchy, five colours represent five divisions of 
the population ; (1.) the Karelian ; (2.) the Tavastrian ; (3.) the 
Quain ; (4.) the Swede \ (5.) the Fin and Swede mixed. 

Of these, the Karelians cover by far the largest area. They 
cover all the inland districts and extend into the Governments of 
Oloucts and Arkangel. Viborg, too, is allotted to them ; though 
it has been suggested that, on the southern frontier, and within 
the Russian Governments of Novogorod and St. Petersbuigh, 
a slight mixture of h}'pothesis connects itself with the term 
Karelian. Though spread over a vast surface, the Karelian popu- 
lation is thin and scanty. 

The Tavastrian division belongs to the south-western parts of 
the Duchy ; but it touches the Baltic only between 60° 80" and 
02® N. L. — there or thereabouts. This means that between the 


southern frontier and the Gulf of Finland on the one side, and 
between 62'' and 64** on the other, there is a strip marked simply 
Swedish, The towns of Abo, Helsingfors, Nystad, Vasa, Gamla 
Karlabj, and Uleaborg, are included in these purely Swedish 
districts ; at the back of which, in the southern division, a few 
isolated spots are marked as mixed. 

The Quains are the Fins of the Swedish frontier, and it is the 
Fins of the Quain division that extend into Sweden. In the 
Bussian map they are, of course, carried up to Tomea ; whence 
they extend as far south as 62% their area being irregular. The 
exact characteristics, however, of the Quains, as opposed to the 
Tavastrians and Karelians, like those of the Tavastrians and 
Karelians, have yet to be exhibited in detail, and run the 
gauntlet of criticism. 

In a paper of Koppen's we find a comment on this map ; though 
the terms are somewhat different. Eoppen, treating the Karelians, 
Tavastrians, and Quains as simply Fin, gives us the following 
table : — 

Fins (pure) 1,102,068 

Swedes 136,612 

Fins and Swedes (mixed) . . . 129,520 
Bussians and Fins (mixed) • . 43,752 
Germans 363 


Since the date of this notice (1842), the population has 
increased, so that 2,000,000 is not too high a number for the 
present population of the Duchy, including the Aland Isles; 
which, like Abo, Helsingfors, and the towns, belong, in language 
at least, to the Swedish portion of it. 

The Germans of Finland are all in the province of Yiborg ; 
the Bussians lying to the north and north-west of Lake Ladoga. 
It is in these Busso-Fin districts that the few exceptions to the 
general prevalence of Lutheranism throughout the whole of Fin- 
land are to be found : these being the occupancies of the Fin- 
landers of the Greek Church. They are Karelian ; and are simply 
in the same category with the Karelians of Arkangel and Olonets, 
t. e. Fins who took their Christianity from Bussia, just as the 
Fins of the Grand Duchy took theirs from Sweden. 

The Laps of Bussian Lapland fall into two divisions, (1.) those 

P 2 


of the Dnchy of Finland, and (2.) those of the GrOTemment of 
Arkangcl. The fonner begin to show tbemselTes about 65^ 3(r 
N.L., and occupy, in conjunction with the most northem fin- 
landers, the four parishes of Ennsamo, Sodankylft, Utsjoki, and 
Kemiirask, to which Muonioniska and Enontekis, helouf^ing to 
Swedish Lapland rather than to Finland Proper, may be added. 
In all these districts the Fins are intmsiTe ; but in all of them, 
the two populations intermarry, so that every year the blood 
becomes more and more mixed. 

How far the Lap area originally extended soathwards, is 
uncertain. As late as the middle of the thirteenth century it is 
believed to have reached the centre of the Grand Dnchy. If 
this were the case, it may at an earlier period have reached the 
Gulf of Finland. Whether it ever stretched so far towards the 
cast as to have run round the southern extremity of the White 
Sea and have touched or even crossed the Dwina is a still more 
complex question. It was invaded> however, from the earliest 
times and on all quarters— probably by the Zirianians or Permians ; 
certainly by the Karelian Fins, on the east ; certainly by the Quain 
Fins on the west. In the wake of the Earelians came the 
Bussians; with the Quains the Swedes. With the Bussians came 
the Cliristianity of the Greek, with the Swedes the Christianity 
of the Latin, Church : and it was the parts about Tomea that 
the two influences met. 

Of an imperfect Christianity sporadically introduced by the 
Karelians, of Russian and Greek origin, there are very early 
traces. The great time, however, for the chief Russian mission- 
aries was the sixteenth century. Then it was that tlie first 
monastery in Russian Lapland was founded by Trifon, a monk 
from Novogorod, of which the small town of Kola on the very 
edge of the Arctic Ocean was the seat. 

Tn£ PEBMIANS. 213 


The PennianB and Zirianians.— The Votlaks.— The Volga Fins.- The 
Taherimis.— The Mordvins.— The Tshuyash.— The Biaermana. 

The Permians are the aborigines of the Government of Perm ; 
the Zirianians of that of Vologda. Such^ at leasts is the rough 
view of them ; though their limits are not exactly defined in the 
statement There are Permians and Zirianians beyond these two 
OovemmentSy and there are within the two Governments popula- 
tions other than Permian and Zirianian. 

The distinction, too, is political rather than ethnological ; since 
the dififerenoe between the two populations is slight; neither do 
they themselves recognize it. They call themselves Komimurt : 
and speak dialects of the same language, which, though separated 
from the true Fin by the intrusion of the Bussian, is closely allied 
to it — or, at least, is closer to it than are the Vogul, the Ostiak, 
the Samoyed, and the Lap. 

The Permians have long been Christianized, and differ from 
the Bussians much as a Welshman differs from an Englishman ; 
in other words, their civilization is the same. They build and 
dress after the Bussian fashion, work steadily at their mines, and 
are little more than the Fins of the far east. At the same time, 
they have fallen-off in numbers. 

The Zirianians are somewhat less industrial than the Per- 
mians, being the occupants of the forest rather than a mining 
district. Still, in the south they are greatly Bussianized. Be- 
yond, however, the tree-line their character changes and their 
habits are more unsettled. Even in the south, they are hunters. 
In the parts about Obdorsk (for their area reaches the Arctic 
Sea) they meet the Ostiaks and the Samoyeds; and in the 
parts about Ishim there is a long line of Samoyed frontier, 
of which *a considerable part is a debateable land. The fol- 


lowing conYersatioDB between Gastrin and certain optimist 
Zirianions illustrate the views of these outlying memberB of the 
more civilized divisions of the Fin family. "I believe in God — " 
said the interlocutor — " and I believe that nothing is done 
without his leave. The Zirianians have gotten many of the Sa- 
moyed reindeer : but it is by the will of God. The Devil has 
something to do with it ; for the Devil has a hand in everything. 
You who are a Tartar do not believe this ; but so it is. God 
made the earth in six days : but the Devil mixed poison with the 
juices of the plants, and put snakes in the grass. He pat, too, 
the pike amongst the fishes. But God protected the fishes, and 
marked their heads with the sign of the cross. What God wills 
we must do. We have gotten the herds of the Samoyeds : hot 
for the Samoyeds we have done great things. Before we came 
they offered sacrifices to trees, and knew no more than dogs and 
stone*foxes. We have taught them how to take fishes and hunt 
with guns. We were sent as teachers. It has pleased God to 
give us their herds, and they are our servants. When they become 
good Christians, God, in his mercy, will give them back their 
reindeer, and all will go well with them." 

Another view was — that the ways of men are many : here and 
everywhere. There are bad men among the Zirianians, and 
good men among the Samoyeds. The bad Zirianians rob the 
good Samoyeds. But this is for their good. It is we who have 
the most to complain of. The wrongs to the Samoyeds were 
done long ago. They, now, break into our grounds and steal our 
reindeer. When they are all driven off the tundra there will be a 
good time. 

Another. It is good for tlie Samoyeds that we take their 
reindeer. We make shammy leather, sell it to the Bussians, and 
buy meal and wares. We make the most of the reindeer, and it 
is right that we should have them. 

All this tells us that we have left the land of the horse and 
cow. In a Zirianian caravan, with which Gastrcn travelled, 
there wew one hundred and fifty sledges; in ten divisions 
of fifteen each. Each sledge had two reindeer, and was attached 
to the one before by a long rope ; and each division had a man 
at the head in a light sledge drawn by three or four reindeer. 

The early history of the Permians has long commanded attention. 


It IS well-known that in ono of the earliest Arctic traders we have a 
notice of them. It is contained in the narrative of Other, which 
was taken and recorded by King Alfred; and which has come 
down to us in Alfred's own Anglo-Saxon. Other narratives give 
us the first account of Biarmaland; which, like Finmark or Nor- 
wegian Lapland, was the occupancy of a population of Fin blood ; 
but a population belonging to a more civilized division of the 
stock. Word for word Biarmaland is Permia. That these 
Permians and the Zirianians are exactly the descendants of the 
old Biarmalanders (notwithstanding the identity of name) is not 
quite certain. The presumption is in favour of their being so. 
At the same time many competent authorities look upon them as 
Proper Fins— Fins akin to those of the Government of Olonets 
and Arkangel, who» in the time of Alfred, had extended them- 
selves to the Dwina and its mouth. Among these Biarmalanders, 
however. Other was afraid to trust himself; so that he did not 
land. Some of them, however, came aboard his ship, and held 
converse with them. Their language was sufficiently like that of 
the Fins to be nnderstood. 

The original extent of the Eomimurt area has been investi- 
gated by Sjogren. In all inquiries of this kind the first step is nn 
easy one. Take up a map, and pick out the local names which are 
other than Russian : they will be Ugrian, numerous or scanty — 
according to the particular district under notice. Then begin the 
difficulties. Are they Fin Proper, or Lap ? Are they Estonian^ 
or Votiak ? Are they Zirianian^ or only referable to some form 
of speech belonging to the class in which the Zirianian is con- 
tained ? Oportet discentem credere; in pursuance to which I give 
the approximate boundaries of the old Komimurt area as I find 
them. Northwards they approached to the Arctic Circle, probably 
by encroachment upon the Laplanders and Samoyeds. East- 
wards they reached the Obi; much of the country which now 
belongs to the Voguls, having, originally, been Eomimurt. Due 
south, the situs appears to have been much as it is at present, the 
exact details between the Permian and Votiak frontiers being un- 
important. For the south-west, on the other hand, they are full 
of interest. In the Governments of Kostroma, Vladimir, Yaroslav, 
and (?) Tver, Sjogren finds traces of the original occupancy having 
been Eomimurt; and, what is of more interest still, he suggests 
that Moscow was Eomimurt also ; Moscow, which, according to 


Zirianian accouDt, became Russian in the following mannOT. A 
chief got leave to take as much land as he could compass with a 
cow's hide— we know the rest. It is the old, old story of Dido and 
the Numidiaus, of Hengist and the Britons, of the Saxons and 
the Thuringiaus, and, doubtless, of many others besides. It is 
noticed here, because it applies to Moscow, and because it is 

The little town of Ustvymsk in the circle of Yarensk, with 
about 200 houses, is the centre to which we must trace the Chris- 
tianity of Fermia and Ziriania : Utsvymsk the small and shrunken 
metropolis of the great Bussian missionary Saint Stephanas. 
Here he is believed to have reduced the Permian language to 
writing, and, upon the Old Slavonic as a basis, to have formed 
the Permian alphabet. Of this, two or three imperfect repre- 
sentatives are extant. Of the matter which it embodied we have 
less. Three short inscriptions on stone and a fragment of four* 
teen letters in MS. are all that has yet been found — found, bat 
scarcely decyphered and translated : indeed one of the inscriptions 
has been destroyed by fire. 

A fragment of a translation of the liturgy of St Ghrysostom 
in Slavonic characters, represents the literature ; the fisite of the 
remainder being doubtful. Sanguine students indulge in the hope 
that, some day or other, it may be found. The credulous fear that 
it has been burnt, whilst the sceptical suggest that its original 
importance may have been exaggerated. 

In the Government of Viatka, the Votiaks (or as they call them- 
selves the Udmurt) stand in the same relation to the soil as the 
Permians do to that of Permia. And to the Permians they are 
near congeners ; though I doubt whether the two languages are 
mutually inteUigible. Like the Zirianians, they live in clearings 
of the forest: keep themselves more free from Russian inter- 
mixture than the other Ugrians : retain much of their original 
paganism — especially in the northern portion of their area. On 
the south they come in contact with the Bashkirs, and have, in a 
few instances, adopted Mahometanism. They are said to ap- 
proach the true Fins very closely, both in temperament and in 
physical conformation. 

A Votiak village contains from twenty to forty houses. It 
covers a clearance in the forest, the wood being left in its natural 
condition on the boundary. This isolates the Votiak villages, so 


that they lie as the old German ones did — with wastes and wood- 
lands between them. When the ground of a settlement has 
become exhausted by cropping, the occupants leave it and migrate 
' elsewhere, sometimes making the old place over to other settlers. 
The house is of wood, scarcely different from that of the Russians ; 
or rather the Russian house is like the Votiak — the style of build- 
ing being, in all probability, indigenous. The men dress like the 
Russians, the women only preserving the old costume. The ma- 
terial for their cap is the white bark of the birch-tree, with a band 
of blue linen round it, and adorned in the front with silver orna- 
ments — often coins. This fashion we shall find amongst the 
Tshuvashes — the fashion, I mean, of using pieces of money as 
decorations. Then there are streamers of white linen flowing and 
floating over the back and shoulders, with red fringes and em- 
broidery along the borders. This head dress is the aishon. If 
a stranger sleep in the house, the aishon will be worn all night 
as well as all day, since it is decorous to keep the head covered^ 
indecorous to let down the hair. The shirts and shifts, too, are 
more or less embroidered. 

The tribimal organization, so characteristic of the Turk stock, 
appears in a modified form amongst the Votiaks, who are specially 
stated to retain their original division into tribes and families, 
and to give the names of these to their villages. Their noble 
families, however, are, for the most part, extinct. 

The three populations that now follow live on the drainage of 
the Volga. All occupy, more or less, portions of the Oovem- 
ments of Kazan. All come in contact with a Tartar population. 

The first two are unequivocally Ugrian in language — whatever 
they may be in blood. The Tshuvash language, on the other 
hand, is held by some to be more Turk than Fin. 

The most northern of these are the Tsherimis, amounting 

In the Government of Viatka to 

Viatka to . . . 


Kazan .... 


Fermia . . • 


Nizhnigorod . . 


Kostroma . . . 


Orenburg . • . 



218 TnE TSHERIMia 

Some of them ore pure pagans ; the majority being bat im- 
perfect and approximate Christians ; retaining, under the suiiaoe 
of their later creed, most of the essentials of their original 

The Tsherimis have been more nomadic than Uiey are at 
present; hunters, perhaps, rather than herdsmen, doring the 
earliest period of their history. At present, however, they are 
agricultural, settled, and more or less industrial. Their villages 
are said to be smaller than those of the Yotiaks and Tshnvasb, 
and perhaps they are more sequestered. At the same time they 
are^ regular villages, with the village organization of a head-man 
or elder for the settlement of disputes and for their simple l^s- 
lation. There are houses, too, which approach the Boaaian 
standard of comfort ; with property on the part of the owners to 

The great Votiak festival was that of the Keremet ; and the 
Keremet also is the great Tsherimis one. It is at the time of the 
Keremet that there are meetings under the ordinance of a priest 
in the holier ports of the forest, when offerings of animals are 
made to the bad, of flowers to the good, demons. The following 
is a Tsherimis hymn :— 

1. May Qod give health and happiness to him who offers a ncrifice ! 

2. To the children who come into the world, give, O Yuma, plenty of gfood 
things— gold, bread, cattle, and bees ! 

3. During the new year, make our bees to swarm and give much honey. 

4. Bless our chase after birds and after beasts. 

5. Give us our fill of gold and silver. 

6. Make us, Tuma, masters of all the treasures bnricd in the earth, all orer 
the world I 

7. Grant that, in our bargains, wc may make three times the value of cor 

8. Enable us to pay our tribute. 

9. Grant that, at the beginning of the spring, our three sorts of eattle may 
find their ways back by three different paths, and that we may keep them from 
bears, from wolves, and from robbers. 

10. Make our cows with calf. 

11. Make our thin kinc fatten for the good of our children. 

12. Enable us with one hand to sell our barren cowi, and with the other to 
take the money. 

13. Send us, Yuma, a true and trusty friend ! 

14. When wo travel far, preserve us, O Yuma, from bad men, from aickncsf, 
from fools, from bad judges, and from lying tongues! 

15. As the hop grows, and throws out his scent, so, Yuma, grant that i^e 
may wax strong through goodness, and smell sweet from reason ! 


16. As the wax sparkles in burning, so let us, Tama, lire in joy and 

17. Let our existence be as calm and regular as the cells of a honeycomb. 

18. Grant, Yuma, that he who asks may obtain the object of his prayer ! 

When this prayer is finished, the head, heart, lungs, and liver 
are offered up to the deity to whom it is addressed; another 
prayer being said by the officiating minister alone. Then they 
eat and pray again. This is kept on for three days. WheD all is 
over, the bones, entrails, and such parts of the sacrifices as have 
not been consumed, are burnt, the fire having never been 
allowed to go out during the whole festival. 

Though he delights in the flesh of the horse, the Tsherimis 
abominates that of the hog ; and this even where his habits are 
unwarped by any influence from his Tartar neighbours. 

The next name makes its first appearance in Jomandes ; who 
mentions the nation of the Mordvins as one of the tributaries to 
the great Hermanrio. In Porphyrogeneta their land is called 
Mordia. It lay one day's journey from Bussia; ten from the 
country of the Petshinegs. The name again appears in Nestor. 

In 1104, Yaroslav Swiatieslavitsh attacked the Mordvins, and 
was repulsed. Somewhat later a portion of them was reduced. 

Containing, as it did, some of the most fertile tracts in 
Russia, the Mordvin country, nimium vicina Cremonm, was 
one of the first which came under the dominion of the Mongols ; 
and when the Mongol Empire was broken up, the whole, or 
nearly the whole of it, became comprised in the Khanate of 
Kazan. When this became Russian, the Mordvins became 
Russian also : though, during the time of the Khans, they had, 
more than once, joined the Tsherimis and the Tartars in their 
contests against their encroaching neighbours : their chief weapon 
being the bow. They used it with the usual skill of nomads and 
huntsmen. But this is a character which has loug been laid aside. 
The Russians themselves are no better agriculturists than the 
present Mordvins : who, like their neighbours, the Bashkirs, are, 
also, great bee-masters. The Russians themselves, except in a 
few districts where the original paganism still keeps its ground, 
are no better Christians. Indeed, except that there is no mining, 
and no nautical industry (deficiencies arising from the physical 
condition of their country, rather than from any want of aptitude 
on the part of the occupants), the present civilization of the 
Mordvins is on the high level of that of the Permians and the 



Finlanders. The Russian language is generally anderetood; 
though the Mordvin is the more familiar one. Jjastly, their 
numbers appear to be on the increase. The detaib in 1844 rcn 
thus: — 

In the GoYemment of Penza . . 

Simbirsk • 
Saratov • 
Samar • . 
Tambov • 
Orenburg . 
Tauris . . 
Astrakan . 












In Tauris and Astrakan they are recent inmiigrants. 

They fall into three divisions, the Ersad (? "Aof o-oi), the Moksha, 
and the Karatai ; this last being, by far, the smallest. 

The Tshtivash, if tlicy differ from the Tartars in nothing else, 
differ in creed ; being Christians rather than Mahometans. They 

In the Government of Kazan 



• Oreuburg 











and are an increasing population. In Kazan, where they ore the 
most numerous, their number nearly equals that of the Tartars ; 
>vho amount to about 308,571. The names by which they desig- 
nate themselves are Vereyal, Kliirdeyal, and Vyres. The Tsheri- 
niis call them Kurkmari or UiU-mep^, the Mordvins Wiedke. 
Tshuvash, itself, I take for a Tartar word. 

That the Tshuva»h ore Cliristians rather than Mahomotaus has 
jubt been stated-- and it is all that can well be said. 


That their Christianity is nomiDal, and that it is dashed not only 
with pagan but with Mahometan elements, is made evident by 
the following short sketch of their Pantheon. 

Siildi Tom is the God above ; a kind God who lives in the sky, 
which he leaves only when he visits the earth on Fridays : when 
he descends to see whether any one breaks that day of rest by 
working. He has as many names as functions. One of them is 
Syuda-tuvny Torhy or the God who makes Light : another, 
Tshon shoradan Tora, or the Soul-maker; another, Sir-shU' 
askshe, or the Father of Land and Water; another, Mun Torit, 
or the Great God ; another, Mun Yra Torhy or the Great Good 
God. He has a mother, a wife, children, and several subordinates : 
such as Toryn-uvynsthe-siirdnt or the Forerunner ; Alyh ozhan^ 
the Boor-shutter y PiilukSy the Messenger: the last being the 
term for an AngeL 

Asia-adi Tora, is the Grandfather; Kebe, the Judge; Pig- 
amber, the Hearth-God; Pereget, the Giver of Wealth or 
Luck. Khvely Tor a is the Sun God ; Oikh Tor a, the Moon 
God ; and Sily Tora, the Wind God. 

Of the Terrestrial Deities, the chief are Syol Tora, the Way 
God; Kily Tdra, the House God; Kardy Tdra, the Barn 
God; Wurman T6ra, the Wood God, and Sirdi Patsha, the 
Lord of the Earth. 

In Shoitan, or Satan, and Keremet Esrel, the Angel of Death, 
we see Turk elements; as (indeed) we see them in Patsha:=: 
Pasha. But Shoitan is, to a great extent, superseded by Keremet; 
the Tshuvash analogue of the Jewish Satan in his character of 
Fallen Angel. Keremet was, originally, a being of equal power, 
knowledge, and beneficence, whose delight it was to traverse the 
world below, and to confer blessings on mankind. He would be 
doing this at the present time, had not Shoitan instigated some 
wicked men to murder him. This they did : and, having burnt 
his body, they gave the ashes to the winds. But the winds let 
them fall on the ground, and wherever they fell up sprung trees : 
and with these trees Keremet came to life again — but with a new 
and a bad disposition. He was, now, as malicious and mischie- 
vous, as he had once been kind and gentle. At first he haunted 
the woods ; but, when the woods decreased, he took the clearings 
and the villages ; so that, now> every village has its Keremet 


Yirikh is the god who oanses the chief bodily ailments ; and 
when these develope themselves it is the Tshayash habit to have 
recourse to the conjuror rather than the physioian. A priTate 
offering, in a comparatively quiet manner, suffices for their cure. 
The great festivals, however, at the beginning and at the end of 
harvest are more imposing. It is hard, however, for a stranger to 
observe them. The following is one of the few aocounts we have 
of them. 

It was near the village of Iseneva, on tlie side of a forest of 
oak-trees, that Lepechin, towards the end of the last century, 
when the superstitions of the Tshuvash were much more vigorous 
than at present, witnessed a Keremet sacrifice. It began as early 
as nine in the morning, and was unfinished at four in the after- 
noon, when his patience gave way, and he left the Yonse — for that 
is the name of the Seer, Wizard, Medicine-man, or Shaman in 
these ports — still muttering invocations and exorcisms. When he 
reached the appointed spot there was a kettle on the fire ; fonr 
old men, who proved to be the chief officiators; and a great 
number of oxen, sheep, and cocks and hens. Whilst the by- 
standers hung their heads in respectful silence, the four old men, 
having prayed to Tora, and having waited until a row of buckets 
was filled with water, submitted the cattle and poultry to an ordeal 
by water. They dashed it on them suddenly, and noted such as 
ran away startled, and such as stood stupidly quiet The latter 
thoy spared ; inasmuch as it was held that animals of this temper 
were not received favourably by Tora. The others, which were 
huddled together in a heap, were then slaughtered; and their 
flesh boiled. But the bones, head, and bowels, were put by in 
rush baskets for burning. This took place after the feast on the 
flesh was over, when the ashes were given to the winds. As for 
the feathers of the birds — they are sown broadcast over the fields. 

At the richer sacrifices, gold and silver coins are added to the 
offerings of the poultry and cattle. The modem Tshuvashes re- 
place them by brass and copper ores. They also substitute little 
images for the sheep and oxen. 

The Tshuvash Hades is a re-production of the world of our 
present state; and, when a man dies, his friends put tobacco 
pipes, and drams in his grave, celebrating (not without festivities) 
the anniversary of his death. 


A hundred and sixty beams I earned : 
A room I built. 
Twelve windows I made in it ; 
Out of two windows I looked myself. 
At ten windows, sit ten young maiddns. 
The first time they looked out, 
The second time they laughed. 
I went from village to village, 
Never found a grown-up maiden. 
In one village I saw a nudden, 
But I had no money : 
*' Come with me,'* I would have said 
But I had not the heart to say it. 


I went from wood to wood. 
But found no cherries : 
I went from village to village. 
But found no maidens. 
1 would eat the cherries ; 
They are a black morsel : 
Good to eat with bread. 
I would eat other berries. 
They are a red morsel ; 
Good to eat with bread. 
1 would take the maiden, 
The flaxen-haired maiden. 
With her to live were sweet. 

I went and went along the way ; 
I came to a thick wood. 
I sought out the nut-tree $ 
Milk came out of it. 
Without meat I eat no bread. 
I sought the elm ; 
A bee came out of it. 
Out of the bee came honey ; 
Without honey I eat no bread. 
I went and went along the way ; 
I came into the village. 
The dogs of the village barked. 
I cast my eye on a flaxen-haired maiden ; 
I wished to take her with me : 
My father gave me no money : 
The priest gave me no writing. 


The girls of our town — 
The gfirls of our town — 
Jump over the hedge like wolves 
Over the hedge like wolves, 


The girls of other towns — 

The girls of other towns 

Creep under the hedge like mice — 

Under the hedge like mice. 

The girls of our town — 

The girls of our town, 

They drive with two horses— 

Drive with two horses. 

The girls of other towns — 

The girls of other towns, 

They drive with two sows — 

Drive with two sows. 


My £ekther gave me a bUck hone : 

Let me saddle him, thought I to myselfl 

The horse became an oak-tree. 

My father gave me a white cow : 

Let me milk it, thought I to myself. 

The cow became a birch -tree. 

My fjEtther gave me a red sheep : 

Let me shear it, thought I to myself. 

The sheep became a red stump. 

Sly father gave me a silken girdle : 

Let me bind it on, thought I to myself. 

The girdle became a rush. 

My father gave me a silken kerchief : 

Let me put it in my girdle, thought I to myBel£ 

The kerchief became a horn-beam leaf. 


On the road lies my field ; 

It bears no com : 

Mere's the pity. 

I have a bay horse; 

He won't stay on the road : 

Mores the pity. 

I have a still stupid wife ; 

She has nothing to say : 

More*s the pity. 

I would walk along the road to the country. 
But WHS afraid of the Russians. 
I would walk along the road to the village. 
But was afraid of the thieves. 
I would walk along the road to the fields. 
But was afraid of the wind. 
I would walk through the wood. 
But was afraid of bears and the wolves. 
I would walk to the village. 
But was afraid of the dogs. 


I would walk to the comer of the village. 
But was afraid of the young maids. 

Ah I my father I ah 1 my mother f 
I wish I were a goose, 
I would fly to my own Tillage. 
Were I the gate of the village. 
And the villagers came ; 
I would open and shut 
Of my own free will. 
Were I the gate of a palace, 
And my £ekther and mother came ; 
I would open and shut 
Of my own free will. 
The moon shines over the land ; 
The land is our march. 
The stars rise over the way ; 
The way is our road. 
The snow-flakes fall ; 
So &lls our hair. 
The rain runs down ; 
So run our tears. 

Lumps of ice float down the Volga ; 
So float our bodies. 
On the Anger stands an old oak ; 
That's my £ither. 

On the Anger stands an old birch ; 
That's my mother. 

My father is woodman ; 
My mother is breadmaker ; 
My eldest brother is headborough ; 
My next is post-boy; 
My youngest cooper ; 
My eldest brother's wife is singer ; 
My next brother's wife is dancer ; 
My youngest brother's wife is harper 
I, myself, am a spooner. 

Another name still stands over for a short notice — that of the 
Biserman or Bisermans. All I know of them is, that they 
amount to about 4500 individuals in the Government of Yiatka, 
that they are Ugrians in blood, and (I believe) language; but 
that they are Mahometans in creed — Biserman being, word for 
word, Mussulman. They are, perhaps, neither' more nor less 
than Yotiak converts of some standing. 



Ruwian Lapland. — The Marmanzi, or Marmans. — Legends. 

Thr Laps of Russia are separated from those of Sweden and 
Nonvny by their creed and by their dialect — since they are 
Cliristians of tlie Greek Church, and since their language, though 
intelligible both in Lnpmark.and Finmark, has decided peculiari- 
ties. In other respects they are the same; indeed, on the 
frontiers, the three graduate into each other. 

The division into the Fishing Laps and the Reindeer Laps is, 
to a great extent, real; though there are many individuals who 
both take fish and breed reindeer. The Reindeer Laps how- 
ever, who have simply become poor by losing their deer, are no 
more a separate class than the paupers of England or France. 

Not, at least, in the first instance : though poverty with them 
as with others, in the course of time, both modifies habits and 
impairs energy. They are like the Hottentots who have lost 
their herds, and thoy would be Bushmen if there was a bush to 
which they could betake themselves. 

TluTe is a considerable mixture of blood in Russian Lapland — 
Karelian, Kwo^n, and Russian elements being common. 

A ])()piilati()n of periodical migrants now claims notice — that of 
the Murmanzi, as the Russians call them, but who may, in 
English, be caUed Murmans. 

They are a mixed class of men ; some being Russians, some 
Karelians, some Laps. They collect in the paits about Onega 
and K(*m and make their way to Rasnavolok : which lies a few 
miles to the south of Kola. They, then, divide themselves into 
two divisions — one for the west, the other for the east The 
western part fishes from Kola to the Norwegian boundary, where 
they come in contact with the men from Norland and Finmark. 
I find in a work written some years before that of my present an- 


thority^ Gastren, that they are fonmdable competitors to the 
Norwegians: being equally skilful, and more self-denying. The 
eastern division fishes between Kola and Swiatoi Noss. 

Some of the Murmans are capitalists in a small way; some 
hired labourers. The roughness of their justice may be measured 
by the following extracts from their code of laws. 

1. He who brings no wood to the fire shall sit away from the 

2. He who makes bread-sonp shall give way to him who makes 

8. The woman shall give way to the man. 

4. The child shall give way to the woman. 

5. The hired labourer shall give way to the master. 

6. The men of the house and the hired labourers shall take 
their seats according as they put a kettle on the fire. 

That an annual inroad like that of the Murmans should in- 
fluence the habits and language of the populations through which 
they pass is only what we expect : so that it is no wonder that 
we find numerous Russian and Karelian words in the Lap of the 
district Neither is it wonderful that quarrels should arise. 
Hence, more than one locality takes its name from a fight — e, g. 
Rutasaari, or Battle Island-, and Torajdrwi, ox Battle Lake. 
I should add that another interpretation has been given to this by 
better authorities than myself; and that the word meaning £a/^/6 
has been supposed to have originated out of a conflict between 
the Laps and the intrusive Fins. 

Of legend in the Lap district there is no lack. The first two of 
the following are noticed from the fact of their being neither 
more nor less than the tale of Ulysses and Polyp emus and of 
William Tell, respectively, as they appear on the very confines 
of the Arctic Circle. 


There whs once a Karelian who had been taken by a giant, and was kept in a 
castle. The giant had only one eye : but he had flocks and herds. The night 
came, and the g^ant fell asleep. The Karelian put out his eye. The giant, who 
now could no longer see, sat at the door, and felt everything that went out. 
He had a great many sheep in the court-yard. The Karelian got under the bellj 
of one of them, and escaped. 

There was a band of Karelians, and they set apon the village of Ab^ftnrl, 
which they plundered. There was one old man whom tb^ moit particnlarly 

Q % 


wished to poniBh. His son, who was onlj twelre yean old, Ibllowed tlieiii, 
threatened to shoot anyone who hart his fiitber. They then amid tliat he ahoold 
be set free on this condition : the son was to stand at one aide, the fiuher on tlie 
other side, of the ri?er ; an apple was to be laid on the &ther^a head, and the ant 
was to eplit it with an arrow. The £ekther said, ** Raise one hand ; aink the other; 
for the water of the lake will draw the arrow." So he ahot and q»Ut the spple. 

The next has a theological aspect A long time ago, there 
lived a Tadibi, whose name was Urier. He was a Tadibi of the 
Tadibis ; and the wisest of all wise men. He was a soothsayer of 
soothsayers. There had been no such master of the craft since 
or before. If any man lost a reindeer, who bat Urier did he 
seek ? He had many reindeer of his own ; and had visited 
many countries. But he grew old, and perceived that all was 
vanity, and that the world was growing worse and worse. "The 
reindeer fall-off in numbers. The moss dies, or ceases to grow. 
The game decreases. There is nothing but avarice and deceit 
I will live no longer in this wicked world: but will go up to 
heaven." So he told his two wives to get things ready for a 
journey, and to harness his reindeer. But he ordered that every- 
thing should be new : and that no single piece of old stuff was 
to be either used or packed-up. So they got themselves ready 
for the journey ; and harnessed the reindeer to a sledge. When 
all was prepared he mounted aloft, and drove through the 
air up into the sky. There were four male reindeer in each 
sledge — one sledge for Urier, one for his wives who followed. 
They had scarcely got half-way, when Urier s reindeer fell sick 
and could go no further. There was no need to tell him what 
had been done. He knew it. His second wife had not obeyed 
his orders, but had put the band of an old jacket in the harness. 
She had rather live on earth with her children, than go 16 heaven 
with her husband. So he let her go down. But the other went 
to heaven with him. 

This is one version. Another carries both of the wives to 
heaven ; whence, after a time, Urier sends down a son to teach 
the Samoveds on earth. 

Again— a long time ago, there was an English Viking, and he 
used to soil every year to the Murman coast to take tribute. If 
no tribute were paid, he challenged the best fighting-man to 
single combat. Ho was stout, bold, and so skilful in all sorts of 
arms, thut no one was able to conquer him, and the tribute was 


paid, year by year, for a long time. One summer, however, ho 
came to the coast, and, as was his wont, asked for tribute. There 
was no one who dared meet him : except a small, weak man, who 
had never borne arms, and was so useless as a fighting-man, that 
he was made to cook the victuals. So the English Yiking came 
and asked for tribute ; or, else, for a man who would fight him 
hand to hand. The poor, weak cook was the only one who 
dared to do so. He fought against him and won the battle: since 
wliich time no more tribute has been paid to any English Viking. 

The Lap legends, according to Castren, are by no means of 
home growth. On the contrary, many are Bussian. At any rate, 
they are, comparatively speaking, few and fragmentary, and are 
much less akin to those of Finland than are the legends end super- 
stitions of Estonia. 

The Laps of Bussian Lapland amount to about 1000. 



The YoguU and Ostiaks.— The Samoycds.— Their Legends and Fdetiy. — Tbt 

Yeniseians and Yukahiri. 

The Voguh are rude hunters, spread over a vast district, along 
the ridge of the Urals, amounting to about 900 in the Govenunent 
of Perm, and to about 6000 in that of Tobolsk. 

The Voguls, compared with any of the tribes that lie south of 
them, are a comfortless, undersized, ill- developed population ; who, 
if they contrast favourably with the Lap and Samoyed, show to a 
disadvantage by the side of the Finlander or the Zirianian. Their 
villages are small, and the size of the village gives a fair measure 
of the well-being of the population that occupies it. From four 
to eight cabins constitute a Vogul one, and these lie from ten to 
fifteen miles apart : the forest lying between — with few, or no, 
clearings. Game is the chief sustenance ; and for the produc- 
tion of it the forest has to be kept wild. To this extent the 
Yoguls are a hunter population; for it is only in the southern 
parts of their area that the signs of settled life are to be found. 

A little tillage and a little cattle appear as we approach the 
Bashkir frontier, the Bashkir habits being partially adopted. The 
Bashkir, however, is, himself, but half agricultural. 

The winter-hut of the Vogul is small, close, and smoky ; the 
summer-cabin is made of the boughs and rind of the birch-tree. 
These are raised or pulled down, as the necessities of the chase 
require ; as one locality must be exchanged for another. 

The Vogul hunts on foot. He has no pastures for horses ; and 
the boggy, woody tracts under his occupancy are ill adapted for the 
use of them. Even the dog is a rare companion. On the other 
hand, a few cows may constitute the property of one of the 
wealthier proprietors. The elk, however, is the chief beast for 
sustenance, and the sable for trade. The reindeer is less abun- 
dant; and it is in the skin of the elk, amongst ruminants, that 
their tribute of peltry is paid. The flesh is dried, not salted — cut 
into strips and dried in the open air, so that a kind of pemmican 
is made of it. 


The Yogul uses the gun as well as the bow ; and he is skilful 
in the contrivance of traps and pitfalls. He fishes, too, as well 
as hunts. For hunting, his best month is November; when 
the animals have their winter fur about them. Obdorsk, a 
factory rather than a town, is the Vogul's trading-town. I'iiither 
he resorts with his skins, berries, and such like small articles of 

Fallas (with, I believe, other observers) speaks to the fact of the 
Voguls wholly dispensing with the use of salt. Berries they 
have, but no vegetables. They chew the turpentine of the larch ; 
but they use no salt, and enjoy good health notwithstanding. 
They are said to be healthy, but neither long-lived nor strong; 
and of all the Ugrians of the forest districts they have a phy- 
siognomy that most approaches the typical Mongol. 

Success in hunting, is the chief object of the Vogul's prayers. 
To this end, the carved image of the god takes the form of the 
beast under pursuit, being sable-shaped, elk-shaped, or bear- 
shaped, according as the bear, the elk, or the sable is the more 
especial object. 

Near a hunting-lodge on the Sosva is the rude image of an 
elk, carved by an unknown hand out of stone, an image of sonie 
antiquity. This the Voguls visit from considerable distances, and 
invoke its favour during their expeditions. MiLller says that it 
is " rough-hewn out of stone." The analogy, however, of the Lap 
mythology makes it probable that it is a natural piece of rock, 
whereof the shape is elk-like enough to suggest the comparison. 
However this may be, offerings are made to it by its visitors. 

Other figures are in the human form, and of these some are of 
metal, iron or copper. It is in certain holy places that they 
are to be found, fixed in the clefts of a rock or tree ; raised on 
poles stuck in the ground — the ground being the most elevated 
spot about. On one of the numerous streams called Shatanka 
{Satan 8 river) is a holy cavern, on the floor of which are found 
bones, the remains of Vogul offerings — bones and rings of Bussian 
workmanship, but of Vogul consecration. 

The Torom Saktaag bear a name allied to the name for priest, 
which is Sakta-teih^ Torom^ on the other hand, is the name of a 
god whose residence is in the sun or moon, a god whose name 
appears in aU, or nearly all, of the other Ugrian mythologies. 
Yelbola is the name of the feast of Torom ; probably the same 



word as the Finlaudish Yumala, and the Lap Tubmel — and with 
the feast of Yelbola the Vogul year begins. 

The Oatiaks of the Obi, the true Osdaks (for the Samoyeds 
bear the name wrongly), are the nearest congeners of theYogals; 
but are a much more important division of the Ugrian class. 
They extend along the Irtish and Obi from 56* to 67'' N. L., 
Surguty and Beresov being the chief towns of the trae Ostiak 
district. Narym is only on the Ostiak frontier, and has Tartars 
and Samoyeds as well as Ostiaks in its neighbourhood: whilst 
Obdorsk is surrounded by Ostiaks, Samoyeds, and Ziiianians. 
In 1838 the number of the Ostiaks was about 19,000. 

That the division into tribes and sub-tribes prevails amongst 
the Ostiaks, as it did among the Samoyeds, and as it does with 
most (perhaps all) of the allied populations, is evident from the 
following list of the southern section of them. 

The ByenBhtshitovshi Division. 

1. Turtas-mir Turtass volost . . • 

2. Nasym-mir Nasym volost . • . 

8. Num-mir Upper Dyemyan volost 

4. Tyapar-mir Narym volost . . . 

5. Wodzh-itpa-mir .... Tarkhan volost . . 

6. Khunda-mir Lesser Konda volost • 

7. Terek-mir, or Utkhar-mir Tyemlashtshev volost 


1. As mir . . . 

2. Sodom-mir . . 
8. Pyng-mir . . . 

4. As-torm-yogan-mir 

5. Entl-yogan-mir . 

6. Ai-yogan-mir 

7. Torm-yogan-mir 

8. Agan-mir . . . 
0. Vakh-mir . . . 

10. Lung-pugotl-mir 

11. Saltik-mir . . 

12. Pirtyi-mir . . 


t Division. 

Selyarov volost . . « 

. 134 

Salym volost « . 

. . 826 

Pym volost . . . . 

. . 166 

Podgorodnaya volost 

. . 862 

Great Yugan volost 

. . 592 

Little Yugan volost 

. . 28g 

Tri Yugan volost . , 

. . 297 

Agan volost • . < 

. . 96 

Vakh volost . . , 

. . 706 

Lumpokolsk volost 

. . 808 

Saltikovsk volost . . 

. . 859 

Pirtshinsk volost . . 

. • 860 



The Kondin Division* 

1. Kodskiye Gorodki volost . . • 2,628 

2. Podgoronaya volost 828 

3. Sosva volost 068 

4. Lyapin volost 1^585 

5* Easym volost 1,274 


The Obdorak Division. 

1. Kunovat volost 1^630 

2. Obdorsk volost 2,700 


Broken and depressed as they are at the present time, the 
Voguls and Ostiaks have, apparently, had a history of some 
magnitude — a history and a nationality. All the researches con- 
cerning their origin point one way. All the researches upon their 
ethnology give them an honourable connection. 

Allied to each other they have for their nearest kinsmen the 
Magyars of Hungary, like whom they seem to have cut their way 
to their present occupancies. As the Hungarians are traced north- 
wards, the Voguls and Ostiaks are brought from the south, and 
it was at the expense of the nations on the way that they fixed 
themselves where they now are. 

A few of their wars are known even in their main details. Thus, 
it was the Eomimurt that the Voguls dispossessed ; the Eomimurt 
being, themselves, a conquering population. Of their encroach- 
ments upon the Samoyeds, as a measure of their prowess, less 
can be said to their credit. For their wars between one another 
there is plenty of miserable detail. 

Of the Voguls and the Ostiaks each represents a broken nation, 
and each, perhaps, a degenerate one. The physical conditions of 
their country are worse than they were at first ; and there is no proof 
that they have made up for the loss by an increased civilization. 

The very reverse of this has befallen the Magyars. They out- 
number aU the other Ugrians put together They are European 
in civilization, and formidable from the strength and intensity of 
their nationality. Yet, thirty generations ago> there was little 


to choose between ancestors of the Esterhazys and Szhechenyifl^ 
and the ancestors of the present Turtasmir elders. The Obi, bow- 
ever, was the lot of one branchy the Danube and the Teiss of 
the other. The one came in contact with the Samoyeds and 
Zirianians, the other with the Germans and Poles. 

The Samoyeds of the north-western division, or the Samoyeds 
of Europe, are called the Yurak Samoyeds by the Bnssians; 
by themselves Kasova (Hasowaio), or Nyenets ^^ men. They 
extend into Asia as far as the Tas. 

In Asia, those of the extreme East, between the Lower 
Yenisey and the Ghatunga are called the Avam, or Avamski 

The Samoyeds of the Obi are improperly called Ostiaks, They 
are chiefly found on the Obi and its feeders, on the TsCuliro, on 
the Ket, and even as far south as the Tym and the parts aboat 

The Mokasi, on the Tas, and the Karasin on the Lower 
Yenisey are also Samoyeds — in language, if not in blood. 

In the west, however, the Samoyed country begins in the parts 
about Mezen ; and at Mezen European civilization ends. The 
town is small and insignificant. Still it is a Russian town, and 
has a tincture of Bussian civilization. However, in the market- 
place and the street you meet with Samoyeds ; who are brought 
thither by the love of brandy ; for brandy is the curse of all the 
Samoyeds of the western portion of the area. Castren wanted a 
teacher ; a man who could teach him his language. But no one 
who knew it would be paid in anything but brandy, and most of 
them were drunk already. There was one man whose sobriety 
could be relied on. He was sent from a distance, and with great 
pains. He came; and was drunk like the rest. A little has been 
done by the Government to arrest this annihilating vice of drink- 
ing: but the orders are ineffectively executed and drunkenness 
still prevails. 

The whole district is a tundra, and it bears the name of the 
Bolshezemla Tundra; or the tundra of the Great Land. It 
reaches from Mezen to the Ural. The Petshora divides it The 
western part has no general name in Bussian, but the Samoyeds 
call it the Little Land. It falls into the Eanin and Timan 
divisions ; the former being the more western of the two. The 


river Piosha, according to the Bussian geography, the river Soha, 
according to that of the Samoyeds, divides them. When these 
two are taken together, the name of the first division, the Bol- 
shezemla Tundra, between the Petshora and the Ural, forms a 
third of the whole district ; the term being taken in a restricted 

There is another division. The Bolshezemla Tundra being 
taken in its wider sense, falls into three Volosts— the Pustosersk, 
the Ustsylm, and the Ishim Volosts : the first two of which lie 
north and west, the last south and east. The first two are 
nearly wholly Samoyed ; but the Ishim Tundra is Samoyed and 
Zirianian as well : for the Zirianians have encroached on the 
Samoyeds and extended themselves as far as the mouth of the 
Obi ; Obdorsk, though essentially a town of the Ostiaks, with 
whom we meet as soon as we cross the Ural, being visited by 
both Zirianians and Samoyeds. 

Something has been done to introduce Christiamty amongst 
the Samoyeds; though only lately ; i. ^. since 1830. And those 
who have adopted it have adopted it imperfectly ; retaining almost 
all their old superstitions. The converts, indeed, who go so far 
as to invoke the Bussian St. Nicolas when they are sick, look 
upon him as the magician Nikola rather than as the Christian 

The ordinary belief is in the Tadibi or medicine man, T^ho has 
the power of interceding with the Tadebsio. The following is 
a Samoyed invocation. 


Come . come I 
Spirits of Magic f 
If you come to me, 
I'll come to you ; 
Wake up > wake up I 
Spirits of Magic f 
I Ve come to jou : 
Awake from sleep I 


Say why 
Thou art come t 
Why comest thou 
To disturb our resit 



There came to me 
A young Nienets : 
ThU man here. 
Who vexes me much: 
His reindeer is gone ; 
This is why 
I am come. 

The following Samoyed legend is one out of severaL It is 
taken from the translation of Gastrin. 

Once upon a time, there stood on the same spot of ground leren hondred 
tents. In the seven hundred tents there dwelt seven landlords. The aeven land- 
lords went forth, and went forth to feasts : they went to nothing hat feaato. 
These seven landlords were brothers : they had all got wives, bnt no children. 
It is only the eldest that had a son ; who was a little one. He never went to the 
feasts. He slept and slept : night and day slept he. One day, the &ther said 
to the son, " Get ap, and go with the rest of us to a feast/' Bat the son would not 
go to a feast : he had had a bad dream. He had dreamed that all the othen were 
killed, and that he alone was left alive. He told his dream to his &ther, and 
said, — 

" Yon will still keep your lives if yon will offer as a sacrifice seven and seven 

" What knowest thonl ** said the &ther; " thou sleepest day and ni£^t» and 
knowest less than a dog." 

" As you like, father," said the son, and laid himself down again to sleep. 

In the morning, he awakes, and sees that, out of the seven hundred men, there 
is not one alive : that they are all dead. He goes out to look after the rein- 
deer : all the reindeer are dead. He looks after the dogs : all the dogs are 
dead. So he goes to the sledges, and takes a sword, and with it cuts down all 
the tent-posts, and all the tents fiiU-in. He begins then to wander forth. He 
goes one day — he goes two days — three days : he goes seven days in all. He 
looks behind him : he sees the place where the seven hundred tents lay fidlen-in. 
He goes seven days further — looks back— sees two tents which have not yet fidlen- 
in. He goes seven days further — looks back — sees no tents at all. He starts again ; 
walks one month — walks two months — walks three months — walks seven months 
in all. At last he is tired of walking ; for he has been a whole month without 

It is a waste country through which he goes. He sinks down on the snow. 
There he lies, and lies a long, long time. He grets up, starts again, walks and 
walks till he comes to a spot where a tent had stood. He looks for some food 
and finds a piece of bone that the dogs had licked. He g^naws the bone, throws 
it away, and begins to look in the snow for some more. He finds a pair of silver 
ear-rings, lays them in his glove, and again begins to go on. He goes and goea^ 
and goes further and further still, till, one day, he sees something in the dis- 
tance, driving a reindeer. The driver comes towards him ,* nearer, and nearer 
still. It is a woman. The woman says, — 

" Thou hast come from the tents : did you find the ear-rings I have lost 1 " 

" Yes, I have ; and here they are." 

" Qive them me — they are mine.* 



** I will give you the ear-rings if you will drive me to a place where men are 

Then the woman took her spear, and struck him with her spear, so that he fell 
down on the spot, and there he lay. The woman took the ear-rin^ and away 
she went. The man lay and slept : a long time did he sleep. At last he awoke, 
got up, and began to go on ; and again he came to a place where a tent had 
stood. He began, again, to look for something to eat, and found a bone which 
the dogs had licked. He gnawed the bone, threw it away, and looked under 
the snow for another. 

