A NAVAL HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVO
LUTION. 2vols. Illustrated.
OUR NAVAL WAR WITH FRANCE. Illustrated.
OUR NAVY AND THE BARBARY CORSAIRS.
Illustrated.
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
A NAVAL HISTORY
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I
A NAVAL HISTORY OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION
BY
GARDNER W. ALLEN
VOL.1
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
re$* <ambri&0e
1913
COPYRIGHT, 1913, BY GARDNER W. ALLEN
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Published April IQIJ
TO THE MEMORY OF
REVOLUTIONARY FOREBEARS
2G3633
PREFACE
IN its various aspects our struggle for independence
has from the beginning excited the attention and
received the critical study of historical scholars,
and is a never-failing source of discussion and spec
ulation. From social, commercial, political, diplo
matic, and military points of view this interesting
field has been worked over most thoroughly. Yet
the maritime activities of the war, excepting the
more/ brilliant episodes, have been subjected to no
such exhaustive inquiry, although the importance of
their bearing upon military movements, foreign re
lations, and commercial intercourse is manifest. In
the archives of our country and in those of England
and France, as well as in private collections, news
papers, and elsewhere, will be found a large amount
of material hitherto only partially utilized. In the
preparation of this work these original sources of
information have been explored in the effort to meet
in some measure the present need of more adequate
treatment.
For aid and advice in this search, the writer is
greatly indebted to the officials of the Library of
Congress, the Navy Department, the Boston Public
Library, the Harvard College Library, the Massa
chusetts Historical Society, the Massachusetts State
viii PREFACE
Library Archives Division, the Historical Soci
ety of Pennsylvania, the New York Public Library,
the Boston Athenaeum, the Essex Institute, the
American Antiquarian Society, the Bostonian So
ciety and Marine Museum, and to many other per
sons. He is under particular obligations to Profes
sor Edward Channing, of Harvard University; to
Charles W. Stewart, Esq., Superintendent of Li
brary and Naval War Kecords, Navy Department ;
to Robert W. Neeser, Esq., Secretary of the Naval
History Society; to Dr. Charles O. Paullin, of the
George Washington University; and to Charles
T. Harbeck, Esq., and James Barnes, Esq., of New
York.
GARDNER W. ALLEN.
BOSTON, March, 1913.
ILLUSTRATIONS
EXPLOSION OF THE AUGUSTA Frontispiece
From a picture in the gallery of the Historical Society of Pennsyl
vania, said to have been painted by a French officer.
MAP OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC COAST ..... 1
MAP OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY 6
ESEE HOPKINS 30
From a mezzotint, published by Thomas Hart, August 22, 1776.
JAMES MUGFORD 74
From a lithograph, published in 1854. By courtesy of A. W. Long
fellow, Esq., of Boston.
MAP OF NEW YORK BAY AND VICINITY 86
MAP OF THE ISLAND OF NEW PROVIDENCE .... 96
Adapted from a map in Field s Esck Hopkins, by kind permission
of The Preston and Rounds Company, Providence, R. I.
JOHN PAUL JONES 118
After a copperplate engraving in the possession of the Bostonian
Society. Drawn from life in May, 1780, by Jean-Michel Moreau le
Jeune.
MAP OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN 162
MAP OF THE WEST INDIES 196
MAP OF THE DELAWARE RIVER 242
Adapted in part from Faden s map.
JOHN HAZELWOOD 246
From a painting by C. W. Peale in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.
MAP OF WESTERN EUROPE . . 252
xii ILLUSTRATIONS
NICHOLAS BIDDLE .
From a copy of the original painting by C. W. Peale, in the gallery
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
D EsTAiNG 328
After a copperplate engraving of a picture by Bonneville.
MAP OF SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND . . 332
A NAVAL HISTORY
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION
A NAVAL HISTORY OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION
CHAPTER I
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775
THE Americans of the eighteenth century were
notably a maritime people and no better sailors were
to be found. The British colonies were close to the
sea, and were distant from each other, scattered
along a coast line of more than a thousand miles ;
so that, in the absence of good roads, intercommun
ication was almost altogether by water. The ocean
trade also, chiefly with England and the West
Indies, was extensive. Fishing was one of the most
important industries, especially of the northeastern
colonies, and the handling of small vessels on the
Banks of Newfoundland at all seasons of the year
trained large numbers of men in seamanship. The
whale-fishery likewise furnished an unsurpassed
school for mariners.
A considerable proportion of the colonists, there
fore, were at home upon the sea, and more than
this they were to some extent practiced in mari
time warfare. England, during the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, was at war with various
2 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
foreign nations a great part of the time, and almost
from the beginning of the colonial period American
privateers and letters of marque scoured the ocean
in search of French or Spanish prizes. Large fleets
were fitted out and manned by provincials for the
expedition under Phips against Quebec in 1690 and
for Pepperr ell s successful descent upon Louisburg
in 1745. Privateering during the French and Indian
War of 1754 furnished a profitable field for Amer
ican enterprise and gave to many seamen an experi
ence which proved of service twenty years later.
Even in times of peace the prevalence of piracy
necessitated vigilance, and nearly every merchant
man was armed and prepared for resistance. 1
It would seem, then, that American seamen at
the opening of the Revolution had the training and
experience which made them the best sort of raw
material for an efficient naval force. The lack of
true naval tradition, however, and of military disci
pline, and the poverty of the country, imposed limit
ations which, together with the overwhelming force
of the enemy, seriously restricted the field of enter
prise. Nevertheless the patriotic cause was greatly
aided and independence made possible by the activ
ities of armed men afloat.
The navigation laws of Great Britain were nat
urally unpopular in the colonies, and their stricter
1 See Weeden s Economic and Social History of New England,
chs. v, ix, xiv, xvi ; and Atlantic Monthly, September and October,
1861, for journal of Captain Norton of Newport, 1741. See Appen
dix I for authorities.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 3
enforcement after the peace of 1763, together with
the imposition of new customs duties, led to almost
universal efforts to evade them. In 1764 the
British schooner St. John was fired upon by Khode
Islanders, and in 1769 the armed sloop Liberty,
engaged in the suppression of smuggling, made her
self so obnoxious to the people of Newport that
they seized and burned her. In 1772 the schooner
Gaspee, on similar duty, was stationed in Narra-
gansett Bay and caused great annoyance by stopping
and examining all vessels. The people were exas
perated at the arrogant behavior of her commander,
who in many cases exceeded his authority. On the
9th of June, as the Gaspee was chasing a vessel
bound from Newport to Providence, she ran aground
about seven miles from Providence ; she was hard
and fast and the tide was ebbing. After nightfall
a party of men in boats descended the river from
Providence and attacked the schooner. After a
short contest, in which the commanding officer of
the Gaspee was wounded, she was captured. The
prisoners and everything of value having been re
moved, she was set on fire and in a few hours blew up.
Little effort was made to conduct this affair secretly,
and yet in spite of the diligent inquiry of a court of
five commissioners, all of whom were in sympathy
with the British ministry, no credible evidence could
be adduced implicating any person ; showing a
practical unanimity of feeling in the colony. 1
1 R. I. Colony Records, vi, 427-430, vii, 55-192; Bartlett s
4 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The first public service afloat, under Revolution
ary authority, was perhaps the voyage of the schooner
Quero of Salem, Captain John Derby, despatched
to England by the Massachusetts Provincial Con
gress with the news of the Battle of Lexington.
She sailed April 29, 1775, some days later than
General Gage s official despatches and arrived at
her destination nearly two weeks ahead of them. 1
Early in May, 1775, the British sloop of war
Falcon of sixteen guns, Captain John Linzee,
seized two American sloops in Vineyard Sound;
" on which the People fitted out two Vessels, went
in Pursuit of them, retook and brought them both
into a Harbour, and sent the Prisoners to Taunton
Gaol." 2
The islands in Boston Harbor had long been used
by the colonists for pasturage and were well stocked
with cattle and sheep which the British troops in
the town took measures to secure for their consump
tion. Soon after the battle of Lexington they suc
ceeded in carrying off all the live stock on Govern
or s and Thompson s Islands. The Americans, May
27, with the intention of forestalling similar raids,
landed between two and three hundred men on Hog
Island who attempted to bring off the cattle and
Destruction of the Gaspee; Staplea s Destruction of the Gaspee;
Channing s United States, iii, 124-127, 151.
1 Essex Institute Collections, January, 1900 ; Century Magazine,
September, 1899.
2 New England Chronicle, May 18, 1775 ; American Archives,
Series IV, ii, 608.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 5
sheep, while a detachment of about thirty men
crossed over to Noddle s Island (East Boston) for
the same purpose, when " about a hundred Kegulars
landed upon the last mentioned and pursued our
Men till they had got safely back to Hog Island ;
then the Regulars began to fire very briskly by
Platoons upon our Men. In the mean time an armed
Schooner with a Number of Barges came up to Hog
Island to prevent our People s leaving said Island,
which she could not effect ; after that several Barges
were towing her back to her Station, as there was
little Wind and flood Tide. Our People put in a
heavy Fire of small Arms upon the Barges, and two 3
Pounders coming up to our Assistance began to play
upon them and soon obliged the Barges to quit her
and to carry off her Crew ; After which our people
set Fire to her, although the Barges exerted them
selves very vigorously to prevent it. She was burnt
[the next day] upon the Way of Winisimet Ferry.
We have not lost a single Life, although the Engage
ment was very warm from the armed Schooner
(which mounted four 6 Pounders and 12 swivels),
from an armed Sloop that lay within Reach of Small
Arms, from one or two 12 Pounders upon Nod
dle s Island, and from the Barges which were all
fixed with swivels." 1 The American loss was four
wounded, one of whom died two days later ; that of
the British was said to be twenty killed and fifty
wounded. The stock, amounting to over four hun-
1 Boston Gazette, June 5, 1775.
6 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
dred sheep, about thirty cattle and some horses,
were brought away by the provincials. During the
siege of Boston various other attempts, successful
and unsuccessful, were made to bring away live
stock from the islands of the harbor, thereby re
ducing the possible sources of food supply of the
British shut up in the town. 1
Josiah Quincy in a letter to John Adams, dated
September 22, 1775, proposed a plan for making
the investment of Boston complete and so forcing
the capitulation of the besieged British army. His
proposal was to build five forts, three of them on
Long Island, so placed as to command the channels
of the harbor, including the narrows which were
guarded by the enemy s men-of-war in Nantasket
Koads ; these ships could be driven out by the fire
of the forts. He would then sink hulks in the nar
rows. No ships could thenceforth pass in or out
and " both Seamen and Soldiers, if they dont escape
by a timely Flight, must become Prisoners at Dis
cretion." Quincy also thought that " Row Gallies
must be our first mode of Defence by Sea." 2
Near the eastern frontier of Maine, in a situation
most exposed to British attack, lay the little sea
port of Machias. The one staple of the town was
1 Sumner s History of East Boston, 367-389 ; Frothingham s
Siege of Boston, 108, 109, 225 ; Green s Three Military Diaries, 86 ;
Almon s Remembrancer, i. 112 ; Amer. Archives, IV, ii, 719 ; Bos
ton Gazette, June 5, 1775 ; N. E. Chronicle, May 25, June 15, July
27, October 5, 1775.
2 Adams MSS.
MASSACHUSETTS
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 7
lumber and this the inhabitants exchanged at Bos
ton for the various supplies they needed. In the
spring of 1775 food was scarce, for the previous
year s crops had failed. Consequently a petition,
dated May 25, was sent to the General Court or
Provincial Congress of Massachusetts at Water-
town, begging for provisions and promising to send
back lumber in return. News of the fight at Lex
ington and Concord had lately reached Machias
and had stirred the patriotism of the people, who
in spite of their isolated position, were in the main
devoted to the provincial cause and had their com
mittee of safety and correspondence. A committee
of the General Court reported June 7 in favor of
sending the provisions. Meanwhile Captain Icha-
bod Jones, a merchant engaged in trade with Ma
chias, had proceeded from Boston to that place with
two sloops, the Unity and the Polly, loaded with
provisions and escorted by the armed schooner Mar-
garetta under the command of Midshipman Moore of
the British navy. They arrived June 2 and Jones
took measures to procure a return cargo of lumber
for the use of the British troops in Boston. As the
only means of obtaining the much needed provisions
it was voted in town meeting, notwithstanding the
opposition of a large minority of stanch patriots, to
allow Jones to take his lumber. He proceeded ac
cordingly to distribute the provisions, but to those
only who had voted in his favor. The patriots, un
der the lead of Benjamin Foster and Jeremiah
8 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
O Brien, were determined to prevent the shipping
of the lumber to Boston. On Sunday, June 11, an
unsuccessful attempt was made to capture Jones
and the officers of the Margaretta while at church.
They took the alarm and Jones fled to the woods,
where he was taken some days later; the officers
escaped to their vessel. Moore then threatened to
bombard the town. 1
" Upon this a party of our men went directly to
stripping the sloop [Unity] that lay at the wharf
and another party went off to take possession of the
other sloop which lay below & brought her up nigh
a wharf & anchored in the stream. The Tender
[Margaretta] did not fire, but weighed her anchors
as privately as possible and in the dusk of the even
ing fell down & came to within musket shot of
the sloop, which obliged our people to slip their
cable & run the sloop aground. In the meantime a
considerable number of our people went down in
boats & canoes, lined the shore directly opposite
to the Tender, & having demanded her to surrender
to America, received for answer, fire & be damn d ;
they immediately fired in upon her, which she re
turned and a smart engagement ensued. The Ten
der at last slipped her cable & fell down to a small
sloop commanded by Capt. Tobey & lashed herself
to her for the remainder of the night. In the morn
ing of the 12th she took Capt. Tobey out of his
vessel for a pilot & made all the sail they could
i Coll Maine Hist. Soc., vi (April, 1895), 124-130.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 9
to get off, as the wind & tide favored ; but having
carried away her main boom and meeting with a
sloop from the Bay of Fundy, they came to, robbed
the sloop of her boom & gaff, took almost all her
provisions together with Mr. Robert Avery of Nor
wich in Connecticut, and proceeded on their voy
age. Our people, seeing her go off in the morning,
determined to follow her.
" About forty men armed with guns, swords, axes
& pitch forks went in Capt. Jones s sloop under the
command of Capt. Jeremiah O Brien ; about twenty,
armed in the same manner & under the command
of Capt. Benj. Foster, went in a small schooner.
During the chase our people built them breastworks
of pine boards and anything they could find in the
vessels that would screen them from the enemy s
fire. The Tender, upon the first appearance of our
people, cut her boats from her stern & made all
the sail she could, but being a very dull sailor they
soon came up with her and a most obstinate en
gagement ensued, both sides being determined to
conquer or die ; but the Tender was obliged to yield,
her Capt. was wounded in the breast with two balls,
of which wounds he died next morning. Poor Mr.
Avery was killed and one of the marines, and five
wounded. Only one of our men was killed and six
wounded, one of which is since dead of his wounds.
The battle was fought at the entrance of our har
bour & lasted for near the space of one hour. We
have in our possession four double fortifyed three
10 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
pounders & fourteen swivels and a number of small
arms, which we took with the Tender, besides a
very small quantity of ammunition." l Foster s
schooner is said to have run aground and to have
taken no part in the battle. The Unity returned to
Machias with the Margaretta as her prize. O Brien s
five brothers were with him in this enterprise. 2
Joseph Wheaton, one of the Unity s crew, wrote
many years later a detailed account of the action.
He says that the Margaretta, after having replaced
her broken boom, " was Making Sail when our Ves
sel came in Sight ; then commenced the chace, a
Small lumber boat in pursuit of a well armed Brit
ish vessel of war in a Short time she cut away
her three boats. Standing for sea while thus pur
suing, we aranged our selves, appointed Jeremiah
Obrien our conductor, John Steele to steer our
Vessel, and in about two hours we received her
first fire, but before we could reach her she had
cut our rigging and Sails emmencely ; but having
gained to about one hundred yards, one Thomas
Neight fired his wall piece, wounded the man at the
helm and the Vessel broached too, when we nearly
all fired. At this moment Captain Moore imployed
himself at a box of hand granades and put two on
1 Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., vi, 130, 131 (report of Machias Commit
tee of Correspondence, June 14, 1775).
2 Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., 1847, January, 1891, April, 1895 ; New
England Magazine, August, 1895 ; Massachusetts Magazine, April,
1910 ; Sherman s Life of Jeremiah O Brien, chs. ii-v ; Boston Ga-
xette, July 3, 1775.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 11
board our Vessel, which through our crew into
great disorder, they having killed and wounded nine
men. Still two ranks which were near the prow got
a second fire, when our bowsprit was run through
the main shrouds of the Margarette and Sail, when
Six of us Jumped on her quarter deck and with
clubed Muskets drove the crew from their quarters,
from the waist into the hold of the Margarette ; the
Capt. lay mortally wounded, Robert Avery was
killed and eight marines & Saylors lay dead on
her deck, the Lieutenant wounded in her cabin.
Thus ended this bloody affray." 1 Wheaton says
that fourteen of the Americans were killed and
wounded.
According to the British account the Americans
attempted to board the Margaretta with boats and
canoes during the night before the battle, but were
beaten off. In the next day s chase Foster s schooner
continued in company with the Unity to the end.
As these vessels approached they were received by
the Margaretta with a broadside of swivels, small
arms, and hand grenades, but they both came along
side, the Unity on the starboard and the schooner
on the larboard bow. 2
The General Court of Massachusetts resolved,
June 26, 1775 : " That the thanks of this Congress
1 Adams MSS., Wheaton to President Adams, February 21,
1801. See another account by Wheaton in Coll. Maine Hist. Soc.,
ii (January, 1891), 109.
2 British Admiralty Becords, Admirals Despatches 485, July
24, 1775, No. 2.
12 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
be, and they are hereby given to Capt. Jeremiah
O Brien and Capt. Benjamin Foster and the other
brave men under their command, for their courage
and good conduct in taking one of the tenders be
longing to our enemies and two sloops belonging
to Ichabod Jones, and for preventing the ministerial
troops being supplied with lumber ; and that the
said tender, sloops, their cargoes remain in the hands
of the said captains O Brien and Foster and the
men under their command, for them to improve as
they shall think most for their and the public advan
tage until the further action of this or some future
Congress." 1 The Unity was fitted out with the Mar-
garetta s guns, renamed the Machias Liberty and
put under Jeremiah O Brien s command ; she was
presumably chosen as a cruiser in preference to
the Margaretta on account of her superior sailing
qualities.
About a month after the capture of the Margar
etta the British schooner Diligent, carrying eight
or ten guns and fifty men, and the tender Tapna-
quish, with sixteen swivels and twenty men, 2 ap
peared off Machias. The captain of the Diligent
going ashore in his boat was seized by a small
party of Americans stationed near the mouth of the
bay and sent to Machias. Jeremiah O Brien in the
Machias Liberty and Benjamin Foster in another
1 Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., vi, 132.
2 Wheaton (Adams MSS.) gives these vessels a smaller number
of men and guns.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 13
vessel were then sent down the river, found the
British vessels and took them without firing a gun.
According to Wheaton, O Brien subsequently
cruised in the Bay of Fundy and took a number
of British merchant vessels. 1
Foster and O Brien were next sent by the Ma-
chias Committee of Safety to Watertown to report
their exploits to the Provincial Congress. Under
their charge went also the prisoners taken in the
Margaretta, Diligent and Tapnaquish, together with
Ichabod Jones. They proceeded as far as Falmouth
(Portland), a week s voyage, by water. The ruth
less burning of Falmouth by the British under
Captain Henry Mowatt several weeks later is sup
posed to have been, in part at least, an act of re
taliation for the capture of the British vessels at
Machias. The journey of O Brien and Foster from
Falmouth to Watertown was made by land and
took about ten days. August 11 the prisoners were
delivered at Watertown by their captors, who about
the same time reported also to General Washing
ton at the headquarters of the army in Cambridge.
They petitioned the Provincial Congress for the
privilege of raising a company of men among them
selves at the expense of the Province, to be used in
the defense of Machias and to give occupation to
numbers of young men who in the distress of war
times were without means of support. They also
1 Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., ii (1847), 246, ii (January, 1891), 111 ;
Life of O Brien, ch. vi ; Massachusetts Mag., January, 1910.
14 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
asked that the officers of the Machias Liberty be
given commissions and that men be stationed on
board her, this vessel to be supplied and equipped
and used for the defense of the town, which might
easily be blockaded by a small force. The petitions
were favorably received by the Congress and
O Brien was appointed to command both the
Machias Liberty and the Diligent. These vessels
were thereby taken into the service of the colony
and became the nucleus of the Massachusetts navy.
O Brien soon returned to Machias in order to over
see the fitting out of his vessels. 1
Off Cape Ann, August 9, 1775, the British
sloop of war Falcon, 16, Captain Linzee, fell in
with two schooners from the West Indies, bound to
Salem. One of these schooners, says a report from
Gloucester, was " soon brought to, the other taking
advantage of a fair wind, put into our harbour, but
Linzee having made a prize of the first, pursued
the second into the harbour and brought the first
with him. He anchored and sent two barges with
fifteen men in each, armed with muskets and swivels ;
these were attended with a whale boat in which was
the Lieutenant and six privates. Their orders were
to seize the loaded schooner and bring her under
the Falcon s bow. The Militia and other inhabitants
were alarmed at this daring attempt and prepared
1 O Brien, ch. vi ; Am. Arch., IV, iii, 346, 354 ; Records of Gen
eral Court of Massachusetts, August 21, 23, 1775 ; Massachusetts Spy,
August 16, 1775.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 15
for a vigorous opposition. The barge-men under the
command of the Lieutenant boarded the schooner
at the cabbin windows, which provoked a smart
fire from our people on the shore, by which three
of the enemy were killed and the Lieutenant
wounded in the thigh, who thereupon returned to
the man of war. Upon this Linzee sent the other
schooner and a small cutter he had to attend him,
well armed, with orders to fire upon the damn d
rebels wherever they could see them and that he
would in the mean time cannonade the town ; he
immediately fired a broadside upon the thickest
settlements and stood himself with diabolical pleas
ure to see what havock his cannon might make. . . .
Not a ball struck or wounded an individual person,
although they went through our houses in almost
every direction when filled with women and child
ren. . . . Our little party at the water side per
formed wonders, for they soon made themselves
masters of both the schooners, the cutter, the two
barges, the boat, and every man in them, and all that
pertained to them. In the action, which lasted sev
eral hours, we lost but one man, two others wounded,
one of which is since dead, the other very slightly
wounded. "We took of the men of war s men thirty-
five, several were wounded and one since dead;
twenty-four were sent to head-quarters, the remain
der, being impressed from this and the neighboring
towns, were permitted to return to their friends." 1
1 Pennsylvania Packet, August 28, 1775; N. E. Chronicle,
August 25, 1775.
16 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Captain Linzee, who makes the date of the affair
August 8, states in his report to the admiral at
Boston that having anchored in Gloucester harbor
he " sent Lieut. Thornborough with the Pinnace,
Long Boat and Jolly Boat, mann d and arm d in
order to bring the Schooner out, the Master
coming in from sea at the same time in a small
tender, I directed him to go and assist the Lieu
tenant. When the Boats had passed a Point of
Rocks that was between the Ship and Schooner,
they received a heavy fire from the Rebels who
were hidden behind Rocks and Houses, and behind
Schooners aground at Wharfs, but notwithstanding
the heavy fire from the Rebels, Lieut. Thornborough
boarded the Schooner and was himself and three
men wounded from Shore. On the Rebels firing
on the Boats, I fired from the ship into the Town,
to draw the Rebels from the Boats. I very soon
observed the Rebels payed little attention to the
firing from the ship and seeing their fire continued
very heavy from the schooner the Lieutenant had
boarded, I made an attempt to set fire to the Town."
Hoping that by this means the attention of the
Americans would be directed to saving their houses,
so that the schooner could be brought off, Linzee
sent a party ashore to fire the town ; but the pow
der used for the purpose was set off prematurely,
" one of the Men was bio wed up," and the attempt
failed. The town was then bombarded. " About 4
o clock in the afternoon the lieutenant was brought
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 17
on board under cover of the Masters fire from the
Schooner, who could not leave her. All the Boats
were much damaged by the shots and lay on the
side of the Schooner next to the Rebels ; on my
being acquainted with the situation of the Master,
I ^sent the Prize Schooner to anchor ahead the
Schooner the Master was in and veer alongside to
take him and People away, who were very much
exposed to the Rebels fire, but from want of an
officer to send her in, it was not performed, the
Vessel not anchored properly." The master, despair
ing of succor, surrendered about seven in the even
ing " with the Gunner, fifteen Seamen, Seven Mar
ines, one Boy, and ten prest Americans." The next
morning the Falcon weighed anchor and proceeded
to Nantasket Roads. 1
Several other affairs, of little importance in them
selves, showed the readiness of the provincials for
action upon the water at an early period, before
there was naval organization of any kind to give
authority to their acts. 2 Boston being the seat of
war at this time, most of the maritime events nat
urally took place in New England waters during
the first year. As early as August, 1775, however,
a South Carolina sloop, sent out by the Council of
Safety, captured a British vessel on the Florida
coast. 3
1 Magazine of History, August, 1905.
3 Boston Gazette, September 11, October 2, 9, 1775 ; Perm.
Packet, September 4, 1775.
8 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 180.
18 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The situation of affairs in America, as is well
known, caused great concern in England for a con
siderable time before the actual outbreak of the re
bellion. Of all the measures proposed by whig or
tory for the adjustment of the difficulty, probably
the wisest, for the conservation of the empire, was
suggested by Viscount Harrington, the Secretary at
"War ; but wisdom availed little with the British
ministry of that day. Barrington s advice was given
in a series of letters written in the years 1774 and
1775 to the Earl of Dartmouth, Secretary for the
Colonies. 1 His opinion was that the colonies could
not be subdued by the army, and that even if they
could, the permanent occupation of America by a
large force would be necessary, a source of constant
exasperation to the colonists and of enormous ex
pense to the government. The troops, he thought,
should be withdrawn to Canada, Nova Scotia, and
East Florida, and there quartered " till they can be
employed with good effect elsewhere." The reduc
tion of the rebellious colonies should be left to the
navy. November 14, 1774, he writes: " The naval
force may be so employed as must necessarily re
duce the Colony [Massachusetts] to submission
without shedding a drop of blood." 2 A few weeks
later, December 24, he goes a little more into de
tail. Speaking especially of New England he says :
1 Political Life of William Wildman, Viscount Barrington, by
his brother Shute (London, 1814), 140-152.
Ibid., 141.
THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES, 1775 19
" Conquest by land is unnecessary, when the coun
try can be reduced first by distress and then to
obedience by our Marine totally interrupting all
commerce and fishery, and even seizing all the ships
in the ports, with very little expense and less blood
shed." As to the colonies south of New England,
" a strict execution of the Act of Navigation and
other restrictive laws would probably be sufficient
at present." A few frigates and sloops could enforce
those laws and prevent almost all commerce
" Though we must depend on our smaller ships for
the active part of this plan, I think a squadron of
ships of the line should be stationed in North Amer
ica, both to prevent the intervention of foreign
powers and any attempt of the Colonies to attack
our smaller vessels by sea." " The Colonies will in
a few months feel their distress ; their spirits, not
animated by any little successes on their part or
violence of persecution on ours, will sink ; they will
be consequently inclined to treat, probably to sub
mit to a certain degree." 1 Concessions could then
be made without loss of dignity, the mistake of im
posing further obnoxious taxes being avoided. Bar-
rington wrote on the same subject to Dartmouth
the next year; and also to Lord North, August 8,
1775, saying : " My own opinion always has been
and still is, that the Americans may be reduced by
the fleet, but never can be by the army." 2
1 Barrington, 144-147. 2 Ibid., 151.
CHAPTEE II
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION AND ORGANIZATION
THE events already related took place under the
stress of circumstances, most of them unauthorized
by Continental or Provincial Congress. It is now
necessary to interrupt the narrative of naval oper
ations in order to sketch briefly the various sources
of authority and the administrative systems under
which acted the different classes of vessels through
out the course of the war. These classes were:
First, Continental vessels ; second, the state navies ;
third, the privateers, commissioned either by the
Continental government or by the various states,
and in some cases by both. 1
Public vessels cruising under Continental au
thority comprised not only the Continental navy,
strictly speaking, including vessels fitted out in
France, but also the fleets organized by "Washing
ton in Massachusetts Bay in 1775 and later in
New York ; by Arnold on Lake Champlain in 1776 ;
and by Pollock in 1778 on the Mississippi Kiver.
General Washington took the first actual step
1 In the preparation of so much of this chapter as relates to
the administration and organization of the American naval forces,
Paullin s Navy of the American Revolution has been closely fol
lowed. See also Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1888-1904, 1917-1957; Works
of John Adams, ii, 462-464, 469, 470, 479-484, iii, 6-12.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 21
towards placing a Continental force upon the sea
by fitting out the schooner Hannah, which sailed
from Beverly September 5, 1775, and returned to
port two days later with a prize. An important
measure in making effective the siege of Boston,
then in progress, was the intercepting of supplies
coming to the town by water ; the supplies being at
the same time of the utmost value to the American
army investing the town. Before the end of the
year seven other vessels, officered and manned from
the army, were fitted out by Washington. The next
year he organized a similar but smaller fleet at New
York.*
The first official suggestion of a Continental navy
came from the Assembly of Khode Island which,
August 26, 1775, declared "that the building and
equipping an American fleet, as soon as possible,
would greatly and essentially conduce to the pre
servation of the lives, liberty and property of the
good people of these colonies," and instructed the
delegates from that province in the Continental
Congress " to use their whole influence at the en
suing congress for building at the Continental ex-
pence a fleet of sufficient force for the protection
of these colonies." 2 The Rhode Island delegates
presented their instructions to Congress October 3
and this brought the matter fairly before that body.
Discussion of these instructions was postponed from
time to time and it was several weeks before definite
1 See next chapter. 2 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 231.
22 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
action was taken on them. Meanwhile intelligence
had been received of the sailing from England of
two brigs laden with military supplies bound to
Quebec. The practicability of intercepting these ves
sels was considered in Congress October 5. Strong
opposition was developed on the part of a vociferous
minority to any participation of the Continental
government in maritime warfare ; to them it appeared
sheer madness to send ships out upon the sea to
meet the overwhelming naval force of England.
After a lively debate the matter was referred to a
committee consisting of John Adams, John Lang-
don, and Silas Deane. Upon the recommendation
of this committee it was decided to instruct Wash
ington at once to procure two Massachusetts cruisers
for that service and to request the cooperation of
the governors of Rhode Island and Connecticut. 1
Elbridge Gerry wrote from Watertown, October
9, 1775, to Samuel Adams, then a member of the
Continental Congress at Philadelphia, saying: "If
the Continent should fit out a heavy ship or two
and increase them as circumstances shall admit, the
Colonies large privateers, and individuals small
ones, surely we may soon expect to see the coast
clear of cutters." 2
On the advice of the committee appointed October
5, Congress voted on the 13th to fit out two vessels,
1 Journals of Continental Congress, October 3, 5, 1775 ; Am. Arch. t
IV, iii, 950, 1038, 1888-1890.
3 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 993.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 23
one of them to carry ten guns, to cruise three months
to the eastward in the hope of intercepting British
transports. Another committee of three was ap
pointed to inquire into the expense. October 30,
1775, is an important date in naval legislation. Con
gress resolved to arm the second of the vessels
already provided for with fourteen guns and also
authorized two additional vessels which might carry
as many as twenty and thirty-six guns respectively,
" for the protection and defence of the United Colo
nies." By this vote Congress was fully committed
to the policy of maintaining a naval armament. On
the same day a committee of seven was formed by
adding four members to those already appointed. 1
This committee was the first executive body for the
management of naval affairs. It was known as
the Naval Committee and the members were John
Langdon of New Hampshire, John Adams of
Massachusetts, Stephen Hopkins^of Rhode Island,
Silas Deane* of Connecticut, Richard Henry Lee of
Virginia, Joseph Hewes^of North Carolina, and
Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina.
During the closing months of 1775 much legis
lation necessary for the organization of the navy
was enacted by Congress on the recommendation of
the Naval Committee. In the beginning there was
strong opposition to all enterprises of a naval char
acter, but it gradually broke down before the ar
guments of the more far-sighted and reasonable
1 Jour. Cont. Congr., October 6, 7, 13, 17, 30, 1775.
24 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
members. November 10 the Marine Corps was
established. On the 25th captures of British ships
of war, transports, and supply vessels were author
ized and the several colonies were advised to set up
prize courts. The apportionment of the shares in
prizes was prescribed. In the case of privateers all
the proceeds went to the owners and captors ; in the
case of Continental or colony cruisers two thirds of
the value of a prize when a transport or supply vessel,
one half when a vessel of war, went to the government,
while the captors took the rest. November 28, " Rules
for the Regulation of the Navy of the United Col
onies " l were adopted. These early navy regulations
were brief, relating chiefly to discipline and prescrib
ing the ration and pay. The rules provided for courts
martial, but not for courts of inquiry ; there was
much subsequent legislation on the subject of naval
courts. Pensions for permanent disability and boun
ties, to be awarded in certain cases, were provided
for, the necessary funds for which were to be set
apart from the proceeds of prizes. The rules of
November 28 were framed by John Adams and
were based on British regulations. Adams was a
leader in all this early legislation and the part he
took in the founding of the Revolutionary navy was
important and influential. 2
In November the Naval Committee purchased
1 See Appendix II.
3 Jour. Cont. Congr., November 10, 17, 23, 24, 25, 28, 1775;
Adams s Works, iii, 7-11 ; Am. Arch., IV, v, 1111.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 25
four merchant vessels under the provisions of Octo
ber 13 and 30, to be converted into men-of-war.
These vessels, as named by the committee, were the
ships Alfred and Columbus and the brigs Cabot
and Andrew Doria. The first was named in honor
of the supposed founder of the English navy, the
second and third for famous discoverers, and the
fourth for the great Genoese admiral. Other ves
sels were authorized and purchased from time to
time, the first of which was a sloop called the Provi
dence. 1
Definite action was taken in Congress on the
Rhode Island instructions December 11, when a
committee of twelve was " appointed to devise ways
and means for furnishing these colonies with a na
val armament." Two days later this committee
" brought in their report, which being read and de
bated was agreed to as follows : That five ships of
thirty-two guns, five of twenty-eight guns, three of
twenty-four guns, making in the whole thirteen, can
be fitted for the sea probably by the last of March
next, viz : in New Hampshire one, in Massachusetts
Bay two, in Connecticut one, in Rhode Island two,
in New York two, in Pennsylvania four, and in
Maryland one. That the cost of these ships so fitted
will not be more than 66,666J dollars each on the
average, allowing two complete suits of sails for
each ship, equal in the whole to 866,666| dollars."
1 Adams, iii, 12 ; Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1938 ; Jour. Cont. Congr.,
December 2, 1775.
26 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Of these frigates, the Kaleigh, of 32 guns, was
built at Portsmouth, New Hampshire ; the Hancock,
32, and the Boston, 24, at Salisbury and Newbury-
port on the Merrimac Kiver ; the Warren, 32, and
the Providence, 28, at Providence ; the Trumbull,
28, at Chatham on the Connecticut Kiver; the
Montgomery, 28, and the Congress, 24, at Pough-
keepsie on the Hudson River; the Randolph, 32,
Washington, 32, Effingham, 28, and Delaware, 24,
at or near Philadelphia on the Delaware River ; and
the Virginia, 28, at Baltimore. The actual number
of guns on a ship was generally in excess of the
rate; a thirty-two gun frigate commonly carried
about thirty-six guns. With a few exceptions these
frigates were armed with no guns heavier than
twelve-pounders. The smaller vessels of the Revo
lutionary navy carried only four- and six-pounders.
All were long guns ; the light, short, large-calibre
guns called carronades had not yet come into gen
eral use. Some vessels carried a secondary battery,
mounted on deck or in the tops, of small light mor
tars called coehorns or of swivels, which were light
guns mounted on pivots. December 13, 1775, the
day when these thirteen frigates were provided for,
is another important date in the early history of the
navy. On the 14th a committee of thirteen was
chosen by ballot to superintend the construction and
equipment of the frigates. 1
1 Jour. Cont. Congr., December 11, 13, 14, 1775. See Appendix
V.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 27
From descriptions of three of these frigates, fur
nished nearly two years later to Admiral Howe,
commanding the British fleet on the North Ameri
can station, we are able to get an idea of their ap
pearance and dimensions. The Hancock is described
as follows, beginning with the figure head : " A
Man s Head with Yellow Breeches, white Stock
ings, Blue Coat with Yellow Button Holes, small
cocked Hat with a Yellow Lace, has a Mast in lieu
of an Ensign Staff with a Latteen Sail on it, has a
Fore and Aft Driver Boom, with another across,
Two Top Gallant Royal Masts, Pole mizen topmast,
a whole Mizen Yard and mounts 32 Guns, has a
Rattle Snake carved on the Stern, Netting all
around the Ship, Stern Black and Yellow, Quarter
Galleries all Yellow." " Principal Dimensions of
the Rebel Frigate Hancock. Length on the upper
Deck, 140 ft. 8 ins. Breadth on Do. 30.2. Length
of Keel for Tonnage, 116.2|. Extreme Breadth,
35.2. Depth in the Hold, 10.7. Burthen in Tons,
764. Heigth between Decks, 5.6. Do. in the Waste,
5.0. Size of the Gun Ports, fore & aft, 2.7. up &
down, 2.2. Length on the Quarter Deck, 57.8.
Length on the Forecastle, 31.3. Draught of Water,
afore, 14.0, abaft, 15.10. Heigth of the Ports from
the Surface of the Water, Forward, 9.0, Midships,
8.2, Abaft, 9.2." Then the Boston: "An Indian
Head ^vith a Bow and Arrow in the Hand, painted
White, Red and Yellow, Two top gallant Royal
Masts, Pole mizen topmast on which she hoists a
28 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Top gallant Sail, painted nearly like the Hancock
with Netting all round, has a Garf , a Mast in room
of an Ensign Staff with a Latteen Sail on it, and
mounts 30 guns." " Dimensions of the Armed Ship
named the Delaware. . . . Length on the Gun
Deck, 121 Feet; Keel for Tonnage, 96; Extreme
Breadth, 32.6. The Ship lately built, Mounts
twenty four Guns on the Upper Deck ; And when
furnished with proper Artillery, capable of carrying
twelve Pounders with great facility." 1 The figures
for the Warren and Providence, from the journal
of the committee in charge of building those ships,
are : length on the gun deck, 132 feet, 1 inch and
124.4, respectively; keel HO.lOf and 102.81;
beam, 34.5J and 33.10f ; hold 11, and 10.8. The
committee voted to have a few eighteen pounders
cast for these two frigates, and accordingly some
guns of that weight were mounted on them. 2
Meanwhile, November 2, 1775, the Naval Com
mittee had been given power by Congress to " agree
with such officers and seamen as are proper to man
and command " the vessels they had purchased and
were fitting out. On the 5th the committee selected
Esek Hopkins, an old sea captain of Providence and
brother of Stephen Hopkins, for the command of
1 Brit. Adm. Eec., Adm. Desp. 487, August 28, 1777, nos. 7 and
8; A. D. 488, November 23, 1777, no. 3.
2 Magazine of History, December, 1908, and February, 1909.
For the whole journal see Ibid., November, 1908, to April, 1909.
See Archives de la Marine, B 7 459 (Whipple s letter of May 31,
1778).
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 29
this little fleet. 1 December 7 John Paul Jones " was
appointed Senior Lieut, of the Navy." 2 On the
22d the Naval Committee "laid before Congress
a list of the officers by them appointed, agreeable
to the resolutions of Congress, viz : Ezek Hopkins,
Esqr., commander-in-chief of the fleet. Captains,
Dudley Saltonstall, Esqr., of the Alfred, Abraham
Whipple, Esqr., of the Columbus, Nicholas Biddle,
Esqr., of the Andrew Doria, John Burrows Hop
kins, Esqr., of the Cabot. 1st lieutenants, John Paul
Jones [etc.]. . . . Resolved, That the pay of the
Commander-in-chief of the Fleet be 125 dollars per
calendar month. Resolved, That commissions be
granted to the above officers agreeable to their
rank in the above appointment." In addition to
those named above there were in the list four other
first lieutenants, five second lieutenants, and three
third lieutenants. 3 This is the beginning of a list
of officers for the Continental navy which, in the
course of the war and including marine officers
and those commissioned in France, contained nearly
three hundred and thirty names. 4 There were in
addition medical officers, pursers, midshipmen, and
warrant officers of whom no lists have been pre
served. The largest number of petty officers, sea
men, and marines in the navy at any one time may
have been about three thousand.
1 Field s Life of Hopkins, 78.
2 Jones MSS., October 10, 1776; Sands s Life of Jones, 33.
8 Jour. Cont. Congr., November 2, December 22, 1775.
* See Appendix VI.
30 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Uniforms for the officers of the navy were adopted
by the Marine Committee September 5, 1776, but
probably they were not commonly worn, as few
officers could afford a complete outfit. For line
officers a blue coat with red lapels, blue breeches,
and red waistcoat were prescribed ; for marine offi
cers, a green coat faced with white .and with a silver
epaulette on the right shoulder, white waistcoat and
breeches and black gaiters. 1
It has generally been supposed that the intention
of Congress in making Hopkins commander-in-chief
was to give him the same rank that Washington
held in the army. It seems more likely, however,
that Congress merely meant to give him command
of this particular fleet. The wording of his appoint
ment by the Naval Committee and of the resolutions
quoted above, together with the fact that each of
the captains was assigned, also by resolution of
Congress, to a specified vessel, would indicate this.
Stephen Hopkins, writing to Esek November 6,
1775, says : " You will perceive by a letter from
the Committee, dated yesterday, that they have
pitched upon you to take the Command of a Small
Fleet, which they and I hope will be but the begin
ning of one much larger." 2 A resolution of Con
gress dated January 2, 1778, states that Hopkins
" was appointed commander in chief of the fleet
fitted out by the Naval Committee." 3 He does not
i Am. Arch., V, ii, 181. 2 Hopkins, 78.
8 Jour. Con*. Congr., January 2, 1778.
ESEK HOPKINS
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 31
appear to have been mentioned officially and au
thoritatively, that is to say by the Naval or Marine
Committee, though he was once by a special com
mittee, 1 as the commander-in -chief of the navy. In
addition to his own fleet several other Continental
vessels cruised in 1776, which do not seem to have
been under his orders. 2 Hopkins was an elderly
man at this time, having been born in 1718. He
had spent much of his life at sea and was a privat
eer sman in the French and Indian War. 3
Of the members of the committee of thirteen
chosen December 14, 1775, "for carrying into
execution the resolutions of Congress for fitting out
armed vessels," ten had served on the committee of
twelve which had recommended building the frigates
and five had been members of the original Naval
Committee. This new committee, consisting of one
representative from each colony, became the second
executive body for the administration of naval
affairs. It was called the Marine Committee and
was at first constituted as follows : Josiah Bartlett
of New Hampshire, John Hancock of Massachu
setts, Stephen Hopkins of Rhode Island, Silas
Deane of Connecticut, Francis Lewis of New York,
Stephen Crane of New Jersey, Robert Morris of
Pennsylvania, George Read of Delaware, Samuel
Chase of Maryland, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia,
Joseph Hewes of North Carolina, Christopher
Gadsden of South Carolina, and John Houston of
1 Sands, 310. 2 See below, p. 139. 8 Hopkins, ch. i.
32 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Georgia. The membership changed from time to
time. The Naval Committee continued in the mean
time to occupy itself in fitting out the small fleet of
vessels purchased for the service and placed under
the command of Commodore Hopkins, and to pre
pare for an expedition which was being planned.
January 25,1776, although the Marine Committee
had already taken charge of general naval affairs,
Congress voted to leave the direction of this fleet
to the Naval Committee, which soon afterwards,
this duty being accomplished, ceased to exist. 1 The
Marine Committee employed agents to supervise
the construction of the frigates in the distant colon
ies, taking charge itself of those at Philadelphia.
Before the end of the year 1775 the organization of
a Continental navy was achieved.
In the course of time the mass of details con
nected with naval administration became too much
for the Marine Committee easily to handle. Prize
agents in the various seacoast towns were appointed
to superintend the trial and condemnation of the
prizes taken by Continental cruisers. Most of the
prize agents were also Continental agents, in which
capacity they performed various other duties of a
naval sort. John Bradford at Boston had the most
important of these agencies. 2 For the further relief
of the Marine Committee and at their suggestion,
Congress appointed three persons, November 6,
1 Jour. Cont. Congr., January 25, 1776.
2 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1113, 1114.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 33
1776, "to execute the business of the navy, under
the direction " of the committee. This body of three
was known as the Navy Board and the men appointed
to serve on it were John Nixon and John Wharton
of Pennsylvania and Francis Hopkinson of New
Jersey. The lack of maritime knowledge and ex
perience among members of Congress was keenly
felt at this time. William Ellery of Khode Island,
who had recently become a member of the Marine
Committee, wrote home to his friend William Ver-
non, November 7, 1776, " The Conduct of the Af
fairs of a Navy as well as those of an Army We are
yet to learn. We are still unacquainted with the
systematical Management of them." 1 April 19,
1777, another committee of three was authorized,
to take charge of naval affairs in New England ;
the men selected for this board were William Ver-
non of Rhode Island, James Warren of Massachu
setts, and John Deshon of Connecticut. The first
of these boards was then called the Navy Board of
the Middle Department or District, the second the
Navy Board of the Eastern Department, or they
were called the boards at Philadelphia and at
Boston respectively. 2
The Eastern Navy Board, owing to its distance
from the seat of government at Philadelphia, was
allowed more discretion and became a more impor
tant body than that of the middle department. The
1 Publications of B. I. Hist. Soc., viii (January, 1901), 201.
2 Jour. Cont. Congr., April 23, November 6, 1776, April 19, 1777.
34 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
greater naval activity in New England waters, due
to remoteness from the centre of military operations,
put more work and responsibility on the eastern
board. Its original members retained office several
years without change. Their instructions, dated
July 10, 1777, imposed upon them "the Superin-
tendance of all Naval and Marine Affairs of the
United States of America within the four Eastern
States under the direction of the Marine Commit
tee "in " whatever relates to the Building, Man
ning, and fitting for Sea all Armed Vessels of the
United States built, or ordered by the Congress to
build in the Eastern Department, and to provide
all materials and Stores necessary for that purpose."
They were " to keep an exact Register of all the
Officers, Sailors, and Marines in the Continental
Navy fitted and Manned within " the eastern dis
trict, and were " empowered to order Courts Mar
tial." They were also instructed to keep strict ac
count of expenditures and to do many other things. 1
With further experience it became apparent that
the Marine Committee was too large and its members
too deficient in special knowledge of naval science
to admit of prompt, capable, and expert hand
ling of the affairs entrusted to them. In October,
1776, John Paul Jones wrote to Robert Morris 2
that efficiency in naval administration could only
be obtained by the appointment of a competent
1 PubL E. I. Hist. Soc., -viii, 207-210.
2 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1106; Sands, 55.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 35
board of admiralty. William Ellery wrote to Wil
liam Vernon, February 26, 1777 : " The Congress
are fully sensible of the Importance of having a re
spectable Navy and have endeavoured to form and
equip One, but through Ignorance and Neglect they
have not been able to accomplish their Purpose yet.
I hope however to see One afloat before long. A
proper Board of Admiralty is very much wanted.
The Members of Congress are unacquainted with
this Department. As One of the Marine Committee
I sensibly feel my Ignorance in this Respect." 1 For
three years, however, little was done in the way of
improving administration except the appointment
of the navy boards and agents. Finally, October
28, 1779, upon the recommendation of the Marine
Committee a Board of Admiralty was established
by Congress. This was a body of five members, two
of whom were to be members of Congress, while the
other three, called commissioners, were to be men
possessing a knowledge of naval matters. A quorum
of three was necessary for the transaction of busi
ness. The Marine Committee then came to an end,
but the navy boards at Philadelphia and Boston
and the navy agents were retained under this re
organization. 2
Positions on the Board of Admiralty were de
clined by several to whom they were offered, and
it was not only difficult to keep two congressional
1 Publ E. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 204.
2 Jour. Con*. Congr., June 9, October 28, 1779.
36 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
members continuously on the board, but it proved to
be impossible to find three suitable persons willing
to serve as commissioners. Consequently the mem
bership was never full and the work of the board was
much interrupted by frequent lack of a quorum. As
first organized, in December, 1779, the Board of
Admiralty contained three members : Francis Lewis
of New York, commissioner; James Forbes of
Maryland and William Ellery of Rhode Island,
congressional members. A few months later Forbes
died and his place was taken by James Madison
of Virginia. The Board of Admiralty was much
hampered by half-hearted cooperation on the part
of Congress and by want of money. Its member
ship dwindled to a point where nothing could be
done in default of a quorum, until finally, in the
summer of 1781, it passed out of existence. 1
Meanwhile, February 7, 1781, Congress had
passed a resolution putting the affairs of the navy
under a single head, to be called the Secretary of
Marine. No one was found, however, to take the
place and the office was never filled. Robert Morris,
who as Superintendent of Finance had close rela
tions with the navy, gradually assumed direction
of naval affairs as the Board of Admiralty became
more and more helpless. August 29 Congress voted
to appoint an Agent of Marine to take charge of
naval matters until a secretary could be found, and
September 7 it placed these affairs under the care
1 Jour. Cont. Congr., November 26, December 3, 7, 8, 1779.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 37
of the Superintendent of Finance until an agent
could be appointed. The navy boards were abol
ished, although the board at Boston continued its
functions several months longer. The result of it all
was that Morris continued to direct naval affairs,
as Agent of Marine, during the remainder of the
war. He had already served on the Marine Com
mittee and his great ability, business experience,
and familiarity with maritime affairs made him the
best executive head that the navy could have had. 1
By way of summary it is perhaps well to review
in a few words the history of the administration of
the Continental navy. The first executive of the
service was the Naval Committee which in 1775 be
gan the work of organizing a navy. Next came the
Marine Committee which directed naval affairs for
four years, ending in December 1779. Then fol
lowed the Board of Admiralty which managed the
department a year and a half, when, in the sum
mer of 1781, Robert Morris took charge and as
Agent of Marine remained at the head of the navy
until after the end of the war.
As soon as representatives of the United States
had established themselves in France, naval affairs
became an important part of their duties. This be
gan in July, 1776, with Silas Deane, the first
American agent. After the arrival of Benjamin
Franklin and Arthur Lee in the following Decem
ber, to serve with Deane as commissioners, they
1 Jour. Cont. Congr., February 7, August 29, September 7, 1781.
38 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
shared the duties with him, although he still con
tinued to exercise special supervision of naval mat
ters until the spring of 1778, when he was super
seded as commissioner by John Adams. After this,
Franklin did the largest share of naval work, and
from the time of his assuming the office of minister
to France in February, 1779, he had sole charge
of naval affairs abroad until the end of the war.
This naval office in Paris had agents in various
ports of France and in a few of Spain and Holland.
It performed many functions, such as buying, build
ing, manning, and fitting out vessels and providing
naval stores, commissioning officers, directing cruises,
disposing of prizes, exchanging prisoners, and com
missioning privateers. Besides this office in France
the naval interests of the United States in the
West Indies and in Louisiana were entrusted to
agents. These were William Bingham at Martinique,
and Oliver Pollock in New Orleans. 1 //
The sentiment of local independence and the
loose federation of the colonies, united only for mu
tual protection, naturally led to individual action,
and the need that each state felt of the defense of its
own shores, too urgent to wait for the deliberations
of the Continental Congress, brought about the es
tablishment of separate small navies; so that, in
addition to the Continental navy, eleven of the thir-
^Paullin, ch. ix; Whartou s Diplomatic Correspondence of the
Eevolution, letters of Deane and Franklin; Hale s Franklin in
France.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 39
teen states maintained armed vessels, New Jersey
and Delaware being the exceptions. Naval admin
istration in the various states was generally, at the
outset, in charge of the Committee of Safety, and
later, of the state executive or of a board which
had under its care naval affairs alone or in combin
ation with military affairs. The state navies varied
much in size and force. Being used chiefly for coast
defense, the vessels were usually smaller than those
of the Continental navy, and many of them were
merely boats and galleys adapted for operating in
shallow waters. Some of the state ships, however,
were ocean cruisers of considerable size and force. 1
The first American armed vessels commissioned
by any public authority were two sloops fitted out
by Ehode Island, June 15, 1775. The people of
this colony had been annoyed by the British frigate
Kose, cruising in Narragansett Bay. These sloops
immediately went to sea under the command of
Abraham Whipple, and on the same day, June 15,
chased ashore and destroyed a tender of the Rose. 2
One of the sloops, the Katy, was subsequently taken
into the Continental service under the name Prov
idence. The state of Rhode Island afterwards kept
a small force cruising in the bay.
In the course of the war the Massachusetts navy
comprised fifteen sea-going vessels and one galley.