He finds an iron shoveL He takes the shovel, and starts afresh. He goes and 
goes, till he sees some one coming with a reindeer. A beautiful, richly-dressed 
woman comes to meet him. She says, — 

*' Where are you going, my poor boy 1 '* 

" I am going on a fresh track which I have found. I am hungry, and must 
eat, else I die." 

" Thou hast come from our old encampment : did you find an iron shovel t " 

** Tes, I have ; whom does it belong to ) ** 

" That is my shovel, and I am come to look for it" 
I will give you the shovel if you will drive me to a human habitation." 
I will do that," said the woman ; " why should I not 1 you will die otherwise; 
I will board and lodge you.** 

So he gave the shovel, and the woman took him in her sledge. Off they go. 

" Who are you, poor lad 1 " said the woman, ** and how is it that I do not know 

The boy answered,^ 

" No one knows me. I am a poor boy, without father or mother. I had once 
seven brothers. They were rich : they had seven hundred tents." 

" I have heard of those seven brothers. Which way have they gone 1" 

" They died all in one night ; and in the same night died also their seven hun- 
dred reindeer." 

** Knowest thou to whom these two reindeer, with which you are now driving, 

'* How should I knowl I don't know much ; I am very young. But they are 
like my father^s ; but how my father's reindeer could come to us, I can't say." 

** See, now ; your father came courting me with these reindeer. He gave me 
them and the shovel as a bridal gift He gave me also a sword, but that I have 
lost— it is stolen." 

" I will find it in time," says the lad. 

" Then you're my husband/' says the girl. 

So they went as man and wife to the tent, and lived there together. After 
they had lived there awhile, they began to shift their quarters. They harnessed 
their reindeer ; but they gave the stranger a bad reindeer, and told him to follow 
in the track with his bad reindeer. He was soon left behind the others. He 
drives them on, but they will not go. Suddenly, the whole train stops. Some- 
one says to him, — 

** Who is that behind youl ** 

" Nobody ; I am all alone.** 

However, he looked back. In the twinkling of an eye, the one who asked the 
question took a spear, and struck him down. There he lay : the others went 
their way. The woman, however, stayed behind, and began to weep for the dead 

She sita in the sledge, an4 weeps. Suddenly, her reindeer take fright, and 


gallop after the others. Then comes up to the dead man a grey^bearded old Baa, 
with one leg, one hand, and one eye. In his one hand he carries an iron sto£ 
With this he strikes the dead man, and says, — 

" What do yon lie there for ? Time to get np ! Get np, and go back ; jonr 
fitther is alive, and all your brothers haye come to life again." 

The dead man awoke, and said to himself, — 

" I have slept a long time : who was the man who said my &ther was aliye, and 
said that I shoald return 1 " 

He looks about him— sees no one — fancies he has been dreaming. He goea 
forward, comes to the tent, and lays himself by the side of his wife to deep. In 
the morning, they all get up, break up the encampment^ hameas the reindeer to 
the sledges, and gives the stranger a bad one. However, he drives on witk hia 
bad reindeer, in the rear of the others. They stop. The same man aa before 

" Who is that behind you 1" 

" Nobody." 

However, he looks round, and the man sticks him through, a second time, 
with the spear. They leave him : even the woman goes away with the rest. He 
is not dead : he will come again to the tent in good time. After they had gone, 
there comes again the old greybeard with one leg, one hand, and one eye. He 
strikes the dead man with his staff, and says, — 

" I told you yesterday to go home : what are you doing heret Turn about, if 
yon wish to keep your head on. Your father is alive, and has been so a long 

The dead man awakes, looks about him, and says, — 

" What manner of man is this that tells me to turn about, and talks about my 
fitther, and fancies he is alive 1 He has been dead a long time." 

So, seeing no one, he fancies he has been dreaming, goes to the tent, and lays 
himself down by the side of his wife to sleep. Next morning, they begin to 
break up the encampment, and harness the reindeer. They give the stranger a 
bad one : he is left behind as before. They halt; the same person aa before 

'* Look what a number of reindeer are behind you ! " 

So he looks round, and the man stabs him with a spear. The rest go on. Then 
came the old greybeard, as before, with his one leg, one hand, and one eye. He 
struck the dead man with his iron staff, and said, — 

"The third time I say to you, 'Turn back.' You have twice been killed: I 
have twice awakened you up to life ; but now, I will not do it again." 

So he gets up, but he will not return ; he goes up to the tent, but he will not 
go into it : he puts himself in a sledge. He begins to fancy that some one will 
kill him. He takes the bows from the sledge, destroys them all ; goes to the 
sledge of the woman, takes from these the iron shovel, and with it knocks down 
all the tents. The men run out : he knocks them down with the shovel. They 
run after the bows, but these are gone. He goes on slashing and hacking, hack- 
ing and slashing ; he knocks them all down, except his wife, her father, her 
mother, and her children. And now he looks over the dead bodies. He cannot> 
however, find the dead body of the man who had three times killed him. Ue had 
run away, but his tracks were to be seen in the snow. He follows these up, runs 
and runs, till, at last, he overtakes him. They fight. They fight during the whole 
winter, and that on the same spot, until, at last, they each kill one another, and 
drop down dead. There they lay all the summer, and rotted. The foxes and the 
wolves tore their limbs, and ate up everything except the bonea. Then came the 


antamn ; and with it came the old greybeard with one leg, one hand, and one 
eye. He said, — 

" How many times have I told you to return back t Now, this is the last time 
of all. After this, I shall not be able to help you." 

So he took up the bones, and gathered them together, even the very smallest 
pieces, and put them in a sack, and put the sack on his back, and went his way. 
He came to a great stone. He kicked the stone, and it rolled on one side. Under 
the stone was a hole. The old man crept into it. 

All was dark ; but there was singing and piping. At the far end was a little 
hole to let in light. The old man goes towards it : but the singers and pipers 
try to rob him of his sack. However, he gets under the hole and sees naked 
men— men without clothes, men without flesh, men with nothing but bones — 

So the old man went further till he found a tent ; and in the tent an old 
woman. She was sitting on one side of the hearth. On the other stood two 
giants. They spoke no word. They mored no limb. Their eyes were on the 
tops of their heads, looking straight upwards. So the old man threw down the 
sack, and said to the old woman, — 

'* Here is fuel ; bum it" 

So the old woman burnt the bones to ashes. Then she strewed the ashes on the 
floor so as to make a bed, and slept on them. The third day they became a man. 

" What dark hole have I been sleeping inV said he, as he got up and looked 
round. " There is no chimney ; no door." 

He wants to get out ; but the walls are of iron. So the old woman kicks 
the walls, and they open. Then he sees the two giants, and falls on his nose. 

" What are these]" says he to the old woman ; "are they men or beasts 1" 

*' These are my fore-elders," says the old woman. " They neither speak nor eat ; 
neither walk nor more. Once, they were good men and living ; but now they 
neither see nor hear. They are stones. — What do you most wish fori" 

The man. — To see my wife. 

The old troman.— Then live with me till my reindeer come back ; and they 
shall take you hence. Till then, however, you fnust be my husband ; and I will 
turn you into a stone. 

The man.— Be it so. 

At the end of three days the reindeer came to take them away. So they got 
into sledges and drove through the dark cave where they had seen the men 
without flesh. These threw spears at them ; but the reindeer were too quick for 
the spears. Then they came to the light. '' Move the stone," said the old 
woman. But the man could not move it. However, the old woman kicked it 
away, and on they drove, till they came to a tent Here the man found his first 
wife, her father, and her mother. So he took them all, along with the second 
wife, and went to where he first dwelt. Here he found the 700 tents, and the 
700 reindeer. On the way, too, he saw the one-legged, one-handed, and one-eyed 
olding ; and with him the man who had thrice killed him. So he fights and 
kills him in revenge. Then he loses his wits, and kills the one-handed old man; 
goes back to the tents ; finds all dead. Then the two women die, and he is left 
alone in the land. 

Of the smaller poems the foUovring are average samples. 


I have borne no children : 
My husband does not love me. 


All my sisterB-in-law haye children : 

Their husbands love them. 

They have the best reindeer for their sledges^ 

I have the worst. 

When we drive out together, 

I most get oat and hold the bridle, 

And walk on foot. 

The other brothers help their wives; 

No one helps me. 

One day I drove downhill, 

Ran over my brothers-in-law. 

Smashed their sledges. 

Since then I have been treated better. 

They killed my friend ; 
They bound him, 

They laid him in a sledge, and drove away. 
They took him over the river ; 
They hanged him between two larch-trees. 
" Ton have lain with my wife ; 
Therefore, yon shall die 1 " 
So said the murderer. 

Hear me, friend ! 

I have given my daughter to your son ; 
Shall never see her again. 
See the head of the reindeer ; 
It is roasted in the smoke. 
We cannot change. 
We are kinsmen for our life. 
Do not be hard with my daughter ; 
I have taught her to live with her husband^ 
To obey her husband ; 
My wife has taught her to live quiet. 
Now let us go home. 
And thou, daughter, look not back. 
Neither weep : 
I have given you a husband, 
In whose house you must live. 
In whose house you must die. 
Now, kiss your father and mother. 
And say FarewelL" 

I take the two populations of the Yeniseians and the Yukahiri 
together, not hecaase they are very closely allied, hat hecause 
they are so very small and fragmentary as to require little heyond 
a summary notice. 

In all the works anterior to the publication of the Asia Poly- 
glotta, certain small tribes on the Lower Yeniscy were called 


Ostiak. As they differed, however, from the true Osdaks, Kla- 
proth proposed to call them Yeniseians. It is to be regretted 
that Gastren has only partially adopted the term. He calls the 
southern branch of them Koi, the northern, Yeniseian Ostiaks. 
The term Ostiak, however, can only mislead. 

The northern Yeniseians lie between 60** and 66® N.L. A few 
lie on the river Ket. Still, the Yenisey is their proper river. 
They call themselves Konniyung. The Denka, if they still exist, 
have lost their language. 

Between these and their congeners on the south, lie some degrees 
of latitude : so that nothing Yeniseian (in the ethnological sense 
of the term) is to be found before we reach the parts about Aba- 
kansk. And here, so great has been either the absorption or 
the annihilation of their nation that the number of individuals 
who, at the present time, speak the original language^ falls short of 
a dozen. They are the Eot of Gastrin. 

The Yukahiri also are nearly extinct Those, however, who 
survive, occupy the lower part of the rivers Kolyma and Indi- 
dzhirka. The pressure upon them seems to have been exerted on 
every side ; by the Yakuts, by the Koriaks, and by the Tungus. 
From the likeness which their language bears to the Samoyed 
I infer that their area extended eastward. The name of the 
extinct tribes are Omoki, Shelagi, Tshuvantsi, &c. '' The fires 
on the hearths of the Omoki were once as numerous as the stars 
in the sky.*' &o runs the belief in the country which they once 

The few Yukahiri who remain are said to be well-built men. 
There is, however, no population of which less is known : though, 
to the ethnologist, it is one of great interest — inasmuch as its 
language, with Fin a£Bnities on the one side, has American ones 
on the other. 

They call themselves Andon Domni; and I have elsewhere 
given reasons for believing that Yukahiri is a name of Turk 
origin, signifying painted or tatooed, and that it was applied by 
the Yakuts. As far south as Mantshuria, I have noticed a Lake 
Ghuchaghir. It may be that this was once an actual Yukahiri 
occupancy. At the same time, it is quite as probable that it 
merely means the occupancy of some painted or tatooed popula- 




The KumtshadalB.— The Koriaks.— The Aino. 

It was towards the end of the sixteenth centnry that some Eosaks, 
from the Oovemment of Yakutsk first settled on tho western 
coast of Siberia, at the mouths of the rivers Bolshaia, Tigil, and 
Kamtshatka. From the name of the last, the population with 
w))ich they first came in contact took its name; and from die 
name of the population, the peninsula. The resistance was, by 
no means, discreditable to the energy and courage of the native 
tribes ; though it seems to have been more obstinate in the north 
than in the south : more obstinate, perhaps, on the part of the 
Eoriaks than the true Eamtshatkans. The former extended far 
into the peninsula, and it was on the river Tigil that the two 
frontiers met. The development of Eamtshatka as a Oovemment 
followed; the small capital being fixed first at Nizhni Eamtshatsk, 
then at Bolsheretsk, then at Nizhni Earatshatsk again, and, 
finally, at Petropnulovski : Tigil and Ishiga being founded as 
forts against the Eoriaks. Meanwhile, fresh villages arose. Petro- 
paulovski sent out offshoots; and the aboriginal population, 
under the influences of oppression, brandy, and the small-pox, 
rapidly decreased. The settlers were often of mixed blood — 
Tungus, Yakut, and Bussian. 

Of the aborigines, all the existing representatives are frag- 
mentary and mixed: those of the river Eamtshatka with Bussians; 
those of the Bolshaia with Eurilians: tliose of the northern 
frontier with Eoriaks. It is with the first of these three that the 
language is the nearest to its extinction : with the last, that it is 
the most current. 

The whole of Eamtshatka, however, contains no more than 
7000 inhabitant^ — if so many. 

The Koriaks, Korakiy or Koriaks Proper ^ occupy the northern 


parts of the peninsula itself, and extend till they touch the 
frontier of their immediate congeners, the Lutorzi of the Oulf 
of Pendzhinsk. They are either Shamanists or imperfect Chris- 
tians. The nearer they are to the town of Okhotsk, the more 
they are fiussianized. They drive dogs, and, in most points, re- 
semble the Eamtshadales, who belong to the same stock ; though 
Klaproth has, over-hastily, separated their languages. 

The contrast between the Koriak and Tungus physiognomy is 
generally insisted on — the Koriak skull being less round and the 
Koriak features less flat than those of the Tungtis. On the con- 
trary, its likeness to that of the Americans of the extreme north- 
west, especially the Loucheux, has been indicated. 

The Koriaks fall into two primary divisions, the Nomads, and 
the Villagers — the first being the owners of large flocks of rein- 
deer, which they follow from spot to spot as the season or the 
scanty vegetation directs. Of the sub-divisions of these we know 
but little. Of the Village, Stationary, or Settled tribes we know 
more. They occupy five different districts, separate from each 
other-— so that it is no wonder that their language falls into just 
so many well-marked dialects. 

On the head of the Oulf of Pendzinsk lie the Paren and 
Kamenaia tribes, so named from the two chief villages of their 
area — Parenzi and Kanienzi as they are called in the Bussian 
and German notices. The dog is their chief domestic animal : 
their huts are half pit, half building : their superstitions Sbama- 
nist; their habits rude, and predatory. In '52 they amount 
to 235, spread over eight villages. 

The Pallan, or Pallanzi, amounted in '53 to 872. In the 
two northern villages (one of which is Pallan itself) they 
approach the Kamenaia and Paren Koriaks in barbarism and 
heathenhood. In the other five they have taken a tincture 
of Bussian civilization. They extend to the Tigil and pass for 

On the opposite, or eastern, side of the Peninsula, nearly op- 
posite to the Pallans, lie the Uka — again, taking their name from 
their chief village; one out of six. Amounting (in '53) to 418, 
they are all nominal Christians — Bussianized in the South, 
Koriak in the North. 

The Olutorians or Olutorzi reach from below Cope Olutora 

R 2 


to the mouth of the Anadyr, in nine yillages, and are in the con- 
dition of the Parens and Eamenaias rather than that of the 
Ukas and Pallans. To the Nomads and the Tshaktshi, they bear 
a still stronger likeness ; being strong in body, well-made^ inde- 
pendent in spirit, heathen to a very great extent 

Of the Nomad, or Beindeer Koriaks, who, in '58, paid tribute 
at either Ishiga or Petropaulovski, the number amounted to 
1750 — to which may be added 1000 more, on the Tahuktsbi 
frontier who pay no tribute at all. 

Between the mouth of the Amur, and the Eamenaia districts^ 
the thinly-inhabited district is occupied chiefly by Lamut Tun* 
gus, intermixed with Yakuts and Koriaks — the latter representing; 
to all appearances, the original population. 

Aino is the name of the inhabitants of the Eurile islands and 
the peninsula of Sakalin. A few, too, are (or were) to be found 
at the extremity of Eamtshatka. Some members of this small 
family are subject to China : some to Japan ; some (as is implied 
by the fact of their being Mentioned here) to Bussia. 

Those Aino of the island of Sakalin who are Bussian subjects 
occupy the northern part of the southern third of the island. 

They dress in dog-skins, seal-skins, fish-skins, Japanese cottons ; 
and (either deservedly or undeservedly) have been praised by some 
observers for their cleanliness. They weave, spin, and make a 
sort of cloth from the bark of the willow. They build large store- 
houses, keep bears, and dig for the roots of a yellow lily and 
the angelica — but are no husbandmen. 

At the autumnal feast of the Omsia a bear is killed, and eaten. 

They poison their arrows, and sell such miserables as they can 
kidnap to the Tungus of the Amur. 

I find it stated that after death, the bowels of the deceased are 
takeu-out through the anus by some kind friend, who, during his 
lifetime, had promised to undertake the disgusting o£Sce. The 
body is then dried in the air, and has a hut built over it. The 
poorer people cut down a tree, mark it, and set-up on it a short 
polo with a tassel hanging from it — a symbol of Inao, one of 
their deities. 

According to a Japanese account the method of barter among 
the Aino is that of the western Africans as described by Hero- 
dotus ; as well as that of certain tribes in Vera Paz and else- 

TEE AINO. 243 

where. The Santans (this is the Japanese name for the 
people of the Lower Amur) place their wares on the shore 
and retire. The Aino, then, advance and replace them hy an 
equivalent in furs. 

Of the Kurile Islands the most northern, Sumshu, is the 
smallest ; and it is the occupancy of the Bussian American Fur 
Company. Such natives as still remain, without being Bussian- 
ized, must be few. Every notice of the Aino mentions them as 
a population which is fast dying out. 

The next island is Paramushir, and, this being a larger island, 
the natives on it are more numerous. They are unsettled in their 
habits, maritime boatmen, and traders in a small way with the 
Bussians of the Fur Company. 

Further south the supremacy is disputed between Bussia and 
Japan. In Matsmai, however, the older population is Eurilian ; 
whilst the encroachment on it is from Japan. 



Tbo Turks and Tartars.— General Yicw of the Class. — The Khazan, Petahenega^ 
and Cumanians. — The Ehanats of the Crimea, Astrakan, and Kazan. — 
The Nogays, Bashkirs, Meshtsberiaks, Tjeptyars. — The Kirghiz. — The 
BarabindLi, &c. — The Tshalim, and the Kuznetsk Turks. — Koibals. — Karagaas, 
&c— Yakuts.— The Dolgancn. — The Karaikalpaks. — The Turcomana. — 
Khivans.— The Uz.— The TshagataL— Turks of Minsk, kc 

We now pass from the end of a complex series of small and 
fragmentary populations to the beginning of one which is both 
simpler and more important. It contains larger groups and the 
representatives of more important families. We also go back to 
Europe for our starting-point. We start from the south rather 
than the north — from the Black Sea rather than the Gulf of 
Bothnia or the Arctic Ocean. Though some of the populations 
under notice will have protruded themselves so far even as 
to cut the Arctic Circle, they, on the whole, belong to Southern^ 
rather than Northern, Siberia. 

The populations in question belong to one of three great groups, 
stocks, or families — the Turk, the Mongol, or the Tungus. 
Whenever we speak of a Tartar, he belongs to the first, when- 
ever we speak of a Kalmuk, he belongs to the second, of these 
divisions. It is necessary to insist upon this ; because, whatever 
may be the laxity with which the term Tartar is used, it is, in 
Bussian ethnology at least, a misnomer when applied to a Mon- 
gol. It is still worse to call a Turk a Ealmuk. 

For our present investigations, it is convenient to keep back 
the question as to the blood, language, and other ethnological 
characteristics of the ancient Scythians, the Huns, the Avars, and 
other populations of Asiatic origin and nomadic habits, until wo 
come to the details of Buesia Proper, of Caucasus, of Turkey, 
or of Hungary ; and limit ourselves to the period between tho 
time of Mahomet and Tamerlane. We shall also do well in ro- 


membering that, even with this limitation, a full view of the 
question cannot be given, until the history of the Mongols nnder 
Tshingiz-Ehan and his successors shall have come nnder notice. 
This is because the populations under consideration are the frag- 
ments of four Turkish kingdoms or khanats; the khanats them- 
selves being the fragments of the great Mongol empire of the 
Kiptshak. But this great empire itself was, more or less, 
the consolidation of, at least, two older kingdoms compressed 
into one. 

The khanats that grew out of the Kiptshak were those of 
Astrakan, Kazan, and the Crimea; besides which there was a 
fourth of some kind or other in Siberia, though for this our 
details are uncertain and obscure. 

The factors, however, m the problem are clear. There were the 
Mongols of Temudzhin or Tshingiz-Khan. There were the 
Tshagatai Turks of Tirour and his successors, Turks whose ori- 
gin was in the parts beyond the Oxus — Bokhara and Ferghana. 
There were the three denominations of the Khazars, the Pet- 
shenegs, and the Gumanians. There were the Kirghiz of what 
was once Independent Tartary. Finally, there were certain im- 
portant divisions of the Southern Ugrians ; for it is certain that 
either the Ostiaks or their near congeners extended much further 
to the south than they do at present, and it is probable that either 
the Mordvins, or their near congeners, did the same. 

The Khazars are mentioned by Theophanes as Turks from the 
East who assisted the Emperor Heraclius against Chosroes, king of 
Persia. They conquered the Ooths of the Crimea ; and took tribute 
from the Viatitsh, the Severski, and the Polyani — occupants 
of different parts of Southern Bussia. These I believe, at the 
time in question, to have been Ugrians rather than Slavonians. 
But thisj again, is minute ethnology. On the west, the Khazar 
frontier touched that of — 

The Peishenegs, whose name I give in what I think the most 
convenient form ; and, notwithstanding a dislike to go into 
verbal criticism (unless especially called upon to do so), I am 
induced to make a few remarks on it. We iind it in Greek, in 
Slavonic, in Latin, in Scandinavian, and in Hungarian writers : ns 
IlaT^ivaxiTai, Peczinegi, Pincenates, Petinei, Postinagi, Pezini, 
and^ above all, as Bisseni and Bessi (this in Hungarian notices). 


out of which we get J?^M-arabia; whilst oat of some of the 
others we get Budjak — the name, at the present moment, for a 
Tartar district in Bessarabia. 

In the tenth century, the Fetshenegs attack Kiev, and, some- 
what later^ we find them as far south as Salonica ; this giving 
us the measure of their inroads. Another name for them was 
Kangar. They lived a long time in Europe before they ex- 
changed the tent for the house. Formidable warriors and faithless 
allies, they appear in the greatest detail in the reign of Constan- 
tino Monomachus, between a.d. 1028 and a.d. 1054, when Tyrach 
is their king and Eeghenes (? Khakan) his general. Like so many 
others of his class, Eeghenes, whose actions as a soldier had excited 
the jealousy of his king, transferred his services to the Empire, 
followed by as many as twenty thousand men. Allowing himself 
to be converted to Christianity, he received the tide of Patrician. 
From a fort on the Danube, he made inroads on the country he 
fled from. Tyrach, whose remonstrances were neglected, crossed 
the Danube, with his army, on the ice ; but disease thinned his 
ranks, and he surrendered. Eeghenes recommended a wholesale 
slaughter, but his advice, either from policy or humanity, was 
neglected, and the prisoners were planted, as colonists, in the 
parts about Sardica and Naissus. Many of the nobles embraced 
Christianity. Of the remainder, fifteen thousand were sent to 
join the army in Armenia. On reaching Damatrys, one of their 
generals persuaded them to force their way back. They did so, 
and joined their countrymen the colonists. They then moved 
forward to the mouth of the fiiver Osmos, and again to a 
place called the Hundred Hills. Eeghenes was ordered to move 
against them, narrowly escaped assassination, was accused of 
complicity, and arrested. His followers joined their country- 
men. The king, who had been taken captive, was released upon 
condition that he should bring back his countrymen to tlieir 
allegiance ; but he renounced his Christianity, and revenged him- 
self by two successful battles. This restored Eeghenes to favour. 
Ho defeated his countrymen, but was murdered after his victory. 
A truce of thirty years was the result. 

At some uncertain date after this, the Fetshenegs became 
Christian, and adopted the language of the country in which they 


An Arab writer, who knew both the Fetshenegs and the Cuma- 
nians, considers that the Gumanians were the nobler of the two. 
His knowledge may have been imperfect, or his standard pecuh'ar. 
The habits of the Cumanians may have been exaggerated^ or they 
may have been looked upon with undue horror. As the account 
of them comes from Europeans, this is possible. The best, how- 
ever, was bad. Nestor says they cared not what they ate ; Otto 
of Frisingen that they devoured horseflesh ; Henry the Lett that 
they drank not only mare's milk but mare s blood as well ; and 
that their meat was eaten raw. However, the chroniclers had the 
satisfaction of adding that they were defeated. There is little 
doubt as to the area of the Cumanians. The Bussians call them 
Polowci or Poles, a word meaning Men of the plains. The 
German for this is Waluwen, the French Valan. A Latin 
form is Falones. All this is simply the etymon of the name of 
the Russian Government, Volhynia. 

There were Gumanian settlements in Thrace, in Asia Minor, 
and, as we see in the sequel, in Hungary. 

The Gumanian history begins later than that of the Fetshe- 
negs ; and, in the thirteenth century, Carpin and Bubriquis found 
Cumanians between the Dnieper and the Volga. 

All the preceding nations had fixed themselves in Europe 
before the time of Tzhingiz-Ehan. All preceded the Mongols, 
whom the Tshagatai followed ; the Tshagatai being the Turks 
of the dynasty to which Timur belonged. 

As the Ehanats were developed out of the dissolution of the 
Kiptshak, their origins were nearly contemporary, i. e. between 
1875 and 1400. Their durations, however, were different Kazan 
became Bussian in 1552, Astrakan in 1554, the Crimea no earlier 
than 1783. 

The Turks of the Crimea (whom it is convenient to call by the 
old name of Grim Tartars), when separated from such descendants 
of the Scythians as may have preceded them and from certain 
settlers of later introduction, are chiefly of Khazar and Fetshe- 
neg origin. There may be Gumanian elements amongst them; 
but the mass is Fetsheneg and Ehazar — more Ehazar than Fet- 

The Crimea was an early conquest of the Ottoman Turks ; yet 
in a work so copious and minute as Yon Hanmer's history I find 


no notice of it earlier than the reign of Selim I., when 
the Tartars of that peninsula are mentioned as formicUble ene- 
mies, hat also as tribes who, to some extent, acknowledged the 
suzerainty of the Porte, and whose khan was nominated by the 
sultan. Hence, all that I can say upon the early history of this 
khanat is that, during the fourteenth century, it ceased to be 
Mongol ; and that, by the middle of the sixteenth, it had become 
Ottoman. And even under the Ottomans, its history is obscure 
and fragmentary. The little, however, that we have of it is of 
the bloodiest. It is one tissue of intrigue, murder, and fratricid& 
The authority of the Porte is at times recognized, at times neg- 
lected. When the sultan is stronger than the khans, he is 
obeyed ; when the khans are stronger than the sultan, the man- 
dates of the Porte are despised. The most powerful sultans, how- 
ever, were those who came least in contact with the khans : being 
engaged in Hungary, in Germany, in Gandia, and elsewhere ; for it 
was on the Danube, rather than the Dnieper, that the presence of 
the Amuraths and the Solimans was required. The fhnction of 
the Khanat was, probably, that of a March or military frontier, 
rather than aught else ; for we must remember that it took-in the 
present Governments of Bessarabia, Kherson, Ekaterinoslav, and 
part of tlio Caucasus, as well as that of Tauris, or the Peninsnia 
Proper. And in these it found amongst its dependents, not only 
the numerous tribes of the nomad Tartars, but Kosaks of Polish, 
Kosaks of IJthuauian, Kosaks of Bussian, Kosaks of Circassian, 
and Kosaks of blood of all kinds. The allegiance of all these wild 
>varriors was divided and capricious ; still, much of it was duo to 
the khan of the Crimea. 

Then there were the Eumnnyos — Rumanyos in language, 
though, to a great extent, Petsheneg in blood. Of these, there 
were many on the frontier of Moldavia and between the Prutli 
and the Dnieper. As a general rule, they were less rude than 
the pure Tartars, and, perhaps, less warhke. So far as they had 
a nationality, it was that of the Moldavians and the Wallachians ; 
but of tliis nationality history gives but few signs. 

Tt was partly from the Danubian Principalities, and partly from 
the Government of Caucasus, that the khanat of the Crimea was 
reduced. The Russians under Galitzin had fought with indiffc- 
rciit success iu Moldavia; and Galitzin was replaced by a much 


abler general, Romanzov, wbo had defeated the Turks at Oahicz 
and at Jassy, and who had shaken the allegiance, not only of the 
Moldavians but of the Wallachians also The effect of a foolish 
edict of the Sultan's, by which the property of those who sub- 
mitted to the Russians was confiscated, whilst their wives and 
children were condemned to be sold, had the natural effect of 
connecting the Principalities more closely with Russia; and so 
effectually did it do this that^ at a meeting of the nobles at 
Bucharest, the insignia of government were placed in the hands 
of Russian commissioners, and a deputation was sent to St. 
Petersburg, with orders to ask for the protection of the Czarina, 
and take the oath of allegiance. It was in Moldavia that the 
chief forces of the Crimean khan, as well as the khan himself in 
person, were employed : and against a commander like Romanzov 
they were not likely to be employed with any very signal success. 
He stormed the vizier's camp, and drove his army before him. 
On the southern side of the Danube, it re-assembled^ when the 
charge of the Dobrudzha and Bessarabia was given to the khan. 
At Bender, the resistance was obstinate ; and when, after a siege 
of two months, the town wns finally taken, the Russian com- 
mander was reminded that he had paid too dearly for the capture, 
80 vigorously had it been defended. Elsewhere, however, the 
progress of Romanzov was easy. Ejlia, Akkerman, and Ismail 
surrendered after short sieges. Brailov held out for eighteen 
days ; but, at the close of the campaign, all the fortresses on the 
Lower Danube were in the hands of the Russians. Meanwhile, 
the khan of the Crimea was with the Turkish armies. 

It was decided, however, that he would be more useful in his 
own country ; and Selim Ohirai betook himself to his palace at 
Baktshi Serai : but not to enjoy its pleasures. The lines of Pere- 
kop, which, the year before, had resisted an attack, were forced, 
and Prince Dolgoruki, with a numerous army of Russians and 
Nogays, was investing the town. Another army had entered 
the peninsula at its eastern extremity, and was on the march to 
Kaffa. The khan, with less than the ordinary courage of his 
race, now fled back to his palace, where he found neither counsel 
nor soldiers ; and, when the Russians had reached his palace, he 
fled again to the Karadagh, where he collected a few followers, 
and organized an imperfect defence. But this also he abandoned ; 


and, liaviDg found a vessel by which he could escape to Constan- 
tinople, effected a disgraceful abdication. 

Upon the flight of Selim Ghirai, Dolgornki promised the protec- 
tion of the Czarina to a khan of the Ghirai family ; and Shahin 
Ghirai was invested with the dignity. Eaffa, Kertsh, and Yenikale 
opened their gates to the Russians ; and the little which was done 
by the Ottoman troops which hod been sent to the assistance of 
the khan, was useless. The officer at the head of them was 
beaten, taken prisoner, and sent to Constantinople. Dolgoruki 
took the title of Eaimski : and the independence of the Crimea 
was at an end. 

When the connection between the Crimea and the Porte was 
thus broken, and when the name of an independent khan covered 
the instrumentality of a nominee of Russia, great internal 
changes took place, in regard both to the native population of 
the peninsula and the settlers within it. No fewer than 30,000 
Greeks and Armenians emigrated to the Government of the Don 
Eosaks, of which, at the present time, they form along with a 
small colony of Germans, the whole of the population which is 
other than Bussian. The Tartar emigration was greater still. 
It began in 1783 ; and it either still continues, or has but lately 
ceased. As the khans, however, kept no census, the number of 
the Crimean Tartars before the peace of Eainardzhi is unknown. 
Georgi makes it amount to something between 330,000 and 
400,000 ; Pallas to 500,000. If we knew which of these num- 
bers to choose, and if the Bussian census of 1790 were accurate 
— which it is admitted not to be— we might arrive at an approxi- 
mate estimate of the first migrations. The highest number that 
this gives is 90,000 ; a sum which impUes a removal, by either 
death or migration, of upwards of 300,000 individuals. In 1784 
alone, so many as 80,000 left the peninsula. They generally 
betook themselves to Boumelia and Anatolia; amongst which was 
the family of the khan. Of some of the other noble families the 
representatives still retain their hereditary possessions, which they 
hold under different tenures. Amongst the common people there 
are more herdsmen than tillers of the soil; though agricultural in- 
dustry is, by no means, wholly absent. There is much of it on 
the level, less of it in the hilly country. Upon the whole, however, 
the civilization of the Crimean Turks, except that there is less 



commerce amongst them, and that they form a smaller proportion 
of the population of the towns, is that of the Tartars of Kazan. 

Between 1796 and 1800, they increased from 90,000 (there or 
thereabouts) to 120,000. In 1838, they amounted to 276,822. 

Of the Turks of the khanat of Aslrakan^ some are to be 
found in the Government of Caucasus, and others in that of 
Astrakan itself. They are separated from one another by a 
Mongol district, of which more will be said in the sequel. The 
northern or eastern branch is in contact with the most western 

Some of these are Nogays. The whole may amount to 

In allotting all the Turks of the following Governments to the 
khanat of Kazan, I may err in some unimportant details, inas- 
much as some of them may have had their origin beyond its fron- 
tiers. I give, however, the following table :— 

In the Government of Kazan 

Stauropol • 


Simbirsk . 





Perm . 



Kostroma • 














In the city of Kazan itself with a population of more than 
60,000 two-thirds are Bussian, one-third Turk ; the latter living 
apart and in the so-called Tartar town. 

No longer the metropolis of a khanat it is still a town full of 
trade, industry, and intelligence; its University being the great 
seminary for missionaries and for agitators in behalf of religious 
and political designs of Bussia in the direction of the east. 

All travellers speak well of the Kazan Tartars. In the towns 
they have wholly sunk their original nomad character and are 

254 Tn£ NOQATR 

as txuly industrial as so many Jews, ArmenianSy or Aoglo-Saxona. 
In the country some of tlie old characteristics keep their ground. 
Yet, in the country, tliey are hard-working ftrmere — though shep- 
herds and bee-masters also. In both, they are zealous and sincere, 
though not intolerant, Mahometans ; less sensual, and less idle, 
than the Osmanli of Constantinople, and circumspect in busi- 
ness. In dress, they are accommodating themselves to that of the 

The approximate measure of the old Bulgarian civilization is 
to be found in the ruins of Vrakhimov and Bolgari near Spask, 
on the left bank of the Volga, half-way between Kazan and Sim- 
birsk. The coins found there are Oufio : the inscriptions Turkish, 
Arabic, and Armenian. Of the 47 Turkish legends 22 are refer- 
able to one year, the year of the Hegira, 623. As Vrakimov 
fell off Old Kazan rose ; and as Old Kazan declined, the Kazan 
of the present time flourished. 

Mutatis mutandis, the same phenomenon presents itself in 
Astrakan, where the ruins of Okak and Serai replace thoee of 
Vrakimov and Old Kazan. 

Of the Nogays there are four divisions — one in the locality 
which they inhabited in the time of Peter the Great, two in set- 
tlements planted by that emperor, and a fourth in the Crimea^ 
where itseems to have been settled under the khanat. Of these 

1 . The Nogays of the original locality are the so-called Kundur 
Tartars of the Aktuba, one of the mouths of the Volga. They 
change their residence as well as their mode of life with the 
season, living during the summer in felt tents, and resorting when 
winter comes on to the town of Krasnoyarsk. Of these — - 

2. The Nogays of tlie Kuma and Kuban, along with — 

3. The Nogays to the north of the Black Sea, are the offsets. 

4. The Crimean Nogays are remarkable for the extent to which 
they have laid aside their migratory habits and become settled 
agriculturists. So far from their prefemng the tent to the house, 
or the encampment to the village, they are amongst the most 
industrious of the Tartars of the Crimea. 

Orenburg is the Bashkir country ; for it is in Orenburg that 
the Bashkirs are the most numerous, and most wear the guise of 
an original population : the Tartars, as has been seen, being also 


In the Government of Orenburg . . , 332,358 

Perm .... 40,746 

Samar .... 15,351 

Viatka .... 3,617 


Next, in order, come the Meshtsheriaks, and then, after a long 
interval, the Tshuvash, the Mordvins and the Tsherimis ; fol- 
lowed by about 15,000 Germans, and a few Gipsies. 

In language the Bashkirs are Tartars ; in blood (I think) 
Ugrians. They are pastoral rather than agricultural, and quite 
as much military as pastoral : Mahometans in creeds and, to a 
great extent, nomads in habit. Before the conquest of Kazan, 
two other Khans, one in Siberia, and one in Independent Tartary, 
took tribute from a portion of the Bashkir country — the bulk of 
which belonged to Kazan. The Bashkirs, however, submitted to 
Bussia, and after the foundation of Ufa were effectually pro- 
tected by her. During the wars of the seventeenth century 
between the Elirghiz and the Siberians, the Bashkirs revolted — 
once in 1672, once in 1707, and once in 1740. They also moved 
with the Kosaks in Fugatsheff s rebellion. The first three of these 
revolts were beaded by native chiefs. In 1735, a Kosak March, 
or boundary, had been established on the frontier; but since 
1741 tlie Bashkirs themselves have, to a great extent, been con- 
verted into virtual Kosaks. Instead of paying tribute, they serve 
as soldiers, and submit to a military organization. The Starshins> 
judges, or elders, are appointed by Bussia; who feebly represent 
the original nobility. 

The Meshtsheriaks are mixed up with the Bashkirs, and, 
except that they remained faithful to Bussia during the Bashkir 
rebellions, and that they are civilians rather than soldiers in habit, 
are little more than Bashkirs under another name— if, indeed^ 
the names are not identical. They amount 

In the Government of Orenburg to . . 71,578 

Perm 5,783 

Saratov .... 2,580 

The TyejUyar are believed to be a mixture of Turks and 


Ugrians^ who crossed the Ural and submitted to Bassia soon after 
the conquest of Kazan. They are imperfect Mahometans. Word 
for word, Tyeptyar seems to be Kiptshak. 

The true occupancy of the Kirghiz is Independent Tartary. 
We shall, however, see how much it has forfeited its title to 
the name. 

The Kirghiz fall into — 

The Middle Hord 500,000 

— Little 100,000 

— Great 100,000 


The Middle Hord belongs almost as much to Siberia as to 
Tartary ; its occupancy being the drainage of the Upper Ishim 
and the Upper Obi. In 1823 some of its sultans put themselYes 
under the protection of Bussia. At first they paid no tribute. 
Now they pay some. One of its tribes, the Naiman, has a Mongol 
name. Of two others, the Argin and the TurtuI, more will be 
said anon ; since they are names which re-appear on the Tshulim. 

The Little Hord became, more or less, Bussian about the 
middle of the last century ; when the tribes under the chieftaincy 
of Abulkair, along with some others, invoked the protection of 
the Czar. Their allegiance, however, was doubtful. They made 
inroads across the frontier, and levied blackmail upon the cara- 
vans to and from Bokhara. To check this, their constitution was 
changed and the power of the khans was broken — with this, 
the integrity of the hord. Some went over to China, some 
to the Middle Hord, some to the khauat of Khiva. Finally, a 
division of 10,000 families settled in Astrakan. In 1812 the 
khanat was made hereditary in the family of Bakei. They lie 
a little to the right of the Volga, from which they are divided by 
the Kalmuks. On the south they are bounded by a small Turk 
district and the Caspian. A little to the north of them lie the 
Bashkir and German districts, the former in Orenburg, the latter 
in Saratov. They seem to be wholly cut off from the other 
Kirghiz : and amount to about 82,000. With the exception of 
Kataiy which reminds us of the Mantshu Kitan^ the names of 
the tribes of the Little Hord are purely Turk. 

The Great Hord lies north and easty and reaches the drainage 


of the Upper Yenisei. The name of, at least, one of their tribes 
is £uriat ; a name identical with that of the Buriat Mongols. 
How for this mokes the Mongols Turkish, or the Kirghiz Mongol 
I have not inquired. In the Chinese geographers the name by 
which the most eastern of their tribes was known is Eilikisa, or 

In 1600, when the Barabinski submitted to Russia, a large 
portion of the Great Hord did the same ; the Barablnski being 
the Turks of Barama, that dreary waste which lies between the 
Ishim and the Obi. In summer the Barabinski Tartars dwell in 
tents ; in winter in huts ; the huts being partially sunk in the 
ground. They are, for the most part^ herdsmen, with a slight 
tendency to an imperfect agriculture. Shamanism is common; 
to the exclusion, I believe, of Mahometanism — but not to that 
of Christianity ; which is making its way amongst them. 

From the name of their country which is 'Res^ana, meaning the 
Bara country, and from ma being the ordinary Fin name for land, 
along with other facts which point to the same conclusion, I 
consider that the Barabinski are, more or less. Fin in blood. 
That they are old occupants of their present area I infer from 
their being Shamans rather than Mahometans. That some of 
them may have had the once terrible Avars amongst their ancestors 
I infer from the name. 

They may amount to 8500 individuals paying yasak or tribute, 
Bussia being the Power that holds them tributary. They call 

The Russians .... Urus 

„ Elirghiz Kasak 

„ Kalmuks Kalmuk 

„ Ostiaks lahtak 

They fall into the following Aimoks : this Mongol term being 
the one I find in Ellaproth. 

In Tnrk. In Rntiian. 

1. Langga. Tanuakaya Yoloat 

2. Lobai. Lobanskaya Yoloet 
8. Kulaba. Turaahkaya Yoloet 
4. Barama. Barabinskaya Yoloat 
6. TsoL Tflhaiskaya Yoloet. 

6. Terent. Tereninakaya Yoloat. 

7. Kaigala. Kaxgallnakaya Yoloet 



The Tshulim Tartars, occnpants of a feeder of the Obi, bo 
called, are said to approach the Mongols in their looks, and also 
to speak a dialect of the Turkish which has more than an ordinary 
amount of l^Iongol words. Pastoral rather than agricultural, and 
Christian rather than Mahometan, the Tshulim Turks, who amount 
to about 15,000, are also, to some extent, ShamanisL They 
move with seasons ; live by fishing and hunting ; and dweU, like 
tlie Barabinski, in huts sunk in the ground. That the climate is 
unhealthy is inferred from a notice of Bell's, who remarked the 
prevalence of a skin- disease amongst them, which left large white 
spots on their otherwise swarthy bodies. He attributes it to the 
exclusive use of fish and animal food. For a small population 
their tribes are numerous. Two are named Bura; which 
points to Barama. Besides these there is a Tutnl tribe, and 
nn Argen tribe ; names which point to the Middle Hord of the 

Of the tribes of tlie Upper Tom, Verkho-Tomski, or Kuznetsk, 
the Abintsi are one ; and with these ends the notice of the Tartars 
of the drainage of the Obi. 

Of those of the Yenesey the most western are the KaUktalar 
or Katshinzi (the first form being Turk, the second Bussian), so- 
called from the river which they occupy. 

The Boktalar, or Boktintsi, lie below — 

The Kaidin above — Abakansk. 

The Beltyr, amounting to about 150 payers of tribute, lie on 
tlie right bank of the Abakan. 

The Biri/us, on the river so-called, originally belonged to the 
Verklio-Tomski Tartars. They are all poor, with a few horses, a 
few oxen, and a little rye. They have a chief (Bashlik) at tlie 
head of each of their four divisions. 

The Tubular, or Tubintsi, on the Tuba, though Turk in lan- 
guage, are believed to be Samoyed in blood. They are sometimes 
called Kirghiz : a fact which points to Independent Tartary. 
Indeed, I imagine, that it is fi:om the Kirghiz that all tlieso tribes 
of Siberia have been derived. 

The preceding view of these minor divisions of the Siberian Turks 
is purely ethnological. The political classification, or the classi- 
fication which is current with those Russian officials, who look 
chielly to topographical boundaries and the most convenient way 


by which the tribute can be collected, is somewhat differcDt. It 
gives four divisions. 

1. The Koibal tribes of the Yenisey after it passes the Chinese 
frontier and becomes Russian and Siberian. — Some of the Eoibals 
are subject to China : not that the Chinese call them so, but 
that the class, so far as it is natural rather than political, is Chi- 
nese as well as Russian. The Koibal area (pohtically speaking) 
is bounded by the Yenisey ; the Tabat, a feeder of the Abakan ; 
and the, Sogda, a feeder of the Tuba. The tribes on the 
Tuba are mentioned elsewhere, and, eo nomine, as Tubalar or 
Tubinski. I imagine that they differ from the true Eoibals, 
without being sure of it. This is because the Eoibals (some or 
all) name themselves Tufa; a fact which suggests the probability 
of the Tubalar being a branch of them. If so, they are, in the 
present work, noticed twice over. 

In 1830, the Eoibals (the word being dealt with as a political 
term) amount to G35 males, and 493 females— total 1128. 

In the way of language y the Eoibals are Turks ; the Eoibal 
grammar of Castr^ being neither more nor less than a grammar 
of a Turk dialect spoken in Siberia, on the right bank of the Abakan. 

In the way of blood, thoy are anything but Turk. Out of the 
eight divisions, which come under the denomination, five are 
Samoyed, three Yeniseian. 

The name, however, is Samoyed. In Elaproth's Asia Poly- 
glotta, there is a long Eoibal vocabulary, collected during the 
last century, by Messerschmidt, which is simply Samoyed ; and in 
1847, a few grey-headed Eoibals could still speak Samoyed. 

2. The Sagay. — These lie between Askyz and the Upper 
Abakan; and amounted, in 1830, to 3897 males, and 4011 fe- 
males : total 7908. 

8. The Katsha, Katshalar, or Katshinski. — On the Lower 
Abakan, or between the Sagay and the Yenisey; also on the 
White lyus. They amounted, in 1860, to 3460 males, and 3119 
females; total, 6579. Castr^n, however, in 1847, puts them at 
9436 in all. The Eoibals and Sagay were Samoyeds and Yeni- 
seians who had become Turk. The Eatsha tribes have gone 
further. They are in the third stage and are Bussian. 

4. The Kisilzi. — This is the most northern of the four divi- 
sions \ and, also, the most Bussian. Perhaps, indeed, the Eisilzi 

8 2 


are iirholly Russianized. They amoonted, in 1830, to S282 
males, and 2080 females ; total, 5862. 

The Karagass, conterminous with the Koibals and Etoiot, 
occupy the valleys of the Oka, Uda, Biryu8» and Elan, as 
nomads. In 1851, they amounted to 284 males, and 259 fe- 
males ; total 513. They fall into five tribes. 

1. The Eash. 

2. The Kash Sareg. 
8. The Tyogde. 

4. The Kara Tyogde. 

5. The Tyeptei. 

The Eash are conterminous with the Soiot ; the Sareg Eash with 
the Eamash : the Tyeptei with the Buriats. 

Gastrin visited the Koibals. He found them in extreme 
poverty; but they were pleased when he asked about their lan- 
guage and their history. Yet the pleasure was dashed with mis- 
trust. "Why do travellers visit us? Surely we must be of 
more value than other people." An old man who remembered 
the expedition of Pallas, told him, that since the foreigner 
visited them, all had gone bad. The cattle sickened when he 
went away. But" was that Pallas's fault?" The answer was, " that 
men don't come and pass weeks in tlie winter for nothing." The 
chief charge against him was, that he was an excavator of the 
Tshudengrahen, and that he was a magician. Nor was this belief 
extinct. Gastrin, himself, who excavated as far as his oppor* 
tunitios would let him, was supposed to be looking after Tshud 
skulls, out of which a decoction more effective than sarsaparilla 
was to bo made. Still they let him dig and received him 
kindly ; though steeped in poverty to the very lips themselves. 
He found huts where the children ran naked, crying for food; 
for wliich the dogs howled too. Yet they found a place for him 
by the fire. They found it, too, for a miserable beggar — vagabond 
and minstrel —who, on a two-stringed harp, sang the following 
song of Tyenar Euss. 

There was a Tartar whose name was Tyenar-Kuss ; he had a great many tents, 
more men, and still more cattle. He was very old. He took to himself a wife. 
He loved her much ; but he thought, in his own heart, that she never loved him. 
So he tried her love. He went out one morning, as if he went after some cattle 
that he said were missing. He went a little way ; bnt, before he had gone far, 
he threw himself down on the ground, and lay as if he were dead. The shep- 


herds and herdsmen saw him ; and, aa he never moved a limb, they thought he 
was dead. So they went back to his tribe, and said that he was lying dead. 
When his wife heard this, she took a horse, and rode to where he lay, and found 
him lying on the ground, just like a dead man } never moving a limb. So she 
lay down by his side, and began to weep. But Tyenar-Kuss thought to himself 
that he must not put faith in his wife's tears ; so he lay as before. Then his wife 
took out a dagger, and said, — 

" Thou seest, Tycnar-Kuss, that I will not abide any longer on the earth ; I 
will never roam about as a widow, and look for any other husband. I will never 
part from you, my husband — my wedded one ! " 

But Tyenar-Kuss, though he heard all this, never moved a limb. He lay like 
a dead man. So the wife rose up, and took the dagger, and stabbed her breast 
with it, and fell dead by his side. And Tyenar-Kuss got up, and grieved that he 
had lost a good wife ; and, as long as he lived, never ceased to mourn for her. 