1 For the state navies, see Paullin, chs. xi-xvii.
2 Boston Gazette, July 3, 1775 ; Historical Magazine, April, 1868 ;
Am. Arch., IV, ii, 1118 ; Hopkins, 63-67 ; Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D.
485, June 19, 1775.
40 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, after
some ineffectual attempts in June, 1775, to provide
for armed vessels, made a beginning August 21,
by taking the Machias Liberty and Diligent into
the service of the colony. 1 The actual establishment
of a state navy, however, came in the following
winter, when a committee was appointed December
29, of which John Adams was a member, " to con
sider & report a plan for fitting out Armed Ves
sels for the defence of American Liberty." 2 In
decisive action looking towards a naval force Con
necticut preceded Massachusetts. Early in July,
1775, two vessels were provided for and in August
they were purchased. A valuable prize was taken,
in October. Connecticut fitted out twelve vessels
during the war, four of them galleys. 3
Pennsylvania began July 6, 1775, by providing
for the defense of the Delaware River by means of
boats and galleys. The Pennsylvania navy consisted
of about ten vessels and nearly thirty boats and
galleys for river and bay defense. The fleet was
under the command of a commodore. 4 The Virginia
navy, authorized by the Provincial Convention in
1 Jour. Third Provincial Congress of Mass., June 7, 11, 13, 20,
1775. See above, p. 14.
2 Records of General Court of Mass., December 29, 1775, Janu
ary 11, February 7, 8, 17, April 20, 1776 ; Paullin, ch. xi.
8 Papers New London Hist. Soc., Part IV, i (1893), 34; Am.
Arch., IV, iii, 264-268 ; Paullin, ch. xii.
* Am. Arch., IV, iii, 495, 510, 511, 858, 862, 1811, 1820, 1836,
1839, iv, 515, 521 ; Penn. Archives, Series II, i ; Wallace s Life of
William Bradford ; Paullin, ch. xiii.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 41
December, 1775, comprised first and last seventy-
two vessels of all classes including many ships, brigs
and schooners ; but apparently most of them were
small, poorly manned, and lightly armed, and were
used largely for commerce. The naval duties of the
fleet were confined mostly to Chesapeake Bay. 1
Maryland shared with Virginia the defense of
Chesapeake Bay, and in addition to one vessel of
some size and force, maintained a considerable fleet
of galleys, boats, and barges. 2 The chief concern of
North Carolina was to protect and keep open Oc-
racoke Inlet, connecting Pamlico Sound with the
ocean, through which an important part of the com
merce, not only of North Carolina but of Virginia,
was carried on. A small fleet for this purpose was
stationed in the sounds. 3 Georgia s navy was small
and unimportant, consisting mostly of galleys. A
schooner, however, was commissioned as early as
June, 1775. 4 The defense of Charleston required
a considerable force and South Carolina was one
of the first states to begin the organization of a
navy. She appears to have had about fifteen sea
going vessels, some of them larger and more heav
ily armed than any other state or Continental
1 Southern Literary Messenger, January to April, 1857 ; Virginia
Hist. Begister, July, April, October, 1848 ; Fa. Mag. Hist, and
Biogr., July, 1893; Am. Arch., IV, iv, 114, 866, v, 227, vi, 1598;
Paullin, ch. xiv.
2 Am. Arch., IV, v, 1509, 1510.
Ibid., 1357, 1363.
4 Paullin, ch. xvi, for Georgia, Maryland, and North Carolina.
42 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
ships. The force also included several galleys. 1 As
regards the two remaining states, New York s
naval enterprise was confined to organizing a small
fleet for local defense. The early occupation by the
British of New York City and the adjacent waters
prevented any further operations. 2 New Hampshire
voted in 1776 to build a galley and appointed a
committee to procure an armed vessel. After this
her only naval activity, aside from encouraging
privateering and setting up a prize court, consisted
in fitting out a twenty-two-gun ship for temporary
service in 1779. 3
Privateers composed the third and a very impor
tant class of vessels employed during the Revolu
tion. The word privateer was used at that time, and
later, too, with the utmost disregard of its true
meaning. Persons with an understanding of mari
time affairs constantly spoke of Continental and
state cruisers, especially the smaller ones, as priv
ateers. The term was often wrongly used even in
official correspondence. It is necessary that lines
should be sharply drawn between these different
classes of armed vessels. Letters of marque, so called
from the letters or commissions they carried, were
armed trading vessels authorized to make prizes.
They also were generally, and more properly, called
privateers. The latter name should, strictly speak-
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 180, iv, 45-54 ; Paullin, ch. xv.
2 Jour. Prow. Congr. of New York, i, 228, 349; Am. Arch., IV,
V, 1401, 1450.
8 Ibid., 10, 15, 17, 24; Pauttin, ch. xvii.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 43
ing, be reserved for private armed vessels carrying
no cargo and devoted exclusively to warlike use.
All kinds of armed vessels, however, during the
Revolution, even Continental frigates, were em
ployed under special circumstances as cargo carriers.
The General Court of Massachusetts, Novem
ber 1, 1775, passed "An Act for Encouraging the
Fixing out of Armed Vessells, to defend the Sea
Coast of America, and for Erecting a Court to Try
and Condemn all Vessells that shall be found in
festing the same." The preamble of this important
measure, written by Elbridge Gerry, set forth in
detail the justification of the colonists in taking up
arms. " Whereas the present administration of
Great Britain, being divested of justice and human
ity and strangers to that magnanimity and sacred
regard for liberty which inspired their venerable
predecessors, have been endeavouring thro a series
of years to establish a system of despotism over the
American colonies and by their venal and corrupt
measures have so extended their influence over the
British parliament that, by a prostituted majority,
it is now become a political engine of slavery; and
whereas the military tools of these our unnatural
enemies, while restrained by the united forces of the
American colonies from proceeding in their sangui
nary career of devastation and slaughter, are in
festing the sea coast with armed vessells and daily
endeavouring to distress the inhabitants by burn
ing their towns and destroying their dwellings . . .
44 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
and making captures of provision and other ves
sels, being the property of said inhabitants ; and
whereas their majesties King William and Queen
Mary by the royal charter of this colony, . . . did
grant, establish and ordain that, in the absence of
the governor and lieutenant-governor of the colony,
a majority of the council shall have full power . . .
for the special defence of their said province or ter
ritory, to assemble in martial array and put in war
like posture the inhabitants of their said province or
territory and to lead and conduct them and with them
to encounter, expulse, resist and pursue by force of
arms, as well by sea as by land, . . . and also to
kill, slay, destroy, and conquer by all fitting ways,
enterprizes and means whatsoever all and every
such person and persons as should at any time
thereafter attempt or enterprize the destruction,
invasion, detriment or annoyance of their said prov
ince or territory, . . . ; and whereas it is expressly
resolved by the grand Congress of America, That
each colony, at their own expence, make such pro
vision by armed vessells or otherwise ... as their
respective assemblies . . . shall judge expedient
. . . for the protection of their harbours and nav
igation on the sea-coasts/ . . . and it is the duty
and interest of this colony to exert itself, as well
for the purpose of keeping supplies from the enemy
as for those mentioned in the paragraphs of the
charter and resolve now recited; therefore . . .
Be it enacted," etc. This act authorized a major-
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 45
ity of the council to commission masters of private
armed vessels. During the following winter and
spring other acts were passed supplementing or
superseding that of November 1. Courts for the
trial of prizes were established at Plymouth, Ips
wich, and Falmouth (Portland) ; and April 13,
1776, it was provided that in addition to these places
courts might also be held in Barnstable or Dart
mouth for the southern district, in Boston, Salem,
or Newburyport for the middle district, and in
Pownalborough (Wiscasset) for the eastern district. 1
Massachusetts probably sent out not far from one
half of all the American private armed vessels com
missioned during the Kevolution.
The Continental Congress authorized privateer
ing March 23, 1776, and on April 2 and 3 adopted
a form of Commission for privateers and resolved to
send copies in blank, signed by the President of
Congress, to the various colonies, there to be issued
to privateersmen giving bonds ; a set of instructions
for commanding officers was drafted. 2 Several of
the colonies or states used these Continental commis
sions altogether, not establishing state privateering.
Pennsylvania sent out five hundred vessels under
Continental commissions and, it is believed, used
no others. Six hundred and twenty-six Massachu
setts privateers sailed under Continental letters of
1 Acts and Eesolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, No
vember 1, 1775, February 14, March 19, April 13, May 8, 1776.
2 See Appendix III.
46 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
marque, but that state also sent nearly a thousand
others to sea under her own commissions ; it is pro
bable, however, that in many instances the same
vessel may have sailed at one time under one com
mission and later under the other. New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maryland, and South
Carolina, and probably some of the other states, is
sued their own commissions, but the first four also
employed those of the Congress Connecticut and
Maryland more than two hundred each. Sixty-four
Virginia privateers sailed under Continental com
missions. The American Commissioners in Paris
later the minister to France and the naval agent
of Congress in the West Indies likewise commis
sioned privateers. A rough estimate only of the to
tal number and force of American vessels engaged
in privateering on the patriotic side during the
Revolution is possible. The Library of Congress
has printed a list of nearly seventeen hundred let
ters of marque issued by the Continental Congress
to privateers carrying, approximately, fifteen thou
sand guns probably light ones for the most part
and fifty-nine thousand men. After deducting
duplicates, that is to say, in cases of two or more
commissions being successively issued to the same
vessel, and deducting also armed boats and galleys,
there remain more than thirteen hundred sea-going
vessels. The thousand commissions issued by Mass
achusetts probably represented more than seven
hundred different vessels, after making the same
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 47
proportionate allowance for duplicates. Several hun
dred additional privateers must have been commis
sioned by other states and in France and the West
Indies. Assuming the total number of private armed
vessels to have been two thousand, and there were
probably a good many more, they doubtless carried
very nearly eighteen thousand guns and seventy
thousand men. There seem to have been about the
same number of British privateersmen, according
to Governor Hutchinson, who, speaking of the dif
ficulty of manning the British navy, says : " Some
have proposed pressing the crews of all privateers,
in which service it is computed 70,000 men are em
ployed." * Judging from the scanty information at
hand concerning British privateering, it is probable
that their vessels engaged in this form of warfare
were considerably less numerous but decidedly su
perior in force to the Americans ; the latter seem to
have carried on the average between eight and nine
guns and less than thirty-five men, the British about
seventeen guns and seventy-five or more men. 2
1 Diary, ii, 264 (June 27, 1779.)
2 Jour. Cant. Congr., March 23, April 2, 3, 1776, May 2, 1780;
Naval Records of Amer. Rev. (calendar), 217-495; Emmons s
Statistical History of the Navy, 127 ; Mass. Archives, clxiv to clxxii ;
Penn. Archives, II, i, 366 ; Papers New London Hist. Soc., IV, i,
27; Sheffield s Rhode Island Privateers; Paullin; Diary and
Letters of Thomas Hutchinson; Williams s History of Liverpool
Privateers, App. iv, list of 95 vessels ; London Chronicle, April 1,
29, 1779, lists of 100 privateers from Liverpool and 121 from New
York ; Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 489, February 27, 1779, No. 3,
list of 69 New York privateers. See Appendix VII.
48 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Valuable service to the country was rendered by
the privateers, and they contributed in a large de
gree to the naval defense, and so to the fortunate
outcome of the war. On the other hand, the system
was subject to abuses and was in many ways detri
mental to the regular naval service. William Whip-
pie, writing to Josiah Bartlett from Portsmouth,
New Hampshire, July 12, 1778, says: "I agree
with you that the privateers have much distressed
the trade of our Enemies, but had there been no
privateers is it not probable there would have been
a much larger number of Public Ships than has
been fitted out, which might have distressed the
Enemy nearly as much & furnished these States with
necessaries on much better terms than they have
been supplied by Privateers? . . . No kind of
Business can so effectually introduce Luxury,
Extravagance and every kind of Dissipation, that
tend to the destruction of the morals of people.
Those who are actually engaged in it soon lose every
Idea of right & wrong, & for want of an opportunity
of gratifying their insatiable avarice with the pro
perty of the Enemies of their Country, will with
out the least compunction seize that of her Friends.
. . . There is at this time 5 Privateers fitting out
here, which I suppose will take 400 men. These
must be by far the greater part Countrymen, for
the Seamen are chiefly gone, & most of them in Hal-
lifax Gaol. Besides all this, you may depend no
public ship will ever be manned while there is a
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 49
privateer fitting out. The reason is plain: Those
people who have the most influence with Seamen
think it their interest to discourage the Public
service, because by that they promote their own
interest, viz., Privateering." *
As intimated in the foregoing, privateers at times
made trouble by seizing neutral vessels. In his ad
vocacy of a strong navy in preference to a service
under private control Whipple was in advance of
his time. William Vernon, of the Navy Board at
Boston, wrote to John Adams, December 17, 1778,
that the Continental ships in port "may sail in
Three Weeks, if it was possible to get Men, wch
we shall never be able to accomplish, unless some
method is taken to prevent desertion, and a stop-
age of Private Ships Sailing, until our ships are
Mann d. The infamous practice of seducing our
Men to leave the ships and taking them off at an
out-Port, with many other base methods, will make
it impossible ever to get our ships ready to Sail in
force, or perhaps otherwise than single Ships." He
wishes that "an Embargo upon all Private Pro
perty, whether Arm d or Merchant ships, may take
Place thro all the United States, until the Fleet is
compleatly Mann d. . . . You can scarsely form an
Idea of the increase and groath of the extravagance
of the People in their demands for Labour and
every Article for Sale &c ; dissipation has no bounds
at present ; when or where it will stop, or if a re-
1 Historical Magazine, March, 1862.
50 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
form will take place, I dare not predict." 1 The
expedient of laying a temporary embargo upon
privateers was occasionally resorted to.
A more favorable opinion of privateering is
found in a letter of John Adams to the President
of Congress, dated Amsterdam, September 16, 1780.
Speaking of commerce destroying he says : " This
is a short, easy, and infallible method of humbling
the English, preventing the effusion of an ocean of
blood, and bringing the war to a conclusion. In this
policy I hope our countrymen will join [the French
and Spanish] with the utmost alacrity. Privateer
ing is as well understood by them as any people
whatsoever ; and it is by cutting off supplies, not
by attacks, sieges, or assaults, that I expect deliver
ance from enemies." 2
No doubt what was then needed, as in every war,
was a well-balanced naval force made up of a suffi
cient number of fighting ships and commerce de
stroyers in the right proportions. Privateering was
more popular than the regular naval service on ac
count of the greater freedom from the restraints
of military discipline and because the profits were
larger; for privateersmen were devoted almost
wholly to commerce destroying and were conse
quently likely to take more prizes in the long run.
In addition to this and besides having higher pay,
1 Publ R. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 256.
2 Wharton, iv, 58. On the profits of privateering, see Channing,
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 51
the entire value of their prizes went to the owners
and captors. When the prizes of Continental cruis
ers were ships of war, one half the proceeds went
to the captors, and in other cases only one third.
In October, 1776, Congress increased the shares
of the captors to the whole and to one half the
value of these two classes of prizes respectively, in
order to put Continental vessels more nearly on
terms of equality with privateers. Bounties and
other inducements were resorted to for the purpose
of obtaining recruits. It would probably have been
better if not more than half as many private com
missions had been issued, provided that a corre
spondingly more powerful regular fleet could have
been put upon the sea. 1
It occasionally happened during the Revolution
that vessels built or purchased and fitted out for
the Continental service, subsequently found their
way into one of the state navies, or perhaps became
privateers ; and the reverse was also true in one or
two instances. It was also the case not infrequently
that two or all three of the different classes of vessels
cruised together in squadrons or on expeditions.
Officers likewise, beginning as privateersmen or in
state service, were sometimes transferred to the
Continental navy ; and, on the other hand, unem
ployed Continental officers and seamen, especially
1 Jour. Cont. Congr., April 17, August 5, October 30, 1776,
March 29, 1777, July 11, 1780. For further discussion of privateer
ing and commerce destroying 1 , see below, pp. 662, 663.
52 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
towards the end of the war, sought service in the
state navies or in privateers. For these reasons
there was to some extent a sort of blending of the
three classes of sea service, both as regards ships
and personnel. The narrative therefore will follow
a more natural course in describing the naval opera
tions of the war to a certain extent in a chro
nological or geographical order and not strictly
in conformity with the classes of service con
cerned.
The disparity between the sea power of America
and that of England, great as it actually was, will
be found less marked than mere figures would indi
cate, when we inquire into the true condition of the
British fleet and of naval administration in England.
Our enemy had many difficulties to contend with
which must be set off against the numbers of ships,
guns, and men to be found in statistical tables.
After the Revolution of 1688 the navy was less
dependent on the King than it formerly had been
and looked more to Parliament for favor, which was
an advantage in some ways, but brought the service
more into partisan politics. During the first three
quarters and more of the eighteenth century the
British navy suffered much from corruption and
mismanagement in civil administration, and at times
also from incompetent commanders at sea. Before
the end of the Seven Years War in 1763 a high
degree of efficiency had been brought about, but
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 63
after that a decided falling off took place and con
tinued many years. 1
It is not easy to make an estimate of the real
strength of the British navy at the time of the
American Kevolution,for figures derived from differ
ent sources vary, and many ships were sent to sea
in such poor condition that they were by no means
able to perform the service to be expected from
their nominal force. The number of vessels of all
classes in 1775 was stated to be two hundred and
seventy, including one hundred and thirty-one ships
of the line, that is, ships carrying sixty or more
guns on two or more decks; in 1783 the number
was four hundred and sixty-eight, including a hun
dred and seventy-four ships of the line. During the
same time the number of men increased from eigh
teen thousand to one hundred and ten thousand. In
January, 1778, there were supposed to be two
hundred and seventy-four vessels of all classes ready
for immediate service, of which ninety-two were on
the North American station besides thirteen at New
foundland and forty-one in the West Indies. At
the end of the year the total effective force was
three hundred and seventeen, while the numbers
in the Western Hemisphere were somewhat reduced.
These figures seem formidable when compared with
those of the Continental navy, including Washing
ton s little fleet in Massachusetts Bay, which corn-
1 Hannay s Short History of the Royal Navy, ii, 2, 101, 117,
118, 133, 134, 136.
54 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
prised altogether, during the whole course of the
war, between fifty and sixty vessels in actual service,
rating from thirty-two-gun frigates down to small
schooners and sloops. To these are to be added the
small craft on inland waters, the state navies, in
cluding perhaps forty or more sea-going cruisers,
and the privateers, numerous to be sure, and capable
of inflicting serious injury upon commerce, but in
no sense a menace even to the lighter regular cruisers
of the enemy. These American figures of course
very greatly exceed the number in service at any
one time. Nevertheless the British were beset with
manifold troubles and their ships found plenty of
occupation. The active and fast-sailing rebel priva
teers required close watching and led their pursuers
many a long chase. Supplies had to be brought
from Europe, and for the convoy of these as well
as of troop-ships a considerable part of their force
must be diverted from purely warlike employment.
The loss of the seafaring population of America as
a source of supply for the manning of the British
navy was likewise severely felt at a time when naval
expansion was necessary. In 1778 the navy of
France and later those of Spain and Holland entered
the contest against England and threatened her
naval supremacy. 1
1 Hannay, ii, 210-214, 219 ; Clowes s Eoyal Navy, iii, 327, 328 ;
Schomberg s Naval Chronology,!, 424, 436, 440, 453, ii, 1, 36, 68,
124 ; Beatson s Naval and Military Memoirs, iv, 291 ; Data col
lected by R. W. Neeser from Parliamentary Reports and other
sources. See also Neeser g Introduction to Naval History Society
Publications, iii.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 55
Yet a foe to the British navy more malign than
foreign navies was found in the Admiralty at home,
and that was maladministration. In 1771 the Earl
of Sandwich, who had previously been first lord of
the Admiralty for two short terms, was again ap
pointed to the office and held it until 1782. The
administration of the navy under Sandwich was not
only weak, but reached nearly the lowest depths of
corruption. In 1778, " embezzlement, larceny, swind
ling " and other like abuses prevailed in the dock
yards. Money was voted for repairs and the ships
were not repaired. " Vessels reported as well found
and ready for sea lay in the naval harbours rotting."
From 1775 to 1782, seventy-six vessels of the navy,
including fourteen of sixty-four or more guns, " cap
sized, foundered, or were wrecked." The nation was
charged with four thousand more men than were
rated on the books of the navy. There was collu
sion between dockyard officials and shipowners;
the former would inspect and condemn vessels and
the latter, having bought a ship, would change her
name and appearance and sell her back to the govern
ment for transport service. 1 Some of the admirals
participated in the fruits of embezzlement, and the
management of naval affairs at New York under
Arbuthnot was corrupt. Maltreatment of seamen,
bad food, scurvy, and other evils were due largely
to the dishonesty of pursers. Insubordination and
disaffection resulted, and it was said that from
1 Belcher s First American Civil War, i, 290-292.
66 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
1774 to 1780 forty-two thousand men deserted
from the navy. During the same time eighteen
thousand died of disease. Incompetent medical
service was the rule, and the mortality, especially
in tropical seas, was appalling ; but an exception to
this is to be found in the fleet of Admiral Rodney,
whose surgeon brought about reforms which saved
countless lives. 1
Charles Middleton, the comptroller of the navy,
in the course of correspondence with Sandwich,
spoke very plainly of the abuses in naval adminis
tration. 2 In 1779 he writes, " The desertions
from ships and hospitals are beyond imagination.
The discipline of service is entirely lost, and to a
great measure owing to admiralty indulgences, but
still more to admiralty negligence. The want of
vigour at that board has weakened its authority to
such a degree over the officers of the fleet, that no
respect is paid to its orders. . . . For want of
plan, for want of men of professional knowledge
used to business to assist at the admiralty, and for
want of method and execution, one error has pro
duced another, and the whole has become such a
mass of confusion, that I see no prospect of reduc
ing it to order. All I can do at the navy office will
avail but little if the admiralty continues what it
1 Belcher, 295-297, 304-308; Publications of Navy Records
Soc., xxxii, 80-83 ; Hannay, ii, 205-210, 214-216 ; Mass. Hist. Soc.
Proc., xliv, 364-368 ; Data collected by R. W. Neeser.
3 Navy Eec. Soc., xxxviii, 2-10, 16-30.
NAVAL ADMINISTRATION 57
is at present. It is, indeed, so wretchedly bad, that
if I waited for official orders and kept within the
mere line of duty without pressing or proposing
what ought to come unasked for, we must inevit
ably stand still. . . . The whole system of the
admiralty is rotten. . . . The dockyards, from
a want of proper attention to appointments, are in
a wretched disabled state, without spirit, without
discipline." l In another letter he says: " For want
of proper men to conduct the business at the ports,
no expedition is used in refitting the ships. The
officers are not kept to their duty. The men are
daily deserting in scores, and those who remain are
inclined to mutiny." 2 Again, February 3, 1781,
after relating much of the same sort, he observes :
" I cannot be an acquiescent witness of the present
weak state of the yards, and likely to continue so,
according to the current arrangements, at a crisis
when the utmost efforts of every officer in every
department of the navy from the highest to the
lowest, are most loudly demanded." 3 To this
Sandwich replies: " I have neither leisure nor in
clination to enter into a discussion upon the subject
of the letter with which you have favoured me." 4
In 1786, Middle ton, speaking of Sandwich s admin
istration, says that "all his successors, notwith
standing their great pretensions to a regard for the
public service, have proceeded in the same way ;
1 Navy Eec. Soc., xxxviii, 4, 5, 6. 2 Ibid. , 7.
a Ibid., 26. * Ibid., 27.
58 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
and I find politics have got too great a hold on this
branch of the navy for me to withstand it." *
It may be inferred from all this that the British
navy was less formidable than the imposing array
of ships on the printed lists would indicate ; and
yet service traditions of the right sort and fitness
for the sea gave the English a superiority as a fight
ing force over other European navies out of pro
portion to their numbers.
1 Navy Eec. Soc., xxxviii, 30.
CHAPTER III
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1775
GENERAL WASHINGTON took command of the Ameri
can army at Cambridge July 3, 1775, and the siege
of Boston was closely maintained at every point
except on the water side of the town. Here the
British received provisions and military stores
without interruption. It was of great importance
to intercept these supplies as far as possible with
a view to distressing the enemy ; and furthermore
the scarcity of the munitions of war with the col
onists suggested their capture from the British as
the readiest means of obtaining them. In August,
Washington had some correspondence with the
Provincial Congress of Massachusetts as to the
advisability of fitting out armed vessels for the pur
pose, but without immediate result. 1
Accordingly, there being no Continental naval
establishment at that time, he determined to
employ detachments of the army, for which he
required no further authority than the general
discretion allowed him for the effective prosecution
of the siege. The regiments recruited in Salem,
Marblehead, Beverly, and other shore towns were
composed largely of seafaring men ; the regiment
i Am. Arch., IV, iii, 327.
60 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
of Colonel John Glover of Marblehead afterwards
became noted for ferrying the Continental army
across the East Kiver to New York after the Battle
of Long Island and across the Delaware before the
Battle of Trenton. Washington drew upon these
regiments of sailors and fishermen for the crews of
the vessels fitted out in the fall of 1775.
The first of these vessels was the schooner Han
nah, and Captain Nicholson Broughton was put in
command. His instructions, signed by Washington
and dated September 2, 1775, were as follows:
" You, being appointed a Captain in the Army of
the United Colonies of North- America, are hereby
directed to take the command of a detachment of
said Army and proceed on board the Schooner Han
nah, at Beverly, lately fitted out and equipped with
arms, ammunition and provisions, at the Continen
tal expense. You are to proceed, as commander of
said Schooner, immediately on a cruise against such
vessels as may be found on the high seas or else
where, bound inwards and outwards, to or from
Boston, in the service of the Ministerial Army, and
to take and seize all such vessels laden with soldiers,
arms, ammunition or provisions, for or from said
Army, or which you shall have good reason to sus
pect are in such service." Broughton was to send his
prizes into "the safest and nearest Port to this
camp " ; papers disclosing the enemy s designs were
to be searched for ; prisoners were to be humanely
treated, allowed to retain their private property
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 61
and sent to headquarters under a guard furnished
by the Continental officer stationed at the port ; the
apportionment of prize money was prescribed ; armed
vessels of the enemy were to be avoided, the sole
object of the enterprise being the interception of
supplies ; a system of signals was to be established
for communicating with other vessels to be sent out.
The instructions concluded with the injunction " to
be extremely careful and frugal of your ammuni
tion ; by no means to waste any of it in salutes, or
any purpose but what is absolutely necessary." l
Broughton went to sea September 5 ; two days
later he put into Gloucester and made the following
report : " I sailed from Beverly last Tuesday at ten
o clock, with a fair wind ; proceeded on my cruise.
On the same day, about five o clock, saw two ships
of war ; they gave me chase. I made back towards
Cape Ann, but did not go in. Next morning I saw
a ship under my lee quarter ; she giving me chase,
I run into Cape Ann harbour. I went out again
that night about sunset and stood to the southward.
Next morning saw a ship under my lee quarter ; I
perceived her to be a large ship. I tacked and stood
back for the land ; soon after I put about and stood
towards her again and found her a ship of no force.
I came up with her, hailed, and asked where she
came from; was answered, from Piscataqua, and
bound to Boston. I told him he must bear away
and go into Cape Ann ; but being very loth, I told
i Am. Arch., IV, iii, 633.
62 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
him if he did not I should fire on her. On that she
bore away and I have brought her safe into Cape
Ann harbour, and have delivered the ship and pris
oners into the hands and care of the Committee of
Safety for this Town of Gloucester, and have de
sired them to send the prisoners under proper guard
to your Excellency for further orders." This prize
was the ship Unity, loaded with naval stores and
lumber. 1 It was the first capture made by a Con
tinental vessel.
Early in October Colonel Glover was instructed
to procure two other vessels in Salem or Newbury-
port and fit them out as soon as possible. The Han
nah was laid aside, and in her place another schooner
was hired, "of better fame for sailing." There was
considerable delay in getting these vessels ready for
sea. 2 Meanwhile Washington had received the in
structions of Congress of October 5, to attempt the
capture of the two brigs bound to Quebec. 3 Gov-
enor Cooke of Rhode Island was unable to give aid
in this matter, one of the Rhode Island vessels being
unfit for service, while the other, the sloop Katy,
Captain Whipple, was on a voyage to Bermuda in
quest of powder. For several weeks General Wash
ington and Governor Cooke had been corresponding
in regard to this enterprise. The scarcity of gun
powder in the American army caused Washington
great anxiety, and at his solicitation the governor
i Am. Arch., IV, iii, 668, 683. 2 Ibid., 946, 948, 994.
3 See above, p. 22.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 63
had dispatched the Katy to Bermuda, which at that
time seemed to be the most likely place to get it. 1
The people of Bermuda were friendly to the pop
ular cause in America and gave trouble to the
British by their opposition to the enforcement of
laws forbidding trade with the Kevolutionists. 2
, For the expedition to the Gulf of St. Lawrence
two of the schooners recently procured were chosen.
They were called the Lynch and the Franklin and
were put under the command of Captains Brough-
ton and Selman. Their orders were issued Octo
ber 16 : " The honourable Continental Congress
having received intelligence that two north country
brigantines of no force sailed from England some
time ago for Quebeck, laden with six thousand
stands of arms, a large quantity of powder and
other stores, you are hereby directed to make all
possible despatch for the River St. Lawrence and
there to take such a station as will best enable you
to intercept the above vessels. You are also to seize
and take any other transports laden with men, am
munition, clothing, or other stores for the use of the
Ministerial Army or Navy in America, and secure
them in such places as may be most safe and con
venient." Captain Broughton was to command the
expedition. If they found that the brigs had already
passed, they were still to cruise off the mouth of
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 36, 69, 137, 461, 631, 653, 654, 682, 710,
718, 728, 808, 842, 1037.
2 Brit Adm. Bee., A. D.488, No. 55, March 16, 1778.
64 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the river as long as the season would permit and
attempt to seize all vessels in the service of the
British army. It was thought that in case of the
capture of Quebec by the Americans, such vessels
would be likely to come down the river. Canadian
vessels, however, not in the British service, were
not to be in any way molested. After some further
delay the Lynch and Franklin sailed from Marble-
head October 21. 1
Soon after this, Captain Whipple returned from
Bermuda, where he had been well received by the
people, but found no powder. The Katy was at
once fitted out for a cruise to the eastward. In the
mean time work had been pushed on other vessels
for Washington s fleet under many difficulties, and
by the end of October four, in addition to the
Lynch and Franklin, were ready for service. They
were the schooners Lee and Warren at Salem and
Marblehead and the brigantine Washington and
schooner Harrison at Plymouth. The Lee, com
manded by Captain Manley of Marblehead, and
Harrison, Captain Coit of Connecticut, were at sea
October 29 ; the Warren, Captain Adams of New
Hampshire, and the Washington, Captain Martin-
dale of Rhode Island, got away early in November.
Their services were needed, as the enemy s trans
ports continued to arrive in Boston. Colonel Joseph
Reed, Washington s military secretary, suggested as
colors for the fleet " a flag with a white ground, a
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1068, 1075, 1076, 1083, 1109, 1134.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 65
tree in the middle, the motto, 4 Appeal to Heaven. "
This, the New England pine-tree flag, was used on
the floating batteries about Boston, and six months
later was prescribed by the Provincial Congress
for the Massachusetts navy. 1
The Lynch and Franklin arrived in the Strait
of Canso early in November and cruised in this
neighborhood about two weeks, not being able to
get further at that time on account of head winds.
They took a few small vessels which were after
wards released, not being considered lawful prize.
November 17 they appeared before Charlottetown,
the capital of the Island of St. John s (Prince
Edward Island). This was the farthest point they
reached. Here the conduct of Broughton and Sel-
maii showed a singular want of propriety for which
their only excuse seems to have been the informa
tion they had received that preparations were be
ing carried on there for assisting in the defense of
Quebec. They supposed they " should do essential
service by breaking up a nest of recruits intended
to be sent against Montgomery, who commanded
our forces in Quebeck." In the excess of their zeal
the Americans seized both public and private prop
erty and brought away as prisoners three prominent
citizens, including the acting governor. Upon ar
riving at Cambridge, these men were promptly
released and their property restored by General
i Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1083, 1126, 1134, 1167, 1181, 1182, 1208,
1246, 1250, 1251, 1345 ; Bee. Gen. Court Mass., April 29, 1776.
66 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Washington, who severely reproved Broughton and
Selman. Washington was disappointed and dissatis
fied with the results of this enterprise, and believed
that if they had gone farther and cruised in the mouth
of the St. Lawrence, " all the vessels coming down
that river must [have fallen] into their hands." 1
Meanwhile the other vessels of Washington s lit
tle fleet cruised with more or less success. The Har
rison brought two prizes into Plymouth November
6 ; they were a schooner and sloop from Nova Scotia
bound to Boston with provisions. As the season
advanced and the weather became severe, some of
these soldier sailors grew discontented and trouble
some. William Watson, Washington s agent at
Plymouth, on November 23 found the crew of the
Harrison " an uneasy set of fellows who have got
soured by the severity of the season," and on the
29th he wrote to the commander-in-chief u that the
people on board the Brigantine Washington are in
general discontented and have agreed to do no duty
on board said vessel, and say that they enlisted to
serve in the army and not as marines. I believe
Capt. Martindale has done all in his power to make
things easy. His people really appear to me to be
a set of the most unprincipled abandoned fellows I
ever saw. I am very apprehensive that little is to
be expected from fellows drawn promiscuously from
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1337, 1379, 1407, 1419, iv, 158, 178, 181,
214, 451 ; Salem Gazette, July 22, 1856, quoted in Waite s Origin
of the American Navy.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 67
the army for this business ; but that if people were
enlisted for the purpose of privateering, much might
be expected from them." Washington wrote to the
President of Congress December 4 : " The plague,
trouble and vexation I have had with the crews of
all the armed vessels is inexpressible. I do believe
there is not on earth a more disorderly set. Every
time they come into port we hear of nothing but
mutinous complaints. Manly s success has lately,
and but lately, quieted his people. The crews of the
Washington and Harrison have actually deserted
them, so that I have been under the necessity of
ordering the agent to lay the latter up, and get
hands for the other on the best terms he could." On
the same day, however, news of a fortunate cruise
of Captain Manley having reached Plymouth, Wat
son wrote : " After repairing on board the brig
Saturday night, inquiring into the cause of the un
easiness among the people and finding it principally
owing to their want of clothing, and after supply
ing them with what they wanted, the whole crew, to
a man, gave three cheers and declared their readi
ness to go to sea the next morning. The warm
weather at that tune and the news of Captain Man
ly s good success had a very happy influence on the
minds of the people." 1
John Manley was the most successful of the
captains and was regarded by Washington with
especial favor. He was about forty-two years of age
i Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1378, 1658, 1713, iv, 179, 181.
68 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
and of English birth, but had lived since early
manhood in Marblehead. His vessel, the Lee, was
a seventy-two ton schooner carrying a large square-
sail on the fore topmast ; she mounted four four-
pounders and ten swivels, and was manned by fifty
soldiers from Glover s regiment. Early in Novem
ber Manley captured two or three small vessels.
About the middle of the month a British frigate
arrived at Boston with another vessel under convoy.
It was learned that a third vessel which had been
with them had not arrived. Manley, who happened
to be at Beverly, received this information from
headquarters and immediately went to sea in search
of the belated vessel. On the 29th he sighted a
sail which proved to be the object of his search, the
brigantine Nancy, which when overhauled sur
rendered without resistance and was taken into
Gloucester. The Nancy carried a large cargo of ord
nance and military stores which were of the utmost
value to the American army. Besides other things
there were two thousand muskets, thirty-one tons
of musket shot, three thousand round shot, several
barrels of powder, and a thirteen-inch brass mortar,
which promised to be most useful in the siege of
Boston. A few days later the mortar was " fixed
on its bed before the Continental Laboratory [in
Cambridge] . It is called The Congress, and is pro
nounced to be the noblest piece of ordnance ever
landed in America." l Manley continued his cruise,
1 N. E. Chronicle, December 7, 1775.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 69
and within a few days captured a three hundred
ton ship called the Concord. A little later he took
two other vessels and still another before the end
of the year. On board one of these prizes were im
portant letters of Lord Dunmore, the royal gov
ernor of Virginia. 1
In regard to the capture of the Nancy, Lord
Sandwich, then at the head of the Admiralty, said :
" The loss of the ordnance store ship is a fatal event,
and by what Mr. Pringle tells me, has been most
probably owing to the treachery of the master, who
went out under convoy which he parted from on
his passage and tho a frigate on the coast of Amer
ica, which he met at sea, took him under her pro
tection, he parted from her also and continued to
be beating backwards and forwards near the shore
till he was picked up by the enemy s whaleboats." 2
From the preceding narrative it appears that the
close of the year 1775 found the Americans begin
ning in a resolute if somewhat feeble way to curtail
in a slight measure the complete control of the sea
held by their enemy. In a letter to Richard Henry
Lee, dated November 27, before Manley s more not
able successes, Washington sums up the situation in
New England waters : " In answer to your inquiries
respecting armed vessels, there are none of any tol
erable force belonging to this Government. I know
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1537, 1721, 1722, iv, 168, 179, 180, 181,
214, 227,314 ; Coll Essex Institute, January, 1909 ; Boston Gazette,
December 4, 25, 1775 ; Mass. Spy, December 15, 1775.
2 Hist. Manuscripts Commission, Stopford-Sackville MSS-, 20.
70 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
of but two of any kind ; those very small." He
doubtless alludes to the Machias Liberty and Dili
gent and to the provincial government of Massachu
setts. " At the Continental expense I have fitted out
six, two of which are upon the cruise directed by
Congress ; the rest ply about Capes Cod and Ann,
as yet to very little purpose. These vessels are all
manned by officers and soldiers, but how far, as
they are upon the old establishment which has not
more than a month to exist, they can be ordered off
this station, I will not undertake to say ; but sup
pose they might be engaged anew. Belonging to
Providence there are two armed vessels, and I am
told Connecticut has one." 1 As it was usual to call
most armed vessels privateers, references to them
in the newspapers and in correspondence cannot be
relied on, but presumably some of those commis
sioned by Massachusetts had begun to cruise by the
end of the year. Colonel Joseph Ward, writing to
John Adams from the camp at Koxbury December
3, expresses his belief that naval enterprise on the
part of the separate colonies will bring the best
results. 2
On the 1st of January, 1776, Washington ap
pointed Manley commodore of his fleet and he
hoisted his pennant on board the schooner Hancock,
which had just been added to the force. The terms
of enlistment of the soldiers who had manned the
vessels having just expired, new crews were recruited
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 1687. 2 Adams MSS.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 71
from the seafaring population along shore. All the
vessels received new commanders. Daniel Waters
took the Lee, Samuel Tucker the Franklin, Charles
Dyar the Harrison, John Ayres the Lynch, and
William Burke the Warren. The commissions and
instructions of the first three of these captains were
dated January 20 ; of the other two, February 1.
The Washington, Captain Martindale, had been
captured by the British frigate Fowey off Cape Ann
in December, and taken into Boston. 1
In January, Manley took two prizes off Nan-
tasket and was convoying them to Plymouth when
he fell in with a British eight-gun schooner and
had a brisk engagement in sight of the enemy s fleet
in Nantasket Roads. The schooner sheered off and
ran into Boston Harbor. Washington wrote to Man-
ley, January 28 : " I received your agreeable letter
of the 26th instant giving an account of your having
taken and carried into Plymouth two of the enemy s
transports. Your conduct in engaging the eight-gun
schooner with so few hands as you went out with,
your attention in securing your prizes and your
general good behavior since you first engaged in the
service, merit my and your country s thanks." He
goes on to suggest appointing stations for the dif
ferent vessels, so as to give a better chance of inter
cepting the enemy s supplies, saying that the other
1 Coll Essex Inst., January, 1909 ; Am. Arch., IV, iv, 257, 791,
793, 910 ; Sheppard s Life of Tucker, 31-35, 49, 50 ; Boston Gazette,
January 1, 1776 ; Brit. Adm. Eec., A. D. 485 , December 15, 1775.
72 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
captains, having been instructed to take orders from
Manley, dared not disobey ; " I wish you could in
spire the captains of the other armed schooners
under your command with some of your activity and
industry." l A few days later Manley had another
encounter with the enemy. As he " was coming out
of Plymouth January 30, an armed brig (which went
from Boston for the purpose of taking him, as he
supposed) gave him chase, upon which he ran his
vessel on shore a little south of the North River in
Scituate. The brig came to anchor and fired not less
than four hundred times upon the privateer ; but,
very remarkable, no man was even wounded. One
ball entered the stern and passed but about six
inches from Captain Manly, who" was confined by
sickness in his cabin. The next day one hundred
and thirty balls were found upon the adjacent shore.
Besides the above, which is from a correspondent
near where the affair happened, we hear that after
the brig ceased firing she manned her boats, boarded
Captain Manly s vessel (the people being ashore)
and endeavoured to set her on fire ; but seeing our
people coming upon them, they were glad to get off
without effecting their design. She has since been
got off, is refitting and nearly ready for another
cruise." 2 The Hancock took two prizes in March,
one of which was armed and only surrendered after
1 Ford s Writings of Washington, iii, 382, 383.
2 Am. Arch., IV, iv, 910 (letter from Cambridge, February 1,
1776).
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 73
an engagement. The Lee and Franklin captured a
large brigantine early in February and sent her into
Gloucester. 1
Meanwhile, during the occupation of Boston by
the British, other vessels than those of Washington s
fleet were cruising in Massachusetts Bay and to
the eastward. In December the Rhode Island sloop
Katy, Captain Whipple, captured one of the enemy s
ships. The privateer Yankee Hero of Newburyport
cruised in February and March with success. Among
the prizes taken was " a large Ship from and own d
in London, laden with Coal, Cheese and Porter,
bound for the Ministerial Assassins at Boston."
February 26, 1776, fifteen prizes were advertised
to be tried at Ipswich, and March 25, twelve others
at Plymouth. 2
The great event of the month of March was
heralded with a joy which found expression in some
what extravagant language. On the 18th the evac
uation of Boston was announced in the " Gazette,"
which was published at Watertown : " On Friday
[March 15] it was reported they were plundering
the town, breaking and destroying everything they
could not carry away. And yesterday morning this
last account was verified by the speedy and precip-
1 Am. Arch., IV, iv, 863,883,910, 936, v,196, 834 ; Washington,
iii, 382, 403 ; Tucker, 56 ; Coll. Essex Inst., January, 1909 ; Boston
Gazette, January 22, 29, February 12, March 11, 18, 1776; N. E.
Chronicle, February 1, 8, 1776.
2 Boston Gazette, December 11, 1775, January 22, February 19,
26, March 4, 18, 25, 1776 ; Mass. Spy, January 26, 1776.
74 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
itate retreat of the whole of the Ministerial butch
ering, murdering and plundering Banditti of Lord
North s mercenaries." March 22, Colonel Joseph
"Ward wrote to John Adams : " The 17th Inst. the
Pirates all abandoned their Works in Boston &
Charlestown & went on board their Ships, & on the
20th they burnt & destroyed the Works on Castle
Island. They now lye in Nantasket Road waiting
for a fair wind ; we keep a vigilant eye over them
lest they should make an attack on some unexpected
quarter." 1
Soon after the evacuation Washington went to
New York with the main army, leaving General
Artemas Ward in command at Boston. The fleet
then passed under Ward s orders. Captain Manley
was appointed to command one of the new frigates
authorized by Congress in December, 1775, and
gave up the schooner Hancock to Captain Tucker;
and the Franklin was commanded for a short time
by James Mugford of Marblehead. The Hancock
on May 7 captured two brigs off Boston Harbor in
sight of two or three British men-of-war at anchor,
which had remained after the evacuation. The
prizes were taken into Lynn. 2
On May 17 the Franklin captured the ship Hope
with a large cargo of military stores including
seventy-five tons of powder. Mugford took his prize
1 Boston Gazette, March 18, 1776 ; Adams MSS.
2 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 396 ; N. E. Chronicle, May 9, 1776 ; Boston
Gazette, May 13, 1776.
JAMES MUGFORD
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 75
into Boston, running by the British fleet in the
harbor. " The enemy on board the men of war be
low, intolerably vexed and chagrined that the above
ship should be taken and unloaded in their open
view, formed a design of wreaking their vengeance
on the gallant Capt. Mugford, who took her. The
Sunday following [May 19] Capt. Mugford, in
company with capt. Cunningham in the Lady Wash
ington, a small privateer armed with swivels, blund
erbusses and muskets, fell down in order to go out
in the bay. The enemy observed their sailing and
fitted out a fleet of boats for the purpose of sur
prizing and taking them in the night ; and the
Franklin s running aground in the Gut gave them
a good opportunity for executing their plan. The
Lady Washington came to anchor near capt. Mug-
ford, and between 9 and 10 o clock he discovered
a number of boats which he hailed and received for
answer, that they were from Boston. He ordered
them to keep off, or he would fire upon them. They
begged him for God s sake not to fire, for they were
going on board him. Capt. Mugford instantly fired
and was followed by all his men, and cutting his
cable bro t his broadside to bear, when he discharged
his cannon loaded with musket ball directly in upon
them. Before the cannon could be charged a second
time, 2 or 3 boats were alongside, each of them
supposed to have as many men on board as the
Franklin, which were only 21, including officers.
By the best accounts there were not less than 13
76 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
boats in all, many of them armed with swivels and
having on board, at the lowest computation, 200
men. Capt. Mugford and his men plied those along
side so closely with fire arms and spears and with
such intrepidity, activity and success, that two boats
were soon sunk and all the men either killed or
drowned. But while the heroic Mugford, with out
stretched arms, was righteously dealing death and
destruction to our base and unnatural enemies, he
received a fatal ball in his body, which in a few
minutes put a period to a life, from which, had it
been spared, his oppressed country would undoubt
edly have reaped very eminent advantages. After
our brave men had maintained this unequal contest
for about half an hour, the enemy thought proper
to retire. The carnage among them must have been
great, for besides the two boat loads killed and
drowned many were doubtless killed and wounded
on board the others. Great execution was done by
the spears. One man with that weapon is positive
of having killed nine of the enemy. The number
of boats which attacked the Franklin was about 8
or 9. The remainder, to the number of 4 or 5, at
the same time attacked Capt. Cunningham in the
Lady Washington, who then had on board only 6
men besides himself. This brave little company gave
the boats such a warm reception that the enemy
were soon glad to give over the contest, after suffer
ing, it is thought, considerable loss." l
1 Boston Gazette, May 20, 27, 1776; Am. Arch., IV, vi, 495, 496.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 77
General Ward s report of May 20 differs some
what from the above as to the manner of Mug-
ford s death. He says : " Captain Mugford was very
fiercely attacked by twelve or thirteen boats full of
men, but he and his men, exerted themselves with
remarkable bravery, beat off the enemy, sunk sev
eral of their boats, and killed a number of their
men ; it is supposed they lost sixty or seventy. The
intrepid Captain Mugford fell a little before the
enemy left his schooner ; he was run through with
a lance while he was cutting off the hands of the
pirates as they were attempting to board him, and
it is said that with his own hands he cut off five
pairs of theirs. No other man was killed or wounded
on board the Franklin. . . . Mr. Mugford was not
commissioned Captain of the Franklin, but Master ;
and as the other officers had left the schooner, he
took command." A week later Ward gave further
details as to the part taken by the Lady Washing
ton : " The Franklin had twenty-one men, officers
included ; the Lady Washington had seven, Captain
Cunningham commander. She was attacked by five
boats, which were supposed to contain near or quite
a hundred men ; but after repeated efforts to board
her they were beaten off by the intrepidity and ex
ertions of the little company, who gloriously defended
the Lady against the brutal ravishers of liberty." l
In regard to the Franklin s prize, General Howe
wrote from Halifax, June 7, to Lord George Ger-
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 532, 602.
78 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
main : " It is with concern I am to advise your lord
ship of another ordnance store ship, named the Hope,
being taken in Boston Bay. She had a large pro
portion of entrenching tools on board and, it is said,
1500 barrels of powder. I understand the master
was suspected of treachery before the ship left Eng
land and that Captain Dickson, commanding the
Greyhound, gave information of the suspicion to the
Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, sometime
before she sailed under his convoy." l
Many transports sailed from England for America
in the spring of 1776. It was reported by a ship
master lately arrived from France that a fleet of
about forty with five thousand troops on board had
sailed from Plymouth March 10. 2 Another fleet of
thirty-three troopships conveying three thousand
Highlanders sailed from Scotland for Boston before
news of the evacuation of the town reached England.
Some of them arrived while the British fleet was
still in the harbor and were able to join it. One of
them, however, early in June was so unfortunate as
to fall in with the schooners Lee, Captain Waters,
and Warren, Captain Burke, and was captured and
taken safely into port. She had about a hundred
soldiers on board. 3
In a letter to Washington dated June 16, 1776,
General Ward gives an account of the measures
1 Stopford-Sackville MSS., 35.
2 Adams MSS., April 30, 1776.
8 Papers of Cont. Congress, 152, 2, 45 ; Boston Gazette, June 10,
1776.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 79
taken to make complete the evacuation of Boston. He
says: "The thirteenth Instant at evening I ordered
five Hundred men with proper officers, a detachment
of the Train with a thirteen Inch Mortar, two Eigh
teen pounders and some small Cannon, under the
Command of Colo. Whitcomb, to take post on Long
Island to annoy the Enemys Ships ; the necessary
works were thrown up in the night and the next
morning our Cannon and Mortar began to play upon
the pirates, which soon drove them all out of the
harbour. The Fleet consisted of thirteen in number,
the Renown of fifty Guns, several smaller ships of
War and some transports with Highlanders on board ;
as near as we could judge there were about eight hun
dred Troops on board the Transports. They blew up
the Light house as they went off and then put to sea
with their Fleet. I think it probable they will leave
some Frigates to cruize in the bay. A number of the
Colony troops and militia were to have thrown up
some works the same night on Petticks Island and
Nantasket head, but by some unfortunate obstruc
tions they did not get their Canon ready in time ;
however, they gave the Enemy a number of Shot as
the Ships passed through the Channel. Our shot
cut away some of their yards and rigging and several
sent into the ships sides, but the Shells from the
Mortar terryfied them most ; they returned a fierce
shot from the Commodores ship without any effect
and got under sail with all expedition." * An offi-
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 2, 99.
80 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
cer of the militia, sent to Nantasket Head, says
that, after great and unavoidable delay, guns were
mounted on Quaker Hill. The fleet had already
dropped down and anchored opposite the lighthouse.
" The Commodore lay foremost and after firing the
second shot he blew up the Light-House, and at the
fourth round the whole fleet got under way a second
time. Some of our shot we have no doubt struck
him, as all the boats in the fleet were sent to tow
him off. He fired but one shot, but we pelted him
till out of reach of our cannon/ 1 The British
fleet, commanded by Commodore Banks, consisted
of eight ships, two snows, two brigs, and a schooner.
The Renown, with two other men-of-war and twelve
transports, arrived at Halifax July 6. 2
It is probable that some of the fleet of Scotch
transports bound to Boston were intercepted by
Commodore Banks and taken into Halifax with him ;
several of these ships got safely into that place
eventually. But June 16, only two days after the
last British vessel had been driven out of Boston
Harbor, two of these transports unsuspiciously ap
proached the port. The officer of militia stationed
at Nantasket gives an account of what passed under
his notice, as the vessels came within view of that
point, saying : " On Sunday afternoon we saw a
ship and a brigantine standing in for the Light-
1 Am. Arch., IV, iv, 946.
2 Ibid., 917, 931, 945 ; Almon, iii, 201, 235, 236 ; Boston Gazette,
June 17, 1776 ; Continental Journal, June 20, 1776 ; Adams MSS. t
June 16, 1776.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 81
House channel, chased and fired upon by four
privateers." One of these seems to have been the
schooner Warren, Captain Burke, of Washington s
fleet. The combatants " frequently exchanged broad
sides. We, supposing them to be part of the Scotch
fleet, got every man to his quarters and carried one
eighteen -pounder to Point Alderton on purpose to
hinder their retreat should they get into the road,
opposite where we had three eighteen pounders.
About five o clock the privateers left them and stood
for the southward, when the ship and brig crowded
all their sail for the channel. Our orders were not
to fire till the last [the brig] got abreast of us.
In tacking, she got aground just under our cannon,
when we hailed her to strike to this Colony ; they
refused and we fired one eighteen -pounder loaded
with round and canister shot, when she struck and
cried out for quarters. We ordered the boat and
Captain on shore and then fired at the ship, but being
quite dark, we supposed she had struck. By this
time the privateers came up. A Captain of the High
landers in the brigantine s boat came on shore. Some
time after, the ship got under way and stood for
the Narrows, when a, fine privateer brigantine [the
Defence of the Connecticut navy], commanded by
Captain Harding of New Haven, . . . and five
schooners gave chase. The brig came alongside, when
a hot engagement ensued, which lasted three quarters
of an hour, when the ship struck. The brigantine
floating, took advantage of the confusion and
82 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
attempted to follow, both supposing the enemy in
possession of Boston." 1
The Defence had sailed from Plymouth in the
morning. One of her lieutenants, Samuel Smedley,
says that firing was heard in the direction of Boston.
It was foggy, but cleared in the afternoon and the
vessels in action were then seen. On account of
light wind it was sunset before the Defence came
up with the schooners, which were then making
off, and learned that the strangers were transports.
"We made the best of our way towards them and
at eleven at night found them at anchor a small
distance above where the Light-House formerly
stood. We likewise ran close to them and anchored.
Hailed them from whence they came. They answered
from England. Captain Harding ordered them im
mediately to strike. They, like brave soldiers, re
fused and immediately a very heavy fire began and
at the end of near two hours we made them surren
der." 2 According to this statement the Defence
captured the transports without any help from the
schooners, which Smedley accuses of cowardice and
thinks should not share in the prizes. General Ward
in his report says " that the Continental Privatiers
have taken and brought into Nantasket in this Har
bour a Ship and a Brig from Glasgow with two hun
dred and ten Highlanders on board." 3 The losses
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 946 ; Continental Journal, June 20, 1776.
2 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 1127.
8 Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 2, 99.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 83
are variously stated, the lowest for the Americans
being three wounded, one of them mortally ; for the
British, four killed including a major, and eight or
ten wounded. Two days later another vessel was
taken, with one hundred and twelve Highlanders,
but whether by privateers or by Washington s fleet
is not clear. There were now over four hundred
soldiers, taken on transports, confined in the vicin
ity of Boston. It was reported that at just about the
same time two more of these Scotch transports were
taken by a Rhode Island privateer and sent into
Dartmouth (New Bedford), and two others were
captured by the Continental brig Andrew Doria. 1
The capture of their transports was disturbing
to the British authorities, and the Admiralty called
upon Admiral Howe, who in 1776 relieved Ad
miral Shuldham in command of the North Ameri
can station, for an investigation, to which he replied
in February, 1777. In this report was inclosed a
letter written by Shuldham in February, 1776, in
which, referring to the earlier captures made by
Washington s fleet, he had suggested " that all Sup
plies to this Country might be sent in Armed Ves
sels, I mean such as our Old Forty Gun Ships
with only their upper Tier of Guns, for however
numerous our Cruizers may be or however atten
tive our Officers to their Duty, it has been found
1 Continental Journal, June 20, 1776 ; N. E. Chronicle, June 20,
July 4, 1776 ; Boston Gazette, June 24, July 15, 1776 ; Letters of
John and Abigail Adams, 95, 96 ; Tucker, 57-60 ; Stopford-Sack-
ville MSB., 36. See below, p. 116.
84: NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
impossible to prevent some of our Ordnance and
other valuable Stores, in small Vessels, falling into
the hands of the Rebels, and here I must take occa
sion to say that in the course of my Service I never
found Officers perform their Duty with so much
perseverance and Vigilance as ours on this import
ant Service ; indeed the firmness with which they
have resisted the rigor of this long and severe
Winter in constantly keeping the Sea on their re-
spective Stations is unprecedented and incredible.
At the same time I must beg leave to observe to
you the very few Ships I am provided with to en
able me to co-operate with the Army, Cruize off
the Ports of the Rebels to prevent their receiving
Supplies, or protect those destined to this place
from falling into their hands." 1 Howe s inquiries
brought out the fact that Shuldham in March,
1776, had detailed seven small cruisers to remain
with Commodore Banks in Boston Harbor, in order
to insure the safety of such transports as might ar
rive after the departure for Halifax of the main
body of the British. Other service, however, pre
vented these vessels from being on hand when
needed. The frigate Milford and two or three
smaller vessels, with the Renown, made up the
whole available force for the protection of the trans
ports. Howe added that "respecting the Use that
has been made of the Harbour of Boston as an
Asylum for the Rebel Cruizers and their Prizes,
1 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 487, February 26, 1776.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 85
their Lordships knowing the Nature and Circum
stances of the Port will be apprised of the Impos
sibility to prevent an Enemy from profiting greatly
by the Advantages of such a Situation." 1
The vessels of Washington s fleet continued to
cruise in Massachusetts Bay during the whole of
the year 1776. Captain Tucker in the Hancock
and Captain Skimmer, who had taken Mugford s
place in the Franklin, captured the armed ship
Peggy and two brigs in July. Tucker is said to
have taken thirty or forty prizes in all, of which
the last was brought into port in December and
furnished the army with much-needed clothing.
The operations of the fleet and of other American
armed vessels were a good deal hampered by British
cruisers in Massachusetts Bay. John Adams learned
from a correspondent that " Our Bay is infested
with 3 or 4 frigates which have retaken some valu
able Prizes and interrupt our coasting trade." 2 It
was recorded in a newspaper that " Monday and
Tuesday last the British Tyrant Frigate Milford
was seen in our Bay, and to have two Schooners and
a Sloop as Prizes. She has taken the Continental
Privateer Warren, Capt. Burk, and is continually
cruizing between Cape-Cod and Cape- Ann, that we
apprehend she will intercept all our Trade. Tis
hoped that some of our American Frigates will come
this Way and rid our Coast of this inhuman Plun-
1 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 487, No. 24, February 20, 1777.
2 Adams MSS. t September 17, 1776.
86 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
derer." 1 The Warren is believed to have been the
only one of Washington s fleet to be captured, ex
cept the brigantine Washington taken in Decem
ber, 1775. Early in the year 1777 the fleet was
broken up by order of the Marine Committee ; the
Lee, however, continued to cruise several months
longer. The vessels were disposed of as they were
put out of commission, and some of the officers
were taken into the Continental navy. 2
Upon his arrival in New York in April, 1776,
General Washington began to fit out another but
much smaller fleet for the defense of the neighbor
ing waters. He was aided by the cooperation of the
New York Committee of Safety. Two sloops, the
General Schuyler and the General Mifflin, were
fitted out. Other vessels, wholly or partly under
Washington s control or under the New York Com
mittee, were the schooner General Putnam, the
sloop Montgomery and the galleys Lady Washing
ton, Washington, and Spitfire. The galleys were
used in the defense of the Hudson and the two last
named came from Khode Island. The larger ves
sels cruised, mostly about Long Island and along
the New Jersey shore, with some success. In June
one of the transports which had been captured by
the Andrew Doria, as has just been related, was re
taken by the British frigate Cerberus and was then
1 Continental Journal, September 5, 1776 ; Am. Arch., V, ii, 116.
z lbid., i, 662, iii, 685, 799; Tucker, 61-65; Boston Gazette,
July 8, August 5, September 9, 1776 ; Marine Committee Letter
Book, 59, 62, 114 (February 7, March 21, November 22, 1777).
NEW YORK BAY
AND VICINITY
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 87
taken again by the General Schuyler, under the
command of Lieutenant Joseph Davison. In the
same month the Schuyler, cruising in company with
the Montgomery, recaptured four prizes of the
British frigate Greyhound. 1
On August 3, Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin Tup-
per reported to General Washington the operations
of a flotilla of five galleys on the Hudson : " I am
now to inform your Excellency that my flag being
hoisted on board of the Washington, I came up
with the Ships [Phoenix and Rose] & attacked at
J past One this Afternoon. The Pheonix fired the
first Gun, which was return d by the Lady Wash
ington, whose Shot went thro the Pheonix. Upon
my Orders the Lady Washington put about to form
a Line; the tide was such that the Washington &
Spitfire was exposed to the Broad Sides of the
Ships for ^ of an hour without Suffering mutch
Damage. We engaged them an hour & a half and
then we thought to retreat to Dobb s Ferry about
4 miles below the Ships." 2 The Americans lost one
killed and thirteen wounded, one of them mortally.
Another account says that the Washington
" came within grape shot of the ships and sustained
their whole fire for a quarter of an hour before the
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 410, 545, 563, 564,V, i, 141 ; N. E. Chronicle,
July 4, 1775 ; Washington, iv, 167, 318 ; Jour. N. Y. Prov. Congr.,
i, 416 ; E. I. Colonial Bee., vii, 582 ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 2, 131
(Davison to Washington, June 27, 1776).
2 Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 2, 337 (Tupper to Washington, August
3, 1776); ^m. Arch.,V , i, 1QG.
88 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
other ships could come up, the Lady Washington
falling into the line according to orders. The Spit
fire advanced to the assistance of the Washington
and behaved well. We had as hot a fire as perhaps
ever was known for an hour and a half. The Wash
ington, on board of which I was, had her bow guns
knocked away, many of her oars, and some shot in
her waist. The Lady Washington had her bow gun,
a 32 pounder, split seven inches. The Spitfire was
hulled between wind and water. The Phoenix was
hulled six times. We had four men killed and four
teen wounded. Our force was very inferior to the
enemy ; the lower tier of one side of the Phoenix
was equal to that of all gallies. Yet our Commo
dore resolved to attack them, and for six small gal-
lies to lie near two hours within grape shot of one
ship of 44 guns and another of 24 guns is no con
temptible affair." 1
The British account says that at one o clock
"six of the Rebels schooners and Row Gallies
attacked us. We began and kept up a constant
fire at them for Two Hours, at which time they
Row d away down the River and came to an anchor
in sight of us." One of the galleys was seen to
have sustained considerable damage. The Phoenix,
which had received only two shot in her hull, pre
pared to run down to the American flotilla, but
the wind shifted and the pilot advised against it on
1 Almon, iv, 49 (letter from Tarrytown, August 4, 1776) ; Am.
Arch., V, i, 751.
WASHINGTON S FLEET, 1775 AND 1776 89
account of the narrowness of the channel. 1 Two
weeks later the Phoenix and Rose, at anchor in the
river, were attacked by fireships. 2 Movements in the
immediate vicinity of New York were brought to
an end after the occupation of that place by the
British in August, 1776.
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 487, August 4, 1776. See Mag. of His
tory, November, 1905.
2 Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 487, August 17, 1776. See below,
p. 154.
CHAPTER IV
THE NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776
THE Naval Committee was busy during the winter
of 1775 and 1776 fitting out the four vessels which
had been purchased in November the Alfred, Co
lumbus, Andrew Doria, and Cabot. Commodore
Hopkins arrived in Philadelphia early in the winter
on board the sloop Katy, Captain Whipple, which
brought seamen from Rhode Island to man the fleet. 1
The Katy was taken into the navy and called the
Providence. Three other vessels were added to the
fleet a sloop named the Hornet and two schoon
ers, the Wasp and Fly. The Hornet and Wasp
were at Baltimore.
On January 5, 1776, the Naval Committee issued
" Orders and Directions for the Commander in Chief
of the Fleet of the United Colonies." These gen
eral instructions related to discipline and to matters
concerning the management of the fleet. The com
modore was to correspond regularly with Congress
" and with the commander in chief of the Continen
tal forces in America." He was to give his orders
to subordinate officers in writing, and the captains
of the fleet were to make him monthly returns of
1 Hopkins,Sl ; B.I. Hist. Mag.Julj, 1885, journal of Lieutenant
Trevett.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 91
conditions on board each vessel, the state of the ship
and of the crew and the quantity of stores and pro
visions. He was to give directions for the captains
to follow in case of separation ; to appoint officers
for any vessels that might be captured; to give
special attention to the care of the men under his
command and to the arms and ammunition ; and
prisoners were to " be well and humanely treated." *
The committee also gave the commodore special
instructions and sailing orders of the same date. He
was " to proceed with the said fleet to sea and, if
the winds and weather will possibly admit of it, to
proceed directly for Chesapeak Bay in Virginia,
and when nearly arrived there you will send for
ward a small swift sailing vessel to gain intelligence
of the enemies situation and strength. If by such
intelligence you find that they are not greatly su
perior to your own, you are immediately to enter
the said bay, search out and attack, take or destroy
all the naval force of our enemies that you may find
there. If you should be so fortunate as to execute
this business successfully in Virginia, you are then
to proceed immediately to the southward and make
yourself master of such forces as the enemy may
have both in North and South Carolina, in such
manner as you may think most prudent from the
intelligence you shall receive, either by dividing
your fleet or keeping it together. Having compleated
your business in the Carolinas, you are without de-
1 Am. Arch., IV, iv, 578 ; Hopkins, 84.
92 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
lay to proceed northward directly to Ehode Island
and attack, take and destroy all the enemies naval
force that you may find there." He was also ordered
to seize transports and supply vessels, advised as to
the disposal of prisoners, and directed to fit out his
prizes for service when suitable and appoint officers
for them, calling on the assemblies and committees
of safety of the various colonies for aid, if necessary,
in all matters. " Notwithstanding these particular
orders which it is hoped you will be able to execute,
if bad winds or stormy weather or any other unfor-
seen accident or disaster disable you so to do, you
are then to follow such courses as your best judg
ment shall suggest to you as most useful to the
American cause and to distress the enemy by all
means in your power." *
In the fall of 1775, Governor Dunmore of Vir
ginia organized a flotilla of small vessels in the
Chesapeake with which he ravaged the shores of
the bay and of the rivers flowing into it. 2 It was
for the purpose of attempting the destruction of this
fleet that Hopkins was ordered to begin his cruise
by entering Chesapeake Bay.
The Alfred was selected as the flagship of the fleet,
and when she was ready to be put into commission
the commodore went on board and the Continental
colors were hoisted by Lieutenant John Paul Jones,
for the first time on any regular naval vessel of the
United States, and were properly saluted. This was
1 Hopkins, 94-97. 2 See below, pp. Ill, 139.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 93
a yellow flag bearing " a lively representation of a
rattlesnake," with the motto " Don t tread on me."
The exact date of this ceremony is uncertain. 1
The ice in the river delayed the sailing of the ex
pedition, which it was hoped would get away by the
middle of January. Meanwhile on the 4th the fol
lowing notice was published : " The Naval Commit
tee give possitive orders that every Officer in the
Sea and Marine Service, and all the Common Men
belonging to each, who have enlisted into the Ser
vice of the United Colonies on board the ships now
fiting out, that they immediately repair on board
their respective ships as they would avoid being
deemed deserters, and all those who have undertaken
to be security for any of them are hereby called
upon to procure and deliver up the men they have
engaged for, or they will be immediately called upon
in a proper and effectual way." 2 On the same day
the four largest vessels cast off from the wharf at
Philadelphia, but were unable to make way through
the ice until January 17, and then only as far as
Keedy Island on the Delaware side of the river.
Here they remained until February 11, when, hav
ing been joined by the Providence and Fly, they
proceeded down to Cape Henlopen. The Hornet
and Wasp, having come around from Baltimore,
arrived in Delaware Bay on the 13th; these two are
1 Hopkins, 98 ; Am. Arch., IV, iv, 360.
2 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 484, March 8, 1776, No. 5, from a copy
sent to the British admiral.
94 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
believed to have been the first vessels of the Con
tinental navy to get to sea. The fleet sailed from
the Delaware February 17, 1776. 1
The force was made up as follows : the ships
Alfred, 24, flagship, Commodore Hopkins and
Captain Saltonstall, and Columbus, 20, Captain
Whipple ; the brigs Andrew Doria, 14, Captain
Biddle, and Cabot, 14, Captain John B. Hopkins,
son of the commodore ; the sloops Providence, 12,
Captain Hazard, and Hornet, 10, Captain Stone ;
and the schooners Fly, 8, Captain Hacker, and
Wasp, 8, Captain Alexander. Each of the first
two was manned by a crew of two hundred and
twenty, including sixty marines ; the Alfred carried
twenty and the Columbus eighteen nine-pounders
on the lower deck, with ten sixes on the upper deck.
The Andrew Doria and the Cabot were armed with
six-pounders, the former having sixteen, the latter
fourteen, and each carried twelve swivels ; the Doria
had a crew of a hundred and thirty and the Cabot
a hundred and twenty, with thirty marines in each
case. The Providence, though sometimes called a
brig, was rigged as a sloop, and mounted twelve six-
pounders and ten swivels; her crew consisted of
ninety men including twenty-eight marines. 2
1 Hopkins, 91, 100; Am. Arch., IV, v, 823; Brit. Adm. Rec.,
A. D. m, March 8, 1776, No. 10; Ibid., July 8, 1776, inclosing
" A Journal of a Cruse In the Brig Andrew Doria," taken in a re
captured prize.
2 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. J&t, March 8, 1777, No. 4, being in
formation collected by agents of the British admiral, a source not
always perfectly reliable.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 95
It is evident that several days before sailing
Hopkins had determined to disregard his instruc
tions and, taking advantage of the discretion al
lowed him in case of unforeseen difficulties, to aban
don the projected cruise along the southern coast.
In his first orders to his captains, dated February
14, three days before his departure, he says : " In
Case you should be separated in a Gale of Wind
or otherwise, you then are to use all possible Means
to join the Fleet as soon as possible. But if you can
not in four days after you leave the Fleet, You are
to make the best of your way to the Southern part
of Abaco, one of the Bahama Islands, and there
wait for the Fleet fourteen days. But if the Fleet
does not join you in that time, You are to Cruise
in such place as you think will most Annoy the
Enemy and you are to send into port for Tryal all
British Vessels or Property, or other Vessels with
any Supplies for the Ministerial Forces, who you
may make Yourself Master of, to such place as you
may think best within the United Colonies." 1 At
the same time the Commodore furnished the Cap
tains with a very complete set of signals. In ap
pointing a rendezvous at Abaco, Hopkins had in
mind a descent upon the island of New Providence
in the Bahama group, for the purpose of seizing a
quantity of powder known to be stored there.
Scarcity of powder was a cause of the greatest anx
iety to Washington, especially during the first year
1 MS. Orders to Captain Hacker.
96 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
of the war. Congress in secret session had consid
ered the feasibility of obtaining powder from New
Providence. 1
In his report of the expedition, addressed to the
President of Congress and dated April 9, 1776,
Hopkins says : " When I put to Sea the 17th Febry.
from Cape Henlopen, we had many Sick and four
of the Vessels had a large number on board with the
Small Pox. The Hornet & Wasp join d me two days
before. The Wind came at N. E. which made it
unsafe to lye there. The Wind after we got out
came on to blow hard. I did not think we were in
a Condition to keep on a Cold Coast and appointed
our Rendezvous at Abaco, one of the Bahama Is
lands. The second night we lost the Hornet and
Fly." 2 From this it would seem to have been the
commodore s purpose to give the impression that
the state of the weather after he got to sea had
caused him to change his plans ; whereas he had
fully made up his mind in advance.
The fleet arrived at Abaco March 1. Hopkins
says : "I then formed an Expedition against New
Providence which I put in Execution the 3rd March
by Landing 200 Marines under the Command of
Captn. Nicholas and 50 Sailors under the Com
mand of Lieutt. Weaver of the Cabot, who was
well acquainted there." Two sloops from New
1 Am. Arch., IV, iv, 1179, 1180; Hopkins, 101; Jour. Cont.
Congr., November 29, 1775.
2 Pap. Cont. Congr., 78, 11, 33; Am. Arch., IV, v, 823.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 97
Providence had been seized, to be used for trans-
porting the landing party. They embarked Satur
day evening March 2. The next morning the fleet
got under way and at 10 o clock came to at some
distance from the island. It had been intended to
take the place by surprise, but the fleet had been
seen and the forts fired alarm guns. " We then
ran in," says Lieutenant Jones of the Alfred, "and
anchored at a small key three leagues to wind
ward of the town, and from thence the Commodore
despatched the marines, with the sloop Providence
and schooner Wasp to cover their landing. They
landed without opposition." l
Samuel Nicholas, captain of marines on the
Alfred, in a letter dated April 10, says that on
March 3, at two o clock he "landed all our men,
270 in number under my command, at the east end
of the Island at a place called New-Guinea. The
inhabitants were very much alarmed at our appear
ance and supposed us to be Spaniards, but were
soon undeceived after our landing. Just as I had
formed the men I received a message from the
Governor desiring to know what our intentions
were. I sent him for answer, to take possession of
all the warlike stores on the Island belonging to the
crown, but had no design of touching the property
or hurting the persons of any of the inhabitants,
l Pap. Cont. Congr., 78, 11, 33; Journal of the Andrew Dona;
Sherburne s Life of John Paul Jones, 12. For an account of the
expedition, see Hopkins, ch. iv.
98 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
unless in our defence. As soon as the messenger
was gone I marched forward to take possession of
Fort Montague, a fortification built of stone, about
half way between our landing place and the town.
As we approached the fort (within about a mile,
having a deep cove to go round, with a prodigious
thicket on one side and the water on the other, en
tirely open to their view) they fired three twelve
pound shot, which made us halt and consult what
was best to be done. We then thought it more pru
dent to send a flag to let them know what our de
signs were in coming there ; we soon received an
answer letting us know that it was by the Gover
nor s orders that they had fired. They spiked up the
cannon and abandoned the fort and retired to the
fort within the town. I then marched and took
possession of it." l In the fort were found seven
teen cannon, thirty-two-pounders, eighteens and
twelves, from which the spikes were easily removed.
Nicholas and his men spent the night in the fort.
In the evening Hopkins, hearing that there was a
force of over two hundred men in the main fort at
Nassau, published a manifesto addressed to the
inhabitants of the island declaring his intention
"to take possession of the powder and warlike
stores belonging to the Crown and if I am not op
posed in putting my design in execution, the per
sons and property of the inhabitants shall be safe,
neither shall they be suffered to be hurt in case
Spy, May 10, 1776 ; Am. Arch., IV, v, 846.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 99
they make no resistance." 1 This had a good effect
and no opposition was met with.
" The next morning by daylight," says Nicholas,
" we marched forward to the town, to take posses
sion of the Governor s house, which stands on an
eminence with two four pounders, which commands
the garrison and town. On our march I met an
express from the Governor to the same purport as
the first; I sent him the same answer as before.
The messenger then told me I might march into
the town and if I thought proper into the fort,
without interruption ; on which I marched into the
town. I then drafted a guard and went up to the
Governor s and demanded the keys of the fort, which
were given to me immediately; and then took pos
session of fort Nassau. In it there were about forty
cannon mounted and well loaded for our reception,
with round, langridge and cannister shot ; all this
was accomplished without firing a single shot from
our side." 2 The fleet, which had been lying behind
Hog Island, soon afterwards came into the harbor;
the commodore and captains then landed and came
up to the fort. In Fort Nassau were found great
quantities of military stores, including seventy-one
cannon ranging in size from nine-pounders to
thirty-twos fifteen brass mortars, and twenty-
four casks of powder. The governor had contrived
to send off a hundred and fifty casks of powder the
night before, thereby defeating in great measure
l Am. Arch., IV, v, 46. 2 Mats. Spy, May 10, 1776.
100 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the main object sought in taking the island. The
value of the property brought away, however, largely
made up for this disappointment. After this the
governor was kept under guard in his own house
until the fleet was ready to sail. About two weeks
were occupied in loading the captured stores on
board the fleet, and it was necessary to impress a
large sloop in order to carry everything. This ves
sel, called the Endeavor, was put under the com
mand of Lieutenant Hinman of the Cabot. During
this time the Fly rejoined the fleet and "gave an
Account that he got foul of the Hornet and carried
away the Boom and head of her Mast and I hear
since she has got into some port of South Caro
lina." It afterwards turned out that the Hornet
was driven off the coast of South Carolina by bad
weather and finally succeeded in getting back into
Delaware Bay about April 1. Hopkins took on
board the fleet as prisoners the governor and lieu
tenant-governor of New Providence and another
high official. 1
The fleet set sail on the return voyage March 17.
The next day Hopkins issued orders to his captains :
" You are to keep company with the ship I am in
if possible, but should you separate by accident you
are then to make the best of your way to Block
Island Channel and there to cruise in 30 fathom
water south from Block Island six days, in order
*Mau. Spy, May 10, 1776; Am. Arch., IV, T, 407,823,824;
It. I. Hist. Mag., July, 1885 ; Life of Joshua Barney, 31-33.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 101
to join the fleet. If they do not join you in that
time, you may cruise in such places as you think
will most annoy the Enemy or go in Port, as you
think fit." 1 The Wasp parted from the fleet soon
after sailing. For over two weeks the voyage to
Rhode Island was uneventful. April 4 the British
six-gun schooner Hawk was captured by the Colum
bus. The Hawk belonged to the British fleet at
Newport. Captain Nicholas says : " We made Block-
Island in the afternoon [of the 4th] ; the Commo
dore then gave orders to the brigs to stand in for
Rhode-Island, to see if any more of the fleet were
out and join us next morning, which was accordingly
done, but without seeing any vessels." At daylight
the brig Bolton was taken by the Alfred after fir
ing a few shots ; she was a bomb-vessel of eight
guns and two howitzers. The fleet cruised all day
in sight of Block Island, and in the evening took
a brigantine and sloop from New York. "We
had at sunset 12 sail, a very pleasant evening." 2
Of the events of the night Hopkins gives a brief
account in his report. Very early in the morning
of April 6 the fleet " fell in with the Glascow and
her Tender and Engaged her near three hours. We
lost 6 Men Killed and as many Wounded ; the Cabot
had 4 Men killed and 7 Wounded, the Captain is
among the latter ; the Columbus had one Man who
lost his Arm. We received a considerable damage
in our Ship, but the greatest was in having our
i Am. Arch., IV, v, 47. 2 Mass. Spy, May 10, 1776.
102 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Wheel Ropes & Blocks shott away, which gave the
Glascow time to make Sail, which I did not think
proper to follow as it would have brought an Action
with the whole of their Fleet and as I had upwards
of 30 of our best Seamen on board the Prizes, and
some that were on board had got too much Liquor
out of the Prizes to be fit for Duty. Thought it
most prudent to give over Chace and Secure our
Prizes & got nothing but the Glascow s Tender and
arrived here [New London] the 7th with all the
Fleet. . . . The Officers all behaved well on board
the Alfred, but too much praise cannot be given to
the Officers of the Cabot, who gave and sustained
the whole Fire for some considerable time within
Pistol Shott." 1
Nicholas gives a more minute recital of the
affair: "At 12 o clock went to bed and at half
past one was awaked by the noise of all hands to
quarters ; we were soon ready for action. The best
part of my company with my first Lieut, was
placed in the barge on the main deck, the remain
ing part with my second Lieutenant and myself
on the quarter deck. We had discovered a large
ship standing directly for us. The Cabot was fore
most of the fleet, our ship close after, not more than
100 yards behind, but to windward with all, when
the brigantine came close up. The ship hailed and
was soon answered by the Cabot, who soon found
her to be the Glasgow ; the brigantine immediately
1 Pap. Cent. Congr., 78, 11, 33.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 103
fired her broadside and instantly received a return
of two fold, which, owing to the weight of metal,
damaged her so much in her hull and rigging as
obliged her to retire for a while to refit. We then
came up, not having it in our power to fire a shot
before without hurting the brigantine, and engaged
her side by side for three glasses as hot as possibly
could be on both sides. The first broadside she
fired, my second Lieutenant fell dead close by my
side; he was shot by a musket ball through the
head." 1
John Paul Jones s narrative of the action in the
Alfred s log-book gives a few additional details:
"At 2 A.M. cleared ship for action. At half past
two the Cabot, being between us and the enemy,
began to engage and soon after we did the same.
At the third glass the enemy bore away and by
crowding sail at length got a considerable way ahead,
made signals for the rest of the English fleet at
Rhode Island to come to her assistance, and steered
directly for the harbor. The Commodore then thought
it imprudent to risk our prizes, &c. by pursuing
farther; therefore, to prevent our being decoyed
into their hands, at half past six made the signal to
leave off chase and haul by the wind to join our
prizes. The Cabot was disabled at the second broad
side, the captain being dangerously wounded, the
master and several men killed. The enemy s whole
fire was then directed at us and an unlucky shot
i Mass. Spy, May 10, 1776.
104 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
having carried away our wheel-block and ropes, the
ship broached to and gave the enemy an opportun
ity of raking us with several broadsides before we
were again in condition to steer the ship and return
the fire. In the action we received several shot
under water, which made the ship very leaky ; we
had besides the mainmast shot through and the
upper works and rigging very considerably dam
aged." 1
Captain Whipple of the Columbus reported to
the commodore that when the Glasgow was sighted
he was to leeward and " hauled up for her," but the
position of the other ships " Instantly kill d all the
wind, which put it out of my Power to get up with
her. I strove all in my Power, but in vain ; before
that I had got close enough for a Close Engagement,
the Glasgow had made all Sail for the Harbour of
Newport. I continued Chace under all Sail that I
had, except Steering Sails and the Wind being
before the Beam, she firing her two Stern Chaces
into me as fast as possible and my keeping up a
Fire with my Bow Guns and now and then a Broad
side, put it out of my Power to get near enough to
have a close Engagement. I continued this Chace
while you thought proper to hoist a Signal to return
into the Fleet ; I accordingly Obeyed the Signal." 2
Apparently the Andrew Doria was less closely en
gaged than the others. One of her officers, Lieuten-
1 Sherburne, 14.
2 Hopkins, 130, 131 ; Am. Arch., IV, v, 1156.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 105
ant Josiah, says that the Cabot having fired the
first broadside at the Glasgow, " she return d two
fold, which oblig d ye Cabot to sheer off and had
like to have been foul of us, which oblig d us to tack
to gett clear ; the Commodore came up next and
Discharged several Broadside and received as many,
which did Considerable Damage in his hull &
Riggen, which oblig d him to sheer off. The Glas-
cow then made all the sail she possible could for
Newport & made a running fight for 7 Glases.
We receiv d several shott in ye hull & riggen, one
upon the Quarter through the Netting and stove
ye arm Chest upon the Quarter Deck and wounded
our Drummer in ye Legg." 1
The Glasgow was a ship of twenty guns and a
hundred and fifty men, commanded by Captain
Tyringham Howe, whose report of the engagement
says : " On Saturday the 6th of April, 1776, At two
A.M. Block Island then bearing N. W. about eight
Leagues, we discovered a Fleet on the weather
beam, consisting of seven or eight Sail ; tacked and
stood towards them and soon perceived them to be
two or three large Ships and other Square Rigged
Vessels. Turned all hands to Quarters, hauled up
the Mainsail and kept standing on to the N. W.
with a light breeze and smooth Water, the Fleet
then coming down before it. At half past two a
large Brig, much like the Bolton but larger, came
within hail and seemed to hesitate about giving any
1 Journal of the Andrew Doria-
106 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
answer, but still kept standing towards us and on
being asked what other Ships were in company with
her, they answered l the Columbus and Alfred, a two
and twenty Gun frigate. And almost immediately
a hand Grenadoe was thrown out of her top. We
exchanged our Broadsides. She then shot a head
and lay on our bow, to make room for a large Ship
with a top-light to come on our Broadside and an
other Ship ran under our Stern, Raked as she
passed and then luft up on our Lee beam, whilst a
Brig took her Station on our Larboard Quarter and
a Sloop kept altering her Station occasionally. At
this time the Clerk having the care of the dispatches
for the So. Ward to destroy, if the ship should be
boarded or in danger of being taken, hove the bag
overboard with a shot in it. At four the Station of
every Vessel was altered, as the two ships had dropt
on each quarter and a Brig kept a stern giving a
continual fire. Bore away and made Sail for Rhode
Island, with the whole fleet within Musket shot on
our Quarters and Stern. Got two Stern chase guns
out of the Cabin and kept giving and receiving a
very warm fire. At daylight perceived the Rebel
fleet to consist of two Ships, two Brigs and a Sloop,
and a large Ship and Snow that kept to Windward
as soon as the Action began. At half past six the
Fleet hauled their Wind and at Seven tacked and
stood to the S. S. W. Employed reeving, knotting
and splicing and the Carpenters making fishes for
the Masts. At half past seven made a Signal and
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 107
fired several guns occasionally to alarm the Fleet
at Rhode Island Harbour. The Rose, Swan and
Nautilus then being working out. We had one Man
Killed and three Wounded by the musketry from
the Enemy." *
An American prisoner on board the Glasgow
says that the sloop Providence, joining in the at
tack, directed her fire at the Glasgows " stern
without any great effect. The most of her shot
went about six feet above the deck ; whereas, if
they had been properly levelled, they must soon
have cleared it of men. The Glasgow got at a dis
tance, when she fired smartly, and the engagement
lasted about six glasses, when they both seemed
willing to quit. The Glasgow was considerably
damaged in her hull, had ten shot through her
mainmast, fifty-two through her mizen staysail, one
hundred and ten through mainsail, and eighty-eight
through her foresail ; had her spars carried away
and her rigging cut to pieces.* 2
The Glasgow was seriously crippled and her es
cape from a superior force shows a lack of cooper
ation on the part of the Continental fleet, and per
haps excessive prudence in not carrying the pursuit
farther towards Newport. It was an instance of the
1 Brit. Adm. Eec., A. D. 4^4, April 19, 1776; London Chronicle,
June 11,1776; briefer accounts in Brit. Adm. Eec., Captains
Letters, No. 1902,22 (April 27, 1776), and Captains 1 Logs,Xo. 398
(April 6, 1776).
2 Constitutional Gazette, New York, May 29, 1776, quoted in
Sands, 45, 46.
108 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
want of naval training and esprit de corps to be
expected in a new, raw service. Moreover, the
American vessels, except the Alfred, were inferior
sailing craft to begin with, and besides this were
too deeply laden with the military stores brought
from New Providence to be easily and quickly
handled.
Hopkins took his fleet and prizes into New Lon
don April 8. Here over two hundred sick men were
landed ; also the military stores. The next day the
Andrew Doria was sent out on a short cruise and
recaptured a prize from the British. Some of the
heavy guns from New Providence were sent to
Dartmouth, on Buzzard s Bay ; and upon the de
parture of the British from Narragansett Bay soon
afterwards, the Cabot, Captain Hinman, was sent
to Newport with several of the guns. The prisoners
brought from New Providence were paroled. The
commodore s report of April 9 was read in Congress
and published in the newspapers. It caused great
satisfaction, and Hopkins received a letter of con
gratulation from John Hancock, the President of
Congress. His popularity at this time, both in the
fleet and among the people, seems to have been gen
uine. The Marine Committee suggested the pur
chase of the prize schooner Hawk for the service, to
be renamed the Hopkins. John Paul Jones, who as
a lieutenant on the Alfred had had an opportunity
to estimate the commodore s qualifications, wrote of
him, April 14 : "I have the pleasure of assuring
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 109
you that the Commander-in-chief is respected through
the fleet and I verily .believe that the officers and
men in general would go any length to execute his
orders." 1 There was a reaction, however, later on.
Upon reflection people came to the opinion that the
escape of the Glasgow was unnecessary and discred
itable. Captain Whipple was accused of cowardice
and demanded a court-martial, by which he was
honorably acquitted. Captain Hazard of the Provi
dence was less fortunate ; he also was court-martialed
and was relieved of his command. 2
The British fleet, consisting of the frigate Rose,
the Glasgow, the Nautilus, Swan, and several ten
ders, had found Newport Harbor an uncomfortable
anchorage. April 5 they went to sea, but all ex
cept the Glasgow and her tender returned in the
evening and anchored off Coddington Point, north
of Newport. At daylight the next morning, while
the Glasgow was engaged with the American fleet,
the Continental troops mounted two eighteen-
pounders on the point, opened fire, and drove them
from their anchorage. When the Glasgow came in
after her battle, she and some of the smaller vessels
anchored off Brenton s Point ; the others went to
sea. On the morning of the 7th the Glasgow and
the vessels with her were fired upon by guns
which had been mounted on Brenton s Point during
1 Sherburne, 13.
2 Am. Arch., IV, v, 824, 867, 956, 966, 1005, 1111, 1156, 1168,
vi, 409, 552, 553 ; Hopkins, 125-135 ; Journal of the Andrew Doria.
110 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the night, and driven up the bay. Later they too
went to sea and the whole fleet sailed for Halifax.
April 11 another British man-of-war, the Phoenix,
brought two prizes into Newport, but she was driven
out again and the prizes recaptured. 1 After the
Glasgow had arrived at Halifax, Admiral Shuldham,
in command of the station, wrote to the Admiralty
that he found her " in so shattered a Condition and
would require so much time and more Stores than
there is in this Yard to put her into proper repair,
I intend sending her to Plymouth as soon as she
can be got ready." 2
Commodore Hopkins received one hundred and
seventy men from the army to take the place of those
he had lost through sickness. He then sailed, April
19, for Newport, but " the Alfred got ashore near
Fisher s Island and was obliged to be lightened to
get her off, which we did without much damage."
They went back to New London and sailed again
April 24 ; they went up to Providence the next day.
There Hopkins landed over a hundred more sick
men. Just at this time he received an order from
Washington to send back to the army the men who
had been loaned to him, as they were needed in
New York. It was practically impossible to get
recruits in Providence, because the attractions of
privateering were so superior to those of the regu-
1 Boston Gazette, April 15, 22, 1776 ; Constitutional Gazette (New
York), April 17, May 29, 1776, quoted in Sands, 46-48.
2 Brit. Adm. Eec., A. D. 484, April 19, 1776.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 111
lar naval service. Delay in getting their pay for
the first cruise also caused discontent and tended
to make the service unpopular. The commodore had
received information from the Marine Committee
of two small British fleets in southern waters. A
force organized by Governor Dunmore in Virginia
consisted of the frigate Liverpool, 28, two sloops
of war, and many small vessels. " It is said & be
lieved that both the Liverpool & Otter are exceed
ingly weak from the Want of Hands, their Men
being chiefly employed on Board a Number of small
Tenders fitted out by Lord Dunmore to distress the
Trade on the Coast of Virginia & Bay of Chesepeak.
His Lordship has now between 100 & 150 Sail of
Vessels great & small, the most of which are Prizes
& many of them valuable. Those, so far from be
ing any Addition in point of Strength will rather
weaken the Men of War, whose Hands are em
ployed in the small Vessels." The British had
another naval force at Wilmington, North Caro
lina. " Whether you have formed any Expedition
or not, the Execution of which will interfere with
an Attempt upon either or both of the above Fleets
we cannot determine ; but if that should not be the
Case, there is no Service from the present Appear
ance of things in which You could better promote
the Interest of your Country than by the Destruc
tion of the Enemie s Fleet in North Carolina or
Virginia; for as the Seat of War will most prob
ably be transferred in the ensuing Campaign to the
112 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Southern Colonies, such a Maneuvre attended with
Success will disconcert or at least retard their Mil
itary Operations for a Length of Time, give Spirits
to our Friends & afford them an Opportunity of
improving their Preparations for resistance." 1 Ap
parently because the Marine Committee became
convinced that this plan was impracticable in view
of the weak condition of the fleet, it was given up
and, May 10, Hopkins was ordered to send a
squadron against the Newfoundland fishery. He
himself had already been preparing for a four
months cruise, but all such schemes now had to be
abandoned for lack of seamen to man his fleet.
Three vessels, however, were fitted out and sent
away. The command of the Providence was given
to Jones, May 10, and he was ordered to New
York with the men who were to be returned to the
army. The Andrew Doria and Cabot were sent off
on a cruise May 19. The Fly was kept for a while
on the lookout for British men-of-war off the en
trance of Narragansett Bay. The Alfred and Co
lumbus remained at Providence waiting for fresh
crews. 2
Dissatisfaction with the conduct of Commodore
Hopkins and some of his officers gradually increased
in and out of Congress. Complaints of ill treatment
on board the fleet, as well as instances of insubor-
1 MS. Letter of Marine Committee, April, 1776.
2 Am. Arch., IV, v, 1001, 1005, 1079, 1140, 1168, vi, 409, 410,
418, 430, 431, 551 ; Hopkin*, 135-140 ; Journal of the Andrew Doria.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 113
dination and desertion, came to the ears of the
Marine Committee. All this of course still further
increased the difficulty of manning the ships, with
consequent delay apparently endless and the in
creasing probability of nothing important being ac
complished. A committee of seven was appointed
by Congress to investigate, and June 14 the com
modore and Captains Saltonstall and Whipple
were ordered to Philadelphia to appear before the
Marine Committee and be interrogated in regard
to their conduct. Saltonstall and Whipple were
examined in July and were exonerated by Congress.
The inquiry into Hopkins s case came in August and
he was questioned on three points : his alleged dis
obedience of orders in not visiting the southern
coast during the cruise of his fleet ; his poor man
agement in permitting the escape of the Glasgow ;
and his inactivity since arriving in port. His de
fense was that, as he did not sail until six weeks
after his orders were issued, conditions had changed,
especially in regard to the force of the British, which
had increased in Virginia and the Carolinas ; but
there is no mention of this in his report of April 9.
He had written to his brother before the inquiry :
" I intended to go from New Providence to Georgia,
had I not received intelligence three or four days be
fore I sailed that a frigate of twenty-eight guns had
arrived there, which made the force in my opinion
too strong for us. At Virginia they were likewise
too strong. In Delaware and New York it would
114 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
not do to attempt. Rhode Island I was sensible was
stronger than we, but the force there was nearer
equal than anywhere else, which was the reason of
my attempts there." l Hopkins was doubtless justi
fied in using the discretion allowed him in his orders
to depart from those orders in case of apparent
necessity or expediency, and being on the spot he
was presumably the best judge of the course to be
pursued ; but in order to establish his naval reputa
tion it was incumbent upon him to convince others
of the necessity or expediency. As to the second
point, relating to the Glasgow, Hopkins seems to
show a disposition to shift the blame upon his subor
dinates ; no doubt some of his officers were not to
be depended upon for prompt and efficient action.
On the third point, the excessive amount of sickness
in the fleet and the practical impossibility of ob
taining recruits in sufficient numbers should have
extenuated his shortcomings. There appears to have
been a strong prejudice against Hopkins in Congress
and it fared hard with him, although he was zeal
ously and ably defended by John Adams. August
15, Congress resolved "that the said Commodore
Hopkins, during his cruize to the southward, did not
pay due regard to the tenor of his instructions,
wherelby he was expressly directed to annoy the
enemy s ships upon the coasts of the southern states ;
and that his reasons for not going from [New]
Providence immediately to the Carolinas are by no
i Hopkins, 154.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 115
means satisfactory." The next day it was further
resolved "that the said conduct of Commodore
Hopkins deserves the censure of this house and the
house does accordingly censure him." Three days
later he was ordered back to Rhode Island to re
sume command of his fleet. 1
Of the result of this inquiry John Adams wrote :
" Although this resolution of censure was not in my
opinion demanded by justice and consequently was
inconsistent with good policy, as it tended to dis
courage an officer and diminish his authority by
tarnishing his reputation, yet as it went not so far
as to cashier him, which had been the object in
tended by the spirit that dictated the prosecution,
I had the satisfaction to think that I had not labored
wholly in vain in his defense." 2 When John Paul
Jones heard of the outcome he wrote a friendly and
sympathetic letter to his commander, saying : " Your
late trouble will tend to your future advantage by
pointing out your friends and enemies. You will
thereby be enabled to retain the one part while you
guard against the other. You will be thrice welcome
to your native land and to your nearest concerns." 3
The fleet of Commodore Hopkins performed no
further service collectively, but the fortunes of the
various vessels composing it, during the remainder
of the year 1776, may be conveniently followed
1 Am. Arch.,TV, v, 1698, vi, 764; 885, 886, 1678, 1705, V, i, 994;
Jour. Cont. Congr., August 15, 16, 1776 ; Hopkins, ch. v.
2 Hopkins, 160. 8 Ibid., 162.
116 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
here. The sloop Providence, having taken to New
York the soldiers who had been borrowed from the
army, returned to Providence, and in June was oc
cupied for a while convoying vessels back and forth
between Narragansett Bay and Long Island Sound.
"In performing these last services Captain Jones
found great difficulty from the enemy s frigates then
cruising round Block Island, with which he had
several rencontres in one of which he saved a brig-
antine that was a stranger from Hispaniola, closely
pursued by the Cerberus and laden with public
military stores. That brigantine was afterwards
purchased by the Continent and called the Hamp-
den." 1 Jones was then ordered to Boston, where he
collected a convoy which he conducted safely to
Delaware Bay, arriving August 1. At this time the
British fleet and army were on their way from Hal
ifax to New York. Jones saw several of their ships,
but was able to avoid them. 2
The Andrew Doria and Cabot sailed on a short
cruise to the eastward May 19. Soon after getting
to sea they were chased by the Cerberus and be
came separated. May 29, in latitude 41 19 north,
longitude 57 12 west, the Andrew Doria captured
two Scotch transports of the fleet bound to Boston.
" At 4 A.M. saw two Ships to ye North d, Made Sail
and Hauld our Wind to ye North d. At 6 Do.
1 Sands, 38 (Jones s journal prepared at request of the king
of France).
2 Sands, 37, 38 ; Am. Arch., IV, vi, 418, 511, 820, 844, 972, 980.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 117
Brought the Northermost too, a Ship from Glas-
cow . . . with 100 Highland Troops on Board &
officers ; made her hoist her Boat out & the Capt.
came on board. Detained the Boat till we Brought
the other too, from Glascow with ye same number
of troops. [Lieutenant James Josiah, the writer of
the journal] went on board and sent ye Capt. and
four Men on board ye Brig [Andrew Doria] , re-
ceiv d orders for sending all the troops on board
the other ship and went Prize master with Eleven
Hands. Sent all the Arms on board ye Brig from
both Ships, two Hundred & odd." 1 These trans
ports were the Crawford and Oxford. All the sol
diers, two hundred and seventeen in number, with
several women and children, were put on the Ox
ford. The Andrew Doria cruised with her prizes
nearly two weeks and then, being to windward of
Nantucket Shoals, they were chased by five British
vessels. Captain Biddle signaled the transports to
steer different courses and lost sight of them. The
Crawford, in command of Lieutenant Josiah as
prizemaster, was retaken by the Cerberus, but was
captured again by the General Schuyler of Wash
ington s New York fleet. 2 Josiah while a prisoner
was treated with such severity as to occasion threats
of retaliation, but he was eventually exchanged. On
board the Oxford, containing the soldiers, the prize
crew was overcome by the prisoners, who got pos
session of the ship and carried her into Hampton
1 Journal of the Andrew Doria. 2 See above, pp. 86, 87.
118 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Eoads. Their triumph was brief, however, for she
was soon recaptured by Captain Barron of the Vir
ginia navy. The next year the Oxford again fell
into the hands of the British. The Andrew Doria
put into Newport June 14 and soon went out
again. She cruised most of the time during the
rest of the year, taking several prizes. In Octo
ber she changed her captain. 1 The Columbus also
went to sea in June and on the 18th had a brush
with the Cerberus, losing one man. At this time
there were three British frigates around Block
Island. The Columbus took four or five prizes be
fore the end of the year and the Cabot made a few
captures. 2
Captain Jones in the Providence sailed from Del
aware Bay August 21. In the latitude of Bermuda
he fell in with the British frigate Solebay, 28.
" She sailed fast and pursued us by the wind, till
after four hours chase, the sea running very cross,
she got within musket shot of our lee quarter. As
they had continued firing at us from the first with
out showing colours, I now ordered ours to be hoisted
and began to fire at them. Upon this they also
1 See below, p. 159.
2 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 430, 431, 539, 551, 902, 931, 972, 979, 998,
999, V, i, 659, 832, 1094, 1095, ii, 115, 132, 378, 1226, iii, 667,
848 ; Boston Gazette, June 24, July 29, September 16, 30, October
7, 28, 1776 ; N. E. (Independent) Chronicle, July 4, October 10,
1776 ; Military and Naval Mag. of U. S., June, 1834 ; So. Lit.
Messenger, February, 1857 ; R. I. Hist. Mag., October, 1885 ; Brit.
Adm. Eec., A. D. 484, July 8, 1776, inclosing Journal of the An
drew Doria ; Williams, 202.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 119
hoisted American colors and fired guns to leeward.
But the bait would not take, for having everything
prepared, I bore away before the wind and set all
our light sail at once, so that before her sails could
be trimmed and steering sails set, I was almost out
of reach of grape and soon after out of reach of can
non shot. . . . Had he foreseen this motion and
been prepared to counteract it, he might have fired
several broadsides of double-headed and grape shot,
which would have done us very material damage.
But he was a bad marksman, and though within
pistol shot, did not touch the Providence with one
of the many shots he fired." 1 After cruising about
two weeks longer, being short of water and wood,
Jones decided to run into some port of Nova Scotia
or Cape Breton. "I had besides," he says, "a pros
pect of destroying the English shipping in these
parts. The 16th and 17th [of September] I had a
very heavy gale from the N. W. which obliged me
to dismount all my guns and stick everything I
could into the hold. The 19th I made the Isle of
Sable and on the 20th, being between it and the
main, I met with an English frigate [the Milford],
with a merchant ship under her convoy. I had hove
to, to give my people an opportunity of taking fish,
when the frigate came in sight directly to wind
ward, and was so good natured as to save me the
trouble of chasing him, by bearing down the in
stant he discovered us. When he came within can-
1 Sands, 49 (letter of September 4, 1776).
120 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
non shot, I made sail to try his speed. Quartering
and finding that I had the advantage, I shortened
sail to give him a wild goose chase and tempt him
to throw away powder and shot. Accordingly a
curious mock engagement was maintained between
us for eight hours," until nightfall. " He excited
my contempt so much by his continued firing at
more than twice the proper distance, that when he
rounded to, to give his broadside, I ordered my
marine officer to return the salute with only a sin
gle musket. We saw him next morning, standing
to the westward." Jones then went into Canso and
got a supply of wood and water ; also several re
cruits. About a dozen fishing vessels were seized
there and at the Island of Madame, three of which
were released and as many more destroyed. " The
evening of the 25th brought with it a violent gale
of wind with rain, which obliged me to anchor in
the entrance of Narrow Shock, where I rode it out
with both anchors and whole cables ahead. Two of
our prizes, the ship Alexander and [schooner] Sea
Flower, had come out before the gale began. The
ship anchored under a point and rode it out ; but
the schooner, after anchoring, drove and ran ashore.
She was a valuable prize, but as I could not get
her off, I next day ordered her to be set on fire.
The schooner Ebenezer, taken at Canso, was driven
on a reef of sunken rocks and there totally lost,
the people having with difficulty saved themselves
on a raft. Towards noon on the 26th the gale be-
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 121
gan to abate." 1 To remain longer in these waters,
with so many prizes to protect, seemed an unwar
rantable risk, and Jones therefore turned homeward.
September 30 he was off Sable Island and just a
week later in Newport Harbor. On this cruise he
had ruined the fishery at Canso and Madame and
had taken sixteen prizes ; half of them were sent
into port and the others destroyed or lost. 2
Jones proposed an expedition with three vessels
to the west coast of Africa, where he was sure it
would be possible to reap a rich harvest of prizes.
Commodore Hopkins, however, determined to send
a small squadron to Cape Breton in order to inflict
further injury upon the fishery, and to attempt the
capture of the coal fleet and the release of American
prisoners working in the mines. The Alfred, with
Jones in command of the expedition, and the Hamp-
den, Captain Hacker, sailed towards the end of
October. Jones wished to take the Providence also,
but could not enlist a crew for her. At the outset,
however, the Hampden ran on a ledge and was so
injured that she was left behind, her crew being
transferred to the Providence. The expedition, with
the Alfred and Providence, made a fresh start No
vember 1. On that day Jones issued instructions for
Captain Hacker, saying : " The wind being now fair,
we will proceed according to Orders for Spanish
1 Sands, 50, 51, 52 (September 30, 1776).
2 Am. Arch., V, i, 784, ii, 171-174, 624, 1105, 1226, 1303, 1304;
Sands, 39, 48-54 ; Independent Chronicle, October 17, 1776 ; Boston
Gazette, October 28, 1776.
122 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Kiver near Cape North on the Island of Cape Bri
ton " ; and prescribing signals for foggy weather. 1
On his way through Vineyard Sound, Jones boarded
a Rhode Island privateer, acting under the orders
of Commodore Hopkins, and impressed some desert
ers from the navy. Thence he proceeded directly
for his cruising grounds and soon after his arrival,
took three prizes off Louisburg. These were a brig
and snow, which were sent back to American ports,
and a large armed ship called the Hellish, with so
rich a cargo of soldiers clothing that Jones kept
her under convoy. He wrote to the Marine Com
mittee, November 12 : " This prize is, I believe, the
most valuable that has been taken by the American
arms. She made some defence, but it was trifling.
The loss will distress the enemy more than can be
easily imagined, as the clothing on board of her is
the last intended to be sent out for Canada this sea
son and all that has preceded it is already taken.
The situation of Burgoyne s army must soon become
insupportable. I shall not lose sight of a prize of
such importance, but will sink her rather than suffer
her to fall again into their hands." 2 Jones after
wards recommended that the Mellish be armed and
taken into the service.