They talked too about Irle-khan, and when they put on new logs 
or got warm, said, "Aye! Fire is a god." They said the same 
of water ; and the traveller was told that on certain occasions they 
threw the first-fruits into a river or lake. Some threw the first 
morsels of their meal towards the east. Those who did this did it 
to please Irle-khan. Displease Irle-khan and you will be punished 
as those are punished who give milk-and-water instead of milk. 

Of the Soiot little is known. Most of them are Chinese. 

There was a man, and his name was Toros. He was a Soiot ; but he lived 
within the boundaries of China. He paid tribute to the Chinese ; but he wished 
to escape this tribute. So he moved himself northwards — himself and his tribe. 
They were thirty -five in all ; and he wanted to settle in Siberia. This was two 
hundred years ago. His countrymen, who were Soiot, went after him, and fol- 
lowed hard on his track. He saw that they were near upon him, so he betook 
himself to the Toros Taskyl. It was a steep mountain, but he made a way. But 
his countrymen followed him : so he made a palisade. He cut down trees, and 
bound them together with bands ; and heaped up a wall of stones behind them. 
His countrymen still followed on his footsteps. They came to the wall : they 
came under the wall. Then Toros cut the bands, and the wall fell down, and the 
stones rolled ; and his countrymen were carried back. Not a man lived to tell 
the tale. But Toros dwelt with the Mator; and the way is called Toros's Way 
Ull this day. 

One of the Sayanian tribes is named Sokha ; the Sayanian 
tribes being held to be of Kirghiz origin. We have traced them 
as far north as the Upper Yenisey; and we have yet to trace 
them further. 

They lead to the division which gives its name to the Govern- 
ment of Yakutsk, of which they are, for a native population, the 
most civilized inhabitants. Yakut, however, is only the name 
which the Bussians give them. The name they give themselves 
is Saikha, Sokha, or Sokhalar. It is believed to be the name of 


one of their early Khans ; but this is unlikely ; at any rate, he 
was the man who led them northwards, since the chief who sepa- 
rated them from the Brath (with which they made one nation) 
and led them from Lake Baikal to the Lower Lena^ was not 
Sakha, but Deptsi Tarkhantegin. Word for word» Brath is 
Buriat, It points to the Buriat Mongols ; and it also points to 
the Buriat Kirghiz of the Great Hord. It is with the latter that 
I more especially connect the Sakhalar or Yakut At the same 
time, the names of the Baitung^ the Yok Soyon, the Manga, and 
the Namin tribes are more Mongol and Turk. The two Tiews, 
however, by no means exclude one another. 

The most western of the Yakut are three small tribes on the 
Ghatunga and in the parts about Dudinka, who lie in immediate 
contact with the Samoyeds, the Yeniseians^ and the Tnngus; 
with the latter of whom they have been confounded. Gastrdn, 
indeed, says that all the world, the Samoyeds themselves in- 
cluded, have so confounded them. As far back, however, as 1856 
Middeudorf informed me of their true a£Snilies. 

In calling them Yakut, I merely mean that they speak the 
Yakut language ; by no means holding that the blood and lan- 
guage coincide. Indeed, it is most likely that they do not. 

There are three tribes. One of these is the Dongdt, whose oc- 
cupancy is about tl)ree days' journey from Dudinka, on the Noryl 
Lake. Word for word, Dongot seems to be Denka ; and Denka 
is t1)e name of a division of the Yeniseians, who, as far back as 
Messerschmidts time, had nearly lost their language, and who 
were said to count only as far as five. 

The next is the Adgan ; the third, the Bolgan, They refer 
their origin to three brothers, Galkinga, Sakatin, and Biika, who 
left the Yakut country but recently — so recently, says Gastrin, 
that one of his existing descendants smoked out of the very pipe 
which Galkinga smoked. Whether this be a fact, a rhetorical 
way of saying that his tribe were new comers, or evidence as to 
the age of the pipe, I know not. The Samoyed call them Alia 
^=Youn(/er brothers. The Bussians apply the name Dolganen 
to all the three tribes. As a general rule, they are Pagans, a 
few only being converted to Christianity. They live on friendly 
terms, as their name denotes, with the Samoyeds. 



The Mongols of the Ruaalan Empire.— Six Kalka Tribes.— The Buriats.— The 


The Buriat area begins in the parts about Nizhni Udinsk, to the 
east of the Lena, and extends to the country of the Khorin and 
Barguzin tribes (both of ^hich it includes) beyond Lake Baikal. 
It is bounded on the south by the Chinese frontier, beyond which 
few or no Buriats are to be found ; the Mongols of the northern 
parts of China and Mongolia, in the proper sense of the term 
being Kalkas. Nevertheless, either the whole or a part of six 
Kalka tribes is to be found within the Bussian boundary. These 
are the Dzongol, the Asho-khabat, the Tabung-gut, the Sartol, 
the Atagan, and the Eatshagan. 

The Buriats amount to about one hundred and ninety thousand 
souls; some few being Mahometans, some Christians, some 
Shamanists, the majority Buddhists. 

Upon the blood of the great Mongol armies, which in the 
thirteenth century cut their way from the wall of China to the 
frontiers of Thuringia, the armies of Tshingiz-Ehan and his 
successors, more will be said in the sequel. At present it is 
enough to say what manner of men these sudden and formidable 
conquerors were as warriors. 

To war they were trained by almost every act of their ordinary 
life. To a man they were horsemen. To a man, to a woman, to a 
child, they were feeders on the flesh and milk of the horse. From 
the latter they brewed an intoxicating Uquor called kumiss. Some 
of the tribes may have brewed beer. This I infer from a notice of 
one of them, that they drank a liquor made from grain. Some of 
them were Hamaxobii ; living in huts made of felt, moved about 
on wagons drawn by oxen : easily put together, easily taken to 
pieces, easily transferred from place to place. The women, famous 
for their chastity, took charge of them. Meanwhile, when not 
engaged in war, the men hunted and hawked ; nor did either the 


MoDgol or the Mantshu Ehans, when Emperors of Ohina, allow the 
ease and luxury of their silken palaces to withdraw them altogether 
from the chase. One of the Mantshu emperors was not onlj a 
hunter, hut a writer, who described the beauties of his great 
hunting-ground, to the north of the Great WaU, in Mantshniia. 
Camels' flesh, also, was eaten by them — then and now. With 
tastes of this kind it was no hard matter to carry their commissa- 
riat with them; and this is what they did. There was one 
horse to ride on, and as many as eighteen, for either relays or 
food. Under the pressure of extreme hunger it was bled, and 
the warm blood drunk as it flowed from his Ycins. After the 
fashion of the Parthian they discharged their arrows whilst 
galloping at full speed; and that either in advance or retreat 
The cliief weapon was the bow, just as it was that of the first 
Magyars ; next to the bow, the iron mace, next to the iron mace 
the spear. When a march was to be made, a company was 
drafted off from the main body, and sent on two days in advance, 
whilst other bodies prevented surprises by keeping guard on each 
flank, and in the rear. To every ten men, for the organization 
was pre-eminently decimal, an officer ; to every hundred men, a 
centurion ; to every ten centurions, a chiliarch ; to every ten 
chiliarchs, a commander of ten thousand. The company of ten 
was a tuk ; the company of one hundred a tuman. 

Of the Mongol dynasty in China but little is known ; much 
of that little being found only in the classical work oF the Mongol 
language ; the history by Sanang Seetzen, an Ortu, of real, or 
supposed royal blood, and, in the treatment of his subject, an 
analogue of the moukish historians of medieval Europe. He is a 
Buddliist ; who begins with the beginniug of the world and ends 
with the Mantshu conquest of China. After the downfall of the 
Yuen, and the establishment of the Miug dynasty, there was a 
state of anarchy amongst the Mongols, and the existence of the 
Buddhist religion was endangered. Little in the way of detail 
is known of the early creed ; except that there was a basis of 
Shamanism, not yet extinct, with a mixture of Fire-worship, and 
(perhaps) of Christianity. The old paganism, however, up-reared 
itself for a while, and the Shamans confronted the Buddhists. A 
sketch of more than one controversy is preserved. The Mantshu 
conquest, however, restored an approach to order. 


The Kalmuhs of the Bussian Empire are as follows : — 

In the Government of Astxakan 87,556 

Cancasus 20,591 

Saratov 692 

= Stavropol 10,223 

Total 119,162 

to which we may add some in Samar, some in the Don Eosak 
coantry, some in Orenburg, and an offset in the Crimea. 

The warlike aptitudes and migratory propensities of the stock, 
as shown up to a comparatively late period, may be found in the 
history of these tribes ; tribes belonging to the Ulut branch, and 
to the Durbet and Torgod divisions of it. In the seventeenth 
. century, a period of trouble and disturbance, more than one 
section of the Mongols gave up its precarious independence for 
the protection of either Russia or China. Of those who betook 
themselves to Bussia the first were certain Torgods, a.d. 1630. 
They reached Astrakan, attacked it, and were repulsed with the 
loss of their khan, who was killed. His son, who succeeded him, 
ruled for a time as an independent sovereign, but finally made over 
his authority to Bussia. In 1700-1703 a Durbet migration 
took place, and that in the same direction. One of the leaders of 
these movements was Aniki Khan, who assisted Peter the Great 
against Persia. He also sent thirty thousand men as allies of 
Elizabeth, to the Crimea, where their descendants remain to this 
day. He had previously fought against the Nogays. So lived 
Aniki Khan: himself independent; but not the father of an 
independent dynasty. His successors were mere puppets of 
Bussia, who had their titles ratified at St. Petersburg. 

By 1771 discontent had arisen^ and, to coin a new word, a 
large, though partial, r^-migration was effected through the suc- 
cession of seventy thousand families. They left their Bussian 
occupancy against the will of the Bussians and were followed by a 
Bussian army. They found no friends in the countries through 
which they passed ; but, on the contrary, bitter enemies, who 
treated them as unwelcome visitors. These harassed them in 
their journey; and the Bussians pressed upon them from behind. 
However, they either made or found a way, and forced themselves 
forwards to the frontiers of China; which^ after a loss of 20^000 


families, and innumerable hardships, they reached — a starred and 
stricken remnant. They were, however, hospitably received. 

That the warlike spirit has revived since the time of Temadzbin, 
is shown also in the history of Galdan, the second (by a long 
interval) of their great warriors ; who, abont the middle of the . 
last century, established a kbanat independent of both China and 
Bussia ; but one which, after his death, broke up. 

The Ealmuks of the Governments of Astrakan, &c., enjoy a 
partial independence. Their organization^ like that of their 
brothers elsewhere, is more military than civil. There is the 
ulus and its divisions; with its commanders of one hundred, 
one hundred and fifly, one thousand, and four thousand tents. 
The name of the captain is zaizan, an important word, sug- 
gesting that the Sassanid® of Persia may have been, to some 
extent, Mongol. There is, also, the nobility of the White 
Bones ; and the nobility of the Black Bones. There is a fair 
amount of religious freedom ; for the majority are Buddhists with 
a Lama at their head, whilst others, through the activity of the 
missionaries of the Greek Church, are Christians. 

Some of those of Orenburg are, I believe, Mahometans ; so, at 
least, I infer from a passage in Georgi, who says that, a.d. 1753, 
they were received in their present locality by the Bashkirs, and 
in '83 resided, to the number of about fifty families, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Tset. Their descendants are of mixed blood ; for 
the Bashkirs allotted to the original settlers, not only pastures for 
their cattle, but wives. In winter they reside in fixed dwelUngs : in 
summer they move about in tents. They are said to be more Mongol 
than Turk in physiognomy, being big-eared and flat-faced ; though 
this is a Bashkir characteristic. It should be added that the 
Bashkirs, though Turk in language, are of mixed blood ; the 
basis of the stock being, to a large extent, Ugrian. 

THE TUNQtJa 267 


The Tongds. — Tshapodzhira. — Daurians. — Lamut. — Orotahong. — Manyak. — 


The word Tongus^ used in the sense which it bears in the 
present work, is strictly etLnological. There is a general name 
wanted for a population in northern Asia, which falls into nu- 
merous and important divisions and sub-divisions ; and this is it. 
To some of the tribes to which the term applies it would doubt- 
less be intelligible : whilst others, such as the Mautshus, would, in 
all probability, repudiate it with indignation. The word, however, 
is useful, and it is used by the Russians, both in scientific works, 
and in ordinary language. The most western of the popula- 
tions to which it applies are occupants of the Lower Tunguska ; 
some of whom (perhaps all) call themselves Orotshong, and 
some of whom (perhaps all) are called by others TsJuipodzhir ; 
a word which is sufficiently conspicuous on most maps. I have 
given reasons elsewhere for believing this means painted or tat- 
tooed. At any rate the men who bear it tattoo themselves. For the 
Tungus at large there is not only no general name but nothing that 
approaches one. Different tribes designate themselves differently. 
Donki, which I submit is, word for word, Tongits, is one name : 
beye, meaning the same, another. The Mantshus call all the 
tribes beyond the confines of Mantshuria, and not the Tshapo- 
dzhirs alone, Orotshong, Other names indicate geographical 
localities. Thus the Lamuts are the men of the sea- coast. 
Meanwhile another division arises from their habits ; these being 
determined from the domestic animal employed. 

The Horse Tung^ are those of the southern and western per- 


tions of the area ; these being most akin to the Buriats in their 
habits and civilization. The Reindeer Tungus are those of the 
norths where they come in contact with the Eoriaks. The Dog 
Tungiis are met with as we approach the neck of the Peninsula 
of Kamtshatka. The Forest and Steppe Tongfis^ along with 
the Tung(is who go on foot are either sab-divisions or oross- 

All the members of the Tongiis class belong to either Bassia 
or China, those of China being the Mantshus of Mantshuria. 
Tlie Mantshurians^ as a body, are perhaps somewhat roder than 
the Mongols, and the Bussian Tungus somewhat mder than the 
Mantshus. As a rule, they are Shamanists, and imperfect converts 
to Christianity, rather than Buddhists. I am not aware that thers 
is either much Mahometanism or many remains of the old Persian 
Fire-worship amongst them. With a population that has no 
general name, we can scarcely expect any wide diffusion of 
any nationality. Add to this that the land they live in is, in 
some parts, within the Arctic Circle^ and that it extends 
over an enormous area. The valley of the Amur is the most 
favoured portion of the Tongtis country, and it is here that the 
first signs of the Tongiis civilization appear to have developed 

Upon all their neighbours, with the exception of the Mongols, 
and perhaps the Yakuts, the Tongus (if we put the Bas- 
sians out of the question) have encroached. The Tshapo- 
dzhirs, certainly, lie west of their original occupancies. In 
the direction of Korea the Mantshu language has extended 
itself. So it has in that of the Peninsula of Sakalin. The 
Yukahiri, of whom a short notice has been given, are well-nigh 
exterminated, and it is the Tungus who have done much towards 
exterminating them. In Kamtshatka the migration of Tungns 
Lamuts is still going on. How far, over and above the Mantshu 
Conquest of China, any members of the family have either 
effected conquests single-handed, or joined with others in effecting 
them, is an obscure question. I think, however, that in much of 
what is attributed to the Mongols some Mantshus took a part 

The evidence of modem writers is favourable to the energy and 
hardihood of even the rudest of the existing tribes. Gastrin 


met with Tangos tradere on the Obi, and he speaks of them as 
men who were enterprising enough to be expected anywhere. 

The Daorians are those whose language, through a grammar of 
Castrdn's, is the best known. It falls into sub-dialects ; the dif- 
ferences, however, between, even the extreme forms, is slight, and 
I imagine that Tshapodzhirs from the west and Mantshus from 
the Wall of China could understand one another. It is notably 
different from the Mongol, belonging to the same genus or order. 

It is only for a portion of this class that I can give the 

Russian TungHis. 

In the Takut districts 18,550 

Circle of Gishiginsk 500 

Neighbourhood of Turuchansk . . . 1,981 

Circle of Kirinsk 1,695 

Neighbourhood of Lake Baikal and the 

Sayanian range 1,706 

Circle of Verkneudinsk 2,895 

Nertshinsk 18,791 

Total 85,618 

Of the Bussian territories on the Amur (all of which are recent 
annexations) the details are as follows : — 

BroTinoe. Square miles. NaiiTee. 

TheAmiir 164,000 5,200 

Usuri, Sofyevsk, and Nikolayvesk 179,000 9,800 
Bussian Sakalin 18,000 8,500 

861,000 28,500 

By Bussian Sakalin is meant the northern portion of that long, 
narrow island, which, lying in front of the mouth of the Amur, 
extends through no less than eight degrees of latitude, and 
belongs (in the upper two-thirds) to Bussia, and (in its lower 
third) to Japan. 

Arranging all these aborigines according to tribe, stock, class, 
or nationality, we get the following table : — 


Tung6sGoldi 8,660 

Manyark and Birar 8,000 

Daurians «,000 

■ Olcha, or Mangur 1,100 

Orotshes of the Seacoast . • . 1,000 

Sakalin . . . 1,000 

— — Orotshong of the Upper Amur • 260 

Koriaks (?) Gilyak 8.180(?) 

Eurilians, Negdals, and Mangor. • . . 1,000 

Aino 1,000 

Chinese 1,400 


Of these, the Daurians and the Orotshong are mere continua- 
tions of the population of the parts about Nertshinsk ; the others, 
however, have a variety of differential characteristics. The 
Manyarg, Manyak, Monagir^ or Man^gre (for in all these 
different manners the word is spelt), are fishermen and horse- 
keepers. They occupy the valley of the Dzeya and the lower 
levels on the left hank of the Middle Amur. They are somewhat 
undersized, and spare in frame, with their arms and legs weak. 
Nor have they the credit of being either a bold or a high-spirited 
population. When subject to China, they were liable to both the 
payment of ti'ibute and the conscription, and, apparently, to 
forced labour aud other oppressive exactions at the hands of the 
Mandarins, under whom their sense of independence was wholly 
crushed. As the Chinese dominion is now superseded by that 
of Ilussia, many of the hardships to which they were exposed are 
diminished; and the tendency to assimilate themselves to the 
Chinese in dress, manners, and language, has been, to some extent, 

They occupy the Amur below the Orotshong, but, as they are 
to a great extent a population of fresh-water fishermen, when 
summer sets in, they ascend the stream. The sturgeon and beluga 
are the fishes that they most value, and it is with the harpoon or 
the snare that they take them. The roe is sold to the Ilussians ; 
or, rather, it is bartered for rye-meal. 

It is in the use of tlie horse rather than the reindeer; in the 
occupancy of a level or undulating country rather than a moun- 


tain-chain ; in a greater tincture of Chinese civilization, and in a 
more submissive demeanour, that the Manyak chiefly differs from 
the Orotshong. 

The Goldi, like their nearest congeners, the Orochis of the sea- 
coast, have slightly adopted the fashion of the Mantshus. In 
general, the hair is tied up in a bunch, and either hangs loosely down 
the neck, or is plaited. Neither beard nor moustache is encouraged ; 
nor, if it were allowed to grow, would either be plentiful. In 
some cases, however, the fashion of shaving the head has been 
adopted. In like manner, the dress is after the Chinese fashion, 
even though it be made of dog-skin or fish-skin. And here it 
may be remarked, that these are the countries where the skins of 
fishes are most especially made subservient to the toilette. Having 
taken a large fish, the Goldi skin it skilfully, and beat the skin 
with a mallet until the scales come off, and the thick, oily corium 
becomes supple. In a dress of this kind they defy snow, mist, 
and rain. The belt bears an elaborate chatelaine, consisting of 
a knife, a tinder-box, a whetstone, a needle-case, and a prong for 
cleaning-out their pipes. Their leggings, for stockings they can 
hardly be called, like their hats, are made of the bark of the 
birch tree. Both sexes tattoo the face. In the summer, they 
hunt such game as serves for food in the winter, the hunt is 
mainly for the fur-bearing animals. In their buildings, as in their 
wardrobe, and in their boats as in their buildings, the bark of the 
birch tree plays a conspicuous part. The smaller boats carry one 
man who works it with a paddle. The larger ones, well adapted 
for navigating the shallows of the river, are from twelve to twenty 
feet long, and carry sails. The staunchest of all are hollowed 
out of the trunks of trees. The huts are sometimes square 
sometimes conical, sometimes in the shape of a bee-hive. In 
fishing, they use the hook, the net, and a harpoon with a bladder 
attached to it ; the nets being made of hemp or nettles. Many 
fish are caught in weirs, elaborately constructed. 

There is no want of skill in metallurgy, though neither iron nor 
charcoal is abundant One of the birds which is occasionally 
brought into a state of imperfect domestication is the eagle ; which 
they use as a sort of watch-dog to protect their fish, whilst hung 
up to dry in the sun, against the smaller and more ignoble birds. 
Like so many other inhabitants of lands that are likely to be 


flooded^ their permanent habitations are vQlagea rather than honsea^ 
containing from thirty to forty individaals. In the way of creed 
they are Shamanists ; Tanya and Panya being the names of two 
of their gods. 

There is a distinct deity for every disease, and, in a like manner, 
a distinct charm as a remedy. Thas, a bandage round the head, 
with images of serpents, toads, and other animals, is an amalet 
against a headache. Another mode of cure consists in wearing 
an image of the part diseased. If we did this in England, a man 
with a heart-bum would wear a little heart round his neck. 

Corpses are buried, and, where it can be afforded, a hat is 
erected over the grave. Near these are hung up nets, bows, and 
spears. Near them, too, stands a wooden idol, whose face is 
besmeared with oil. When poverty forbids interment, the coffin 
is simply lodged in the fork of a tree. The father chooses the 
son's wife whilst the son is still a child, and the intended bride 
lives with her future husband and her future parents-in-law until 
she grows up. Polygamy, though not general, is allowed ; and 
when one out of two brothers dies, the survivor takes the widow 
with the estate. 

Their pursuits and amusements are manly. It is needless 
to say that they venture boldly on the water and boldly in the 
forest. We have seen that they take the eagle, or, rather, 
the osprey, and tome it. This, however, they do in a very un- 
sportsmanlike manner. They watch the bird to its nest, and wait 
till the young birds are just able to fly; they then fell the tree and 
steal the nestlings. Bears, too, they domesticate, and keep in 
sties or cages, each village having its bear and the sty in which 
they keep him. He is an important element in their religion, and 
is distinguished as the chief, whilst the tiger is called the black 
chief. To take a bear alive is more dangerous and more honour- 
able tlmn to kill him. When brought home to his sty, he is fed 
upon fish, and led forth on high festivals. To get him out, they 
open the roof, tcaze him till he stands on his hind legs, sling a 
rope round his body, and pull him upwards. On great occasions 
he is killed and eaten. After the festival the skull and ears are 
hungup on a tree. Besides the bear and eagle, the homed owl« 
the jay, the hawk, and the kite, though not domesticated, arc 
encouraged to keep about the huts. Of horses, they have few ; 


of cats^ few ; of dogs and pigs, many ; the latter being fed for 
the most part with fish. One of their amusements is wrestling. 
In carving they show some skill ; and in the arrangement of 
colours some taste. Of their songs we know nothing in the way 
of detail ; we only know that they exist, and that the taste for 
music is not below that of other rude nations. 

There are a few members of the Orotshong division of the 
Tungus in the island of Sakalin; the names under which I 
find them described being Orotshi, and Orotsko — mere variations 
of Orotshong. It is towards the middle of the island that these 
Orotshi he, and it is on the eastern coast that they are the most 
numerous. With the Giliaks on the north, and the Aino on the 
south, they are the subjects of Russia, rather than Japan. They 
expose their dead, like the Orotshis of Castries Bay; indeed, 
in all respects they seem to be ordinary Orotshongs. The rein- 
deer, rather than the dog, is their domestic animal ; and a man 
who owns twelve of them is rich. 

The. Giliaks belong to the Shang-moa-tze, or Long-hairs, but 
we cannot infer from this that they are a bearded class of 
men. It may be that the word only means that they are to be 
distinguished from the Twang-moa-tze, or the men who shave 
their heads. The descriptions give them more hair than the 
Tungds and less than the Aino. The Smerenkur on the west, 
and the Tro on the east coast of Sakalin are mentioned, iis no- 
minibus, as Giliak tribes. The Olcha, or Manguns, for which 
Bavenstein suggests that Fiake and Lerkoye are the Chinese 
names, are, probably, Giliak in blood if not in language. The 
Tsiler, whom the same writer identifies with the Kiyakla, are in 
the same category. The Kilerkhaji on the Upper Goun seem to 
be, name for name, Giliaks. 

The Giliaks of the Amur, or the Giliaks of the continent, 
occupy thirty-nine villages, or one hundred and forty houses, and 
are put at one thousand six hundred and eighty individuals. 
Those of the northern, or Russian, part of Sakalin are put at 
about eight thousand five hundred. This, however, is only an 
inferential approximation. Those under Japan have been reck- 
oned at two thousand eight hundred and fifty. 

Laying aside the doubtful members of the class, such as the 
Olcha and Negda^ we find the first Giliaks a little below the 


274 rax TUHOtia 

town of Pal ; whence thej elmteli, on eeoh aide of the Anmr, 
andl they reach its month. Their Hmhs in Snknfin mn, on cbc 
west coast, the viDage of FdysTO in 6(r ItT M. L. and 50* 80 
E. L. on the east ooast They dress partly in fish-skins, psiti} 
in Chinese cottons. like the Tnngfis they boild large stne- 
houses or piles, and keep bears in sties or cngen. Ermines are 
kept instead of cats. Polysndria is one of the inatitulions; and 
the vendetta, or blood-fend, another. They murdered the nn* 
sionary De la Bmnidre for the sske of the fisw chattels he had 
with him, and hsTc the credit of being rapaoions wxeekers^tn 
Sbamanist in creed, and either Tenerate, or ienr, fire. A Giliik 
will not allow it to be taken ftom his hnt» or eron a pipe to be 
lit at Ilia hearth. Bad lack in hunting or fishing ivould ensoe. 
The dead are burnt, and a wooden hut is erected otot the ashes, 
to which, firom time to time, small oflfoiings of fish, or tobacco^ 
are made. After two years the hat is pulled down. The fiiTourice 
dog of the deceased, preyiously fattened for the occasion, n 
killed at the grave. The tiger is an object of special dread, and 
a man killed by one is buried on the spot where he lies withoat 
further ceremony. 

That Giliak is, word for word, Kodak I have little doubt ; and 
I also think that the Oiliaks and Koriaks, until disconnected by 
the intmsivo Tungus, were members of one and the same class; 
a class which gives us a family which, at an early period, may 
have reached as far south as tlie northern frontier of China. 
This is an inference from something more than the mere simi- 
larity of name. We have not, at tlie very most, twenty words of 
the Giliak language. Ten are given in a short list of Tronson's. 
They consist of the numerals, and are Tongus. They may pos- 
sibly make the men who used them Tongus ; but they may also show 
that the language is not the true Giliak. This limits us to four 
words in Bavenstein : of which one, the term for the first numeral, 
is Koriak. That this fortifies the inference drawn from the simi- 
larity of name and habits, along with the presumptions suggested 
by the geography, is all that can be said. Still, it is something. 

The Giliaks are partially independent ; and, being this, they 
suggest the name of another population, undoubtedly Koriak, 
which is wholly so. 

Independence of Russia is such a rare phenomenon in Siberia 


that I add a short notice of it. Of the Shamanism that accom- 
panies it a description is given by Wrangell ; but Shamanism is 
80 much alike all the ^orld over, that I pretermit this for the 
following more particular notice of Dittmar: little being known 
about the population to which it applies from any other quarter. 

The name is Tshuktshi, and, as has been stated, the Tshnktshi 
are Eoriaks under another name, or vice versd ; differing from 
the ordinary Eoriaks in being mountaineers, in occupying a dis- 
trict beyond the tree-line, and in having preserved along with 
their independence a greater amount of their original manners 
and superstitions. For savages they have the concurrent evidence 
of numerous isolated and independent observers in their favour. 
Those who know most about them are the Bussian traders from 
Anadyrsk or Nizhni Eolymsk, with whom they are now content to 
deal on friendly terms ; though, until an agreement was made with 
them in 1817, it was dangerous for a stranger to set foot in their 
territory. There was trade ; but the fairs were resorts of danger, 
and business was done between the traders with arms in the hands 
of both parties. There was trade ; but a bloody quarrel was the 
usual end of it. The love, however, of war is fully satisfied. As in 
most rude populations the vendetta, or the law of blood for blood, 
is paramount. The land is large, and the divisions and sub- 
divisions of its occupants small ; between any two of which there 
may as easily be a chronic state of warfare as between two great 
States. Their wealth, writes Dittmar after Trifanow, consists to 
a great extent in their skins, but more in their plunder. Poverty, 
however, in some quarters must be the only end of a system like 
this, so that we must read the word wealth with a reserva- 
tion. In war, however, or in peace, they are brave and energetic ; 
ever ready to fight, ever willing to barter. And all their amuse- 
ments are warlike. At their great feasts their games are make- 
believe battles, and the coward or thief finds, on such occasions, 
the time for his punishment. He is brought forward to be jeered 
and insulted. Scores of rein-deer are then slaughtered : indeed, 
it is the herds of reindeer that make the Tshuktshi chiefe. With 
these their hospitality is unbounded. When a rich deer-owner is 
visited he has a great killing ; out of which he supplies both 
himself and his guests. The victims are parted into four divi- 
sions : each for one of the points of the compass. Those deer 

T 2 


that are turned to the east finr stabUng go to die amCer of the 
feast : the others (three-firarths of tbem) belong to tlie guests. 

Whererer there are rein-deer, the wild beaal that is pio-eiiiiiMntlj 
either dreaded or hated is the wolfl When a Trimktdii kilb a 
wolf he entertains his ftieads; hot no wolf is killed by shooting. 
To he killed with propriety he most £dl in absad-to-liand eombu 
Superstition rather than sportmanship is at the bottom of this ; 
for the wolf is looked upon as an evil deoum and also as a mis- 
chievoas beast Skilftil with the bow and vpmr, tbe Tahnktsfai 
are equally so with the harpoon against the whale and walms. 

Of the two divisions, the reindeer-owners are the chief; and it 
is only from poverty arising out of the loss of bis herds thst a 
TshuIOsbi betakes himself to the settled life of a fishemuou In 
this we have an exact repetition of the diflforenoe between the 
hillman and the fisherman in Lapland. 

Polygamy and Shamanism we expect and find. The institatkm 
that the sick and aged must either anticipate death by self-muzder 
or be killed by their relations we believe on evidence. 

When the breath is out of the body it is burned. 

The good god is Lpapel; but it is the bad deities who com- 
mand the most sacrificesi and it is the bad deities whom sacrifioe 
is supposed to propitiate. 

The centre of Tshuktshi country is the watershed between the 
Kolyma and the Anadyr. In the town of Anadyrsk there are 
a few Russians. Higher up the river about two hundred Yuk- 
ahiri still represent that decaying stock. At the mouth of the 
Anadyr and about Tshuktshi Noss, the NamoUos, a branch of the 
Eskimo, have settled. But the centre of the true independent 
Tshuktshi — the Tshuktshi that the Russians find it wise to leave 
alone — is the backbone of tlie drainage of the Anadyr. 

The Russians divide them into the Tummen Tshuktshi, and 
the Tshuktohi of the White Sea. 

The chief fair is held on the Little Anuy, about 300 versts 
from Nizhni Kolymsk. The Tshuktshi call this the fifth Beaver 
Fair. The fourth is held on Behring s Straits ; but the where- 
abouts of the other three is a mystery which those who draw 
over-broad distinctions between the Old and New Worlds, and 
fancy that the separation between them is as plain and as notable 
in the parts about Behring s Straits as it is on the two sides of the 


Atlantic^ will do well to note. They lie in some distant district 
of North America. The Russians know nothing about them. 
The Tshuktshi only know that they are in America, and that the 
American settlers at the fourth fair buy in the other three. The 
name Kargavaliy too^ is known. It is with the Eargavali that 
there is a regular business and an equally regular system of 
warfare. They barter spear in hand. 

Of these independent Tshuktshi the number is put by Trifanow, 
the authority of the present author's authority, at ten thousand, 
rather more than less; a large number for a nomad population in 
such a country. 

One of the few Englishmen who have described the Tshuktshi 
from personal intercourse with them is the late Lieutenant Hooper 
who acted under Captain Eellart in the Franklin expedition. 
He passed some time among them. A good observer, and one 
disposed to take a kindly view of the savage virtues, he found in 
them much to admire ; simplicity, straightforwardness, and great 
hospitality, so that his picture of them is more favourable than 
that drawn by the Russians. 

It should be remembered, however, that it was with the Tshukt- 
shi of the extreme east that he came in contact. 

Upon one point, however, all observers aie agreed, viz. that 
they are very like the American Indians of the opposite coast ; 
the Indians of the extreme north ; the Indians of the Athabaskan 
stock, especially the Loucheux or Eutshin. 

That they are, for Siberians, a strong and vigorous people, 
is clear, and it is by the Tshuktshi that the small remnant of the 
Tukahiri will probably be absorbed ; just as it was by the Tshukt- 
shi that their extinct congeners the Omoki and others were either 
displaced or amalgamated. On the Koriak frontier they graduate 
into the Eoriaks, and, probably, on the north-east into the 
Lutorzi or Olutorians 

S78 TBI AunnoAM Buna 


Thb pretent short chapter is written in order to illostnta a poiiit 
of general ethnology, rather than to supply any notable frets con- 
cerning the political elements of the Bossian empiieu The l<»Dg 
range of islands vhich nms fmn the eztremitj of Kamtshatka 
to the peninsola of Aliaska connects^ as fiff as a aeries of islands 
can be said to form a connection, the new world with the old; 
America with Asia. And along this line I consider that the 
stream of population ran. It may have rmi along other lines 
besides ; across, for instance, Behring^s Straita. The morement^ 
too, may have begon elsewhere than in Kamtshatka ; in tbeKniile 
Islands, in Korea, or eren in Japan. Nevertheless, tme imme- 
diate liok was the chain under notice. As loDg as we knew 
little of America, except on the side of the Pacific, the relation 
between the two contineuts was uncertain ; and even now those 
who have paid but little attention to the great mass of facts 
which has recently beeu brought to bear on the Pacific side of 
North America may doubt the accuracy of the doctrine here 
maintained. The more, however, it is investigated the more satis- 
factory it seems. 

That the language of the Aleutian Islands, of which Unalashka 
is both the most important and the best known, belongs to the 
Oreat Eskimo class, is now a familiar fact with philologues. 
The present writer, however, whilst he admits it, thinks that it has 
been exaggerated. The Aleutian, as a division in a class, is, at least, 
equal to all the rest put together. What he thiuks of more im- 
portance is its affinity with the Eamtshatkan ; of which, in a work 
like the present, he finds room for ouly a single instance. The 
numerals supply it. 

Horoi the Kamtshatkan for one is dt/syk, which seems to be, word 


for word, the ataudzek of Kadiak^ the atuutshek of the Kus- 
kutshewak, and the attauaek of Labrador ; the Unalashkan word 
being different. 

In the second place, the Eamtshatkan and Eskimo, in certain 
compound numbers above Jive, agree in placing the smaller 
number first. In the former language seven is 1 + 6, rather 
than 6 + 1 ; whilst in the latter — 
Seven =3 + 4, 
Eight := 3 + 5 (apparently). 
Nine = 5 with an additional element 
Ten =5 x 2 = or 2 hands ; as Jiand = 5. 

Upon this, however, I lay but little stress^ noting it only for 
the sake of what follows. The Eamtshatkan for seven is etakhtana, 
a word evidently compound, and one delivering two smaller 
numbers in combination. Tet the Kamtshatkan itself would not 
supply these words, where — 

One = dysyk. Four = tshaah. 

Two = kaas. Five = kumnak. 

Three = tsuk. Six = kylkoak. 

The real matter of importance is the fact of the Unalashkan for 
one being atoken, and for six being atun, giving, on the principle 
of putting the smaller number first, atoken-atun, a word far too 
like etaktana to be accidentally so. 

If this be true, the Unalashkan gives us the elements of a 
certain Eamtshatkan numeral, though not the numeral itself; a 
fact which puts borrowing far out of the question. 

Nor is this the only instance of this kind. The Tukahiri gives 
a similar instance. In that language the words for six and eight 
are malheyalon and malhielekhon respectively zi four (yekalon) 
+ two, and four x two. Yet no such word as mal, or maluk 
=: twOy is found in Yukahiri. Where are they found ? In Labrador, 
and in the parts about Vancouver's Island, where marruk and ma- 
luik are the ordinary words for those numerals. This is as if, in 
English, we counted up to Jive in the ordinary way, and then for 
seven or eight used compounds of brace {ox pair) and leash; a 
fact which ought to read a lesson to those who imagine that a 
mere cursory inspection of the numerals is sufiBcient for the pur- 
poses of ethnographical philology. 

The population of the Aleutian chain is small ; the greater part 


of it being in Unalasbka. It is more akin to that of Kadiak and 
the Aliaskan peninsula than to any other district. It is Eskimo; 
yet an Aleutian, like an Aliaskan, is a much more powerful indi- 
vidual, bodily and mentally, than one of Labrador or Greenland. 
He is much more like an American Indian, much more like a 
Siberian Asiatic. He is a favourable specimen of that division 
of mankind of which the ordinary Eskimo is an nnfavonrable 
one. He has maritime and commercial aptitudes ; is warlike ; is 
often a slave-holder. His blood is mixed largely with that of the 
Bussians. Aleutians, since the Bussian oocupanoy, have migrated 
as far south as Sitka. They have been converted to an imperfect 
Christianity, and have learned some of the easier European trades. 
Little, however, is known about the minuter details of their 
original Paganism ; which, in all probability, dosely resemble 
those of the Aliaskans, the Kadiak Islanders, and the tribes of 
the mainland of North America. 



BoBBian America. 

A STRAIGHT line drawn due north from Mount St Elias to the 
Arctic Sea, separates Bussian from British America. Bat beyond 
this, a strip of coasts carrying with it the opposite islands and 
archipelagoes^ and running as far south as 66"" N.L., is Russian 

With boundaries as artificial as these we expect what we find, 
viz. that certain tribes of the frontier are as much British as 

Of these the most important are the following members of that 
particular division of the Athabaskan family, known as Loucheux^ 
Digothi^ and Eutshin, this last being the term used by Sir John 
Richardson, the chief authority. 

The particular Eutshin tribes which, on evidence more or less 
satisfactory, may be placed within the Russian frontier^ are the 
following : — 

1. The ArteZ'Kutshi, or the iou^h {hard) people. 

The sixty-second parallel cuts their country ; so that they lie 
between the head waters of the Yukon and the Pacific. The 
evidence that they extend over the frontier is not quite conclu- 
sive. I infer, however, that they do. 

2. The same applies to the Tshu-Kutshi, or People of the 
Water. The banks of Deep River give us their occupancy ; but 
Deep River is common to both the Russian and British territory. 
Number 100. 

8. The Tathsey-Kutshi, or People of the Ramparts, the Gens 
du Fou of the French Canadians, are spread from the upper 
parts of the Feel and Forcupine rivers, within the British terri- 
tory, to the river of the mountain-men, in the Russian. The Upper 
Yukon is, therefore, their occupancy.. They fall into four bands, 
(a.) the Tratsi'Kutshi, or People of the Fork of the River; 


(b.) the Kutsha KuUhi ; {c) the Zikd-iAaJta^jei-umka-KaiUAi, 
people on this side (or Middle People) ; and {d.) the Tanna-- 
Kutshi, or people of the bluffs. 

Numbers of men of the Eutsha-Eutshi • • • • 00 

Ziunka-Eutshi . ... 20 

Tanna-Eutshi . . . .100 

4. The Teytse-Kutshi (People of the Shelter) number about 
one hundred men, and dwell about the influx of the Bossian river ; 
whilst nearer still to the mouth of the Yukon, and (probably) 
conterminous with the Eskimo Eusketsherak, are — 

6. The Thlagga-sillay or Little Dogs. Of 

6. 7. The Vanti-Kutshi {People of the Lakes), with eighty, 
and the My else Kutshi { People of the Open Country) with forty 
men, I only jQnd that they belong to the Porcupine Biver, a river 
partly British and partly Russian. 

The Nehantii are in the same class ; or, at any rate, not yery 
distant from them. They lie between the Stikin River and the 
Rocky Mountains; a brave and warlike people, much dreaded 
by their neighbours. The summer they pass near the sea ; the 
winter in the interior, acting as factors middlemen, or cadgere, 
according to the dignity with which we invest their system of truck 
and barter betwecu the Russians and the inland tribes. They 
are robbers and slaveholders as well. Though I have seen no 
specimen of the Nehanni language, eo nomine^ I have Uttle hesi- 
tation in connecting them with the Eutshin. 

At Cook's Inlet, or Kcnay Bay, the continuous Eskimo area 
ends ; for it will be seen in the sequel that the Eenays belong 
to a different family. At Prince William's Sound, however, 
a little further souths it is believed to begin again. At any rate, 
it is here that we find the Tshugatsi, who state, that in con- 
sequence of some internal quarrels, they migrated from Eadiak. 
They are more like the Indians than the Eskimo, a fact which 
Sir John Richardson attributes to intermixture. 

The Athabaskan KofKvgi, however, of the Island of Eadiak are 
now under notice. One of their customs is that of treating a certain 
number of males as if they belonged to the opposite sex. They are 
dressed as females. Their place in the houshold is that of females. 
They are, however, more respected than the Eonrogi wives them- 
selves. Happy is the man that has one of them in his establishment. 

TUB KON^QI. 283 

They are called Aknutshik, and it often happens that a child is 
destined to be an Aknutshik from his birth. This is the case when 
a girl has been expected bnt a boy is bom. The infant of the un- 
welcome or unexpected sex is, from his infancy upwards, treated as 
a female. Such was the custom when Davidoy wrote, i. e, in 1790. 
Such is the custom at the present time ; though it is made more or 
less of a secret " Do you see that woman ? " said Holmberg's 
interpreter to him on the island of Lyesnoi; ''do you see that 
woman 7 That woman is a man." This was told mysteriously. 

The probation that the Kadiak virgins undergo, when approach- 
ing the period of nubility, is of more than ordinary severity. It 
reminds us of some of the prisons of the middle-ages, where the 
miserable victim of some tyrannical suspicion was placed in an 
apartment too short to stretch his limbs on, and too low to stand 
upright in. Such existed in Venice, such in France and Ger- 
many. Such a crib, cabin, or cage, is made for the Eon^gi 
maiden. She can neither stand nor lie. With bowed back and 
knees drawn-up she is therein confined for the incredible space 
of half-a-year. At the end of this time she has given her — her 
liberty ? No. She has given her a Uttle more room. The walls 
are heightened and the floor of her prison room lengthened. 
And so she lives half-a-year longer. When all is over, she returns 
to her parents and her return is celebrated by a feast. 

The dead are wrapped in a seal-skin and buried, and along 
with them some of the best furs of the deceased; — also his 
arrows, and, occasionally, his canoe. The attendant relatives 
stand over the grave to sing and howl in turns; their songs 
being to the honour of the departed, praising him for his skill in 
hunting or any other quality equally laudable and real. His 
widow, if she can afford it, gives a great feast. The mourners 
cut their hair, and blacken their faces. The dead man himself 
becomes a spirit. If he show himself to any of his kindred so 
much the better for the ghost-seer. The house in which a death 
has taken place, is declared uninhabited for all future time. 

If a Shaman die, his body is placed in a canoe, and the canoe 
is left above ground; either on some conspicuous projection of a 
rock or the trunk of a tree. 

Shlyam Shoa is the lord and master of the world. He created 
the earth and the sky. There was sky and earth, but no light 




Shlyam Shoa, then, placed a brother and sister apon the earth, 
and forbid them to eat grass. 

The sister ate it, transgressing the oommandments of Shlyam 
Shoa : for she said to her brother, '* Peradventoxe there will be 
light if we eat grass." 

But the brother said that if the light eame they would see that 
they were naked and be ashamed. However, the sister ate of the 
grass, and there was light 

And they were ashamed ; the brother of the sister and the 
sister of the brother. Whereupon they departed firom one an- 
other, each going their own way. 

Nevertheless, they were ashamed; for they found no hiding' 
place on earth. 

And when they found no hiding*place on earth, they betook 
themselves to the sky and went up the ladder that led thereto. 

And they met each other on the ladder, and they loved each 
other. And five children were bom to them ; and they all died. 

And when the sixth was about to be bom, Shlyam Shoa ap- 
peared to them, and said, '' Why are ye sorrowful ? " And they 
answered, '' Because all the children that are bom to us perish." 

** Sorrow no more," said Shlyam Shoa, '' for I will sing you a 
song and children shall be bom to you, and they shall live." 

So children were bom to them, and they lived, and they, with 
their parents, dwelt upon the earth and became the ancestors of 
the race of men. 

Such is the Kadiak view of the creation of mankind ; a view 
which I believe to be neither more nor less than so much Scrip- 
ture introduced by some early missionary and perverted. To the 
same source I refer the belief in a flood by which the whole of 
mankind was destroyed ; though how it was re-constituted is not 

Sacrifices are made to Shlyam Shoa of the seal, the sea-otter, 
or some similar animal ; especially when the chase has been more 
than usually successful. 

When Shlyam Shoa is angry, he sends two dwarfe to cause 
thunder and lightning. 

When the volcanoes of the Aliaskan Peninsula are in action, 
men of more than mortal mould are supposed to be either cooking 
their food or wanning their baths. 

TnE ATNAS. 285 

The name of the Evil Deity is Tyak. He lives underground, 
and is the inspirer of the Shamans. 

The Atnas of the Copper River are in contact with the Alu- 
ghanik and the Northern Eolnsh, with whom they drive a trade 
and keep amicahle relations. Those that are noticed in Baer 
consist of no more than sixty families, of peaceahle, quiet, commer- 
cial, and not unindustrious men and women. Their country was 
the country of the copper ore ; which they worked, after a rude 
fashion, previous to their contact with the Russians. From them, 
they learnt the value, if not the metallurgic management, of iron ; 
so that the Russians call them Eetshetni, or Iron-men. The 
Atna year consists of fifteen months; fifteen made out of the 
ordinary twelve. Of these, ten belong to the winter, five to the 
summer, season. They have no names ; but are known simply as 
the First, Second, Fourteenth or Fifteenth ; a fact that shows that 
the Atna numeration is raised above, at least, the lowest level ; 
since, in some parts of the Old, as well as the New, World, it 
would puzzle the aborigines to count up to five. 

The summer begins and ends with a migration and a hunting 
season ; the reindeer being, in both cases, the object ; the reindeer, 
which is, next to fish, the chief food of the Atnas — food and 
raiment as well. Beads of glass are the favourite ornament. For 
these they most willingly barter their peltries. The more an Atna 
has of such beads the richer he is; and, when he dies, he has his 
treasure buried with him, along with a charge to his heir to in- 
crease the store. Sometimes they are simply hoarded under* 
ground during the possessor s lifetime. 

Like their neighbours, the Atnas are slave-holders. Living 
such a life as this, they must, perforce, be liable to all the 
afflictions of famine and its attendant diseases. The venison 
or the fish, or both, may fall short of their necessities. They did 
so in ] 828, and no less than one hundred adults, besides children, 
died off. 

A branch of the same stock occupies the head waters of the 
Copper River, and the watershed between it and the Kuskokwim. 
It seems to be the least known of the whole group. It seems, 
indeed, not to be known at all, at first-hand. The Atnas speak of 
the tribes to their north under the name of Koltshafn, which means 
strangers. The Kenays call them Galzani, which is the same 

b «M. •• 4irtll. iB M> tf *> MMB<rf Ibv d 

Ttay «• ^ni^r a rait fsfdiii^ m 

ttanyafic^e. Tte iahaim «• end 
M lb hwk flf Aw ten Mi*. 

I ill 
Ae Old and Sew Worida. 

One of thoe Kolubam tnbe> is naaed. by As Ko^^ 
leaM. Tuioga ; aaotfaer NaiulgBt ; the f^i bang, pnAaU^, li 
wane ■> -iai/, and -i>f in tbe pxerions Ints. Imtna, too, ai 
Inknlaklait are Kottafaani nunn ; the tzibea vfao bear Um^ beii 
oecDpants of tbe ChnUtna, Kwikpak, and EadLokvm ri t uta . 
■a tbe Inknloklnt wbo >re ibe Deoretf ndgbbonn to Fofts Ale 
•oder and Michael; atrong men, and bold ■aiiiuRi, oapablo i 
bedding dior own against the KlukcJrnm Eskimo, tboogfa fi 
inferior in nnmbeia. Their dances are wailika ; tbey bnndia 
tbeir kniTea and javdina as the; aing or sboot eka ! eka i oJtate 
hoU '. tfaeir bodiea being danbed with red, and b^l aa tered wit 
•wanadown, Kolosh faahioo. Tbej clollie tbanaalTea comibitaUi 
and reaide in wooden hnta like those of the Banana ; baita tha 
peltdea for iron and copper ; paddle about their lakes and livei 
in small canoea ; and tise bowls of wood and pots of eartbenwai 
in (heir cookery. Their canoes carry two men and oao be oanie 
bj one. 