A few days after this, during a stormy night,
the Providence parted company and returned to
Rhode Island ; there had been discontent on this
vessel among both officers and men, who represented
1 MS. Letter. 2 Sands, 56.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 123
that she leaked badly and was unsafe. Jones says
that " previous to this step there had been an Un
accountable murinering in the Sloop for which I
could see no Just foundation and in Vain had I re
presented to them how much humanity was con
cerned in our endeavours to relieve our Captive, ill
treated Brethern from the Coal Mines. Since my
arrival here I understand that as soon as Night came
on they Put before the Wind. Being thus deserted
the Epedemical discontent became General on Board
the Alfred ; the season was indeed Severe and every
one was for returning immediately to port, but I
was determined at all hazards, while my provision
lasted, to persevere in my first plan. When the Gale
abated I found myself in sight of the N. E. Reef
of the Isle of Sable & the wind continuing North
erly obliged me to beat up the South side of the
Island. After exercising much Patience I weath
ered the N. W. Eeef of the Island and on the
22d [of November], being off Canso, I sent my
Boats in to Burn a Fine Transport with Irish
Provision Bound for Canada, she having run
aground within the Harbour; they were also or
dered to Burn the Oil warehouse with the Contents
and all the Materials for the Fishery, which having
effected I carried off a small, fast sailing schooner
which I purposed to Employ as a Tender instead of
the Providence. On the 24th off Louisburg, it be
ing thick weather, in the Afternoon I found myself
surrounded by three Ships. Everyone Assured me
124 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
that they were English Men of "War and indeed I
was of that opinion myself, for I had been informed
by a Gentleman who came off from Canso that three
Frigates on that Station had been Cruising for [me]
ever since my expedition there in the Providence.
Kesolving to sell my liberty as dear as possible, I
stood for and . . . Took the nearest; I took also the
other two, tho they were at a Considerable distance
assunder. These three Ships were . . . Transports
Bound from the Coal Mines of Cape Briton for N.
York Under Convoy of the Flora Frigate; they had
Seen her a few hours before, and had the weather
been clear she would then have been in sight. They
left no Transports behind them at Spanish Kiver,
but they said the Roe Buck man of War was sta
tioned there and that if there had been any Prison
ers of ours there they had entered [the British serv
ice] . I made the best of my way to the Southward
to prevent falling in with the Flora the next day,
and on the 26th I fell in with and took a Ship of
Ten Guns from Liverpool for Hallifax." She was
a letter of marque called the John. "I had now on
Board an Hundred and Forty Prisoners, so that
my Provision was consumed very Fast ; I had the
Mellish, the three Ships from the Coal Mines and
the last taken Ship under Convoy ; the best of my
Sailors were sent on Board [these] Five Ships and
the number left were barely sufficient to Guard the
Prisoners. So that all circumstances considered, I
concluded it most for the interest and Honor of the
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 125
Service to Form the Prizes into a Squadron and
proceed with them into Port. I was unfortunate in
meeting with high Winds and Frequent Gales from
the Westward. I however kept the Squadron to
gether till the 7th of December on St George s
Bank, when a large Ship [the frigate Milford] Gave
us chace. As she came so neare before Night that
we could distinguish her as a Ship of War, I or
dered the Mellish . . . and the rest of the Fastest
Sailers to Crowd Sail and go a Head. I kept the
Liverpool Ship with me, as She was of some Force
and her Cargo by invoice not worth more than
1100 Sterling. In the Night I tacked and after
wards carried a Top light in order to lead the Enemy
away from the Ships that had been ordered ahead.
In the Morning they were out of Sight and I found
the Enemy two points on my lee Quarter at the same
distance as the night before. As the Alfred s Pro
visions and Water were by this time almost entirely
consumed, so that She sailed very ill by the Wind,
and as the Ship I had by me, the John, made much
less lee way, I ordered her to Fall a Stern to Wind
ward of the Enemy and make the Signal Agreed
on, if She was of Superiour or inferiour Force ; that
in the one Case we might each make the best of our
way, or in the other come to Action. After a con
siderable time the Signal was made that the Enemy
was of Superiour Force, but in the intrim the wind
had encreased with Severe Squalls to a Hard Gale,
so that in the Evening I drove the Alfred thro the
126 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Water Seven and Eight Knots under two Courses,
a point from the Wind. Towards Night the Enemy
Wore on the other Tack, but before that time the
Sea had risen so very high that it was impossible to
Hoist a Boat, so that had he been near the John it
would have been impossible for him to have Taken
her, unless they had wilfully given her up and con
tinued voluntarily by the Enemy through the whole
of the very dark and Stormy night that ensued."
Yet the John, however unnecessarily, surrendered
to the Milford. Admiral Howe in reporting this
affair says that the Alfred was chased " without
effect, by means of the thick weather that critically
happened and secured her Escape." According to
the log of the Milford a boat was lowered from the
frigate and took possession of the John. 1 The re
port of Captain Jones goes on to say that in the
evening of December 14, being then in Massachu
setts Bay and fearing to be driven out, " I resolved
to run into Plymouth, but in working up the Har
bour the Ship missed Stays in a Violent Snow
Squall on the South side, which obliged me to An
chor immediately in little more than three Fathom.
She grounded at low water and Beat considerably,
but we got her off in the morning and Arrived the
15th in the Nantasket Road with a tight ship and
no perceptible damage whatever. I had then only
two days provision left and the Number of my
1 Brit. Adm. Eec., A. D. 487, March 31, 1777, and Masters Logs,
No. 1865 (log of Milford).
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 127
Prisoners brought in equalled the Number of my
whole Crew when I left Rhode Island." * The John
was apparently the only prize lost. The Mellish ran
through Nantucket Shoals and got safely into Dart
mouth. It was fortunate for Jones and for his valu
able prize that fate did not lead them to Rhode
Island, for a powerful British fleet had taken pos
session of Newport December 7. 2
After Jones had sailed on this cruise in Novem
ber, Hopkins received orders from the Marine Com
mittee, dated October 10, 23, and 30, to proceed
southward with the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Provi
dence, and Hampden, or as many of them as were
available ; one or both of the new frigates under
construction in Rhode Island might be joined to
the squadron if they could be got ready for sea.
He was to cruise in the neighborhood of Cape Fear,
North Carolina, where he would find three British
men-of-war with a large number of prizes and other
vessels under their protection ; and later perhaps
still farther south. On the way to the Carolinas
he was to look for two other British cruisers,
the Galatea, 20, and Nautilus, 16, said to be off the
Virginia capes. All these vessels, it was thought,
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 58, 107 (Jones to Marine Committee, Jan
uary 12, 1777).
2 Am. Arch., V, i, 1106, ii, 454, 1194, 1195, 1226, 1277, 1303, iii,
490, 491,659, 668, 738, 739, 1162, 1281, 1282, 1283, 1284, 1356;
Sands, 40-42, 54-57; Independent Chronicle, November 28, De
cember 26, 1776 ; Boston Gazette, December 2, 23, 30, 1776 ; E. I.
Hist. Mag., October, 1885. For experience of Lieutenant Treyett,
as a spy in Newport soon after this, see Ibid., January, 1886.
128 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
might be captured or destroyed. " As this Service
to the Southward is of much publick importance,
we expect from Your Zeal and Attachment to the
Interest of the United States that you proceed on
and execute this Service with all possible Vigor
and despatch." 1
Two of the vessels it was proposed to send were
with Jones and others could not be manned with
out great delay; so the enterprise fell through.
Some of the small vessels of Hopkins s original fleet,
however, were in more southern waters and per
formed what little service they could. In the spring
of 1776 the Wasp and Hornet were in Delaware
Bay and the former took part in an action with
two British frigates. 2 The Fly was sent to New
York in June and after that, cruised along the
New Jersey shore. The Wasp was ordered to Ber
muda and the West Indies in August ; she sent a
valuable prize into Philadelphia and later joined
the Fly. They were instructed by the Marine Com
mittee, November 1 and 11, to keep a lookout for
vessels going into and out of New York, now oc
cupied by the British. Hopkins and Jones had also
been ordered to intercept, when possible, storeships
from Europe bound to New York. " We immagine
there must be Transports, Store Ships and pro
vision vessels daily arriving or expected to arrive
1 MS. Letter to Hopkins, October 23, 1776 ; Mar. Com. Letter
Book, 38.
2 See below, p. 141.
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 129
at that place for supplying our enemies with pro
visions and other Stores, and the design of your
present Cruize is to intercept as many of those
Vessels and supplies as you possibly can." The
Fly and Wasp, if chased, were to run into some
river or inlet on the New Jersey coast. Prizes were
to be sent to Philadelphia, or into Egg Harbor, or
any other safe place, as seemed most expedient.
" You must be careful not to let any british frigate
get between you and the land and then there s no
danger, for they cannot pursue you in shore and
they have no boats or Tenders that can take you ;
besides, the country people will assist in driving
them off shore, if they should attempt to follow you
in. ... Altho we recommend your taking good
care of your Vessel and people, yet we should deem
it more praiseworthy in an officer to loose his ves
sel in a bold enterprise than to loose a good Prize
by too timid a Conduct." 1 November 11 the com
mittee wrote : " We have received intelligence that
our enemies at New York are about to embarque
15,000 Men on board their Transports, but where
they are bound remains to be found out. The
Station assigned you makes it probable that we
may best discover their destination by your means,
for it will be impossible this fleet of Transports can
get out of Sandy hook without your seeing them.
. . . When you discover this fleet, watch their
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 42 (to Captain Warner of the Fly,
November 1, 1776).
130 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
motions and the moment they get out to Sea and
shape their course, send your boat on Shore with a
Letter to be dispatched by express informing us
what course they steer, how many sail they consist
of, if you can ascertain their numbers, and how
many Ships of war attend them. ... If this
fleet steer to the Southward either the Fly or
Wasp, whichever sails fastest, must precede the
fleet, keeping in shore and ahead of them. . . .
The dullest sailer of the Fly or Wasp must follow
after this fleet and watch their motions. ... In
short we think you may by a spirited execution of
these Orders prevent them from coming by Sur
prize on any part of this Continent, and be assured
you cannot recommend yourself more effectually to
our friendship. If you could find an opportunity
of attacking and taking one of the fleet on their
coming out, it might be the means of giving us
ample intelligence." 1 This was the fleet which soon
afterwards occupied Newport ; it sailed from New
York December 1, the transports passing through
Long Island Sound, the larger men-of-war outside.
About the end of November the Fly returned to
Philadelphia and on December 21 was sent down
the Delaware to watch some British vessels cruising
off the capes. The Wasp continued on the New
Jersey shore for a while and then watched these
vessels from the outside. The Hornet cruised during
the summer and in December was ordered to the
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 43 (to Warner).
NEW PROVIDENCE EXPEDITION, 1776 131
"West Indies ; but she did not go, being in Christ
iana Creek and unable to get out through a British
fleet in Delaware Bay. 1
According to Admiral Howe s letter of February
20, 1777, the British vessels employed in Delaware
and Chesapeake Bays during 1776, some or all of
them being stationed part of the tune in one bay
and part in the other and occasionally cruising off
the capes, were the Roebuck of forty-four guns, the
frigates Liverpool and Fowey, and the sloop of war
Otter ; while the frigate " Orpheus appears to have
been rather appointed for the necessary and more
general purpose of cruising between the port of
New York and Entrance of the Delaware, than
confined to the particular Guard of the last." 2
1 Am. Arch., V, i, 137, 1118, 1181, ii, 970, 1199, 1200, 1292, iii,
461, 507, 637, 904, 1148, 1175, 1176, 1213, 1331, 1332, 1458, 1484;
Pennsylvania Gazette, October 16, 1776 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book,
17, 30, 38, 41, 42, 43, 47, 48 (August 23, October 10, 23, 30, No
vember 1, 11, 29, December 14, 25, 1776).
2 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 487, No. 24.
CHAPTER V
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776
HAVING followed the movements of two fleets in
service during 17 76, there remain to be considered
various cruises and actions of a number of single
vessels, public and private, that went out upon the
sea in that year ; and some other events as well.
The Massachusetts navy began its existence in
August, 1775, when the Machias Liberty and Dil
igent were taken into the service of the province
and Jeremiah O Brien was put in command of
them. 1 The Diligent was afterwards commanded by
Captain John Lambert. These vessels cruised in
termittently and with some success for over a
year, or until October, 1776. In February they
were at Newburyport and received new crews.
In the spring O Brien took two or three small
prizes. 2
Meanwhile the force had been increased. As a
result of the report of the committee appointed
December 29, 1775, to consider the subject of a
1 See above, pp. 14, 40.
2 O Brien, chs. vii, viii, ix ; Am. Arch., IV, iv, 1294, vi, 800,
V, iii, 384, 387 ; Massachusetts Mag., January, April, 1910 ; Boston
Gazette, June 10, July 29, 1776 ; Mass. Court Bee., February 8,
March 23, 1776.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 133
state navy, 1 ten vessels were authorized by the
General Court of Massachusetts in February, 1776,
the number being shortly afterwards reduced to
five. April 20 it was resolved "that the Brigantine
building at Kingston be called the Independence,
that the Brigantine building at Dartmouth be
called the Rising Empire, that the Sloop building
at Salisbury be called the Tyrannicide, that one
of the Sloops building at Swanzey be called
the Republic and the other the Freedom." The
Tyrannicide was changed into a brigantine a few
months later. Another vessel, the brigantine Mas
sachusetts, was built at Salisbury in the spring.
The Tyrannicide, Captain John Fisk, carrying four
teen guns and seventy-five men, seems to have been
the first of these newly constructed vessels to get
to sea. She sailed July 8 and four days later cap
tured a prize. Captain Fisk s report, dated July 17,
says : " This may serve to acquaint your Honours
that in latitude 40 26 north, longitude 65 50
west, I fell in with the armed schooner Despatch
from Halifax, bound to New York ; and after an
engagement of one-and-a-half hour, she struck to the
American arms. I boarded her and found on board
eight carriage guns and twelve swivel guns, twenty
small arms, sixteen pistols, twenty cutlasses, some
cartridges, boxes, and belts for bayonets, nine half-
barrels powder, all the accoutrement for said can
non. The Commander and one man were killed, and
1 See above, p. 40.
134 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
seven others wounded. The crew consisted of thirty
men and one boy. I lost one man killed and ten
wounded, and my vessel was much shattered, which
obliged me to return with my prize, which I have at
anchor in Salem Harbour, and wait your Honours
orders how to proceed with the prisoners. All the
Captain s papers and orders were thrown over
board." 1 Fisk sailed again and during the month
of August took four prizes, one of which was re
captured by a British frigate which chased and
nearly caught the Tyrannicide. Upon Fisk s advice
his sloop s rig was changed after her return from
this cruise. October 29, Fisk was ordered on another
cruise to the eastward of Nantucket Shoals as far
as the ninth meridian of longitude and south to the
twelfth parallel of north latitude. Meanwhile the
brigantine Independence, Captain Simeon Sampson,
whose instructions of July 26 were apparently the
next issued after those of Captain Fisk, was " Di
rected Imediately to proceed on a Cruize not only
against our Unatural Enemies, but also for ye Pro
tection of the Trade of the United States, and you
are directed to Range the Coast of the Province of
Main . . . and from thence proceed as f arr South
ward as the Lattitude thirty-four North, and not
further West than the Shoals of Nantuckett, nor
further East than the Island [of] Sable, on the
Coast of Nova Scotia." The Independence accom
plished little during the year. 2
1 Coll. Essex Inst., January, 1906.
2 Mass. Court Bee., April 20, May 4, September 13, 1776; Bee.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 135
Richard Derby of Salem reported, October 3,
that on the previous evening the brigantine Massa
chusetts, " belonging to this State, aryved here."
She had been cruising during September under the
command of Captain Daniel Souther, who, Derby
says, " Informs me that a few Days after he sailed
he fell in with & Took a Brigantine of about 250
Tons from Falmouth in England mounting six three
pound Cannon & having on board a Captain &
about 20 Privates of the 16th Regiment of Drag
oons, with their Horse Accoutrements. . . . He
parted from the Prize this Day week in a Storm
which has Continued almost ever since, but as the
wind has been favourable this Day or two I Expect
every moment to see or to hear of her being aryved
at Boston. The prisoners in all amount to 35 which
Cap Souther tho t too many to Cary the Cruise with
him & therefor tho t best to Return & Land them,
Espetially as he Expected to Do it in a few Days,
but Gales of wind have prevented him. The Honble
Board I hope will send me Directions how to Dis
pose of the Prisoners. . . . They say the People in
Brittain know Nothing what is passing in America
& Capt Souther Informs me the Chaplain has told
him the People in England begin to grow very
weary." l
Mass. Council, July 26, October 29, 1776 ; Am. Arch., V, i, 405,
552 ; Boston Gazette, August 19, 1776 ; Massachusetts Mag., April,
1908, January, 1909.
1 Massachusetts Mag. , October, 1908 ; Boston Gazette, October 7,
1776.
136 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The sloops Republic, Captain John Foster Wil
liams, and Freedom, Captain John Clouston, when
ready for sea were ordered to Boston. In October
the Republic was sent on a cruise off Nan tucket and
soon captured the British armed ship Julius Caesar.
The Republic was afterwards employed in commer
cial voyages. Captain Clouston s orders are dated
September 20, 1776: "The sloop Freedom under
your command, being in all respects equipped in a
warlike manner and being also well and properly
manned, so as to enable you to proceed on a cruise,
you therefore are directed to range the eastern shore
of this State laying between the River Piscataqua
and Machias, in order to clear that coast of any of
the enemy s cruisers that may be infesting the same ;
and from thence proceed to the mouth of the River
St. Lawrence and there cruise until the first of
November, in order to intercept any of the enemy s
vessels that may be passing that way; and from
thence you must proceed to the coast of Newfound
land and there cruise until the middle of November
aforesaid, in order to surprise and seize such vessels
of the enemy as you meet upon that coast or in any
of the harbours of the same ; after which you may
proceed upon a cruise as far southward as latitude
38 north and continue upon said cruise so long as
you find it practicable or expedient ; and then you
are to return to the harbour of Boston, always using
every necessary precaution to prevent the sloop under
your command from falling into the hands of the
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 137
enemy. You are to observe and follow such orders
and directions as you shall from time to time receive
from Captain Daniel Souther, provided they are
consistent with the instructions now given you.
And whereas you have received a commission by
force of arms to attack, seize and take on the high
seas all ships and other vessels belonging to the in
habitants of Great Britain, or others infesting the
sea-coast of this Continent, you are therefore punc
tually to follow the instructions already delivered
you for regulating your conduct in this matter, and
in all things conduct yourself consistent with the
trust reposed in you." 1 These instructions were
probably not carried out, and after her return from
a short cruise, the Freedom was altered into a brig-
antine, being fitted out with the masts, sails, and
rigging of the Rising Empire. This vessel for some
reason, after a very short cruise, had been reported
by her captain to be " totally unfit for the service,"
and was put out of commission. 2
In May, 1776, the Connecticut brig Defence,
Captain Harding, captured several tories crossing
to Long Island. Harding then fitted out three small
sloops to search for tories, the Defence being too
well known to them. In a letter expressing well-
defined opinions of toryism, Governor Trumbull of
Connecticut acknowledged Harding s reports " com-
1 Massachusetts Mag., April, 1909.
2 Rid., April, July, 1909, July, 1911 ; Mass. Court Rec., October
9, 1776.
138 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
municating alarming intelligence of a most unnatural
and traitorous combination among the inhabitants
of this Colony. Possessed of and enjoying the most
valuable and important privileges, to betray them
all into the hands of our cruel oppressors is shock
ing and astonishing conduct and evinces the deep
degeneracy and wickedness of which mankind is
capable. Have laid your communication before my
Council. They are equally shocked at this horrid
baseness and will with me be ready to come into any
proper measures to defeat and suppress this wicked
conspiracy to the utmost of our power; and in the
mean time approve and applaud your zeal and activity
to discover and apprehend any persons concerned in
this blackest treason." 1 The Defence afterwards
performed valuable service in Massachusetts Bay, 2
returning to New London in July, and continued
cruising during the rest of the year. 3
Delaware and Chesapeake Bays and the Carolina
sounds witnessed a good deal of marine conflict dur
ing the year 1776. Pennsylvania, Maryland, and
Virginia maintained many small craft, as well as
some large vessels, for defense, and a number of
captures were made early in the year. Several Con
tinental vessels also cruised in these waters. In
March the British sloop of war Otter, with several
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 503.
2 See above, pp. 81, 82.
8 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 439, 470, 482, 483, 503, 531 ; Connecticut
Courant, July 22, 1776; Continental Journal, October 10, 1776;
New London Hist. Soc., IV, i, 37.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 139
tenders and prizes, came up Chesapeake Bay nearly
as far as Baltimore. The ship Defence, Captain
James Nicholson, of the Maryland navy, went out
to meet the Otter, drove her down the bay and
recaptured her prizes. Governor Dunmore of Vir
ginia employed a considerable fleet in Chesapeake
Bay, which in July comprised more than forty
vessels. Whatever British men-of-war happened
to be stationed in the bay, and there were generally
a few at least, were attached to this fleet. A family
of tories, John Goodrich and several sons, also
cruised about the bay in Dunmore s service. The
chief function of the state cruisers was to check the
ravages of these vessels along the shores of the
bays and rivers. Several of their prizes were recap
tured by the navies of Virginia, Maryland, and
North Carolina, and other captures, some of them
important, were occasionally made. June 20, Cap
tain James Barron of the Virginia navy took the
Oxford, one of the fleet of Scotch transports bound
to Boston, and brought her into Jamestown. 1
After the departure of Hopkins s fleet for New
Providence in February, the Marine Committee
fitted out other Continental vessels from time to
time. Those that cruised along the coast of the
Middle States were the brigs Lexington and
Reprisal, of sixteen guns each, and the sloops
1 Am. Arch., IV, iv, 114, 122, 123, 125, 126, v, 199, vi,1559, V,
i, 152, 525, ii, 162, iii, 821, 1607 ; Almon, iii, 31 ; Boston Gazette,
February 5, May 20, July 15, 1776 ; N. E. Chronicle, May 23, 1776 ;
So. Lit. Messenger, February, 1857. See above, pp. 117, 118.
140 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Independence and Sachem, of ten guns each, and
Mosquito of four guns. April 7, in sight of the
Virginia capes, Captain John Barry of the Lexing
ton reported to the Marine Committee : " I have
the pleasure to acquaint you that at one P. M. this
day I fell in with the sloop Edward [of eight guns] ,
belonging to the Liverpool frigate. She engaged us
near two glasses. They killed two of our men and
wounded two more. We shattered her in a terrible
manner, as you will see. We killed and wounded
several of her crew. I shall give you a particular
account of the powder and arms taken out of her,
as well as my proceedings in general. I have the
happiness to acquaint you that all our people be
haved with much courage." 1 Captain Barry was
an Irishman by birth and afterwards became a
distinguished officer of the navy. In July the sloop
Sachem captured a heavily armed British letter of
marque brig. 2
The British man-of-war Roebuck, 44, cruised
about the Virginia and Delaware capes from the
middle of March until June. May 5, in company
with the Liverpool, 28, and a number of tenders
and prizes, she came up Delaware Bay. On the 8th
these vessels were met below Chester by thirteen
Pennsylvania galleys and an engagement followed
which lasted all the afternoon. The Continental
1 Pennsylvania Gazette, April 17, 1776.
2 Am. Arch., IV, v, 810, V, ii, 823 ; Almon, iii, 81 ; Griffin s Life
of Barry, 30 ; Barney, 45, 46 ; 2V. E. Chronicle, April 25, 1776.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 141
schooner Wasp, Captain Alexander, came out of
Christiana Creek, into which she had been driven
the day before by the British, and recaptured one of
their prizes a brig. The Roebuck was consider
ably injured in her rigging and, in attempting to get
near the galleys, grounded on a shoal; the Liver
pool anchored near by for her protection. During
the night the Roebuck got off and the British
dropped down the river. The galleys followed and
another action took place. An American prisoner,
impressed on board the Roebuck, says that the
galleys " attacked the men-of-war the second day
with more courage and conduct [and] the Roebuck
received many shots betwixt wind and water;
some went quite through, some in her quarter, and
was much raked fore and aft. . . . During the
engagement one man was killed by a shot which
took his arm almost off. Six were much hurt and
burned by an eighteen-pound cartridge of powder
taking fire, among whom was an acting lieutenant." l
The British ships then retreated. In his official
report to the admiral the captain of the Roebuck
says : " On the 5th of May I took the Liverpool
with me, sailed up the River as far as Wilmington,
where I was attacked in a shallow part of the River
by thirteen Row Gallies attended by several Fire-
Ships and Launches, which in two long Engagements
I beat off and did my utmost to destroy. . . . After
having fully executed what I had in view, I returned
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 810.
142 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
to the Capes the 15th." 1 The presence of the Ke-
prisal and Hornet in the bay, or near by, although
they took no part in the action, may have contributed
to the discomfort of the Englishmen s situation. 2
The Reprisal, Captain Lambert Wickes, was
ordered June 10 to Martinique, but she did not
sail at once ; at the end of the month she was still
in the Delaware. On the 29th the armed brig
Nancy, from the West Indies bound to Philadel
phia with ammunition and military stores, was
chased off the Delaware capes by six British men-
of-war and tenders ; she engaged the latter and
beat them off. The Lexington and Reprisal came to
the Nancy s rescue, and under cover of a fog she
was run ashore near Cape May and the most valu
able part of her cargo, including two hundred and
seventy barrels of powder, was saved. The fog
soon lifted and the British were seen to be very
near and sending in boats. The Nancy s captain and
crew then quitted her after setting her on fire, a
large quantity of powder being still on board. Two
or three of the British boats then came in, boarded
the Nancy "and took possession of her with three
cheers ; soon after which the fire took the desired
effect and blew the pirates forty or fifty yards into
the air and much shattered one of their boats under
her stern. Eleven dead bodies have since come on
1 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 487, November 28, 1776.
2 Am. Arch., IV, yi, 395,408,498,809-811; Almon, in, 173;
Boston Gazette, May 20, 1776 ; Barney, 40-43 ; Wallace s Life of
Bradford, 367.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 143
shore with two gold-laced hats and a leg with a
garter. From the great number of limbs floating
and driven ashore it is supposed thirty or forty of
them were destroyed by the explosion." 1 According
to a British account, which may, however, refer to
another incident, the boats sent in " boarded amidst
a heavy fire from the shore, where thousands of
people had assembled to protect her. Finding it
impossible to get her off, we set her on fire, with
orders to quit her without loss of time, as we found
her cargo consisted of three hundred and sixty bar
rels of powder with some saltpetre and dry goods ;
but unfortunately, before we had all left her, she
blew up and a mate and six men was blown to
pieces in her. The oars of the other boats were all
knocked to atoms and two men had their ribs broke ;
but considering the whole, we was amazingly fort
unate, as the pieces of the vessel was falling all
round for some time." 2 The Americans mounted
a gun on shore and opened fire on the men-of-war.
The fire was returned and Lieutenant Wickes,
brother of the captain of the Reprisal, was killed. 3
The Reprisal sailed July 3 for the West Indies,
taking out as passenger William Bingham, who was
1 Am. Arch., V, i, 14.
2 Navy Eec. Soc., vi, 35, journal of Lieutenant (later Rear-
Admiral) James, in which discrepancies in date and other details
may perhaps be accounted for by its having been written two
years later, in prison.
8 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 783, V, i, 14; Mag. Amer. Hist., March,
1878, narrative of Lieutenant Matthewman.
144 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
to be the American commercial and naval agent at
Martinique. The Reprisal convoyed thirteen mer
chantmen to a safe distance beyond the Delaware
capes. During the voyage she took and manned
three prizes, which left her very short-handed. As
she was approaching the port of St. Pierre, July 27,
the British sloop of war Shark, 16, came out of the
harbor. Captain Chapman of the Shark says that
at half -past five that afternoon a ship was seen com
ing around the northern point of the bay and was
suspected of being an American. At seven the
Shark slipped her cables and made sail. Half an
hour later the Reprisal tacked. " We wore and stood
towards him & haild him twice in French, to which
he made no answer ; we afterwards haild him in
English, he continued to make sail from us & made
no reply. At 9 fir d a shot ahead of him and haild
in English, told him we was an English Man of
War ; he made no answer, but bore down and fired
a Broadside into us, which we returned immediately
and continued engaging i an hour, then he back d
his Maintops & dropt astern & afterwards tack d ;
-| past 10 we tack d & stood towards him, at J past
10 they fired two shot at us from the shore, which
occasioned us to bear away ; he kept his Wind and
anchord in the Bay." 1 Wickes says that he re
plied to both the French and English hail of the
Shark and that the latter fired a shot at ten o clock
followed by three others in succession, to which the
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., Captain s Logs, No. 895 (log of the Shark).
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 145
Reprisal returned four, whereupon the English made
sail in order to withdraw from the contest. A French
officer on shore thought that the English fire was
the more rapid and better delivered. He says that
after parting from the Reprisal, the Shark chased
a schooner, which took refuge under a battery;
whereupon the battery fired two shot at the Shark.
The next day she returned to her anchorage in the
harbor. The Reprisal went back to the United States
in September and the sloop Independence, Captain
John Young, was sent out to take her place. Naval
stores were greatly needed at all times and the
Marine Committee took measures to obtain them in
the West Indies, the depot for European goods of
that kind. Ships of war were largely employed for
their transportation. 1
In the spring of 1776 a British expedition was
sent against the southern colonies. A fleet of trans
ports with troops under the command of General
Cornwallis sailed from Cork convoyed by two fifty-
gun ships and several smaller vessels commanded
by Commodore Parker. In May this force arrived
in North Carolina and was joined by General Clin
ton, who had left Boston with several regiments in
January ; Clinton now assumed the command. The
1 Am. Arch., V, i, 180, 249, 609, 706, 741, ii, 324, 410; Almon,
iv, 103 ; Archives de la Marine, B 7 458 ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 78, 23,
293, 295 (Wickes to Committee of Secret Correspondence, July 11,
13, 1776) ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 20, 26 (September 20, October 4,
1776) ; Boston Gazette, August 19, October 7, 1776 ; Independent
Chronicle, October 3, 1776.
146 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
objective point of the expedition having been left
to his discretion, he determined to attack Charles
ton, and on June 4 the fleet appeared off the bar
at the harbor entrance of that town.
Meanwhile the Americans had been making pre
parations for defense. A force of five or six thou
sand, less than half of them regulars and all raw
troops, was collected under the command of General
Charles Lee. A fort of palmetto logs was built at
the southern end of Sullivan s Island which com
manded the channel. This fort was garrisoned by
about three hundred and fifty regular troops and a
few militia under Colonel Moultrie. Seven or eight
hundred men were stationed at the northern end of
Sullivan s Island to oppose the approach of the
British from Long Island. The South Carolina
navy, at that time consisting of three vessels, prob
ably took some part in the defense of the town.
The British met with some difficulty and delay
in getting over the bar, but by June 27 were ready
for the attack. Their naval force consisted of the
Bristol and Experiment of fifty guns each, the
twenty-eight-gun frigates Solebay, Syren, Active,
and Actseon, the Sphynx, 20, the Friendship, 18,
the bomb-vessel Thunder, which carried two mortars,
and a few smaller armed vessels. 1
1 For the expedition against Charleston, see Am. Arch., IV, vi,
1205-1210; Almon, ui, 142, 189-192, 264-267,314-319; Dawson s
Battles of the United States, ch. x; Pennsylvania Gazette, Septem
ber 11, Nov. 20, 1776; Penn. Evening Post, April 23, 1776; Win-
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 147
On the 28th the attack was made. Commodore
Parker says in his report : " At half an hour after ten
I made the signal to weigh, and about a quarter
after eleven the Bristol, Experiment, Active and
Solebay brought up against the fort. Thunder Bomb,
covered by the Friendship armed vessel, brought
the Saliant Angle of the East Bastion to bear N. W.
by N. and . . . threw several shells a little before
and during the engagement in a very good direc
tion. The Sphynx, Actseon and Syren were to have
been to the westward, to prevent fireships and other
vessels from annoying the ships engaged, to enfilade
the works, and if the rebels should be driven from
them, to cut off their retreat if possible. This last
service was not performed, owing to the ignorance
of the pilot, who run the three frigates aground.
The Sphynx and Syren got off in a few hours, but
the Actaeon remained fast till the next morning,
when the captain and officers thought proper to
scuttle and set her on fire." 1
The engagement lasted ten hours. The fort was
little damaged by the bombardment it received from
the British, while the fire of the Americans was
delivered slowly and accurately, and with marked
effect upon the ships of the enemy. In his report
to the President of Congress General Lee says
the ships " anchored at less than half musket shot
sor s Narrative and Critical History of America, vi, 168-172, 229;
Channing, iii, 226-228 ; Clowes, iii, 371-379. See map, p. 492.
1 Almon, iii, 189, 190 (July 9, 1776).
148 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
from the fort and commenced one of the most
furious and incessant fires I ever saw or heard."
About half -past four in the afternoon the fort ap
peared to the British to have been silenced, but
this was due to a failure of ammunition, and upon
the arrival of a fresh supply, an hour and a half
later, the fire was renewed. The Americans behaved
extremely well, and Lee, upon visiting the fort,
" found them determined and cool to the last de
gree ; their behavior would have done honor to
the oldest troops." 1 Moultrie became thenceforth
one of the heroes of the Revolution and the fort
was named for him. The British troops who had
landed on Long Island, to what number is uncer
tain, had intended to cross over to Sullivan s Island
and attack the fort in the rear, where it was partly
open and unfinished. The islands were separated
by a shallow channel usually passable at low tide,
but continued easterly winds had so backed up
the water that it was too deep to be forded.
At about nine o clock in the evening the British
fire ceased and two hours later the fleet dropped
down to its former anchorage. The Actaeon, after
she had been set fire to and abandoned by her crew
the next morning, was boarded by Americans who
brought away her colors and some other property ;
half an hour later she blew up. The damage suffered
by the British ships was heavy, especially by the
Bristol and Experiment, and upon these two ships
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 1205 (Lee s report, July 2, 1776).
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 149
also the loss was greatest, which altogether amounted
to sixty-four killed and a hundred and forty-one
wounded, many of the latter dying from their in
juries soon afterwards. The American loss was
twelve killed and twenty-five wounded, five of them
mortally. The attack was not renewed, and after
making repairs, the fleet sailed for New York.
Under the encouragement of acts passed by the
Continental Congress and the various provincial
assemblies, privateering flourished during 1776,
although it came very far from assuming the propor
tions that it attained in later years. Only thirty -four
private commissions were issued under the authority
of the Continental government, but probably a
much larger number of privateers were sent out
by the separate states. Vessels of this class cruised
at sea, along the Atlantic coast, and in West Indian
and European waters. The privateersmen were
commonly successful, but first and last a good many
of them fell into the hands of the enemy.
Captain James Tracy was unfortunate enough to
fall in with a British frigate, mistaking her for a
merchantman. Tracy sailed from Newburyport,
June 7, in the brig Yankee Hero, carrying twelve
guns and twenty-six men, including officers. He
expected to get more men at Boston. Off Cape
Ann the captain sighted a sail which he de
termined to chase, and here he received a reinforce
ment of fourteen men who came out from the shore
in boats ; with forty, he still had only a third of
150 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
his complement. Tracy then bore away for the sail,
which was five leagues distant, to the east-southeast ;
when too late he discovered the chase to be a man-
of-war. He now put about for the shore with the
ship, which turned out to be the frigate Milford,
in pursuit. The wind, which had been westerly,
died away, and in an hour and a half the frigate,
having taken a fresh breeze from the south, was
within half a mile and began to fire her bow chasers.
The wind shifted to the west again. Tracy reserved
his fire until the enemy should be within close range.
She soon came up on the Yankee Hero s lee quarter
within pistol-shot arid the unequal contest became
warm. The account of the affair was " chiefly col
lected from those who were in the engagement."
" After some time the ship hauled her wind so close,
which obliged the brig to do the same, that Capt.
Tracy was unable to fight his lee guns ; upon this
he backed under her stern, but the ship, which sailed
much faster and worked as quick, had the advan
tage and brought her broadside again upon him,
which he could not evade, and in this manner they
lay not an hundred feet from each other yawing to
and fro for an hour and twenty minutes, the priv
ateer s men valiantly maintaining their quarters
against such a superior force. About this time the
ship s foremast guns beginning to slack fire, Capt.
Tracy tacked under his stern and when clear of
the smoke and fire, perceived his rigging to be most
shockingly cut, yards flying about without braces,
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 151
some of his principal sails shot to rags and half of
his men to appearance dying and wounded." The
first lieutenant was among the wounded. The frig
ate having sheered off there was a short lull, during
which the wounded were carried below and the
crew began to repair the rigging. They were get
ting nearer shore and Tracy hoped to be able to
escape. Before things could be put to rights, how
ever, the frigate " again came up and renewed the
attack, which obliged Capt. Tracy to have recourse
to his guns again, though he still kept some hands
aloft to his rigging, but before the brig had again
fired two broadsides, Captain Tracy received a
wound in his right thigh and in a few minutes he
could not stand ; he laid himself over the arm chest
and barricadoe, determined to keep up the fire, but
in a short time, from pain and loss of blood, he was
unable to command, growing faint, and they helped
him below. As soon as he came to, he found his
firing had ceased and his people round him wounded,
not having a surgeon with them, in a most distressed
situation, most of them groaning and some expiring.
Struck severely with such a spectacle, Capt. Tracy
ordered his people to take him up in a chair upon
the quarter deck and resolved again to attack the
ship, which was all this time keeping up her fire ;
but after getting into the air, he was so faint that
he was for some time unable to speak and finding
no alternative but they must be taken or sunk, for
the sake of the brave men that remained he ordered
152 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
them to strike to the ship." 1 The action lasted over
two hours and the Yankee Hero lost four killed
and thirteen wounded. On the Milford were thirty
American prisoners who had been impressed and
were forced to fight against their countrymen. The
frigate took her prize to Halifax. 2
In May, 1776, the American privateer Camden,
14, fought three hours with the brigantine Earl of
Warwick, 16. An explosion then took place on the
Warwick which killed and wounded thirty men and
she was obliged to strike. 3 About the same time the
privateer Cromwell, 20, captured and took into
Philadelphia the British sloop of war Lynx. 4 The
private armed sloop Yankee, Captain Henry John
son, of Boston, cruised in the English Channel, and,
having taken two prizes, had many prisoners on
board. The captain of one of the prizes and one or
two other British officers, being in Captain John
son s cabin, seized a cutlass which had been care
lessly left within reach, and, arousing the other
prisoners, soon had possession of the Yankee, which
they took into Dover. 6
1 Mass. Spy, September 11, 1776.
2 Ibid., June 21, September 11, 1776; Am. Arch., IV, vi, 746-
748 ; Mil. and Nav. Mag. of U. S., May, 1835.
8 London Chronicle, July 13, 1776. 4 Ibid.
6 Am. Arch., V, i, 684, 755, 756 ; Boston Gazette, July 15, De
cember 9, 1776. For other operations of privateers in 1776, see
Am. Arch., V, i, 588, 874, 958, ii, 232, 346 ; Almon, iii, 34, 235, 267,
268, iv, 159, 160, 161 ; Boston Gazette, June 17, August 12, Sep
tember 2, 16, 30, November 25, December 30, 1776 ; Independent
Chronicle, June 13, October 17, November 14, 28, 1776.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 153
Several attempts were made during the Revolu
tion to destroy British men-of-war at anchor. Such
an enterprise was discussed in 1775 in reference
to the British fleet in Boston Harbor, and some
preparations seem to have been made to carry it out.
Samuel Osgood wrote to John Adams from the camp
at Roxbury, October 23, 1775 : The famous Water
Machine from Connecticutt is every Day expected
in Camp ; it must unavoidably be a clumsy Busi
ness, as its Weight is about a Tun. I wish it might
succeed [and] the Ships be blown up beyond the
Attraction of the Earth, for it is the only Way or
Chance they have of reaching St Peter s Gate." 1
The u Water Machine " here referred to was prob
ably the contrivance of David Bushnell of Connec
ticut, which afterward excited great interest; yet
just at this time John Hancock, President of Con
gress, wrote to General Washington : " Captn. John
Macpherson having informed the Congress that he
had invented a method by which with their leave
he would take or destroy every ministerial armed
vessel in North America, they appointed Govn.
Hopkins, Mr. Randolph & Mr. J. Rutledge to
confer with him on the subject, for he would not
consent to communicate the secret to any but a
committee & you. These Gentlemen reported that
the scheme in theory appeared practicable and that,
though its success could not be relied on without
experience, they thought it well worth attempting
1 Adams MSS.
154 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
on the fleet in & about Boston harbour, their de
struction being an object of the utmost consequence.
The Congress have therefore directed Capt. Mac-
pherson to repair immediately to Cambridge." l
These projects went no farther at the time, and
the British continued to ride safely at anchor in the
harbor until they saw fit to take their departure the
next spring. In July, 1776, preparations of a sim
ilar nature were made. On the night of August 17
two fireships in the Hudson River attacked the
ships Pho3nix and Rose, which had recently been
assaulted by galleys. 2 One of the fireships ignited
the Rose s tender, which was "totally consumed."
The other approached the Phranix, whereupon that
ship opened fire and cut her cable. The English ac
count says : " Ten Minutes Afterwards she boarded
us upon the Starboard Bow, at which time the Reb
els set fire to the Train and left her. Set the Fore
Topsail and Headsails, which fortunately cast the
ship and disengaged her from the Fire Ship, after
having been Twenty Minutes with her Jibb Boom
over the Gun whale." 3 The British then prudently
dropped down the river to a new anchorage. The
most interesting attempt to destroy a British man-
of-war was made in New York Harbor about the
same time, with a submarine boat and torpedo de-
1 Letters to Washington, 89, 72 (October 20, 1775).
2 See above, p. 87.
8 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 487 1 August 17, 1776, remarks on board
H.M.S. Phoenix.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 155
signed by David Bushnell. The operator succeeded
in bringing his boat under a British ship, but was
unable to attach the torpedo to her side, on account
of the copper sheathing, then drifted away and lost
his bearings. The torpedo, left floating in the har
bor, afterwards exploded with great force ; if con
tained a hundred and fifty pounds of powder which
was ignited by a time-lock. Two subsequent trials,
made in the Hudson River, also failed. The next
year Bushnell endeavored to draw a torpedo against
the side of a ship in Black Point Bay, near New
London, by means of a line. But the line, having
been discovered, was hauled in by the crew of a
schooner near by ; whereupon the torpedo exploded,
demolishing the schooner and killing three men. 1
Towards the end of the year 1776 some of the
thirteen frigates authorized by Congress in Decem
ber, 1775, were nearly ready for service. The Ral
eigh s keel was laid at Portsmouth March 21 and
just two months later she was ready to enter the
water. " On Tuesday the 21st inst. the Continen
tal Frigate of thirty-two guns, built at this place
under the direction of John Langdon, Esq., was
Launched amidst the acclamation of many thousand
spectators. She is esteemed by all those who are
judges that have seen her, to be one of the com-
1 Am. Arch., V, i, 155, 451, 692 ; Almon, iii, 341, vi, 90; Ford s
Washington, iii, 202, iv, 348, x, 504 ; Clark s Naval History, i, ch.
v ; Mag. Amer. Hist., March, 1893 ; Boston Gazette, August 26, 1776 ;
N. E. Chronicle, August 29, 1776.
156 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
pleatest ships ever built in America. The unwear
ied diligence and care of the three Master-Builders,
Messrs. Racket, Hill and Paul, together with Mr.
Thompson under whose inspection she was built,
and the good order and industry of the Carpenters
deserve particular notice ; scarcely a single instance
of a person being in liquor, or any difference among
the men in the yard during the time of her build
ing, every man with pleasure exerting himself to
the utmost ; and altho the greatest care was taken
that only the best of timber was used and the work
perform d in a most masterly manner, the whole
time from her raising to the day she launched did
not exceed sixty working days, and what afforded
a most pleasing view (which was manifest in the
countenance of the spectators) this noble fabrick
was compleatly to her anchors in the main channel
in less than six minutes from the time [of] the run,
without the least hurt; and what is truly remarka
ble, not a single person met with the least accident
in launching, tho near five hundred men were em
ployed in and about her when run off." 1
On September 21 the Marine Committee directed
that the frigates Boston, Captain Hector McNeill,
and Raleigh, Captain Thomas Thompson, should be
fitted out as expeditiously as possible, and these
vessels were ordered to cruise in Massachusetts
Bay and to the eastward, in search of the British
1 New Hampshire Gazette, May 25, 1776, quoted in N. H. Gen-
eal. Bee., January, 1907.
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 157
frigate Milford. October 23 these orders were
modified by joining with these two vessels the
frigate Hancock, and instructions were issued for
Captains Manley, McNeill, and Thompson : " You
are hereby directed to act in concert and Cruize
together for the following purposes and on the fol
lowing stations. Your first object must be to in
form yourselves in the best manner possible, if any
of the British men of war are Cruizing in the bay
of Boston or off the Coast of Massachusetts, and
all such you are to endeavour with your utmost
force to take, sink, or destroy. Having effected this
service you are to proceed together towards Rhode
Island and there make prize of or destroy any of
the enemies Ships of war that may be found Cruiz
ing off the Harbour or Coast of Rhode Island. The
Prizes you make are to be sent into the nearest
Port. When you arrive at Rhode Island, if Com
modore Hopkins should not be already sailed on
his Southern expedition l and the two frigates built
in that State should not be ready for the Sea, in
that case you are to join Commodore Hopkins and
proceed with him on the said expedition, producing
those orders to him to justify the measure. But if
the Rhode Island frigates should be ready for the
sea, there will be no Occasion for you or either of
you to go Southward. And you will then proceed,
taking with you any Continental Vessel that may
be at Rhode Island and ready, if Commodore Hop-
1 See above, p. 127.
158 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
kins should be sailed before you coine there, and
proceed to Cruize against the enemies Ships & Ves
sels that may be found off the Coast between the
Harbour of Newport and the Banks of Newfound
land. We have no doubt from your zeal and at
tachment to the cause of America that you will
execute this service with all possible dispatch and
vigor, and so bid you heartily farewell." 1 The frig
ate Randolph, built at Philadelphia, was put under
the command of Captain Biddle and was expected
to sail before the end of the year. For one reason or
another, however, chiefly, no doubt, the difficulty
of manning the ships and the British blockade, no
Continental frigate got to sea in 1776. 2
In October the Reprisal was placed at the dis
posal of the Committee of Secret Correspondence
of Congress and the Lexington, Andrew Doria, and
Sachem were put under the orders of the Secret Com
mittee; these were two distinct committees. These
vessels, in addition to other duties, carried impor
tant dispatches. The Reprisal was ordered to take
Franklin, who had been appointed a commissioner
to France, to his post ; and afterwards to cruise in
the English Channel. She sailed about the 1st of
November and anchored in Quiberon Bay a month
later ; two small prizes were taken during the voy
age. Franklin went ashore at Auray, and made the
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 39.
*Am. Arch., V, ii, 428, 1200, iii, 826, 827, 1198, 1254, 1332,
1484 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 21, 22, 23, 24 (September 21, 1776).
^. /}
OTHER EVENTS ON THE SEA IN 1776 159
best of his way to Paris, where he arrived Decem
ber 22. 1
The Lexington, Captain William Hallock, went
to the West Indies in the service of the Secret
Committee of Congress and on her way back from
Cape Francois, in December, was captured off the
Delaware capes by the British frigate Pearl. About
this time there were six British ships in this vicinity
or stationed in the bay, which at the end of the
year was closely blockaded. A lieutenant and a
small prize crew were put on the Lexington and
seventy of her own crew were left on board. The
same evening these prisoners recaptured the ship
and, though without officers to direct them, took
her safe into port. 2
Under orders dated October IT, 1776, the An
drew Doria, Captain Isaiah Robinson, sailed for
the Dutch island of St. Eustatius for a cargo of
military supplies. Upon arriving at that place and
anchoring in the roads, November 16, the Andrew
Doria fired a salute of eleven guns, which was re
turned by the fort with two guns less, as for a
merchantman. This has been called the first salute
given the American flag in a foreign port, but
about three weeks before this an American schooner
Com. Letter Book, 34, 35 (October 17, 18, 1776); Pap.
Cont. Congr., 37, 75, 83, 95 (October 24, 1776) ; Am. Arch., V, ii,
1092, 1115, 1197-1199, 1211-1213, 1215, iii, 1197.
*Am. Arch., V, iii, 1484, 1486; Mag. Amer. Hist., March, 1878,
narrative of Lieutenant Matthewman; Port Folio, June, 1814,
memoir of Commodore Dale.
160 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
had had her colors saluted at the Danish island of
St. Croix. In response to a British complaint the
salute to the Andrew Doria was disavowed by the
Dutch government and the governor of St. Eusta-
tius was recalled. The Andrew Doria, having taken
on the stores for which she was sent, sailed for
Philadelphia. On the return voyage, near Porto
Rico, she captured the British twelve-gun sloop of
war Racehorse after an engagement of two hours.
A few days later another prize was taken, but was
recaptured. The Andrew Doria and Racehorse ar
rived safely in port. 1
1 .Barney, 47-51; Amer. Hist. Rev., viii (July, 1903), 691-695;
N. E. Mag., July, 1893; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 34; Pap. Cont.
Congr., 28, 173 (March 28, 1777).
CHAPTER VI
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776
IN the days when the frontier severing Canada from
New England and New York was a wilderness, the
only easy avenue of communication was by way of
Lake Champlain and the Richelieu River. With
the exception of a few miles of rapids in the river,
the whole distance from the St. Lawrence to the
head of Lake Champlain was navigable, and as the
shores were rough and densely wooded, the only
practicable route was by water. This natural gate
way was therefore of great military importance, and
a struggle for its possession has marked every war
involving Canada and the colonies or states to the
south.
Even before the outbreak of hostilities in April,
1775, it was understood that the British had planned
to get control of Lake Champlain and Lake George
and the Hudson River, so as to separate New Eng
land from the other colonies. 1 In anticipation of
this, Ticonderoga was taken by the Americans under
Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold, May 10, and
Crown Point two days later. A schooner had been
impressed at Skenesborough (Whitehall) at the
1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii (April, 1872), 227 (letter of Samuel
Adams, November 16, 1775).
162 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
extreme head of Lake Champlain, and in her Arnold
proceeded with fifty men, May 14, to St. John s
on the Richelieu, at the head of the rapids. This
place was taken on the 18th. Having found there
nine bateaux, Arnold destroyed five of them and
brought away the other four, together with a seventy-
ton sloop. He then returned up the lake to Crown
Point. 1 The Americans now had full control of the
lake. All naval enterprises on these inland waters
were carried on by the army, which was under the
command of General Schuyler.
The British entered upon the construction of two
vessels at St. John s in the summer of 1775, but
this place was again taken by the Americans under
General Montgomery in November. Montgomery
then began his progress through Canada, which
ended with his death at Quebec on December 31.
Meanwhile Arnold, having accomplished his remark
able and arduous winter march through the wilds
of Maine, shared in the unsuccessful assault of
Montgomery on Quebec. He spent the winter before
that stronghold, hoping to gain possession of it in
the spring ; but upon the arrival of a British fleet
in the St. Lawrence in May, 1776, the Americans
were obliged to fall back up the river and evacuate
Canada, finally withdrawing from St. John s to Isle
aux Noix June 18. The retreat from Sorel was
conducted in an orderly manner and with trifling
loss by General Sullivan, all the baggage and stores
1 Am. Arch., IV, ii, 645, 839.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 163
being dragged up over the rapids of the Richelieu
in bateaux. The army was much weakened by the
prevalence of smallpox and by disability through in
oculation as a protection against that disease. Every
thing that could have been of value to the enemy
at Chambly and St. John s was destroyed. General
Schuyler wrote to Sullivan, June 25 : " Painful as
the evacuation of Canada is to me, yet a retreat
without loss greatly alleviates that pain, not only
because it reflects honour upon you, but that I have
now a confidant hope, that by recruiting your Army
and keeping up a naval superiority on the Lake, we
shall be able to prevent the enemy from penetrating
into the inhabited parts of these Colonies." 1 Arnold,
who had left Montreal June 15 and joined Sullivan
at St. John s, advised building twenty or thirty
gondolas, row-galleys, and floating batteries for the
defense of the lake, and for this purpose believed
that three hundred ship carpenters would be needed.
Gondolas were flat-bottomed boats, difficult to handle,
while galleys were larger and probably had keels ;
oars and sails were employed in both. 2
Meanwhile American naval interests on the lake
had not been wholly neglected. During the preced
ing twelve months some construction had been
undertaken and different officers had been from time
to time in command of the vessels in service. The
last of these officers to be appointed commodore of
1 Am. Arch., IV, vi, 1107.
2 Ibid., Hi, 468, 738, 1208, 1342-1344, 1392-1394, vi, 1101-1108.
164 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the little fleet was Captain Jacobus Wyncoop, who
received his orders from General Schuyler in May,
1776. After the return of the army from Canada
in June, ship-building at Skenesborough was pushed
with vigor, urged on by the restless energy of Arnold,
who had had some nautical experience and who in
August was put in command. He wished to build
at least one powerful frigate, but that was beyond
the resources at his disposal. This activity of the
Americans compelled the British also, as soon as
they had recovered possession of St. John s, to be
gin the construction of a fleet. A ship and two
schooners were taken apart, transported over and
around the rapids, and rebuilt at St. John s. Besides
these large vessels the British had thirty long-boats
from the squadron in the St. Lawrence, many flat-
bottomed boats, a heavily armed radeau, a gondola
weighing thirty tons which had been left by the
Americans at Quebec, and more than four hundred
bateaux for the transportation of troops and supplies.
According to Captain Douglas, commanding the
British squadron in the St. Lawrence, this force
included " above thirty fighting vessels of different
sorts and sizes." In this contest of ship-building
during the summer of 1776 the British had a great
advantage. Their fleet of men-of-war and transports
in the St. Lawrence furnished them with an abund
ant force of ship carpenters and other artisans, as
well as regular naval crews for the vessels when
finished. It was with the greatest difficulty that
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 165
the Americans procured a sufficient number of
mechanics to build the fleet with which they were
later obliged to meet the greatly superior force which
the British brought against them. The demand for
carpenters in the seaport towns for work upon public
and private naval craft was far beyond the supply. 1
On August 7, General Gates issued instructions
to Arnold to take the fleet as far as Split Rock or
to, but not beyond, Isle aux Tetes, and there make
a stand against the enemy ; but if the British had
a decidedly superior force, Arnold was to fall back
to Ticonderoga. Ten days later, the fleet being at
Crown Point, an advance of the British was re
ported. At this time Wyncoop, who commanded
the schooner Royal Savage, claimed also to be still
in command of the fleet. The conflicting orders of
Arnold and Wyncoop on the occasion of this sup
posed advance of the British naturally caused con
fusion. Gates ordered Wyncoop to be put under
arrest and sent back to Ticonderoga and thence
forth Arnold s authority was undisputed. The fleet
left Crown Point August 24, went into Willsbor-
ough September 1, having encountered a severe
storm, and on the 18th was at Isle la Motte. Arnold
then wrote to Gates : " I intend first fair wind to
come up as high as Isle Valcour, where is a good
harbour and where we shall have the advantage of
attacking the enemy in the open Lake, where the
1 Am. Arch., IV, iii, 4, 11-14, 49, v, 437, 1397, 1460, 1464, 1694,
V, i, 563, 603, 744-746, 747, 797, 937, 969, 1277, ii, 1178, 1179.
166 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
row-galleys, as their motion is quick, will give us a
great advantage over the enemy; and if they are
too many for us, we can retire." l Arnold appears,
however, to have remained in the vicinity of Isle
la Motte until September 23. The American fleet
then retreated up the lake to the strait between
Valcour Island and the New York shore. This lo
cality, which had previously been surveyed, afforded
an excellent and secluded anchorage in a cove on
the west side of the island, almost concealed by trees
from vessels passing up the lake in the channel to
the east of Valcour. October 1, Arnold received in
telligence that the British were nearly ready to ad
vance from St. John s, and their movement began
on the 4th. 2
The two fleets were now ready for the conflict,
and a statement of their comparative strength at
the time may be made. The American force under
Brigadier-General Benedict Arnold consisted of the
sloop Enterprise, Captain Dickenson, carrying
twelve four-pounders, ten swivels, and fifty men;
the schooners Royal Savage, Captain Hawley, with
four six-pounders and eight fours, ten swivels, and
fifty men, and Revenge, Captain Seaman, with four
four-pounders and four twos, ten swivels, and thirty-
five men ; the gondolas New Haven, Providence,
Boston, Spitfire, Philadelphia, Connecticut, Jersey,
1 Am. Arch., V, ii, 481.
2 Ibid., i, 826, 1002, 1003, 1051, 1096, 1123, 1185-1187, 1201,
1266, 1267, ii, 185, 186, 481, 834, 835.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 167
and New York, each carrying one twelve-pounder
and two nines, eight swivels, and forty-five men ; and
the galleys Lee with one twelve-pounder, one nine,
and four fours, Trumbull with one eighteen-pound-
er, one twelve, two nines, and four sixes, Congress
with two twelve -pounders, two eights, and four
sixes, and Washington with one eighteen-pounder,
one twelve, two nines, and four fours, the galleys
altogether carrying also fifty -eight swivels and
three hundred and twenty-six men. The Amer
ican force on the lake likewise included a schooner,
the Liberty, and a galley called the Gates, but these
two vessels took no part in subsequent events. The
opposing fleet was commanded by Captain Thomas
Pringle of the British navy, who had with him on
his flagship General Carleton, commanding the army.
The force consisted of the ship Inflexible, mounting
eighteen twelve-pounders ; the schooners Maria with
fourteen six-pounders and Carleton with twelve
sixes; the radeau Thunderer with six twenty-four-
pounders, six twelves, and two howitzers; the gon
dola Loyal Convert, seven nine-pounders ; twenty
gunboats, each with one twenty-four-pounder or a
nine and some of them with howitzers ; four long
boats armed with one carriage gun each; and twenty-
four long-boats loaded with provisions and stores.
The American fleet of fifteen vessels therefore
mounted eighty-six guns, throwing a total weight
of metal of six hundred and five pounds, and a hun
dred and fifty-two swivels, while the British had
168 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
about the same number of guns, but much heavier
ones, discharging a total weight of over a thousand
pounds. The superiority of heavy guns to light ones
is much greater than in proportion to the difference
in weight of projectile, one twelve-pounder being far
more effective than two sixes. The Inflexible alone
was a match for a good part of the American fleet;
but on the other hand, the powerful battery of the
Thunderer was in great measure useless because of
her slowness and clumsiness. As to men, the full
complement of the American fleet was eight hun
dred and twenty-one, but the number actually en
gaged was doubtless much smaller, as only five hun
dred had been obtained by October 1 ; there may
have been about seven hundred at the time of the
battle, and those in large part at least of poor qual
ity, for Arnold had to take what he could get ; their
conduct in the battles that followed, however, could
not have been better. The British fleet was manned
by six hundred and ninety-seven officers and men
from the regular navy. Arnold hoisted his flag on
the galley Congress, and the second in command,
General David Waterbury, on the galley Washing
ton. Pringle and Carleton were both on the schooner
Maria. 1
The British fleet anchored during the night of
October 10 between Grand and Long Islands and
got under way the next morning with a northeast
wind. It was seen at eight o clock by the Americans
i Am. Arch., V, i, 1123, 1201, iii, 834, 1017, 1039, 1179.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 169
off Cumberland Head. Waterbury promptly went
on board the Congress to consult with Arnold, to
whom he expressed the " opinion that the fleet
ought immediately to come to sail and fight them
on a retreat in main Lake, as they were so much
superiour to us in number and strength, and we
being in such a disadvantageous harbour to fight a
number so much superiour and the enemy being
able with their small boats to surround us on every
side, as I knew they could, we lying between an
island and the main. But General Arnold was of
the opinion that it was best to draw the fleet in a
line where we lay, in the bay of Valcour. The fleet
very soon came up with us and surrounded us, when
a very hot engagement ensued." l
Through neglecting to reconnoitre, the British
did not discover the American fleet until they had
passed Valcour Island, and it was then necessary to
attack from the leeward, at a disadvantage. Arnold,
in his report of October 12 to General Gates, says
that when the British were first seen on the morn
ing of the llth, " we immediately prepar d to re
ceive them, the gallies and Koyal Savage were or
dered under way, the rest of our fleet lay at anchor.
At Eleven O Clock [the enemy] ran under the lee
of Valcour & began the attack. The schooner
[Royal Savage] by some bad management fell to
lee-ward and was first attack d, one of her masts
was wounded & her rigging shot away ; the Captain
1 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1224.
170 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
thought prudent to run her on the point of Valcour,
where all the men were saved. ... At half past
twelve the engagement became general & very warm.
Some of the enemy s ships & all their Gondolas
beat & row d up within musket shot of us. ...
The Enemy landed a large number of Indians on
the Island & each shore, who kept an incessant fire
on us, but did little damage ; the Enemy had to ap
pearance upwards of one thousand men in batteaus
prepared for boarding. We suffered much for want
of Seamen and gunners; I was obliged myself to
point most of the guns on board the Congress, which
I believe did good execution." The enemy " contin
ued a very hot fire with round & Grape Shot until
five O Clock when they thought proper to retire to
about six or seven hundred yards distance & con
tinued [their fire] until dark." 1 Arnold s decision
to hold his ground and fight was wise ; retreat would
have been demoralizing and disastrous.
Captain Pi-ingle s report, dated October 15, says :
" Upon the llth I came up with the rebel fleet com
manded by Benedict Arnold. They were at anchor
under the island of Valicour and formed a strong
line extending from the island to the west side of
the continent. The wind was so unfavorable that
for a considerable time nothing could be brought
into action with them but the gun boats ; the Carle-
ton schooner, commanded by Mr. Dacres, by much
perseverance at last got to their assistance, but as
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 3, 163 ; Am. Arch., V, ii, 1038.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 171
none of the other vessels of the fleet could then get
up, I did not think it by any means adviseable to
continue so partial and unequal a combat. Conse
quently, with the approbation of his excellency gen
eral Carleton, who did me the honour of being on
board the Maria, I called off the Carleton and gun
boats and brought the whole fleet to anchor in a
line as near as possible to the rebels, that their re
treat might be cut off." 1
Of the American losses Arnold says : " The Con
gress and Washington have suffered greatly ; the
latter lost her first Lieutenant killed, Captain and
Master wounded. . . . The Congress reciev d seven
shot between wind and water, was hull d a dozen
times, had her main mast wounded in two places, &
her yard in one ; the Washington was hull d a num
ber of times, her main mast shot through & must
have a new one. Both vessels are very leaky and
want repairing. . . . The New York lost all her
officers except her Captain. The Philada. was hull d
in so many places that she sunk about one hour
after the engagement was over. The whole kill d &
wounded amounted to about sixty." After dark the
British set fire to the Koyal Savage, fearing that
the Americans would again take possession of her
and float her , she soon blew up. In concluding his
report Arnold says : " I cannot in justice to the
1 London Chronicle, November 26, 1776 ; Am. Arch., V, ii,
1069 ; Almon, iv, 86. For reports of Douglas and Carleton, see
Ibid., 84.
172 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
officers in the fleet omit mentioning their spirited
conduct during the action." l
After the battle was over it was evident that
the American fleet could not endure another day s
contest under such disadvantages. "On consult
ing with General Waterbury & Colo. Wiggles-
worth," says Arnold, " it was thought prudent to
return to Crown point, every vessel s ammunition
being nearly three fourths spent & the Enemy
greatly superior to us in Ships and men. At 7
O Clock Col. Wiggles worth in the Trumbull got
under way, the Gondolas and small vessels followed,
& the Congress and Washington brought up the
rear ; the Enemy did not attempt to molest us." 2
Waterbury says that a council was held, "to
secure a retreat through their fleet to get to Crown
Point, which was done with so much secrecy that
we went through them entirely undiscovered." 3
It is remarkable that thirteen American vessels
should have been able to pass through the British
fleet without detection. Pringle merely says that
his purpose to cut off their retreat was " frustrated
by the extreme obscurity of the night, and in the
morning the rebels had got a considerable distance
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 3, 163. On the whole campaign, see
Dawson s Battles of the United States, ch. xiii, with official reports
and many references ; Mahan s account in Clowes, iii, 354-370, and
in Scribner s Mag., February, 1898 ; Amer. Hist. Eecord, October,
November, 1874 ; Coll. Conn. Hist. Soc., vii (1899), 239-291.
2 Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 3, 163.
8 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1224.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 173
from us up the Lake." l It has been suggested that
Arnold led his fleet around the north end of Val-
cour and so avoided the British fleet. 2
The Americans retreated south up the lake, and
early in the morning, October 12, reached Schuyler s
Island, ten miles from Valcour. Here Arnold wrote
his report to General Gates of the preceding day s
battle, adding : " Most of the fleet is this min
ute come to an anchor ; the Wind is small to the
Southward. The Enemy s fleet is under way to Lee
ward and beating up. As soon as our leaks are
stopp d the whole fleet will make the utmost dispatch
to Crown point, where I beg you will send ammu
nition & your farther orders for us. On the whole,
I think we have had a very fortunate escape." 3
But it was too early to talk of escape, with the
enemy in hot pursuit. Such repairs as were possi
ble were hastily made ; two of the gondolas were
so much injured that it was necessary to abandon
them, and they were sunk. " We remained no
longer at Schuyler s Island," says Arnold in a later
report, " than to stop our leaks and mend the sails
of the Washington. At two o clock P.M., the 12th,
weighed anchor with a fresh breeze to the south
ward. The enemy s fleet at the same time got under
1 London Chronicle, November 26, 1776.
2 Amer. Hist. Eec., November, 1874, and Mag. Amer. Hist.,
June, 1881. The author, W. C. Watson, presents strong though
not wholly convincing evidence in favor of this view.
Pap. Cont. Congr., 152, 3, 163.
174 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
way ; our gondola made very little way ahead." 1
Waterbury says of Ms vessel, the Washington, that
she was "so torn to pieces that it was almost impos
sible to keep her above water ; my sails was so shot
that carrying sail split them from foot to head." " In
the evening," continues Arnold, " the wind moder
ated and we made such progress that at six o clock
next morning we were about off Willsborough,
twenty-eight miles from Crown Point. The enemy s
fleet were very little way above Schuyler s Island.
The wind breezed up to the southward, so that we
gained very little by beating or rowing ; at the
same time the enemy took a fresh breeze from the
northeast, and by the time we had reached Split
Rock, were alongside of us. The Washington and
Congress were in the rear ; the rest of our fleet
were ahead, except two gondolas sunk at Schuyler s
Island." 2
Waterbury s story of the retreat on the night of
October 12 and the next morning gives fuller de
tails. " The enemy still pursued all night. I found
next morning that they gained upon us very fast
and that they would very soon overtake me. The
rest of the fleet all being much ahead of me, I sent
my boat on board of General Arnold, to get liberty
to put my wounded in the boat and send them for
ward and run my vessel on shore and blow her up.
I received for answer, by no means to run her
1 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1079 (to General Schuyler, October 15, 1776).
2 Ibid.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 175
ashore, but to push forward to Split Rock, where
he would draw the fleet in a line and engage them
again ; but when I came to Split Rock, the whole
fleet was making their escape as fast as they could
and left me in the rear to fall into the enemy s hands.
But before I struck to them, the ship of eighteen
twelve-pounders [Inflexible] and a schooner of
fourteen six-pounders [Maria] had surrounded me,
which obliged me to strike, and I thought it prudent
to surrender myself prisoner pf war." 1
Arnold s narrative of the running fight continues :
" The Washington galley was in such a shattered
condition and had so many men killed and wounded,
she struck to the enemy after receiving a few
broadsides. We were then attacked in the Congress
galley by a ship mounting eighteen twelve-pounders,
a schooner of fourteen sixes and one of twelve sixes,
two under our stern and one on our broadsides,
within musket shot. They kept up an incessant fire
on us for about five glasses with round and grape
shot, which we returned as briskly. The sails, rig
ging and hull of the Congress were shattered and
torn in pieces, the First Lieutenant and three men
killed, when to prevent her falling into the enemy s
hands, who had seven sail around me, I ran her
ashore in a small creek ten miles from Crown Point,
on the east side ; when, after saving our small arms,
I set her on fire with four gondolas, with whose
crews I reached Crown Point through the woods
i Am. Arch., V, ii, 1224.
176 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
that evening and very luckily escaped the savages
who waylaid the road in two hours after we passed." 1
Pringle s report says: "Upon the 13th I again
saw 11 sail of their fleet making off to Crown
Point, who, after a chace of seven hours, I came
up with in the Maria, having the Carleton and In
flexible a small distance astern; the rest of the
fleet almost out of sight. The action began at twelve
o clock and lasted two hours, at which time Arnold
in the Congress galley and five gondolas ran on
shore and were directly abandoned and blown up
by the enemy, a circumstance they were greatly
favoured in by the wind being off shore and the
narrowness of the lake." 2 The British loss in killed
and wounded was about forty. A letter from Albany,
dated October 17, says that the second engagement
was fought " most of the time in musket shot, very
warm and sharp, in which our men conducted with
inimitable spirit and bravery, but were obliged to
submit to superior strength. In this affair our fleet
is almost totally ruined ; only one galley escaped,
with sloop Enterprise and two small schooners 3 and
one gondola ; the rest all taken, burnt an(J de
stroyed." The Washington " is the only vessel that
the enemy possessed themselves of. Col. Wiggles-
worth in the Trumbull galley is arrived at Ticonder-
1 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1080.
2 London Chronicle, November 26, 1776.
8 One of these must have been the Liberty which was not in
the action.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 177
oga." l Arnold concludes his story of this series of
disasters by recounting that at four o clock in the
morning of October 14 he reached Ticonderoga
"exceedingly fatigued and unwell, having been
without sleep or refreshment for near three days. Of
our whole fleet we have saved only two galleys, two
small schooners, one gondola and one sloop. Gen
eral Waterbury with one hundred and ten prisoners
were returned [on parole] by Carleton last night.
On board of the Congress we had twenty odd men
killed and wounded. Our whole loss amounts to
eighty odd. The enemy s fleet were last night three
miles below Crown Point ; their army is doubtless
at their heels." 2 An early attack on Ticonderoga
was expected.
Captain Douglas at Quebec, when he learned of the
British victory, wrote to the Admiralty : " The ship
Inflexible with the Maria and Carleton schooners,
all reconstructions, did the whole of the second
day s business, the flat-bottomed rideau called the
Thunderer and the gondola called the Loyal Con
vert, with the gunboats, not having been able to keep
up with them." 3 The British ship and schooners,
armed with eighteen twelve-pounders and twenty-
six sixes, had the Americans at their mercy, es
pecially in the running fight of the 13th. The clumsy
gondolas were practically useless and the galleys
not much better.
1 Boston Gazette, October 28, 1776. 2 Am. Arch., V, ii, 1080.
8 Ibid., 1178. For Carleton g report, see Ibid., 1040.
178 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Ezra Green, a surgeon in the American army
wrote from Ticonderoga, October 30, to a friend,
giving a brief account of the battles on the lake and
of subsequent events. He says the American pris
oners, after their release on parole, reported that
they had been " treated very kindly by the Indians
as well as by the King s troops who were at the
time at Crown Point within 15 miles of this place,
where they have been ever since the destruction of
our Fleet. We have lately been alarm d several
times. On Monday morning last there was a proper
alarm occasioned by a number of the enemies boats
which hove in sight, and a report from a scouting
party that the Enemy were moving on ; where the
Fleet is now I can t learn, or what is the reason
they don t come on I can t conceive. T is thought
they are 10 or 12 thousand strong, including Cana
dians and Indians. We are in a much better situa
tion now than we were fourteen days ago and the
militia are continually coming in. Our sick are re
covering and it is thought we are as ready for them
now as ever we shall be. There has been a vast
deal of work done since the fight and we think our
selves in so good a position that we shall be disap
pointed if they don t attack us. However, I believe
they wait for nothing but a fair wind." 1
By the time the British had taken Crown Point
the season was far advanced. This fact and the
presence of a formidable American force deterred
1 Diary of Ezra Green, 5, 6.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 179
them from at once attempting the capture of Ticon-
deroga. They withdrew to Canada for the winter,
and their purpose of occupying the valley of the
Hudson and separating New England from the
other states was put off. They returned the next
year under General Burgoyne, but the opportunity
had passed. Howe had gone to Philadelphia and
Burgoyne, unsupported from the south, was forced
to surrender his army at Saratoga. The French
alliance followed as a direct consequence. The
American naval supremacy on Lake Champlain in
the summer of 1776 had compelled the British to
spend precious time in building a fleet strong
enough to overcome it. The American defeat which
followed was a victory. The obstruction to the Brit
ish advance and a year s delay saved the American
cause from almost certain ruin. It thus came about
through a singular instance of the irony of fate, not
altogether pleasant to contemplate, that we owe the
salvation of our country at a critical juncture to one
of the blackest traitors in history.
The end of the year 1776 found the War for In-
dependence well advanced and a fair share of the
strife had fallen upon the sea forces of the Revolu
tionists. A comparatively few small vessels, mostly
converted merchantmen, under Continental and state
authority, supplemented by privateers, had done the
enemy a good deal of injury. It would be difficult
to make even an approximate estimate of the num-
180 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
ber of American privateers at this period. Thirty-
four were commissioned by the Continental Con
gress in 1776 ; probably a much larger number by
the various states, as Continental letters of marque
do not seem to have come into common use at this
early date. 1
In 1776 the British navy appears to have had
somewhat more than a hundred vessels in active serv
ice manned by twenty-eight thousand seamen and
marines. According to the returns of Admiral Shuld-
ham the fleet on the North American station com
prised forty-three vessels of all classes in March and
fifty-four in July. Probably forty of these were su
perior to the best ships on the American side in that
year. In September, Admiral Howe reported a total
of seventy vessels on the station. In November, ac
cording to a letter from London, " the Marine Force
of England now in America consists of two ships
of the line, ten fifties, and seventy-one frigates
and armed vessels, amounting in the whole to
eighty-three ships and vessels of war and 15000
seamen." 2
The British attempted to meet the difficulties
encountered in manning their ships by impressing
Americans that fell into their hands or by inducing
them to enlist. Their crews were thereby made up
1 Naval Records of the American Revolution (calendar), 217-
495.
2 Boston Gazette, February 24, 1777 ; Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D.
484, March 22, July 6, 1776, A. D. J&7, July 28, September 18,
1776; Am. Arch., V, i, 463, ii, 1318 ; Schomberg, iv, 318-321.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 181
in part of unreliable material which required close
watching. The disadvantages of this state of things
appear in a letter of Shuldham to the Admiralty call
ing their attention to the many supernumeraries in
the ships companies. He says : " I must beg they
will please to observe that these being composed of
Men taken out of the Rebel Vessels, no confidence
can be placed in them, and although the Captains
of His Majesty s Ships under my Command have
all of them more or less entered Americans to fill
up their Complements and are now by the Law em
powered to do so with regard to Men taken in fu
ture, yet it deserves to be seriously considered that
if, by a constant diminution of the British Seamen
upon this Service, this measure was carried to ex
cess without any Supply from home to be distrib
uted among the Fleet, the consequence may be
very alarming; their Lordships will therefore see
the necessity there is of my keeping compleat the
parties of Marines belonging to the different
Ships." i
From March 10, 1776, to the end of the year the
British took a hundred and forty American vessels
and recaptured twenty-six, said to be mostly small
trading vessels. American cruisers made three hun
dred and forty-two captures from the British, of
which forty-four were recaptured, eighteen released,
and five burned at sea, and the rest brought into
port. The Continental navy alone made over sixty
1 Brit. Adm. Eec., A. D. 484, April 25, 1776.
182 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
captures. 1 Besides the loss inflicted upon commerce,
troops and valuable military stores had been inter
cepted, the evacuation of Boston had been hastened,
and, most important of all, the British advance from
Canada had been checked.
The outlook for the next year was full of prom
ise and encouragement for the Americans. Besides
the smaller vessels of the Continental navy, which
had already done good service, it was expected that
thirteen fine new frigates would soon be in commis
sion. Experience and training were beginning to
tell in greater efficiency, and several of the captains
showed signs of a capacity for developing superior
military and naval qualities. October 10, 1776,
Congress revised the navy list and established the
relative rank of twenty-four captains. This difficult
and delicate task, though doubtless influenced to some
extent by political and personal considerations, was
probably done with as much wisdom and justice as
could have been expected with the knowledge of
conditions possessed by Congress at the time. The
arrangement caused dissatisfaction, however, on the
part of some officers, especially John Paul Jones,
who as eighteenth on the list felt that, having been
the senior lieutenant, he should have stood much
higher upon promotion. Some months later he wrote
to Robert Morris regarding the qualifications of
1 London Chronicle, May 15, 1777 ; Am. Arch., V, iii, 1523-1530 ;
Almon, iv, 312, v, 103-107 ; Neeser s Statistical History of U. S.
Navy, ii, 24, 284 ; Clowes, iii, 396, giving smaller figures. Probably
all the lists are incomplete.
LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1776 183
officers : " I cannot but lament that so little deli
cacy hath been Observed in the Appointment and
Promotion of Officers in the Sea Service, many of
whom are not only grossly illiterate, but want even
the Capacity of commanding Merchant Vessells. I
was lately on a Court Martial where a Captain of
Marines made his Mark and where the President
could not read the Oath which he attempted to ad
minister, without Spelling and making blunders.
As the Sea Officers are so subject to be seen by for
eigners, what conclusions must they draw of Amer
icans in general from Characters so Rude & Con
tracted. In my Judgement the Abilities of Sea
Officers ought to be as far Superior to the abilities
of officers in the Army as the nature of a Sea Serv
ice is more complicated and admits of a greater
number of Cases than can possibly happen on the
Land ; therefore the discipline by Sea ought to be
the more perfect and regular, were it compatible
with short Enlistments." 1
The last important naval legislation of the year
1776 was passed November 20, when the Contin
ental Congress resolved to build three ships of sev
enty-four guns each, five frigates of thirty-six guns,
an eighteen-gun brig, and a packet boat. Only four
of these vessels were completed, and those under
modifications of the act generally reducing their
size. 2 These four were the ship of the line America
1 Jones MSS., July 28, 1777. See Sands, 59-65, 304-310.
2 Jour. Cont. Congr., November 20, 1776, July 25, 1777.
184 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
of seventy-four guns, the frigate Alliance, and two
sloops of war, the General Gates and the Saratoga.
Only the last three ever served in the Continental
navy.
CHAPTER VII
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777
OWING to various causes the thirteen frigates pro
vided for by Congress in 1775 were much delayed
in fitting out and going into commission, and some
of them never got to sea. The Warren and Provi
dence were perhaps the first to be completed, but
the difficulty of manning them and the occupation
of Newport and the lower bay by the British kept
them in port. Commodore Hopkins hoisted his pen
nant on the Warren early in December, 1776, per
haps before, and anchored her in the Providence
River. He had with him also the frigate Providence,
the ship Columbus, the brig Hampden, and the
sloop Providence. January 2, 1777, Hopkins, hav
ing been informed that the British frigate Diamond
was aground near Warwick Neck below the mouth
of the river, went down to the vicinity in the sloop
Providence. The Diamond managed to get off dur
ing the night ; for allowing her to escape Hopkins
was much criticized. Writing, March 13, to Wil
liam Ellery, the commodore says in self-defense that
as it was blowing very hard it was thought best not
to try to get the frigates down the river. When he
arrived on the scene in the Providence he " found
the Diamond ashore on a shoal which runs off S. W.
186 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
from Patience, about half a mile from that Island
and a little more S. E. from Warwick Neck, and as
there is about eleven feet of water on that shoal at
low water and not a very hard bottom and the tide
about half down, she did not careen. There lay
about one mile and a half " away " a fifty gun ship
with her top-sails loose and her anchor apeak, who,
as the wind was, could have fetch d within pistol
shot of the Diamond, but the wind blowing so hard
was I think the reason of her not coming to sail.
The truth is the ships could not have got down, and
if the wind had not blow d so hard and they could,
it would not in my judgment have been prudent,
neither should I have ordered them down, as the
enemy s ships could have come to sail with any wind
that our ships could and a great deal better, as they
lay in a wide channel and we in a narrow and very
crooked one. ... I went ashore at "Warwick and
saw Colonel Bowen, who told me he had sent for
two eighteen pounders, and in less than half an
hour they came. I went on board the sloop and we
dropp d down under the ship s stern a little more
than musket shott off, it being then a little after sun
sett. We fired a number of shott, which she re
turned from her stern chacers. The ship careen d
at dusk about as much as she would have done had
she been under sail. After they had fired about
twenty-six shott from the shore, they ceased and
soon after hail d the sloop and said they wanted to
speak with me. I went ashore and was informed
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 187
they were out of ammunition. I offer d them powder
and stuff for wads, but we had no shott that would
do. They sent to Providence for powder and shott
and I went on board the sloop and sent some junk
ashore for wads. Soon after they hail d again from
the shore and I went to see what they wanted and
gave Capt. Whipple orders not to fire much more,
as I thought it would do but little execution, it being
night and could not take good aim with the guns.
When I got on shore, the officer that commanded
there desir d I would let them have some bread out
of the sloop, which I sent the boat off for, but the
people not making the boat well fast, while they
were getting the bread she drifted away and I could
not get aboard again. The ship by lightening got
off about 2 o clock the same night, and on the
whole, as the ship was on a shoal almost under cover
of a 50 gun ship and got off again before it was
possible to have done anything with our frigates, I
thought it of no moment." l Another ship took the
Diamond s station and soon after this an abortive
attempt was made to destroy her with a fireship. 2
Commodore Parker, commanding the British fleet
at Newport, wrote to the Admiralty, January 7 :
"The Continental Fleet is in Providence River,
beyond our reach at present." 3
Hopkins was ordered by the Marine Committee,
1 R. L Hist. Mag., October, 1886; Hopkins, 167-177.
2 E. L Hist. Mag., January, 1886, journal of Lieutenant Trevett.
8 Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 486. See also Ibid., December 11, 1776.
188 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
January 21, to get the Warren and Providence to
sea as soon as possible, to cruise from Rhode Island
to Virginia. But the commodore s active sea service
in the navy had already come to an end. As the
result of a petition signed by some of the Warren s
officers and of the Marine Committee s examination
of one of them, Captain John Grannis of the ma
rines, Congress resolved, March 26, that " Esek
Hopkins be immediately and he is hereby suspended
from his command in the American Navy." After
passing the remainder of the year under suspension,
the commodore was formally dismissed from the
service January 2, 1778. April 4, 1777, Captains
John B. Hopkins, Abraham Whipple, and Dudley
Saltonstall were instructed to make every effort to
get to sea with the frigates Warren, Providence,
and Trumbull, in search of British transports and
merchantmen ; but these vessels were doomed to idle
away the entire year in their native rivers. 1
The plans of the Marine Committee for preying
upon British commerce and the movements of
American armed vessels in general might have been
effectually hindered if the British commanders had
adopted the suggestions offered to General Howe
by Lord George Germain, who wrote March 3,
1777, that the King was of the " opinion that a
warm diversion upon the coasts of the Massachu-
1 Hopkins, 185-203 ; Jour. Cont. Congr., March 26, 1777, January
2, 1778; Pap. Cont. Congr., 58, 225-230 (February 19, 1777), 235;
Mar. Com. Letter Book, 50, 65 (January 21, April 4, 1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 189
setts Bay and New Hampshire would not only im
pede the levies for the Continental Army, but tend
much to the security of our trade, and indeed it
scarcely admits a doubt but that these benefits must
inevitably result from such an arrangement. For as
on one hand, it is scarcely to be expected that those
provinces will part with men when their presence
must be wanted for the internal defence of their
own respective districts, so on the other, a salutary
check will unavoidably be put to the successes of
the rebel privateers, when we have destroyed or
taken possession of their ports. It is, therefore, the
King s pleasure that Lord Howe and you take this
matter into your serious consideration so far as your
intended plan will admit." 1
Early in the year the Marine Committee had in
tended sending to the West Indies, and along the
southern coast as far as Pensacola and the Missis
sippi, a squadron composed of the Alfred and Cabot,
then at Boston, and the Columbus, sloop Providence
and Hampden, in the Providence River, all under
the command of John Paul Jones ; but the project
was not carried out, owing, as Jones believed, to the
opposition of Commodore Hopkins. 2 The Colum
bus and Hampden remained in Narragansett Bay
several months. The sloop Providence, Captain
Jonathan Pitcher, ran the blockade of the British
1 Stopford-Sackville MSS., 58.
2 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 52, 54 (February 1, 5, 1777) ; Pap.
Cont. Congr., 58, 117-121, 191, 197 (February 28, March 1, 1777) ;
Sands, 58, 59, 64.
190 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
fleet in the lower bay in February, passing " so near
a 50 gun ship about 2 A.M. as to hear them talk
ing on board." She went into New Bedford and then
made a cruise to the eastward. Off Cape Breton
she captured a transport brig with a small body of
soldiers for Burgoyne s army. This vessel did not sur
render, however, without resistance. John Trevett,
lieutenant of marines on the Providence, says that
the " brig bore down on us and began a fire at long
shot ; we ran from her about one hour, until we
got in good order for action, when we took in sail
and let her come up close along side. The sea being
smooth, we cut away all her colors in forty minutes
and they began to be slack, but in a few minutes
they began to fire as brisk as ever and cut our sails
and rigging badly ; it lasted about forty minutes
longer, when we cut away her main-topmast. We
hailed them without a trumpet, being close on her
starboard quarter, to know whether they gave up
or not, and the answer was yes. . . . We found
she was direct from England and that she had 25
soldiers and two officers on board, besides the crew,
and was loaded with King s stores and bound for
Quebec." The Providence soon afterwards returned
to New Bedford. 1
The brig Cabot, Captain Joseph Olney, also
cruised to the eastward, and in March, while off
the coast of Nova Scotia, she was chased by the
British frigate Milf ord. The captain ran her ashore
1 E. L Hist. Mag., April, 1886.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 191
and had just time to escape with his crew ; they
afterwards, it is said, seized a schooner and made
their way back to Boston. The Milford, " after a
wearisome struggle of 14 days, got the Continental
Brig Cabot . . . off, and sent her to Halifax, where
she arrived and is now fitting out with the greatest
expedition for sea." x The Cabot was taken into the
British navy ; she is believed to have been the first
vessel of the Continental navy to be captured, except
the Lexington, which was recaptured.
On April 23 the Marine Committee ordered to
sea the Alfred, Captain Hinman, then at Boston,
and the sloop Providence, which, after returning
from her eastern cruise, had been put under the
command of Captain John P. Rathburne. The ves
sels were to cruise separately " in such Latitudes
as will be most likely to fall in with and intercept
the enemies Transport vessels coming to reinforce
or supply their Army at New York." Continuing
their instructions the Committee wrote : " You are
to use your true endeavours to take, burn, sink, or
destroy as many of the enemies Vessels of every
kind, as it may be your good fortune to fall in with.
The Prizes you may be lucky enough to take you
will send into such Ports of the United States as
you shall think will be the safest and most conveni
ent. ... It is expected from every Commander in
1 Boston Gazette, June 16, 1777 ; Continental Journal, April 10,
1777 ; Brit. Adm. Eec., Captains Logs, No. 607 (log of the Mil-
ford).
192 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
our Navy that lie use his officers and people well,
still preserving strict discipline and decorum ; that
Prisoners be treated with humanity ; and that great
care be taken of the ships, their materials and stores,
all which we desire you will carefully observe and
advise us of your proceedings by every opportunity.
We expect your most dilligent exertions will be used
to execute these orders with all possible dispatch and
in the best manner for the service of your Country."
The Alfred was to return to port by July 1 and then
receive fresh orders. The Providence was to cruise
three months, and if, on returning to port, she found
no further instructions, she was then to take in
provisions and proceed on another three months
cruise. 1 The Alfred seems to have performed no im
portant service under these orders. Indeed she prob
ably did not go to sea at all before July ; very likely
she was unable to enlist a crew in time.
In June the sloop Providence sailed from New
Bedford, and off Sandy Hook saw a ship, brig,
schooner, and sloop standing to the southeast and
followed them. " About 3 P.M.," says Lieutenant
Trevett in his journal, " we came up with the ship,
the other vessels being near to her weather bow,
and hailed her. She had her pennant and ensign
flying, but gave us no answer and we gave her a
bow gun, intending to break her cabin windows.
We drew very near her, but the wind being scant
we found we could not get to windward, so we bore
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 70, 71 (April 23, 1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 193
away and went under her lee, as near as we could,
and gave her a good broadside. She immediately
gave us as good a one and run us aboard on our
starboard quarter and hung there about five min
utes, until she broke all our sweeps that were lashed
there. At the same time the brig of 10 guns and
the schooner of 8 [guns] lost no time, all three of
them firing into us at once. As the ship fell off she
gave us her starboard broadside and we shot ahead
of them with our sails and rigging much cut to
pieces. We then bore away, all hands employed in
fixing our rigging. We had but a poor crew at this
time. Our loss was our sailing master, Capt. George
Sinkins of Newport, who was killed, and only two
or three men slightly wounded. We hove him over
board, got our rigging repaired as soon as possible,
and made sail for the ship. We came up with her
just after sunset with a determination to board her,
for we well knew if we carried the ship that the rest
of the vessels would fall into our hands. We ran
within half pistol shot and gave her a full broad
side, but all three of them played their part so
well we gave it up." The schooner was taken, how
ever, and from her it was learned that the ship
carried sixteen guns. After this the Providence
cruised several weeks in the Gulf Stream. A sail
was seen, acting strangely, and was chased, and
upon coming up with her in the night, she was found
to be an abandoned ship, evidently French, under
full sail ; rudderless, though otherwise in good con-
194 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
dition. It being apparently impracticable to get her
into port, she was burned to prevent her falling into
British hands. The Providence returned to New
Bedford in August. 1
Meanwhile Captain Jones remained on shore,
having held out to him successively various promises
of active employment afloat. The disappointment
of his expectation of taking a squadron to sea
occurred a few weeks after his arrival at Boston in
the Alfred, in December, 1776. In March he was
appointed to command one of three vessels which
Congress had ordered to be purchased at Boston.
In May he was directed to proceed to France in the
ship Amphitrite, which had brought over military
stores, and after his arrival there the American
Commissioners were expected, by order of Congress,
to procure for him the command of a frigate. These
plans were abandoned in turn ; and June 14, 1777,
he was given command of the new eighteen-gun
ship Ranger, just built at Portsmouth. On the
same day it was resolved in Congress : " That the
flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes
alternate red and white ; that the Union be thirteen
stars, white in a blue field, representing a new con
stellation." Jones is said to have hoisted this flag
on the Ranger for the first time it was ever raised
on any man-of-war. For several months after that
he was busy fitting out his ship. The Ranger was
one hundred and sixteen feet long over all, twenty-
i R. I. Hist Mag., April, 1886.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 195
eight feet wide, and measured three hundred and
eight tons. She mounted eighteen six-pounders ; she
was pierced for twenty-six guns, but Jones consid
ered her too light a ship for so heavy an armament. 1
The Randolph, built at Philadelphia, was one of
the first of the frigates to be ready for service, but
the close blockade of Delaware Bay held her and
other Continental vessels in port several weeks;
then there was further delay due to ice in the river.
January 30, 1777, the frigate was ordered to sail
"the moment the Ice will permit," accompanied
by the Hornet and Fly and a convoy of merchant
men, to be escorted "fairly off to sea." In these
orders, signed for the Marine Committee by Robert
Morris, Captain Biddle received general instructions
as to his conduct. " For your encouragement in this
service," says Morris, " I must observe that there
are no Cruizing Ships an over match for you, ex
cept the two Deckers, for altho you think you have
not seamen enough, yet that is just their case ;
except the Roebuck there is none of them half
manned, therefore you have only to avoid two
Deckers or engaging when there is more than one
in sight. Any of their other single ships you need
not fear, especially if you can persuade your men
to board. Remember what a glorious exploit it will
1 Sherburne, 36-40 ; Sands, 66-70 ; Jones MSS., Jones to Morris,
April 7, July 28, 1777 ; Remick s Kittery in the Bevolution, 9, 10,
gives the Ranger 14 nines and 4 sixes ; Admiral Arbuthnot reported
in 1780 (Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 486, May 23, 1780) that she mounted
20 sixes.
196 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
be, to add one of their frigates or 20 Gun ships to
our navy in a few days after you get out, and if the
Eandolph has but Heels, I think you can and will
do it; you will then get seamen plenty. If your
ship sails remarkably fast, you may take liber tys
with them. If she does not, be more cautious and
try to find out her trim. . . . You l observe that
many merchant vessels are expected in with valuable
Stores to this port, therefore you 1 afford them all
possible protection and had best keep in their tract
as long as you can." 1 As soon as the ice would
permit, about February 1, the Randolph, Hornet,
and Fly proceeded down the river with their con
voy and got safely to sea. 2
Morris wrote further instructions for Biddle
February 15 and forwarded them to him by the
Fly, which had returned to port. The Randolph
was now to proceed to the West Indies. The Marine
Committee had decided to send all the armed vessels
at Philadelphia to those islands. Biddle was given
letters to William Bingham, the navy agent at
Martinique, and to other persons at St. Eustatius,
Curasao, Cape Francois, and Mole St. Nicholas,
to whom he was to apply in turn, until he had a
full cargo of military stores and supplies for the
army, to be brought back at once to the safest port.
The Dutch government had prohibited the expor-
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 49 (January 30, 1777).
2 Pap. Cont. Congr., 137, app., 4, 49, 57, 115, 137, 147 (Morris
to Hancock, December 14, 30, 1776, January 3, 26, February 4,
10,1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 197
tation of such supplies to America, but the traffic
was still conducted on a large scale, in Dutch as
well as French ports. Arms, ammunition, and cloth
ing were brought from Europe to the West Indies
for transshipment to the United States. It was
hoped that these stores could be procured in suffi
cient quantity and without delay at Martinique.
" These supplies are exceedingly necessary for the
service of the ensuing campaigne and you cannot
render your Country a more essential service than
by bringing them soon and safe in. ... As you
command the first American frigate that has got
out to sea, it is expected that you contend warmly
on all necessary occasions for the honor of the
American flag. At every foreign port you enter,
salute their forts and waite on the Governor Gen
eral or Commander in Chief, asking the liberty of
their ports for the ships of the United States of
America. Take care that your people do not molest
their Trade nor Inhabitants nor in any shape dis
turb that good understanding we have with them."
Prizes were to be sent into Martinique, St. Eusta-
tius, or other ports, where the cargoes might be
sold, if to greater advantage, the vessels, however,
being always brought to American ports. " As the
British men of war on the West India stations are
not often well manned, it would give great eclat to
our Naval Service if you can make prize of one or
more of them and if so, you will do well to tempt
some of their best warrant officers, such as Boat-
198 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
swains, Gunners, Quarter Masters and their several
mates, to enter our service, for we would wish you
to bring both these and plenty of Common Sailors
home, to assist in manning our other ships of war."
Seamen from other prizes also, and in the various
ports visited, were to be procured for the service
when possible. " When your errand to the West
Indies is compleated, you 1 observe it is mentioned
already that you are to return to some safe port in
these United States of America. The uncertainty
of the fate of war makes us cautious of saying
positively which shall be the best port. There is
little doubt but this [Philadelphia] will be the most
convenient to receive the stores at, being most cen
trical and probably not very distant from the scenes
of action, and as you are well enabled to defend
yourself against most single ships and capable, we
hope, of outsailing any of the enemies, it appears that
you might venture to call at Cape Henlopen or
Cape May for intelligence, without incurring the
charge of rashness, and we will endeavour to keep
out some small Cruizers about the time you are
expected, to give you information." l Signals were
prescribed for communication with the shore and
with other vessels. Most unfortunately the Randolph
had not proceeded far on her voyage before she en
countered a heavy gale, in which she was dismasted
and was obliged to put into Charleston in a crippled
condition. Before arriving there a mutiny broke out
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 55 (February 15, 1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 199
among English sailors on board, but was soon
quelled. March 29 the Sachem, Captain James
Robinson, was sent to Martinique with duplicates
of the dispatches for Bingham which the Randolph
had not been able to deliver. 1
The Raleigh, Hancock, and Boston were the only
others bFUTe thirteen frigates that cruised at sea
during 1777*. The Virginia, built at Baltimore, was
ready for sea early in the year, and her commander,
Captain James Nicholson, received instructions in
April to proceed to the West Indies, but, owing
to the close blockade of Chesapeake Bay by the
British, she could not get out. Repeated orders were
sent to Nicholson to get the Virginia to sea, but
she was forced to remain idle in port throughout
the whole year. 2 The occupation of New York and
Philadelphia by the British, in 1777, prevented the
frigates Montgomery and Congress, in the Hudson
River, and the Delaware, Washington, and Effing-
ham, in the Delaware River, from rendering active
sea service ; and the New York frigates were de
stroyed before the end of the year, to prevent their
falling into the hands of the enemy. 3 The Trum-
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 55, 57, 58 (February 15, 17, 18, 1777),
59 (February 5, 1777), 64 (March 29, 1777) ; Pap. Cont. Congr.,
137, app., 151, 177 (February 10, 19, 1777) ; Port Folio, October,
1809; Amer. Hist. Review, viii (July, 1903), 687.
2 Ibid., 51, 66, 85, 86, 104, 108, 116, 117 (January 24, April
8, 29, May 1, October 23, November 6, December 2, 12, 1777).
8 Ibid., 65 (April 8, 1777) ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 137, app., 4, 9,
21 (December 14, 16, 21, 1776) ; Almon, v, 425-431.
200 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
bull did not leave the Connecticut Elver, where
she was built, until 1779; and, as already related,
the Warren and Providence were held in port more
than a year after they were ready for sea.
In April, 1777, an expedition was sent by Gen
eral Howe from New York against Connecticut
under the command of General Tryon, the royal
governor of New York. A landing was made at
Fairfield, whence they proceeded to Danbury and
destroyed a large quantity of public stores. Upon
returning to their ships the British were harassed
by a small force of Americans under Generals Ar
nold, Wooster, and Silliman. Arnold wrote to Gov
ernor Trumbull of Connecticut, April 30 : " After
the enemy reimbark d they imediately weighed An
chor and stood for Huntington harbour, Long Is
land, where they doubtless are at this time. I think
it very probable they have in Contemplation the
Destroying the Continental Frigate [Trumbull] at
Saybrook, which may be easily effected by a few
small Tenders, as there is no Battery or Armed
Vessell to Cover her. If she cannot be got over the
Barr & secured in harbour, will it not be prudent
to move her up the river to some place of greater
safety ? I know not If your honour or the Contin
ental agents have the Direction of her ; that she is
greatly exposed & ought to be secured, there is no
doubt. I should Imagine she might be easily got
over the barr with proper lighters & an Easterly
wind, & secured In Guilford, Sachems head, or New
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 201
Haven, where she might be got in readiness for the
Seas." !
In view of this clear statement of the frigate s
situation, we learn with surprise that apparently
in response to the orders of April 4, 2 but possibly to
earlier orders that have not been preserved Cap
tain Saltonstall went to sea and on April 12 wrote
a letter to the Marine Committee dated " on board
the Continental ship of war Trumbull," off the Vir
ginia capes, saying : " I have the pleasure to acquaint
you that at one P.M. I fell in with two transports
from England, one of eight, the other of ten guns.
They engaged us three glasses, when they struck
their colours. They killed seven of our men and
wounded eight more. We shattered them in a ter
rible manner and killed and wounded numbers of
their crews. I have the pleasure to inform you that
our people behaved well and with much courage." 3
It is obvious that Saltonstall s " Continental ship of
war" could not have been the frigate Trumbull,
which was securely shut up in the river. It is likely
that, owing to the importance of the service to be
performed, a vessel was impressed, chartered, or
borrowed for the occasion, perhaps the ten-gun
sloop Trumbull, a Connecticut privateer. 4
1 Trumbull MSS., vi, 90. See also Ibid., 87, 96, letters of Gen
eral Silliman (April 29, 1777) on the operations against Tryon and
of Captain John Shipman (May 1, 1777) on the dangerous situa
tion of the frigate Trumbull.
2 See above, p. 188. 8 Almon, v, 135.
* The sloop Trumbull is known to have been in commission
202 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Although the frigates Hancock and Boston had
received cruising orders in the fall of 1776, such
was the delay in fitting them out that they did
not get to sea until May, 1777. The frigate Mil-
ford and other vessels of the enemy had long been
a terror to American navigators in eastern waters
and the need of regular fighting ships more power
ful than the state cruisers and privateers was greatly
felt. The General Court of Massachusetts resolved,
April 24, that the Hancock and Boston ought to
put to sea at once in pursuit of the Milford. It was
arranged that the Continental frigates should be
accompanied for twenty-five days by nine privateers,
including two or three of considerable force, and
by any others that should be ready by May 1. The
commanders of these privateers, serving under
Captains Manley and McNeill of the Hancock and
Boston, were to be put upon the same footing for
the time being as regular officers and their vessels
were to be insured by the state. 1 As a squadron,
this assemblage of vessels amounted to nothing.
With proper cooperation it might have constituted
a force capable of meeting with some prospect of
success any British squadron it was likely to fall
at this time. Saltonstall s name appears in a list of Connecticut
privateers as commander of the Governor Trumbull, a 20-gun ship,
though probably at a later date. See Conn. State Records, i, 567 ;
Publ. R. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 212, 214, 225, 229, 231, 256 ; Papers
New London Hist. Soc., IV, i, 28; Nav. Eec. of Am. Eev. (calen
dar) 478 ; Conn. Gazette, July 18, 1777 ; Data from the Library of
the Navy Department ; and below, pp. 307, 362.
1 Mass. Court Eec., April 24, 26, 1777.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 203
in with. But the privateers took no part whatever
in the cruise after the first few days; becoming
separated, they were soon dropped behind by the
frigates.
Another unfortunate circumstance, which may
have had much to do with events soon to happen,
was the lack of cordial relations between the cap
tains of the frigates. Such being the case, it is per
haps not surprising that Dr. Samuel Cooper should
have had forebodings when he wrote to John Adams,
April 3, 1777: "Manly and McNeal do not agree.
It is not, I believe, the Fault of the first. ... If
they are not better united, infinite Damage may
acrue." l Another of Adams s correspondents, Dr.
William Gordon, wrote to him June 5 : " The frig
ates have been sailed about a fortnight. Maritime
affairs have been most horridly managed. We have
beaten G. B. in dilatoriness & blunders. Where
Hie fault hath lain I know not, but the credit of
the Continent & Congress requires amendment." 2
The squadron sailed from Boston May 21.
Within six days the privateers had all parted from
the frigates, some by choice, the others through bad
weather. May 29 a brig was captured ; she belonged
to a fleet of transports under convoy of the Somer
set, of sixty-four guns, and a frigate. " At break
of day the 30th," says Captain McNeill, " we dis-
cover d the Somersett and three large Ships under
her Convoy. Capt. Manley was not convinced of
i Adams MSS. * Ibid.
204 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the size of our Opponent untill she was within
Shott of him, when very luckily for him the Han
cock s Heels saved his Bacon. She nevertheless pur
sued him with great earnestness untill I tack d upon
her Convoy, who was a good way astern of her at that
time. As soon as she saw me within random Shott
of them, she left Capt. Manley & returned to their
protection; she then chac d me about Six hours,
but not being able to come up with me, she rejoin d
her Convoy just as night came on. Capt. Manley
& myself then Steer d to the Eastw d and Northw d
in hopes of falling in with some others of the fleet,
but saw no Enemy except a few miserable Fisher
men untill Saturday June the Seventh, on the
Morning of which day we fell in with the Fox, a
British Frigate of 28 Guns Commanded by Capt.
Patrick Fotheringham. She at first meant to En
gage, but thought twas best to try her Heels, which
would have effectually Saved her from me, but the
Hancock coming up with her, an Action ensued
which did not end untill after we came up, by which
time the Hancock & the Fox were both very much
damaged." l A seaman on the Boston says of the
fight: "At 6 A.M. Capt. Manly & she Exchanged
some guns and then she Run & we in full Chace
after her. . . . Betwixt the hours of 12 & one P.M.
Capt. Manly Began to Engage Broadside & Broad
side, our ship coming up fast as Posable ; at last
1 N. H. Geneal Record, January, 1907 (McNeill to Marine Com-
mittee, July 16, 1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 206
up we came and gave them a Noble Broadside
which made them to strike a medeatly a Bout half
after one." 1
According to the British account the Hancock
was sighted from the Fox at five o clock in the
morning and the Boston soon afterwards. Captain
Fotheringham says that after a half-hour s action
with the Hancock, " I could plainly see that the
other Ship to Windward was of nearly the same
Force as the one I was engaged with, which was of
thirty-two guns." He then tried to escape, hoping
to fall in with some friendly cruiser or to draw the
American ships apart, " but notwithstanding all the
Sail I could make, the Ship I had before engaged
came up with me about Noon and engaged me very
close till a Quarter after one, when the other Ship
came up and raked me and carried away my Main
Yard," and did other damage. At half -past one the
Fox would no longer answer her helm, and with
one enemy on the bow and another on the quarter,
she could not bring guns to bear on them. "I
therefore at Quarter before two gave the Ship up
in order to save my People." The Fox lost her
lieutenant of marines and one man killed and ten
wounded, two of them mortally; she was short of
her full complement by thirty-three men. 2 Admiral
Montagu wrote from St. John s to Germain, June
11: "I was yesterday made very unhappy by a
1 N. H. Geneal. Record, January, 1907 (McNeill to Marine
Committee, July 16, 1777).
2 Brit. Adm. Rec., Courts Martial, No. 5309.
206 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
letter I received from Captain Fotheringham of
his Majesty s ship Fox, acquainting me that he was
taken the 7th instant by two American privateers
on the banks, one called the Hancock of 32 guns
and 347 men, the other of 28 guns called the Bos
ton, full of men, the largest commanded by Manly,
the other by McNeal." 1
Continuing his report of the cruise McNeill says :
" The weather proving unfavourable for some time
afterwards, we were severall days fitting the Fox &
Capt. Manley his own Ship. I had sent my first
Lieut. (Mr Browne) on board the Fox the day
she was taken, but Captain Manley refused giving
him the Command & I was finaly obliged to with
draw him for the sake of peace. I urged Capt.