The next population, that of the Inkalit, is intermediate to the 
coastmen and the men of the interior; big- bodied, hrown-skinned, 
disfigured by the tattoo — the men more than the women. The 
latter are satisfied with two blue marks down the chin. The 
former slit their lips. The latter braid their strong black hair in 
plaits which hang on each side of the face and are ornamented 
with glass beads — the favourite ornament of so many of these 
north-western tribes. The former wear their hair closer, using a 
sharp stone to clip, crop, or shave it with. The beaver supplies 
the greater part of their dress, which is warm and strong. So 
ore their houses : indeed the Inkalit village of Amluktokpak, on 
the Kwikpak, and on the Kenay and Eskimo frontiers, contains 
OS many as seven hundred inhabitants. Their crockery is coloured 
green, red, or blue; their canoes made out of the rind of the 
birch-tree; their sledges drawn by dogs. The Anwigmut and 
Magimut belong to the Inkalit division. Such, at least, is the 
statement of Baer. In Holmberg the Magimut are not men- 
tioned : whilst the Anwigmut are placed amongst the Yugulmut. 

Alughanik is a name which I now use for the first time. I 
hope correctly and conveniently. I find it in Holmberg, as the 
designation of the only member of the Ugalents class, a class 
upon which, under that or some similar name, a good deal has, at 
different times, been written. In the Mithridates they are called 
Ugyalyachmutsi, an Eskimo form, but not a convenient one. In 
Baer there are the Ugalenzen. Alughanik, however, seems the 
corrector term. 

Call them, however, what we will, we shall find them between 
the mouth of the Copper Biver and Mount St. Elias, in 
contact with the Tshugatsi, the Atnas and the Yakutat, from all 
of whom they are distinguished by all the chief authorities ; the 
language being the chief point of difference. They are well- 
known at Fort Constantino, whither thoy resort with their beaver- 
skins ; for the Alughanik country is a great beaver locality. They 
bear a good name, being friendly and tractable. There are but 
few, however, of them — not more, probably, than forty families. 
They change their residence with the season ; in summer fixing 
themselves on the eastern mouth of the Copper Biver, in winter 
on a little arm of the sea further westwards. 

The Alughanik live together in families; from two to six to 



xmna soc wm iD-Wdk) 

Tbor cned if tkiC of tke 
tbtt of the A 

Witk the Talnoat 

is As qHumj 

talkca to har. It 
tkit it «M for tW los of Wr cUldraL gmve k« llie fcll««mff adriee :~ 

* Jnxcp iAto iLe ma. dire u> the Wion, hrin^ np m stooc^ svalJoT it^ lad tba 
drink MA-viser.* 

She d:i Ml and. eicbt moBthi afUnrudiL bnmf^t fortli m hmi, vkom ihe tool 
to be bet aa ordinarr morul. b::t vbo vu. in realiij, TesliL All tht vlule tfcit 
•he vu benzine him. ihe hid henelf fnom her brother. 

Af Kfon M he w able to ro about, hii mother taa^t him to ahoot. nad m ^ood 
an arrher did he became, that he killed hammin^-biidf enoagh to make n coat oC 
iyut morning, he av a new and rtivi^ bird. It had a lon^ benk, like n ma^e: 
bat not a maepie't beak. The beak wac lone, and bright like metiL It m a 
kaukfatuih] or crane, and ii coold fir up to the Aj. Yechl shot it. ikinned il 
palled iu ftkin orer hit oon. and become able to flj. And np he flew — fiv avaj 
into the cloodi. into vhich his bill itack and held him faii. He was long before 
he freed hinuelf and vhen he got home, he took off the crane-skin and hid iL 

Another time, he ahol a dack« skinned it, and vote iu akin. This ambled him 
to svim and dire. 

And then he grew to be a man, and hear of hit wicked naele and dead 

The wicked ancle he reflolred to punish. He fint went to his hooae whilst he 
was catting wood, where he opened the box in which were kept the eight little 
red birds, and let them flr oat and nwaj. Home came the ande, angry ; bat 
Yeshl sat quite qniet At last, his nnde perraaded him to go oat n-fiahing with 
him ; and. baring rowed him to a deep part of the sea, fall of monsten, threw 
him orerboard, and went home. But there he foand Yeshl waiting for him — not 
even wet. 


Then he said, " There will be a flood ;" and a flood there was. The water rose 
and rose ; but Yeahl was beforehand with it and contrived to f^t his crane-skin 
and his duck-skin, which made him safe. It was easier for him to fly upwards 
than for the waters to keep rising and rising ; so, at last, he got clear of them. 
But, still, he had flown too strongly, and his beak stuck in the sky a second time, 
and Teshl hung by it, till the waters had covered both the tops of the trees and 
the mountains. At length they settled and went down. Quick and straight as 
an arrow did Teshl, when the waters had sunk, shoot down from his hang- 
ing-place. But he fell on a bank of sea-weed, and would have been entangled by 
it and drowned, if a seaK>tter had not taken him np, swam with him to the shore, 
and set him safe upon dry ground. 

The Eolashes of Sitka^ or New Archangel, are separated by 
the Ugalents and their congeners by their language: though 
even in this respect the difference has been unduly exaggerated. 

An element in the mythology of these parts now calls for 
notice. All or most of the tribes of these parts agree in deriving 
their origin from one of two animals, the dog or the raven. The 
Tshugatsi, for instance, come from the former, the Kolush from 
the latter. 


To the northward of the peninsula of Aliaska lived a toyon, whose daughter 
cohabited with a male of the canine species, by whom she had five children, 
three males and two females. The toyon being displeased with this degenerate 
conduct of his daughter, took an opportunity, in the absence of her lover, of 
banishing her to an island in the neighbourhood. The lover, coming home and 
finding none of his family, grieved for a long time : at last, discovering the 
place of their exile* swam towards it, and was drowned on the way. The 
whelps in the meantime were grown up, and the mother had acquainted them 
with the canse of their banishment ; which exasperated them so much against 
their grandfather, that when he came to see them they tore him to pieces. The 
mother, on this melancholy events resolved to return to her native place, and 
gave free leave to her offspring to go wherever they chose. In consequence of 
this permission some went noHhward ; while others, passing the peninsula of 
Aliaaka» took a southerly course, and arrived at the Island of Cadiack, where they 
increased and multiplied, and were the founders of the present population. — 
Litiandsy, Voyage Bound the World, p. 196. 


A raven, he said, brought the light from Heaven, while a bladder descended 
at the same time, in which a man and a woman were enclosed. At first this 
pair of human beings enlai^cd their dungeon by blowing, and afterwards by 
stretching their hands and feet ; and it was thus mountains were constructed. 
The man, by scattering the hair of his head on the mountains, created trees and 
forests, in which wild beasts sprung up and increased ; while the woman by 
making water, produced seas, and by spitting into ditches and holes, fojmed 
rivers and lakes. The woman, pulling out one of her teeth, gave it to the man« 
who made a knife of it ; and, cutting trees with the knife, threw the chips into 




290 KOLUBH LBQUrra. 

the liTer, which were changed into fidb ef vuloai kinda. At tafc 1 
pair had children ; and while their flnt-honv a aoa^ waa plajl^ wi 
the atone all of a ladden waa eonTerted into an faduid. On tUa U 
waa the island of Cadlack, a man and a ahe-dog vera tliera plaiead ; 
then let afloat on the ocean, and arrived at ita pnaeni dtantioD. Tl 
the ahe-dog multiplied, and the pnaent generatioa an ihielr daao 
XMMMiy, Vofo^e Bound Ae IForU,p. 197. 

The Tungaas of Qnoen Charlotte's Islands lead from 
j- to British America. 



The CaucasuB and Transcaucasia. 

As far as such a thing as a natural boundary against an ambitious 
and intrusive Power can have any existence at all, there is a 
natural boundary against both the Russians and the Turks in the 
impracticable range of Caucasus. It is a boundary on both 
sides ; on the northern side towards Siberia^ and on the south- 
em side towards Persia and Asia Minor. But natural boun- 
daries are material whilst the spirit of expansion and aggression 
is moral ; and between the two powers there is no commensura- 
tion. It is only to a certain extent that the Caucasian range has 
been a boundary at all ; and, to a certain extent, it has been one : 
though only to a certain extent. On the south it has been 
encroached upon by the Persians ; on the north by the Tartars 
first; afterwards by the Russians. It may be added, that the 
northern encroachments have been the most effective. On the side 
of Circassia the ethnological, are the exact counterparts of the 
physical, phenomena. The mountains on the south, continue 
themselves as the members of a great system, giving us little 
except valleys, dales, glens, forests, and streams, whereas on the 
north the slope is abrupt (or rather it is no slope at all), and the 
feet end in a flat. To use the language of the botanist, the apex 
of the Caucasian system is truncate. It is this physically, and it 
is this ethnologically. Where the mountains end Circassia ends 
also; and where the plains begin there also begins the Russian 
Government of Caucasus. It is Russian now. It was Scythian 
before it was Russian. It was, probably, Ugrian before it was 
Scythian. Still, according to all analogies, there was once a time 
when either actual Circassians or their near congeners must have 
extended northwards. When this was no one knows. It was at a 
time which transcends the historic period. Still, there was a time 

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the Scythian, period. It is chiefly from the north that such Turk 
influences have been introduced. Their analogues on the south 
are tliose from Persia and Armenia ; if, indeed, Armenia is to be 
separated from Caucasus. By the Russian geographers it is so 
separated: but the divisions of the Russian geographers are 
political rather than ethnological. In the present work it is 
similarly separated ; but the arrangement of the present work is, 
of necessity, extremely artificial. In ethnology and physical 
geography Armenia is Caucasian; and Georgia, though placed 
by the Russians in Transcaucasia, still more so. 

Nevertheless, if we transcend the beginning of the historical 
period, we shall find reason for believing that, in some sense, even 
the Georgians have been intruders; in other words, that they were 
originally a population of Asia Minor, rather than of the true and 
proper Caucasian range in the strictest sense of the term. This, 
however, is a point of minute ethnology, concerning which the 
little that need be said, will be said when Asia Minor comes 
under notice. Another population, the Iron, appears to be, like 
the Georgian, more or less intrusive. If so, the ethnology of the 
primitive populations is simplified : though, when all which even 
hypercriticism can do with the elimination of intrusive elements 
is done, it is far from simple. However, it gives us three groups ; 
three groups of the central ridge and the very backbone of 
Caucasus. At present they may be called the Western, the 
Eastern, and the Midland. More important, however, than the 
ridge, is what we may call the knot, or nucleus, of the Caucasian 
system ; the summit of that quaquaversal watershed which divides 
not only the northern and the southern rivers, but the eastern 
and the western as well. The parts between the Kuban and 
Fhasis, flowing into the Black Sea, and the Kur and Terek which 
empty themselves into the Caspian, give us good landmarks ; and 
anything which helps us in the way of arrangement, for so com- 
plicated a system as the one under notice, is welcome. 

Even here, however, the original continuity of the primitive 
area seems to have been broken ; and that by a population of 
which the descendants occupy, at the present moment, the two 
sides of the miHtary road from Caucasus to Transcaucasia 
laid down by the Russians; so natural and so permanent 
are the effect of barriers and passes. It seems to have been 







broken by a population of heterogoieoiin oofotAtaliaa, a paj 
lion in whieh a soatlieni clement from Peraia was miaBad iqp 
a northern one from Tartarj; a pt^olatioii «]iioli» by dimlin 
the praoent time* the Sonthem Apkhaana ftom tha Tdielii 
and Leegians, mikea the difiaion into Weatam and Fiairtnm i 
oasns natural aa well as oomrenient. 
Notwithstanding all that has been said abooi ezolio inflnc 
t the Caucasian system of populations ia a laauakable onei 

number of mutually unintelligible fonna of qpeeoh ia hjgh> ] 

perfaspe, as high aa say in the worid lor an ana of aqioal nu 

tude. It is certainly the aiea when the gvaaleai nnmbc 

mutually unintelligible languagea ia to be found m siiu. 

there are tracts in the Alps wbeie a language fiom (aay) I 

having spread in one direction, meela a aeoond (aay) from Ci 

thia» and a third from (say) Oennany, wbioh giire u% ai 

as the mere number of distinct tongues is oonoemed, phenoii 

in the way of mutual unintelligibility, whieh are quite e 

to those of Caucasus, is likely. Still, the twIxmb of the diflbr 

is not the same. In Caucasus most of the distinctions seei 

have been developed on the qpot In the Trsnsgangetic penim 

however^ and in the mountainous districts about Munipur, we 1 

a closer parallel. Stilly the Caucasian phenomena stand alon 

The currency given to the word Caueasiam as the name of 

of tho primary divisions of the humsn species, and as a t 

which is placed in opposition to Mongoliam^ African^ Jmerii 

and other similar denominations^ creates an inconvenience wl 

abandoning the more general views^ we come to the detail 

Caucasus Proper. IndividoallVy I find it a bad term. At 

same time, I find so many influential amateurs writing al 

the great Caucasian race and the like, that, bad as it 

it must be recognised in its miserably catachrestic mean 

Such being the case, a fresh one for Caucasus Proper beco 

a desideratum. On the strength of a passage in Pliny < 

ceming Dioscuriss, one of the towns of Caucasus, about wl 

there is the special statement that the languages of the ii 

around had to be explained in the market-place by as man 

thirty interpreters, combined with the teiei of this high nombc 

mutually unintelligible forms of speech being one of the c 

ckancteiistics of Modem Caucasus, I hav^ in an earlier w 



proposed the term Dioscurian for Caucasian in its proper 
sense, and I still think it a good one. It is good for general 
ethnology; and, even in a work like the present, where, in 
speaking of Russia, we must, to some extent, use Russian 
terms, it is not a bad one. Even in Russia, however, its use 
is advantageous. The simple term Caucasus is the name of a 
Government: whilst a great deal of what is really Caucasian 
goes under the name of Transcaucasia. Georgia, for instance, 
though, ethnologically, Caucasian, is, in the political geography 
of Russia, Transcaucasian. I shall, then, in the forthcoming 
pages, use the term Dioscurian when wanted. 

Besides being inconvenient, the term Caucasian, in its general 
sense, is incoiTcct ; and it arose out of one of the most imperfect 
inductions on record. A particular skull in Blumenbach's col- 
lection, had the characteristics, real or supposed, of the Greek, 
Latin, and German families in the highest degree of perfection. 
It was the skull of a sculptor s model rather than that of an 
ordinary human being. On the strength of its beautiful symmetry 
it was taken as a type ; and as it belonged, when in the flesh, to 
a Georgian female, it was held to represent all Georgia, just as 
Georgia was held to represent all Caucasus. Neither assumption 
was legitimate ; though both have obtained currency. The phy- 
siognomy of the mass of the men and women of Caucasus is not 
Caucasian. There is much beauty, and there are many fine 
firames in Georgia. There is much beauty (though of a different 
character) and there are many fine frames in Circassia— but, both 
in Georgia and Circassia, there is a class of nobles as opposed to a 
class of either the ignoble or the unfiree ; and it is to the higher 
class that the beauty (which, by the way, many observers have 
demurred to) almost exclusively belongs. The other populations 
Lave never been praised, for even moderately good looks : indeed, 
the verdict of many travellers has been decidedly in the opposite 
direction. Yet the handsome and plain classes graduate into each 

In creed, the Caucasians are divided : the primary distinction 
being Christian and Mahometan. Where the Turk influence 
has predominated, Mahometanism prevails : where the Armenian, 
Christianity. But neither is either pure or simple. There is the 
Georgian Christianity, which is that of the Armenian church and 


ancient. There is the Russian, which is ihat of the Greek dmreh 
and modem. Mahometanism is Snnnite nnder Tnik, Sbiite 
under Persian, influences. Nor, in either case, is it pnie. One 
element always underlies it, tIz. the original paganism of the 
district. Another occurs in Circassia and Lazistan (periiaps else- 
where), viz. an earlier Christianity ; inasmuch as, before even the 
birth of Mahomet, Christianity had found its way from Syria to 
the shores of the Euxine ; partly through Persia, partly through 

How far there maybe any population of Caucasus apon which the 
influence of either Mahometanism or Christianity, or both com* 
bined, has been so small as (even in the nineteenth century) to have 
left it in a state of actual, palpable, and preponderating paganism, 
I cannot say. The opposite statement, however — that there is no 
Dioscurian population, be it Christian or be it Mahometan, in which 
either creed has obtained a complete ascendancy over the supersti* 
tions of the original heathendom —may be made with safety. When 
the Iron, the Swan, and some of the Lesgians are called Christians^ 
little more is meant by the term than the suggestion that they are 
indifierent Mahometans ; and, vice versd, to call them Mahome- 
tans is simply to exclude them from the category of Christians. 

Upon the whole, however, I think that even the earliest Maho« 
metanism which took root in Caucasus was planted on an 
approximation to either Christianity or Judaism as its basis: and 
I involve my statement in this apparent circumlocution on pur- 
pose. That there was some pure Christianity, I believe. There were, 
on tlio South, the influences of the eminently Christian countries 
of Syria and Armenia ; each with an early alphabet ; an early 
literature; and an early Christian Church. In the former, the 
literature was not only rich, but influential; indeed, either as 
orthodox or Nestorian, it was a literature which was made avail- 
able for the purposes of Prosolytism. Over the steppes of 
Tartary, and Mongolia, and to the head-waters of the great Chinese 
Wall did Syrian missionaries find their way. Much that they did 
has been exaggerated ; and the well-known fable of Prester John, 
a Christian Khan of Mongolia, in the thirteenth century, grew out 
of the exaggerations. However, even in Prester John, there was 
a basis of fact. Still more relevant and valuable is the evidence 
supplied by the early Mongol and Uighur alphabets. Which 


grew out of whiob is a minute and doubtful point. It is certain, 
however, that the older of the two was of Syrian origin. Neither 
are the missionary influences of Armenia for its own immediate 
neighbourhood to hp overlooked; though they cannot, for a 
moment, be compared with the more efficient and extensive ones 
from Syria. 

Add to these sources Byzantium; which would give the 
Christianity of the orthodox, or Greek, Church. 

But that in any, except in certain favoured, districts, and in 
localities where there was no prior creed of sufficient vitality 
to either preserve itself in fragments, or to overpower the newer 
doctrine, either Syrian or Armenian Christianity, or even the 
more-organized Christianity of the Greek Church, was adopted 
purely and simply is unlikely. There was a creed which preceded 
even this ; and it was a creed of a very difierent character from 
the rude and unlettered superstitions of pure paganism. It was 
a creed, as the Mahometans would say, of a Book ; in other words, 
it was a creed with its scriptures and liturgies as definite elements 
of permanence and vitality. Its basis was the old Fire-worship ; 
but from the Old Testament it had taken something directly ; and 
from a common source with the Old Testament, more. To the 
New Testament also, it stood in a somewhat similar relation; 
to the New Testament directly, and to the creeds which the 
New Testament displaced, indirectly. More will be said about 
it when certain fragmentary creeds of Kurdistan, and Syria, 
come under notice. At present it is enoiigh to indicate its exist- 

Besides all this, there is a certain amount of Parseeism, Sa- 
bffianism, Magianism, Fire-worship, or whatever we choose to call it, 
pure and simple. Of Paganism, except so far as it underlies this 
earliest of the three religions, — of Paganism, in its unmodified 
form, I doubt whether there is much. 

No wonder, then, that the creeds of Caucasus are imperfectly 
known. Even if the study of them were common, and the data 
numerous and accessible, the complexities and difficulties of the 
analysis would be great. Of Christianity, however, anterior to 
the spread of Mahometanism, there was much ; and, at the present 
time, ruins of Christian Churches and monasteries in even the 
Non*Christian parts of Caucasus are numerous. 


U Xir r 'THMTTTTTtfm 
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smcssiiiif :2ie ZuidencmiB i«n! ' 
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yrSi'iL. It j» imiL "Sifiie mrsc -s»»aiuLj. 
'CruuBOiiciiiraui jniL Lmn m iiini. loit x i 
Ijxr!aasiiKUi — iimt* ir jgniiiV u ^e sss 




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Z. 1»Z1 k IjcS n 



The Iron, or Oset. 

Though unimportant in respect to their political history, the 
Iron, as they call themselves, and the Oset, as they are called 
by their neighbours, are a convenient population to begin with. 
This is because they lie in the very centre of Caucasus, so as to 
form a kiud of nucleus round which the other Dioscurians may 
be arranged. They are essentially central, essentially (if we may 
use the term) Mediterranean ; by which I mean that they nowhere 
touch either the Euxine or the Caspian. Neither do they com- 
mand the main streams of any of the great rivers. They are 
hemmed-in on all sides by mountains, and surrounded in every 
direction by populations of a different origin and of a different 
nationality from themselves. Where the great midrib of the 
Caucasian range culminates in the huge heights of Easbeg the 
Iron are to be sought. They belong chiefly, or wholly, to its 
eastern slope. But they also belong to both sides of the water- 
shed; so that the springs which swell the Terek on the north, 
and the springs which contribute to the Eur on the south, belong 
to their rude and rugged country. 

The division, then, of the Iron into the northern and the 
southern branch is natural. More than this, the great military 
road bisects their couutry ; a fact on which we get a measure of 
their dependence upon Bussia. Trace it from Yladicaucasus on 
the north to Duschet on the south, and you find Iron on each side 
of it. With the exception, then, of the Georgians of the larger 
towns, and the Circassians of the coast, there is no Caucasian 
population which is more in contact with its conquerors. 

For a Caucasian population of a rugged district the Iron are 
tolerable Bussian subjects; and, though not to be compared in 

SCO THE mom» 

tbar amaMbiEty to ihm Havovte rnaiiriu— of civiEmioa m 
tbe GeofyiMW and Ai iwiniia l they «e a naiitf pgnjlg — j^j^p i 
with the CiioMBUS. the LeagHB% end the Tih^ah. Thej i 
fobberi, aevenheleei ; end thej pej their trihote with only 
inperfect epproech to regilerity. The ncanr diej lie to e cr 
highway the more eesfly they eie dfiaeipliiied. In the ^n— ji j 
moch of the origiiud isdependenee mSl marnwem. 

Few in Dumber, they amomit to leae thm 5OJ00O indiridiiah 
f Few in nnmber, they hare ahown no leadineaa to pat the 

aeWea under the goidaDce of any great e^Cain ; so tK^t the «i 
which preceded their ledoctioa are obeeorw and inaignilicant 

Few in number, they aSsct a patriarchal, father than a triba 
organization; lire in Tillagea rather than towns; and dbeyddi 
rather than military cbiefr with camp-retaineni and caatlea. Sii 
they have the fragmenta of a history ; thoogh the moat importi 
parte of it are untruetwortby. 

How came they in their present seats ? I know of no wiil 
who treats them as aboriginal to theeoil ; indeed, n detailed aeeoa 
of the opinions which bare floated about conoeming them, wod 
alone, fiU a rolnme. They hare been looked opon as Medei^ i 
Mede colonists placed in Caucasus by Darius ; as Alans ; as Med 
and Alans at ODce. Haxthausen, who seems to haTe approaclu 
them with a strong sense of their foreign origin, saw nnmeroi 
small details in which they differed from their neighbours, and, ( 
he thought, approached his own countrymen. They sat on stoo 
and cliairs, a fact which always excites the speculations of tl 
ethnological traveller, instead of sitting Turk-fashion. The 
had their threshing-floor within the house. They made cream i 
a way of their own, and malted barley. They had this, that, an 
the other in way of small differences, and everything peculii 
was held to be characteristic, whilst most of it was made to I 

That their speech is sufficiently like the Persian to have bee 
pln(;c(l in the same category with that language is an undouhto 
ru<;t ; so that those who made the Persian what is called Indc 
Kuropcan made the Iron the same. But it has too many tro 
DioHcurian affinities to admit of the doctrine purely and simply 
in other words, the fact, as usually given, proves too much ; inas 
much as it makes the Persian Dioscurian quite as much as i 


makes the Iron Indo-European. Tbis, however, is a point upon 
vhich the present writer unwillingly differs with the best authorities. 

Enough has been said to show that, from an ethnological point 
of view, these Iron are a population of great interest. Their own 
view, according to Haxthausen, is that they came from the north, 
f . e. from Tartary rather than Persia. Klaproth's identification of 
them with the Alaus, a Turk tribe, rests on a simple oversight 

They have, then, an outlying and somewhat mysterious lan- 
guage. It has never been cultivated ; so that the little which is 
written in it is written in Russian characters. There is a short 
grammar, and a copious dictionary of it ; the first by Bosen, the 
latter by Sjogren. 

The Iron have a strange mixture of Judaism, Ghristiauity, 
Mahometanism, and Paganism for a creed. Upon the whole, 
however, they pass for Christians ; certainly for Christians rather 
than either Mahometans or Jews. 

The latest converts are, of course, of the Greek Church ; but 
the original Christianity is, in all probabiUty, referable to the 
sixth century. Then it was that those tribes of Caucasus which 
had not like, the Georgians, taken their Church from Arme- 
nia, were first converted by Greek missionaries; the time when 
snch Christianity amongst the Lazes and Circassians as has not 
been superseded by Mahometanism, through the thin veil of which 
it, even now, in company with the original paganism, shows itself, 
was introduced. It is the reign of Justinian that these spiritual 
conquests in Caucasus more especially illustrate ; aud it is to a 
period approaching that epoch that the chief ruins and works of 
art which bear witness to an older civilization are mostly referable. 
Some such exist even in Ironistan, though the notices of them 
are few and incomplete. 

The following is the fragment of an Iron liturgy. 

God, we implore thy mercy upon us ! have pity on us ! 

Holy Gregory help us, we implore thee : hare pity on us I 

Mother of God, we implore thee, have pity on us ! 

Michael, Gabriel, we implore thee, have pity on us I 

Te mountain churches, have pity on us ! 

St. Gregory, have pity on us ! 

Ye Bussabseli, and ye apostles and angels who dwell upon them, we greet 

and implore you to have pity on us, who suppUcate you. 
Ye Georgian churches, have pity on us ! that all the people who live around 

you may have pity upon us. 


CKmI of aD sQodMM^ Mp « MMidii« to 4gr Jairtlee I 

Far more piominent^ liowefVf tbao the name of Qngatjk 
that of the prophet Elijali; and the befieet of all the eatrai of lb 
Iron conntrj is Ely ah's eeTeu " Onee upon e tnne^"* — I am giii^ 
the Btoiy in the words of Haxfhanaen,— " e hcdj maa ww taka 
prieoner, and earned off to a strange ooontEy in the vest; lAn 
an eagle, bearing him aloft o?«r high mountains and hoalne^ 
deposited him here, and he passed the remainder of his lifc ii 
performing religious servioe in the oave of Elgah. This seme 
became hereditary in his fiunily. The eldest deaoendant^ dnmd 
in a coat of his own weaving, once a year aaoends the saeied nd 
alone, and, haying entered the cate, aflera ap e mystic — ^-m^ 
No one else is permitted to approach ; an attempt to ftlwah tia 
rock wonld be ponished with blindness* and instant death vodl 
be the penalty for entering the caye. The interior is ssid to be 
composed of emerald. In the centre stands an altar of mck, 
bearing a golden goblet filled with beer. Aa soon as tfas pnrt 
enters, he receives the gift of prophecy for the ensoing yesr. If 
the beer is agitated in the goblet and runs oTer, tl^re wiD be 
peace and an abundant haryest; but if the beer does not more^ 
there will be war and ftunino. On the following day a great bto- 
qaet, to which every one in the neighbourhood contributes, is Mi 
in the village of Lamadon, and there the priest of Elijah makes 
known the events of the coming year." 

The Iron constitution is thoroughly patriarchal. There are no 
towns in the country, and the villages are small. To twenty or 
thirty houses there are five or six farms or estates, each belongiiig 
to some particular family, with an acknowledged head ; much after 
the manner of the Scotch, except that to be dignified by the name of 
clan, the aggregates of kinsmen are too small. The servant of 
the gentleman who accompanied Haxthansen, and to whom, from 
his familiarity with the land and the language of these isolated 
mountaineere, much of the little we know is due, was one out of 
forty-nine. They acknowledged a kind of elder, or head of 
family ; and were bound to each other, if by no better tie, by that 
of the vendetta. Whoever lost a relation by violence, was bound 
to revenge his death. The village, too, was answerable for rob- 
beries committed by any of its occupants. Soimonnted by a 

THE IRON, OR 03ET. 303 

tower, and more like small forts than peaceful dwelling-houses^ 
the Iron houses stand in as strong a contrast to those of Georgia 
as the natives of the two countries differ in physical appearance. 

The good looks of the Georgians have met with their full share 
of praise. No one ever praised either the features or the frames 
of the Iron, who are under-sized, with grey eyes, and often red 
hair, yet strong and hardy. Divided into the free and un&ee, 
they have amongst the former an approximation to a nobility, or 
rather they have small seigniors amongst them who enjoy a local 
reputation and authority. Of regularly-constituted official minis- 
ters of religion the few that are to be found are either on or 
within the Georgian frontier; the religious observances being 
chiefly confined to the celebration of certain holidays, each with 
its own proper sacrifice : New Year s Day with that of a pig, 
Easter with that of lambs or sheep, Michaelmas with that of an 
ox, Christmas with that of a goat ; Elisha, Michael, St. Gregory, 
and St. Nicolas being the several saints invoked. 

The Iron are free, too, in the use of the cross, and on the 
nights of the new moon they cut crosses in the air with their 
daggers. A shooting star is a flying cross. 

A halo of mystery hangs round the pilgrimage to the Inarisch 
libani. This is a district round a cross — Ilaxthausen, at least, 
translates it, the Neighbourhood of the Cross. When the pilgrim- 
age takes place, costly ornaments come from some unknown 
hiding-place, do duty for the day, and then disappear as suddenly 
as they came to light. Whoever knows the secret of their hiding- 
place keeps it well ; and his predecessors did so before him. Nadir 
Shah, it is said, visited the spot, threatened a massacre unless the 
secret was divulged, carried it into effect to the number of five 
hundred, and went away no wiser than he came. And the present 
Bussians know no more than was known to Nadir Shah. The 
evidence, however, of any secret treasury is incomplete, siaco 
all that is described as done might be done by each pilgrim 
bringing his temporary contribution, and, after the day was 
over, taking it back, with him. However, I am not so pre- 
sumptuous as to call it a mere religious picnic. I simply give 
the notice of it as it stands in the work so often quoted, and 
from which so much information for these parts is taken: 
amongst other things the following Iron fairy tale; a tale 


within a tale, with no natural end, and, apparently capable of 
being continued ad infinitum. 

There once lired a man and his wife wlio had aiztj beee ; thej counted tiiCB 
every day, and one time they missed a bee ; they aon^t for it Ugh and lev, 
and at last found it yoked to a plough, and hia wife led tlie bee ; i^araopw 
the bee stung her in the neck. Then the man got aome nat oil and nibbed it 
on the wounded part, which swelled up to the alse of a moantain. A aat tne 
grew out of the mountain on her neck, and bore many nat& The hnsbsad 
counted the nuts eveiy day until they were ripe, when he shook them don ; 
but on counting them one was gone, and he saw the bee diaggiD^ it away. la 
a great passion he took up a handful of earth and threw it after the bee, and est 
of this sprang a field, large enough to oceupy throe days in tilling it TUs fidd 
he sowed with millet, and went eveiy day to see how the crop waa growing. Gas 
day a wild boar came, rooted up the field and destroyed the crop. The aisa 
shot the swine dead, and found in its tail a roll of paper on which the foUowiag 
was written. " Once there came together to a mill two men, one rich and one 
poor. When each of them went to tske his own meal, they Ibnnd it all mixed ip 
together, so that it could not be separated. So, of it^ they baked a cake, and the 
question arose to whom the cake belonged, then they agreed that he who shooM 
tell the best story should haye the cake, whereupon the rich man began >^ 
' Once upon a time I had a gooee, upon which I loaded the food that I intended 
for ten labourers during the whole day ; and she carried the food into the field, 
but a wolf met her, and ate up half the side of the goose. I healed the woonded 
side with brushwood, and again loaded the food upon her back, and aent it to 
the workmen, and they had their dinner earlier than all the oUier workmen la 
the country/ This was the tale of the rich man ; the poor man then began as 
follows : — ' I and my wife had sixty bees, which we counted ereiy day, till at 
last one was missing ; we searched for it high and low, and at htft fimnd it 
yoked to a plough. Then I went to plough, and my wife waa to lead the bee 
but it stung her in the neck, 1 poured some oil upon the wound for her neek 
had swelled up as big as a mountain.' " 

In this way it went on, until the hearer had heard more than 
enough ; and it might have gone on until^ even the narrator 
himself was tired ; when another would, probably, have taken it 
up, and begun afresh on the same text. However, what has just 
been given is a1] tliat has come down to us. 

An allusion has been made to certain speculations concerning 
the origin of the Iron, and to certain complicated points con- 
nected with their ethnological relations; and it has been sug- 
gested that the chief factors in the question are their language 
and their name; or, rather, their language and the name by which 
they are known to some of their neighbours. Something more 
in the way of data is suggested by Ilaxthausen, who, speaking 
about their own belief on the matter, states that, according lo 
their own ti-aditions, they came from the north. But the value 


of their traditions is unknown ; neither have they been given in 

Alan, however, is an important name in our criticism. The 
Alans are mentioned by Josephus and by Pliny; and it would 
be di£Bcult to find two authorities who are more independent 
of each other. Lucian mentions the Alans as either actual 
Scythians or something very like it One of his interlocutors 
bears the name Makentes, and is described as being dressed like 
an Alan, and as speaking the language of an Alan. He wore, 
however, his hair short, being clipped — just as an Alan in his 
clipping differs from the unshorn, long-haired Scythian. 

The evidence that brings them into Europe is equally clear. 
Pliny associates them with the Boxolani. Josephus had, before, 
placed them on the Don and the Meeotis. Ammianus writes of 
the European Alans: whilst by other writers they are made allies 
of the Costoboci on the north-west and the Peucini and Bastemse 
on the south-east. 

The name was general ; and the evidence that this particular 
nation, along with others of which the details will again be 
noticed, were Turk, is very decided. 

Lastly, there is special evidence to the Alans having been em- 
ployed as soldiers by the Bomans, and transplanted as colonists. 
This took them westwards. How far ? Very far indeed. Even 
to Bavaria. 

Who, then, were the Iron? They were Alans in some sense of 
the word, though not Alaus in the way that Elaproth makes 
them. Still less were they, in Klaproth s sense of the term, Alans 
or Medes; though they may have been, in some degree, Alans and 
Medes. Elaproth's doctrine rests on nothing less than a blunder; 
and as it is made by a writer who never spared anyone there is 
no harm in calling it one. He found on good authority that the 
men who were known in Europe as Alans called themselves As. 
It was believed, and that on good grounds, that the country of the 
Alans was in Ironistan. That the Georgians, the Turks, and the 
Bussians called the Iron As was beyond doubt. The fact, however, 
that the Iron did not call themselves As was either overlooked 
or ignored. Yet it is the one fact needful for his hypothesis ; all 
that supports it, as the case stands, being that the Iron occupy 
the ancient Alania; that the Alans called themselves As; and that 


806 THB HBML—ram AUJKB. 

some one dee calb the Iroa On — womm one dae;, aoi the 1 
themselTes. All thet fiMrts of this kiiid giTe is a presooipcioB 

Bat egainet it ere the fidhnring: — Iran and XnmistiB 
Persian names; and the Inm langoaga ia fiw aMm Fttaan t 
aughtelse. Tbisis afiu^aogenendlyadmittadthaftKlaprodil 
self, with his followeiB, carries it out to its kptiiiialo eoncfai 
by making the Alans Peraian, ICede, Indo-Eoropeaiiy or whiti 
r. the term may be. On the other hand the Alana wan Tb 

That this is less generally allowed than the Pefaian affinitie 
the Iron langoage is true; bat nine oot of len of those 
doubt it assame the Tory point in qnestiiMiy t. #. that they y 
Iron. On the other hand, place lor place, Ironistaii la AIsbii 

I can only reconcile these difSenltiea by an liypotlieBS ia 
strictest sense of the term, iL e. by a dootrino whioli will sea 
for the phenomena, bat which has no e?idenoe In fiicrovr of it 
can reconcile them by sopposing that the oocopatioii of the ! 
country was made by a mixed body of Taika and Peraam 
that there was either a Persian occopanoy followed by an J 
or an Alan followed by a Persian, one. If so, the Alan wai 
more prominent, though not the more permanent, elemeoL 

Two small facts favour this view : the evidence of Ammii 
Marcellinus that the Alans, though allied to the Huns, wen 
better- looking people; the statement of Procopios f^»% the A 
were often in aUiance with Persia. 



The Cirffwarianw, or TBherkeas, and Apkhazes.— The Tshetsh group. 

Thb Circassians fall into two primary divisions; the Cir- 
cassians Proper and the Abasgians. And here it may be useM 
to draw a distinction. The term Circassian is of Italian origin 
and came to ns from the Genoese. Hence, the original pronun- 
ciation gave Tshir- as the first syllable. This has long been extinct 
in England, even if it were ever current. At the same time it is 
fre<juent enough on the Continent, where Tsherkess is a common 
term. Now, in the present work, both these forms will be used ; 
Circassian as the general one denoting the whole class, Tsher^ 
kess as the Circassians in the limited sense of the name and as 
distinguishing the branch which is other than Abasgian. The 
distinction itself is sufficiently natural and important. In 
Georgia, Ahkhaz means something very different from Tsherkess; 
and Abkhazeti means the land of the Abkhazes. So it does in 
Bussia. Indeed, except under a general ethnological or philo- 
logical view, the terms are thoroughly distinct. 

Both the (1) Tsherkess Proper and the (2) Abasgians fall into 
two primary divisions. 

(1.) The Tsherkess belong to either the Western or the Eastern 
branch, those of the latter being called Eabardinians. 

a. These last will come first under notice. In the twelfth cen- 
tury, according to what Klaproth calls a tradition of the people, 
though he gives us no details by which we may form an opinion 
as to its worth, a tribe named Kabarda occupied a district on the 
Kuban. This it left and moved on to the Don. The Don, too, it 
left, and penetrated into the Crimea. Here, between the rivers 
Eataha and Belbik, the upper part of which is still called Eabarda, 
they settled ; and at the present time there is a plain which the 
Tartars call the Tsherkess Plain, and a fortress called the Tsher- 
kess Castle. 

X 2 



In n map, liy FroduUo of Anoona, a.d. 1497, which wn 
found (no farther details being ffiTen) in the libmrj of Wo 
biitteo, the name of Cahardi in red letters stuidg somewb 
the west of the present Taganrog. 

In Conetantine Porphyrogeneta, a little earlier, they are p 
on an island at the moutb of tbo Kuban called by the Ti 
Kuzil Ta»h, or Red Bock. 

Tbia, liovever, they left, and under a captain named '. 
tegin moved upon their present locality, of which tbey 
quered the natives ; tliemselves Tsherkesa. From thifl ! 
t«gin all the present chiefs of the Saborda derive their m 
real or supposed. 

Now 'teffin is a Turk gloss; and there ia scarcely a dirisii 
the Turk stock, in which some chief or other is not to be ft 
in whose name it enters as the latter elements of a compa 
It is found among the Turks of the extreme East or fto 
of Mongolia, and it is found among the Yakuts of Sit 
I think that it is also Mongol. 

As to the Kaherdinians themselves, they fall into sub-divisi 
there is the Great Kabardtt on the west, and the Ijttle Kal 
on the east, and betmeeo the two is a narrow, bat impor 
strip of Kussian territory on each side of the great military r 

b. The Weetam Taherkcss, or the Tsherkess of the L 
Kubnn and tho coast, call themselves Adi^i: which is, word 
word, Zlix<", s name found in Arrian; perhaps earlier. It is 
out of many; the othersbeiogSaniobi, Sydretes, Henioohi,A] 
Kerkctcs, Sani, &c. — some of them, probably, Tsherkess, ot 
Abftsginn, Georgian, or something else. 

The name, however, is an old one, KerkeUt, and there ii 
reason to believe that at the time when it first appears it was 
just as Circassian as it is at present. 

According to an Iron account the Tsherkess before the Ka 
dincan migration called themselves Kasakh. In the notJoi 
Porphyrogeneta Kasachio lies at the back of Syohia. Thir 
Kasakh Mcpe or Kossak princes is the title by which the Tsl 
kcss chiefs arc known in Mingreha. Fourthly, I suggest t 
word for word, Tsherkess, which, as we have already stated, is 
nauvc, is Kirghiz and Kerkft. 

Ts it probable, then, that tho Taberkees ore less Cir 


man in blood than in language? inasmuch as the facts just 
given suggest that they may to a great extent be Circassian- 
ized Turks, or vice versd. 

(2.) Abekas is a Georgian name; and it was, probably, through 
the Georgians that the name Abasgi reached the authors of the 
earliest notices of these parts. The Tsherkess name is Abas. 
The native name is AbsnS, The Absn^ falls into two divisions. 

a. Th6 western touches the sea and is bounded on the north by 
die Tsherkess, on the south by the Mingrelians and Suanetians. 
Those who live well beyond the Caucasian back-bone are called 
by the Tsherkess Eushkhasip Abasi, the Abasi beyond the Bidge, 
or the Tramontane Abasi. The word is a remarkable one, being 
Fin and found in the Votiak country. For this division we hnow 
the following names of tribes, Beshilbai, Midawi, Barrakai, Kasel* 
beg (a Turk form), Tshegreh, Bakh, Tubi, Ubych, Bsubbeh, 
Netshkwadzha, and Abasekh (Absagi). These constitute the 
Great Abassi. 

b. The Little Abassi, whom the Tsherkess call Baskekh, and 
the Tartars Alti-kesek, call themselves Tepanta. 

Divided and sub-divided as these names show the Circassians 
to be, they by no means exhaust the classification. Each section, 
like that of the Absne, has its sub-sections, and these fall into 
minor groups: the other classes being, again, like the Absn6, cut 
up into minor divisions. 

That the Apkhazes are the aborigines of their land may be 
predicated of them as safely as aboriginality may be predicated 
of any population on the face of the earth. Yet they have 
fancies of their own concerning their origin ; fancies which de- 
serve notice only because they show how, even amongst rude and 
simple tribes, the book-learned spirit of logography can insinuate 
itself. One doctrine is that they come from Armenia; which 
has, probably, arisen out of the fact of some small portion of 
their imperfect and obsolete Christianity being of Armenian 
origin. Another deduces them from Egypt; and in this there 
seems to be an echo of the Herodotean statement concerning the 
connection between Egypt and Colchis. A third makes them 
descendants of an Abyssinian colony; this being, manifestly, 
an inference from the word Absne. To call these traditions is to 
abuse language. They are neither the spontaneous growth of the 
popular mind, nor are they independent of book-learning of some 

310 Tns 

kic'i or cd>sr. Tber ne hcqods 
pat into the Lsads of dcb vfco 

Of eenxTi^ LiKorr it is needles v> 
p'jpTiI&don, tlKTer is Done. Tbe Inde 
from fvre:;?D scarces ; from the 
from tbe GeoT^Bn annals a Ixnle 

There is no reason for brlurin^ that 
daoed among them befcro tbe reign of Ji 
think that the iitde that was then innodBeed took deep idol 
Under the famous Georgian Qaeen, Tfaantana^ the oU aed wm 
revived : bat whether it fell upon the hard gimmd ot the oriafml 
paganism, or was lost among the thorns of Maboaecanisa is ca- 
certain. It has left bat Iitde good fruit : tlioiigh no want ot sos 
of its presence. Next to the Swan comitrr Afaasgia is tiv land 
where the rains of Christian charches are the most abasdant; 
and so are the traces of an early commercial indostrr. XoDe of 
the towns along the Apkhazi coast are new; and iKMie have been 
less floarishing than they are now. That some of tbdr ill-gotten 
gains came from piracy is certun; for the Apkhazi ccwsain 
were long the scoarges of the Black Sea. With a gaDey of 
peculiar construction, they were formidable even in tbe time of 
the Genoese: more formidable still after the reduction of the 
Crimea by the Ottomans. 

Of the original paganism little is known. A writer of the 
lost century describes the manner in which they disposed of their 
dead. They neither buried nor burned them. They put them 
in wooden boxes ; hung them up on the trees of their vast beech 
woodn; and drew auguries from the way in which they were 
swayed by the winds. 

AHHuming that their heathenism was that of the Tsberkess 
Proper, wo learn a little more about it We learn, at least, the 
names of eight of their divinities : — 

1. Shiblc, the God of Thunder. 

2. Tleps, 


Fire and Wind. 

8. Soseresk, 



4. Sckutklia, 



5. Mesitkha, 


the Woods. 

0. Pekoash, 



7. Akhin, 



8. Yomibli, 




Such, at least, is tho list given by Bodenstedt of the divinities 
which command the respect of the present Tsherkess — Mahome- 
tan as they are reputed, and Mahometan as they profess, to be. 

The princes of tho Absne are called Tahvadi ; their nobles, 
Amystha ; the former being supposed to be of royal blood, the 
fountain of which was one of the Georgian Eristavs. The au- 
thority, however, that this dignity carries with it is wholly deter- 
mined by the political conditions of the land, and the character of 
the chief. When times are quiet, he has a fair amount of authority 
over his own tribe, and, perhaps, one or two of its nearest allies 
or neighbours. When war is in the wind he becomes the recog- 
nized chief of a larger portion of Abasgaland. Barely, however, 
does he sway the whole. Nor have the later ones been faithful 
to their trust. The Shervashedz princes, for that is the title of 
the dynasty, Greorgian originally, are now Russian: Micael 
Shervashedz, the present prince, being an officer in the Bussian 
army, employed by Russia, and that, more especially, against the 
more independent tribes of his own nation. To set against this, 
there are honourable instances of patriotic incorruptibility on the 
part of the chiefs of the inland districts. The bold obstinacy, and 
proud defiance, of Bersek Bey of the Ubych clan, during 1845, 
.though better known than others, is anything but the only one ; 
for 1845 was, pre-eminently, a year of trial — a year of famine. 
It was not, however, a year in which Russia gained ground : her 
want of success being partly due to the spirit of the people, and 
partly due to the Bussians of the sea-ports finding it better to 
sell pittances of salt and meal at exorbitant prices than to starve 
a warlike people into submission by absolutely closing their 

For the next division we want a name. It consists of a 
moderate number of primary sections. The names given by Ela- 
proth amounting to only three; and for Caucasus this is few. 
Kisti is a term suggested by the Georgian designation of a part, 
but only of a part, of their country; and whatever shortcomings 
it may show, it is, at least, capable of being pronounced. Kisti, 
then, is the name of the class and Kisteti of the country. Native 
name for the whole group there is none. But as Kisti has 
hardly any currency, the other two names out of which we have 
to choose are Mizhdzedzhi and TsheUhents. 


•o-eaDed br then- 
Gafym, or 

HmiU, is •Boiher mm fxthem; ai ImgiaA (the coaniKHiest) 
a thirL Hieae LiGch the Tsfaerkos ftuntur, firom which the? are 
dirided bT the SocdzLm. 

The Tfthetfth Proper lie between the Aishte and the Lesgians. 

The Toshi, the most scathem membeis of the group, lie oo tLe 
Upper Akzani. 

Sach is the clsasification of Klmproth; who gires us fever 
naines for the tribes of this group than anj other wiit^. Else- 
where the nnmbers are put higher: indeed, in Haxthaosen they 
amcant to twenty-two. The details, howerer, are wanting: so 
that what follows is merely a snggestire Aetch of them. Klaproth 
names the Wapi as a branch of the Ingosh. Bodenstedt gives the 
following names ; bat without explanation — Xasrani, Galati Zori, 
Akhi, Shabnsi or Shatoi, Dzfaanbntri and Sharo ; along with the 
word Katsbilik, as the term of the Mizhdzhedzhi Proper. 

Whether the tribes of the Tshetsh division be the rudest of all 
the populations of Caocasos is donbtfol. They hare rivals in 
this respect, in some of the Abkhasi tribes^ and among the Swans. 
That they are the most Pagan is more certain. In 1810, when 


the Ingush submitted to Bussia it was in the name of their deity 
Galyardy that they took the oath of submission. Still, there are 
traces of Christianity in the Tshetsh country. 

The Tushi have often been classed with the Georgians. In 
language, at least, they are Tshetsh : indeed, it is probable that 
in the northern districts of Georgia itself, the blood is more 
Tshetsh and less Georgian than the language. 



Tho Qeorgian8.--]UrtwclUii8.~-Imerethuii.--MiiigTeliaiifl. — 3«aii% ftc 

Of tho Georgians, in the ethnological sense of the term, if we 
begin with the subdivisions of the class, there are as many as 
eleven sections. 

1. The Georgians Proper, of the Province of Eartweli, and the 
parts about Tiflis ; called by the Bussians Gmsinians. 

2, 8, 4. The Imeretians, Mingrelians, and Gurians ; like the 
Georgians of Kartwcli, civilized, and Christian, and either actual 
llussian subjects or recognizing the suzerainty of the Czar. 

6, 0. The Pshav, to the number of 5700, and the Khevsur to 
the number of 5500 in the mountains between Georgia and the 
THhotsh country ; probably, more or less, Tshetsh in blood. 

8, 0, 10. The Swan, or Swanets, of Swanethi, falling into 

a. Tho Swans under Tatar Khan. 

b. Ziokh Dadishkelian. 

c, I'ho Independent Swans. 

11. Tho Laz, or Lazos; belonging to Asia Minor, rather than 
to Caucasus Proper ; Mahometans in creed, and, in their political 
relations, subject to Turkey. The notice of these belongs to 
another portion of tho work. 