Manley to make the best of our way to Charles-
town, South Carolina, there to Join Captain Bid-
die, fitt & clean our Ships, & then to Cruise for
the West India Fleet untill towards the fall of the
year, by which time our own Coast would probably
be clear & we might return without any risque
compared with what must be now Expected. He
at first attended to my proposal, but afterwards
did as he pleas d; the event will prove whether I
judge right or not. In short we loiter d away three
weeks or a Month before we sett our faces home
ward, by which time the Coast of New England
from Cape Sable as far as New York was so cov-
er d with cruisers that there was no escaping them.
1 Stopford-Sackville MSS., 69.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 207
" On Sunday the 6th of July, being 15 leagues
to the Eastwd of Cape Sable, we took a Sloop
from Louisburgh bound for Halifax, but delaying
some time with her, we were chac d towards even
ing by three Ships. We also being three, we did
not make any efforts to avoid those Ships in Course
of the night ; on the Contrary Capt. Manley Tow d
the Sloop before spoken of untill next morning, by
which time one of the Ships was a head of us and
Tack d upon us, the Second Ship, which was a two
decker, was on our Lee quarter about three Leagues
from us, and the third Ship about as far right a
Stern. Capt. Manley then thought proper to sett
fire to the Sloop & quitted her and endeavour d to
make the best of our way, but the first Ship being
up within Shott about noon, we exchanged some
Shott with her at a distance & then having spoke
Capt. Manley, we agreed to tack and Engage her.
We immediately Tack d and Capt. Manley begun
the Action with his head to the Northward & the
Enemy on the opposite Tack, we being close under
the Hancock s Stern, also fell in with the Enemy
in our turn and Exchanged about five broad Sides
with her. Her Shott was so well aim d that some
of them pass d through our Ship under the wale,
so that we could not Tack upon the Enemy untill
we had stop d those holes ; this was however done
in a few Minutes, but not before the two deck Ship
had goten very near us. Unfortunately the Fox did
not tack at the same time we did, by which means
208 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the Enemy got between her and us and she was
obliged to pass under the fire of the first Ship
above mention d and the fire of the two deck Ship
also. Capt. Manley seeing that the Fox was beyond
Saveing, put about and stood to the Southd, the Fox
bore away and run to the Eastwd, and we kept
the Wind to the Northwd. The two deck Ship then
put about and followed the Hancock, leaving the
Fox and me to the other two Ships. The Fox fled
and defended herself bravely, haveing also some ad
vantage in point of Sailing ; we were constrain d
to keep the Wind for our own Security, being
neither able to run from nor fight such force as
then appear d to Leward." 1
The vessel described by McNeill as a two-decker
was the British forty-four-gun ship Rainbow, Com
modore Collier, and she was accompanied by the
ten-gun brig Victor. The third vessel, which ap
peared about the same time, was the frigate Flora
of thirty-two guns. Collier says in his report that
July 6, in the afternoon, being twelve leagues
southwest of Cape Sambro, he first sighted the
American squadron. Night came on, and the next
morning the American ships, with a sloop in com
pany, were five or six miles distant. They set fire
to the sloop and at six o clock another sail was ob
served " standing towards the rebel ships." This
vessel was thought to be an American also and try
ing to join the others. " About Ten in the Morn-
1 N. H. Geneal Bee., January, 1907.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 209
ing the Enemy s Ships went away Tasking, and
Three Quarters of an Hour afterwards I was sur
prized to see several Shot exchanged between the
sternmost of them and the Stranger who had last
joined and whom I had hitherto looked upon as
another of their Fleet. I then hoisted my Colours,
shortly after which the two sternmost of the Rebel
Frigates hawled their Wind, whilst the headmost
kept away about two Points from it. This brought
the English Ship (which I afterwards found was
the Flora) more abreast of them, who passed to
Windward, exchanging a Broadside with each and
pursuing the Fugitive, who from the Alteration two
or three Times of her Course, seemed uncertain
which to steer. The Flora gained fast upon her,
which she perceiving, hawled her Wind again and
soon afterwards tacked and stood after her Com
rades, exchanging a Broadside with the Flora as
they passed each other. I was just putting about
after the two Ships when I observed this Manoeuvre
of the Rebel Frigate, which made me stand on
something longer before I tacked, hoping to get
her within Reach of my Guns as she passed us. I
accordingly did so, but had not the good Fortune
to bring down either a Mast or Sail by my Fire. I
tacked immediately after her and soon afterwards
saw the headmost Rebel Frigate put about; she
passed me just out of Gunshot to Windward and
appeared a, very fine Ship of 34 Guns with Rebel
Colours flying. One of the Gentlemen of my Quar-
f
210 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
ter Deck had been a Prisoner lately at Boston and
knew her to be the Hancock, on board of whom
Manley commanded, the Sea Officer in whom the
Congress place great Confidence and who is the
Second in Kank in their Navy. The Ship I had
fired upon I found outsailed me and soon after my
tacking, went away lasking ; whilst the other Frigate
kept her wind. I then saw with Concern that one
of the three must unavoidably escape, if they thus
steered different Courses. I therefore judged it best
to put about and follow the Hancock, which ap
peared the largest Ship. Whilst I was in Stays the
Flora passed me very near, in Pursuit of the Ship
I had fired upon. It was about Two o Clock in the
Afternoon of Monday the 7th of July that I tacked
after Manley, who seemed at first rather to outsail
the Rainbow, but I understood afterwards that to
endeavour making his Ship sail better, he started
all his Water forward and by that Means put her
out of Trim. An Hour before the Close of Day he
altered his Course and kept away large ; however,
we got so near to him before dark as enabled us
by Means of a Night-glass to keep Sight of him
all Night. At Dawn of Day she was not much more
than a Mile ahead of me, soon after which we saw
a small Sail to Leeward which we found to be the
Victor Brig, who as we passed fired at the Rebel
Frigate and killed one of the Men at the Wheel,
but was not able from bad sailing to keep up or
come near any more. About Four in the Morning
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 211
I began firing the Bow chace upon her, with occa
sional Broadsides loaded with Round and Grape,
as I could bring them to bear, some of which struck
her Masts and Sails. Half an Hour past Eight I
was so near as to hail her and let them know that
if they expected Quarter, they must strike imme
diately. Manley took a few Minutes to consider and
a fresher Breeze just then springing up, he availed
himself of it by attempting to set some of the Steer
ing Sails on the other Side. I therefore fired into
him, upon which he struck the Rebel Colours to
His Majesty s Ship, after a Chace of upwards of
39 Hours." 1
To make the story more complete we may quote
from the report of Captain Brisbane of the Flora.
" On the 7th Instant at day break, Cape Sable
bearing N. N. E. about fourteen Leagues, we dis
covered three Sail of Ships and a Sloop on our
weather Quarter and a Sail on our Lee Quarter,
standing to the Westward on the same Tack the
Flora was. I thought it my duty to see what they
were, tacked and stood towards them, upon which
the Sloop, that was towed by the headmost ship,
was cast off and set on fire. We passed within point
blank shot to leeward of the three Ships, hoisted our
Colours and fired a Shot at the headmost to show
theirs, which they paid no attention to, fired a
second at the Sternmost, stood on and as soon as we
could fetch their wake, tacked and followed them.
1 London Chronicle, August 26, 1777.
212 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
At 9 A.M., upon their finding that we weathered
and came up with them, they formed a line ahead,
hoisted Continental Colours, and began firing their
Stern Chace. At 10 the two sternmost Ships short
ened Sail, tacked and came close under our lee
Quarter. Exchanging Broadsides as we passed each
other, we stood on to the Ship who had not tacked,
gave her our fire which she returned ; she attempted
to stay, missed and wore, which gave us an oppor
tunity of raking her. We then wore and gave chace
after her, the two other Ships being at this time
close upon a Wind on different tacks. During this
transaction we run considerably to leeward, which
gave the Ship on our lee Quarter an opportunity of
joining us fast, and upon her being abreast of our
Chace, she tacked and proved to be His Majesty s
Ship the Rainbow. She fired several well pointed
Shot at the Chace, one of the Enemy soon after
wards tacked and stood to the South West, the
Rainbow tacked and followed her; we continued
standing to the northward after the Chace, who,
upon the Rainbow s tacking, kept away more from
the wind and set steering Sails and soon afterward
began firing her Stern Chace at us. At 6 P.M. we
came up close to her, upon which she struck her
Colours and proved to be his Majesty s Ship the
Fox, that had been taken a month before that by
the Hancock and Boston, Continental Ships, on the
Banks of Newfoundland. The Ship that we after
wards learned to be the Boston was, at the time the
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 213
Fox struck, as far to windward as we could but dis
cover the head of her Topsails out of the Water." l
The British took their prizes into Halifax. In his
report Collier says the Hancock had two hundred
and twenty-nine men on board, her complement
being two hundred and ninety ; and according to a
letter of his to Germain, she carried thirty-two guns,
chiefly twelve-pounders, and was " said to be the
largest and fastest sailing frigate ever built. . . .
Manly seem d filled with rage and grief at finding he
had so easily surrendered to a ship of only 44 guns,
believing all along that it was the Raisonable, of 64
guns, who was chasing him." 2 The Hancock appears
to have been one of the very best and fastest of the
Continental frigates, and if Mauley had not made
the mistake of altering her trim in the vain attempt
to improve her speed, he might have escaped from
the Rainbow. Failing in this, he should have made a
spirited resistance, in which, by some lucky accident,
he might possibly have succeeded in reversing the
result ; or by crippling his adversary, have been able
to escape. Manley s record in the naval service up
to this time had been excellent and his reputation
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 487, August 28, 1777, No. 2.
2 Stopford-Sackville MSS., 69, 70 ; London Chronicle, August
26, 1777 ; Boston Gazette, July 28, August 11, 18, 1777 ; Almon,
v, 262; Brit, Adm. Rec., A. D. 487, August 28, 1777, Nos. 2, 3, 4,
5, 6, 7, 8, Captains Letters, No. 1611.2 (Collier to Stephens, July
12, 1777), Captains Logs, Nos. 360, 762 (logs of Flora and Rain
bow). No report by Captain Manley appears to be accessible. For
description of the Hancock and Boston see above, p. 27.
214 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
was high among friends and foes. Collier, in his
letter to Germain, says of him : " We have all long
wished to^get this man into our possession, from
his talents and intrepidity, and fortunate it is that
we have done so, as he was beginning to shew the
Americans what they had not been accustomed to,
the seeing of one of his Majesty s ships in their
possession, for he had just taken the Fox of 28
guns. . . . Every body here is overjoyed at the
capture of Mr. Manly, esteeming him more capable
of doing mischief to the King s subjects than Gen
eral Lee was." 1 Mauley rendered very efficient
service also in the later years of the war, but on
this occasion he failed to stand the test. He should
not have feared to exchange a few shots, even in
the belief that he was engaging the Kaisonable, and
would then soon have discovered that he had only a
forty-four to deal with. We shall see that a few
months later his fellow-officer, Captain Biddle, was
not afraid to engage a sixty-four, with no thought,
apparently, of striking his flag before the last ex
tremity. 2 Manley was sent a prisoner to New York,
where he remained many months. The loss of the
Hancock was almost a calamity. She was taken into
the British service under the name of the Iris and
fought only too effectually against her old com
panions in the Continental navy.
1 Stopford-Sackville M88., 70. General Charles Lee had been
taken prisoner by the British several months before.
2 See below, p. 296.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 215
Meanwhile the Boston escaped and found her
way to Wiscasset. In his report to the Marine Com
mittee, which was dated at that place July 16, Cap
tain McNeill relates his proceedings since losing
sight of his consorts on the 7th : " In a few hours
we saw two more of the Enemy about two points on
our weather bow ; from these we were obliged to
tack to the Southwd. . . . After Standing two
hours to the Southwd we espied another Ship bear
ing S. W. of us, who appeared to be in chace to
wards us. I then hove about to the Northwd again
& stood on untill Nine o Clock the Evening; the
chace coming down upon us very fast all the time.
As soon as the Moon was down I tack d and Stood
to the Southwd and in less than an hour saw the
Lights of the Chacing Ship Standing athwart our
Stern about | of a Mile from us. On Tuesday
Morning the 8th Current I saw five Sail of the
Enemy to the Leward of me, three on the Lee bow
and two on the Lee Quarter, at the same time saw
Cape Sable bearing N.N.E., five leagues. The Wind
coming to the Southwd I stood across the Bay of
Fundy, determin d to Shelter myself in the first port
I could make and get intellegence, which happened
to be this river where I arriv d on Thursday the
10th Instant. On my arrival here I found that the
Milford Frigate had been in about fourteen days
past & that she had penetrated up as far as we now
are, Namely at Wichcasset point. There is scarce
a day, but one or two of the Enemys Ships are Seen
216 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
off the Mouth of this river and the Coasting Ves-
sells are very much distressed. In this my present
Situation I am much at a Loss what to do, my
Ship s Company are so diminished by Manning the
Fox & the Men otherwise Lost since we Sail d from
Boston ; my Ship is very Fowl . . . and besides
that, we cannot make her Sail fast, trim which way
we will. . . . We have certain Accounts of twelve
Sail of the Enemys Cruisers between Cape Ann &
Cape Sable, severall of whom are large Ships." 1
Perhaps the size of the British fleet cruising in east
ern waters was magnified in McNeiU s imagination.
In due time he brought his ship back to ^Boston,
where his reception was not cordial. He was se
verely blamed for not haying come to the Hancock s
rescue and was held by public opinion in large de
gree responsible for the loss of that ship. He was
tried by court-martial and suspended. 2
At Charleston, where the Randolph had put in
for repairs after being dismasted, Captain Biddle
received orders from the Marine Committee, dated
April 26 and 29, to cruise in the West Indies and
later attempt to intercept a British fleet of mer
chantmen which was expected to leave Jamaica
under convoy about July 26. In the first of these
orders, April 26, the Committee wrote : " Your
letter of the 14th instant is the only one we have
1 N. H. Geneal. Bee., January, 1907.
* Mar. Com. Letter Book, 109 (November 12, 1777) ; Adams
MSS., October 9, 1777, McNeill to John Adams, complaining of
conditions in the navy.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 217
received since the misfortune of carrying away your
Masts or indeed since you left the Capes of Dela
ware, so that we are strangers to the cause and
manner of that unfortunate accident. . . . We ob
serve with infinite concern that your people have
been and remain Sickly ; this has happened in so
many of our Ships that we cannot help atributing
it to some cause that may with proper care & at
tention be removed. You should therefore insist
that your Officers do frequently see the Ship
thoroughly and perfectly cleansed, aloft and below
from Stem to Stern, burn Powder and wash with
vinigar betwixt Decks, order Hammocks, all bed
ding and bed Cloths and Body Cloaths daily into
the quarters or to be aired on Deck, make the peo
ple keep their persons cleanly and use exercise, give
them as frequent changes of wholesome food as you
can, Fish when you can get it and fresh food in
Port. Ventilate the Hold and between Decks con
stantly. In short, cleanliness, exercise, fresh air and
wholesome food will restore or preserve health more
than medicine and it is deserving the utmost atten
tion of any or every officer to preserve the Health
& Spirits of the men." 1
The Marine Committee planned to collect as many
vessels as possible to act in concert against the ex
pected Jamaica fleet, in the hope of capturing a
number of them. General orders dated April 29
were issued, addressed to the commanders of vessels
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 73 (April 26, 1777).
218 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
designated to take part in the enterprise. They were
to rendezvous at Abaco, one of the Bahama Islands,
July 25, the senior captain was to take command
as commodore, and they were to hold a council of
war and decide upon the best cruising ground, the
most effectual disposition of their ships, and a code
of signals. " The Commodore or Council of war are
empowered to order or do anything they may think
necessary or essential to enable the Squadron to per
form the intended Service, whether pointed out by
the Committee or not." All information obtained
regarding the Jamaica fleet must be reported to the
commodore. " These things done, and the sooner
they are accomplished the better, the Squadron must
weigh and sail under the Signals and Orders of the
Commodore to the appointed Station, which we sup
pose will be near the Havannah." While waiting
for the Jamaica fleet the time should be spent in
drill and repeating signals. " The men should be
constantly exercised at the Guns, and infinite pains
taken on board every Ship to sweeten the Air and
keep not only the Ship clean but the Men so in
their Cloathing and Persons. During this Cruize
there is little doubt but Prizes will be taken by the
Squadron before the Jamaica fleet appears and such
may be sent into Georgia or Carolina, but in doing
this care must be taken that no ship is much weak
ened by sending away their men in such Prizes.
Should they be of little value it may probably be
best to burn them and encourage the seamen found
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 219
on board to enter our Service by offering them share
of Prize Money to be taken, Pay and allowance
equal to those already engaged, and assurance of
good treatment." Inasmuch as "the main object
of this enterprize appears the Jamaica Fleet, it must
be the business of the Commodore to keep the Frig
ates together until he finds out the strength of the
Convoy, and if it be such as he judges he can cope
with, with a tolerable prospect of success, he is to
make the proper disposition for attacking to the
best advantage and engage their ships of war, whilst
all the smaller vessels are employed in attacking
and taking the Merchantmen. It must be remem
bered that the enemy generally send home for Con
voy such of their Ships of war as have been long in
the West Indies. They are frequently foul and ill
manned, which are circumstances favourable for en
gaging them, even if they should appear of superior
force. If you can but make Prizes of the Convoy or
any part of them, we think it will then be in the
power of the Squadron to take any number of the
Merchantmen, and such as cannot be manned and
brought into Port may be sunk or Burned. Should
the Convoy consist of such or so many Ships as it
would be folly or rashness to engage, the Squadron
in that case had best to seperate and hover after the
fleet ; for as we have little doubt but most of our
ships will outsail theirs, being cleaner, you may in
this manner pick up a vast many of their Merchant
ships, altho protected by Superior force." If after
220 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
this service the squadron should be too distant from
the seat of government to receive fresh orders, " the
Commodore must call a Council of war of all the
Commanders with him, and any enterprize or expe
dition planned by that Council, that has for its ob
ject the service of the United States of America,
to distress or disable the enemies of these States or
to Capture their Ships of war or Merchantmen, will
meet our approbation & if executed with vigour,
will merit the praise of all America. Our ships
should never be Idle. The Navy is in its infancy
and a few brilliant strokes at this Era would give
it a Credit and importance that would induce sea
men from all parts to seek the employ, for nothing
is more evident than that America has the means
and must in time become the first Maritime power
in the world." l
The Andrew Doria, Captain Isaiah Eobinson, the
sloop Surprise, Captain Benjamin Dunn, and the
Fly, Captain Elisha Warner, were ordered in April
to clear the Cape May channel of British ships, and
a little later the Independence, Captain John Young,
was instructed to warn vessels away from Chesa
peake and Delaware Bays. In May the Andrew
Doria and Surprise, together with the Columbus,
Captain Hoysted Hacker, still blockaded in Nar-
ragansett Bay, were ordered to repair to the ren
dezvous at Abaco, where they were expected to meet
the Randolph and cruise after the Jamaica fleet.
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 78 (April 29, 1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 221
This promising and well conceived project seems
never to have been carried out or even entered upon,
presumably because a sufficient number of vessels,
especially frigates, could not be brought together. 1
The Randolph sailed some time during the sum
mer and early in September was off Charleston.
Biddle reported : " I have the Pleasure to acquaint
You that on the fourth of Sept. 30 Leags. S. E. of
Charles Town Barr I met with and took, after a
little Resistance, the True Britain, Thomas Venture
Master, of twenty six-pounders and seventy-four
Men, the Brig Charming Peggy, Capt. Lyon, both
Laden with Rum for the British Army and Navy
and bound from Jamaica to New York, The Ship
Severn, Capt. Henderson, of eight four-pounders,
who had been taken by an American Cruizer on
His passage from Jamaica to London And Retaken
by the True Britain, Also a French Brig laden with
salt going from the West Indies for Charles Town,
Which Capt. Venture had made Prize of. There
was a small Sloop in Company with those Vessels
that made Her escape, the Weather being Squally,
whilst I was Manning the Rest. I Arrived Safe
here with my Prize the 7th inst. I have not laid
Claim to Salvadge for the French Brig, as I thought
it would be most agreeable to Congress to give her
up. . . . The Randolph s Bottom is very foul, hav-
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 68, 69 (April 18, 1777), 73 (April
26, 1777), 77, 78 (April 29, 1777), 86, 88 (May 2, 1777), 90 (May
13, 1777), 91 (May 16, 1777).
222 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
ing lain in this Port the three worst Months in the
Year since We Cleared ; And Being apprehensive
that the Worms will Ruin Her Bottom unless they
are soon destroyed, I have thought Proper and am
preparing to heave Her down. I shall be as expedi
tious as possible and hope to be Ready to execute
any Orders You may Please to send by the Return
of the Express. I cannot omit telling You that My
Officers have on every Occasion given me the great
est Satisfaction. Two better Officers are not met
in the Service than Barnes and Mcdougall, My
first and second Leiuts. And the Men I took from
here behaved exceeding well/ 1 The Marine Com
mittee issued orders to Biddle, dated October 24,
to proceed to France as soon as his ship could be
made ready for the voyage. Upon his arrival there
he was to report to the American Commissioners
and await their directions, in the mean time mak
ing a short cruise in European waters, if it should
seem advisable. 2
Captain Thomas Thompson, of the frigate Ra
leigh at Portsmouth, received instructions, dated
April 29, to cruise against vessels bound to New
York until June, but if he could not obtain suit
able guns for his ship he was to proceed directly
to France for them ; in July he was to open sealed
orders. As late as May 22, according to informa-
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 78, 2, 241 (Biddle to Morris, September
12, 1777).
2 Ibid., 237, 241 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 105 (October 24, 1777) ;
Port Folio, October, 1809.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 223
tion furnished to Admiral Howe, the Raleigh had
only six or eight of her thirty-two guns mounted.
At this time there were at Portsmouth, besides the
frigate, the Ranger and three or four large priva
teers. The keel of the America of seventy-four guns
had just been laid. It was nearly the middle of
August when the Raleigh went to sea and set sail
for France. Probably she had received her guns by
that time and her voyage was in the service of Con
gress and the American Commissioners at Paris.
She was accompanied by the Alfred, Captain Hin-
man, who had also received sailing orders in April,
which directed him after cruising in the Atlantic
to return to Boston for fresh instructions. 1
The third day after sailing for France a small
schooner from New York was taken by the Raleigh,
on board of which Captain Thompson found " 275
Spanish milled dollars, 137 counterfeited bills of
30 dollars each, in imitation of the bills emitted by
Congress May the 10th, 1775, and 40 counterfeited
bills of seven dollars each, imitating the Massachu
setts sword-in-hand money ; the whole making 4390
dollars which I shall commit to the flames after pre
serving samples. The schooner being of little value
we burnt her." The most important events of the
passage are told in Thompson s report, dated at sea
September 28, 1777, in latitude 49 35 north, Ion-
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 70, 81, 84 (April 23, 29, 1777), 92
(June 1, 1777),102 (September 6, 1777) ; Brit. Adm. Eec., A.D. 487,
June 29, 1777, No. 10; Eemick, 216 (list of Raleigh s crew); N.
H. Geneal. Eec., April, July, October, 1905.
224 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
gitude 13 13 west: "At daylight Sept. 2 we took
a snow called the Nancy, . . . being part of the
Windward Island fleet, which had outsailed her
the day before. Having by this capture discovered
the situation of the fleet and found that they were
convoyed by the Camel, Druid, Weazel and Grass
hopper ships of war, the former a very large, lofty
ship, carrying twenty-two 12-pounders, ... we
made sail in quest of the fleet and next morning
discovered them from the mast head. At sun-set
we were near enough to distinguish the leading
ship as well as their number, which was sixty sail,
bearing East by North ; the wind being then west,
I made a signal as being one of the fleet left
astern, for I had possessed myself of the signal
from the prize. I hailed Capt. Hinman and told
him my intention was to run into the fleet in the
morning and attack the convoy, which I thought
we were able to destroy ; I therefore ordered him
to keep close under the Raleigh s stern until we
come alongside the Commodore, which ship we
would both attack. Unluckily in the night the wind
shifted to North ; the fleet then hauled up close to
the wind, which brought us to leeward ; in the
morning it came to blow fresh. At daylight we
saw the body of the fleet bearing about N.E. at
two or three leagues distance, steering East North
East. "We made sail and the Raleigh soon fetched
up to the fleet under double reefed topsails,
but the Alfred, being tender-sided, could not carry
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 225
sail and therefore fell a great way to leeward and
astern. I could not take in any sail for fear of
being discovered to be a strange ship ; we there
fore kept our sails shaking in the wind, thinking
the Alfred might come up, but Capt. Hinman made
signal that his ship was overpressed with sail. See
ing no chance of his coming up and being fearful
of being discovered, I determined to make sail and
stand into the fleet and take my chance alone.
While we were laying to, most of the merchant
ships had got ahead into the fleet ; however, I
hauled in and passed a few of them and desired
them to go under the Commodore s stern. By this
they took us to be some British frigate which had
joined the fleet. I stood on close to the wind, mak
ing for one of the ships of war which was to the
windward of all the fleet, repeating the Commodore s
signals. Our ports were down and our guns housed
and we shot up alongside within pistol shot ; then
we up sails, out guns, hoisted Continental colours
and bid them strike to the Thirteen United States.
Sudden surprize threw them into confusion and
their sails flew all aback, upon which we compli
mented them with a gun for each State, a whole
broadside into their hull. . . . Our second broad
side was aimed at their rigging, which had its desired
effect. ... In about a quarter of an hour all hands
quitted quarters on board the British man of war,
we cleared her decks totally ; not a man was seen
nor a gun fired on board her for twenty minutes
226 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
before we left her. She lay like a log alongside of
us entirely at the mercy of our shot, which flew
very thick ; we fired twelve broadsides, besides a
constant fire from our musquetry. We were along
side of her forty-five minutes ; when we left her
she seemed to be water logged and in a most shat
tered condition. During this little engagement my
officers and men behaved with the greatest fortitude
and resolution, particularly the green hands. . . .
My intention was to sink the enemy s ship, if I
could not bring her off, and I should have effec
tually sunk her in a few minutes more, could we
have staid. Our firing had thrown the fleet into con
fusion. A squall prevented them from seeing us at
first ; when it cleared up, one was running one way
and one another, some upon the wind and some
before it. Their Commodore and the other ships of
force tacked and stood right for us, but had not
the wind favoured him and we drifted to leeward,
he could not have fetched us and I should certainly
have sunk the ship. However, I staid by her until
he came pretty near, and we being in danger of
being surrounded, I made sail and ran down to the
Alfred, who was lying about four miles to the lee
ward. . . . When we had got pretty near the
Alfred, I took in top gallant sails and shortened
sail to wait for the British Commodore, but he soon
tacked and stood again into the fleet." l
The vessel engaged by the Raleigh was the four-
1 Almon, v, 403, 404.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 227
teen-gun sloop of war Druid. According to the re
port of Lieutenant Bourchier of the Druid, " on the
4th of September, in the latitude 40.33. N., longi
tude 50.17. W., at half past four in the evening,
we discovered a strange sail on our larboard quarter,
bearing West and steering for us. We were then
(from the irregularity of the fleet) about five miles
distant from the Camel, to windward, repeating the
signal for the convoy to go under the Camel s stern
and obliging those ships to bear down ; the Weazle
at a great distance to leeward and out of our sight.
We cleared ship for action and turned all hands to
quarters. At five o clock she came within pistol
shot, when I could plainly perceive her to be a rebel
privateer mounting 38 or 40 guns, her decks and
tops full of men. She hailed and desired us to strike
to the honour of the Congress s colours, hoisted her
ensign, and began to engage. The first broadside
sent a shot through Captain Carteret s thigh bone
and killed the master. I then took the command on
the quarter deck and continued the action. At half
past five she came close alongside and kept an irregu
lar but very hot firing. At six she made sail ahead.
I attempted to do the same and keep her broadside
on, but the shattered condition of the rigging ren
dered the sails almost useless to the ship. As the
head-sails only were of service, we edged away and
kept her nearly on our bow till twenty minutes past
six. She then had the wind abaft, sheared off, hauled
down her colours, and made sail. I attempted to
228 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
wear ship and rake her, but the rigging being en
tirely shot to pieces, could not bring her round. I
then tried to make what sail I could and pursue the
enemy, but found most of the masts and yards
wounded, . . . with four feet ten inches water in
the hold. At^half past seven we brought to, with
our foresail and mizen on our larboard tack, to plug
the shot holes between wind and water, clear the
wreck and pump the ship out. I then perceived
another rebel privateer laying to, bearing S. S. W.
six or seven miles off, and by her appearance I
suppose she mounted about 20 guns. The Camel
was then in chace about two or three miles distant ;
soon after, the Weazle spoke to us and gave chace
also." l
Conditions on board the Camel, the British com
modore s ship, are set forth in her log. " Fresh
Breezes & Squally Wr. At 1 P.M. fired 2 guns &
made the Signal for the fleet to come under our
Stern ; the headmost Vessels paying no attention to
the Signal, Fired 3 Shott at them to bring them to.
At 5 fresh Breezes & Hazy Wr. Heard the report
of a No. of Guns fired in the No. Wt. Quarter, which
we imagined was an Action, from the unusual quick
ness of their Firing. Wore Ship with all possible
speed & stood towards the report, when the Haze
dispersing, we pereeiv d His Majesty s Sloop Druid
in close engagement with a large Rebel Priva [teer]
of 36 Guns, which she Beat off & upon perceiving
1 Almon, v, 402.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 229
us to be in chase of her, made off under all the Sail
she could possibly Croud, as did another Rebel priva
teer which lay to Leeward of Her. Continued in
Chase of them till Night, when we lost sight both
of them & the Convoy." 1
The Raleigh s loss was one killed and two wounded.
The Druid had six killed and twenty-six wounded,
of whom five, including the captain, died of their
wounds. The Raleigh and Alfred followed the fleet
several days, but without again exchanging shots
with the enemy. Thompson says : " We have since
challenged him for three days successively to come
out of his fleet and engage us, but he declines the
challenge. Himself and the other armed ships keep
close together a little astern of the fleet and fine
weather favours them ; we wait for a storm and then,
if any advantage offers, intend to make the best use
of it, but we must not venture among them as they
are now prepared, neither can we trust to the Alfred s
sailing. Had she been a stiff ship and sailed equally
well with the Raleigh, we should in all probability
have destroyed the convoy and dispersed the whole
fleet, badly manned as we are, having only 180 men,
chiefly green hands. I cannot trust to working the
ship" were I to go into the fleet, but if the enemy
will attack where we have room, we are able to
defend ourselves or destroy them. I could at first
have cut off several of the merchantmen, but must
1 Brit. Adm. Rec., Captains 1 Logs, No. 156 (log of the Camel) ;
also No. 4172 (log of the Druid).
I
230 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
by that means have been discovered and thereby
have lost our chance at the King s ships ; and I am
determined never to war against merchantmen where
I have an opportunity of waring against the King.
I should have preferred sinking that ship to the
richest capture in the fleet." These excuses seem
inadequate. John Paul Jones found the Alfred
capable of giving excellent service. If Thompson
had been an enterprising officer, it is difficult to
believe that he would have allowed this rich fleet to
get away without leaving a single prize in his hands.
As to warring against merchantmen, American
commanders had express orders to pursue fleets
under convoy and make as many captures as possible.
The ships and cargoes were needed by the impover
ished Continental government, and every blow struck
at the enemy s commerce helped a little to turn the
scale in this closely contested war. In due time
the Raleigh and Alfred arrived in France ; also the
sloop Independence, Captain Young, which had
been sent out with dispatches. 1
Early in the year 1777 the sloop Eevenge, Amer
ican privateer of ten guns, Captain Joseph Shef
field, cruising to the windward of Barbadoes, is
reported to have fought four hours with two British
ships, each carrying fourteen guns, and to have
captured one of them. The ship Thomas, a prize of
the Revenge and presumably this same one, was re-
1 Almon, v, 401-405; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 99 (to Captain
Young, July 5, 1777).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 231
captured by the sloop of war Unicorn while running
into Newport, not knowing it was occupied by the
British. 1 The report came from New York, March
24, that within two months the British men-of-war
stationed about Chesapeake and Delaware Bays had
taken seventy American ships and privateers. 2 The
frigate Pearl fell in with the privateers Teaser, 18,
and Resolution, 14, with a convoy of three mer
chantmen. An engagement of an hour and a half
followed, when a gun on the Resolution burst and
she struck. The Pearl also took two of the mer
chantmen, but the other and the Teaser escaped. 3
The British naval schooner Prince William, of
eight guns, was captured, and her captain, writing
from Boston Prison, May 13, says : " In my last I
acquainted you of my success in taking American
prizes, but my fortune now is quite the reverse. On
the 2d of this month, falling in with the Spy, an
American privateer snow of 12 guns, my vessel was
taken after an engagement of three glasses and
brought into this port, where myself and crew are
prisoners. Boston harbor swarms with privateers and
their prizes; this is a great place of rendezvous with
them. The privateersmen come on shore here full
of money and enjoy themselves much after the same
manner the English seamen at Portsmouth and
Plymouth did in the late war ; and by the best
1 Boston Gazette, February 24, 1777 ; London Chronicle, May 3,
1777 ; Williams s Liverpool Privateers, 195-198.
2 London Chronicle, May 10, 1777.
8 Ibid., June 10, 1777.
232 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
information I can get there are no less than fifteen
foreign vessels lately arrived in the harbour with
cargoes of various articles." 1
A letter from Nantucket, dated May 15, gives
this account: "The llth inst. Capt. Simpkins,
commander of the Fortune, Provincial ship of war
of 22 guns, 4 cohorns, and 18 swivels, fell in with
the English brig Boscawen, of 18 six-pounders, near
this port, and after an engagement of upwards of
an hour the latter was taken and carried for Boston.
We saw the action, which was continued a consider
able time very resolute by both parties and seemed
to us rather doubtful. The Captain of the brig was
wounded and the officer that was second in com
mand was killed." 2
On the 12th of July the ship Pole of Liverpool,
in latitude 50 north, longitude 20 west, " fell in
with the Tartar, a rebel privateer mounting 20
nine-pounders on the main deck, 8 four-pounders
on the quarter-deck and 4 four-pounders on the
forecastle, full of men, supposed two hundred at
least. . . . She bore down on the Pole under
English colours, enquired from whence she came
and whether she was a King s ship. Being an
swered in the affirmative, the captain gave orders
to hoist the Thirteen Stripes and fire away, on which
the engagement began and continued from five
until about twenty minutes past eight, when the
1 Almon, v, 173 ; London Chronicle, July 3, 1777.
2 Almon, v, 174.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 233
privateer sheered off. Captain Maddock [of the
Pole] had two mates and a passenger wounded and
supposes that near one half of the people belonging
to the privateer must be killed or wounded, he hav
ing cleared their forecastle of men three different
times and says he heard dreadful cries among them.
The Pole had 16 six-pounders and only forty peo
ple, passengers included." 1
Many privateers cruised in the West Indies, and
besides those that came out from the United States,
some were fitted out at Martinique under American
commanders, with French and Spanish crews and
commissioned by the American naval and commer
cial agent, William Bingham. Prices rose in the
British islands on account of the large amount of
property taken by Americans. Admiral Young,
commanding the British station in the Leeward
Islands, reported the capture of many of these
privateers. 2 The privateer Revenge, Captain Isaac
Freeborn, sailed from Martha s Vineyard for the
West Indies December 9, 1777. " About ten Days
after, we fell in with a Privateer Schooner, gave
her a couple of Shot and she run. About 8 Days
after, we fell in with and took the Ship York, from
Glasgow bound to Barbadoes, laden with dry Goods,
1 Williams, 205 (quoting 1 a Liverpool paper). In Williams s
list of Liverpool privateers (Appendix iv) the Pole is given 24
guns and 100 men.
2 Almon, v, 141-143, 168, 171, 198, 199 ; Boston Gazette, June
2, October 13, 1777 ; London Chronicle, April 22, August 5, 1777 ;
Williams, 200, 201.
234 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
some Provisions, &c. which was sent into Martineco.
About 4 Days after, fell in with a large English
Ship of 18 Guns, which was too much for us. We
afterwards came across a Fleet of about 100 Sail,
to Windward of Barbadoes, but they being con-
voy d by 5 Frigates and it blowing a hard Gale, we
could do nothing with them. We then bore away
for Martineco, sprung our Mast and carried away
our Topmast, but luckily got in and found our
Prize safe." 1
Under orders issued March 14, 1777, by the
Massachusetts Board of War the brigantines Tyran
nicide, Captain Jonathan Haraden, and Massachu
setts, Captain John Fisk, of the state navy, sailed
together March 24 on a cruise to the coasts of Ire
land, England, and France. The brigantine Free
dom, Captain John Clouston, had already sailed
March 8, under the same authority and for the same
cruising ground. April 1, in longitude 15 west,.
Clouston reported having taken three prizes. He
arrived at Paimboeuf May 1, having made twelve
captures in all. April 2 the Massachusetts and
Tyrannicide, in latitude 41 30 north and longi
tude 45 west, took the ship Chaulkly, and April 8,
ten degrees farther east, the Tyrannicide took the
bark Lonsdale after a three hours engagement,
1 Boston Gazette, March 9, 1778. For further accounts of pri
vateering in 1777, see Coll. Essex Inst., July, 1890 ; Continental
Journal, December 25, 1777 ; Connecticut Gazette, July 18, 1777 ;
London Chronicle, March 18, April 10, 1777 ; Pickering MSS.,
xvii, 50 ; Engagements by Sea and Land, 78, 79.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 235
while the Massachusetts was chasing another ves
sel. Just two weeks after this, in about 48 north
and 16 west, they " fell in with a fleet of 9 sail
bound to the Westward, one of 60 & one of 14 Guns,
British Ships of War, with 7 Transports from Ply
mouth for New York. Being a Fresh gale we could
not bare down on them ; however, finding one Brig
to lay a stern, we took the liberty to take her under
Convoy. She had on board 63 Troops, Hessens
Chussers, with their accountrements compleat." 1
The Massachusetts arrived at Nantes May 21, and
Fisk reported : " I have not the pleasure to acquaint
you that the Tyrannicide is here with me, but am
sorry to acquaint you that on the seventeenth In
stant at Nine in the Morning we gave chase to a
Ship standing to the Eastward and came up fast.
At three got within two miles of the ship, then saw
three Sail in the N. E. bearing down to us ; one of
said Sail brought our chase too & hoisted English
colours. I bore away and made sail from them ; the
Ship gave me chase. Capt. Haraden bore away also ;
the ship came up with us fast. At Nine at Night
I haul d my Wind ; Capt. Haraden bore away before
the wind. At half after nine, lost sight of Capt.
Haraden and soon after, lost sight of the Ship. At
ten, saw three flashes of Guns, which I suppose the
Ship fired at Capt. Haraden and I am afraid the
Ship took him, as I have not heard nor seen any
thing of him since." 2 Fisk had taken eight prizes
1 Mass. Arch., clii, 165. 3 Ibid., 216.
236 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
since leaving Salem. He sailed for home in June,
having on board four passengers, including General
Pulaski. July 12, from a schooner Fisk learned of
Haraden s safe arrival at Bilbao, after having been
obliged to throw overboard guns and stores to es
cape the British ship. The Massachusetts arrived at
Marblehead July 23, forty-four days from Nantes.
The Freedom had arrived at Boston two weeks
earlier ; she had taken sixteen prizes, of which six
had probably been retaken. The Tyrannicide came
later, getting into Boston August 30. 1
In the Massachusetts Council, August 6, 1777,
the following measure was adopted : " Whereas our
Enemies have several small Cruisers upon this Coast,
& even in Boston Bay, which have taken several
of our Coasting Vessels & greatly Obstructed our
Navigation ; And as the Continental & State Ves
sels, as also most of the Private Vessels of War,
are improper to be employed for Clearing the Coast
of these Vermin, therefore Kesolved, That the Board
of War be & they hereby are directed, without De
lay, to take such Measures for taking or destroying
all such Cruisers as aforesaid, as they shall judge
most proper." 2 The day before, the Board of War
had instructed Captain Fisk, who had returned
from France two weeks before, to cruise in the
1 Mass. Arch., cli,415,416, clii, 134, 135, 144, 160, 165, 178, 182,
189, 216, 220, 230, 271, 292 ; Boston Gazette, June 2, 9, July 14, Sep
tember 1, 1777 ; Continental Journal, June 12, 1777 ; London Chron
icle, May 3, 1777 ; Massachusetts Mag,, April, October, 1908.
2 Mass. Arch., Revolutionary Bolls, xliv, 268.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 237
track of homeward-bound West Indiamen and " to
use your utmost Endeavours to take, burn, sink &
destroy all armed and other Vessels, together with
their Cargoes, belonging to the Subjects of the
King of Great Britain, Enemies to the United
States of America & the natural Eights of Man
kind." 1 Captain Fisk soon set sail again in the
Massachusetts, and on the afternoon of August 19
" saw three sail to the Eastward. We gave chase
[and] at 4 found them to be two Schooners and a
Ship. We soon saw the two Schooners was attack
ing the Ship & after a few shot they fell a stern
and the Ship tack d & made sail for us. At 5 we
came up to the Ship & found she wore British
Colours ; we gave her a Broadside [and] she struck
to the American Arms." 2 This was the ship John
son, bound from Liverpool to New York, and the
schooners were the privateers Speedwell and Active
of Boston. August 31, in latitude 36 28 north,
longitude 51 west, the Massachusetts fell in with
a vessel bound from St. Christopher to Belfast,
which had sailed with a British fleet of a hundred
and thirty sail under the convoy of four men-of-war.
This was probably the same fleet that the Raleigh
and Alfred fell in with a few days later. At this
time Captain Fisk had three Massachusetts priva
teers cruising with him; they were the schooner
Dolphin of Marblehead and the brigantines Hamp-
1 Mass. Arch., cli, 426.
2 Ibid., clii, 271.
238 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
den of Salem and Gloucester of Cape Ann. In
October, Fisk reported the capture of two brigs. 1
The brigs Tyrannicide, Captain Haraden, Haz
ard, Captain Simeon Sampson, and Freedom, Cap
tain Clouston, cruised during the fall. The Hazard
had just been added to the Massachusetts navy.
The brig Independence had been captured by the
enemy in the spring ; and in September or October
the Freedom was taken by the British frigate
Apollo, and Clouston was sent to the prison-ship
Felicity at New York. Kegulations for the govern
ment of the Massachusetts navy, based on those of
the Continental navy, had been adopted in March. 2
The waters about Nova Scotia and Newfound
land were a favorite cruising ground, during the
Eevolution, for the armed ships and privateers of
Massachusetts and other New England states, and
many visits were paid to the Grand Banks and to
the comparatively defenseless shores of those pro
vinces. Admiral Montagu wrote from St. John s,
June 11, 1777 : " The American privateers have
been very troublesome on the banks and have com
mitted great depredations among the fishermen,
notwithstanding I have dispatched the men-of-war
as they arrived to the different parts of the fishing
bank to cruize for their protection. It gives me
1 Mass. Arch., clii, 330, 362, 391 ; Massachusetts Mag., October,
1908.
2 Mass. Arch., cli, 430, clii, 414, cliii, 2, 3, clvii, 93, 103, 113 ;
Mass. Court. Eec., March 21, 1777; Massachusetts Mag., April,
July, 1908, January, April, 1909.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 239
great concern to be obliged to inform your Lord
ship that the privateers cruizing in these seas are
greatly superior in number and size to the squad
ron under my command and without a large force
is sent out to me, the bank fishery is at a stand." 1
In August, Commodore Collier having learned of
a projected expedition against Nova Scotia from
Machias, sailed for that place with the Rainbow, 44,
the frigates Blonde, 32, and Mermaid, 28, and the
brig Hope, 18. An important object of the enter
prise was to serve as a diversion in favor of General
Burgoyne, then approaching Saratoga. Collier s
squadron arrived in Machias Bay on the 13th and
the frigates anchored, as there was not water enough
for them to ascend the river. The Hope, however,
was sent up, and a contemporary account says that
her commander, Lieutenant " Dawson, kept under
Way till he came opposite a Breastwork thrown up
about half a Mile from the Town, garrisoned with
only twelve Men, when he saluted it with a Broad
side which was returned from a two-Pounder and
two Swivels several Rounds, when Dawson sent his
Boat to go ashore, but a few of our Men being in
Ambush just where they were about to Land, as soon
as they came within Musket-shot an Indian, who de
sired the first Shot, fired and kill d the Man at the
Bow Oar, when they immediately put back for the
1 Stopford-Sackville MSS., 69 (Montagu to Germain). The " pri-
vateera " which most worried the admiral at this time were the
frigates Hancock and Boston.
240 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Brig. After which a Number of Boats with about
300 Marines and Mariners went ashore and burnt
two Dwelling Houses, two Barns full of Hay and a
Grist Mill. By this Time about 150 of the Militia
had Mustered, who attack d and drove the Enemy
off; on seeing which, Dawson weigh d Anchor and
was endeavoring to get down, when he luckily ran
a-ground and our People attacked him, with Small
Arms only, so warmly as not a Man durst shew
his Head above Deck till the above Boats came to
tow him off, which our People beat off, having
killed upwards of 60 of the Enemy ; and t is thought
that if a very thick Fog had not arose, they would
have near Kill d all the Enemy, if not destroy d
Dawson. Our Loss was only one, Mr. James Fos
ter, Killed, and Mr. Jonas Farnsworth Wounded,
though not dangerous." 1 The British reported a
loss of three killed and eighteen wounded. The
squadron, having accomplished little, got under
way a few days later and sailed back to Halifax.
Collier was much criticized for the failure of this
expedition, which, according to General Massey,
the commander at Halifax, " might have prevented
the Misfortunes that attend d Lt. Genl. Burgoyne s
Army." Collier claimed a victory, saying that he
took a fort and thwarted American designs against
Nova Scotia. 2
1 Boston Gazette, September 8, 1777.
*Almon, iv, 139, 140; Amer. Hist. Bev., x (October, 1904), 69;
Coll Maine Hist. Soc., April, 1895 ; Proc. Cambridge Hist. Soc.,
v (1910), 70, 71 ; N. E. Magazine, August, 1895 ; Engagements by
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 241
General Howe took possession of Philadelphia
September 26, 1777, and Admiral Howe, who had
brought the British fleet around from the Head of
Chesapeake Bay after landing the army, arrived in
Delaware Bay October 4, an advance-squadron of
his fleet having preceded him. The Americans,
however, still held the defenses of the river, which
prevented the British fleet from approaching the
city and establishing the communications necessary
for supplying the British army. These defenses
consisted of forts, obstructions, and vessels. On a
small island near the west bank of the river just
below the mouth of the Schuylkill was situated
Fort Mifflin, and opposite, at Kedbank, New Jersey,
was Fort Mercer, while three or four miles below
this, at Billingsport, New Jersey, was another fort ;
and halfway between these last two was a battery.
The obstructions were planted opposite this lower
fort and also between Forts Mifflin and Mercer.
They were heavy frames of timber or chevaux-de-
frise sunk in the bottom of the river, from which
projected beams sharpened and shod with iron,
pointing downstream. Of the floating defenses the
Continental navy furnished the new frigate Dela
ware, of twenty-four guns, and the Andrew Doria,
Hornet, Wasp, Fly and Kacehorse, with possibly
the Mosquito and Sachem ; also the xebecs Ke-
Sea and Land, 108 ; Hist. Man. Com., Amer. MSS. in Eoyal Inst.,
ii, 156, 209 (Massey to Howe, November 26, 1777, March 15,
1778).
242 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
pulse and Champion. The Pennsylvania navy con
tributed to the cause its whole fleet : the ship Mont
gomery and over forty smaller craft, including gal
leys, armed boats, floating batteries, and fireships.
The frigates Washington and Effingham were up
the river, above Philadelphia, were still unfinished,
and could be of no service. The combined Conti
nental and state fleet was under the command of
Commodore John Hazelwood, of the Pennsylvania
navy. The British fleet engaged comprised two
ships of sixty-four guns each, one of fifty guns, one
forty-four, two frigates, and a number of smaller
vessels, including a ship which carried sixteen
twenty-four-pounders. Howe s flagship, the Eagle,
of sixty-four guns, remained below, opposite Chester.
Immediately upon occupying Philadelphia the
British erected batteries along the river-front for
the defense of the city. The frigate Delaware, Cap
tain Alexander, and a number of smaller vessels
promptly advanced and opened fire on the batteries
I before they were finished. The Delaware anchored
within five hundred yards, and unfortunately, on
the ebb tide, she got aground and was exposed to
such a heavy fire from British field artillery that
Alexander was induced to strike his flag and the
frigate fell into the enemy s hands ; by far the
strongest American ship in the river was thus lost
at the very outset. The advance-squadron of the
British fleet, led by the Roebuck, 44, came up the
river as far as the lower obstructions soon after
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 243
October 1. On that day the fort at Billingsport,
being weakly garrisoned, was abandoned by the
Americans on the approach of a detachment of the
enemy s army. Two days later the fort was taken
possession of by the British under the fire of Ameri
can galleys. Meanwhile the ships had been and con
tinued to be attacked night and day by Ameri
can fire-rafts and galleys and were forced to drop
lower down the river. The log of the frigate Liver
pool for October 1 says : " At 7 P.M. the Kebels
sent a Large Fire Raft down the Eiver to burn us
& from their Gallies fir d Several Shot at us ;
weigh d & Dropt a Little lower Down & fir d a
number of Shot at their Gallies." The same log
mentions nine fire-rafts being sent down the river
under cover of galleys on the night of October 14,
and other logs note frequent instances. There seems
to have been little difficulty in grappling these rafts
from boats and towing them ashore. Beset with such
impediments the British proceeded to remove the
lower chevaux-de-frise and finally succeeded in cut
ting away a part of it, affording a passage for their
largest ships. On October 15 this passage was made
seventeen fathoms wide, and on the 19th the channel
through the obstruction was buoyed.
By the 22d the fleet had warped through. Late
on that day three battalions of Hessians under
Colonel Donop assaulted Fort Mercer at Redbank,
but were repulsed with heavy loss by the garrison
of six hundred men under Colonel Christopher
244 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Greene ; Donop was mortally wounded. The British
attempted to aid this assault by sending some of
their vessels up to bombard the fort. The Augusta,
64, the Roebuck, the frigates Pearl and Liverpool,
the sloop of war Merlin, and a galley " work d up
the River in order to engage the Rebel Vessels and
prevent their firing on our Troops, who appeared to
be much gall d from the Enemies Shipping ; i past
5 the Rebel Galleys &c. began firing on us, which
was return d by the Roebuck, Augusta & Cornwal-
lis Galley." 1 The British ships were checked
by the American fleet, which also greatly annoyed
the Hessians during their advance and retreat.
During the night the Augusta and Merlin got
aground. Early the next morning, October 23, Fort
Mifflin was attacked by the British fleet and by
batteries thrown up on the Pennsylvania bank of
the river. Aided very effectually by the American
fleet, the fort made a successful resistance. About
ten o clock the Augusta took fire, in what way is
not certainly known ; she blew up about noon before
all her crew could be saved. The Merlin was set
on fire and was also destroyed. Commodore Hazel-
wood, in a report to the president of Pennsylvania,
says : " On the 22d, about 4 o clock, the attack was
made on the Fort at red bank, in which a part of
our Galleys was engaged in flanking the Enemy
round the works and was of great use there ; the
rest of the Galleys and floating batteries were at
1 Log of the Pearl.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 245
Billingsport some time before. The ships that came
was the Augusta, a new 64, the Roebuck, 44, two
Frigates, the Merlin, 18 guns, and one Galley of a
32-pounder, all of which we drove down, and in
going down the Augusta and Merlin ran aground
below our upper chevaux de f rise, which we dis
covered early in the morning of the 23d. I immedi
ately hoisted the signal to engage them and soon
after, the engagement became general. We had en
gaged our 12 galleys and the two floating batteries
and all behaved extremely well; the rest of our
Fleet could not be brought timely to act with us.
We had against us the Augusta of 64, who had
her broadside below and aloft constantly playing
on us, with the Roebuck and two Frigates and
their Galley ; and had the Roebuck laid fast, she
would have shared the same fate, but she was
drove from her station before the Augusta got on
fire." 1
After this repulse the British erected more power
ful batteries on the shore opposite Fort Mifflin and
mounted on them heavy guns from the fleet. A
second attack was made November 10. On the 15th
the fleet came up for a general assault, and the
armed ship Vigilant, mounting sixteen twenty-four-
pounders, was brought into the narrow western
channel within a hundred yards of Fort Mifflin.
This stronghold was nearly destroyed by the tre
mendous bombardment that now followed, and dur-
1 Sparks MSS., 1, 108, 109 (October 29, 1777).
246 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
ing the night was evacuated by the garrison, who
passed over to Fort Mercer at Redbank. Commo
dore Hazelwood and his officers were criticized for
inefficient naval support given to Fort Mifflin. Lack
of cordial cooperation between the Continental and
Pennsylvania forces and between army and navy
was doubtless the cause. A few days later Fort
Mercer was also evacuated. The American fleet was
now left entirely without protection. Several of the
galleys and smaller vessels of the Pennsylvania navy
ran by the city in the night and escaped up the
river. All the others were destroyed to prevent
their falling into the hands of the enemy, who now
completely controlled the bay. 1
In December, David Bushnell made an unsuc
cessful attempt to destroy some of the British fleet
in the Delaware by means of floating torpedoes. In
his account of the affair Bushnell says : " I fixed
several kegs under water, charged with powder to
explode upon touching anything, as they floated
along with the tide. I set them afloat in the Dela
ware, above the English shipping at Philadelphia,
1 Dawson, ch. xxix, xxx ; ClarJc, i, 55-60 ; Bradford, chs. xxv,
xxviii-xxxvii ; Almon, v, 426-430, 499-503 ; Annual Register, xx
(1777), 133, 134, 137-139 ; Penn. Archives, II, i ; Mag. Amer. Hist.
March, 1878 ; United Service, September, 1890 ; Penn. Mag. Hist.
andBiogr., April, 1887, April, 1902; Brit. Adm. Bee., Captains
Logs, Nos. 157, 293, 548, 675, 906, 931, 1100 (logs of the Camilla,
Eagle, Liverpool, Pearl, Somerset, Strombolo, and Zebra), Masters 1
Logs, No. 1633 (log of the Camilla) ; Pickering MSS., v, 60. In
Narr. and Crit. Hist., vi, ch. v, and in Bradford, are interesting
maps.
Kfl
i>.
JOHN HAZELWOOD
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 247
in December 1777. I was unacquainted with the
river and obliged to depend upon a gentleman very
imperfectly acquainted with that part of it, as I after
wards found. We went as near the shipping as we
durst venture ; I believe the darkness of the night
greatly deceived him, as it did me. We set them
adrift to fall with the ebb upon the shipping. Had
we been within sixty rods I believe they must have
fallen in with them immediately, as I designed ; but
as I afterwards found, they were set adrift much
too far distant and did not arrive until after being
detained some time by the frost. They advanced in
the daytime in a dispersed situation and under great
disadvantages. One of them blew up a boat with
several persons in it, who imprudently handled it
too freely and thus gave the British that alarm
which brought on the battle of the Kegs." l It was
said that the British were apprehensive of further
attempts of the same kind.
The Continental sloop Providence, Captain Rath-
burne, which had returned to New Bedford in
August, set sail again in November and cruised off
the coast of South Carolina. On a bright moonlight
night a sail was seen and " in a few minutes," says
Lieutenant Trevett, " she run under our lee quarter,
gave us a broadside without any courtesy and run
ahead of us. Capt. Rathbone ordered the boatswain
to call all hands to quarters as still as he could and
1 Amer. Philosophical Transactions, iv, 303, quoted in Clark, i,
71. See Barry, 60.
248 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
not use his call. The Privateer, as she proved to be,
bore away and coming up again was soon alongside ;
we were all ready for them and as soon as they made
the first flash, we gave them a yankee welcome with
a handsome broadside. They up helm and ran to the
eastward and not having a man hurt of any conse
quence, we made sail after them." The chase
showed a lantern and " we knew by their throwing
out that signal that there was an enemy not far off
and we fired no more cannon at her, but we continued
the chase and found we gained on her every hour.
Day appeared and the look-out man reported a large
ship under the land. . . . About sunrise we neared
the Privateer so much that the Lieut, from the round
house fired several times at us." His fire was re
turned, "as he made a fine mark to be shot at,
standing on the round house. We had not fired
more than three shot before we saw him fall and
instantly the Privateer got in the wind, and we were
alongside of her in a few minutes, when we boarded
her and found it was her Lieutenant we had shot
and he fell on the man steering at the wheel. . . .
He had a handsome brace of pistols at his side when
he laid dead on deck. We found five men badly
wounded on board ; our shot went into one quarter
and out through the other and she was badly
shattered. The ship we saw to windward was a
frigate and the officers of the privateer we captured
were on board of her the day before and were to
meet her next day off Charleston Bar. We got
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 249
so far to the eastward that we stood for George
town." l There the Providence remained until Jan
uary.
Almost interminable delay seems to have been
the universal experience in fitting out American
men-of-war and enlisting their crews ; and the Ran
ger at Portsmouth was no exception. Captain Jones
frequently reported his ship in most respects ready
for sea, but he says that with all his industry he
could not get a single suit of sails completed until
the 20th of October. He had perhaps less than the
usual difficulty in enlisting men, and speaks of them
as " an orderly and well disciplined crew ... of
one hundred and forty odd." 2 He finally set sail
for France November 1. On the voyage he took
two prizes which he sent into Nantes and arrived
there himself December 2. In his report to the Ma
rine Committee he says : " I found the Ranger very
Crank, owing to the improper quality of her Bal
last and to her being rather over Masted, to rem
edy which I purpose to shorten her lower Masts
and Ballast with lead." Her sailing "falls short
of the general expectation for the Above reasons
and on account of the foulness of her Bottom, which,
except a partial cleaning in July, hath not been
seen since she came off the Stocks." 3 Jones com-
1 E. L Hist. Mag., April, 1886.
2 Jones MSS., to Morris, October 30, 1777. For a list of the crew,
see Bemick, 211.
3 Pap. Cont. Congr., 58, 137 (Jones to Marine 4 Committee, Decem
ber 10, 1777).
250 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
inunicated at once with the American Commis
sioners, Franklin, Deane, and Lee, and forwarded
the dispatches of the Secret Committee of Con
gress. 1
In 1777, Congress, through its Committee of
Foreign Affairs, had begun to interest itself in the
question of extending the activities of the navy into
distant seas. The hopelessness of coping with the
British navy was becoming more apparent, and
visions of the wealth that might be secured from
unprotected commerce appealed to the imagination.
In December, 1777, the Committee of Foreign Af
fairs suggested to the American Commissioners in
Paris that they send some of the Continental frig
ates from France to the Indian Ocean, with the
hope of intercepting England s China trade. This
project was considered impracticable by the Com
missioners, who had, however, already advised and
continued to urge an attack upon the British whale
fishery off the coast of Brazil and in the Arctic
Ocean. The whaling fleet was not only unprotected,
but was manned by Americans, chiefly prisoners
who had been given the choice of serving on these
ships or on men-of-war. Notwithstanding these and
other schemes, it does not appear that either public
or private ships of war during the Revolution, with
1 Sands, 70, 71; Jones MS8., August 17, 24, October 30, 1777,
letters to Morris and Hewes ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 58, 133, 137,
(December 5, 10, 1777, Jones to American Commissioners and to
Marine Committee).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1777 251
perhaps one or two unimportant exceptions, ever
cruised farther from home than the West Indies
and the coast of Europe. 1
i Wharton, ii, 325, 440, 673, 818, iii, 385 ; Archives de la Marine,
B 1 87, 269.
CHAPTER VIII
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777
FROM the beginning of the Revolution the eyes of
America and of France were directed towards one
another across the sea. With instructions dated
March 3, 1776, Silas Deane was sent to France,
where he was to seek an audience of the Comte de
Vergennes, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
and attempt to obtain military supplies for the
American army, to be paid for by Congress. 1 In
the very same month Vergennes reminded Louis
XVI and his ministers of the advantages which
France might derive from the quarrel between Eng
land and her colonies, and suggested the expediency
of encouraging the Americans even to the extent
of advancing secret loans of money and supplies.
This advice on the part of Vergennes was prompted
by the report of a secret agent who had been sent
to America in 1775. A paper addressed to the King
by Caron de Beaumarchais, an enthusiast in the
American cause, also greatly influenced French pol
icy at this time. While this policy was plainly dic
tated by antipathy towards England and fear of her
growing power, it is nevertheless true that there was
1 Wharton, ii, 78.
5 Longitude West from Greenwich Longitude East from Greenwich
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 253
in France, more or less widespread, a warm sympa
thy with the cause of American freedom. 1
The aid advanced to the Continental Congress
by the French government was sent through Beau-
marchais, and to make the transactions still more
secret a fictitious mercantile house, under the name
of Hortalez and Company, was reputed to carry on
the business. In the summer of 1776 Beaumarchais
received from the French government a million
francs and another million from Spain, to be em
ployed in aid of the Americans. Ships were pur
chased or chartered for the transportation of mil
itary stores. Some of these vessels sailed directly
for the United States and others to the West Indies,
where their cargoes were discharged and exchanged
for American produce, which was taken back to
France. Martinique and St. Eustatius were the
principal depots for this exchange in the West In
dies. The chief staple in this traffic was tobacco,
brought to the islands in Continental vessels which
returned to the United States with the warlike
supplies. A number of French officers also took
passage in these ships, to volunteer in the American
service. Some of the vessels were ready to sail in
December, 1776, but were delayed by unforeseen
obstacles. Of several ships that sailed early in 1777
the Amphitrite was perhaps the first and arrived at
1 Wharton, i, ch. iv ; Narr. and Crit. Hist., vii, ch. i ; Doniol s
Participation de la France, i, chs. vii, viii ; Hart s American Na
tion, ix, ch. xii.
254 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Portsmouth in April with a valuable cargo and sev
eral officers. Nearly all these vessels seem to have
crossed the ocean safely, but one of the earlier ones
was captured by the British on her return voyage.
First and last, large amounts of clothing, artillery,
including field pieces from the royal arsenals of
France, and other stores of all kinds found their
way to America through the medium of Hortalez
and Company. 1
Silas Deane arrived in Paris in June, 1776, and
was well received by Vergennes. He was the sole
American agent in France until Arthur Lee came
over from England in December, closely followed
by Franklin, who arrived in the Reprisal from
America. These three had been appointed by Con
gress commissioners for the supervision and advance
ment of American interests in Europe. They were
instructed to purchase or hire eight line of battle
ships of seventy-four and sixty-four guns; also a
frigate and two cutters. 2
About the 1st of October, 1776, the letter of
marque schooner Hawke, Captain John Lee, of
Newburyport, arrived at Bilbao in Spain, having
captured five English vessels which she sent back
to America, keeping some of the prisoners. These
persons entered a protest through the British con
sul at Bilbao. Captain Lee was accused of piracy
1 Wharton, i, 369, 370, 442, 454, ii, 148, 171, 262, 276, 328 ; Ste-
vens s Facsimiles, 152, 240, 263, 1445, 1552, 1559, 1752 ; London
Chronicle, July 17, 1777 ; Channing, iii, 283, 284, 405-408.
2 Jour. Cont. Congr., October 3, 22, 1776; Wharton, ii, 176, 177.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 255
and with his vessel and crew was detained in port.
Deane having made application in his behalf to
Vergennes, the French government interceded with
Spain with the result that the Hawke was released. *
In November, 1776, a French vessel arrived at
Alicante in Spain and reported having met, off the
Rock of Lisbon, "a North American armed vessel
which forcibly put on board of her 11 Sailors, part
of crews belonging to two English vessels, which
she had seized on 12th Nov. about 25 Leagues W.
of said Rock. This Pirate is a sloop called the Union,
belong [ing] to Cape Ann, of 10 Carriage Guns, 8
Swivels & 40 Men. Comd. by Isaac Soams, she
had capt. 3 other ships, of which 2 sent to Cape
Ann, another in ballast let go." 2
The commercial house of Joseph Gardoqui and
Sons of Bilbao had long had business connections
in the American colonies, and during the war the
Revolutionists had a firm friend in Diego Gardoqui,
the head of the house, who at the same time had
influence with the Spanish court. His aid was ap
parent in obtaining loans from Spain and even more
so in extending a helping hand to American ships
of war and privateers cruising in European waters.
He secured their friendly reception and the disposal
of their prizes in Bilbao and other Spanish ports,
generally with success during the earlier years of
1 Annual Register, xix (1776), 261 ; Wharton, ii, 174, 175, 195,
208, 379 ; Stevens, 587, 589, 590.
2 Brit. Adm. Rec., Consuls Letters, No. 3837 (November 26, 1776).
256 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
the war at least, in spite of the strenuous protests
of the British ambassador at Madrid. His services
were especially important and valuable at a time
when the Americans most needed friends in Eu
rope, that is before the French alliance. No doubt
he took an interest and, though keeping himself in
the background, an active part in procuring the re
lease of the privateer Hawke, detained at Bilbao. 1
The Reprisal, Captain "Wickes, was the first ves
sel of the Continental navy to arrive in European
waters, although probably several privateers besides
the Hawke and Union had preceded her. The prizes
taken by the Reprisal on the passage over and
brought into Nantes were probably the first Amer
ican captures sent into French ports. The Commit
tee of Secret Correspondence had written to the
American Commissioners in Paris : " We desire
you to make immediate application to the court of
France to grant the protection of their ports to
American men-of-war and their prizes. Show them
that British men-of-war, under sanction of an act of
Parliament, are daily capturing American ships and
cargoes; show them the resolves of Congress for
making reprisals on British and West India pro
perty, and that our continental men-of-war and
numerous private ships of war are most successfully
employed in executing these resolutions of the Con
gress ; show them the justice and equity of this pro-
1 Wharton, i, 442, ii, 292, 308, 315, 405, 424, 533 ; ChanningA
283, 284.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 257
ceeding and surely they can not, they will not re
fuse the protection of their ports to American ships
of war, privateers and prizes." They were also, if
possible, "to obtain leave to make sale of those
prizes and their cargoes." If successful in these
applications, they were to "appoint some person to
act as judge of the admiralty, who should give the
bond prescribed for those judges, to determine in
all cases agreeable to the rules and regulations of .
Congress." 1
The arrival at Nantes of these first American
prizes brought forth from Lord Stormont, the
British ambassador, a vehement protest. In an inter
view with Vergennes, December 17, 1776, Stor
mont said he expected that the Reprisal s prizes
would " be immediately restored to their owners ;
. . . that it was a clear and indisputable Princi
ple [of the law of nations] that no Prize can be a
lawful one that is not made by a ship who has
either a Commission or Lettre de Marque from
some sovereign Power." Vergennes replied that
France must be cautious about exposing her trade
to the resentment of the Americans, but that
treaties with England would be observed. The
Treaty of Utrecht, concluded between France and
England in 1713, expressly closed the ports of
either power to the enemies of the other. Stormont
said that England might have to issue letters of
marque, because it was " next to impossible for our
1 Wkarton, ii, 179.
258 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Frigates alone to get the better of the numberless
small American vessels with which the seas swarmed
and which greatly distressed our Trade. [He]
added that the Difficulty was considerably encreased
by France and Spain receiving these Armateurs
into their Ports, which was a step . . . never ex
pected, as it was the General Interest of all civilized
Nations to give no Refuge or Assistance to Pirates." l
On a later occasion Vergennes asked if such let
ters of marque would be authorized to search neu
trals, as to which Stormont was without the infor
mation necessary for a definite answer. Vergennes
was apprehensive of results that might follow
to French Commerce, especially the shipment
of supplies to America, from the inquisitorial zeal
of British privateers. A number of British agents
were employed in France to collect intelligence for
their government, and through them Stormont was
kept advised of much that was going on. The trans
actions of Hortalez and Company were known to
him, and the connection of the French government
with that establishment was doubtless surmised.
The delay in shipping stores to America was chiefly
due to the ambassador s protests and to efforts to
elude his vigilance. In reply to his complaints,
January 28, 1777, about the sailing of the Amphi-
trite and other French vessels for America, Ver
gennes professed complete ignorance and promised
to bring the matter to the attention of the King and
1 Stevens, 1392 (Stormont to Weymouth, December 18, 1776).
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 259
his Prime Minister, the Comte de Maurepas. Soon
after this Maurepas declared to Stormont that,
while he had heard that some French merchants
were intending to send cloth to San Domingo which
Americans might perhaps purchase there, he did
not believe any military stores were being shipped.
It was impossible, he said, to prevent private trade,
but an inquiry into the alleged transactions had
been ordered. 1
As soon as she could refit, after her arrival in
France, the Reprisal sailed on a cruise in the Bay
of Biscay and returned to L Orient in February.
On the 14th, Wickes reported to the commissioners :
" This will inform you of my safe arrival after a
tolerable successful cruise, having captured 3 sail
of Brigs, one snow and one ship. The Snow is a
Falmouth Packet bound from thence to Lisbon.
She is mounted with 16 guns and had near 50 men
on board. She engaged near an hour before she
struck. I had one man killed. My first Lieut, had
his left arm shot off above the elbow and the Lieut,
of Marines had a musquet ball lodged in his wrist.
They had several men wounded, but none killed.
. . . Three of our prizes are arrived and I expect
the other two in to-morrow." 2 In due time Stormont
was informed of these proceedings and, February
25, he called upon Vergennes, intending to demand
1 Stevens, 1418, 1427 (Stormont to Weymouth, January 29,
February 5, 1777) ; Proc. U. S. Naval Institute, xxxvii (Septem
ber, 1911), 937, 938.
2 Hale s Franklin in France, i, 114.
260 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
" the Delivery of these Ships with their Crews,
Cargoes, &c. " ; but the French minister said
" that immediately upon the Receipt of this News,
a Resolution was taken to order the American
Ship and her Prizes instantly to put to Sea and
that orders were given in Consequence," and
added that these directions had probably already
been carried out. Vergennes also said that instruc
tions had been issued " not to suffer any American
Vessel to cruise near the Coast of France." 1 On
March 4, Stormont complained that the Reprisal was
still at L Orient and that two of the prizes had been
sold. Vergennes doubted the sale of these vessels
and declared that the Reprisal had been ordered
to sail immediately, although Captain Wickes had
asked to be allowed to make necessary repairs first. 2
Two weeks later Stormont sent a memorandum to
Vergennes setting forth that the orders of the
French government had been disregarded, that the
Reprisal was still at L Orient, careened and under
going repairs, and that all five of the prizes had
been sold and must have been sold with the know
ledge and consent of the French commissary at
L Orient. The immediate departure of the Reprisal
and the restoration of the prizes, which had all been
sold to Frenchmen, was demanded. 3 Vergennes
admitted that if these prizes, sailing under French
1 Stevens, 1438 (Stormont to Weymouth, February 26, 1777).
2 Ibid., 1442 (March 5, 1777).
3 Ibid., 1483 (Stormont to Vergennes, March 18, 1777).
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 261
colors and manned by French crews, should fall
in with British cruisers, they might rightfully be
taken. " Property cannot be altered by such sales ;
you would restore us the sailors." l Through M. de
Sartine, the Minister of Marine, an investigation of
the affair was made, but no satisfactory explanation
of the condemnation and sale of the prizes could be
furnished. 2 Meanwhile the American Commission
ers had at the outset disclaimed responsibility.
February 20 they wrote: "We have ordered no
Prizes into the Ports of France, nor do we know of
any that have entered for any other purpose than
to provide themselves with necessaries, untill they
could sail for America or some Port in Europe for
a Market. . . . The Reprisal had orders to cruise
in the open Sea and by no means near the Coast of
France." If she "has taken a Station offensive to
the Commerce of France, it is without our Orders
or Knowledge and we shall advise the Captain of
his Error." They had been informed, they said,
that the cruise had been on the coast of Spain and
Portugal. 3 In April they wrote to the Committee
of Secret Correspondence of Congress that bring
ing the prizes " into France has given some trouble
and uneasiness to the court and must not be too
frequently practiced." 4
1 Stevens, 1484 (Stormont to Weymouth, March 19, 1777).
3 Ibid., 1536 (Sartine to Vergennes, May 22, 1777).
8 Ibid., 644.
* Wharton, ii, 287. See Wickes s letters in Hole, i, 115, 119,
120.
262 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
An early move in the direction of American ex
pansion and the acquisition of territory beyond the
seas was taken by the commissioners in Paris when
in January, 1777, the following warrant was issued
by them to the Baron de Kullecourt : " We the un
dersigned Commissioners Plenipotentiary of the
United tates pf North America do in their Name
& by their Authority take you into the Service of
the sd States as Chief of a Corps which you are to
raise & Command agreeable to the Plan by you de
livered, respecting the Islands of the Zaffarines,
understood to be disowned & deserted." The Zaf
farines were off the coast of Morocco. Rullecourt
was authorized to fortify and defend the islands
and to raise the American flag and fight under it.
He and his officers were to be naturalized as Amer
ican citizens. To defeat this scheme it was proposed
to the British government to induce Morocco to
seize the islands, when Spain would probably inter
fere and they would be occupied by one or the other
power. Apparently the enterprise was soon aban
doned. 1
Among the seafaring men who found their way
from America to Europe during the Revolution and
entered the service of the commissioners was Sam
uel Nicholson, a brother of Captain James Nichol
son. He received the commission of lieutenant in
the Continental navy, and later that of captain.
1 Stevens, 4 (warrant), 54, 144 (P. Wentworth to Earl of Suf
folk, March, 3, 5, 1777), 651 (map).
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 263
Nicholson was directed by Franklin, January 26,
1777, " to proceed to Boulogne and there purchase,
on as good terms as possible, a cutter suitable for
the purpose of being sent to America. . . . Should
you miss of one at Boulogne, proceed to Calais and
pursue the same directions. If you fail there, pass
to Dover or Deal and employ a person there to make
the purchase." l In pursuance of these instructions
Nicholson got to England before meeting with suc
cess. Being in London he wrote to Captain Joseph
Hynson, February 9, 1777 : "I came to town 12
OClock last Night, my Business are of such a na
ture wont bare puttg to Paper. Shall say nothing
more, but expect to see you Immediately. I shall
leave Town early the Morrow Morning, therefore
begg You will not loose A Minutes time in Coming
here, as I have business of Importance for you,
wch must be transacted this Day." 2 A week later
Nicholson and Hynson were in Dover together and
there evidently purchased a cutter, which was called
the Dolphin and was to be used as a packet. Feb
ruary 17, Nicholson sailed her over to Calais. Hyn-
son still remained in Dover, but went over to France
a few days later, apparently in a sloop which sailed
the 22d. Lord North was promptly advised by
one of his agents of the presence in England of
these two Americans. Hynson was a brother-in-law
of Captain Wickes, and was employed by Silas
Deane in the mercantile affairs of the commission-
1 Wharton, ii, 254. 2 Stevens, 9.
264 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
era. His zeal for the American cause was unques
tioned, but all the while he was secretly in the ser
vice of the British government. Lieutenant-Colonel
Smith, an Englishman, was intimate with Hynson
and drew much information from him, which from
time to time he forwarded to London. A number
of agents were employed who watched the move
ments of Wickes, Nicholson, and other captains, as
well as of the American Commissioners in Paris,
and reported the doings of Hortalez and Company,
the arrival of American vessels, and other items of
news. The Massachusetts state cruisers Freedom
and Massachusetts, which arrived in the spring of
177 7, l were kept under observation, but as they
had sent their prizes back to America, they did not
so much disturb the Englishmen in France. 2
William Hodge, a Philadelphia merchant who
had come to France by way of Martinique with dis
patches from Congress, was employed by the com
missioners in the purchase of vessels for the naval
service. On this errand he proceeded to Dunkirk,
where in April a lugger was bought which was
called the Surprise. 3 Meanwhile Gustavus Conyng-
ham, an American mariner of Irish birth, who had
1 See above, pp. 234, 235.
2 Stevens, 12, 13, 23, 26, 28, 37, 147, 154, 168, 248, 670; Hale,
i, 112, 113, 118.
8 Wharton, ii, 162, 181, 261, 283, 287, 380. Deane says the Sur
prise was bought in Dover; Conyngham says in Dunkirk. An ac
count in Nav. Jnsf., xxxvii, 938, based on the archives at Dun
kirk, differs slightly but not essentially from the above.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 265
been sent out from Philadelphia to procure military
supplies, had come to Dunkirk from Holland, hav
ing also visited London. He seems to have been
recommended to the commissioners by Hodge as
a capable man to take command of the Surprise.
They accordingly filled out for him one of the blank
commissions they had received for that purpose,
signed by the President of Congress and dated
March 1, 1777. The Surprise was fitted out, armed
with ten guns, and got to sea about the 1st of May.
In a few days she returned to Dunkirk with two
prizes, one of them an English mail packet from
Harwich. The British ambassador saw Vergennes
and Maurepas, May 8, and they were obliged to
yield to his demands. The Surprise was seized, her
captain and most of his crew were put in prison,
and the prizes released. Conyngham s commission
was sent to Versailles and was not returned to
him; it was alleged that the French ministry en
deavored to persuade the American Commissioners
to repudiate this document. Apparently the French
were willing in this way to sacrifice Conyngham s
good name in aid of their policy, which was to avoid
a rupture with England until the time was ripe for
it. However, they refused to deliver him in person
to his enemies. Stormont recorded with satisfac
tion : " The Success of my application with regard
to the Dunkirk Pirate has been highly displeasing
to Franklin and Deane. They made strong Remon
strances, but were given to understand that there
266 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
are some things too glaring to be winked at." 1
Vergennes wrote to the Marquis de Noailles, the
French ambassador at London, that Conyngham s
prizes had been restored to the British, not " for
love of them, but only to do homage to the prin
ciples of justice and equity " ; and that gratitude on
the part of England was not to be expected. 2 It
was not long before the American Commissioners
procured an order for the release of Conyngham and
his crew, but so far as concerned the latter it was
not at once executed for fear that the crew would
disperse, and they were needed to man a cutter
which Hodge had purchased at Dunkirk. This ves
sel was named the Revenge and carried fourteen
guns. Meanwhile Stormont continued to complain
that both in France and in the French West In
dies vessels were fitted out and manned with French
sailors under American captains, given American
commissions, and then cruised against British com
merce. If boarded by a British man-of-war, the
crews would all talk French and show French pa
pers and nothing could be proved against them.
Vergennes promised to have these abuses corrected,
and Sartine, the Minister of Marine, issued orders
to prevent the fitting-out of vessels with American
commissions in the French West Indies. Vergennes
thought Stormont showed want of consideration in
keeping spies in French ports. 3
1 Stevens, 1533 (to Weymouth, May 14, 1777).
2 Ibid., 1546 (June 7, 1777).
8 Ibid., 159, 245, 690, 1529, 1530, 1531, 1543, 1548, 1551, 1552,
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 267
The Continental brig Lexington, Captain Henry
Johnson, sailed from Baltimore, February 27, 1777,
and arrived in France early in April. Johnson had
been captured the year before in the privateer
Yankee l and had escaped from a prison ship. Upon
his return to America he had been given a Conti
nental commission. The American Commissioners in
Paris now planned to send the Reprisal, Lexington,
and Dolphin on a cruise along the shores of the
British Isles. George Lupton, one of the English
men in France engaged in watching the course of
events, wrote May 13 to William Eden of the for
eign office in London : " I have at last with some
certainty discovered the intended voyage of Nichol
son, Weakes & Johnson ; they have all sail d from
Nantes and mean if possiable to intercept some of
your transports with foreign troops, but in what
place or latitude cannot say." 2 It is probable that
the squadron did not sail quite as early as this. The
orders for the cruise issued by Wickes, who was
senior officer, to Johnson and Nicholson were dated
May 23. The ships were not to separate " unless we
should be Chased by a Vessel of Superior Force &
it should be Necessary so to do for our own preser
vation." In such an event " you may continue your
Cruize through the Irish Channel or to the North
West of Ireland, as you may Judge Safest and best,
1553, 1555 ; Nav. Inst., xxxvii, 938-941 ; Almon, v, 143, 146, 176;
Williams, 200, 201 ; Perm. Mag. Hist, and Biog., January, 1899;
Outlook, January 3, 1903.
1 See above, p. 152. 2 Stevens, 158.
268 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
untill you Arrive off the Isles Orkney and there
Cruize 5 or 6 Days for the Fleet to Come up & join
you. If they do not appear in that time You may
make the best of your Way back for Bilboa or St
Sebastian & there Refit as fast as possible for An
other Cruize, informing the Honourable Commis
sioners of your Safe Arrival and the Success of
your Cruize." Prizes were to be sent into Spanish
or French ports, all the prisoners having been taken
out. " The Prize Master must not Report or Enter
her as Prize, but as An American Vessel from a
port that will be most likely to gain Credit accord
ing to the Cargo she may have on board. . . . Be
Very Attentive to your Signals and if you should
be taken, you must take Care to Distroy them. . . .
Take care to have all the Prisoners properly Se
cured, to prevent their Rising & taking your Ves
sel, & if you meet a Dutch, French, Dean, Sweed,
or Spainish Vessel, when you have a Number of
Prisoners on board, I think it would do well to put
them on board any of those Vessels, giving as much
provision and Water as will serve them into Port.
If any of your prizes should be Chased or in danger,
they may Run into the first or most Convenient
Port they Can reach in France or Spain, prefering
Bilboa, St Sebastians, L Orient, or Nantz. ... If
you take a prize that you think worth Sending to
America, you may dispatch her for Some of the
Northern Ports in the Massechusets States." l
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 41, 7, 145.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 269
The squadron cruised a month, and while they
missed the linen ships which they had hoped to
capture, several prizes were made in the Irish Sea,
and the Dolphin took a Scotch armed brig after a
half-hour s engagement. Upon his return to France
Wickes wrote to the Commissioners from St. Malo,
June 28, informing them of his " safe arrival at
this port yesterday, in company with Capt. Samuel
Nicholson of the sloop Dolphin. We parted from
Capt. Johnson the day before yesterday, a little to
the east of Ushant. Now for the History of our
late cruise. We sailed in company with Captains
Johnson and Nicholson from St Nazaire May 28th,
1777. The 30th fell in with The Fudrion [Fou-
droyant, 84,] about 40 leagues to the west of Bell-
isle, who chased us, fired several guns at the
Lexington, but we got clear of her very soon and
pursued our course to the No West in order to pro
ceed round into the North Sea." The squadron
fell in with several French, Portuguese, and Dutch
vessels, and on the 19th of June, off the north of
Ireland, they took their first prizes two brigs
and two sloops. During the following week they
cruised in the Irish Sea and made fourteen addi
tional captures, comprising two ships, seven brigs,
and five other vessels. Of these eighteen prizes
eight were sent into port, three were released, and
seven were sunk, three of them within sight of the
enemy s ports. June 27 " at 6 a. m. saw a large
ship off Ushant; stood for her at 10 a. m. [and]
270 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
discovered her to be a large ship of war standing
for us; bore away and made sail from her. She
chased us till 9 p. m. and continued firing at us
from 4 till 6 at night; she was almost within
musket shot and we escaped by heaving our guns
overboard and lightening the ship. They pay very
little regard to the laws of neutrality, as they
chased me and fired as long as they dared stand in,
for fear of running ashore." l One of the prizes,
taken in the Irish Sea and released, had been sent
into Whitehaven full of prisoners, including a
hundred and ten seamen besides a number of women
and children. During the exciting chase described by
Wickes the Dolphin sprung her mast, but also got
safely into St. Malo, and the Lexington into Mor-
laix. Lupton wrote to Eden, July 9 : " These three
fellows have three of the fastest Sailing Vessell in
the employ of the Colonies and its impossiable to
take them unless it Blows hard." 2 The squadron
required refitting and the Reprisal a new battery. 3
An earlier visit of American cruisers to the coast
of Ireland was reported in a letter from Galway :
" Two American privateers [the Rover and Mont
gomery], mounting 14 guns each and as many
swivels, put in here to procure some fresh provi
sions and water. On being supplied with such
necessaries as they wanted, for which they paid in
1 Hale, i, 122. 2 Stevens, 179.
8 Hale, i, 120-124; Almon, v, 174, 175; Wharton, ii, 379, 380;
Boston Gazette, October 6, 1777; Stevens, 61, 154, 175, 178, 680,
703, 1437, 1521, 1539.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 271
dollars, they weighed anchor and sailed, after be
ing in the bay only 24 hours. During the short
time the Captains were on shore they behaved with
the greatest politeness. . . . The crews that caine
on shore with them were dressed in blue uniforms
with cockades and made a genteel appearance, but
were all armed wi^h pistols, &c. They had been out
from Philadelphia ten weeks and had taken only
four prizes, which they had sent to America." 1
Another letter, from Kinsale, says : " Two fishing-
boats, who came in here yesterday, brought on
shore the crew of a ship taken by an American
privateer off Bristol Channel. The privateer made
a signal to the fishing boats, which they thought
signified their want of a pilot . . . and accord
ingly went on board them, having sent the vessel
the day before for France. The privateers people
behaved very well to the fishermen, paid them for
what fish they took, and the Captain gave them a
cask of brandy for their trouble in coming on board.
She was called the Resolution, mounted fourteen
guns and had one hundred and ten men when she
left New England, but at that time not above
eighty, on account of the number they had put on
board their prizes, having taken five already." 2
The presence of American armed vessels in Brit
ish waters caused apprehension among the English.
1 Boston Gazette, June 2, 1777 ; London Chronicle, March 29,
1777.
,v, 174.
272 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
In April, while Wickes s squadron was fitting out,
Stormont had information, which he believed reli
able, that eight or ten French ships under American
commanders were preparing for descent upon Great
Britain and that Glasgow was likely to be attacked. 1
" It is true," says a contemporary chronicler, " that
the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland were in
sulted by the American privateers in a manner
which our hardiest enemies had never ventured in
our most arduous contentions with foreigners. Thus
were the inmost and most domestic recesses of our
trade rendered insecure, and a convoy for the pro
tection of the linen ships from Dublin and Newry
was now for the first time seen. The Thames also
presented the unusual and melancholy spectacle of
numbers of foreign ships, particularly French, tak
ing in cargoes of English commodities for various
parts of Europe, the property of our own merchants,
who were thus seduced to seek that protection, under
the colours of other nations, which the British flag
used to afford to all the world." 2 Insurance rose
very high, which of course was one inducement for
English merchants to ship their goods in foreign
bottoms. In July, 1777, the British Admiralty
stationed four ships in the Irish Sea for the pro
tection of the coasts of England and Ireland. 3
The British ambassador in France was fully in-
1 Stevens, 1519. 2 Annual Register, xxi (1778), 36.
3 Wharton, ii, 168, 254, 391 ; Williams, 209. For rate of in
surance, see Channing, iii, 389, note.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 273
formed of the purchase and fitting-out of the
Revenge at Dunkirk and made strenuous efforts to
have the proceeding stopped. It was necessary,
therefore, to use circumspection in managing the
affair, and this Hodge did by making a fictitious
sale of the vessel to an Englishman, who guaranteed
that she would go to Norway on a trading voyage.
Nevertheless Captain Conyngham and his crew of a
hundred and six men, including sixty-six French,
and, according to English report, " composed of all
the most desperate fellows wjbdch could be procured
in so blessed a port as Dunkirk," 1 were put on
board. The Revenge then hastily put to sea, before
she could be detained .in port or stopped off the
harbor by an English captain who had threatened
to seize and burn her. Conyngham had been given
a new commission, dated May 2, 1777, and instruc
tions " not to attack, but if attacked, at Liberty to
retaliate in every manner in our power Burn,
Sink & destroy the Enemy." The Revenge sailed
July 16, and the next day, the captain says, was
" attackd, fired on, chased by several british f rigatts,
sloops of War & Cutters." 2 She escaped, however,
and made a cruise in the North Sea, Irish Sea, and
Atlantic, taking many prizes. One of these was re
captured by the British, who found on her a prize
crew of twenty-one, including sixteen Frenchmen.
1 Almon, v, 173.
2 Perm. Mag. Hist, and Biog., January, 1899, Conyngham s
narrative.
274 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Conyngham landed on the coast of Ireland for water
and sailed for the Bay of Biscay, putting into Ferrol.
From here and from Coruna he cruised successfully
the rest of the year, sending his prizes into Spanish
ports. 1
The cruises of the Reprisal, Lexington and
Dolphin, and of the Revenge, brought forth re
newed protests from Stormont and more or less lame
excuses and promises of increased vigilance from
Vergennes. The latter reproached the American
Commissioners for failure to keep their cruisers
away from French ports. They expressed concern
at the continued presence of these vessels in for
bidden waters, and explained that they had been
driven in by the enemy s men-of-war. Hodge was
arrested and thrown into the Bastile, where he was
confined several weeks. He was well treated, how
ever, and finally released at the solicitation of the
Commissioners. The Reprisal, Lexington, and Dol
phin were ordered to be sequestered and detained
until sufficient security could be obtained that they
would return directly to America. But in regard to
captures Vergennes was indisposed to yield too far,
and represented to the King that if he should con
sent " to compel the surrender, without examination,
of the prizes that American privateers may bring
into his ports, to the owners who may have been
1 Penn. Mag., January, 1899 ; Outlook, January 3, 1903 ; Nav.
Ins*., xxxvii, 941, 942 ; Stevens, 200, 274, 1556, 1560, 1569, 1575,
1582, 1589, 1593, 1594.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 275
despoiled of them, it will have the effect of declar
ing them and their countrymen to be pirates and
sea-robbers." 1 The account of England against
France was to a slight degree offset by the case of
an American sea captain in Cherbourg who was
enticed on board a British vessel in the harbor and
then seized and carried off a prisoner. 2
After being driven into port at the end of their
cruise around Ireland, Captains Wickes and John
son were employed several weeks in refitting their
damaged vessels, the Reprisal at St. Malo and the
Lexington at Morlaix. The Dolphin was converted
into a packet, for which service she had been pur
chased in the first place. Stormont s demands be
came too insistent to be longer evaded, and in July
the commissioners issued peremptory orders for the
Reprisal and Lexington to proceed directly to
America and to cruise no longer in European
waters. 3 In September the ships were ready for
sea. Wickes wished to make the voyage in company
with Johnson, but they did not meet, and each sailed
forth alone, marked out for disaster. The Reprisal,
homeward bound, was lost on the Banks of New
foundland and all on board, except the cook, it is
said, went down with her. Wickes was one of the
1 Stevens, 706 (August 23, 1777).
2 Ibid., 180, 701, 1562, 1574, 1578, 1588, 1591, 1594, 1596, 1597,
1646, 1654, 1694; Wharton, ii, 364, 365, 375, 377, 381, 406; Nav.
Inst., xxxvii, 942-947 ; Adams M88., William McCreery to Adams,
Nantes, September 29, 1777. See Almon, he, 201-241.
8 See Wickes s letters in Hale, i, 125-128.
276 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
best officers in the Continental navy and his loss
was irreparable. The Lexington, on September 19,
two days out of Morlaix, fell in with the British
ten-gun cutter Alert, Lieutenant Bazeley, who says
in his report : " I gave chace at five in the Morning
and came up with him at half past seven, had a
close Engagement till ten, when He bore up and
made Sail ; as soon as I got my Rigging to rights,
again gave Chace and came up with him at half
past one, renewed the Action till half past two,
when he Struck." l The Lexington lost seven killed
and eleven wounded ; the Alert, two killed and three
wounded, one of them mortally. According to the
log of the Alert, the Lexington carried fourteen
four-pounders, two sixes, twelve swivels, and eighty-
four men. The Alert carried ten four-pounders, ten
swivels, and sixty men. Apparently on the author
ity of Richard Dale, an officer on the Lexington, it
is said that she was short of ammunition, which
would account for her striking to an inferior force.
Several letters were captured on the Lexington,
but the most important papers, including dispatches
to Congress, were thrown overboard before the sur
render. A report, fortunately untrue, that Captain
Johnson had been killed in the action, added to the
depressing effect of the ship s loss upon Franklin
and other Americans in France. 2
2 Ibid., 181, 703, 1572, 1583, 1654, 1677, 1685, 1686, 1699, 1708 ;
Almon, v, 362 ; Brit. Adm. Rec., Captains Logs, No. 51 (log of
Alert); Boston Gazette, January 12, 1778 ; Port Folio, June 1814.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 277
Captain Hynson s service in the American cause
came to an end in the fall of 1777. During several
previous months various plans for sending him to
America with cargoes of stores and dispatches had
been made by Deane, and plots for intercepting
him and turning his employment to the advantage
of the British had been laid by Colonel Smith.
Hynson was to have sailed as a passenger in March,
and Smith made arrangements to have his vessel
captured soon after leaving port. Stormont feared
that Hynson was too much under Deane s influence
to be trusted. Owing to various circumstances the
different plans made during the spring and summer
fell through. In October, Deane sent to Hynson a
packet containing dispatches for Congress which
were to be conveyed to America by a vessel com
manded by Captain John Folger of Nantucket,
about to sail from Havre. Hynson delivered the
parcel to Folger as instructed, having first, however,
removed the dispatches, which were turned over to
British agents. In due time this transaction became
known to Deane, who expressed his opinion of it in
appropriate terms in a letter to Hynson. Upon his
arrival in America, Folger was suspected of the
theft, which was then first discovered, and he was
kept in prison about six months. Deane was suspected
by Arthur Lee, and this circumstance may have
served to protect Hynson. These intercepted let
ters, together with those captured on the Lexing
ton, gave the British a good deal of information
278 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
about the American Commissioners plans. Shortly
before this another vessel with dispatches from
Congress to the commissioners had narrowly escaped
capture and the dispatches had been thrown over
board. 1
The Continental sloop Independence, Captain
Young, arrived at L Orient late in September and
disposed of two prizes before the English had time
to interfere. She was followed shortly after by the
Rajeigb and Alfred. 2 The Randplph came in Decem
ber. These vessels do not seem to have cruised in
European waters, presumably on account of the
necessity, which the French government felt, of paci
fying England. Stormont protested against their
remaining in port, and they sailed for home early
in the following year. The Ranger also arrived in
December. 3 Captain Jones had hoped to be the
first to bear the glorious tidings of Burgoyne s sur
render, but he was forestalled by a special messen
ger in a swift packet. 4
American privateers were very active in foreign
waters during the year 1777, and displayed bold
ness and enterprise in pursuing the enemy close to
his own shores. They cruised all about the British
Isles, in the North Sea and the Bay of Biscay, and
in the West Indies. The British stationed men-of-
1 Steven*, 51, 52, 53, 64, 165, 166, 167, 181, 193, 203, 205, 208,
269, 472 ; Wharton, ii, 468 ; Lee MS8., October 7, 1777, January
5, 12, 17, April 18, 1778.
2 See above, p. 230. * See above, p. 249.
* Stevens, 204, 274, 1708, 1799, 1808 ; Wharton, ii, 428.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 279
war in the English Channel for the protection of
commerce. 1 The Americans were well rewarded for
their activity and sent in many a rich prize. Cap
tain Lee of Newburyport, who had been charged
with piracy at Bilbao the year before, 2 sent safely
into port a vessel which was said to be the most
valuable prize taken during the war up to that time. 3
On the other hand, the risks were great, and many
of these predatory American cruisers were captured
by the British. 4 The Republic, 24, was wrecked on
the Orkney Islands and all hands were lost. 6 Until
summer probably all the American privateers in
European seas came out from home with commis
sions. In December, 1776, the Committee of Secret
Correspondence had written to the commissioners in
Paris that " Congress approve of armed vessels being
fitted out by you on continental account, provided
the court of France dislike not the measure, and
blank commissions for this purpose will be sent you
by the next opportunity. Private ships of war or
privateers cannot be admitted where you are, be
cause the securities necessary in such cases to pre
vent irregular practices cannot be given by the
owners and commanders of such privateers." 6 But
1 Stevens, 47 ; Almon, v, 144. 2 See above, p. 254.
8 Boston Gazette, September 8, 1777.
4 Ibid., August 18, 1777; London Chronicle, April 12, 22, July
22, 26, 31, August 5, 1777 ; Almon, v, 168.
5 Boston Gazette, December 22, 1777; Continental Journal,
December 25, 1777.
6 Wharton, ii, 231.
280 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
by the following May the views of Congress in this
regard had undergone a change, and in response to
a request of Franklin and his associates, " commis
sions for fitting out privateers in France" were sent. 1
Every visit of an American armed vessel to a
port of France was brought to the attention of the
French government by the British ambassador. A
letter from Guernsey, June 5, says : " An Ameri
can privateer of twelve guns came into this road
yesterday morning, tacked about on the firing of
the guns from the Castle, and just off the Island
took a large brig bound for this port, which they
have since carried into Cherburgh. She had the
impudence to send her boat in the dusk of the
evening to a little island off here . . . and unluckily
carried off [two officers] who were shooting rab
bits for their diversion. Two gentlemen of conse
quence are gone to Cherburgh to demand them." 2
The prize, being ordered away on her arrival at
Cherbourg, was sold outside the harbor. 3 In July
the General Mifflin, a twenty-gun ship from Boston
commanded by Captain Daniel McNeill, sailed into
the harbor of Brest and saluted the French admiral.
After a consultation of the admiral with his officers,
this salute was returned and naturally became the
subject of complaint and international correspond
ence. 4 Vergennes wrote to Noailles, August 16, that
1 Wharton, ii, 249, 314. 2 Almon, v, 143.
8 Stevens, 1599.
* Almon, v, 203 ; Stevens, 1599 ; Wharton, ii, 381.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 281
the General Mifflin had been allowed to put into
Brest on account of a leak and that he had not heard
of the salute ; and he added that French cruisers
were employed in keeping " off all privateers from
our latitudes and ... we have at the mouth of
the Garonne a frigate whose only duty is to protect
there English commerce." 1 Stormont also com
plained of the General Mercer and Fanny, which
had brought two Jamaicamen into Nantes; these
prizes were afterwards given up for having been
falsely declared as American vessels. 2 The priva
teer Civil Usage took a French ship from England
with a Spanish cargo, for which the commissioners
apologized to the King of Spain, and in other in
stances, such as the seizure of a Dutch vessel, irri
tation was caused. 3 Consequently the commissioners
sent a circular letter, dated November 21, to the
captains of American armed vessels : " Complaints
having been brought to us of violences offered by
American vessels armed in neutral nations, in
seizing vessels belonging to their subjects and car
rying their flag and in taking those of the enemy
while they were under the protection of the coasts
of neutral countries, contrary to the usage and
custom of civilized nations ; these presents are to
request you not to commit any such violations con
trary to the right of nations, but to conform your-
1 Stevens, 1651.
2 Ibid., 1661, 1664, 1801 ; Wharton, ii, 381, 496.
8 Stevens, 1745; Wharton, ii, 429, 430, 431, 435; Lee MSS.,
Gardoqui to Lee, October 27, 1777.
XiL/"*
282 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
selves to the express powers in your commissions,
which is to limit yourselves to the capture of such
vessels at such times as they shall not be under the
protection of a port, river, or neutral coast, and con
fine yourselves only to seizing such ships as shall
have on board soldiers, ammunition, provisions,
or other contraband merchandizes destined for the
British armies and vessels employed against the
United States. In all other cases you will respect
the rights of neutrality as you would yourselves
expect protection, and treat all neutral vessels with
the greatest regard and friendship, for the honour
of your country and that of yourselves." 1
The privateer , brig Oliver Cromwell, Captain
William Cole, of Beverly, carried sixteen guns and
a hundred men and cruised in the Bay of Biscay.
August 4, 1777, and again on the 6th, she was
chased by a sixty-gun ship, and not only escaped,
but during the chase captured two brigs, one of
which " was formerly an American Privateer called
the Montgomery, mounting 18 Guns, taken & car
ried into Gibralter, Capt. Fibby Commander. She
had Several Laidys on Board boun to Lisbon, whom
we determined to take on Board us &, together with
all our other Prisoners, land them (as they were
effectionately desireous of it) on the British Shore.
But at 3 P.M. saw 2 Brigs which we bore away for,
and not knowing what they might prove to be, or
dered Capt. Gray to keep away from us on a west-
1 Almon, v, 509. See Appendix IV.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 283
ward Course. Out Oars (being a small Breeze) &
rowed towards them. They kept near each other &
hove too and formed in a Posture of Battle to re
ceive us. Every Thing being prepared for Battle,
we advanced; one of them gave several Sho[t],
which we took no Notice of till we came nigh enough
to give her 2 Broad Sides, She continuing her Fire.
By our well directed Fire She was compelled to
strike to us & earnestly beg of us to desist our Fire
on her. Our Capt. then ordered to bear away for
the other Brig, which orders were immediately com-
plyed with. We then charged the other with an in
cessant Fire for almost 3 Glasses. She returned our
Fire for some Time with Spirit, but being disan-
abled, wore off. The other which fell a Stern & not
withstanding she had fairly struck to us, yet seeing
her Partners Fire, she worried us with her Bow
Chacers, but did us no Damage. But now our Offi
cers began to think of the Man of War, which had
been in Chace all Day & was now reasonably ex
pected to be near up with us; therefore being dark,
they rightly judged it best to give over the Assault
for this Night, least falling in between three of them
we must be obliged to submit, & so altered our
Course." Two days later the Oliver Cromwell fell
in with a fleet of British transports convoyed by
three men-of-war. August 16 she took three prizes,
and a week later was at Bilbao, where she found
the Civil Usage and another American privateer.
The Cromwell returned to America by a southerly
284 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
route, and by the middle of October was not far
from the Canary Islands. On the 16th she saw a
sail which gave chase. "Discovered her to be a
Frigate. Now she began to fire at us ; many of her
Shot went over us. Several struck our Hull & Sails.
We hove our Guns overboard & stove some Water
& by that means got a little from her." The next
day, "the Man of War in Chace hard by. We
Rowed & kept at a Distance." October 18, " lost
sight of the Man of War." 1
The American Commissioners in Paris endeav
ored to carry out the instructions of Congress, which
called for ships of the line and other vessels to be
built, purchased, or hired in France, but met with
difficulties. The French government positively re
fused to sell or loan eight ships of the line, on the
ground that they could not be spared from their
navy, as the possibility of trouble with England
made any reduction of their defensive force inad
missible at that time. This was a great disappoint
ment, as it had been confidently believed that the
British blockade of the American coast could be
successfully broken by these heavy ships together
with the thirteen Continental frigates, all of which
it was hoped would soon be at sea. The project was
formed of procuring three ships in Sweden, of fifty
1 Essex Inst. Coll., July, 1909 ; Boston Gazette, December 15,
1777 ; London Chronicle, September 2, 1777. See further, for move
ments of American privateers in foreign waters, Boston Gazette,
October 6, 13, 1777 ; London Chronicle, July 24, August 5, 1777 ;
Almon, v, 171, 176; Stevens, 1551, 1650.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 285
or sixty guns each, but no move appears to have
teen made to carry it through. In addition to pur
chasing and fitting out the Dolphin and Surprise,
whose service was very temporary, and the Kevenge,
the commissioners provided for three larger vessels
during the year 1777. A frigate was built at Nantes,
of five hundred and fifty tons and designed to carry
twenty-four twelve-pounders, eight fours, and two
sixes. This vessel was called the Deane, and when
finished was commanded by Captain Samuel Nichol
son. While she was under construction the Dolphin
was kept at Paimboeuf, according to information
furnished to Stormont, serving as a receiving ship,
on board of which Nicholson held about seventy
men, including a number of Englishmen, ready to
be transferred to the Deane when finished ; but this
was denied by Sartine. Another vessel, somewhat
smaller, was purchased, fitted out as a twenty-eight-
gun frigate, and called the Queen of France. The
commissioners also began the construction in Hol
land of a forty-gun ship called the Indien, but ow
ing to international complications she was sold to
the King of France. 1
Attempts were made to interest other European
nations in the American cause and to obtain the
privilege of entering their ports, refitting armed
vessels in them and disposing of prizes. Arthur
i Wharton, ii, 176, 177, 230, 277, 284, 285, 433 ; Stevens, 187,
493, 683, 1658, 1766, 1826; Lee MSS., January 21, 1778, May 2,
1779.
286 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Lee visited Spain and Prussia with hopes of secur
ing concessions of this sort, but he found both these
powers very desirous of maintaining amicable re
lations with England. The same cautious attitude
marked the policy of Holland. In Spain, however,
owing largely to the influence of Gardoqui, pow
erful though unobserved, the Americans found less
difficulty, for a time at least, in refitting their cruis
ers and disposing of their prizes than in France.
The disposition of Spain is indicated in a letter,
dated October 17, 1777, from Count Florida Blanca,
the Prime Minister, to the French ambassador at
Madrid, in which he says that a long duration of
the American war would be "highly useful" to
Spain and France. " We should sustain the Colo
nists, both with effectual aid in money and supplies,"
and with " prudent advice " ; at the same time Eng
land should be kept pacified. 1
The situation of the United States from a naval
point of view, at the end of 1777, was not altogether
encouraging. The bright hopes of the year before
were in large degree unrealized. Of the thirteen
frigates which were to dispute the naval supremacy
of England in American waters, or at least to keep
open some of the principal harbors and bays, only
four, the Hancock, Boston, Raleigh, and Randolph
had yet got to sea ; and one of these, the Hancock,
had been taken by the enemy. Of the remaining
1 Stevens, 1725.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777
287
nine, the Delaware, together with several smaller
vessels, had been lost in the unsuccessful defense
of the Delaware River. Philadelphia in addition to
New York had fallen into the hands of the enemy,
whose occupation of these two cities made impossi
ble the escape of four other frigates ; in consequence
of which, two of these vessels, the Congress and
Montgomery in the Hudson, had already been de
stroyed in October, while the Washington and Effing-
ham in the Delaware were awaiting the same fate.