The standard Georgian is the dialect of the province of Ear- 
twcli ; and it is the first of the Dioscurian languages which is 
truly literary. Its alphabet, of neither Turkish, Russian, nor 
vwcn l^ersian origin, is one of considerable antiquity. That 
it is founded upon that of Armenia is nearly certain ; though, 
at tho present time, no two books are more unlike in their 
general aspect than one printed at Tiflis and one printed at 
Erzorum. The Armenian letters are regular, straight in their out- 
line, angular, and slightly stunted. The Georgian are all curves, 
and remind us of the pothooks and hangers of our own copy- 
books. The order of the alphabet is the same in both languages ; 


and at tlie first view, this is all the likeness that is to be found. 
The Georgian, however, of business and secular literature^ is only 
secondary. The ecclesiastical alphabet, from which it is manifestly 
derived, as well as the alphabet of the coins and the older literature, 
is manifestly akin to the Armenian. 

With a metropolis of the size and importance of Tiflis the 
Georgians, in respect to their civilization, stand in a strong 
and favourable contrast with all the other Dioscurians. At 
the same time, when we take the term in its widest sense, and, 
look upon all who speak dialects of the Georgian language, 
as Georgians, we fall upon tribes as rude as any that have 
come under notice. To the higher civilization of the par- 
^ ticular province of Eartweli many circumstances have contri- 
buted. It is in the province of Eartweli that the. valley of the 
Eur attains its widest dimensions. It is there where there are 
rich lands and . low levels : the latitude is that of Naples ; 
though in this respect the advantage of Eartweli over the rest of 
Caucasus is not very notable. The most important natural ad- 
vantage lies in its greater nearness to Persia, Armenia, and 
Syria. To this it owes its early Christianity; its letters; its 
higher political organization. 

The extent to which it also owes an intermixture of blood is 
doubtful. Mr. Cameron, whose ethnological aptitudes are of 
the highest order, and whose opportunities have been (perhaps) 
better than those of any living Englishman, commits himself de- 
cidedly to the opinion that between the typical Georgian of Ear- 
tueli, with his oval features, his well- developed muscles, and his 
regular outline, and the mountaineers of Swaneti, with their hard 
and angular faces, there is something more than a mere result 
between the difference of physical condition. In other words, he 
thinks, that, with these two extremes, the blood and language 
scarcely coincide. 

Mingrelia differs from Georgia Proper, Imeretia, and Guriel by 
being one degree less dependent upon Bussia. Guriel, Imeretia, 
and Georgia, are divided into circles and districts, and are adminis- 
tered by Russian officials, just like any ordinary Governments of 
Bussian Europe. Mingrelia, on the other hand, like Swaneti, and 
Apkhazia, has been left in the hands of its native sovereigns, who, 
under the title of Dadian, recognize only a suzerain in the Czar. 


Tho indopendcnoe, however, as may eamly be im a ginwl, ii Incfc 
unreal and limited ; more so in Mingrelia Chan in SoaneChL 

The Tshay, Khevsur and Swan are all rode, aemi-independeDl; 
and only half Christianized. The Swans, more eq^eciaDj, aeeoi 
to have relapsed towards their original paganiam, fiom a state of 
ooniparntive civilization. Such, at least, is the infensnoe finoi tihe 
ruins which abound in their country. 

The fullest details of an important act of homage to tihe 
Gzur performed are given in an account of the Embaasy of 
1050-51, to Alexander, King of Imeretia, in his capital of 
Kutiiis. The ambassadors, after placing in his hands the 
letter of the Czar, which the monarch respectfully kissed and 
placed upon his head, recapitulated the heads of the embassy 
from tho king, out of which the present had arisen. In 1648- 
4U, he had addrosHcd tho Czar as his only Christian protector, and 
hud bogged him to help him with his soldiers against the infidels; 
among which wo find from tho sequel that his neighbour, the Da- 
dinn of Mingrelia, was to be numbered ; theVadian of Mingrelia 
Hptn^iully (though, perhaps, unjustly) charged with having apos- 
tnti/od to Muhomotanium. In compliance with this request they, 
tlu^ anibuHHndora, wore now ready to receive the oath of homage, 
and to liiko Imurotia under the protection of their master. 

"Ho Hoatod." 

•' AIliT wo have kissed your Majesty's hand." 

•• Would their iimster, the Czar, accept the present of a blood 
lorHo I 

•• Aftor your Mujosty has kissed the cross and sworn the oath 
of homage." 

Tho ambassadors laid great stress on these preliminaries, and 
as well as on several other matters of form, of different degrees 
of iinpi)rtanco : until the first of September came, and no oath 
had boon taken. 

And now the diplomatists became peremptory, and insisted on a 
day being fixed for the ceremony : to which the king complied. 

On the Mth, after the celebration of the mass in the cathe- 
dral of Kutais, the cross was lowered, and in the name of tho 
Czar Alexis Michaelovitsh, tlie king kissed it, as in his own name, 
in the name of his son Bagrat, in the name of his brother Max- 
muca, and in the name of all his nobles, of whom we have a list. 


There were included in the oadi the Catholicas Maximns ; the 
metropolitans, Simon and Zacharia, three archbishops, two bishops, 
eight archimandrites, and fifty-four thavads ; the seals attached 
to the document amounting to twelve. After dinner, however, 
signatures as well as seals were required, when the king pleaded 
that he could not write — 

" But I will sign with my signet." 

" Let us see it. There is nothing on it but your Majesty's 
name. Tour Majesty must add to this — 'perpetual vassal of 
Bussia.' " 

In this, as in smaller matters, the ambassadors got their wiiy. 
More decided still was the attack on their religion made during the 
reign of Yakhtang VI. Seduced by the arms of the Shah, this 
puppet-king, having left the administration of Georgia in the hands 
of his son, was acting as commander-in-chief of the Persian 
army ; was bearing the name of Usein Kuli Khan, the title of 
viceroy of Eartuel, and either holding or professing the Maho- 
metan creed. Despatched to Tiflis, he fixed his residence there 
in 1719. Two years afterwards the Persian minister being sus- 
pected of treason had his eyes put out. He was of Lesgian 
blood, and all Lesgistan having risen to avenge him, Shiryan 
was overrun and its capital sacked. As some Russian property 
was injured during the pillage the anger of the Czar as well as 
that of the Sultan was inflamed, and war against the Lesgians 
was declared by both ; Yakhtang being commanded to conduct 
it on the part of the Shah. But the Shah repented of his order, 
and, fearing, perhaps, that the extermination of the Lesgians 
would only be to the strengthening of Bussia, withdrew it. Upon 
this Yakhtang returned to his original Christianity, broke his 
faith with the Shah, and attached himself to Bussia. But though the 
Bussians were successful in Daghestan, Yakhtang was worsted in 
the south, and another renegade, Constantino, imposed upon the 
eastern half of the kingdom by the Shah ; the fall of Yakhtang 
himself being followed by the grant of a pension and refuge in 
Bussia, until the full object of that mission was completed, and 
the proper signet was made, of which the inscription was as fol- 
lows : — 

The senrant of God, the King Alexander, the ion of George, the vaasal of 
the great aovereign of Hosoovy, the son of Micael. 



" Aad Mv ki year aarter «Bi flHM Koariks ialD Ae 
of ibeDadMO, vith wfcoB I Mi aim; ani «ko kold hoih w 
Bagiil> ml T trotWr If — h m f iiiMiBi . LoikiBabi 
Kntaevith ■MefikoM ts k prmmbA the ki^s of Gc 

nd Fenia, aloog vith cnBOH vfciA ha took «m tbB Kidhn 
So was laMRCia boqght mi aoU» ani TalnaMn pai 
figbcly gotten. A Mmi-ttatirtial aolioa of k. as it alood i 
tiBK; frilon the aeeoani of the etabeaif • Bcaidea Katw 
eepital, hcootained sereaty-tao OMlkr tovBO^ aoad aofetha 
handred Tillagee^ held bj the oSoen of tha kiiig; aki^ 
others under inferior g twem o n : and aha^ with toaa^-tvo t 
and moEt than fire handled antiiled 

. t 
i .11 

i h 



Russian Armenia. — Shirran. — The Talish country. 

The geographical connection between Russian Armenia and 
Georgia is no closer and no more decided tban tbe connection 
between the Georgians and Armenians in politics and ethnology. 
It will seem, when some of the small and less- important districts 
come under notice, that the two countries graduate into one an* 
other ; that, just as there are numerous Armenians in Georgia^ there 
are Georgians within the Armenian frontier ; indeed, that it is 
difficult to say where the two countries end. It seems as if there 
was never a time when they were not conterminous, and as if, from 
the very dawn of the historical period, their histories had ever 
been intermixed. Every Georgian king had Armenian, every 
Armenian, Georgian subjects. The civilization, however, of Ar- 
menia was the early, and so was its Christianity. 

Both are essentially Christian countries in the midst of a Ma- 
hometan population. Of the two, however, Armenia is the more 
exclusively Christian. The Lazes, of whom more will be said when 
Turkey commands our attention, though Georgian in language 
and blood, are Mahometans in creed. But, with the exception of 
either isolated cases of apostacy, which, if they exist at all, are 
rare, and with the exception of the cases where, with a change of 
language, an apparent Turk is merely a disguised Armenian, 
Armenia is essentially a Christian, as opposed to a Mahometan 

In the way of language, all that can be said of the Armenian 
is that it is as much like the Georgian as it is to any language in 
the world ; though this means little. It is a very isolated and 
outlying form of speech ; though an old, a lettered, and a lite- 
rary one. 

But tbe Armenian nationality has no exact analogue, unless it 
be that of the Jews. In the way that there is a Poland, or a 


S20 RUfiaiAB ARKOnA. 

HuDgftry there is no Armenia. There is k distriot so edied uni 
the OttomaDB. There ia a distriot so called nnder Pm 
There ia a district so called nnder Bassia. Bat Dcill 
nndor the Czar, the Shah, nor Ihe Saltan, is there sn exolanv 
Armenian coontry. It is doubtful whether there is any lai 
district with definite boundaries in whioh the inqority of I 
population is, according to the tests of langnage and oieed, i 
cidcdly Armenian. There is alwaya a concurrent popalolion. 
Erivan this is made to constitute one-half, and it woold be diffiei 
to find any country in which the Armenian is more preralent tb 
it is in Erivan. With few exceptions this concorrent popnlatii 
is always KTahomotan ; and except in Bussia, dominant and pi 
vilegcd. With few exceptions it is either Turk oi Poraiai 
Turk of the Tartar, Persian of the Enid, branch. Nor ts it < 
recent origin. The maps of ancient Ana give ne a large portii 
of Armenia as Persia. Such, at least, ia the import of the wo 
Persarmeoia. That the language has held np against this intr 
aion of foreign elements is due to the influence of its lettais ai 
its Christian literature. At the same time, it ia much in t1 
position of the Hebrew. Just as there are few, if any, Jews, w] 
ore not compelled by the circumstances of thdr residence to leai 
some second language, which, in many cases, becomes, for all tl 
purposes of common life, their true vernacular, bo there axe fei 
if any, Armemans, who are not bilinguals ; speaking Torkisb i 
Persian, or Hindostani, as the cose may be. 

Under such a stress of circumstances, the strongest advoca 
for the principle of nationality con Bcarcely recognize an Armenii 
kingdom, an Armenian confederacy, an Armenian republic. J 
has all the difficulties wliich would attend an attempt to reooi 
struct a national Jndea, combined with others peculiar to itsel 
Tliere is no Holy Land to tbo Armenian: no Jerusalem. I 
Etshmiadzliin is the seat of the Patriarch ; and in Ararat tl 
centre of tlie numberless traditions and belieis. But the tm 
analogue to a Palestine is wanting. On the other hand tb 
number of Armenians occupant of the soil of Armenia is greatc 
than that of the Jews of the valley of the Jordan. Theii occi 
pancy, however, is larger. 

Under such a stress of circumstances, no one can see the exter 
sion of the Russian empire in tlie direction of Armenia with muc 


regret; except, of coarse, when he looks from a point of view 
exclusively political. That history supplies many instances 
where the transfer of a Christian community from the rule of 
the Sultan to that of a sovereign of its own creed has been fol- 
lowed by complaints and regrets is true ; and it is true that cyni- 
cal writers have often contrasted the manner in which the Christians 
of one denomination have persecuted the Christians of another with 
the tolerance granted by certain Mahometan rulers. But truer 
than either is the fact that such cases have been exceptional, and 
that the practice of Mahometan toleration has never been either 
permanent or complete. It has, at best, been but a lucky acci- 
dent The present writer, perhaps, falls into an opposite error. 
He believes, however, that for any long period of time, the 
worst Christian government is, for Christians, better than the best 

This remark, however, is subject to one important qualification. 
Tn order for the general statement to hold good it is necessary 
that the Christianity should be homogeneous ; in other words, 
that the whole of the population so transferred should be of one 
religious denomination, sect, or church ; all Greek or all Roman 
Catholic. When there is a division with any approach to equality 
it is better for the Mahometan dominion to be retained. In 
all Mahometan countries Christians of different sects are more 
hostile to each other than they are to the infidel. If left free, 
Aey interfere with each other more than they would have been 
interfered with if left under infidel control. 

With the populations now under notice, the rule of Russia 
has been a gain. It has certainly been powerful enough 
to protect them: and even where it has oppressed them, the 
oppression has arisen out of the vices of the administration 
rather than out of any permanent cause of suffering. That these 
have been great is only too true. That the Armenians, as a body, 
are not unwilling instruments to the ambition of Russia is well- 
known, and it would be strange if it were otherwise. It is the 
Russian church which is the nearest to their own. It is Russia 
which is their natural protector against Mahometanism. The 
few that are in political relations with other countries are not enough 
to make any notable exception. In Venice there are Armenians 
under Austria: but there are no Turks in Venetia. In India 



three are Armenians nnder England ; and of diese it may be aai^ 
that they are English in the way that the ArmCTiiaim of Aaa 

Minor are Bussian. 

The most Persian part of Bosaian Cancasoaia AUiVmui; tbongh 
even here the Tartars, according to Bodenatedt^ form the majority— 
Shirvan with an indostrions capital and a history that goes back 
to the Sassanides. That the blood and language bnt partially 
coincide is an inference from the form of the Turkish Mahome- 
tanism ; which, in these parts, is Shiite rather than Sannite. lika 
the Persians, the Armenians are nnmerona in Shiivan. 

Conquered by Yermolov in 1826, from Mostapha Khaa, 
Shirvan leads us to the TalUh country ; in which, though we an 
still among mountains, we are on Persian rather than CanoasiaB 

The Bussian portion of the Talish country, so fiir as it was an 
independent district, was Persian ; at any rate, Peraian rather than 
Bussian. In practice, however, it was the dominion of Mustapha 
Khan, whose allegiance to the Padishah of Persia^ lax and easy 
at all times, had, in 1812, SQiounted, not only to a Yirtual in- 
dependence, but to a hostile collision. Worsted in the encounter, 
the Talish chief betook himself to theBussiansfor assistance, and, 
having put them in possession of the port of LankerAn, promised 
that, if they would uphold him against Persia, he would acknow- 
tlie Czar as either his sovereign or his suzerain. This Bussian 
garrison, however, was driven out of Lankerun by the PersianSi 
who were again driven out by the Bussians, who, attacking it in 
1813, with two thousand infantry, one thousand Eosaks, and 
three vessels of war, at lost carried it by assault. The resistance^ 
however, was obstinate, and the recovery of Lankerun cost the 
Bussians twelve hundred men along with Eutterovsky the com- 

As long as Mustapha lived, he kept his promise, and held his 
portion of the Talish country under Bussia. His obedience was 
nominal ; but it was all that was demanded. His seven sons 
divided the inheritance amongst them ; also holding it under Bus- 
sia. In the disti*ict which still remained to Persia it was the policy 
of the Padishah to strengthen the native chiefs, to encourage among 
them a Persian rather than a Bussian feeling, and to instil into 
them a distrust and suspicion of the sons of Mustapha Ehan. 


When Frazer^ from whom this notice is taken, visited the 
country, there were seven principal chiefs in the Persian part 
of the Talish districts ; four of whom belonged to the Goyem- 
ment of Ghilan, and two to the Goyemment of Aderbijan. It 
was the Aderbijan Khans who most especially came in contact 
with Bussia. 

As far as language goes the Talish are Persian. In blood they 
may be more or less Lesgian. In habits they are certainly more 
Lesgian than Persian. Like the Lesgians they are robbers ; so 
much so that, except you have the express protection of a chief 
you are not safe for a day in the Talish country. The warrant 
when once obtained is sufficient. 

Like so many other mountaineers when visited by a traveller 
firom North Britain^ the Talish suggest a comparison with the 
Scotch Highlanders ; and, this being upon a point upon which 
Scotch evidence is unexceptionable, I subjoin the following ex- 
tract firom Mr. Frazer's account of them. 

I have beard of yery few good qiudities which they posaeBs, and yet I think 
they are interesting, from the many points of resemblance in their patriarchal or 
feudal economy to the Highlanders of our own country, as they were in the old 
times. There is amongst these tribes not only the same devoted attachment of 
clansmen to their chief, bnt» among that chiefs retainers, one might discover the 
same description of attendants— gillies and henchmen — which constituted the 
foUowers of a Highland laird. 

The sword and the rude firelock of the chief were borne in charge by one 
young man, while another took care of his doak, and a third of his pipe. Others, 
again, were ready to assist his steps, or staim by his horse's head, on occasions of 
danger or difficulty. Crowds of idle hangers-on stood before the windows or 
lounged lazily about the doors, awaiting their lord's appearance, and starting into 
motion with the same springing activity whenever he gave the signal for march- 

But, as the Highlands of Scotland are &r outdone in height and difficulty by 
the nigged mountains of Talish, so does the Talish mountaineer surpass the 
Scottish Highlander in the strength, ease, and agility with which he springs up 
the longest and most precipitous passes. Even the littie boys, dashing up the 
steep fiu;es of the hills after the straying cattie, astonished me by the fiu$ility 
with which they moved along the most dangerous places, as if upon the plainest 
ground ; and I remember, on a trying occasion, envying the wind and powerful 
muscles of a mountaineer, who, overtaking me after a much longer journey than 
I had performed, bounded from stump to stump and from rock to rock, with the 
ease of a mountain-goat, while I could hardly crawl along as we toiled up the 
steep ascent. 

The Talish district is the most eastern portion of Bussia south 
of the Caspian. 

Y 2 


Sheki, like ShirvaD, reduced in 1826, was tbe domain of Ismad 
Khan, whom the Persian war had exposed to tbe aims of Baasit. 
His subjects were chiefly Tartars, to the amount of about forty 
thousand, with about nine thousand Armenians. 

Karahagh^'vi'iih the same elements as Sheki, bastbem in differ- 
ent proportions ; since the Armenians amount to as much as a 
third of the whole population, i. e. to about twenty thousand cot 
of sixty thousand. 

Sometimes under Armenian, sometimes under Turkish, some* 
times under Persian dominion, Karabagh, with great advantaget 
of soil and climate, seems always to have been misgoverned. It 
was Persia that it was won from ; and that in the war of 1822— 
Persia having reduced it in 1797. 

Gandzha — the Tartar and Armenian domain of Dzherat 
Khan, was ceded to Bussia in 1804. 

In Russian Armenia, properly so called, we get, as tbe name 
suggests, the maximum of the Armem'an blood, language, and 
Christianity. Yet even in Erivan, out of the seventy thousand or 
eighty thousand inhabitants, one-half appears to be Turkish ; so 
that the Armenians fail to constitute a decided majority. In 
Nakhitshevan, they are calculated at one-third; the other two- 
thirds being Turk in language, Persian (i. e, Shiite) in creed. 

The last, and the most western of these southern districts, is 

Akhalzik, connected in its ethnology with Georgia, rather than 

either Persia or Armenia, and in its politics with the Porte. Hence, 

it was a Turkish war which gave it to Bussia — the war of 1829, 

"which ended in the treaty of Adrianople. 

The basis of the population is Georgian ; but of Georgia it 
belongs to the Lazic rather than that of the proper Georgian 

The next in number to the Georgians are the Turks. After 
these, at different intervals, come Armenians, Kurds, Jews, Gipsies^ 
and Greeks; of which a few families represent the most inland 
members of that stock. The general character, however, of the 
district of Akhalzik will become clearer as we proceed. It be- 
longs to Asia Minor rather than to Caucasus Proper. 



War in Caucasus. — Resistance of the Lcsgians.— ShamiL 

Thb preceding ohapters have given a rough analysis of the 
several nations, languages, and creeds of Caucasus ; of Caucasus 
in its widest sense ; of Caucasus and Transcaucasia ; of Caucasus 
the mountain-range as distinguished firom the Russian Govern- 
ment so-caUed. Meanwhile, Transcaucasia includes Creorgia, Ar- 
menia, and several Turk, Tartar, and Persian districts. We have 
seen the extent to which the population is mixed and heteroge- 
neous ; piixed and heterogeneous in blood, creed, and nationality. 
We have seen, moreover, that these differences by no means 
coincide with definite geographical areas ; that within the same 
district there are Turks, Tartars, Armenians, Georgians, Persians, 
Sunnites, Shiites, Christians. The opinion has also been given 
thaty for the greater part of TVan^caucasia, whatever may have been 
the grounds on which it was originaUy annexed to Russia, the 
rule of the Czar is, by no means, a practical evil ; especially for 
Georgia and Armenia, Christian countries, which have, with few 
exceptions, been either under the Ottomans or the Persians, or, 
what is worse, a battle-field between them. 

That Armenia was once a powerful country is true : but the 
times of its power were those of the Roman Empire ; the times 
of more than seventeen hundred years back. In the Middle Ages 
it was of no political importance ; indeed, the Armenian family, 
hke that of the Jews, seems to have been broken-up early. 
Armenia was one of the earliest Christian kingdoms ; but, at the 
very beginning of its Christianity, it was involved in a contest 
against the Sassanian Fire- worshippers of Persia ; and, when the 
Sassanian dynasty was overthrown. Fire-worship was superseded 
by Mahometanism — equally hostile to the creed and nationality 
of Armenia. When the Turk invasions began Armenia was 
overrun. Babylon and Mesopotamia were first attacked^ and then 

826 OAUOASm. 

the ooones of the Tigris aiid EaphntM wen idloired-19 1^ 
led to the range of Aunt The moimtAiiis hen mn nflUi 
to pieeenre the creed, the kngaeg^ and some fUgiiwmi of i 
original independence ; hat the pditiodi importaim and the iq 
rate existence of the nation was brbkea-np. Tet a»i^wU gm 
dynasty to Constantinople ; and, during the enumfai aass tti 
one Armenian chieftain took the real or tUolnr same of priii 
The Mongol inrasion prostrated the whole matioii; sinoevln 
the Tarics and Kurds ha^e neariy difidad Awifmia bfltwwm As 
As a Christian, a lettered^ a ciriliied nntioQ, is commands afls 
tion; hat, at the same time, it is scarcely poasihlo to imapneti 
comhination of droomstanoes that ahoold giro tho A»«MWfcM— 1| 
chance of being again what they have been. 

Georgia is in a somewhat difiienl predieomeBL lis mi 
history, by no means so important as that of Armania. is obeos 
Still it transcends the date of the introdnotion of GhiisliaHt 
Its later history, on the other hsnd, is a pnauMnt ona Lid 
elerenth, twelfth, and thirteenth oentnriee^ Ooocgia was p 
eminently the Christian coontry of Asia. Independent of d 
Turks, the Persians, and the Bysantine Gnelcs, it floarished oai 
a dynasty of native princes; Geoiges, DsTids, fto., especiil 
under its great Queen Thamar. This we leam from its niia 
from its records, from the concurrent history of Trebizond. 1 
calling, however, the Georgian princes native, I mean that th 
were Caucasian. Some were of Circassian blood ; indeed, b^irec 
Georgia and Circassia the political relations were dose, Geoigi 
however, has the most notable history. It kept what Circss 
lost, its Christian creed. It fiuled, however, in ^tablifthT" 
a centralized dominion over the rude tribes of the north ; d 
Iron, the Tshetshents, and the Lesgians. Yet, even among tbes 
especially the Iron, traces of the old civilization of Geoigia at il 
zenith are still to be found. 

With Caucasus in general Bussia came into early contsc 
Before the time of Ivan the Terrible, the conqaeror of tli 
Khanats of Kazan and Astrakan, there are notioes of politia 
relations between Bussia and Daghestan. After the conquest ( 
the Khanats they become frequent The Bussian outpost wi 
Astrakan, and starting from Astrakan a Bussian army bad only t 
follow the winding outline of the Caspian to reaoh the nortl 


eastern spurs of Caucasus. These, however, were scarcely 
Caucasian. They were rather Turk and Persian. The Tartars 
bad followed the same line as the Russians. The Persians had 
reached the same points from the south ; Shirvan having always 
been, to a great extent, Persian. Hence, even now, the slrips of 
comparatively level ground between the mountains and the Cas- 
pian, are other than Caucasian. They are Turk, Persian, Indian, 
— ^Baku, with its springs of burning naphtha, being the occu- 
pancy of the Parsis, the Fire-worshippers of the Russian Em- 
pire; the only empire, with the exception of the British, which 
contains within its boundaries an instance of every one of the 
six lettered creeds : — Judaism, Christianity, Mahometanism, Brah- 
minism. Buddhism, and Parsiism. 

On the south, Georgia was independent and Christian. On the 
north, Astrakan was Russian, having been originally Tartar. On 
the east, or along the shores of the Caspian, the population was 
largely Turk, and largely Persian ; the political relations being, 
if not more Persian than Turk, more Persian and Tartar than 

The converse was the case on the west. Along the Black Sea 
the foreign influences were from Constantinople ; from Constanti- 
nople as the seat of the conquerors of the Greeks and the 

On the north the dominant foreign Power was the Ottoman, 
though Ottoman in a modified term. The march or boundary to 
the north of the Kuban divided the Circassians not so much firom 
either the Turks or the Russians as from the Erim Tartars, with 
their semi-independent bearing towards the Porte ; and with these 
Erim Tartars the Don Eosaks were, in many respects, allied. 
They hung as loosely on Russia as the Tartars did on Turkey. 

Within these boundaries, lie the pure and proper tribes who 
have already been noticed ; all being mountaineers. The Cir- 
cassians we may call the western, the Iron and the Tshetshents 
the central, and the Lesgians the eastern, Caucasians. 

How far were these Turkish, and if Turkish, how far were they 
ever made over to Russia ? Their history will help us to an answer 
on this point As a preliminary, however, to this, it is well 
to take cognizance of two other populations — the Eosaks having 
already been noticed. 

328 OAUOASna 

1. Tho Ealmuks of the Mongol emigntion. — The movemflot 
which brought the EahnakB from thdr native oonntiy into tk 
parts beyond Astrakan has already been notioed. Thej oocnpy a 
vast block of land between the Volga, Caacasus and the Caflpian. 
Their nomad habits, their loose organization, their predatory a|rti« 
tndeSy make them just the people between whom and the Caocasiaitt 
or Eosaks quarrels would arise ; quarrels which, as the Moogdi 
were undoubted Bussian subjects, might bring-in the intetftnnoe 
of the Czar ; an interference which oonld be eaaily rq^olated by 
his inclination or opportunities. 

2. The Nogays. — like the Mongols these have been genoiiie 
Bussian subjects ever since the conquest of the Khanata. Ozigia- 
ally their occupancy was in the north, on the Yogol and Ostiak 
frontier. But they afterwards settled in the parts about Astrdcia 
and along the Euban. Three out of their seven tribes, the 
Yedisan, the Dzhedikal, and the Dzhambulat, lie between the 
Terek and the Euma, and we shall see that in the Treaty of 
Belgrad these three tribes are specially named. The Basian, od 
the watershed of the Euban and Terek are, perhaps, an ofiet of 
these Nogays. At any rate, they settled in thdr present locality 
from tho Euma. 

If we examine the respective rights of the Sultan and the Czar 
oyer the parts under notice, as they stood at the beginning of the 
last century, and follow the history of them, as conveyed in the 
several treaties which have since been signed, we shall find that 
whatever may be the claims of Bussia upon the inland districts of 
Circassian, Tshetshents, Lesgian, and Iron Caucasus, they have 
no foundation in any concessions made by the Porte. They were 
not the Porte's to give away. What the Porte really possessed at 
tho time was the exclusive command of the Black Sea and the 
Sea of Azov. This was Ottoman or Constantinopolitan. The 
dominion over certain tribes of the Euban, as far as it was real, was 
in the hands of the Ehan of the Crimea. 

"Tho Czar shall interfere with neither the Poles nor the Koeaks who an 
dependent upon Poland ; nor yet with those of Hon Dulet Ointy,* bniahall letre 
them on their original footing and withdraw hia troops from their ooontiy."— 
Treaty qf the Pruth, A.D. 1711. 

In the Treaty of Belgrad (1730) the name of the Eabarda 

* The Khan of the Crimea. 

TRfiATIEa 329 

Circassians, or Eabardinians, appears. These are Circassian in 
language. They consider themselves Circassians in blood. They 
are Circassians in feeling, habits, and creed. But as some Cir- 
cassians were once either really, or hypothedcally, occupants of a 
part of the Crimea, the statement has been made that they were 
originally Eosaks. On the northern boundary of Caucasus, and in 
a midland district, they lie in contact with both the true Kosaks 
and the Nogays. They fall into two divisions — the Little, the 
Oreat^ and run in a long line from west to east. 

Treaty of Belgrad. 

Article 5.— The Kosaks and Kalmnks, subject to his Imperial ICiyestj the 
Emperor of the Bossias, shall commit no hostilities agiUnst the Tartars of the 
Crimea the subjects of the Sultan, ftc 

Artide 6. — In respect to the two Kabardas, the Great and the Little, and the 
nfttiona that inhabit them, thaU bejree. They shall be mbjed to neither Empire ; 
but shall be a barrier between them. On the part of the Sublime Porte it is 
agreed that neither the Turks nor the Tartars shall invade or disturb them ; and 
on that of the Emperor of the Bussias, that they shall not be molested ; but 
that» in accordance with the ancient usage, the Emperor of the Enssias shall 
take hostages from both, the Great and the Little, with the sole object of main- 
taining tranquillity, and that the Porte shall be at liberty to do the same. Should 
the aforesaid Kabardinians give offence, either party is free to chastise them. 

The next treaty is the important one of Kainardzhi, by which 
the Crimean Tartars were declared independent. 

Article 1.— All the Tartar peoples, those of the Crimea, of the Budzhak, of 
the Kuban, the Tedisan, the Dzhambuluk, and the Edikul, shall, without any ex- 
ception, be acknowledged by the two empires as free nations, and entirely inde- 
pendent of every foreign Power, governed by their own sovereign, of the race 
of Ghengis Khan, elected and raised to the throne by all the Tartar peoples ; 
which sovereign shall govern them according to their ancient laws and usages ; 
being responsible to no foreign Power whatsoever ; for which reason, neither the 
court of Buflsia nor the Ottoman Porte shall interfere, under any pretext what- 
ever, with the election of the said Khan, or in the domestic, political, civil, and 
internal affidrs of the same, but, on the contrary, they shall acknowledge and 
consider the said Tartar nation, in its political and civil state, upon the same 
footing as the other Powers who are governed by themselves, and are dependent 
upon God alone. As to the ceremonies of religion, as the Tartars profess the 
same fidth as the Mahometans, they shall regulate themselves, with respect to 
his Highness, in his capacity of grand Caliph of Hahometanism, according to 
the precepts prescribed to them by their law, without compromising, neverthe- 
IcH, the stability of their political and civil liberty. 

Article 21.— The two Kabardas, namely, the Great and the Little, on account 
of their proximity to the Tartars, are more nearly connected with the Khans of 
Crimea ; for which reasons it must remain with the Khan of Crimea to consent, 
in concert with his council and the ancients of the Tartar nation, to these 
coontries becoming subject to the imperial court of Bussia. 


It IB difficult to reconcile this oenon of the Kabnrdaa will 
the express recognition of their independence in the Treatj o 
Belgrad ; no iillasion having been mode to an^ act by vhid 
either that independence was forfeited, or (o any one by which the] 
came under the dominion of the Tartar Khan. It will be seen, hoW' 
ever, ere long, that the assumption in a later treaty of a state o: 
things plainly and palpably at variance with the text of an earlie) 
one, is, by no means, confined to the present transaction. A 
similar variation will show itself in respect to Geor^a. 

Respecting, however, the Caucasians of the northern frontier 
the Caucasians now under notice, the language of the next trcatj 
that of Yossi, is important. It certainly implies that they wen 
more amenable to the Forte than to Bussis, On the other hand, i 
implies that the Ottoman influence was moral rather than material 
After a statement, frequently repeated elsewhere, that the Eubai 
is the boundary, and tliat for the left bank of that river Busni 
has renounced whatever claims she may, at any time previonj 
have advanced, the sixth artiote states that, in reference to tbi 
tribes of the froutier, the Forte will on her part — 

"Employ her good offices uidmaiienee to keep tfaeminorder and tianqstllit] 
kud to prcTent tbem ttom mikiDg incunioni on the Boi^ui Empire, < 
' I damnglng, in person or propert;, ui; Sdbuau uliject, citlier open! j or In Mom 

upon my pretext whstcTcr. 

" And in order lliit the; mtj not earr^ off my iltrtM, the Sablime Porte «il 
iuue the Btric(«t prohibitory orders, engaging, at the Kunc time, to pnbliah thel 
in the imrU in question »fler the rutification of the present treaty." 

Tlicn follow details to the effect that where either Sussiai 

subjcots have been kidnapped into slavery, Bussiau cattle lifted, o 

Eussidn property of any kind etolcn, the Porte will either secur 

the punislimcat of the offenders or make good the loss sustained 

'; That the language covers a good deal is clear; but an ahsohit 

power of cession lies beyond its margin. The real amount o 

power exercised by the Forte is in a rough way measured by it 

claims on the Kabardas. These were, to a greot extent, indepen 

1 dent ; how far they were also dcpeodent is anotlter matter. \\'hat 

I however, is transparently clear is this — that no part of the in 

tcrior of Cnucnaus was more dependent than they. 

That the I'urte, however, might interpose in the manner sug 
gested by the treaty niiliout being even a suzerain, byita friendl; 
tifTiccs, its influence, and (what is not denied) its acknowlcdgci 


authority aloDg the sea-coast^ is plain when we consider the 
nature of the aggressions against which it was to guarantee the 
subjects of the Czar. There was a slave trade ; and though, at 
the present time, Spain cannot make over to any third Power 
certain petty African kingdoms in the sUve- dealing districts on the 
coast, it could say much as to whether their slave- dealing habits 
are to be encouraged or put-down. More than this, on the con- 
dition of leaving the matter in her hands she could, as a price for 
the non-interference of anyone else, guarantee to make good 
losses. If she did this, she would do just what the Porte engaged 
to do by the Treaty of Yassi. 

Such is the view to be taken if wo suppose that the articles 
under notice give us no more than the just pretensions of Turkey. 
It is certain that they do not give us less. The simple fact is 
that Circassia, the Iron country, the Tshetshents country, and 
Legistan were never Turkey's to give. 

But the Caucasian highlanders might give offence propria 
motu, and so bring upon themselves a war which might end in 
the forfeiture of their independence. The undenied character of 
their predatory and slave-dealing habits, as shown in the treaties, 
makes this more than likely. They have probably done so, but 
more upon this point will be said when the details of the Rus- 
sian claims on the south, in Georgia and on the Georgian frontier^ 
have been considered. 

Ever since Georgia was overrun by the Mongols she was weak 
as against the Turks, the Persians, and her own neighbours. Ever 
since Bussia became mistress of Astrakan she had a Cliristian 
Power within caD. How she comported herself to the Czars of the 
sixteenth century has been seen. There is nothing new in her 
relation to Bussia as a protectress, nothing new in the price paid 
for protection. Whether the bounds of liberality and even justice 
have not been overstepped by Bussia in the dealings between the 
two is another question. Whether the acts of the Georgian kings 
and nobles were the acts of the people is also another question. 
The Georgian kings became pensioners of Bussia, and, in 1800, the 
last King of Georgia made over his kingdom to the Czar by will. 

As between Turkey and Bussia, however, the Treaty of Kai- 
nardzhi left the matter, after the fashion of Turco-Bussinn treaties, 

332 CAUOASna 

'* Tho fortresses which are standing in a part of Georgia and of Kincielia^ 
as Bagdadgiek, Kntais, and Scheherfoan, oonqnered by tho Knwian annie^ 
shall be considered by Bossia aa belonging to thoae on whom thej vere fonnorlj 
dependent; so that if, in ancient timei^ or for a TOiy long period, thej have 
actually been under the dominion of the Snblime Port^ Ihej abdl be eoa- 
sidered as belonging to it ; and after the ezehange of the pveaeni treaty the 
Russian troops shall, at the time agreed opon, quit the Mid prorineea of Geoigia 
and Mingrelia. On its part, the Sablime Porte engages^ conformably to the 
contents of the present article, to grant a general amneatj to all thoae In the 
sidd countries who, in the course of the present war, shall have oflfbnded It in any 
manner whatsoever. It renounces solemnly and for erer to ezaei tritmtea of 
children, male and female, and every other kind of tax. It engagea to eondder 
such of these people only as ita subjecta aa shall hare belonged to it from all 
antiquity ; to leave and restore all the castlea and fortified plaoea wUdi have 
been under the dominion of the Qeoigiana and Mingreliana* to their own 
exclusive custody and government ; as also not to molest in any manner the 
religious monasteries and churches ; not to hinder the repairing of dih^idated 
ones, nor the building of new ones ; and it promises thai these people shall not 
be oppressed on the part of the Governor of Tschildirsk, and other chiefa and 
officers, by exactions which despoil them of their property. But aa the said 
people are subjecta of the Sublime Porte, Rnasiamnst not^ in futue» intermeddle 
in any manner in their affiiirs, nor molest them in any way." 

In that of Adrianople, the contrast abready alluded to between 
the status quo left in one treaty and the status quo assomed in 
another^ repeats itself; this being tbe repetition alluded to : — 

"Georgia, Imeritia, Hingrelia» Gouriel, and several other provinces of the 
Caucasus, having boon for a long time and in perpetuity annexed to the Empire 
of BuBsia, and this empire having moreover acquired, by the treaty condnded 
with Persia at Turkman tchai, on the 10th of February, 1828, the Khanats of 
Erivan and Naktchivan, tho two high contracting Powers have been convinced 
of the necessity of establishing between their respective States, throughout the 
whole of this line, a well-defined frontier, and such as shall prevent all future 
misunderstanding. They have likewise taken into consideration the necessary 
means for opposing insurmountable obstacles to the incursions and depredaliona 
which, up to the present time, have been practised by the frontier tribes^ and 
which have so often compromised the relations of amity and good-fellowship 
between the two empires." 

Whence this assumed perpetuity? Georgia, however, bein;^ 
made Bussian gives us the phenomenon of a Transcaucasia as a 
Bussian Government before Caucasus is Bussian. A military 
road is needed. It passes through the heart of Caucasus. Points 
of contact between the owners of it and the independent tribes 
on each side are now multiplied. With an aggressive spirit on 
one side, with courage, independence, and predatory habits on the 
other, what can come but a state of war ? 


I begin with the one which broke oat in '27. 

A chapter in Haxthausen is specially devoted to the history of 
this movement; and it is firom this that by far the greater portion 
of the following statements is taken. The name of Haxthausen's 
aathority is not given ; neither is it stated how far he was different 
from Bodensted's. He was, however^ a German who had fair 
means of acquiring information and who committed his account 
to writing. StiU, unless his personal knowledge cover nearly 
forty years, there is much which he must have taken on trust; 
since Muridism, not yet extinct, began as early as 1823. 

This is its date. In 1828, the Kasi-kumuk and Eurali districts 
formed the Khanat of Arslan Khan, who either acknowledged 
the Czar as his suzerain, or was on friendly terms with Bussia. 
At any rate he was, so to say, Bussianized. The second in autho- 
rity to him was the Mullah Mohammed, the Kadi of the Khanat of 
Jaraih. A small village in Kuri was his residence, and the Mosque 
at Jaraih is, at the present time, the object of veneration to every 
Murid in Eastern Caucasus. Here the Mullah Mohammed 
taught and officiated; blind from intensity of study, ascetic, 
and incorruptible. For little beyond the quiet virtues suggested 
by these epithets was the Mullah Mohammed famous until the 
year 1823. 

Another Mohammed then comes in contact with him, a Kazi 
Mohammed from Bokhara, and sits at his feet as disciple, 
admirer, and friend. There was no one who so valued the 
Mullah as Kazi Mohammed, and the Mullah had no disciple, 
even amongst his own countrymen of Daghestan, whom he loved 
like Kazi. But the time came for Kazi to go away. He departed, 
however, only to return after a short absence. And his return 
was a mystery. He was still the disciple and the admirer, but he 
was an altered man. He had a secret Would he tell it to the 
Mullah? Would the Mullah go with him into Shirvan and 
drink wisdom from the lips of Hadji Ismael of Kundomir ? The 
Mullah would. So the two friends went» and when they 
reached the garden of Hadji Ismael they found him cutting-off 
the young twigs of the mulberry-trees to feed his silk-worms 
with. Shocked at his impiety (injuries to mulberry-trees being 
prominent among the mala prohibita of the Koran) they 
expressed their pain and wonder. Could so good a man be 


wilfully disobedient ? Could so wise a one be daiUy ignorant ? 
And now mark the wisdom of Hadji Ismael ; and admire tbe 
manner in which he taught them that ordinances indifferent in 
themselyes were to be obeyed or neglected according to the 
circumstances with which Aey might come in contact "In 
Arabia," said he» *' where the mulberry is scarce and the climate 
dry, and where the Koran was written for Arabians, to feed a 
silkworm with a young branch, would, doubtless, be a crime. 
But in Shirvan, where the trees are numerous and the twigs 
grow freely, changes of circumstances change the interpretation 
of the rule." In this way his visitors were taught to look to the 
spirit rather than the letter of enactments; and were prepared to 
hear more from so enlightened an instructor. 

They went home instructed. After which a good deal is heard 
about the Mullah, a very little about the Kazi, and about Hadji 
Ismael, the Mohametan rationalist of Eundomir in Shirran — 
nothing at all. There was a war at this time between Persia and 
Bussia, and many men believed that he was simply an agent from 

Whether true or not as a phenomenon in the region of facts, 
this belief is an absolute truth in the history of opinions; and, 
as it is chiefly through opinion that facts act, it must be dealt 
with as it comes ; just like any other fact or no-£act upon the 
opinions concerning which men may act. That he was what he was 
supposed to be is very likely. The little we know favours the 
view. The Mullah was a quiet man till Eazi came, and Eazi 
came from Bokhara, which is more Persian than Turk ; Turk in 
its dynasty, but Persian in language, intellect, and the nationality 
of the people in general. Tbe Hadji was found on Persian 
ground, and talked like a Persian about mulberry- trees. As for 
the apologue it is one of a numerous kindred. The tyrant of 
Miletus cut-off the heads of the taller ears of com. One of the 
Tarquins decapitated the loftier poppies of Gabii. So at least run 
two stories of antiquity ; which, instead of confirming, invalidate 
one another. Of course, the two supposed agents may have done so. 
Neither wheat-stalks nor poppy-heads are hard to knock off. But 
whether they did this or not, they, doubtless, did, said, or 
implied much besides, though to tell the details in full would rob 
the story of its Oriental halo. Boal business followed what was 


done afterwards ; and mysterious apologaes, either in words or 
dumb show^ were not the whole of its antecedents. 

On the other hand, when a solution is inordinately natural, 
it is just as likely to be an invention as a reality. The facts 
tempt the quidnuncs of all nations to an hypothesis, and men 
who know what Jupiter whispered to Juno are to be found in all 
times and in all countries. 

The real truth lies in the character of Mullah Mohammed ; 
and the man who speaks to this from personal knowledge has 
yet to be found. He seems, from his subsequent history, in 
which the statements are sufficiently definite to look like facts, to 
have been as honest a man as his good looks, his ascetic life, and 
his blindness make us wish to think him. 

The general character of Muridism is Persian. It is not a 
sect. It is rather a political organization with a religious 
stimulus as the moving power. It is, so to say, a revival ; but 
a revival of a catholic and unsectarian character. It is an 
ecclesiastical revival — a revival as opposed to a secular decay. 
It is a protest against the political Erastianism of the representa- 
tive of the Ealif ; with an appeal to the Mahometan world in 
general, with a special one to the nationality of the Caucasian 
mountaineers; and it begins in the most Persian part of Caucasus, 
during a war between Persia and Bussia. At the same time, it is 
not too Persian. Bokhara is Uzbek as well as Sart, Turk as well 
as Persian. Shirvan is on the confines of Persia. Above all, 
the Caucasus is in its political relations decidedly Ottoman. 
Hence, the representative of the Ealif is not the Shah of Persia, 
but the Sultan of Constantinople. On the other hand, its whole 
spirit is Persian rather than Turk; and that in its best as well 
as its worst parts. It is comprehensive. Let the distinction 
between the Sunnites and the Shiites be merged into the great 
question of the independence of Mahometanism as a religion. 
The higher Powers, the Sultans and Shahs, have backslided. 
They treat the Christian potentates as firiends, equals, nay, even 
as superiors. Let the faithful at large take back what the kings 
of the earth have surrendered ; and let the Church with its Mul- 
lahs represent the people. 

Let us now, then, take up the personal history of Mullah 
Mahommed, which up to this time is incomplete, to say the 

336 OAUOASUa. 

least of it; incomplete, and not without a raspiidoiu dema 
in it. 

It goes on. What he haa heard from Ha^ji Isnuel be oob 
municates to Arslan Khan. Bnt Azalan Efaan is nnder obli 
gations to Bnssia, of whose power he is well aware; beaide 
which he is, prohahly, grateful for favoan to com& So the twi 
meet; each at the head of a following; AralaQ Khan with i 
proud band of warriors behind him, the Mnllah with bis diseipla 
OS men of peace. The Khan knocks the Mullah down: oal; 
however, to find that he has gone too £u. His own men loo) 
grave on the dastardly insnlL " What yon have dona to me Ooi 
will forgive," says the blind Mnllab, " do yonr duty to Islam uti 
your coaotry." Saying this he won a great moral viotory. 

The scene now changes to North Daghestao and the fiontie 
of Avaria. 

The ELban of Avaria was a minor; for perscmal prow e ss 
contingent Alexander with an Olympias for his mother. Sh 
was strong-minded, fond of b«ng regent, inflnenlisl over bot 
her eon and bis brothers. He is sent to listen to Mnlla 
Mohammed's arguments in favour of bringing him over to th 
good cause ; for, if he should prove obstinato and reoreaot, hi 
Ebanat might pass away from bim. The years '30 and '31 ai 
the dates for these movements in the direction of Avaria. Hi 
name of this minor Khan was Abu Nnnzal. 

Whatever may have been the honesty, prudence, or mystery < 
the actors in the field of Muridism up to this time, there is n 
doubt that in the hero who now comes forward as protagonist w 
have neither more nor less than a bad, ambitious adventurer, wh 
used the influence of bonester men than himself as a means < 
becoming Ebon of Avaria. Gamzad Beg is his name. He simpt 
strives to get Abu Nunzal in bis power. Like a lamb to slanghta 
Abu Nunzal puts himself in it. He knows what will eome: bn 
his evil genius is his mother. She urges him to an interview; a 
interview which he feels will be a treacherous one. He obeyi 
however, as if she had been ten times his mother; and is attackec 
(IS he knew he would be. 

On the etreogth of hie reported bearing iu this treacherou 
attack, I have compared him to Alexander. Twenty-two is tli 
number of the perfidious clansmen of Ganzad Beg whom he cu 


down before he died, like a dog, at their hands. Twenty-two is 
the number which is said to rest upon the evidence of an eye- 
witness. After this Mullah Mohammed withdrew from the field 
of action; and Gamzad Beg and Kazi Mullah, having fought 
with indifferent success, were superseded by a captain of greater 
efficiency and a more general reputation. 

If we put the full import upon the several details which have 
just been given respecting the first moving principle, so far as it 
is known to us, in this Lesgian or Daghestani outbreak, an im- 
portant point, which is now in danger of being overlooked, must 
strike us. As matters stand at present, Caucasus, so far as it is 
considered with reference to any second Power, and so far as its 
campaigns are not treated as so many points in the history of Cau- 
casus pure and simple, is treated as a complication in the history 
of Turkey ; Turkey being the point upon which all eyes are now 
more exclusively turned ; Turkey being the chief Empire recog- 
nized in the consideration of what is called the great Eastern 
Question. Such is certainly the case in Great Britain, whatever 
may be the view taken of it in India. Yet, notwithstanding this, 
the whole biography of the two protagonists, as far as it has 
hitherto gone, is connected more with Persia than with Turkey. 
Persia it is whence the parable of the mulberry trees first came. 
Persia it is which, on the Lesgian or Daghestani side of Caucasus, 
is most especially in contact with the Caucasian tribes. Above 
all, it was during a war with Persia that the first impression on 
the Mullah Mohammed was made. This was the war which ended 
with the treaty of Turkmanchai. That there was a concurrent 
war with Turkey is true : but the two ran parallel courses. They 
were concluded within a short time of one another ; and when we 
study the history of the acquisitions of Russia we find that, about 
the year 1829, they were considerable. If we stop, however, to 
analyze the details, we find that they were not all obtained at the 
expense of one combatant, and that they were not all surrendered by 
one and the same Power in one and the same treaty. Erivan and 
the acquisitions on the side of Armenia (to which we may add 
the Talish country) were conquests from Persia ; conquests from 
Persia recorded in the treaty of Turkmanchai, and not in that of 
Adrianople. That Persia and Turkey, so far as they have failed 
in acting together as two Mahometan Powers against a common 



eoemy, bare deserred to lose all thej bare lost is a mattar for tl 
MahometaD (perbaps for the politiojan, and even the coemopol 
tan) to regret That they havB not aoted togstfaer, however, 
no vronder. One is Bhiite, the other Snnnite ; and, as nligioi 
bigotry can never be indulged in with impunity, the consequetii 
bas been what we find it The very pardlion of Persia was on 
eotertained as an article in a Busaian and Turkish compac 
Co-operation, then, between the two, even when both were engagi 
RgaiDSt Russia, bas been exceptional if it haa ever existed. 

The whole character of the first Lesgian outbrealcs was Feraia 
Nor is this all. Inartistic as it may be to tell one story in oi 
part of a work, and to refer to another part of the same work G 
its complement — to write as it were two chapters in differei 
Tolumes supplementary to one another — I venture to ask the readi 
to take, along with the present notice, the account given, in tl 
sequel, of the Ismaoliyeh. Id that he will find much that remini 
him of what occurred in the Lesgian ware — the same mixture i 
rationalism and transcendentalism; the same fanaticism; tbesan 
blind devotion to individual leaders; the same mystery; the saa 
contempt of life. Above ail this he will find that the locality fi 
the two histories thus characterized is nearly the same. Syrii 
the land of the true Ismaeliyeh, is, doubtlesB, for from Lesgistan 
but Syria was only an affiliated district. The true Ismaeliye 
locality was the neiglibourhood of the great Demavend mountaii 
Dcmavend being politically Persian, geographically and gee 
logicnlly Caucasian. Is it too much to say that the feeling vhic 
showed itself during the time of Shamil, in the way of personi 
devotion, was, to some extent, endemic ? 

If this Persian connection be clearly understood it is not diffi 
cull to see how the wars of Caucasus daring the last thirty year 
have been in a great measure single-handed oontosts against i 
common enemy rather than organized, systematic campaigns. Cir 
cassia being the most in contact with Europe has (with the mas 
at least] represented Caucasus ; and, bo doing, has bad the credit o 
being the predominantly heroic nation. There are those who bav< 
goue BO for as to mistake Shamil for a Circassian. To say lbs 
he absolutely ignored Circassia ; tliat Circaesia absolutely ignoret 
him ; that the two fought without ony kind of communication oi 
corrcM])ondcDce, would be saying too much. Shamil bad dele 

SHAMIL. 339 

gates, missionaries, or agents, in Circassia ; but they were men 
who watched the course which matters might take rather than 
actual coadjutors. Anything like a common commander for the 
two belligerents was never recognized. In this way was strength 

Again, when the Crimean war broke out, whether he were 
applied to or not, it was as well known as anything can be known 
for these parts, that Shamil would be neither art nor part in any 
coalition. What policy, what distrust, what religious fanaticism 
had to do with this is another question. 

Even with the Sultan himself no engagements were to be 
made ; heavy as was the loss through the self-denying ordinance 
thus imposed. 

While Lesgistan gravitated towards Persia, Circassia, so far 
as she was other than Circassian, was Ottoman. 
' Again, as stated before, Circassia was feudal and aristocratic, 
whilst Lesgistan and Tstetshenia were democratic or patriarchal, 
in their constitutions. 

Shamil was bom in 1797 at Ghimri or Himri; for the name 
of the place is spelt both ways, and that in common English 
books. What he was as a youth rests on floating stories which 
may or may not rise to the low value of traditions. That he was 
moody, wayward, impulsive, and open to religious impressions is 
likely. It is equally likely, that if he were not all this he would 
be described as being so just the same. What we know about 
him in England is through German travellers who heard the 
accounts of German settlers, who heard the accounts of Russian 
officers, who knew nothing about Shamil until he was old enough 
to whet his sword against them. He began by attaching himself 
to Eazi Mullah. 

As far as wonderful escapes go, Shamil is the Lesgian Aristo- 
menes — Aristomenes himself, however, being scarcely an historical 
character. His palmary escapes were three in number. 

On the 18th of October, 1832, his birthplace, Himri, was in- 
vested by an overwhelming army of Russians. He helped to defend 
it; being, then, merely a distinguished Murid under Eazi Mullah. 
In vain. Numbers prevailed. Almost every man was left dead. 
Eazi Mullah himself died, fighting heroically. Shamil, too, 

z 2 


fought heroically ; and for two years was nerer heard oil At the 
end of that time he showed himself^ and, by simply doing 90, 
congregated a body of enthusiasts aroand him. AU, bovem; 
that the most knowing among them knew was that, at the taking 
of Gumri, he received three wounds. Where had he been in the 
interval ? Some say in Bussia ; where he had accepted aeniee, 
taken offence, and become a patriot after being a ren^ade. ScHse 
say in a cave. Some say among the dead, being actually kiUei 
but raised to life in order to be the sayioor of bis country. One 
of these stories is about as likely as the other ; or rather, the firat 
has been disproved, the second is unlikely, the last imposobie. 
Shamil himself encouraged the mystery. As facts, these in 
nothiDg. As measures of what was believed to be believed they 
are not without their value. 

In 1834, the attack of Gamsag Beg on the Khan of ATaiii 
was avenged. The massacre, of which Khunsag was the localitj, 
was general. Two only escaped it Of these Shamil was one. 

Up to this time he was a simple Murid. When Gamsag Beg 
died there was disorder, anarchy, and despair, among the 
Lesgiaus. No one was tbe universally-acknowledged captain. 
Tashav Hadji was the nearest approach to one. In 1^7, 
however, Tashav Hadji recoguized the ascendency of Shamil, and 
withdrew in liis favour. 

Ten years afterwards there was tlie storming of a fort Akulto 

— in the Tshetsh country. It was an action in which tbe 
desperate courage of the Tshetshents (whose fame for the defeoce 
of Caucasus has been unduly eclipsed by that of the Lesgiansand 
Circassians) showed itself in both sexes. The women stood on a 
ledge of rock to roll down stones on the assailants, until they 
were, themselves, cast down from the height — themselves and the 
children. There was one pinnacle higher than the rest. Upon 
tliis tlie last remnant of the defenders had taken refuge. It was 
believed by tlie Russians that Shamil was among them. They had 
only to keep guard, and either starve or take him. At the dead 
of night a Lesgian let himself down by a rope— cunningly and 
stealthily, but only to be taken by the guard. Another followed : 
and he was taken also. The third, knowing the fate of the others, 
descended. He wore the dress by wliich Shamil was known to 

SHAMIL. 341 

the Bussians, and was (as he meant to be) captured. A few days 
afterwards^ Shamil had a band of Murids about him in another 
part of the country. 

It was no part of his policy to let his countrymen know how he 
escaped. He cultivated mystery. We do not know the dates, 
places^ and occasions of his speeches; but the following is a 
sample of what is believed to have been his oratory : — 

** Do not belieTO that Gk>d faTOura the greatest number ! Qod is on the side 
of good men, and these are always less numerous than the godless. Look around 
you, and you will eTeiywhere find a confirmation of what I say. Are there not 
fewer roses than weeds 1 Is there not more dirt than pearls, more yermin than 
useful animals 1 b not gold rarer than the ignoble metals 1 And are we not 
much nobler than gold and roses, than pearls and horses, and every useful ani- 
mal put together] All the treasures of the world are transitory, while eternal 
life is promised us. 

" But if there are more weeds than roses, shall we then, instead of rooting out 
the former, wait till they hare quite overgrown and choked the noble flowers 1 
and if our enemies are more numerous than we, is it wise for us to suffer our- 
selves to be caught in their netsi 

" Do not say our enemies have taken Tcherkay, besieged Achulko, and con- 
quered all Avaria ! If the lightning strike a tree, do all the other trees bow 
their heads before iti do they UM down through fear of being also struck! 
ye of little fiiith, follow the example given you by the trees of the forest, which 
would put you to shame if they had tongues and could speak. And if a fruit is 
devoured by worms, do the other fruits also rot through fear of being attacked in 
the same way 1 

" Do not alarm yourselves because the infidels increase so quickly, and con- 
tinually send fresh warriors to the battle-field, in the place of those whom we 
have destroyed, for I tell you, that a thousand poisonous fungi spring out of the 
earth before a single good tree reaches maturity. I am the root of the tree of 
liberty : my Murids are the trunk, and you are the branches. But do you be- 
lieve that the rottenness of one branch must entail the destruction of the entire 
tree! God will lop off the rotten branches, and cast them into the eternal fire. 
Betom, therefore, penitently, and enrol yourselves among the number of those 
who fight for our fidth, and you will gain my favour, and I will be your pro- 

" But if yon persist in giving more belief to the seductive speeches of the 
Christian dogs than to my exhortations, then I will carry out what Eaai Mullah 
formerly threatened you with. My bands will burst upon your souls like a 
thunder cloud, and obtain by force what you refuse to friendly persuasion. I 
will wade in blood. Desolation and terror shall follow me ; for what the power of 
eloquence cannot obtain, must be required by the edge of the sword." 

If Muridism began in Mahometan rationalism, it ended in 
Mahometan Puritanism ; and, at the present time, even when 
Shamil is living easily at St. Petersburg, and when Daghestan is, 
with the exception of a few outbreaks, a Russian province, the 
Mahometanism that prevails has an ascetic, rather than a tran- 


Bcendentaly character. Both, however, were potent «/u»itf/f; and 
nnder Shamil they had their full sway. The whole of Lesgislan 
was divided into departments — Naihdoms. When the sphit 
flagged, Shamil (according to Russian accounts) humt the Tillages 
that the Russians spared, and the Russians spared hnt little. 

After a long contest numbers and organization prevailed. The 
last stronghold of the Lesgians was Ghunib. 

In general aspect, Ghunib does not materially differ from Bumj moontAiiia 
in its neighbourhood. Some of these are eren more escarped, bat iliej want 
other advantages which Qhunib possesses. It is an isolated oral rock of lime- 
■tone, rising in precipitous and almost inaccessible terraces^ between three and 
four thousand feet from the valleys surrounding it At <me end — I wiU caU it 
the north, for though, perhaps, it is not strictly so, it will make my deocriplioii 
more simple — at the north end, then, the inclination is more gimdoal, and the 
Bussians have here completed an excellent road as fiur as a platean deven 
hundred feet above the Kari-Koi-Soo, which runs at its foot, and are preparing 
to erect upon this a fortress, with hospital, store-houses, Ac, and a house fimr 
General Lazaroff, the Commander-in-Chief of Daghestan. Above thia, again, ia 
a steep range of rocks, and, through a long gully in the middle of theae, a sig- 
ag road leads to the top of the mountain. The extreme length of it ia stated 
to be six vents, the extreme breadth four ; but it has not been meaaored, and I 
believe it to be one-third more. The Tartar aoul, not fiur from the north end, 
has been ascertained to be 4920 feet above the sea ; thence there ia a eontinnal 
rise to the south end, which is 7742 feet The top of the mountain ia not a 
plain surface, as I should have imagined from below, but very much hoUowed 
out, in shape like a shell, the aoul lyiug in the bottom, and is diversified with 
rocks and valleys. What constitutes the prime excellence of Ohunib as a 
natural fortress is, that it is not only so escarped as to be, except at the north 
end, practically inaccessible, if held by even a moderate force ; but that it con- 
tains abundantly within itself, everything ncccssar}' for the provision of its 
garrison for an indefinite time. The soil is fertile, and produces, where it is 
cultivated, fine crops of com ; the rest is covered with long thick grass, opon 
which the Russian captors found three hundred horses and six thousand sheep 
at pasture. 1 1 is watered by two streams which, rising in the high ground, join 
near the aoul ; they find an exit to the west, where they pour over the rocks 
down to the valley below, and nourish the fruit-trees and gardens of Hindak 
One little rivulet runs into the gully at the north end, and forms a singular 
waterfall : it comes to the abrupt edge of a cleft in the rock with sufficient force 
to clear it in a bound, and falls from the opposite side of the cleft to a great 
depth in a shower of spray, a veritable Staubbach. 

On the mountain itself are a very few trees, only one small clump of birches ; 
but fuel abounds in the neighbourhood. Coal, of a fine quality, is plentiful ; 
but, unfortunately, it lies between strata of such hard rock, as not to pay for the 
working. On the other hand, large fields exist of an inferior kind, mixed with 
earth, which require little labour to utilize, and which afford the fuel that is 
generally burned. Capital turf, too, abounds in the district. 

No natives are now allowed to live upon the mountain, and the aoul is already 
falling into decay. The house which Schamyl occupied is the only one kept in 
repair, and is used as a hospital It was clean and in good order. One room 

8HAMIL. 313 

was filled by Tartar invalids from the neighbourhood, who, even in bed, wore 
their shaggy caps upon their shaven heads. The kindness shown to them is only 
one instance of the conciliating treatment which I eyerywhere obsenred to be 
pursued by the Russians towards the inhabitants of the country. 

Sach was the last stronghold of the Eastern Caucasus. 
There were but four hundred men and two cannons to defend it. 
But the place^ as has been seen, was a natural fortification ; and 
it had been improved by art. Three walls had been drawn 
across the gully at the north end. This was considered the only 
passage by which an entrance could be made. The ground about 
was rocky, so that the progress of the Bussians in the way of 
regular approaches was slow. 

These were abandoned for a general attack. There were twelve 
thousand Bussians against the four hundred Lesgians. But, at 
the head of the Lesgians, was Shamil. There were some among 
his soldiers who had devoted themselves to death in battle. 
There were some renegades from the Bussian armies who had no 
hopes but in victory. There was not a man whose heart mis- 
gave him. There was not a woman who was not prepared to fight 
and die by his side — as many of them actually did. 

The place was stormed : and on the surrender of Shamil the 
war in Eastern Caucasus ended. " On the walls of one of the 
reception rooms, in the palace of the Viceroy at Tifiis, beside 
glittering trophies of arms, is hung up the plain leathern saddle, 
in which he rode to a conquest of which he might well be proud, 
for it terminated a long, weary contest, in which Bussia had not 
always the advantage. In a large plaster map, in the same 
room, where the whole chain of the Caucasus is shovm in relief, 

a gilded spot marks the summit of Ghunib." * 

♦ * * ♦ * 

We may now turn to Circassia. The Treaty of Adrianople, 
signed 1829, runs thus : — 

All the countries situated to the south and west of this line of demarcation 
towards the Pashalics of Ears and of Trebizond, together with the greater part 
of the Pashalik of Akhaltzik, shall remain in perpetuity under the dominion of 
the Sublime Porte ; whilst those which are situated to the north and east of the 
■aid line, towards Georgia, Imeritia, and Gouriel, as well as the whole of the 
coast qf the Black Sea, Jram the mouih of the Kouban as far as the Port of St. 
Nicholas, indvsively, shaU remain in perpetuity under the dominion qf the 
Empire qf Bussia. In consequence of which the Imperial Court of Russia gives 

* Marshall ; Vacation TonrisU and Notes of Tiayel for 1862. 


up tnd restores to the Sublime Porte the remainiiig portion of the Pishsliref 
Akbaltzik, the city and the Ptehalic of Kmxb, the city and the Fkihilie of 
Bajtzid, the city and the Pashalic of Eraerom, as well as the places oeenpUd \j 
tbe Banian troops, and which are sitoated without the abore-mentioiied Udcl 

In 1838 followed the more important treaty of Unkiar Skelen. 
It made the Black Sea a Muscovite lake. Of all the oompacts 
between Russia and Turkey which have ever been drawn-up, none 
has created so much jealousy and distrust as this. Yet it appears 
at first to be a very innocent one. It stipulates that there shall 
be a defensive alliance between the two Powers ; that there shall be 
an "unreserved understanding" between them ''upon all matters 
which concern their respective tranquillity and safety;" and that 
they '' shall afford to each other for this purpose substantial aid 
and the most efficacious assistance." In the third article the 
Czar — 

In the event of circamstances occnrring which should again detennine the 
Sublime Porte to call for the naval and military assistance of Buasia^ Bnsria» 
although if it please God, that case is by no means likely to happen, engages to 
furnish, by land and by sea, as many troops and forces as the two high oontzmctiag 
parties may deem necessary. It is accordingly agreed, that in thia case, the land 
and Boa forces, whose aid the Sublime Porte may call for, shall be held at its 
disposal. In conformity with what is above stated, in the event of one of the 
two Powers requesting the assistance of the other, the expense only of pro- 
visioning the land and the sea forces, which may be furnished, shaU fiUl to 
the charge of the Power who shall have applied for the aid. Although the 
high contracting parties sincerely intend to maintain this engagement to the 
most distant period of time, yet, as it is possible that in process of time circum- 
stances may require that some changes should be made in this treaty, it has been 
agreed to fix its duration at eight years from the day of the exchange of the im* 
perial ratifications. Tbe two parties, previously to the expiration of the term, will 
concert together, according to the state of aflairs at that time, as to the removal 
of the said treaty. The present treaty of defensive alliance diall be ratified 1^ 
the two high contracting parties, and the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged 
at Constantinople within the space of two months, or sooner if possible. 

The present instrument, consisting of six articles, and to be finally completed 
by the exchange of the respective ratification, having been agreed upon between 
us, we have signed it, and sealed it with our seals, in virtue of our full powet% 
and have delivered it to the plenipotentiaries of the Sublime Ottoman Porte in 
exchange for a similar instrument. 

Thus far there is nothing of which the Powers of Western 
Europe could reasonably complain. The alliance might be dis- 
tasteful to them : but it was by their own laches that the Sultan 
had been thrown into the arms of the Czar. The Pasha of 
Egypt had overrun not only Syria but a great portion of Asia 


Minor; and was within a few days' march of Scutari. England 
had been applied to for assistance; but in vain. France the 
same. Russia, to whom recourse was had in the last extremity — 
Russia, considered, and that rightly, as a remedy almost as bad as 
the disease — gave what was required — promptly and effectively. 

It was not, however, in any of the preceding articles that her 
payment is to be found. The following is a separate one — 
separate and secret. 

In yirtue of one of the claoses of the first article of the patent treaty of 
defenaive alliance concluded between the Imperial Court of Busaia and the 
other mutually substantial aid, and the most efficacious assistance for the safety 
of their respective dominions. Nevertheless, as His Mi^esty the Emperor of 
all the Russias, wishing to spare the Sublime Ottoman Porte the expense and 
inconvenience which might be occasioned to it by affording substantial aid, will 
not ask for that aid if circumstances should place the Sublime Porte under the 
obligation of furnishing it, the Sublime Ottoman Porte, in place of the aid 
which it is bound to furnish in case of need, according to the principle of reci- 
procity of the patent treaty, shall confine its action in fiivour of the Imperial 
Court of Rnasia to closing the Strait of the Dardanelles, that is to say, to not 
allowing any foreign vessels of war to enter therein under any pretext what- 
soever. The present separate and secret article shall have the same force and 
value as if it was inserted word for word in the treaty of alliance of this day. 

It was only, however, for a time that the secret portion of the 
treaty remained a secret. It was soon suspected ; and the refusal 
on the part of the Porte to allow a French man-of-war to pass 
through the Bosphorus brought the whole affair to light. Without 
doubt, both as against England and France, Russia, at this time, 
carried matters with a high hand. There is always a certain 
amount of Russophobia in both countries. But between '80 and 
'40 it had reached its climax. Then came the affair of the 

The Vixen belonged to Messrs. Bell of London — merchants. 
It was chartered with a cargo of salt for one of the Circassian 
ports — Circassian as opposed to Russian. Its owners wished to 
know how far these ports were blockaded, how far they were free- 
They applied to the English Government for information. The 
Government referred them to the Oazette. The Qcutette gave 
no notice of a blockade ; nor had one been notified. That there 
was war between the Circassians and the Russians was known. 
It was also known that it partook more of the nature of a 
guerilla than a great campaign. That a blockade was thought 
probable is an inference from the inquiry. 


The details of the case, as they appeared when Mr. Bell 
applied for redress, were obscure. It was doubtfdl whether his 
ship were confisGated under the regnktions of a blockade between 
two acknowledged belligerents^ or on the charge of haying 
violated certain Custom-house regulations, and, by so doing, 
having come under the category of a smuggler. That it carried 
gunpowder for the Circassians was admitted. The decision, how* 
ever, was that the owner had no claim against Russia. 

The following are samples of political rhetoric for these times. 
The first is a Circassian Declaration of Independence : — 

" The inhabitants of Caucasus, instead of being subject to Biiasia» ait not 
even at peace with her, but have for many yean been engaged in perpetual war. 
When the Porte held the supremacy of these provinces, they were left for their 
means of defence to themselves, bat lately the Porte has in every way betnjed 
and abandoned them. Who has power to give us away ? our allegiance ii 
offered to the Sultan, but if he is at peace with Bussia^ he cannot accept it, for 
Circassia is at war ; our aUegiance is a free offerings he cannot sell, because he 
has not bought it" 

The Bussian answer runs thus : — 

" What is it you look for \ Are you not aware that if the HeaTena should Ml 
Kussia could prop them with her bayonets ? The English may be good mechanics 
and artizans, but power dwells only with Russia. Ko country ever waged suc- 
cessful war against her. Bussia is the most powerful of all nations^ If you dears 
peace, you must be convinced that there are but two powen in existence, Qod in 
Ileavcn, and the Emperor upon earth." 

To which the rejoinder is : — 

'* Of all nations under Heaven, the greatest and most powerful, is England ; 
she takes precedence of all, and is never guilty of falsehood. How do you pze- 
Bumc to say she is falsel We know that when France invaded Egypt, and at- 
tacked the Mamelukes, she was expelled from it by England, who thus earned the 
gratitude of Circassians. You speak too loftily when you talk of destroj-ing this 
country : such language becomes the Almighty alone. You seem to think yon 
can do all you please, but though we be but a small nation, with God's blessing, 
and the succour of England, we will resist you still.** * 

I give these as I find them, without answering for their 

And, now it is upwards of thirty-two years since the Treaty of 
Adrianople was signed ; and the whole of those thirty-two years 
has been taken-up in fighting against the Russians on the part 
of Circassians — tlie proper Circassians of the drainage of Kuban 
as opposed to the Kabardinians. In this warfare the Apkhazes 

* Annual Eegister for 1837. 


have taken a sbare. Still, on the whole, the fight has been 
single handed. The Forte has never been able to help the com- 
batants. No other Power has been willing to do so. 

Our policy during the Crimean war was creditable. Upon the 
principle of embarrassing the enemy as much as possible, we 
were free to avail ourselves of the courage and independence of 
any or all of the tribes of Caucasus, especially of tliose of 
Gircassia ; which, from their geographical position, might have 
readily and effectively helped. The self-denying ordinance, 
however, with which we began the war prevented us from en- 
tangling ourselves with such an alliance; an alliance, which 
would, doubtless, have been profitable for the time, but which, 
when the war was over, would have reduced us to the alterna- 
tive of either insisting on impossible conditions or of betraying 
our allies. The Circassians, who are at present in England, think 
it necessary to excuse themselves for having failed to co-operate 
with us; attributing their non- action to the influence of an unpa- 
triotic faction of which the land has now, fortunately, disencum- 
bered itself. But no such excuse is needed. No co-operation 
was asked. That the chronic state of hostility continued is true 
enough ; but the Circassian contests and the Crimean campaign 
were concurrent, rather than co-ordinate, events. 

In thirty years there is ample time for the adoption of new 
lines of policy. Hence, the period has not been one of pure and 
simple fighting. The system of allowing the fiussian soldiers 
to meet and mingle with the Circassians, at certain periods, on 
certain occasions, at common markets, was, inter alia, resorted 
to. Nor was it without effect. There was a certain amount of 
fraternization. There was also, unless some of the greedier 
chiefs are belied, the opportunity for bribery. And, in under- 
mining the independence of Circassia, this has the credit of 
having done something. Still the struggle continues. 

That a few months ago two delegates found their way to this 
country is well known. They are here now, but they have not 
prospered in their embassy. They are of different tribes; but 
they emphatically state that they represent the whole nation, and 
this they put at a million of individuals. The case that they 
laid before the English Government is, undoubtedly, true to a 
great extent ; and, perhaps, wholly so. It is probable that the 


intestine feuds by which Circassia in the days of its foil indepen- 
dence was out up into a congeries of small tribes, separated from 
each other by intestine quarrels, have been so far abated as to 
allow the country to be consolidated into either a single natioQ 
or a compact confederacy. It is probable that the old anarchy 
has been repressed. That there is a Circassian constitation, and 
that it is formed on true mechanical principles, and that it would, 
if known in England, be approved by Englishmen, is not impos- 
sible. Still, these are matters upon which few among os are 
competent to form an opinion. 

But upon the great fact that Russia has no title to Circassia, 
except that of success in its aggression, there is neither doubt 
nor shadow of doubt What the Sultan made over to the Czar 
by the Treaty of Adrianople was not his to give. 

That Russia will be checked in its present career of conqoert 
in Caucasus by the intervention of any Western Power is nnlikdy; 
however little any of them may approve her aggressions ; howerer 
much they may all see through the flimsy plansibilitiee with 
which she disguises them ; and however much they may sympa- 
thize with the combatants. When any really great contest comes 
on (for the Crimean war can only be treated as a costly demon- 
stration), the importance of these brave moantaineers will be 



The Germans of the Baltic Proyinces.— Disiribution of the Jews. — The Gypsies. 

— The Turks. 

The Germans of the Baltic Frovinoes, when we compare them with 
the native population of the Lets and Estonians, are the Germans 
of a dominant doss, of a landed aristocracy, of a feudal system. 
This they are as the descendants of the Knights of the Teutonic 
Order and the Knights of the Sword, the crusaders of the 
thirteenth century, who conquered Curland, Livonia, and Estonia, 
as a church militant under a papal bull ; much as the Spaniards, 
under Cortez and Pizarro, conquered Mexico and Peru ; preaching 
Christianity by means of fire and sword, and making solitudes 
where they granted peace. Their history is written in blood, and 
it will again be noticed when Prussia comes into view. It has, 
partly, however, been alluded to already when the Lets and 
Estonians were under consideration. 

The power of these knightly orders was first abridged by the 
conquests of Poland and Sweden; and when Curland became 
Bussian their position was wholly changed. 

They were then an aristocracy under restrictions and under 
the central domination of Russia. This is what they are at 

But besides being feudal, the German element in these parts is 
commercial and industrial as well ; and the contrast between the 
great lords of the open country and the burghers of the munici- 
palities, which shows itself so prominently in the history of the 
Germans of The Empire is repeated in the relations between the 
towns like Memel, Biga, and Bevel, and the nobles. As compared 
with those of the indigenous population, the wealth, power, and 
privileges of Curland, Livonia, and Estonia are German. The 
more we move eastward the less German the land becomes ; Ciir- 
land being more German than Livonia, Livonia than Estonia. 


BoDD sre Gcuiflu* Hov nr 

•eeooat mvl tfaej be hdd mbtea m talk q# 

md Gcnun mntf ? ftnr thrj ftrtnfi hi thii t|miiuu uf u ai 

GcnMnj? Do thqr g m i i i Ha to w M i b BetKn or tow ifc Ykm 

Do tkj gnmuue toradi odiflr ? AimthtjQ^rmmtmmikt^ 

dttt a ouni ftom Hdbleiii, or GcfsniiB Ao vsj tkal SB AlMiii 

m a Gcnnaii ? Agnn, iMnr Gcohb is an ft Iwl Ian, mkam i 

Pansiaa is williii|^ to eomider as good a HEtBocfanaB as Uhk 

but vbom many a Genun k loath to lidieve ia^ ena ao 

berond the mHumtm of die nodw M opgiM and tho ftthcr-kai! 

The answer to thb in detril»andin a ptecaae iam, is iaffl 
sible. It b only safe to aaj that the Gcnana under notiee a 
for all the purposes of practical nadonaKtr, Terr good tnd a 
Rossians. Thej are beyond the appeal for a United GennaD] 
and, probably, the Alsatians are the same. What erents m 
bring out hereafter is another question. 

The name by which they designate themselTea is Sajt^m, Th 
is what they call themsekes as the Germans of Bnaaia ; thoogh, i 
course, when they insist upon their aflSnities rather than their diffi 
rences, and accommodate their language to men who think moi 
of Germany than Bussia, they are Deniscke. Still, the name I 
which they designate themsekesy spontaneously and on their ow 
soil, is Saxon. 

On the other hand they are Protestants ; and their Fkocesttnl 
ism is undisturbed. 

Of the German literature the influence, whatever it mav be ii 
amount, is largely diluted. They look more to France than th 
genuine German is inclined, and to Bussia more than be is able 
to look. 

Their political history has only been German so far as that c 
Russia itself has been so : and the fact of their being on tb 


same side with the Prassians and Hanoverians at the great national 
rebellion of Germany against France has its explanation in the 
policy of Russia rather than in the awakening of Germany. 
They fought side by side with the men of their own language 
because the same great alliance contained both Russians and 
Westphalians. Perhaps it is not too much to say that they are 
Germans in the way that the Channel Islanders are Frenchmen, 
which, in the eyes of the political ethnologist, is very little. 

But, because they are scarcely German after the fashion of 
Heidelberg or Munich, it, by no means, follows that they are 
Russian after the fashion of Archangel or Pultava. Each has 
much which a Russian wants ; partly because he is a German, 
and partly because his civilization is that of Western Europe in 
general. So far as he shows this, he exhibits a character which, 
whilst it separates him from the Russian, connects him with 
the Frenchman or the Englishman; and, of such advantages 
as this carries with it, the Germans, as a body, have the credit of 
having made the most. Their influence in high official places 
has decreased ; but, at one time, the position of a German in 
Russia was akin to that of a Greek in the Ottoman empire. 
Whilst the dominant stock was ignorant or indolent, or (what was 
much the same) supposed to be so, he had an approximate mo- 
nopoly of everything that required headwork. Hence, influence ; 
and, with influence, jealousy on. the part of the native Russian. 
The Geiman of the Baltic provinces was favoured in the army 
and the administration at his expense ; and, in like manner, the 
German adventurer of Germany Proper, the Italian, the English- 
man, and the Scotchman got, not rarely, favoured at the expense 
of the German of Russia. The phase, however, that the real or 
supposed deficiency of native ability which this system indicates 
is fast passing-by. Still, even now, it is well in Russia to be a 
German. And Russia gains by it. It is no part of the present 
work to uphold the doctrine that any original difference of what 
we, either to conceal or to publish our ignorance, call race ac- 
counts for the difference in the national life of nations. I rather 
treat the word race like a similar word in medicine, sympathy ; 
i, e. as an abstraction, in which we can only take such con- 
crete elements as analysis may give us ; but for which we are too 
often unwilling or unable to search. Notable differences in the 


opportunities of acquiring experience ; notable diflbrences in the 
conditions under which die thinking part of our organizatiaa 
finds the necessary conditions for its activity ; along with obsciue 
and uninvestigated points in what may be called microscopie 
psychology respecting the hereditary tranamisaion of aptitadeB. 
are the real factors in the question ; an obscure one, it is tme^ 
but, through its very obscurity, one which becomes an object 
worthy of scientific criticism. 

With these doctrines, the notion of any inherent and abori^nil 
superiority of the German or Teutonic mind oyer the Slavonic 
is wholly foreign to the views which the present writer has got from 
his prenous researches in ethnology. Yet he admits, that, from 
circumstances too numerous to be here investigated, these same 
Germans have been one of the favoured divisions of mankind, and 
that, out of two families starting with the same opportunities at 
the beginning of a millennium, they have, at the end, come out 
the better. 

Apart from such definite prerogatives as the free use of the 
language of Gothe and the unrestricted exercise of the religion 
of Luther — prerogatives which though they have certainly been 
developed through the fact of the Germans of the Baltic provinces 
having come from Germany — prerogatives which, though con- 
nected with nationality, are by no means its essence— preroga- 
tives, too, which, though they may be called the accidents of a 
nationality, are of far higher value and of far greater reality than 
the general abstraction of nationality itself — apart from these 
prominent realities, the Saxons, as it is convenient to call them, of 
Curland, Liefland, and Estonia can only, in a work like the pre- 
sent, be noticed in order to be ignored. They are a minority 
in the land. They are strangers in the land. The movement 
which on the strength of a united Germany or any similar cry, 
should attach them to Russia would be notable only for its anti- 
natiouality. For one German in the right, it would put twenty 
Lets or Estonians in the wrong, place. That the twenty might 
be satisfied with the removal is possible ; and, if they were so, well 
and good. But that the German element in Letland and Lief- 
Innd is, on the simple ground of its Germanism, to carry with it 
a German nationality for Lets and Livonians is a doctrine which 
is noticed only to be condemned. 


On the other hand to accommodate die German nationality to 
the Let or Estonian, if such an accommodation were likely, would' 
be to go too much the other way. The difficulties of a divided 
nationality on the same ground are, here as elsewhere, an element 
of serious difficulty. 

If there is much that a German of Bussia loses by not being 
of Germany, there is something that he gains. The feeling of 
belonging to a really powerful, instead of some petty State or 
unwieldy confederation, is one of his advantages, and, by no 
means, the least 

Still he is, to some extent, in danger ; a danger lying in the 
fiEU)t, that he is exceptional to the general Russianizing system of 
Bussia; so that the strength of the Czar is his weakness. At 
any time a language- question may arise. Bussia presses towards 
the sea-side, and her overflowings are inexhaustible. Against 
dangers of this kind Prussia is what they must look to ; not to 
Prussia because she is simply German, but because she is German, 
Protestant, powerful, and on the frontier. But Prussia has much 
to do before anyone will look to her for bold interference, Prussia, 
at least, as she is made by her dynasty rather than her people. 

Of the Germans and the Non-germans taken together, it is diffi- 
cult to predicate anythiug very general. There is no nation with 
which they can unite in feeling or sympathies. The Lets are, pro- 
bably, best contented to be under the same government as the 
Lithuanians; the Estonians under the same as the Fins. For 
any former ruler or suzerain there can scarcely be any feeling 
at alL The Swedes have left as little to be thanked for as the 
Poles ; the Danes as little as the Swedes. Simple independence, 
by the majority of those who think about it at all, is probably 
thought dangerous. 

In districts like the ones under notice internal improvement, 
with security for such advantages as may be already possessed, is 
the best policy. They may supply all the world with flax and 
hemp, and half of it with wood and tallow. The land is essen- 
tially fitted for agriculture : the people fitted to till it ; the ports, 
at least, on a level with any to the north of Copenhagen. 

That these Germans are in continuity with the Germans of 
Prussia is well-known ; and I only remark that it is this fact of 
their continuity which, placing thraa in the present chapter, sepa- 

A A 



rates them from the Germans of the next^ or the Oerman colonists 
of the Russian empire ; along with whom will be noticed sereral 
other populations of less importance, but agreeing with them in 
the fact of their having been introduced into Bassja not only 
from other lands but within a recent period. Two of these will be 
the Poles and Yalachians, for Polish and Yalachian settlements 
of the kind in question are to he found in Russia. On the other 
hand, however, there are both Poles and Yalachians in conti- 
nuity with their countrymen of Valachia and Poland. Being this, 
they are the analogues of the Germans now under notice. The 
present, however, is scarcely the most convenient time for noticing 
them. When Poland and Valachia come under notice as sepa- 
rate nationalities tliey will find their fittest place. 

» » « « ♦ 

Of the Jews of Russia the following is the table of Koppen for 







. 195,080 

Tauris 4,110 

Podolia .... 

. 160,485 

Yiatka 58 


. 108,826 
. 99,592 

AB m.^ * • B • • 

Grodno .... 


MinAk .... 

. 88,880 

MoLilcF .... 

. 88,716 


Kovno .... 

. 82,664 

Tauris 4,1 9S 

Vitepsk .... 

. 47,649 

Kherson 446 


. 42,880 

Vilna 424 


. 28,486 

Kovno 837 


. 22,424 

Yolhynia 320 

Tshernigov . 

. 18.400 

Poltava .... 

. 16,140 


Of the Gypaies the fi 




Bessarabia . . . , 

. 18,738 

Yaroslav .... 498 


. 7,726 

Podolia . 



. 2,686 







Moscow . . . . 

. 1,200 

Mohilev . 




Don Kosaks . 


Karkov . . . , 


Saratov . 




Pskov . 










Kaluga . . . » , 


Yiatka . 






Riazan . . . . , 


Perm . . « 






Orlov .... 


Minsk . 




St. Petenbnig 
Kovno . 
Vologda . 
Tambov . 
Oloneta . 


Penaa • 
Vilna . 
Grodno . 
Livonia . 



The following gives the Turks ; includiog the Nogays, but not 
including the Turks of Siberia. 

Kazan . 

. 808,574 

► 4,725 

Tanris . 

. 275,822 

Minsk . 



. 280,080 

VUna . 

. 1,874 


. 96,087 



Samar . 

. 88,927 

DonKoiakfl . 



. 67,780 

Kovno . 



. 67,944 




. 46,718 



Penza . 

. 84,684 




. 22,788 


. 21,092 


Perm . 

. 17,271 



> a 

1 < 

. 10,640 
•^ .^ _ 

_. «_ . » . . - 

-^.1 . .« 


These are given in the present chapter rather than the last 
because they are old sporadic occupants rather than true colonists. 

A A 2 

BBS oauniBia 


Ookmltli^ dLC, in BuabL^Oennaiit.— Btriguiiaa. — ScttImu. — ^AnuaiaM.— 

The influx of fbielgn oolonisto into RnsBta begmn with die 
fouDdation of St. Peterebaig ; being aQoboraged b j the finrnder. 
It was not» howeyer, until the reign of Catherine 11. that the 
immigrations took an organized form, and that a special cfaaoeerj 
for die protection of foreign settlers was inatitatecL To all tke 
nations of the world, with the exception of the Jews, an inritt- 
tion to fix themselTes in the parts abont St Petersburg was isenei 
The settlers were to be legalated in their dealings with each otber 
by the custom of the settlement They were not to be disturbed 
in their religion ; on the other hand, they were not to disturb sdj 
one else. Mahometans they might convert if they could. If 
they could not, they might keep them as slayes ; but of Chris- 
tians of a different denomination they were distinctly forbidden 
to make proselytes. They were to pay no taxes for thirty years, 
and were not liable to the conscription. 

Such privileges were sufficiently tempting, and in 1762 the 
first of tlie German colonies was planted in the parts about St. 
Petersburg, viz. New Saratovka, Sredniaia Rogatka, and the Izborm. 
These are the Russian names. The settlers, themselves, howev^, 
know the first two under a different name, derived firom the 
number of families introduced by the original settlement Hence, 
the New Saratovka is the Sechziger Colony, or the Sixty ; Sred- 
niaia Bogatka, the Zwei-und-Zwanziger, i.e. Two and-twenty. 
The Sixties were chiefly from Brandenburg and WUrtemburg. All 
three were Protestant A colony on a private estate of Count 
Orlov was founded in the same year. 

Two years afterwards the parts about Yamburg became Ge^ 



manized ; the settlers being from the Palatinate, Hesse Dannstadt, 
Bhenisb Frassia, and Suabia. The majority here was' Boman 

Families. B. Catholics. 
In the Porkhov Colony 9 48 

Frapkfiirt ,, 4 50 

Luzkaia ,. 15 63 




Lntherans. TotaL 

47 05 

17 67 

27 90 

• • • % t 

The Cronstadt colony belongs to the present oentary, being 
founded by the Emperor Alexander in 1808. Another was 
founded in 1810, in the Circle of Zarskoiezelo, the settlers being 
from Baden, Wurtemburg, and Prussia. The locality, however^ 
disappointed them, and a series of small secondary colonies else- 
where was the result, the details of whidh may be found in the 
careful and minute paper of Edppen's, from which the present 
notice is taken. 

The Friedenthal Colony dates from 1819. The Orazdanka 
Colony from '30. The Znamen Colony from '43 : the Friedenthal 
being from Berg. 

In 1849 the Germans of the town of St. Petersburg are 
oalculated as : — 

Lutherans • 
Boman Catholic . 
Beformed , 






Oermans of Russia in generol. 

Saratov . 
Livonia . 
8t Petersbui^g 
Samar . 
Karland . 
Taaris . « 
Estonia . 
Moscow . 
Clrodno . 








Podolia . 








Poltava . 


Yilna , 


Karkov .. 


Pskov . 


KacaoL . 




Knnk . 

















Hindc . 
Penza • 

TamboY . 
OrloY . 




Kaluga . 

Yiatka . 

Oloneta . 






Colonies other than German. 

8ervian$ (of New Servia), 
In Ekateiinoslay . 

Kherson .... 

In Kherson • • 
Tanris . • 

In St. Petersburg 
Kherson . 


In Kherson . 

In Kherson . 
Ekaterinoslay . 
Podolia . 


In Ekaterinoslay 
Kherson . 
Podolia , 


















In Ekaterinoslay 


Astrakan . 



Kherson . 

SL Petersboig 

Of Stauropol . 
Aatnkan . 


In Don Kosaks 

Samar and Simbiisk 

In Stauropol 

PertiattM, — A. Kuailba$k 
Astrakan .... 

B. SarU.^ 
Astrakan and Orenburg 

In Astrakan . 

In Bessarabia 
In Bessarabia 

In Tauris 
Astrakan . 

Indians, f 




• Persians of Bokhara. 

t To these add the Pireworshippcm of Baku, on the Caspian. 

















All, or nearly all> of these may be looked upon as colonists in 
the strict sense of the term, t. ^. either as men and women trans- 
planted on an organized definite plan, fix)m Germany or elsewhere, 
into Russia, or as men and women who, on account of some 
change in their own country, got leave to place themselves under 
the protection of the Czar. They are generally from distant disr 
tricts, and, when compared with their countrymen left at home, 
disconnected and isolate. None of them give the phenomena of 
spontaneity of movement and of continuity of frontier with the 
land they left. 

The nearest approach to anything of this kind; the coloni- 
zation which most partakes of the nature of a spontaneous 
emigration; the one which is most closely connected with the 
geographical and political relations between Bussia and Turkey 
is that of the Bulgarians — the Bulgarians of the Governments of 
Bessarabia, of Kherson, and of Tauris. As early as the middle 
of the last century emigration from the south of the Danube set 
in ; the first Bulgarian families who crossed that river amounting 
to six hundred and twenty families. Poland was the first country 
to which they betook themselves ; but in Poland they failed to esta- 
blish themselVes. So that Elizabeth's colony of New Servia^ 
took up most of them. These may be called the Bulgarians of 
the first emigration. 

In the war between 1787 and 1791, and, again, in the war be- 
tween 1806 and 1812, concluded by the treaty of Bukarest, fresh 
emigrants moved northwards ; Bessarabia being the land to which 
they more especially directed their way. Meanwhile during the 
peace that intervened between 1801 and 1806, a special coloniza- 
tion, eo nomine^ and under the direct sanction of the Government, 
was efiected in the Governments of Kherson and Tauris. 

At first the colonists gained little by their removal — or, to speak 
more accurately, they were no true colonists at all. Settled in a 
random and haphazard manner, sometimes on the property of 
private individuals and sometimes on commons — squatters rather 
than settlers — they had to a great extent become serfs de facto if 
not de jure* They were, in short, in a fair way of becoming arf- 
scripti glebiB. Such, at least, was the claim upon many of tliem 
that was urged by the Rumanyo landowners, on whose grounds 

* They are, apparently, treated as Senriaiw in Kdppen's statistical Uble<i. 


tliey had settled. The oolonial oigsnizatioii of the settlemeots in 
Taoris and Kher8(m saved them fiEom this. At their urgent le- 
qnest they were put on the fiiTom^ hovel of colonists. Men 
than this, the colonial oharaoter was giren to the loeaUty. 

These Bessarabians may fairly be called Bulgarian colonists ; so 
much more are they Balgarian rather than aught else ; as may be 
seen from the following table of Kldppen's fiir 1850. 

Bulgarians 69,626 

Gypsies 56 

Moldavians 12^805 

Little Bussians 1,440 

Albanians 1,308 

Oreeks 807 


The Bulgarians fSedl into two divisionSy the Black Bulgariam 
and the Gagauz. — The latter came from the Dobrudzha between 
1804 and 1812, the former are subdiyided into the 

1. Black Bulgarians and Macedonians, and 

2. Black Bulgarians of Rumanyo origin. The lonner came in 
1830, the latter at the same time with the Gagaoz. 

The Gagauz speak Turkish and write in the Romanyo al- 

The Black Bulgarians speak Bulgarian — those of Macedonian 
origin writing it in Greek, those of the Bumanyo countries in 
Slavonic characters. 




From the broken populations of the northern half of Siberia 
we tamed to the stronger and more influential families of the Tun- 
g&s, the Mongols, and the Turks ; and from these, ascending in 
the scale of historical importance, we now pass to a fJEunily which 
has obtruded itself upon them with the same effect that these had 
themselves encroached upon the Ostiaks, the Samoyeds, the 
Yeneseians, the half-annihilated Tukahiri, and the semi-indepen- 
dent Eoriaks. The Ehanats of Middle Asia broke up the 
tribes of Siberia. The Empire of the Czar has extended over 
the fragments of what was left unconquered by the Ehanats 
and over all but a few fractions of the Ehanats themselves. 
In some quarters this was easily done. Conquests like those 
over the Laps and Samoyeds were as inglorious as they were 
easy. The real difficulties lay in the country and the climate. 
Over enemies like the Permians and Votiaks it was somewhat 
harder to achieve permanent or decisive victories. In neither 
case, however, nor in any similar ones, was it a nation which had 
influenced the history of the world at large that was reduced. 

With the three last-named families it was different. Members of 
the Tungus stock had more than once overrun China and, at the 
present moment, the representative of the Mantshu dynasty is as 
truly a semi-civilized Tung^ as the Sultan of the Osmanhs is a 
semi-civilized Tartar. The Mongols had not coerced China only, 
but had overrun the western half of Asia and the eastern half of 
Europe. It is a long way from the Yellow Biver to the Oder ; 
yet the Mongols under Batum had intruded themselves as far as 
Silesia before they were either driven back or checked. Against 
the compact feudalism and the organized valour of the German 
Empire their barbaric swiftness and desert-bom hardiness were 


nnavailiDg ; though they had prevailed over all that either Poland 
or Bussia could offer in resistance. Even now it is the soldier 
tribes of Mongolia that stand between China and Bussia ; and it is 
by a traditional descendant of a Mongol that India, within the me- 
mory of man, believed itself to be governed. As for the Turks, they 
have sent conquerors, more or less permanent, into every country 
between the Amur and the Seine, between the Arctic Ocean and 
the Tropic of Cancer ; though to realize such a statement as this 
we must remember that, whilst the southernmost troops of the 
Pacha of Egypt are quartered on the frontier of Abyssinia, the 
Yakuts hunt sables on the Lena ; and that whilst Timur and 
Mahomet of Ohuzni with their conquests in the East, were of 
Turk blood, Attila on the field of Chalons was the same. Even 
the Fins have sent forth conquerors ; for what is a Magyar of 
Hungary but a near congener of the Ostiak and Yogul ? Yet the 
Magyar conquest of Pannonia is one of the most remarkable 
instances of a distant population cutting its way through an 
impracticable country to a strange and well- defended land and 
establishing there — not an ephemeral settlement which was soon 
obliterated by the absorbing preponderance of the older occupant, 
but a powerful kingdom and a nationality so permanent as to be 
still both vital and active. 

It is not, then, from any inherent or decided inferiority on the 
part of its opponents that Bussia has developed itself; and no 
illustration would be more inaccurate than one which compared 
the exploration and conquest of Siberia by Yermak and his 
followers with the reduction of the American Indians by Spain 
or even with the enterprises of the Anglo-Americans on the 
Continent. There was, of course, some difference between the 
Eussians and the most formidable of their enemies ; but it was in 
no case the difference between a Spaniard under Cortez and an 
Indian under Montezuma. Nor yet was it the difference between 
an Englishman of the time of Elizabeth and a Virginian under 
Pocahontas. The Eussian line of encroachments and conquests 
was essentially continuous. It began in being European and 
ended in being Asiatic. From the Dnieper to the Amur it has 
extended itself; but, in no case, has there been any sudden 
transition from civilization to barbarism or from strength to weak- 
ness on the part of those who opposed its career. Ugrians, 


Turks, and Mongols have given way to it ; but, in other times 
and in sundry places, Ugrians, Turks, and Mongols have effected 
conquests over Russians. 

It is not, then, over the essentially inferior varieties of the 
human species that Russia has effected her encroachments : since 
one or more of the' families to which her subjects belong has, at the 
present moment, a respectable representative in the commonwealth 
of nations. Finland and Hungary stand for the Ugrians ; China 
for the Mongols and Tungus; the Ottoman Empire for the 
Turks. The Russian conquests, like those of Rome, have been 
over nations whose civilization in kind, if not in degree, is 
akin to her own. This is not the case with Spain; and, in 
America and Australia at least, it is not the case with Great 

Much has been written about the Slavonism of the Russians, ^' 
In blood, however, it is only a few that are purely Slavonic. 
Much, too, has been written about the Mongol, or Asiatic, 
element in Russia. The influence, however, of the Mongol 
conquest, upon either the blood or the civilization of Russia, 
has yet to be determined. Gibbon, after enlarging on the 
miseries inflicted upon Eastern Europe by the inroads of Bati^ 
Khan, suggests that the sum total of them did less evil than 
the moral subjugation to which Russia, under the sceptre of 
his successors, had to submit herself for nearly two centuries, 
How this is to be ascertained is problematic ; neither can we say 
in what particular way such Mongol influences as actually existed 
showed themselves. That they affected the physical conformatioii 
of any notable portion of the Muscovite population has never 
been proved ; for it by no means follows, that, because in somQ 
respects the Russian physiognomy differs from that of the other 
Slavonians, it is to Mongol intermixture that the difference is to 
be attributed. In the way of language we find neither in the 
literary Russian nor in any of the provincial dialects more than a 
dozen Mongol words. In the way of laws, institutions, customs, and 
superstitions, it is just possible that more may be discovered than 
discoverers have hitherto been able to find. What, however, ha9 
been found is but little. The Danish invasions of England have 
left little enough of what is Danish behind them. Still they have 
left something ; e, g. the numerous local names m-hy-t so commoo 


in Lincolnshire, Leioestershire, and YorirBhire. But the Mongol 
conquests have left less than this — ^little as it is. 

And it should also he remembered that even the litde which 
this conquest introduced need not be purely Mongol ; but, on the 
contrary, Turk or even Ugrian. For it cannot be too often rqwated 
that, although the conquerors of China may have been diieody and 
exclusively firom Mongolia, it by no means followB that the hordes 
which overran the West were in the same category. They took 
up, on the road to Europe, Turks, Fins, and probably Cir- 
cassians. Of all these the most important were the Turks ; but 
even of Turk influence upon the Bussians of the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries (except in certain, specially Turk districts) I 
find but little. Of Buddhism or Mahometanism introduced by the 
conquerors, I find no traces. Still less is there, in any true 
Bussiau district, any trace whatever of a Mongol nationality. 

Though founded upon the break-up of the great Kiptshik 
Empire, an empire which was raised by the immediate successors of 
Tshingiz, the four Ehanats of Siberia, Kazan, Astrakan, and the 
Crimea were far more Turk than Mongol. They were not purely 
Turk ; because the indigenous element, which was Ugrian and Cir- 
cassian, entered largely into their oomposition ; but they were more 
Turk than Mongol ; and that within a century after the death of 
Tshingiz. So far as they are neither Bussian nor Ugrian they 
are Turk at the present time ; inasmuch as nine-tenths of those 
Mongols who occupy certain portions of them, are not the 
remains of the Temudzhinian hordes, but simply colonists and 
settlers whose introduction is comparatively recent. 

The local habitation of the earliest ancestors of such conquests 
as the ones under notice, along with the date, the rate, the 
direction, and other details of their encroachments, claims our best 
attention. So does the question concerning the elements in the 
way of blood, descent, and ethnological affinities of their national 
constitution. I cannot say how far the doctrines which I am 
about to submit to the reader differ from those of the best recent 
investigators. I am only afraid that they run counter to many 
received opinions. 

The first important fact in Bussian history has a wonderful 
similarity to the last. It took place in 865, and was an attempt 
to take Constantinople. It was made by the ancestors of the 


liittle, rather thim the Great, BiissianB ; by the pare«bIo6ded tribeci 
of the Dnieper rather than the mixed populations of the Neva, 
or the Volga; by the men of EieT rather than by those of 
Moscow or even Novogorod. 

Kiev must be looked upon as their starting-point ; a purely 
Russian city, representing the energy, industry, wealth, and 
civilization of the parts around it It commanded the middle 
course of the Dniepeir ; and was a town more essentially Greek 
than any one north of Gonstantinople. 

The Emperor Miobael was at the head of an army against the^ 
Saracens ; and the defence of the capital was in the hands of his^ 
admiral. In a fleet of 200 vessels, of small size, adapted to- 
coasting and the navigation of rivers, the Russians passed the 
Dardanelles and anchored at the mouth of the Buyuk Tshek- 
madje about eighteen miles from Gonstantinople. They plundered, 
pillaged, and murdered. The Emperor, however, hastened to the 
help of his admiral ; and the repulse of the barbarians was 
effected xmAeat their joint efforts : a share in it being given to ther 

Between this, the first recorded war between the Russians of 
Kiev and the Greeks of Constantinople, and the second there is a' 
long interval. There was intercourse ; but it was of a peaceful 
kind. The first commercial treaty between the two nations* 
was concluded in the reign of Basil the First In 902, seven 
hundred Russians are serving in the Byzantian fleet on high pay; 
and in 912, an attack under Oleg leads to a commercial treaty, of 
which the details are given by the fistther of Slavonic literature. 
It should be added, however, that, both for the treaty and the 
war, he is our only authority. The Byzantine historians either 
knew nothing of them or passed them over in silence. It is 
941 before the undoubted attack of Igor upon Constantinople 
takes place. Hence, the record of the interval between that year 
and A.D. 865 is, so far as it is unexceptionable, a record of 
amicable rather than hostile relations. 

I can neither confirm nor refute the opinion that this quiescence 
on the part of the Dnieper pirates is referable to an arrest of 
their power effected by the appearance of the Fetshenegs and the 
Magyars on the lower part of the river. This may or may not 
have been the case. It is only certain that three names now' 


lake pnymnMBoe for the parts between tlie Dniepor end Atf 
Daonbey th*t theee are the thiee in qneation, end that to then 
three we may add those of the Uzes and the Gomanians. 

Igors attack was nnsucoessfol : thoogh made when de 
Byzantine fleet was in the Arohipelago. It was made iipoa 
three different points ; the ooast of Thraoe, the ooest of Bithjan, 
and the harbonr of Constantinople itsel£ Two eotive genenb m 
land, and the Ghreek fire on the water, repnlsed them ; so that it 
was only with a few boats that Igor made hia eeoape. A yearor 
two afterwards (so at least mns the Bossian eoeomit) he n- 
organized his foroes and threatened the empiFO with plenazj 
Tengeanoe for the previoos disgraoe; the Petehenegs being in 
alliance with him. Terror at his preparations fell npon KhenKn; 
and the alarmed inhabitants persaaded the Emperor 1^"^—— 
to meet the Bossian hero at the month of the Danube and, 
if peace conld be made, to make it That a treaty was nude 
between the Emperor of Constantinople and the Frinoe is a fiMt 
which stands npon the evidence of the document itself; of wtiek 
a copy is preserved in the text of Nestor. 

Igor is murdered. Olga is his widow, and Swialoslaf his mm. 
The widow, who is also regent, visits Constantinople, receives 
baptism, and plants Christianity steadily and permanently in hef 
son's dominions. It had been adopted partially and sporadicaUj 
by such individuals as had most especially come in contact with 
Constantinopolitan civilization before. It was only, however, in 
the reign of Swiatoslaf that it became the state religion. ^'A 
monk," writes Finlay, " has preserved the commercial treaties of 
the empire, an emperor records the pageantry that amused a 
Bassian princess. The high position occupied by the court of 
Kief in the tenth century is also attested by the style with which 
it was addressed by the court of Constantinople. The goldoi 
bulls of the Roman Emperor of the East, addressed to the 
Prince of Bussia, were ornamented with a pendant seal equal in 
size to a double solidus like those addressed to the Kings of 

And now, for a time, the history of Bussia is fused into that of 

Swiatoslaf succeeded in overrunning Bulgaria. In Bulgaria, 
however, he was afterwards defeated by the Emperor Zimisoes. It 


was a defeat on the strength of which the conqueror was either 
sufficiently prudent or sufficiently generous to exact but moderate 
concessions. The evacuation of Dorostolon, the siege of which 
had lasted more than two months, was enforced. The plunder, 
prisoners, and slaves were given up. Perpetual frieudship with 
the Empire was sworn to ; and special engagements made that 
the reconquest of neither Kherson nor Bulgaria should be 
attempted. On the other hand, the navigation of the Danube 
should be free, and the old commercial treaties were to be renewed. 
A personal interview between Zimisces and Swiatoslaf followed ; 
and we are told not only how the two kings comported them- 
selves but what they were in personal appearance. Swiatoslaf 
arrived by water, in a boat, which he steered himself with an oar. 
His dress was white. He was " of middle stature, well formed, 
with strong neck and broad chest. His eyes were blue, his eye- 
brows thick, his nose flat, and his beard shaved, but his upper 
lip was shaded with long and thick moustaches. The hair of his 
head was cropped close, except two long locks which huug down 
on each side of his face, and were thus worn as a mark of his 
Scandinavian race. In his ears he wore golden earrings, oma* 
mented with a ruby between two pearls, and his expression was 
stem and fierce." After leaving Dorostolon he was obliged 
to winter on the coast, in the parts between the Danube and 
the Dnieper, and, consequently, in the ports on the frontier of 
the Fetshenegs. How capricious these Tartars showed them* 
selves, we have seen. We have seen them in alliance with Bome, 
and in enmity to Bussia ; in alliance with Bussia, and in enmity 
to Bome. We have seen the recall of Swiatoslaf firom Bulgaria 
arising out of their attack on his capital in his absence. We 
have then seen them unite their forces with his in attempt at a 
second conquest And now his army, weakened by defeat, 
diminished by famine, dispirited by delay, must either force or 
beg its way through that territory. On the banks of the Dnieper 
it is attacked and defeated, and Swiatoslaf, himself, is killed. 
Kour, the chief of the Fetshenegs, makes a cup of his skull, 
with the inscription, " He who covets the lands of another, often 
loses his own." 

The Emperor sends a noble to negotiate with the Frince of 
Kiev and to excite him to invade Bulgaria. The negotiator 


becomes a traitor and himself assumes tixe purple. As Am ally/ 
then, rather than as an ally of the Emperor, the Bussian army 
defeats the Bulgarian. Meanwhile, civil dissension prevails, 
and the next king, Peter, dies soon after the great battle in 
which he saw the strength of his land destroyed. His capital 
surrenders to the conqueror, and, after the capital, the land 
at large. Tet all is not lost The Emperor, Nioephoms II., 
prepares to relieve the Bulgarians, and the Petshenegs effect m 
diversion by attacking Kiev. This compels Swiatoslaf to with- 
draw his army from Bulgaria ; and, when this has been done, 
Boris, one of the sons of Peter, is placed, through the assistance 
of the Emperor, on the throne. But not to hold it. The Pet* 
shenegs ally themselves with the Bussians and the Magyars join 
the alliance. Swiatoslaf conquers Bulgaria a second time, 
ravages Thrace, and threatens Constantinople. How be was 
overthrown is written in the history of the acts of John Zimisces, 
a soldier, in energy and skill, equal to the best of the empire. 
Boris, whose relations seem to have been determined by his sub- 
mission to Swiatoslaf rather than by his alliance to Nioephoms, 
is taken prisoner in his capital — he and his fSEonily. And with 
him ends the first Bulgarian empire ; overthrown by the Bussians, 
overthrown from Constantinople, destined to revive. 

As far as this notice goes, it is clear and explicit ; and, though 
short, is satisfactory. For such a district as the parts about 
Kiev, and in such an age as the ninth century, no one expects 
very definite geography. As far, however, as the preceding 
notices go, they give us just the sketch we expect. Of the king- 
dom of Bulgaria we already know something. We also know 
that in Valachia and Moldavia there is a great Turk Kanat, 
either Khazar, or Petsheneg, or a mixture of the two. In 
Hungary such Avars as were left after the conquest of Charle- 
magne are ineffectually struggling against the Germans of the 
empire and the Slavonians of their frontier. All these are 
within the poUtioal kingdom of Constantinople; and we have 
notices of them which are clear or obscure according to the circum- 
stances under which they are taken. But the parts beyond the 
Carpathians are only in the dimmest distance. At length, 
however, we get a view, and it is just the one we expect. 

Assuredly, if the preceding account stood alone, our view of the 


early deyelopment of the Bussian empire would be simple. We 
should assign to the earliest conquerors, as a point to start 
from, a district of adequate magnitude in the parts about Eiey 
without pretending to be over- accurate in respect to its boun- 
daries. We should see, from the present configuration of the 
Bussian area, in which direction the stream of population had 
spread. For the Governments of Kherson, Ekaterinoslav, and 
Don Kosaks we should find our ethnology in a long series of trust- 
worthy notices from Herodotus downwards, and without much hesi- 
tation pronounce that in these parts, at least, it was a mixture of 
Turks, Mongols, and other older elements, at the expense of which 
the Bussians of Kiev had extended their frontier. In the direction of 
the north, our inferences would be somewhat more indirect. In 
Minsk, for instance, in Mohilev and in Volhynia, we might be 
unable to say how far the older population was or was not Lith- 
uanic, Polish, or Fin. In Taroslav and Kostroma, however, a 
minimum amount of assumption could satisfy us as to the fact of 
its having been Fin ; inasmuch as, at the present time, those 
Governments are so to a slight, and within the historical period 
were so to a considerable, extent. The same applies to Nizhni 
Novogorod, Tambov, and Penza. 

With these four populations as our factors in the question, our 
researches upon that underlying stratum upon which the present 
layer of Bussian Slavonism rests, would then be limited to the 
details of the parts between Kiev and Vladimir ; and in pro- 
nouncing these to have been essentially Ugrian, we should only do 
what has been done before, and, to a great extent, been confirmed 
by the general opinion of competent judges. To the exact de- 
tails of the frontier Governments of Pultava, Tshemigov, Smolensk, 
and Kharkov few inquirers would commit themselves ; but that 
the indigenous population of the more central, northern, and 
eastern Governments, Kursk, Tula, Kaluga, Biazan, Moscow, and 
Vladimir, was Fin is doubted by few who have investigated the 
facts. Upon this point there is nearly as much unanimity as 
there is upon the Keltic character of the Ancient Britons. How 
far, however, the blood of the present £nglish is Keltic is another 
question ; and, in like manner, the question as to how far the Bussian 
blood is Ugrian is doubtful. It is one thing for two populations 
to come in contact. It is another thing for them to intermix. 

B B 


This, however, is not the point under consideration ; the point 
to which attention is now drawn being the early notices of the 
Bussians of Kiev. If they stood alone, they woald be snfficiently 
straightforward, simple, and satisfactory. 

But it is well known that, so far from standing by themselyes, 
and of being capable of being taken purely and simply, they are 
traversed by more than one important notice suggesting the 
paradox that whatever may have been the case with the common 
people, the early heroes of Bussia, the true bearers of the Bus- 
sian name, were in the modem sense of the term no Bussians at 
all — no Bussians at all, but Swedes. 

Nor is this a mere Swedish doctrine. It is, probably, the pre- 
valent opinion in Germany; and it is one which the Bussian 
historians are, as a body, inclined to admit Some, indeed, insist 
strongly upon it ; indeed, all that the present writer does, is to 
take exceptions to it. That the absolute denial of a strong 
Swedish element in the early history of the Bussians is attended 
with great difficulties will be seen. 

In the Bussians of Kiev we have the southern aspect of 
Bussia. But Kiev and the Dnieper are not the only cities and 
rivers of primitive Bussia. Eight degrees further north, on the 
drainage of the Volga, and on the parts about Lake Ilmen 
there is another Slavonic occupancy; and that, an old one. 
When Moscow was a Ugrian village, Kiev and Novogorod were 
famous cities ; both Slavonic, both Bussian, both ancient. We 
may call them the two poles of the early Bussian world. 

Now Novogorod is not only connected in its early history with 
Kiev but with Sweden also. That this double connection was real 
is likely enough. That Swedes and Danes of the far south may 
have met, on the shores of Lake Ilmen, the Slavonians of the 
ftir north is also likely. It is likely too, that they may have 
quarrelled, the result being that the weaker took a chief from the 
stronger; likely too, that in friendly union they may have joined 
in wars against the native Fins. A Swede king, then, in Novo- 
gorod is no improbability. 

As far as such a king represented his people he would represent 
Novogorod ; and as far as Novogorod represented Bussia, it would 
represent tbo Bussian nationality. Hence when Burik, prince of 
Novogorud, is spoken of as the founder of the Bussian empire. 

BU88 AND SWEDE. 871 

and at the same time, as a Swede, the inference that the true 
Bussians were Swedish is not a very distant one. Still, this need 
not much affect the Bussians of Kiev ; who may he left with all 
the honours or dishonours of Slavonism as opposed to Scandi- 
navianism, without respect to the blood or pedigree of Burik of 

But this is not the complication. The real complication lies in 
the fact, that, independently of Novogorod, there is evidence for 
what is considered a connection between the Bussians of Kiev and 
the Swedes— evidence which may be reduced to two heads. 

1. The account of the embassy of a.d. 838. 

2. The names of the cataracts of the Dnieper. 

1. In A.D. 888, a deputation appears at Constantinople, has 
an interview with the Emperor Theophilus, and is rpady to depart. 
The way it had come was by land across a country which we 
easily believe was unpleasant if not dangerous. Unwilling 
then to return by the same way, they obtain leave of the Emperor 
to accompany an embassy of his own to Germany, whence they 
may have been forwarded to their own country. The Emperor 
of Germany, however, imprisons them as pirates, for he knew 
that they were Swedes, To this it may be added, as strengthen- 
ing the case, that their king was named Chacanus^ a likely form 
for either Hakon or Khagan. They said of themselves that 
they were Russ, 

After this Constantinople is attacked by sea, but the Corsairs 
are defeated by the means of the famous Greek fire. The father- 
in-law of Liutprand saw the battle, and the son-in-law, Liutprand 
himself, gives an account of it ; stating therein that the Greeks 
called them Russi firom the quality of their bodies, but that he 
called them Northmen because it was from the North that they 

2. In an account of the cataracts of the Dnieper we have 
the name for each of them in two languages, the Slavonic 
and the Buss; and three, at least, of the Buss names are 
sufiBciently significant in German to satisfy even a fastidious 

These are strong facts to oppose. Still the great a priori im- 
probabilities must be borne in mind. The journey from Sweden 
is a long one. It was one, too, which the travellers did not care 

BB 2 


to repeat. Tbe fleet that was burnt by tbe Ghreek fire consisted 
of more than a thousand ships ; an impossible number to bring 
across half Europe by land, and not a likely one to have been 
built between the time of the embassy and the sea-fight on either 
the Black Sea or one of its affluents. For it must be remem- 
bered that it was from Sweden itself, and firom no intermediate 
point, that the first ambassadors are supposed to have come. 

Nor are we justified in supposing that they came all the way 
round by sea. An Arabian account of a concurrent act of piracy 
on the Caspian forbids this; an act which is explicable if we 
suppose dockyards on the Volga as well as the Dnieper, but 
absolutely impossible to a fleet that sailed through the Straits of 
Gibraltar. Tet the attack on Constantinople is highly impro- 
bable to one which did not. 

To get, then, acts of piracy like these we must have a nation 
of some standing in some district which commanded both the 
Volga and the Dnieper. But if this were the case with the Bass, 
how came their ambassadors from Sweden ? I do not say that 
this difficulty is insuperable. The fleet might have been got up 
in the interval, or the embassy and the sea-fight might have be- 
longed to different divisions of the same people, or they may have 
been alliances with the adjacent natives who found ships. All 
this, and much more, is possible. I submit, however, that the 
amount of assumption required to explain the previous objections 
away is a grave one. 

Again ; the ambassadors are made to call themselves Buss. 
Tbe Swedes are so called by the Estonians; but there is no 
evidence to their ever having called themselves so. 

Still, as the evidence is decided there is a conflict of diffi- 
culties. Let lis guard, however, against over- valuing the evi- 

a. The statement that the Emperor pronounced them Swedes 
is from the Annales Bertinenses ; not a cotemporary work. 

b. The name Norman might have been given by Luitprand's 
fntbcr-in-law to any pirate from any point north of the place in 
which he applied the term. 

c. The names of the waterfalls are not necessarily Swedish, as 
will be seen from the following hypothesis. 

T incline to the belief that the invasions were from that part 


of Bussia which lay between the lower Dnieper and the Volga; 
this being a condition required for the two descents, the one on 
the Euxine and the one on the Caspian. 

Some part of the district I refer to the country of the Roxo- 
lani of Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, and other authors ; this giving the 
name Russ. Whether they were Slavonians at the time of those 
authors is another question. They were, probably, either Turks 
or Ugrians, or Circassians, or some mixture of either the three, 
or any two of them. 

In time, however, the ancestors of those Slaves who first bore 
the name of Russians settled in their land; being Bussians just 
as their cotemporary Anglo Saxons were Britous. 

But, before them, I assume a German settlement, viz. the one 
which developed itself into the Empire of Hermanric; remem- 
bering that that king was killed by a chief of the old Boxolani 
and that the Dniester was so German as to be called the Vallis 
Grutingorum. These Germans, then, by hypothesis, give the 
names of the cataracts; their language being called Russ, as the 
English might, by a foreigner, be called British, 

A powerful Swedish kingdom, with ships on the Dnieper for an 
attack on Byzantium, and ships on the Volga for piracy on the 
Caspian, developing itself between the embassy and the sea-fight 
of Constantinople is incredible on the evidence before us ; good 
as it would be for an event of only moderate improbability. 
But the magnitude of the one here under criticism is, in the mind 
of the present writer, immoderate. It is this which throws him 
on the conflict of difiBculties ; for that it is difiBcult to explain 
away the Scandinavian character of, at least, one of the names of 
the Dnieper cataracts is certain. Whatever the others may be, 
one is more Norse than anything else. It may be Teutonic as 
well ; but this is the most that can be said. It is the name of 
the second cataract. The passage about what may be called the 
Busso German Glosses has done so much hard service in Bussian 
ethnology that it must be quoted as sparingly as possible. 
However, " The fifth fall," writes Porphyrogeneta, " is called in 
Bussian (P«cri(rTi) Barouphoros, but in Slavonian {ZMtPmari) 
Boulneprag, because it ends a large lake." As truly as prag or 
porog are the common every-day Slavonic words for waterfall, so 
truly IB for 8 (in provincial English ybr^r^) the Swedish for it. Yet 


tbe language in whioh it bas this meaning is here called Russian. 
The difficulty, like all connected with internal rather than external 
evidence, is a serious one. Still, as aforesaid, it is probably the 
lesser of two. At any rate, much is required to make us beliere 
that among the true Russians of the original home of the con- 
querors of Bussia, among the followers of Oleg and Swiatoslaf, 
among the men of Kiev and the Dnieper, there was any Scandi- 
navian element. 

Yet there seems to have been a German one. Glosses on a 
matter that could never have been invented give to certain 
parts of the Dnieper names in which the language is Russian, in 
which the interpretation is German. The Germans of Hermanric's 
Empire are the suggested explanations of this. 

If so, even the Slavonians of Kiev begin as a nation of mixed 
blood. They are (in part at least) Bhoxolanian ; which may be 
almost anything. They are (in part at least) German, after the 
fashion of the Goths and Vandals under Hermanric. They are 
Slavonic, as Slavonians who have intruded into both Boxolania 
and Gotliland. They begin, however, as Slavonians ; just as the 
Englishmen of the Heptarchy, notwithstanding the Keltic cha- 
racter of the Britons, into whose land they had intruded, are 

There is doubt on all sides. That the names, however, cited by 
Porphyrogeneta of the cataracts of the Dnieper were, at one and 
the same time, (I.) vernacular to the locality; (2.) Bussian in 
respect to the name of the language in which they were signi- 
ficant; (3.) and Scandinavian in the respect to the language 
itself, is an improbability far beyond the evidence that meets it. 
With this criticism upon its real or supposed Swedish element, I 
take leave of the analytical part of the history of the Bussians of 
the original Bussia ; not without anticipating the objection that 
criticism of the kind in question settling nothing, but merely 
suggesting much, is blameworthy. I submit that it is pure 
epicureanism in ethnology to take such an exception. Let the 
result be what it may, the following problem still calls for a 
solution. How is it that an author, who could never have in- 
vented the word, specially states that in his time the name, in 
Russian as opposed to Slavonic, for a fall in the Dnieper was 
a word so hke the name of the most famous waterfall in Scandi- 


navia as Barouphorus (pronounced Varuforoa) is to Vorenforsf 
If the fact of its being Swedish be the explanation ; then comes 
the question — How came the Bussian Swedes from such a district 
to have come a long journey overland, and to return to it by the 
Straits of Gibraltar and the Sound, whilst a few years after- 
wards there was one Bussian fleet on the Caspian, and another 
on the Black Sea ? 



The Kosaks.— Their War with Poland.— PugatBheTs Rebellion. 

From the earliest period in the history of the original Slavonians 
of Kiev, we will, without enquiring how they came to be called 
Russians, pass to the history of their descendants in the twentieth 
generation, t. e, in the sixteenth century, giving three generations 
to the century. This gives us the Russians of the Ukraine; 
Malorussians, or Little Russians. With Great or Moscovite 
Russia they have but a secondary connection. They axe politi- 
cally Poles, or Turks, according to the frontier: ethnologically 
Poles, Komanians, Crim Tartars, Valachians, Moldavians, Buko- 
vinians, Galicians, Taczwings, and Lithuanians. True Christians 
of the Latin Church some may be ; some the same of the Greek 
Church; some are suspiciously Mahometan; some, in many 
respects. Pagan; some with a dash of the Jew. Upon the 
whole, however, they are Malorussian Slaves. 

Ukrain means a march or frontier, and is a Slavonic, Kosak^ 
a mounted warrior, and is a Turk, word. 

There are now numerous hordes of Kosaks in diflTerent parts 
of the Russian Empire ; but the mother-country of them all is 
the Ukraine ; the greatest of the secondary branches are the Don 

An example from the history of each shall be given. 

Among the Ukraine Kosaks there were few countries of eastern 
Europe which had not some representatives. And their religion 
was as heterogeneous as their blood. Dissident Poles ; members 
of the Greek Church; Anabaptists; Mahometans had come 
amongst them; and elements from each of their creeds were 
taken up. Upon the whole, the Church ceremonies were more 
Greek than Roman. They had much, however, which, in the 
sight of both the Latin and the Greek Catholic, was schismatic. 


They were robbers, of course. They were fickle in their al- 
liances, and had as little scrapie in fraternizing with a Tartar as a 
Slave ; but they were hardy, brave, and enterprising ; skilful in the 
management of such light craft as might carry them down the 
Dnieper, and quick in their movements on land. As several large 
domains in their country had been granted to both Polish and 
Lithuanian nobles, their agricultural industry was considerable; 
and, as long as the estates were sufiBciently well managed to prevent 
agrarian discontent, they comported themselves peaceably. They 
acknowledged the Republic, and held that it was for the Hepublic 
that they kept watch and ward. Of similar duties on behalf of 
Russia there is, I believe, no evidence until a comparatively late 
period. They were, then, essentially Polish in their political rela- 
tions. The grants of land were made by Poland ; and the homage^ 
such as it was, that they paid to any superior at all, was paid to 
Poland also. It was at the hands of a Polish king that, after the 
time of Stephen Bathory, the Grand Hetman received his investi- 
ture. The symbols were an ensign, a horsetail, a baton, and a 
looking-glass. This, however, is an anticipation. It was in the 
reign of Sigismund I. that they were first organized as a body 
of military marchmen by Ostafi Daskiewitsh, a peasant on the 
estate of a Lithuanian nobleman. The king made him starost of 
Tsherkas ; the third district to which the disturbances of the year 
under notice were communicated. He added the government of 
certain forts. The advice of Ostafi was to convert the whole line 
into a true military frontier, to maintain ten thousand fighting men, 
and to build forts on the more important islands of the Dnieper. 
By Sigismund this advice was taken rather than acted on. In 
1582, however, Stephen Bathory efiected an organization. He 
formed the Kosaks into six regiments, with a hetman at the head 
of each, and a Grand Hetman, the ceremonies of whose investiture 
have been alluded to, as the superior of the whole. He also made 
over to them a metropolis and magazine — the city of Trykhtymirov. 

From men thus organized, and men conscious of their own 
courage, reasonable suzerains might expect faithful service, so 
long as their just claims were respected. 

They might, perhaps, want humouring ; but this^ with a saga- 
cious Government, is easily managed. It is a piece of manage- 
ment, however^ which Governments too often overlook. No one is 


prepared to say that every demand made by every Eosak should 
have been granted. Anyone may be assured that for the horrors 
of the insurrection 'which is now coming under notice much of 
the blame lies at the door of the Poles. 

In the reign of Sigismund III., the complaints of the 
Kosaks reached the ear of that king, who had the will rather 
than the power to correct the abuses which had led to them. 
The landowners of the Eosak country were, one and all, ab* 
sentees ; and the management of their estates was entrusted to 
men who sought only to enrich themselves. The habit of ad- 
vancing money in anticipation of the crop had become common, 
and the steward and the Jew were equally hateful in the eyes of 
the soldier peasants, who were ground down by usury. Sigismund 
would have helped them ; but the Diet was constituted by those 
very nobles whose stewards were incensing the Eosaks. These 
had resort to arms. They destroyed the fortress of Eudak, but 
they were finally coerced by Potocki. The violent and foolish 
enactments of the Diet of 1688 followed. They were degraded 
to the rank of serfs ; further degradation being threatened in case 
they created disturbance. Armed to a man, they held their 
ground against further injustice. They obtained a promise that 
their privileges should be restored. It was broken, and the Eosaks 
violated the frontier. I am always afraid of Polish numbers : I 
find it, however, written, that from the estate of one noble alone 
thirty thousand peasants were carried away and sold as slaves to 
the Tartars. 

There was a Eosak named Bogdan, a Moldavian name. He 
was a tried warrior, and had won distinction, some twenty years 
before, in the defence of Zolkiew against the Tartars. He had a 
windmill, which the steward of Alexander Eoniecpolski coveted. 
So he accused Bogdan of some fictitious or exaggerated ofience, 
got him tried before his own master, and thrown into prison. 
The castellan of Cracow be&iended him, obtained his freedom^ 
and kept for him his mill. But he died and left Bogdan unpro- 
tected ; who appealed to the Diet. And the Diet neglected him. 
He betook himself to the Tartars, and the imjust steward took his 
mill, burnt his house, violated his wife, destroyed bis infant son, 
flogged another who was grown up to man's estate publicly. The 
rebellion had taken form. At the head of an army of Eosaks 


and Tartars, Bogdan defeated two armies from the Bepublio. 
This was in 1648, when Yladislas YII. died. John Gasimir sac- 
ceeded him : but there was an interregnum between them. Of this 
Bogdan knew how to make the most. The whole of the Ukraine 
was in the hands of the insurgents. They swept over Volhynia 
and Fodolia. Lemburg opened its gate, as did all the other towns 
of Lodomiria except Zamosc. The king immediately on his 
accession put himself in communication with Bogdan, who pressed 
the royal letter to his lips, and countermanded the assault which 
was about to be made on that town. Meanwhile, Jeremy Wisno- 
wiecki, infamous for this act, and more infamous for his bigotries 
and barbarities elsewhere, attacked the camp, and, after a massacre 
of the surprised Kosaks, forced Bogdan to raise the siege ; who 
retreated, fiill of resentment and distrust He may have 
been willing to believe the king, but the king could scarcely 
be held responsible for his promises. The fury on each side 
was ungovernable. Islaf, the Tartar, was Bogdan's ally; 
but when a Polish army, with Jeremy at its head, was at the 
mercy of the Kosaks, he withdrew his troops. Under the pres- 
sure of their danger the Poles had demeaned themselves to the 
offer of a bribe. Let Islaf desert his ally and an annual payment, 
which, in days of the Tartar strength had been paid by Poland, 
but which was now obsolete, should be restored. On certain de- 
finite conditions Bogdan withdrew. But these conditions were 
repudiated by the nobles; and war was kindled anew. There 
were two battles ; the first was won by the Poles, the second by the 
Kosaks, who now besieged Kaminiec. The loss of his son, killed 
in some unrecorded engagement, added fiiel to the fiery wrath of 
Bogdan. He had learned to distrust the Tartars. The Turks, 
busied upon the Candian war, were unable to help him. He 
applied to the Czar Alexis, and offered to become his vassal 
in return for effective assistance. After some hesitation, it was 
given ; and Lithuania was overrun by the Russians, the parts on the 
Moldavian frontier by the Kosaks. Trouble, from another quarter, 
now fell upon Poland, and the absolute independence of the Kosaks 
of the Ukraine was established, Bogdan being their Hetman. 

He died in 1667, and his son George Chinieloriski succeeded 
him — not, however, over the whole Ukraine. A rival chief, 
Wyhovski, divided it with him ; the one holding the Polish, the 


other the Russian, side of the Dnieper. To secure their domain, 
Chinieloriski did homage to the Czar. To secure his dominion 
Wyhovski did homage to the Bepuhlio. A war followed, with 
which each of the protecting Powers mixed themselves up. 

It was against these Kosaks, in a subsequent war, and 
when Russia was stronger, that Sobieski was sent; and it 
was Sobieski whom, under their Hetman Dorescensko, they 
bravely resisted ; bravely but ineflTectually. Neither could they 
defend themselves through the assistance of the Tartars of 
their frontier; So that it was to the Porte direct that they 
applied. Their hetman, who presented himself in person at 
Constantinople, was nominated Bey of the Ukraine; and the 
Ukraine was enrolled as a Turkish province. The Khan of the 
Crimea was ordered to protect it, and six thousand Turkish troops 
were marched into the district. Against these high-handed pro- 
ceedings the Poles protested strongly: and not only the Poles 
but the Czar as well. An Ottoman protectorate of any portion of 
the Kosak district was a contingency against which either Power 
had an equal interest in protecting itself. The contempt with 
which the Porte treated their joint remonstrance along with the 
high language in which it is couched astonishes the reader of 
the present time. — '' Such is Islam that the union of the Russians 
and the Poles matters not to us. Our empire has increased since 
its origin; nor have all the Christian kings who have ranged 
against us been able to pluck one hair from our beard. With 
God's grace it shall ever be so and our empire shall continue till 
the day of judgment." Kiuprili, by no means one of the most 
boastful of the viziers, but, on the contrary, a cool and cautious 
calculator, used similar language. — '*If a free people places 
itself under our protection it shall be protected, and the sword, 
by which Islam has triumphed for more than a thousand years, 
shall decide between us and our opponents." 

The first brunt of the war fell upon Podolia, and the first acts 
of the Grand Vizier justified his arrogant language. The im- 
portant fortress of Kaminiec fell after a nine-days' siege. A 
fortnight after Lemburg did the same. Peace was made. Podolia 
was ceded. An annual tribute was imposed upon Poland. The 
King of Poland, Michael Koribut, made the treaty. The nobles 
reserved their acceptance of it : in other words they determined to 


violate it. And they were in a position to do so. Tbey bad the 
assurance of assistance from Russia ; and they had amongst their 
nobles their future king and the greatest soldier of their nation^ 
John Sobieski. The Hospodars, too, of Wallacbia and Mol- 
davia were prepared to desert to them. Under these conditions^ 
so unpromising for Turkey, the campaign of 1673 began; and it 
began, like the one which preceded, in Podolia and tlie Eastern 
half of Galicia. By 1676 it was concluded, leaving the Eosaks 
more under the suzerainty of Turkey than of Poland. 

Now follows the episode in the history of the Don Kosaks. Of 
personators Russia has had its full share ; personator meaning 
an individual who passes himself off for some one who he 
is not; like the false Philips in Macedonia^ or the Perkin 
Warbecks in England. There had been a false Demetrius. 
We have now a false Peter — Peter III., who was murdered^ 
but the reality of whose death many were willing to doubt. 
A Don Eosak, named Jeremy Pugatshef, had the misfortune 
to be persuaded that he was sufficiently like the murdered Czar 
to be mistaken for him ; at least by those who had never or 
rarely seen him. Similar deceptions had been attempted ; for 
there was, on the part of many of the nobles and ecclesiastics, a 
wish to be deceived. As many as four Russians and a man from 
Montenegro had made the same attempt. Pugatshef s, however^ 
was destined to become formidable — formidable with an approach 
to success. 

Pugatshef himself was a Don Eosak, and as such a soldier. 
He had seen service at the siege of Bender, where he became an 
officer. He then passed some time in south-eastern Russia, on 
the Polish frontier, and in Poland, where he came in frequent con- 
tact with the monks and ecclesiastics who tempted him to make 
political capital out of his real or supposed likeness. 

It was at Malinkovoka, on the Volga, that Pugatshef first 
gave out that he was Peter III. — a notification which was at first 
treated with comparative indifference. After a time, however, he 
was seized and conveyed to Eazan. From Eazan he contrived to 
escape ; and betook himself to the Eosak districts on the lower 
Volga, and to the Bashkir hordes on the Jaik. It was the Bash- 
kirs who most especially committed themselves to his support ; 


and it was through the well-known courage, and the military 
aptitudes of the Bashkirs, that he most especially became terrible. 
Indeed, for all the purposes of warfare the Bashkirs were Kosaks ; 
Kosaks in habits, Cosaks in respect to their organization. This 
they are now : this they were when Pugatshef reached the Jaik ; 
which was in 1741, when they first became organized. Instead 
of paying tribute as before, they served as soldiers ; sending an 
annual relay of fifteen hundred to act with the Kosaks of the 
Jaik. Besides the Bashkirs and the Kosaks many of the Kirghiz 
flocked to his standard ; for it was on the very fix>ntier of what 
is called Independent Tartary that he had taken his stand. 

At the town of Jaizkoi he published a manifesto, in which he 
called upon all orthodox believers to acknowledge him as their 
Czar. He collected not only men but cannons. He failed, how- 
ever, twice in an attempt to take the town of Orenburg. 

To the serfe fireedom, to the Kosaks plunder, was promised. 
The rebellion spread, and Tshemitshef and Carr, who had been 
sent to suppress it, were successively defeated. These were suc- 
ceeded by Bibikov, who, slow and cautious, died before the revolt 
was quashed. His successors Galitzin and Michelson — the latter 
more especially — succeeded in quashing it. The pretender caused 
money to be coined in his name; and, as the disturbances in 
Poland were now at their height, many refugee Poles betook them- 
selves to his standard — not that they mistook him for the Emperor 
or cared whether he were so or not. Then, and since, then as now, 
the best omen for the Pole is the war which shall most hurt his 
imperial enemy. By this time the attempt of Pugatshef promised 
the Poles a more than ordinary revenge. 

The success, however, was generally in favour of Michelson ; 
and, in the last of some six or seven engagements, Pugatshef was 
so completely defeated that he had to fly from a quick pursuer. 
However, he escaped ; and, for some time, wandered with a few 
followers in the more impracticable districts of the Uralian range. 
However, as soon as he re- appeared an army was again collected ; 
an army which was now to be opposed by a larger force under 
Panin ; a force through which Pugatshef suffered another and a 
severer defeat on the Ufa. He again fled, and again re-appeared ; 
and again on his re- appearance an army crowded round him. He 
marched upon Kazan, and took the town; but being unable to 


storm the fortress, he delayed until Michelson came-up and drove 
him heyond the Volga. 

The German settlements of Saratov were now exposed to the 
cruelty and greediness of Pugatshef. Here, however, his career 
was to end. Compelled to raise the siege of Zaritzin, he fled, was 
overtaken, got separated from his followers, who were ruthlessly 
cut down. Accompanied hy a few followers he swam across the 
Volga and found himself in a desert It was through treachery 
that, at lasty he was taken. Some of his followers who had been 
taken prisoners, one of whom was his own famiUar friend, were 
set free and sent across the Volga under the promise of betraying 
their former leader. After some weeks they succeeded in doing so. 

Again — the whole force of Russia was directed against the Khan 
of Erim Tartary ; and £rom every Russian Government the troops 
under their respective commanders were moving to the Dnieper. 
Here they were to join those of the Hetman of the Eosaks, Ivan 
Samielovitsh. I find no charge of either disloyalty or treachery 
laid to his charge. But the Russian army was under an incom- 
petent commander, and it was the month of June. The sun 
burnt hot; and, when the main body of the army reached the 
Dnieper, the whole of the country around was one dry, brown car- 
pet. The waters, too, ran low and shallow. There was a want of 
provender, and the only resource lay in the wide meadows of the 
Ukraine. When the Russians reached them they were withered 
up. Before they had been there many days they were one sheet of 
fire — for ten leagues, for twenty leagues, for fifty. The Tartars 
hnd set-light to them. 

A scape-goat was sought and found. The secretary of the 
Kosak hetman (we will call him for the present by the first three of 
his four names) was Jessaul Ivan Stevanovitsh. He found favour 
ir^ the eyes of the Russian general, Galitzin, by a vile intrigue. 
The year before, Samielovitsh had concluded a peace with Poland ; 
in which he was supposed to have studied Polish rather than 
Russian interests. He was now charged with being in league 
with the Tartars. He was willing to see them weakened, but 
loath that they should be annihilated. He was ready to sacrifice 
both Poland and Russia to them. His policy was to unite 
them with the Kosaks, and to make both independent. A 


scape-goat was wanted, and a charge like this, comings as it 
did, from his secretary, was sufficient " We have borne," said 
the secretary, " with his arrogance ; we have borne with his 
violence; but with his treachery we will bear no longer." A 
report was sent to Moscow, and from Moscow came an order that 
he should be deposed and sent for triaL To a trial he submitted ; 
he and his son. They were condemned to exile in Siberia ; but 
the old hetman died before he reached his jail. 

There is nothing unusual in all this ; nothing morally, nothing 
politically, instructive. Yet it is noticed because the contemptible 
secretary is one of the few Kosaks whose name is known to the 
general reader: known not unfavourably, and known at the ex- 
pense of honester men. Voltaire gives the name. A poet and 
a painter have helped to immortalize his story. A halo of strange 
romance invests it. However, simply considered as a secretary and 
an adjutant, he was as false to Russia as he was to his Kosak cap- 
tain. He was a Pole at heart. Yet he ended in misleading the 
great ally of the Polish party in Sweden. He was the hetman that 
was to have met Charles XII. with so many Eosaks and to have 
helped him to win at Pultava. He is the hero of a poem of 
Byron's, and of a painting of Horace Vemet s. His Christian 
names (so to say) were (as aforesaid) Yessaul Ivan Stevanovitsh ; 
but his surname, or, at least, his name in romance, was Mazeppa. 
Fortunate enough to find a Pegasus in bis horse, he has been 
luckier than he deserved in his immortality. 

Such is the purely historic view of certain scenes in the his- 
tory of the Kosaks, and it is to be hoped that many others 
equally bloody and ferocious with the first two are not to be found 
elsewhere. Of courage and endurance they show enough ; but, if 
either of our two narratives be a fair sample of the ordinary Kosak 
deportment, no amount of sentiment can make us regret that 
the strong hand of arbitrary power has reduced the men whom 
they exhibit to -the humble condition of peaceful agriculturalists. 
At best, it is to be feared, that their hand was against every 

But that a heroic element, and, to some degree, a tender one was 
mixed up in their wild nature is shown in every line of their rich, 
natural, national, and characteristic poetry. Their temper, how- 
ever, their spirit, and the institutions of their savage life have had 


the misfortune to be seen through a haze of sentiment, and every- 
thing connected with them has been exaggerated. 

So critical a writer as Voltaire has given a strange account of 
them in his Peter the Great; and, until lately, it is from Voltaire's 
work that the current opinions concerning them were taken. Within 
the present generation, however, not only have their songs found ad- 
mirers and translators in Poland, but they have acted strongly upon 
the Polish poetry. The contrast between the warlike republic of 
the Kosak and its present peaceful prosaic repose, with the analogy 
between it and the present, as compared with the former, state of 
Poland itself, strikes home to the innermost heart of the Pole : 
all the more strongly from the old connection between the Poles 
and the Kosak Republic Nor can it be denied that the connection 
exists. Whatever may be its value, some of the Kosaks were 
quite as much Tartars as Russians, and more Poles than Tartars. 
Nor has the Polish feeling, even on the Dnieper, quite died out. 
It may require a grievance to rouse it ; but it exists, though not to 
be reckoned-on as a revolutionary element. Though not overlooked 
by the Russians, it is the Polish poets to whom the vivid poetry of 
the Kosaks owes most of its reputation. But the effect has been- 
that the Kosak s life has been clad in colours not its own. Much 
coarseness has been invested with a nobility which never be* 
longed to it; much rapacity has been excused, much cruelty 

The real Kosak was as different from the Kosak of the later 
poetry concerning him as the real moss-trooper from the borders 
of Scotland, the borderer of the ballads, was different from the 
borderer of real life. 

Under a pure and serene sky, writea a Kosak enthusiast^ are spread out the 
boundless steppes of Ukraina, of which it was long ago said, " In this ITkraina 
the sky is extraordinarily tranquil, and bad weather is never seen nor heard of 
there." One who has been accustomed to see the gloomy forests, the dark sky, 
the sands and marshes of the north, cannot picture to himself the boundless fields 
waving with com, the valleys strewed with the fresh down of blooming vegetation, 
the meadows where luxuriant grass conceals from the eye the waters of Uie river 
and the stream. Even the habitations of the people in Great Russia will fidl to 
convey an idea of the cottages in Ukraina, which are built of curved trees covered 
with whitewashed clay, and have for floors the earth itself well beaten down, instead 
of a wooden pavement. The dirty peasant of Great Russia with his long tangled 
hair reminds you of the Tatar rule, and the villager of the north shows his pure 
Sclavonian blood in his clear blue eyes and light brown hair, a true son of the 
snow, friendly, kind, and hospitable ; and how much do both these differ from 
those plastic countenances (figures de baa-relief) which yon meet in LitUe 
Bossia. In the thoughtful and serious countenance of the man, in hit tidl frame, 

C C 

386 THE K0SAK8. 

bis half-flhayen head, long moustaches, in his secretly-woiking sonl. Us gloomy 
look, abrupt speech, you will discoyer the ancient Russian mixed with the 
savage Asiatic. His dress at the same time bears marks of the Lithuanian and 
Polish rule of four centuries' duration. The Ukranian Is slow, tacitom, difficult 
of speech, does not bow himself as does the naUve of Great Buasla, does not 
promise much, but is shrewd and intelligent, and respects the word both giroi 
and received. Whilst the one lives entirely in the present, the other lives all in 
the past. Would you gain the friendship of the Ukranian, be not pressing, for 
he is suspicious ; 'but rather take part in his Cossack-like existence, for he is 
proud of the events of past times. Remind him of these, let him see that yon 
admire his ancestors, and his countenance will brighten, his vivacity will be 
called forth, his heart will beat stronger ; then you may converse with him 
enough. You will be admitted into the sanctuary of his joys and sorrows, yon 
will at length hear his song of the steppe, and be astonished at the cheerfulness 
of his disposition. 

The Kosaks' community was republican. Tbe following, taken 
at second-hand from the Swiss historian MuIIer, represents the 
Kosak citadel about the middle of the last century. 

'* The Sicza was a heap of houses and huts, surrounded by a wall of earth. 
There everything'was in common. When a new year came, the ataman of the 
Zaporogues used to put to them these questions : ' My brave fellows, you must cast 
lots as to where each division is to fish. Perhaps you may like to choose a new 
ataman 1 ' ' No/ replied they, ' thou art good ; command one more year, and let 
us cast lots.' But if a different answer was given, the ataman took off his cap, 
placed upon it the ataman's staff, and bowed to the people, saying, ' Now, I am 
your brother, a private Cossack.' The people then met, feasted, elected a new 
ataman, led him into their assembly, and after the interrogation whether he 
accepted the office, they handed to him the staff, put earth on their heads, and 
saluted him their chief. A Cossack who should murder another was put alive 
into a grave ; a coffin, with the corpse, was put upon him, and the grave was 
then filled up with earth." 

<' Thou writest to us," so replied the Ataman (supreme chief) of the Cossacks 
to the Chan Qirey of Crimea, " thou writest to us, Chan Girey, that if what we 
have seized beyond Perecop and elsewhere, we do not give back, thou wilt march 
at once with thy people, and invade our thirty-two grodzisko, and will grant us 
no peace either in the spring or the summer, or the autumn or the winter ; but 
that thou wilt come thyself with a multitude of thy men in winter upon the ice, 
to destroy our grodzUko. Well, we acquaint thee that our unprofitable grodzUkos 
are hemmed round by hedges, are bristly with thorns, and must be purchased at 
the price of heads ; besides our stock of horses and cattle is scanty. It were 
pity therefore for thee to trouble thyself so far ! " 

The Eosaks were communists. At first no married man 
entered the Sicza. Afterwards the restriction was withdrawn. 
Mutatis mutandis, this was the case with the janissaries. 

They were musical, and the badura, or rhapsodist, was held in 
honour hy them. 

" Oh ! in our famed Ukraina there has been many a terrible moment, many a 
season of unhappiness ; there have been plagues and broils of war ; there were 
none to help the Ukrainians ; none sent up prayers for them to ^God ; the holy 


God alone, he did not forget us ; he aasUted ra to arrest the mighty armies, to 
drive back the enemy. The fierce tempests haye passed away ; they have sank 
into stillness ; none liaye been able to conquer us t — Not for one day, nor for 
two, did the Lachy (the Poles) plunder Ukraina. They did not grant a moment's 
respite ; day and night their horses stood bridled ; they trod the paths to onr 
Hetman Nalerayko ; and what does the brave hetman meditate and design t 
What is the &te he prepares for his companions 1 Only the holy Qod knows — 

the holy God who assists him with his might." 


"From beyond the mountain a cloud rises — ^it rises, it comes forth— it thunders 
towards Czechrym ; it sends forth its lightning over IJkraina ; it is the Poles 
who have thrice crossed three rivers." 

• •••••• 

" Those are not clouds thundering with sacred thunder in the heavens ; those 
are not saints being led into the presence of God. They are the Lachy, beating 
their drums and sounding their pipes and trumpets." 

• •••••• 

" It awaits, it looks for whomsoever the gun shall not reaoh, whom the bullets 
shall not strike— he shall find the cross of an ash tree." 

" To faithful Christians peace ; to the Lachy foes, the infernal banquet. For 

him who erects the cross, the cross awaits.'* 

• • • • • * • 

" Then our hosts marched on four tracks ; they marched on four tracks, and 
on the fifth field they vanquished the Lachy on all sides ; they vanquished them 
on all the cross-ways. The Lachy begged for mercy, and did not obtain it. The 
Cossacks do not give quarter. The Lachy do not forego an invasion.'* 

*'And our people too shall be unhappy, as the cuckoo has sung. She sang 
what she heard amongst the saints. What she has sung will surely happen* 
May God protect us ! fle knows the issue, as he knows what our hetman medi- 
tates, what he designs, our hetman, whom he will assist with his might. It is 
not for us to know it. It is our part to pray to God, to be resigned In hia 


• •••••• 

" On ! the Cossacks marched on four tracks — on four tracks and on a fifth 
field. But one track Samko followed. And the standard-bearer was accompanied 
by nearly three thousand men ; all brave Zaporogues. They wheel their cluurgen ; 
they brandish their swords — they beat their drums, pray to God, and sign them-* 
selves with the cross. But Samko ! He wheels not his charger, he checks his 
steed, he reins him up with the bridle. He meditates; he thinks. May hell 
confound his meditations. Samko meditates; he thinks; he utters these words 
— * What and if the Lachy bum our Cossacks as though they were in hell t And 
if they make them a banquet of our Cossack bones t What if our Cossack heads 
be scattered on the steppe and washed too with our native blood, and strewed 
over with our broken swords 1 It shall perish like dust, this Cossack fiune of 
ours, which thief-like has overrun the world, which stretched like the steppe and 
spread over the world with a sound like the roaring of the wind — it echoed 
through Turkey and through Tartary, and here it has caught the edge of the 
Lachy foes. 

c 2 


** * The raven will eroak, flying over the steppe ; the cuckoo will moam In tho 
grove ; grey hawks will moan, swift eagles will droop, and all this for their 
brethren, for the dauntless Cossack companions ! What ! did the whirlwind bury 
them in sand 1 or did they sink into hell, those dark men t They are no mors 
seen; they are neither on the steppe, nor on the Tatar plains, nor on the 
Turkish mountains, nor upon the black hills, nor on the fields of Lachy. The 
raven will mourn, will scream, will croak, and fly over the stranger's land. And 
then lo ! bones lie strewn about, swords are flashing — bones crack, broken swordi 
clash, and the black magpie looks grim and stalks over the plain. And the 
heads of the Cossacks] They are as though the bootmaker Semen had lost one 
of his twisted skins. And their long tresses ? As though the devil had made 
wisps of straw— and all are grown stiff with clotted blood. Lo I verily they have 
earned fame enough.' " 

• •••••• 

Something more historical than this second notice of the Eosaks, 
and more creditahle than the first, now commands attention. 

One great epoch in Russian history is almost exclusively 
Kosak ; the division of the Kosaks to which it is pre-eminently, 
if not exclusively, due, heing that of the Eosaks of the Don. 
They were had suhjects. They were, in many respects, no 
subjects at all. Roughly speaking, they agreed with the Eosaks 
of the Dnieper (the Zaporogs), in connecting themselves with the 
Tartars of the Erimea. But the Erimean Ehanat was a wide 
one, and the alliances on the east were very different from those 
on the west. In the west, the points of contact were Mol- 
davia, Bessarabia, Wallachia, Galicia, Poland ; in the east, the 
Mordvin and Tsheremis countries, Circassia, Eazan, Astrakan, 
Caucasus, Siberia. That Siberia, under the Eiptshak, was 
Mongol has already been stated. It has also been already 
stated that it fell, at its break-up, into four Ehanats ; the most 
northern of which was that of Siberia. This, from the names 
which, at long intervals, crop -out among the details of its scanty 
history, seems to have been Mongol rather than Turk, and Fin 
rather than Mongol. Such, at least, appears to have been the 
case at first; though, at present, the remains of it are Turk 
rather than Mongol. Whether Mongol, however, or Turk, tlie 
Tartar power was intrusive ; the aborigines being chiefly Osiiak 
and Vogul. One of the names of the early chieftains is Veguli, 
from which it is probable that the current name for the latter of 
these two populations is taken. Then, as Mongols, appear 
Tshingiz and Taibug — Nogay captains. However, it was in the 
north that the first great impression was made. We have 3een how 

YERMAK. 389 

tbe Busaiahs out their way up to Arcbangel and had had a port 
on the White Sea before they had a footing on the Euxine. 
From Novogorod, too, Permia, Vologda, and Viatka were con- 
quered at a time when Astrakan and Kazan were independent. 

Permia, however, we may look upon as tbe Russian outpost 
during the reign of Ivan III., who called himself the king of 
Tugoria. His son added the title of king of Obdorsk and the 
Khonda; his grandson that of king of Siberia. Of Siberia, 
Isker, about sixteen miles from the present town of Tobolsk, 
was the capital when Ivan the Terrible began to reign. 

Permia was the outpost. The Kosaks of the Don were little 
better than Krim Tartars. There was a colony in Permia; a 
commercial colony with concessions and privileges. The leading 
men in it were the brothers Stroganov, Jacob and Gregory. 
There was a third, Simon ; but it was not till after the death of 
bis brothers that he became active. The brothers were on the Sibe- 
rian frontier; backwoodsmen, so to say, on the Ostiak, Vogul, Turk, 
and Mongol confines. They were hard pressed by tbe frontagers. 
The Czar was at a distance. The small settlement was in danger. 
At this time five of the most notable of the Don Kosaks were 
under the ban of the Czar — Ivan Kolzo, Yakob Micaelovitsh, 
Mikita Pan, Matvei (Matthew) the Meshtsheriak, and Yermak 
Timofeyevitsh. The Stroganovs knew their worth, and invited 
them to earn pardon and honour by serving the Czar against the 
Khan of Siberia. They lent their services; and never were 
services greater. 

The line they followed was a line of conquest ; one that, even 
to this day, teems with recollections and legends of Yermak. They 
cut their way to the Irtish. The small Vogul confederacies were 
the first to give way. Then those of the Ostiaks. 

The nucleus of the army of Siberia seems to have been these 
five men. A few were added from the Stroganov settlements; 
over which Simon, the younger brother, the two elder being dead, 
now presided. Runaways and captives of Russian, Lithuanian, 
and German blood, who had endured all the hardships of 
slavery under the Nogays, strengthened the band. Of this the 
number at one time reached five hundred. It is never put 
higher. Implicit reliance cannot be put in the numbers -to 
which they were opposed ; but they are always put at thousands 


sometimes at tens of thousands. On the other hand Ad Eosaks 
had fire-arms, which their enemies had not Of sieges we expeot 
hut few ; of small battles many. After several of these, of which 
three were conspicuous, the five hundred reached Isker. With a 
loss of one hundred and seven they took it. This won them 
their pardon firom the Czar ; their pardon with honours. 

But the Tartar capital had to be held by three hundred and 
ninety- three men; and the three hundred and ninety-three men held 
it. They made raids upon the country around. In one of these, 
with fifty followers, Yermak reached the junction of the Yagai 
with the Irtish. The enemy had retreated before him. Under 
a hill, held sacred by the Tartars before him and doubly sacred 
ever since, the small detachment encamped. Though no enemy 
Iras visible they were watched. Without sentinels, and wearied 
with the toil of the day, they were attacked by night. All but 
two were killed, either in their sleep or surprised. One alone 
of these two escaped altogether. The other was not killed on the 
spot. He cut down the Tartars who clustered round him, reached 
the river, and was drowned in it. 

£ight days aft;erwards, a Tartar chief of one of the tribes 
lower down was fishing, when he saw floating towards him 
the swollen body of an armed Kosak. It was that of Yermak. 
He dragged it ashore, and wondered to see the blood flow fresh 
from the wounds. He sent messages to the Tartar chiefs around, 
to Ediger, to Kandaul, to Petshineg, and to the great Khan 
Kutshyum, out of whose bands Yermak had wrested Isker. They 
all came to look on the dead body of the terrible warrior. It was 
kept in savage state for six weeks; during which time it was 
the daily practice of the Tartars who approached it to wheel 
round in circles and make it a mark for their arrows. It was 
pierced by hundreds of them. But at night, though left un- 
guarded, neither beast nor bird of prey tore it. At length it was 
burnt to a sacrifice of ten sheep and thirty oxen. 

Such is the history of Yermak ; one which, although it has taken 
a poetical colouring, is, in all the essentials, a real one. The 
numbers are trustworthy, for the records of the several raids and 
battles seem to have been kept with almost official accuracy. 
The Stroganovs were traders and book-keepers. They owed to the 
Czar an account of what was done. The men were few, and the 

YERMAK. 391 

Tslae of every pair of hands was assessed. Neither in Mexico 
nor Peru was a conflict carried-on more successfully nor against 
greater odds. Of his companions, Kolzo after Termak is the 
most prominent. They were all bold and enduring; but the 
name of Termak both in history and tradition stands alone. 

Termak himself reached no further than the Irtish ; and, for a 
time after his death, the inroads of the Russians were arrested — 
only, however, for a time. The Tartars who had massacred the 
handful of brave men who constituted his army remained masters 
of the ground, until measures were taken for a permanent con- 
quest ; a conquest which, by the reign of Peter the Great, had 
subjected all Northern Asia to Russia; Kamtshatka being, at 
the time, reduced. Nevertheless, as a pioneer, and as a founder, 
Termak deserves the title, so often attached ^to his name, of 
Conqueror of Siberia. 



Age of the Ranian Empire. — Spread of the Bii8Bia]ifl.~Importiiioe of the 

Lithu&nic Element. 

The celebration of the tenth centenary of the Russian Empire, 
is fresh in our memories. What the Czar said and left unsaid 
at Novogorod is known to even the cursory reader of the daily 
paper. He may not have remembered the details, but he knows 
that there was a great meeting at Novogorod; in which the 
Moscovite Empire was pronounced to be a thousand years old. 

For the Moscovite Empire this may be true, but, if the 
objections of the preceding chapters be valid, the year 862 
scarcely gives us the origin of the Russian. 

Again, if the prominence which in those chapters is given to 
Kiev be reasonable, Novogorod was scarcely the proper place for 
the anniversary. 

It is a matter, however, on which the opinion of an Englishman 
can hardly be deemed conclusive. But I may remark that a native 
author, to whom many of the data for the previous criticism are 
due, and whose exceptions to many of the current doctrines in 
Russian ethnology I readily endorse, is, in the matter of the 
date at least, at issue with the majority of his countrymen. In 
his chronological table, which, beginning with the notice of the 
Roxolani (who, ninety- four years before the Christian era, were at 
war with Mithridates Eupator), and ending on the strength of 
certain relations with Scandinavia (the illustration of which is the 
main object of the monograph), with 1634, Kunik makes, under 
the years 860 and 862, two special entries; the first to the effect that 
862 was not, and the second to the effect that 860 teas the vear 
of the fouudation of the Russian State. The difference, indeed, 
is slight ; it is sufficient, however, to indicate a certain amount of 
obscurity connected with these early dates. The present writer 


makes it inordinately great— so great, indeed, as to put aside 
the claims of Novogorod for being the early Bussian metropolis 

The fact is, that the amount of details for the interval between 
A.D. 860 and a.d. 980 depends upon the latitude allowed^ in the 
recognition of our authorities. If we limit ourselves to the 
notices that can be found in the cotemporary literature of Bome 
and Constantinople, we get little more than what has been given 
in our last chapter but one; and that this is little enough is 
evident. But with most writers, however, the restrictions thus 
implied are too strong; and numerous events are recorded on 
the testimony of the native annalists, especially the foremost of 
them, Nestor, the learned monk of Kiev. But Nestor wrote no 
earlier than 1 1 20 ; none of his predecessors before 1020. Before 
950, anything like a record is out of the question. 

The same applies to the more far- fetched authorities from 
Denmark and Iceland. It is from Scandinavian notices that most 
of the details concerning Burik and the Swedish dynasty of 
Novogorod are taken, and the earliest of these are long sub- 
sequent to the events which they pretend to record. 

But, though inadequate to anything like the extreme form of 
the Scandinavian hypothesis and the minute details of the reigns 
of the early Bussian sovereigns, the native accounts are apparently 
sufficient for what most concerns us here, viz. the general character, 
in the way of rate and direction, of the spread of the Bussian 
nationality and language in its progress from south to north 
and from west to east. At any rate, they are sufficient to show 
that, before the accession of Vladimir I., the stream of con- 
quest had spread from the Dnieper to the neighbourhood of 
Livonia and £stonia, to the Let and Fin districts, on the one side, 
and to the drainage of the Lake Ladoga and the Gulf of Finland 
on the other — so early bad the movement towards the present site 
of St. Petersburgh, Finland, and the southern limits of the 
Danish and Swedish areas, developed itself. The exact details 
of the conquered countries they fail to give. The mass was Fin. 
But, on the west, Lithuania and Finland (the word being taken 
in its more general sense) came in contact ; the line of boundary 
being obscure, and probably irregular. This spread of the 
Bussian name is what we now are about to sketch. 


That even the primeval Oleg had cut his way far 

879 to 912 ^'^^^S^ ^ ^^® north to have reduced Smolensko is 

one of the native statements, and it is a p]*obable one. 
The men whom he conquered were the Sjivitshi ; who were either 
Fins or Lithuanians. At any rate« they lay on the Fin and 
Lithuanian frontier. Novogorod, h fortiori^ had been reduced. 
Nor is it denied that certain powerful Swedes may have either 
been* found there or have mixed themselves with the Slavonic 
intruders. What is denied is the priority of Novogorod to 
Kiev as a Russian centre, and the importance of the Swedish 

Under Igor, there is a Derelevnian rebellion, im- 
9l2to'945 P'y^"^? * previous Derelevnian conquest This is 

likely. The Derelevnian area lay between Smolensko 
and Kiev. The Derelevnians themselves were either Fins on a 
Lithuanian, or Lithuanians on a Fin, frontier. Their district was 
on the Desna. On the south, Igor conducted a war against the 
Petshenegs ; a likely one also, inasmuch as the Petshenegs lay be- 
tween the Dnieper and the Danube, and we have already seen that 
the Dnieper and the Black Sea were the way to Oonstantinople. 
Beside which, another Petsheneg war has already been noticed. 

With Sviatoslav I., who was baptized, the possi- 
946^to 972 ^^^^y ^^ ^^^® records begins ; and under him we have 

Ehazar, Bulgarian, and Petsheneg wars, as may be 
expected both from what has already been stated, and from the 
relations of the several districts with which their histories are 
connected to Constantinople. 

Then came civil wars and anarchy. Then 
980 to 1016. ^^^^l™^ !•> Vladimir Sviatoslavitsh, or Vladimir the 

Great; under whom Russia shows itself the same 
vast mass of territory which it is at the beginning of tlie sixteenth 
century ; when the conquests of the two Khanats of Kazan and 
Astrakan notably extended its influence. About this time, too^ 
we lose the names of those Fins of the Southern and Central 
Governments of whom no remains are at present in existence ; 
especially that of the once formidable Viatitsb, who appeared 
in the reign of Sviatoslav. In every direction the arms of 
Vladimir encroached. He attacked Kherson in the south, the 
Bulgarians of the Kama in the east, the Yatshvings, who were 


Lithuanians, and the Badimitshi, who may have been Poles, on the 
west. He had also a Croatian war. 

But Vladimir married and gave in marriage as freely as he 
fought His wife was Anna, a Byzantine princess. His sons mar- 
ried into the royal families of Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia. 

Above all, Vladimir conquered the greater part of Oalicia, and 
gave his name to the eastern part of it — Lodomeria. The struggle 
with Poland had now begun. So had the struggle with Lithu- 

If we pause at the reign of Vladimir the Great, and make it, 
what it really is, one of the primary epochs in Bussian history^ 
we must not only consider what was Bussian, but what was not. 
Western Galicia was not. Of Podolia and Volhynia the con- 
dition is obscure and doubtAil. Grodno and Vilna were^ probably, 
Lithuanic. They are so, to some extent, now — the latter to a 
great extent. Livonia and Kurland seem to have been untouched, 
Estonia but partially reduced. St Petersburg was wholly Fin. 
On the east, Kazan and Astrakan were Khazar and Bulgarian 
being largely Turk at present. The Crimea was Byzantine more 
than aught else. The true nucleus, then, of the Bussian power was 
Kiev, Pultava, Kharkov, Tshemigov, Orel, Kursk, Tula, Vladimir, 
Smolensko, and Novogorod — a vast area. But Novogorod was a 
fresh centre, from which Viatka, Perm, Olonets, and Arkangel, 
were to be reduced. The shores of the White Sea were touched 
long before those of either the Baltic or the Sea of Azov. 

Conquest spreads on the side where the resistance is the least^ 
The verification of this is found nowhere better than in the 
early part of Bussian history. In what is now the south of 
Bussia, where barbarism and civilization came in contact, the 
stream of conquest began; and it rolled northwards, just in 
the parts which lay too far west for the civilization of Asia, 
and too far east for that of Europe. To the geographical rela- 
tions of the vanquished Ugrians, rather than to any inferiority 
of what is called race, their reduction may be attributed. 

The Bnssians of Central Bussia are a mixture of Slavonians and 

* This is 80 nearly a truism that I wonder at finding it put in the form of an 
axiom so recently as the present year, in Mr. Herbert Spencer's truly philosophic 
First Principles. Truism as it is, it is not creditable to historians that it has 
been so long without taking form, both as a generality and as an instroment of 



Ugrians— "in nothing but their language wholly Slayonio. Even 
the Russians of the original districts were not pure Slayonians. 
Before them, there were the aborigines of Southern Russia; 
probably Southern Ugrians and western prolongations of the 
populations to the north of Caucasus. There were the Scythians 
of the Herodotean Scythia. There were, possibly, some colonists 
from the Mithridatic armies. There were prolongations from 
the Dacian, Galician, and Lithuanic frontiers. There were the 
Germans of the Gothic and the Slavonians of the Vandal, part of 
the Gotho- Vandal invasion. There were the Turks of the Petsheneg, 
^hazar, and Rumanian divisions. The original Slavonic was, 
in all probability, introduced from the south of the Carpathians. 
Lastly, there was the Circassian element in the Turkish hordes ; 
fin element which the present writer puts high, though he may 
probably oveiTalue it. In the north, there was some Scandinavian 
intermixture ; an intermixture perfectly compatible with the details 
concerning Rurik, Dir, and Askold being fabulous. 

Between the time of Vladimir the Great and the Mongol 
invasion, the events, for the purpose of the present notice, differ in 
degree only from those already sketched. There was blood and 
anarchy ; for the territories of the father were divided among, or 
quarrelled for by, the sons. We may pass them over, however, 
sicco pede. 

In 1 227 the great Mongol invasion took place. The construc- 
tion of the empire of Temudzbin, or Tsbingiz Khan, belongs to 
the obscure history of Mongolia, inextricably mixed-up with that 
of the Mantshus, Turks, and Ugrians of Central Asia. But its 
division and its break-up bear upon Russia. Temudzbin divided 
his empire between his four sons. The share of Dzhudzbi was the 
Kiptshak; i,e, roughly speaking, the parts between the Jaik and 
the Ural, or the Khanats of the Bu>garians and the Ehazars. 
But Dzhudzbi died before his father, and his son Batum succeeded 
him. In 1227, he overran Southern Russia, Galicia, Poland, 
penetrating as far as Silesia, where he was checked and turned 
back on the bloody field of Liegnitz, in Central Russia. He 
kept his gripe, however, on Russia. That the influence of liis 
hordes has been overvalued has boen already suggested. No notable 
remains of them are to be found. The same inference flows from 
the opposite view. The Kiptshak Empire was, by no means, per- 


manent. Something, however, was effected by the conquest. It 
was a bloody one ; in other words, it destroyed much of the indi^ 
genoas population. It replaced it, to some unknown extent, by 
Tartar hordes ; some Mongol, some Turk. Eatum, on his return, 
(I follow Erskine) — made a grant to his brother Sheibani of a 
large part of Russia, and lent him a number of Euris and Kaslik 
hordes wherewith to hold it. These were Mongols. The Uighurs 
whom he also lent were Turks. The Naiman were, probably, 
Mongols who had Turoicized. The Nogays, who appear somewhat 
later, seem to have been of the same category. The Uzbeks, who 
also appear later (Uzbek, their chief, was converted to Mahomet- 
anism about a.d. 1320), were more decidedly Turk. Even 
if planted in the heart of a conquered country, a large army 
(to borrow an expression of Gibbon's) is but a small popu- 

The Russians recognized the Mongols as suzerains ; and in 
the internal quarrels of Russia the Mongol Khan freely interfered. 
But with this their influence seems to have ended. 

On the death of Uzbek Khan, the power of the Kiptshak de- 
clined ; and it sank still lower in the time of Timur. In his reign 
two Khans disputed the succession, Toktamish and Urus Khan. 
Without laying undue stress on what is httle more than a con- 
jecture, I suggest the probability of Urus meaning Russian. 
It is, at any rate, a Mongol name for the Russians. If so, 
some of the native princes must have created an influence among 
the great vassals; indeed, a partial and approximate equality. 
Nevertheless, the only foundation for the doctrine is the name. 

Timur supported Toktamish ; but, afterwards, not only aban- 
doned him, but raised up a third candidate, Timur-Eutluk, 
against him. But only to abandon him, in his turn, for 
the son of Urus Ehan. From the anarchy that these move- 
ments suggest the Kiptshak never recovered. Out of its ruins 
arose the Khanats of Astrakan, Kazan, the Krimea, and Siberia 
or Tura ; the present representatives of which last are the Tura- 
lintsi Tartars, fated hereafter to become Russianized. 

The Krimea, however, underwent an intermediate modification. 
After being Byzantine, Gothic, and Genoese, it became, before it 
passed into the hands of Russia, Ottoman. This, however, is an 


Far more important than the Mongol conquests, tboagh only 
partially concurrent with them, were the Lithuanic. 

The only soyereign purely Lithuanic, rather than Lithuanic and 
Polish, who has hitherto been mentioned in any detail, is Mindog, 
the hero of the Tatshving period. He was, however, neither the 
first nor the last of his dynasty. 

The reign of Ringold was nearly concurrent with that of 
Batu. How jbr he wielded the whole power of Lithuania is 
as difficult to ascertain as the real power of Ecbert and some 
of the early Anglo-Saxon kings. His power had, doubtless, 
risen at the expense of several minor princes, whose discontent 
was a source of weakness. The list, however, of the districts 
which he ruled is a long one, and, if we take it literally, spreads 
over a vast area. If Kurland were reduced by him he touched 
the Baltic, and, if Tshemigov were also reduced, he must have 
crossed the Dnieper. Indeed, all White Russia is assigned to 
him. Grodno, Minsk, and Vilna, were his most unequivocal 

The great battle of Mohilna was won by Bingold over the 
Bussians ; another in Samogetia over the Teutonic knights. 

Some of his conquests were given back to Bussia by his 
successor, Mindog ; that astute and faithless prince of whom we 
had occasion to speak when the Tatshvings were under notice ; 
these being Vitepsk, Polotsk, and part of Smolensko. On the 
south he was limited by Poland, the Eumanians or Poloczy of 
Volhynia, and Galicia. That his sway was wide, is an inference 
not only from the territory assigned to his predecessor, but from 
his recorded victories. 

Mindog, being murdered, was succeeded by his son Voyshelg. 
But the succession of Voyshelg was disputed by Dovmont, 
whose relations to Bussia were of more importance than even 
Mindog's. Dovmont, defeated in Lithuania, betook himself to 
Pskov; which, whether Bussian, Lithuanian, Fin, or a mixture 
of the three, received him, converted him to Christianity, and 
elected him Prince. His authority was supported by Novogorod. 

Meanwhile, Voyshelg had contracted an alliance with the family 
of Daniel of Galicia; apparently by marrying his daughter to 
Shvano, Daniel's younger son. His appanage was Chelm and 
Halitsh. This, united with Lithuania, made him an object of hate 


and dread to his elder brother Leo ; by whose contriYance Voyshelg 
was murdered and the union of Lithuania and Galicia prevented. 
In this later principality Leo built Leopol, or Lemberg. 

The succession in Lithuania is now obscure. Troid, however, 
was one of the successors of Voyshelg. But the date of the 
consolidation of the Lithuanic power, and the time when it 
became^ in the eyes of the Russian historians, formidable to 
Bussia, is the reign of Gedimin. 

Gedimin was the cotemporary of Uzbek, under whose suzerainty 
the duchy of Moscow took its imperial pre-eminence. Founded 
a few years before by Daniel, the grand- dukedom descended 
to his son Ivan; whom Ivan invested with the principalities 
of Vladimir and Novogorod. In these lay the nucleus of Great, 
or Moscovite, as opposed to Little, Russia. In Moscow, too, lay 
the starting-point for the conquests which were effectively achieved 
by Ivan the Terrible in the East — in Kazan and Astrakan. 
Whether Gedimin or one of his successors reduced Kiev is 

Olgerd, a greater conqueror than any of his predecessors, 
succeeded to a divided inheritance. Of three of his brothers, 
one held Vilna, another Pinsk, a third, Eastuti, Troki. Of 
Olgerd's actions it is enough to say that the sack 

_ _ i» ^"1 Nov. 21, 1368. 

of Moscow was one of them. 

Of his successor, Yagellon, and of Swidrigal, his brother, 
notice has already been taken. It was Tagellon who united 
Lithuania with Poland. Under Poland, Vitolt, the son of 
Eastuti, held as a fief a large part of Lithuania — Vitepsk on the 
north, Podolia on the south. Vitolt, too, it was who reduced 
that part of Smolensk which had been restored by Mindog. 

Though Lithuania is now united with Poland, we must carry 
the effects of the Lithuanian conquests farther; even until we 
come to the times out of which sprung the great Polish war 
under Bogdan. Without a notice of them the relations of the 
Kosaks and Little Russians to the rest of the empire are incom- 
plete : incomplete also is the history of the exaltation of Moscow 
as the Russian metropolis over Kiev. It was the Lithuanians 
who reduced Little Russia, the Lithuanians before their union 
with Poland. This brought them in contact with the Erim 


Tartars. We read of Lithuanian and Tartar alliances ; of litha- 
anian armies in the Erimean territory, and of Tartar armies in 

Until the Frank conquest of the Eastern Empire, the metro- 
politan of Kiev was consecrated at Constantinople ; afterwards at 
Nicsea ; afterwards and again at Constantinople. The Lithaanie 
conquests completed what the Mongol had begun, and Russia was 
driven northwards; to Vladimir and to Moscow, the seats of the 
vassal grand-dukes. But the Mahometan conquest of Constan- 
tinople affected Little Russia ecclesiastically even more than either 
the Lithuanic or the Mongol. The Emperor and the Patriarch 
offered any price for the aid of the West, and, as far as they were 
concerned, the imperfect and temporary union of the Greek Church 
with the Latin was the result. An earthquake shook the city when 
the legation left Constantinople. The voyage to Venice was one 
of seventy days. As the vessel passed Gallipoli it was pelted 
with Turkish javelins. A little further it was forbidden to land 
and take water. A fleet of Catalan corsairs was barely escaped. 
Venice received the new converts magnificently : but at Ferrara, 
where the business of their embassy lay, their mortifications 
continued. The Patriarch was with difiiculty allowed to kiss 
the Pope's hand instead of his foot. Everything humiliated 

Meanwhile, foremost among the suffragans of the Patriarch of 
Constantinople was Isidore, Archbishop of Kiev. He consented 
that Russia should do what was done by the Greeks. A pes- 
tilence broke out at Ferrara, and it was the Russians that most 
especially suffered by it. 

From Ferrara the bishops moved to Florence, where the im- 
practicability of the union became more and more apparent. The 
legation would have melted away if it could ; but the Bishop of 
Ueraclea and Mark of Ephesus, who bad attempted flight, had 
been brought back. At Florence the four great points of differ- 
ence were mooted, and, with the exception of Mark of Ephesus, 
the Greeks were unduly submissive ; none more than Isidore of 
Kiev. He it was who drew up the treaty in which the temporal 
elements, the material conditions of the union, were embodied ; 
viz. means for returning to Constantinople, promises of soldiers 


and the like. He it was who sold Aussia for a promise in favour 
of Constantinople. He it was who, on his return, was resisted 
and repudiated for his anti-national work. 

The means by which the Latin Church contrived to trespass on 
the domain have commanded our attention before. They command 
it here. They are always important. They imply Jesuit influence 
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; an opening for French 
intrigues now or any future time. They imply the old story of 
the Holy Places, or some equivalent pretext, when the anti-papal 
power is weak; a patient waiting for opportunities, when (like 
Russia) it is strong. They imply, even with Ilussia, the elements 
of a bargain with the Pope. At the time under notice all this 
went for little ; but when Lithuania became the weaker vessel in 
the Polish union, and when Poland became Jesuit, it was preg- 
nant with mischief. 

As it was, the return of Isidore was the signal for an anti- 
patriarch ; whilst, on the side of the Pope, it was followed by the 
institution of bishops in partibus. More than this, the glory 
of Kiev as tlie orthodox metropolis had been impaired. The 
spiritual authority had followed the temporal dignity. 

With a Latin bishop at Kiev, Minsk became the seat of the 
Little Russian primacy ; and the orthodox bishops, the voyvodes 
of Kiev, and the hetmans of the Kosaks, now became the chief 
actors in these agitated districts. 

In 1569, the union between Poland and Lithuania, which 
under the first Jagellons was of the loosest, was drawn closer, 
and the three primary conditions on the part of the Little Russian 
provinces were : — 

J . The integrity of the Lithuanic laws. 

^» Russian language. 

3. Greek creed. 

Upon all these, however, encroachments were made; slight 
encroachments at first, a serious one after 1578. Then it was 
that Stephen Bathory, a brave soldier, and in some respects a 
good king, ^owed a Jesuit college to be founded in Polotsk. 
The conflict that followed ended in the ruin of Poland. 

That the southern part of the Lithuanian territory should 
revert to Russia was in every way an advantage. It was one 
block of Slavonism with a mere snperaddidon of Lithuanic 

D D 


elements, which were, probably, more considerable than is generally 
believed. The only matter of regret is that two-thirds of Galicia 
were not made Russian also. Whether the same reasons apply 
to the northern districts is a different question. The Lithuanic 
element was in these primary and predominant ; the Bnssian ele- 
ments intmsiye. Still they were Russian rather than aught 
else. It is difficult, howeyer, to imagine the conditions under 
which the Lithuania of Bingold and Mindog could have been re- 
established. That the reclamation was effected by means of a 
hateful mixture of fraud and violence, in no way touches the 
question as to its results. 

Had they been brought about by a revolution, Poland would 
have had no sympathy ; and of all hallucinations the wildest is 
that which sees the probability of a renovated Poland with 
its old, indefinite, and indeterminable frontiers ; except so far as 
it may be effected by the spontaneous exertions of its old 
members to become Polish. The earnest wish on the part of 
Poland to get them back is quite another question. He must, 
however, be a very sanguine speculator who expects the two 
desires to coincide ; however much, in his jealousy of the power 
of Russia, he may desire them to do so. 

It is but a light shade, however, that this takes-off from the 
indelible stain which lies on the otherwise bad names of Frederic 
and Catherine, and the better one of Maria Theresa. The 
systematic craft by which Catherine encouraged the dissensions of 
Poland, (which she forbade to be reconciled when a chance of 
their being reconciled appeared,) is the one point which makes her 
policy worse than Frederic's. To foster abuses and then interfere 
with the reform of them was her vile statecraft. However, the 
attempt to measure the respective degrees of criminality among 
the triumvirate is scarcely worth the research it involves. As 
roaintainers of the balance of power, as conservators of political 
morality, it may have become the other European Powers to 
interfere. On any other ground, however, it was right and wise 
to acquiesce. 

One phenomenon connected with the First Partition, not less 
strange than discreditable, is the admiration which was heaped 
upon Catherine by men from whom, as philosophers and dema- 
gogues, something different, if not something better, was to be 

POLAND. 403 

expected — men like Voltaire and Fox, the latter being, appa- 
rendy, sincere. That Frederic has been extolled is less sur- 
prising. His fortitude and ability bear so fair a proportion to 
his unscrupulousness and his cynicism, that, where there is a 
tendency to hero-worship, they warp the judgment. 

The break-up of the power of Napoleon was the break-up of 
Poland and Saxony; the end of the Restoration ; partial and in- 
complete as that Kestoration was. That its partial and incom- 
plete character is not to be imputed in terms of unmitigated blame 
to the conqueror at Jena has already been suggested. He may, 
or may not, have done less than his promises implied. The pro- 
mises, however, if ever made, of a full reconstitution of the old 
Empire of Poland with its original limits, were simply absurdities. 
If ever made in direct, definite^ and explicit manner, they involve 
impossible conditions which should, in the eyes of reasonable 
men^ have reduced them to a mere figure of speech. That 
the Poles were other than reasonable in their expectations we 
have seen. They were then what the Magyars are now. They 
were then what the Americans are now. They were then, what, 
in all probability, the countrymen of the present writer, along 
with the writer himself, would be under similar circumstances. 
When hope is excited, or when national vanity is touched, the 
common-sense of nations lies in abeyance — the common-sense of 
even the coolest individuals that constitute them. It ought not 
to be so ; but so it is : and the fact is one which we must take as 
it is found. 

What Napoleon did for Poland, when he united the Grand 
Duchy of Warsaw with the Electorate of Saxony is a matter of 
plain and patent history, done in the face of day, and before the 
eyes of the whole world. There may be two opinions as to 
whether he did enough. There is only one as to the fact of his 
having done something. What took place in the interview at 
Tilsit, between Napoleon and the Czar, is neither certain nor 
clear. It may, or may not, be a fact at all. Historians, however, 
treat it with their usual boldness: and repeat after each other that 
Napoleon, in spite of all his promises to Poland, in spite of his 
relations to the Elector of Saxony, in spite of his sympathies, and 
(still more) in spitid of his true policy, when he planned with 
Alexander, what is described as little less than a practical 

D D 2 

404 POLAND. 

partition of the whole of the Old World between France and 
Bussia, engaged that either Poland should be made over to 
the Czar, or that the Czar should be free to conquer it In such 
a compact as this there is as much genuine faithlessness as the 
bitterest vituperator of the first Napoleon need desire. 

Nor will his greatest admirers insist that he was incapable of 
entertaining it. Likely enough, too, it is that Alexander would 
propose it. What, however, is the evidence ? for it is upon testi- 
mony, and not upon presumptions, that the facts of history must 
find their basis. Quid Jupiter in aure Junonis locutus est is 
always known — to old women and to historians most especially; 
lippis et tonsoribus. Yet how do they know it ? The likelier a 
thing is to have happened, the likelier it is to be invented. The 
Tilsit compact about Poland may or may not have been real. 
If real, it was bad. The question, however, of its reality, apper- 
tains to the biography of Napoleon rather than to such a sketch 
of the history of Poland as is here attempted. 

That the Czar meant to annex Poland was one of the points 
of the Vienna Conference, which stood out in clear and painful 
prominence: and equally clear and equally prominent was the 
fact that his power was equal to his will. However, with the 
Conference of Vienna our present notice of Poland and 
Lithuania must terminate. The history of Poland, like its soil, 
is divided, and till both Austria and Prussia have been con- 
sidered, the completion of our sketch of Poland must stand over. 

Still less do the foregoing limitations upon the illegitimate 
pretensions of Poland preclude the recognition of her just claims. 

As the rebellion under Bogdan belongs to Polish, and that 
under Pugatshef to Russian, history, each illustrates a particular 
phase of Kosak life. Neither Russia, however, nor Poland, nor 
even the two combined, give us all the elements of the Kosak 
character. That nearly the whole of the Kosak country was 
Polish before it was Russian is true. Scarcely any part, how- 
ever, was a true Polish possession from the beginning. The 
conquerors of Little Russia were the Lithuanians ; and it was only 
as a part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania that Little Russia 
became Polish. Notwithstanding this, the mutilation which made 
it Russian was felt as a mutilation of Poland rather than of 
Lithuania. The greater susceptibility of the Polish temper and 

POLAND. 406 

the great strength of the anti-Bussian feeling in Poland only 
partially account for this. Though the Little Russians are hy 
no means so different from the Moscovites as many of our political 
ethnologists make them, and though, in spite of many strong as- 
sertions to the contrary, they are far less Polish than Moscovite, 
they are much more Polish than Lithuanic ; and this they were 
before the Lithuanian conquest. Besides this, since its union 
with Poland, Lithuania has scarcely had a history. 

More light, however, will spread itself over the history of the 
Kosaks as the details of Little Bussia come under notice ; for, 
though the original Kosak country and Little Bussia are not 
wholly and exactly co-extensive, they are sufficiently so for any 
general view. 




All The Baaaias.— LitUe BnasiA.— White Biuasia.— Black Bnaia.— Bed Bottia.— 

Great Bossia.— Tables. 

The Czar is less the Emperor of Bussia than the Emperor of 
All The Bussias; Bussia, pure and simple, heing often inter- 
preted to mean only Moscovy ; or the original domain of the 
Dukes of Moscow. The real Bussian metropolis is Kiev. 

Turning away, however, from the heraldic aspect of the 
question, I limit myself to the more definite facts connected 
with the geography and statistics of the five Bussias; viz. (1) 
Little, (2) White, (3) Black, (4) Bed, and (5) Great. 

(1.) Little Russia is south-western Bussia; the Bussia of 
Kiev, the Bussia of the Eosaks. 

Little Russians, 

In Poltava . . 

. 1,790,000 

In Koursk . . 


— Kiev . . . 

. 1,640,000 

— Tauris . . 


— Kharkov. . . 

. 1,500,000 

— Bessarabia . . 


— Tshemigov . . 


— [^Orel . . . . 


— Podolia . . , 


— Don Kosaks 


— Volhynia . , 


— Samar 


— Ekaterinoslav , 

— Voronezh . . 


Ot\t\ t\f\t\ 

— Mohilev . . , 



m 1 

•% f\ £\e\f\ nm^e\ 

Total 10,380,670 

To which add those of Poland and Oalicia. 

(2.) By tracing either the Duna southwards, or the Dnieper 
northwards, we come to the watershed between the drainage of the 
Baltic and the drainage of the Black Sea ; and, if we are seeking 
for that part of Bussia where the conditions that favour civiliza- 
tion are at their minimum, this is one of the spots to which our 
presumptions would lead us. In a district which, without being 
mountainous, is, from the nature of its water-system, almost as 


inaccessible as a true mountain-district, but without the conditions 
for independence which an impracticable hill-range supplies, on 
the frontier of what were once Let, Lithuanian, and Fin districts, 
with a population which run every chance of oppression, double- 
tribute, and doubtful allegiance is the likely occupant. 

This is the centre of White Russia, its occupants being the 
Bieloruss of the official chorographers. In Mohilev the charac- 
teristics are the most decided ; and they are those of a broken 
and weak population — of a purely agricultural class on the farms 
of landlords of Polish blood and to a great extent absentees. With 
little stimulus to exertion, they are charged with idleness and 
improvidence ; and, as the third class in their district consists of 
Jews, their poverty and discomfort is extreme. Here it is where 
the plica Polonica is more especially endemic, and where the 
few travellers who visit the Government find the Russian analogue 
to the worst parts of Ireland in its worst times. In Vitepsk and 
Pskov the character improves. Numbered according to the 
ground they cover the White Russians amount to about 3,000,000, 
but, if we eliminate from these the Boman Catholics, who, on the 
strength of their creed, may be considered as Russianized Poles, 
it is only 2,860,000. The ethnographical map, however, treats 
them all as Russians ; in other words, few Poles, Lithuanians, 
and Lets, are assigned to any of the White Russian Govern- 
ments, except Pskov and Vitepsk ; and here we have on the 
Livonian, Courland, and Vilna frontiers, some Fins and Lets in 
continuity with the Let and Fin areas. The complement to the 
White Russians are the numerous Jews and Gipsies. 

All Mohilev is Bieloruss; the other White Russians being 
parts of Smolensko, Minsk, Tshegnigov, Orel, Vitepsk, and 
Pskov. The White Russian districts were the first territories 
obtained at the expense of Poland ; having been Lithuanic before 
they were Polish, and, probably, Fin before they were Lithuanic. 
Their Polono-Lithuanic character is for the western portion of 
them, a matter of recent history: their Fin character one of 

(3.) Black Russia is a more uncommon name than the others. 
A distinction, however, is drawn between the true Bieloruss and the 
Russin. Black Russia means that part of Minsk which lies to the 
west and north of Dneiper and Berezina; and, as this comprises 


the largest part of the GovemmeDt, Minsk may be looked apon 
as the Bussin centre. To the area thus circumscribed add that 
part of Grodno which is not Lithuanic. 

As Grodno^ at the present time, contains a fragment of the 
Lithuanians, with the definite characteristics of name and lan- 
guage, we may fairly call the western half of the Busons Bus- 
sianized Lithuanians. Of Minsk the early ethnology is more 
obscure. Both Governments were, until the mutilation, Polono- 
Lithuanic, t . e, Lithuanic under their native princes, but PoUsh 
after the union under the Tagellons. 

(4.) Tied Russia is Lodomeria, a name rarely seen on the 
Austrian maps, but one which means the country brought under 
the subjection of Bussia by Vladimir. More will be said about 
it when Austria comes under notice. At present it is enough to 
say that Bed Bussia is one of the Bussias, and that it is truly 
Bussian. It is, indeed, the one solitary spot where Bussian 
nationality, elsewhere and otherwise so formidably powerful, is an 
alien, with its language despised, and other grievances. 

Without going far into the minudce of these Blacks and Whites, 
it is easy to see that Little Bussia is the Kosak country ; that 
Bed Bussia is Galicia ; and that the others are those parts of the 
present empire which were more prominently Lithuanian. 

(5.) Everything in Bussia that is not Little, Black, White, or 
Bed, is Great Russian ; the Great Bussians or Moscovites 
forming the bulk of the population ; a population which is pre- 
eminently homogeneous. The following tables give us its dis- 
tributions — (1.) in respect to its actual amount; (2.) in its relation 
to the geographical area; (3 and 4.) in the extent to which it is 
urban or rural. 

Of the urban population all that need be said is, that it is 
somewhat more mixed, more enlightened, and more free than the 

Of the Non-russian elements only those on the Polish frontier 
are noticed. They are the only ones which have much political 
importance. The Ugrians and Turks belong to Asia rather than 
Western Europe. Of these, the Bashkirs are the most im- 
portant; but the tables show how Itirgely Orenburg, the chief 
Bashkir area, is Russian. 



Population in 

Square Hilea. 

Inhabitant! to 

Square Mile. 

]. Orenburg 




2. Poltava 




8. Tambov 




4. Saratov 




5. Podolia 




6. Kursk . 




7. Viatka 




8. Voronezh 




9. Perm 




10. Kiev . 




11. Orel 




12. Kharkov 




13. VolhynU 




14. Tgchemigov . 




15. Moscow 




16. Riazan 




17. Kazan . 




18. Tver . 




19. Simbirsk 




20. Yladimir 




21. Tula 




22. Nizhni-Novogorod 




28. Smolensko . 




24. Penza . 




25. Kostroma 




26. Minsk . 




27. Yaroslav 




28. Kaluga 




29. Saint Petersburgh 




80. Mohilev 




81. Kovno . 




32. Novogorod . 




38. Grodno 




84. Ekatherinoslav 




85. Yilna . 




86. Kherson 




87. Vologda 




88. Livonia 




89. Bessarabia 




40. Vitepsk 




41. Pskov . 




42. Don Kosaks . 




43. Tauris . 




44. Kurland 




45. Stavropol 




46. Estonia 




47. Astrakan 




48. Olonets 




49. Arkangel 




1. Moscow 

2. Tula . 
8. PodolU 

Inhabitant! to 
the Square Mile. 

. 2525 

. 2211 

. 2201 

4. Kursk 

5. PolUva 

6. Siazan 

Inhahitanta to 
the Square Mile. 

. 2052 

. 1989 

. 1782 





1 1 immu 

m u.. B,u«c Mii^ 


f 7. Ki>T . . . 

. 1757 

2B. Lii-onU 

. VTS 

1 8. Kdng* . ■ 

, 1786 

SO. Vitepsk . 

. flTI 

I tl. Old . 

. 17B0 

SI. Pskov 

. tK ' 

1 10. Penu 


. to 

1 II. YwaiUt . . 

. 15S7 

83. Eelonis . 

. m 

1 13. Kbwkov . . 

. HM 

. m 

I 13. TraboT . . 

. 14S6 

35. KoatTDiiu . 

. w 

■ U. VUaimir . . 

. 14<fl 

Sa- Vi»Ck« 

. M 

. I*SO 

S7. Hituk 

. W 

1 Ifl. Voroneih 

. 1871 

3S. Khcison . 

. m 

. 13» 

8!i- TiQfw 

1 IB. Or«U>o . , 


4u. SonlOT 

'. ts 

I IW- Kothq 

. 120S 

41. Navap>i«d 

. i» 

1 £0. Kuan 

. I ISO 

*a. OreoboiB . 

. » 


. IIM 

«.P«m . . 

. m 

tS. Tom . . 



. » 

tLKnlMd . . 

. ine 

iS.»»mp>A . 

tlTiOjiite . . 

. IIM 

«. Tslofdk . 

'. Ill 

lI.Tm . . . 

. 1086 

a. ArinkaM . 


M. MokBar . . 

. ion 



ST. BlMbUk . . 

. 100* 

U. Aik^^. . 


. lOOS 


f 1000 JnkaiUant*. 

28. Hiiuk . 
2S. HobUe* 

80. Brtonik 

81. Trer . 
32. NUhni NoTogonMl 
88. OlonetE 
S4. Rurek . 
SG. Tunbov 
S6. Toronetli 

87. Podolik 

88. EoTno 
86. P«kov . 

40. Riazan 

41. Vologdk 

42. Smolengko 

43. VUdimir 

44. Koatroma 

46. Penn . 
40. NoTOgOTod 

47. Oreobarg 

48. DonKMalu 

49. YimtkB 



Governmenta, in the order of 
their Urban Fopnlation. 

Saint PetersbQig 


Kiev . 





Tauris . 

Orel . 








Karsk . 

Kazan . 

Tola . 



Tver . 

Penza . 





Nizhni JMovogorod 

Minsk . 



Perm . 

Vilna . 







Kovno . 



Pskov . 





Don Kosaka 





in 1850. 





















































population in 



























































































































8 1 






7 1 
9 '9 


Tbe following tables give us the distributioa of the Non- 
rusaian elcmoDU in Western Sussia, i. e. tbe Russia of the 
Folono-Litbuanic fronlief : — 

Vilflpsk, in population 42Dd, iD density SSnd. Nos. 769,500, 
with 8J iu 1000 urban, bos 

Lete . . 142.197 

Jeva . . 17.649 

Estooians . 9,930 

Vilna, in order of popnlation 37tfa, in density 23rd, in namber 
869,700, with 74 in 1000 urban, has 

Lilhaanians . 138,320 

Kovno, in order uf population 33rd, in density 20lb, is popula- 
tion 845,900, with 49 in 1000 urban, has 

Lithuituians . 508,794 

Jews . . 82,664 

Lets . G.811 

Grodno, in order of population SStb, in density I9th, in popuU- 
tion 907,400, of which 106 in 1000 are urban, haa 
Jews . . 99,692 

Poles . . B2fiB9 

Germans 5,855 

Litbuaniaos . 2,838 

Volhynia, in order of population 16th, in density Stnh, in 

population 1,446,500, with 76 in 1000 niban, has 

Jews . 195,000 

Poles . . . 160,000 

Qenuans 4,000 

Fodolia, in order of population 6th, in density 3rd, in popnla- 
tion 1,708,000, whereof 49 in 1000 is ttrhan, haa 

Jews . . 

. 150,000 

Poles . . 

. 100,000 

RumonyoB , 





Kiev, in order of population 11th, in density 8th, with 
. . . . whereof ninety-seven in one thousand is urban, has 

Jews . . . 108,826 
Poles . . . 100,000 
Germans . . 1,200 

To these Governments which have been noticed as those wherein 
the Non-russian element is of sufficient magnitude to command 
the attention of the politicians, we may add Bessarabia and the 
Crimea ; the former being Bumanyo, the latter Tartar. In Bes- 
sarabia the feeling is Moldavian or Valachian ; in Tauris, so far 
as it is Tartar and Mahometan, it is Ottoman. Of the Baltic 
Provinces nothing is said : being German, Let, and Fin, they are 
nothing definite. Nor yet is anything said concerning the Govern- 
ment of the far east ; the occupancies of the Zirainians, the Per- 
means, the Votiaks, the Tsherimis, the Mordvins, the Tshuvashes, 
the Bashkirs, and the Tartars in general. In all these the Ugrian 
element is weak. In none of them is even the Tartar element 
strong — strong so as to be formidable. In Kazan, where the 
Turk civilization is the highest, the Turk population is less* than 
a fourth of the whole. By adding to it the Tshavash, we raise 
the Non-russian element of that Government to about half. 

Orenburg is the chief occupancy of the Bashkirs ; of all the 
Tartar soldiers the most formidable and the most prone to in- 
subordination. Yet in Orenburg, the Bashkirs are in a minority; 
the decided majority being not only Russian but Kosak. 

In Kovno the Lithuanians constitute the majority ; in Estonia 
the Fins. But there are exceptions. The general rule is that 
in most of the Governments, the Russians are more numerous 
than all the Non-russians put together, and in all of them except 
Gurland and Livonia, more numerous than any single division of 
them. In Poltava, Kursk, Voronezh, Orel, Kharkhov, Tsher- 
nigov, Moscow, Riazan, Vladimir, Tula, Kaluga, in each of 
which the population exceeds a million, it is, with the exception 
of the German and Gipsies, purely and exclusively Russian; 
Russian with a minimum variation of dialect ; Russian with a 
minimum amount of religious dissent 

Hence, with all its heterogeneousness of element, Russia is, for 
all political purposes, except its frontiers, homogeneous. It is 
Russianto the extent of nearly seventy million Russians. 


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