This still leaves four, of which the Warren and
Providence were blockaded in Narragansett Bay
and the Virginia in the Chesapeake, while the
Trumbull continued to lie in the Connecticut River,
unable to pass over the bar. Of the more important
smaller Continental vessels, the Andrew Doria had
been destroyed in the Delaware River, the Cabot
and Lexington had been captured by the enemy,
and the Reprisal had been lost at sea. The only
naval vessel captured during the year, the frigate
Fox, had been retaken by the British.
To offset, though only partially, these heavy losses,
the navy had made a few acquisitions. In addition
to the frigates just mentioned and the vessels pro
cured in Europe, the Ranger and sloop Surprise l
were in active service, and a brigantine called the
Resistance went into commission about the end of
the year. Of two of the three ships of the line
authorized by Congress in 1776, something is
1 Not to be confounded -with Conyngham s lugger Surprise.
288 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
learned from information furnished to Admiral
Howe by a prisoner at Boston, who says " that he
saw the Keel and Floor-Timbers laid for a 74 Gun
Ship, building at North End in Boston, The Scant
lings whereof appeared scarce sufficient for a Frig
ate ; And only 12 Men were at work upon her. He
was informed another Ship of the same Class [the
America] was building at Portsmouth in New
Hampshire, but did not hear any further particu
lars concerning her. By another person released
from Portsmouth and arrived about the same time
at New York, this last Ship is said to be covered
in as high as the Lower Deck and proposed to be
finished in next May." 1 Work on the Boston sev
enty-four was probably soon abandoned, and the
third ship of this class, which was to have been
built at Philadelphia, may never have been begun.
Sixty-nine letters of marque were issued to private
vessels of war by the Continental Congress in 1777
and probably a still larger number of privateers
were commissioned by the individual states ; and
many were fitted out in the "West Indies.
In 1777 the British navy had in commission two
hundred and fourteen vessels, besides ships in ordi
nary and under repair, the whole manned by forty-
five thousand seamen and marines. It is difficult
to state the exact force in American waters. The
figures furnished by Admiral Howe s returns and
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 488: Intelligence received December
25, 1777.
FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1777 289
by other authorities vary slightly and of course the
number of ships was changing from time to time.
There were about eighty vessels of all classes on
the North American Station in 1777. About half
the fleet consisted of frigates and rather less than
a quarter of ships mounting sixty-four, fifty or forty-
four guns, the rest being sloops of war and smaller
vessels. There was also a squadron at Newfound
land and a fleet of nearly twenty in the West In
dies. Altogether, therefore, more than a hundred
vessels were stationed in American waters. Many
privateers were sent out of New York. 1
Although the Americans inflicted so little injury
upon the British navy, the activity of some of
the smaller Continental cruisers and of the state
navies and numerous privateers had dealt a heavy
blow at English commerce. Four hundred and sixty-
four vessels were taken from the British during the
year 1777, of which seventy-two were recaptured,
twelve destroyed, and nine released. 2 The Conti
nental navy alone made over sixty captures of
merchantmen. 3 The British may have made about
as many captures as the Americans, but doubtless a
large proportion of their prizes were small coasting
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 487, January 15, No. 4, June 8, 1777,
No. 30: Disposition of His Majesty s Ships and Vessels in North
America ; Schomberg, i, 436, iv, 324-331 ; Beatson, iv, 291.
2 Almon, v, 76, 108, 405, 513, vi, 39 ; Clark, i, 62, ii, 169. These
lists are doubtless inaccurate and incomplete.
8 Neeser, ii, 286.
290 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
vessels of little value. 1 It is impossible from avail
able data to make a correct statement of actual or
comparative losses by capture.
1 Almon, v, 168, 231 ; London Chronicle, July 15, 1777 ; Annual
Register, xxi (1778), 36. The lists cover only a part of the year.
See table of captures in Clowes, iii, 396, evidently based on incom
plete data.
CHAPTER IX
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778
NOTWITHSTANDING the reverses of the Americans
on land and sea during the previous year, it is evi
dent that the British, about the beginning of 1778,
were finding the subjugation of their revolted colo
nies a serious undertaking, and were apprehending
a still more stubborn resistance on the part of the
rebels encouraged by their one notable success at
Saratoga. The French alliance with the United
States, which soon followed, must have increased
this feeling and have emphasized the need of ener
getic measures. A little later Lord George Ger
main, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies,
sent to General Clinton, who had succeeded Howe,
these secret instructions, dated March 8, 1778: "If
you shall find it impracticable to bring Mr. Wash
ington to a general & decisive Action early in the
Campaign, you will relinquish the Idea of carrying
on offensive Operations within Land & as soon as
the Season will permit, embark such a Body of
Troops as can be spared from the Defence of the
Posts you may think necessary to maintain, on Board
of Transports under the Conduct of a proper Num
ber of the King s Ships, with Orders to attack the
ports on the Coast from New York to Nova Scotia,"
292 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
and to destroy all ships and other property along
shore wherever practicable, "so as to incapacitate
the Rebels from raising a Marine or continuing
their Depredations upon the Trade of this King
dom." Two armaments were recommended, one from
New York, the other from Halifax, to attack Con
necticut and New Hampshire and then unite against
Boston. 1 The services of the army seem to have
been required on land, and the commerce and pri
vateering of New England were spared the annihi
lation which a rigorous prosecution of this plan
must have entailed. The project plainly indicates
a keen appreciation on the part of the British min
istry of the telling effect upon their commercial in
terests of American privateering. About the mid
dle of March, as soon as the British government
had been officially notified of the treaty of alliance,
Lord Stormont was recalled from Paris and war
with France became inevitable, although it was de
layed a few months and then began without formal
declaration. Orders were sent to the British army
to evacuate Philadelphia and fall back on New York.
Meanwhile the Americans were striving to make
the most of their slender resources upon the sea.
Another expedition to New Providence was under
taken early in 1778, this time by a single ship, the
sloop Providence, which had visited the place two
years earlier as one of Commodore Hopkins s
1 Stevens, 396, 1062; Stapford-Sackville MS8., 96; Sparks s
Washington, v, 549.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 293
squadron. The Providence was now commanded by
Captain John P. Rathburne and carried a crew of
about fifty men. About the middle of January she
sailed from Georgetown, South Carolina, where she
had put in early in the winter. The next morning
after getting to sea, says Lieutenant Trevett, " at
daylight saw a sail to the eastward and then saw
two more ; they proved to be British, a ship, brig
and sloop. They gave chase and the ship gained on
us fast ; by two P.M. we could see her tier of guns.
Night coming on and very dark, we took in all sail
and put out our lights and in a few hours, being
lighter, we could see her and she passed us and
when she was out of sight we altered our course
and in the morning could not discover a single sail.
We had hove over so much of our wood, water, &c.,
in order to lighten ship, that we concluded to make
all sail for Abaco. We had a short passage, came
to anchor and went to work making a scaling lad
der. In two days after, we stood over to New
Providence, having sent down our topmast and top
sail yard and housed our guns ; we also kept all our
men out of sight. About midnight we got abreast
of the harbor with a light air of wind off the land." A
force of twenty-eight men under Trevett s command
was sent ashore. " We took nothing with us to eat
or drink, but filled our pockets with ball cartridges.
We landed about a mile from the Fort and got our
scaling ladder and all things ready." The sentinels
having been taken by surprise, the landing party
294 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
soon had possession of Fort Nassau. Several guns
were found loaded, with matches burning by them.
Two British ships were in the harbor. " We em
ployed the remainder of the night in placing some
of the heavy pieces of cannon to point on the dif
ferent streets of the town and on the ships. When
daylight appeared we set our thirteen stripes flying
at the fort." 1 Upon requisition a breakfast was
provided for the party and an officer and two men
were sent to take possession of Fort Montague at
the eastern end of the town, four miles distant.
This was accomplished and the guns were spiked.
A midshipman and four men were then sent in a
boat, seized for the purpose, to one of the English
vessels, a sixteen-gun ship, and to this small force
the officer in command, seeing the American flag
on the fort and the guns pointing at him, surren
dered with his crew of forty-five. Five other ves
sels in the harbor, prizes brought in by the British,
were recaptured. The report had been concocted
for the occasion and disseminated among the in
habitants that the Providence was merely one of an
American fleet at Abaco, and the number landed
was also greatly exaggerated ; this made easier the
exploits of the very small detachments sent out by
Trevett. An armed force of about two hundred of
the inhabitants collected with the purpose of at
tacking the fort, but they were induced to desist
by the threat of the Americans to burn the town,
i B. I. Hist. Mag., July, 1886.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 295
A British sloop of war appeared off the harbor, but
being warned away by signals and fired upon by
the fort, she stood out again to sea, remaining in
the offing. On the morning of January 30 the
prizes were manned and the expedition sailed away,
taking off thirty Americans released from prison
and valuable military stores, including sixteen hun
dred pounds of powder. In this affair no blood was
shed and no private property on the island was dis
turbed. Two of the prizes, being of little value,
were burned ; the others were sent into port. The
ships sailed north and soon became separated.
Having joined company again, the Providence and
the armed prize ship went into New Bedford to
gether early in March. 1
The frigate Randolph, after a very short stay in
France, returned to America about the first of the
year, apparently sailing directly for South Carolina,
whence she had so recently come. A squadron was
organized at Charleston, with Captain Biddle in
command, composed of the Randolph and four ves
sels of the South Carolina navy, three of them be
ing privateers taken temporarily into the state ser
vice. These four vessels were the ship General
Moultrie, 18, and the brigs Notre Dame, 16, Polly,
16, and Fair American, 14. One hundred and fifty
South Carolina troops served on the squadron as
1 B. I. Hist. Mag., July, October, 1886; Clark, i, 74; Almon,
vi, 99 ; Boston Gazette, March 9, 1778 ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 44, 10,
17, 21, 23 (January 29, February 21, May 11, 1778) ; Mar. Com.
Letter Book, 143 (April 22, 1778).
296 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
marines. According to the statements of British
prisoners in Charleston the Eandolph carried twenty-
six twelve-pounders, six six-pounders, four coehorns
in each top, and upwards of three hundred men,
one third of them tolerable seamen ; the General
Moultrie carried twelve short and six long six-
pounders, and eighty men ; the Notre Dame, six
teen sixes and a hundred and twenty men ; the Fair
American, twenty guns and a hundred and twenty
men. 1 This armament put to sea February 12, 1778,
in search of a number of British vessels that had
been cruising along the coast, but it was soon found
that the enemy had departed. The squadron then
sailed for the West Indies and cruised several days
to the eastward of Barbadoes, taking one small
schooner. On the 7th of March, in the afternoon,
the Randolph, in company with her consorts and
prize, sighted a large man-of-war to windward,
which turned out to be the British sixty -four-gun
ship Yarmouth. This vessel came down before the
wind and when within hail, about eight P.M., was
first discovered to be a two-decker. The Randolph
in reply to her hail hoisted her colors and gave the
Yarmouth a broadside. Early in the engagement
Captain Biddle was wounded in the thigh, but
continued in command, seated in a chair on deck.
The General Moultrie took part in the action, but
being to leeward and near the Randolph, fired into
1 Brit. Adm.Rec., A.D. 488, February 13, 1778; Stevens, 811;
Paullin, 430.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 297
her by mistake, and it was thought possible that
Biddle was wounded by one of her shot. The other
vessels were not engaged. The Randoph s fire was
rapid and accurate. According to a letter of Cap
tain Hall of the Notre Dame, she handled the Yar
mouth " so roughly for 12 or 15 minutes that the
British ship must shortly have struck, having lost
her bowsprit and topmasts and being otherwise
greatly shattered, while the Randolph had suffered
very little ; but in this moment of glory, as the Ran
dolph was wearing to get on her quarter, she unfor
tunately blew up." l Captain Vincent of the Yar
mouth reported March 17 to Admiral Young, at
Barbadoes, that " on the 7th instant at half past
five P.M. discovered six sail in the S.W. quarter, on
a wind standing to the northward; two of them
ships, three brigs and a schooner. We were then
50 leagues due east of this island. We immediately
bore down upon them and about nine got close to
the weather quarter of the largest and headmost
ship. They had no colours hoisted and as ours were
then up, I hailed her to hoist hers or I would fire
into her; on which she hoisted American and im
mediately gave us her broadside, which we returned,
and in about a quarter of an hour she blew up. It
was fortunate for us that we were to windward of
her ; as it was, our ship was in a manner covered
with parts of her. A great piece of a top timber,
six feet long, fell on our poop ; another large piece
1 Independent Chronicle, August 13, 1778.
298 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
of timber stuck in our fore top-gallant sail, then
upon the cap. An American ensign, rolled up, blown
in upon the forecastle, not so much as singed. Im
mediately on her blowing up, the other four dis
persed different ways. We chased a little while two
that stood to the southward and afterwards another
that bore away right before the wind, but they were
soon out of sight, our sails being torn all to pieces
in a most surprising manner. We had five men
killed and twelve wounded. But what I am now go
ing to mention is something very remarkable. The
12th following, being then in chase of a ship steer
ing west, we discovered a piece of wreck with four
men on it waving; we hauled up to it, got a boat
out, and brought them on board. They proved to
be four men who had been in the ship which blew
up and who had nothing to subsist on from that
time but by sucking the rain water that fell on a
piece of blanket which they luckily had picked up." 1
The rest of the squadron with the prize arrived
safely in port. The loss of another frigate was a
severe blow to the Continental navy and to the
country, but the loss of Captain Biddle was far
more serious. While only in his twenty-eighth year,
he had given strong indications of ability as a sea
man and officer, and of character as a man. Hav
ing served as a midshipman in the British navy in
1 London Chronicle, May 26, 1778 ; Almon, vi, 143 ; Brit. Adm.
Rec., Captains Logs, No. 1091 (log of the Yarmouth) ; Port Folio,
October, 1809.
NICHOLAS BIDDLE
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 299
his youth, he had the military and naval training
which was lacking in nearly all the American sea
men of that period. With the exception of John
Paul Jones, it is probable that Biddle had no su
perior in the service. If four men as good as these
two and Wickes and Conyngham had been given
constant employment throughout the war in ships
like the Randolph or Hancock, perhaps the history
of the Continental navy might have been different.
The frigates Raleigh and Alfred, having made the
voyage to France together in the fall of 1777, set
sail in company December 29, homeward bound.
When it had become evident to the American Com
missioners at Paris that the times were not propitious
for the cruising of Continental ships in European
waters, they had addressed a letter of advice, dated
November 25, 1777, to Captain Thompson of the
Raleigh, suggesting a circuitous passage back to
America. " As it is by no means safe to return into
the ports of France, you will calculate your stores
so as to have a sufficiency for your cruise, which
we cannot indeed be particular in the direction of.
It has been suggested that one or more of the In
dia ships returning may be intercepted, that part
of the West India homeward-bound ships may be
expected about this time, as well as transports re
turning from New York and elsewhere in America,
and that by cruising in the proper latitudes you may
meet with them; that the British factories and
commerce on the African coast at this time lie
300 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
without any force sufficient to protect them, and
that by running along that coast you may greatly
annoy and distress the enemy in that quarter and
afterwards go for the West Indies. As you and
Captain Hinman have already considered these sev
eral plans for a cruise, we leave with you to deter
mine which to prefer and the manner in prosecuting
either, or any other that may appear more likely to
answer the design of your commission. We are
happy in observing the harmony and confidence
which subsists between you and Captain Hinman
and hope the same prevails between your officers
and men, which we are certain you will cultivate
through the whole of your expedition, in which we
recommend to you to avoid giving any offense
to the flags of neutral powers and to show them
proper marks of respect and friendship. . . .
Whenever you judge it prudent to dismiss pris
oners subjects of his Britannic Majesty, we ad
vise you to take from them in writing an acknow
ledgment of their having been your prisoners,
their quality, place of residence, and that they
are dismissed by you in confidence that an equal
number of the subjects of the thirteen United
States of the same rank, that now are or may here
after be prisoners to his said Britannic Majesty,
will be set at liberty. You are also to deliver a copy
of such writing to the prisoners, enjoining them to
deliver the same on their arrival in Britain to the
lords of the British admiralty, and by the first op-
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 301
portunity enclose a duplicate to the committee or
board of marine in Boston and another to us, with
an account of your proceedings." 1 The commission
ers hopes in regard to the exchange of prisoners
were doomed to disappointment.
The Raleigh and Alfred sailed for the West In
dies by way of the coast of Africa, and captured a
British vessel off Senegal. By March 9, 1778, accord
ing to Captain Thompson s report, they had reached
latitude 16 31 north, longitude 55 40 west, and
at six A.M. two sail to the west northwest were
seen from the Raleigh. At half -past seven she hove
to for the Alfred; the strange ships were then
standing to the north, close-hauled. Captain Thomp
son directed Captain Hinman to run down and ob
serve the sternmost ship. At ten o clock, being
within five or six miles, it was plainly seen that the
strangers were armed. The Raleigh and Alfred
then hauled on the wind on the same tack with
the other ships, which were to leeward. Thompson
thought that this manoeuvre would give him more
time to discover their force and rate of sailing.
The strange ships then tacked, " trying to work up
and get our wakes." The Raleigh sailed as well as
they, while the Alfred fell off to leeward and astern.
" As the weathermost ship pass d under the Alfred s
lee, standing to the Southward on the third tack,
Capt. Hinman hoisted his colours and fired several
1 Wharton, ii, 428 ; Lee MS8. t November 25, 1777 ; Independent
Chronicle, April 9, 1778.
302 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
shot, which were returned under English colours.
They were then two miles apart and the other ship
four miles to leeward of her consort ; the Alfred
was about three miles astern of us." The Raleigh
was about to tack and stand towards the Alfred, so
as to attack the weathermost ship in company with
her, before the other could get up ; but just then,
half-past twelve, the Alfred stood off before the
wind, which was light from the east northeast, and
set all her light sails in the effort to escape. The
Raleigh had an equal chance to attack one or to
escape from both ships, but " the Alfred was neither
able to engage one nor to escape by sailing." Thomp
son regretted that the Alfred attempted to escape,
as it was evident that the leeward ship, then bear
ing southwest, would cut her off before she could
pass her or the Raleigh give assistance. The Ra
leigh did not go about, but hauled up her courses,
thinking the windward ship would stand for her;
but " they both made towards the Alfred. I then
ordered the master to veer and make sail towards
the Alfred and run between her and the other ship,
to take off her fire and give the Alfred an oppor
tunity to escape." The Alfred at first seemed to
gain on the British, " but in a few minutes the two
got up and began a furious fire, which was returned
by the Alfred as fast as they could. Just as we
had got studdingsails hoisted we had the mortifica
tion to see the Alfred haul down her colours. It
was then one o clock; the firing lasted about ten
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 303
minutes. We were then within three miles of the
ships." There was nothing then left for the Ra
leigh, in the captain s opinion, but to escape from a
superior force, and she hauled to the north. The
sea being smooth the British soon finished taking
possession of the Alfred and began to chase the
Raleigh, and gained on her. When night came
she edged away and set all her light sails. The
British chased all night by a bright moon. At day
light they were four or five miles away and at seven
o clock seemed to be gaining. The Raleigh, by
throwing overboard all she could spare and starting
her water, was lightened about thirty-five tons and
began to gain. At ten o clock the British gave up
the chase, after nineteen hours. One of them sailed
faster than the other, but would not come up alone,
often heaving to and waiting for her consort. 1
These British ships were the Ariadne, 20, and
the Ceres, 16. Captain Pringle of the Ariadne re
ported to Admiral Young : " The two strangers at
first shewed a disposition to attack us, but in con
sequence of the King s ships having brought the
stern-most to close action about noon, the other
made off. The ship in action, after having given to
and received from the Ariadne and Ceres some
broadsides, struck ; and proved to be the rebel ship
Alfred, of 20 nine-pounders and 180 men. Her con
sort was the Raleigh of 32 guns." 2
1 Continental Journal, April 30, 1778.
2 London Chronicle, May 26, 1778 ; Almon, vi, 144 ; Brit . Adm.
Rec., Captains Logs, No. 4141 (log of the Ceres).
304 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The Raleigh arrived at Portsmouth early in
April. Captain Thompson s report no doubt put his
conduct in the most favorable light, but did not save
him from severe censure. By proper management
it was believed that not only should the Alfred have
been saved from capture, but both the British ves
sels, so inferior in force, should have been taken.
Captain Hinman s judgment might reasonably be
questioned on two points : first, his running off to
leeward in a vain attempt to escape, thereby re
moving himself from the support of the Raleigh ;
second, his surrender after such a very brief resist
ance, while there was a chance of the Raleigh s
coming to the rescue. As to the subsequent con
duct of the Raleigh, it is not inspiring to think of
her precipitate flight from two small ships mount
ing about the same number of guns that she did
and probably lighter ones. Captain Thompson was
doubtless a good seaman, not lacking in physical
courage, and zealous in the cause ; but without
military sense and unequal to the responsibilities
of the situation.
Early in March the Frigate Warren, Captain
John B. Hopkins, blockaded in the Providence
River, escaped through the British fleet in Nar-
ragansett Bay. John Deshon, of the Eastern Navy
Board, wrote to the other members of the board,
March 9: "Respecting the Ship Warren I am
happy She so well Succeeded in geting out of this
river. Every Circumstance Combined in her Favour
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 305
that She might Clear of the Enemy; the night was
Exceeding Dark, and there was but little wind
untill the Crittecal time of Passing the Greatest
Danger, when the wind Shifted very Suddenly into
the N.W. and blowd Exceeding hard, so that the
Enemy Could not without the Greatest Difficulty
Get under Sail and Persue. I was at Wai-rick Neck
and up the Most part of the Night when the War
ren Passed and am Very Sure it was Imposable for
Captn Hopkins to gain the Port of N. London,
there being So much wind and the weather so Se
vere Cold. There [were] on board the Warren abt
170 men, manny of which had not a Second Shift
of Cloaths, therefore it will be Very Difficult as
well as Teadius for Captn Hopkins to beat this
Courst at this Severe Season ; the Orders Given
him by me you have with you, which Gives him not
the least Encouragement to Cruise. Nevertheless
Should the Ship Keep out this three weeks, I Shall
not be in the least uneasy abt her ; well Knowin
the men in no Condission to Beat a Winters Courst,
we have Succeeded beyound Expectation in Geting
her out and I have not the least Doubt but She
will in due time Return with honor to the Com
mander and his Compy." After a short cruise the
Warren put into Boston, March 23. Two days later
William Vernon wrote from Providence : " This
moment several of the Ship Warrens Men came to
Town from Boston, who inform me they Arrived
There last Monday ; and in passing the Enemys
306 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Ships in this Kiver . . . they sustained some
damage, their Mizen Yard shot away, Main yard
wounded, several shot passed through their Hull,
one Man only sleightly wounded. The Wind blow
ing and continueing fresh at N. W., the Crew badly
Clothed and Weather extreem Cold, were under
the Necessity of standing to the Southward in
warmer Weather under easie sail far as the Latt.
24, where they fell in with the Ship Neptune,
Capt. Smallwood, from Whitehaven bound to
Phila., Loaded with Salt and dry Goods." This
ship and another prize were taken and the Warren
then sailed for Boston. The Columbus also tried
to escape from Narragansett Bay, but was chased
ashore on Point Judith and burned. 1
The next vessel to attempt the perilous feat of
blockade-running was the frigate Providence, and
she succeeded. William Vernon wrote to John
Adams : " The 30th of April we sent down the
Providence, Capt. Whipple, having on board about
170 men, who was ordered to the first Port in
France he cou d make, to be under the direction of
the Commissioners, where we hope she is safe Ar
rived. No dispatches was sent by this ship, as she
was to pass a dangerous passage ; however, in a
brisk Wind & dark Night she got out safe, receive-
ing a heavy fire from the Lark, wch was the upper-
1 Publ B. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 214 (March 9, 1778), 215, 229
(March 25, 1778), 230, 231, 233 ; Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 488, Nos.
55, 57, March 16, April 23, 1778 ; Continental Journal, March 26,
1778 ; Independent Chronicle, April 9, 16, 1778.
^"~
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 307
most ship, who s Fires he returned with Spirit &
good effect, Kill d a Number & Wounded many
Men, much disabled the Ship ; the lower-most Ship
by this alarm was prepared to receive the Provi
dence, who was obliged to pass her very near, gave
her their Fire, that was returned with good suc
cess." 1 Having reached the open sea, the Provi
dence sailed for France. The frigate Trumbull,
unable to pass over the bar at the mouth of the
Connecticut River, remained in the river during
the whole year. William Vernon wrote, March 25,
1778, that "she must be intirely stript of her
Yards and Top Mast and all her Story, even to a
Swept Hole, that if possible to bring her to 9 or 10
feet Water." 2
The frigate Virginia, Captain James Nicholson,
which hacfbeen repeatedly ordered to sea, 3 and had
been waiting nearly a year for a chance to run the
blockade in Chesapeake Bay, finally got away from
Annapolis, Maryland, March 30, in company with
a brig which had on board a pilot in whom Nich
olson had confidence. At three o clock the next
morning, however, the frigate ran on a shoal. She
was forced over, but lost her rudder and was there-
ujKm anchored, leaking badly. At daylight two
British men-of-war were discovered, one of them
only two gun-shots distant. Nicholson and nine
1 Adams MSS., May 20, 1778.
2 Publ B. I. Hist. 8oc., viii, 212, 214, 229, 230, 231, 232 ; Mar.
Com. Letter Book, 136, 147, 148 (April 6, May 8, 9, 1778).
8 See above, p. 199.
308 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
men, with the ship s papers, went ashore in a boat
and the Virginia was then surrendered to the enemy.
Nicholson afterwards went aboard one of the Brit
ish vessels in order to parole his officers. He was
not court-martialed for the loss of his ship, but
Congress instituted an inquiry and acquitted him
of blame. 1
Captains John Barry and Thomas Head had in
1776 been appointed to command the frigates
Effingham and Washington, which since the occu
pation of Philadelphia by the British had been
bottled up in the Delaware Kiver above the city.
The officers and men, therefore, unable to get to
sea, had been employed on shore and on the river
in cooperation with the army and in the defense of
Delaware Bay in the fall of 1777. January 29,
1778, Barry was ordered by the Marine Committee
to command a boat expedition down the river and
bay, for the purpose of annoying the enemy, cap
turing or destroying their transports if possible,
and cutting off their supplies and diverting them
to the use of the Continental army, then in des
perate straits at Valley Forge. Owing to a quarrel
between Barry and the Navy Board of the Middle
District, his selection for this duty was opposed,
but finally, after nearly a month s delay, the mat
ter was arranged. Towards the end of February,
1 Perm. Packet, April 15, 1778 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 124,
129, 138, 150 (January 28, March 4, April 8, May 16, 1778);
Barney, 65, 66.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 309
Barry, having manned four of the frigates boats,
it is said with only twenty-seven men, ran down
the river and past the city at night; below he was
joined by five other boats, half-manned. He then
occupied himself with destroying everything along
the banks of the river that could be of use to the
enemy and that could not be conveyed to the Ameri
can army. On March 7, while at Port Penn on the
Delaware shore of the bay, he captured two ships,
one of them armed with six four-pounders, and a
schooner " mounting Eight double fortified four
Pounders & Twelve four Pound" howitzers; the
schooner was acting as convoy. The ships were
transports, each with a crew of fourteen men, bring
ing forage and supplies from Rhode Island to the
British army in Philadelphia; the schooner was
manned by a crew of thirty-three. A day or two
later a number of British vessels came up the bay
and Barry was obliged to burn the transports to
prevent recapture. He attempted to take the
schooner into Christiana Creek, but being hard-
pressed was compelled to run her ashore and scut
tle her. The Marine Committee had hoped to take
her into the naval service, and had given orders for
her equipment and employment as a lookout vessel
off the capes. Most of the cargoes of all the vessels
were saved and were purchased for the army, yield
ing a good amount of prize money. Barry reported
his exploit to General Washington and received a
congratulatory letter in reply. He continued to
310 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
harass the enemy on the river for another month.
In addition to the frigates Washington and Ef-
fingham, a large number of smaller vessels, including
several galleys of the Pennsylvania navy, were
blockaded in the Delaware River above Philadel
phia. It had long been feared that the British
would come up the river and capture or destroy
these vessels, and General Washington advised
that they be stripped and sunk. The two frigates
had already been sunk and raised again and a
number of the smaller vessels were prepared for
sinking at short notice. On May 7 the expected
British expedition, of seven hundred men, came
up the river, and apparently only a part of the
galleys were sunk in time to be saved. The British
force, under Captain Henry, came up in a brig, a
schooner, four galleys, four gun-boats, and eight
een flatboats carrying the soldiers of the party.
Captain Henry says in his report : " At noon we
were abreast of White-hill, where the gallies, armed
vessels and gun-boats were placed to cover the land
ing of the troops, which was performed without
opposition. At this place the Washington and Ef-
fingham rebel frigates, the former pierced for thirty-
two and the latter for twenty-eight guns, were set
1 Barry, ch. vii; Boston Gazette, April 6, 1778; Hist. Mag.,
July, 1859 ; Publ. E. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 223 ; Amer. Cath. Hist.
Ees., April, 1904; Pap. Cont. Congr., 137, app., 197 (December
19, 1777), 152, 2, 367 (March 9, 1778) ; Mar. Com. Letter Book,
125, 126 (January 29, 1778), 134, 135 (March 11, 26, 1778), 143
(April 24, 1778).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 311
on fire and consumed, together with a brig and
sloop. The troops then marched, took possession of
Borden-town and destroyed a battery of 3 six-
pounders; whereupon the gallies, armed vessels,
&c. proceeded to that place, where they burnt two
new ships, one of which was pierced for 18 guns,
one privateer sloop for 10 guns, with ten sail of
brigs, schooners and sloops." l Farther up the river
many other vessels were burned as well as a large
amount of public property on shore. " The whole
number of vessels destroyed was forty-four sail."
The expedition returned to Philadelphia May 9.
Fifty-eight guns of these sunken and destroyed
vessels were afterwards raised by the Americans. 2
Thus a series of misfortunes befell the Conti
nental navy during the early months of 1778, the
effect of which must have been depressing and
naturally caused some loss of confidence in the
commanding officers. Colonel Timothy Pickering
wrote to his brother, April 26, from York, Penn
sylvania, the temporary seat of the Continental
Congress : " Our naval affairs have been conducted
shockingly. You will see by the papers how fool
ishly the Virginia was lost. The Kandolph, Capt. ,
Biddle, has been blown up in an engagement with
a large ship in tjbe West Indies. This misfortune
is deeply to be regretted, for Biddle was an excel-
1 Almon, vi, 149.
2 Ibid., 148-150; Brit. Adm. Bee., A.D. 488, May 10, 1778;
Hist. Mag., July, 1859; Mag. Amer. Hist., March, 1878, Matthew-
man s Narrative ; Barry, ch. viii.
312 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
lent & amiable man and accomplished naval com
mander. From all that I can learn the conduct of
the other commanders of our frigates has been
generally shamefully bad." 1 One of Pickering s
correspondents, in recommending Captain Fisk of
the Massachusetts navy for the command of a Con
tinental frigate, wrote : " I am confident he wd.
not give her away like a Coward as perhaps has
been the case with some others, nor lose her like a
blockhead as M . . . did his." 2 Another says: "All
the men that is got home from the Alfred sayes if
Capt. Thomson had come down they would have
Taken ye Two English Ships in one hours engage
ment." 3 William Ellery wrote from York, April
25, to William Vernon : " The Enemies ships do
indeed swarm in the Seas of America and Europe ;
but hitherto only one of our Frigates hath been
captured on the Ocean. Two have been burned in
North River, two sunk in Delaware, one captured
there, and one in Chesapeak. The Alfred we are
just informed was taken on her passage home by
two frigates in sight of the Rawleigh. The partic
ulars of this capture and why she was not supported
by the Rawleigh we are ignorant of. I hope Capt.
Thompson is not culpable. I entertain a high opin
ion of him. The Columbus is a trifling Loss and I
should not much lament the Loss of the Alfred, if
1 Pickering MSB., v,76.
2 Ibid, xvii, 128 (March 30, 1778). Doubtless Manley is meant.
8 Ibid., xvii, 147 (May 4, 1778).
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 313
her brave Captain, Officers and men were not in the
hands of a cruel enemy. Our little fleet is very
much thinned. We must contrive some plan for
catching some of the Enemy s Frigates to supply
our Losses ; but we must take care not to catch
tartars. It is reported that Capt. Biddle of the Ran
dolph, in an engagement with a sixty-gun ship, was
blown up. We have been so unfortunate that I am
apt to believe almost any bad news ; but this report
I cannot believe." 1 William Story, clerk of the
Navy Board at Boston, wrote to Vernon, April 29 :
" The doctr. of the Alfred has been at the Board
and gives a particular Accot. of Capt. Thompson s
behaviour; he is Condemned by every One and
they are Crying out why don t your board turn him
out and hang him, &c, &c. I am Sorry the Service
Suffers by the Misconduct of the officers in the
navy. I want the board should be together to de
termine concerning Capt. Thompson." 2 Captain
Manley, who had been a prisoner in New York
since his arrival there after the capture of the
Hancock in July, 1777, was finally released and
returned to Boston April 21. He was tried by a
court-martial in June for the loss of his ship, and
acquitted. Captain McNeill of the Boston was tried
for not properly supporting the Hancock, and was
dismissed from the navy. Captain Thompson was
court-martialed and was also dismissed. 3
1 Publ. E. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 237. 2 Ibid., 240.
8 Ibid., 246, 247 ; Massachusetts Spy, April 30, 1778 ; Perm.
314 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The Continental brigantine Resistance was pur
chased for the navy in 1777, and was fitted out at
New London. Captain Samuel Chew was given com
mand of her in June of that year, but she seems
first to have got to sea early in 1778. She mounted
ten four-pounder guns, and while cruising in the
West Indies, fell in with a twenty-gun British letter
of marque, March 4. After a hard-fought battle, in
which Chew and one of his lieutenants were killed,
the vessels parted and the Resistance returned to
Boston. The new sloop of war General Gates got to
sea during the summer and captured two prizes ; in
the action with one of them, Captain Skimmer of
the Gates was killed. 1
Captain Barry was appointed, May 30, 1778, to
command the frigate Raleigh, Captain Thompson
having been relieved. Barry was ordered, August
24 and again on the 28th, to sail to the southward
in the Raleigh in company with the brigantine
Resistance, now commanded by Captain William
Burke, formerly in command of the schooner War
ren, of Washington s fleet at Boston in 1776. The
Raleigh and Resistance were at Boston. The Ma
rine Committee apparently had in mind two other
Packet, July 14, 1778 ; Clark, i, 53 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 143,
147, 165 (April 28, May 8, July 24, 1778) ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 37,
163 (January 15, 1779) ; Jones MSS., September 4, November 15,
17, 1778; Wolcott MSS., June 16, 1778.
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 92, 93, 94 (June 17, 1777), 143 (April
28, 1778); New London Hist. Soc., IV, i, 9; Adams MSS., October
2, 1778, Vernon to Adams; Jour. Cont. Congr., September 14,
1778.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 315
frigates for service in southern waters, with these
vessels or independently. These were the Warren,
at Boston, and the Deane, which, after her comple
tion at Nantes, had come over to Portsmouth under
the command of Captain Samuel Nicholson, arriv
ing in May. The instructions sent to Barry pro
vided for a cruise on the southern coast of the
United States, but they were not carried out ; other
orders to Barry, issued after he had sailed, also re
lated to a southern cruise. The Kesistance must have
sailed before the orders of August 24 reached Bos
ton. She was sent out to look for the fleet of Ad
miral D Estaing, which was expected to arrive soon,
but missed it ; and then cruising to the southward
she ran into Admiral Howe s fleet and was cap
tured. 1
The Raleigh sailed from Boston September 25
alone, except for two vessels under her convoy,
which apparently soon dropped astern. The wind
was fresh from the northwest, but seems to have
died down before night ; the Raleigh s first course
was east by south. At noon two sail were sighted
at a distance of fifteen miles to the southeast. The
Raleigh hauled to the north, and the strange ves
sels, which were the British fifty-gun ship Experi
ment and the Unicorn of twenty-two guns, followed
1 Mar. Com. Letter Book, 131 (March 6, 1778), 147, 148, 153,
154 (May 8, 9, 30, 1778), 173, 174 (August 24, 28, 1778), 175, 179 a
(September 14, 28, 1778) ; Independent Chronicle, May 7, 1778 ;
Almon, vi, 195 ; Amer. Cath. Hist. Res., April, 1904 ; Publ. E. I.
Hist. Soc.j viii, 255 ; Adams MSS., October 2, 1778.
316 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
in pursuit. The chase continued nearly sixty hours
before a shot was fired, off the coast of Maine. On
the morning of September 27 the ships were not
in sight, but reappeared about half-past nine in the
forenoon. The wind blew fresh from the west, and
the Raleigh, running off at a speed of eleven knots,
drew^away from her pursuers, but in the afternoon,
the wind having diminished again, the Unicorn
gained on her. The narrative of two of the Raleigh s
officers says : " At half past four P.M. tacked and
stood to the S. westward in order to discover the
headmost ship s force ; at the same time saw several
islands, but could not tell the name of either. Our
ship being cleared for action and men at their quar
ters, about five P.M. coursed the headmost ship [the
Unicorn], to windward athwart her fore foot, on
which we hoisted our colours, hauled up the mizzen
sail and took in the stay sails ; and immediately
the enemy hoisted St. George s ensign. She appear
ing to be pierced for twenty-eight guns, we gave
her a broadside, which she returned; the enemy then
tacked and came up under our lee quarter and the
second broadside she gave us, to our unspeakable
grief, carried away our fore top-mast and mizzen
top-gallant-mast. He renewed the action with fresh
vigor and we, notwithstanding our misfortune, hav
ing in a great measure lost command of our ship,
were determined for victory. He then shot ahead
of us and bore away to leeward. By this time we
had our ship cleared of the wreck. The enemy plied
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 317
his broadsides briskly, which we returned as brisk ;
we perceiving that his intentions were to thwart us,
we bore away to prevent his raking us, and if pos
sible, to lay him aboard, which he doubtless per
ceived and having the full command of his ship,
prevented us by sheering off and dropping astern,
keeping his station on our weather quarter. Night
coming on we perceived the sternmost ship gaining
on us very fast, and being much disabled in our
sails, masts and rigging and having no possible view
of escaping, Capt. Barry thought it most prudent,
with the advice of his officers, to wear ship and
stand for the shore, if possible to prevent the ship s
falling into the enemy s hands by running her on
shore. The engagement continuing very warm,
about twelve midnight saw the land bearing N.N.E.
two points under our bow. The enemy, after an en
gagement of seven hours, thought proper to sheer
off and wait for his consort, they showing and an
swering false fires to each other." 1
The Experiment soon came up and joined in the
fire, and the British tried to cut off the Ealeigh
from the shore. " Encouraged by our brave comman
der, we were determined not to strike. After receiv
ing three broadsides from the large ship and the
fire of the frigate on our lee quarter, our ship struck
the shore, which the large ship perceiving poured
in two broadsides, which was returned by us ; she
then hove in stays, our guns being loaded gave us
1 Pennsylvania Post, October 19, 1778, quoted in Barry, 94, 95.
318 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
a good opportunity of raking her, which we did
with our whole broadside and after that she bore
away and raked us likewise, and both kept up a
heavy fire on each quarter, in order to make us
strike to them, which we never did. After continu
ing their fire some time they ceased and came to
anchor about a mile distant." l
According to the Experiment s log, at quarter
before six P.M. on the 27th, the " Unicorn came to
close Action with the Chace, the first Broadside
carried away the Enemys foretopmast and Main
top-gallant Mast, at 7 a violent fireing on board
both Ships, i past 9 the fireing ceased i an Hour,
on which we fired several Signal Guns & was an
swered by the Unicorn with Lights & false Fires
bearing N | E 3 miles, at 10 the Unicorn still
in Action, at 11 spoke her & found the chace close
by her, soon after got alongside the Chace, she gave
us a Broadside & we riturned it, she then run upon
the Shore, we being close to the Rocks, tacked &
Anchored about i a Gun Shott from her, as did
the Unicorn in 20 fathoms Water ; at 5 A.M. the
Enemy still on shore on a small barren Island
called Seal Island, the Rebel Colours still hoisted,
at 7 weighed and Anchored near her, fired several
Guns & hoisted out all our Boats, Manned &
Armed, sent a Boat ahead with a Flag of Truce
to offer them Quarters, on discovering which she
hawled down her Colours, her first Lieutenant and
i Barry, 96.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 319
One Hundred & thirty-three Men were got ashore
on the Island, but surrendered on a Summons by
Truce." 1
The Raleigh had run on a rocky island in ornear
Penobscot Bay, the identity of which seems not to
have been perfectly established. Barry had at once
proceeded to land his crew, intending to destroy
his ship, and before morning he and eighty-five of
his men had escaped in boats to the mainland ; but
through negligence or treachery the combustibles
prepared for firing the ship were not ignited. The
British soon took possession of the frigate and
made prisoners of those of her crew who had not
yet left her. The Raleigh lost twenty-five killed and
wounded. The Unicorn had ten killed and many
wounded, and was much injured in her hull and
rigging. Captain Barry with those of his crew who
escaped found their way back to Boston, where
they arrived in about two weeks. The British
hauled the Raleigh off the rocks and took her into
their service. Barry s reputation did not suffer from
this mishap and he was held blameless by a court
of inquiry. In November he was appointed to
command a fleet of galleys to be employed in an
expedition against East Florida, but this project
was never carried out. 2
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., Captains Logs, No. 331 ; also No. 1017
(log of the Unicorn).
2 Barry, ch. ix ; Dawson, ch. xlii ; Mar. Com. Letter Book,
184, 191 (October 25, November 20, 1778); Boston Gazette, October
6, 1778 ; Brit. Adm. Eec., A. D. 489, October 28, 1778.
320 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
The Massachusetts state brigs Tyrannicide, Cap
tain Haraden, and Hazard, Captain Sampson,
sailed late in 1777 on a cruise in the West Indies.
Early in their voyage they took three prizes, but
after arriving upon their cruising ground they had
little success. One of the few vessels they saw,
wrote Sampson from Martinique, March 5, 1778,
was " a Frigate that we fell in with a few days
before we Arrived here, wch after we boar away
for her and discovered her to be a Six & thirty
Gun Frigate and we not thinking proper to
engage her, Sheard from her, wch shee Perseving,
gave us Chase, but we soon Run her out of sight.
. . . The Hazard proves to be a very good Sea-
boat & is as Excellent Sailor and works kindly
every way." 1 They sailed home, March 30, and
arrived in May. The brig Massachusetts, Captain
Lambert, was ordered on a cruise to the coasts of
England, Spain, and Portugal. In June, Captain
Fisk was appointed to command the Hazard, which
Sampson had given up on account of ill health.
Fisk declined the appointment, saying that he would
not " go to sea untill I can git a ship that is able
to make some defence against a British frigate." 2
The Hazard was then given to Captain Williams
and he was ordered to cruise for West Indiamen. In
August, Captain Hallet, who succeeded Haraden in
the Tyrannicide, was ordered to cruise off Long
Island, but owing to the proximity of the English
1 Massachusetts Mag., July 1908. 2 Mass. Archives, cliii, 73.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 321
fleet after the French fleet had gone to Boston, he
" stood away to the North wd." He fell in with and
cruised a few days with the Continental frigate
Warren. Hallet says that on September 25 he saw
a sail standing towards him, which " hove out an
English Ensign. I gave her a Bow Chace and
English Colours ; hail d her, was answered from
St George s Bay bound to Jersey. I order her to
heave out her boat & come on board me, which she
did. I sent a Prize Master who sent the Capt. with
his Papers on board me. I then hoisted an Amer
ican Jack & ordered her to strike to the United
States, which was complied with." 1 The prize was
a British letter of marque brig called the Juno.
Early in the year 1778 a moderate building pro
gramme had been planned for the Massachusetts
navy, but was only partially carried out. 2
In Boston Harbor March 23, 1778, were the
ships Defence and Oliver Cromwell of the Connec
ticut navy; the former, which had previously been
rigged as a brig, carried eighteen six-pounders, the
Cromwell, twenty nine-pounders. There were also
in port at the same time three privateer ships, the
General Mifflin and Minerva, of twenty guns
each, and the Hancock, of eighteen guns. 3 Late in
1 Mass. Archives, cliii, 110.
a Mass. Court Rec., January 17, April 21, June 23, 1778; Mass.
Archives, cli, 440, 442, 449, cliii, 73, 110, 114; Massachusetts Mag.,
April, July, October, 1908.
Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 488, No. 57, April 23, 1778, intelli
gence collected for Admiral Howe.
322 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
March the Defence, Captain Samuel Smedley, and
the Oliver Cromwell, Captain Timothy Parker,
sailed from Boston on a cruise. Near the Bahamas,
April 15, they fell in with and captured the British
ships Admiral Keppel, 18, and Cygnus, 16. A sea
man on the Oliver Cromwell wrote in his journal:
"We gave chase under a moderate sail. At 9
o clock came up with them. They at first shew
French colors to decoy us. When we came in about
half a mile, they ups with the English colors. We
had Continental colors flying. We engaged the
ship Admiral Kepple as follows : When we came in
about twenty rods of her, we gave her a bow gun.
She soon returned us a stern chase and then a broad
side of grape and round shot. Captain orders not
to fire till we can see the white of their eyes. We
get close under their larboard quarter. They began
another broadside and then we began and held tuff
and tuff for about two glasses, and then she struck
to us. At the same time the Defence engaged the
Cyrus, who as the Keppel struck, wore round un
der our stern. We wore ship and gave her a stern
chase, at which she immediately struck. The loss
on our side was one killed and six wounded, one
mortally, who soon died. Our ship was hulled nine
times with six-pound shott, three of which went
through our berth, one of which wounded the boat
swain s yeoman. The loss on their side was two
killed and six wounded. Their larboard quarter was
well filled with shott. One nine-pounder went
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 323
through her main-mast. Employed in the afternoon
taking out the men and manning the prize." 1 In
May the Defence had small pox on board and put
into Charleston, South Carolina. A letter from
that place, dated June 26, says: "On receiving
intelligence of several of the Enemy s privateers
being on our coast & annoying our trade with
impunity, Capt. Smedley (notwithstanding he was
at the time performing quarantine for the small
pox), on an application from His Excellency our
President, fitted out the Defence immediately, being
assisted by Commodore Gillon [and other officers
of the South Carolina navy] , and last friday sailed
over our Bar in quest of them, having in Company
with him a French Armed Sloop called the Volant,
commanded by Capt. Daniel, who voluntarily of
fered his service on the occasion. Before night they
fell in with Three privateer Sloops, two of which
they took" 2 and brought into Charleston. The
third sloop escaped. These vessels were from St.
Augustine, a place much frequented by British pri
vateers. The Defence, in company with the Volant,
returned to Boston in August, and in December
was sent on another cruise with the Oliver Crom
well. 3
In January, 1778, the American privateer brig
1 New London Hist. Soc., II, i, 50, IV, i, 38, 41. The quotation
is from the logbook of Timothy Boardman.
2 Trumbull MSS., viii, 149.
8 Ibid., xx, 182, xxvi, 42, 46; Independent Chronicle, August 6,
1778.
324 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
General Sullivan, carrying fourteen guns and a
hundred and thirty-five men, had an engagement
in the West Indies with the sixteen-gun Liverpool
privateer Isabella, said to have had a crew of only
fifty. They fought two hours and a half yardarm
and yardarm and then separated. The British re
port says : " The engagement was hot and I believe
fatal to them, for we could see them falling out of
the tops and hear their shrieks and groans. It falling
dark and our rigging cut to pieces, we could not
work our ship and so lost our prize." The Sullivan
seems to have suffered most severely, having eleven
killed and twenty-three wounded, many of them
dangerously. The Isabella lost two killed and ten
wounded, one mortally. 1
On the morning of May 26, some distance off
the Delaware capes, the British ship Minerva, car
rying sixteen six-pounders, ten coehorns, and forty
men, fell in with an American brigantine mounting
fourteen guns, sixes and fours, six coehorns, and
twenty-four swivels. The British account says : " At
eight o clock he came up with us, it blowing then
easy ; he kept his head toward us, so that we could not
see his whole force, and we suspected his attempting
to board, on which we fired a cohorn and hoisted
our colours. He still keeping his station, we fired
on board of him and opened our stern ports ; on
seeing this he run up abreast and gave us a broad
side, hoisting the 13 stripes. We returned his broad-
1 Williams, 214, 215.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 325
side and the action continued for one hour and 57
minutes, having obliged him to sheer off at ten
o clock. We were in no condition to follow him, 16
of our crew being killed and wounded, our scuppers
on both sides running with blood, I may say, of as
brave men as ever faced an enemy, our sails and
rigging being mostly cut and destroyed and all our
masts very severely wounded. Our greatest distance
from the privateer during the engagement did not
exceed the length of our ship and we were often
yard arm and yard arm, scarce clearing one an
other s rigging. Our topmast stay-sail, which con
tinued set during the action, had 180 shot through
it, 9 great shot besides small ones through our en
sign, 1 through our pendant, 13 shot in our mizen-
mast, our main-mast shot through and our fore-mast
greatly damaged. I believe that the rebel was as
much damaged in rigging as ourselves and his loss
of men must have been very considerable, he being
quite crowded with them; he carried six swivels in
his tops and great quantities of their shot consisted
of old iron cut square, old pots, old bolts, &c. About
the middle of the engagement an alarm was raised
that our ship was beginning to sink ; on this a
number of the men deserted their quarters, and
among them the person who was at the helm. The
captain rallied them instantly, took the helm him
self, and while standing there a ball went through
his hat." The report that the ship was sinking
"arose from some of the enemy s shot having gone
326 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
through and through, which staved 14 puncheons
of rum between decks." " Such resolution was then
shewn that had the ship been in a sinking condi
tion, I am convinced she would have gone to the
bottom with the colours standing, every one on board
being determined to sell his life as dear as he could.
The rebel hailed us to strike, but we could spare
no time to answer him." The Minerva lost seven
killed and nine wounded. She was much crippled,
and with the help of a British frigate got into New
York four days later. 1
Four Connecticut fishermen were captured by
the British at sea in September, 1778, and taken
to Jamaica, where they were impressed on board
the sloop Active, bound to New York. During the
voyage the four Americans rose upon the crew of
the Active, fourteen in number, and confined them
below. Although the British were armed and made
many desperate attempts to regain possession of
the sloop, they were finally subdued after a two
days struggle. The Active was then headed for
port, but was seized by a Pennsylvania state cruiser
and a privateer, who claimed her as a prize and
took her into Philadelphia. The conflicting claims
of the Connecticut fishermen and the last captors, for
prize money, led to long and important litigation,
involving the question of state sovereignty. 2
1 London Chronicle, October 8, 1778, reprinted in Penn. Mag-
Hist, and Biogr., April 1889.
2 Penn. Mag. Hist, and Biogr., January, 1893 ; Jameson s Essays
in Constitutional History U. S., 17.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 327
The twenty-gun ship General Hancock, Captain
Hardy, a privateer of Boston, on the 19th of Sep
tember fell in with the British letter of marque Le
vant, of thirty-two guns, and they fought three
hours, beginning at one o clock in the afternoon.
Both ships hoisted their colors and after firing a
few shot the Levant came alongside the General
Hancock; then the action began. At half -past two
Captain Hardy received a severe wound, which
proved fatal. The ships exchanged broadsides at
short range until four o clock, when the Levant
blew up, part of the wreck falling on board the
American ship. The Hancock s boats were im
mediately lowered and eighteen of the Levant s
crew of about a hundred were saved. The American
loss included four killed, besides the captain. 1
The recall of the British ambassador from France
in March, 1778, was followed by preparations for
war between the two nations. The French collected
a fleet at Brest under the command of the Comte
d Orvilliers and another at Toulon under the Comte
d Estaing. The Brest fleet fought an indecisive
1 Almon, vii, 168; Continental Journal, September 24, 1778.
The Levant is called a frigate in the account of the affair. Fur
ther accounts of privateers and prizes in 1778 are given in N. E.
Hist, and Gen. Beg., xxiii (1869), 47, 181, 289 ; London Chronicle,
January 15, February 24, June 16, August 29, September 29, 1778 ;
Royal Amer. Gazette (New York), March 19, 1778; Boston Post,
October 7, December 5, 1778 ; Penn. Packet, July 24, 1778 ; Bos
ton Gazette, August 24, September 14, 21, October 12, 1778;
Massachusetts Spy, June 25, November 5, 1778; Independent
Chronicle, December 24, 1778.
328 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
engagement off Ushant in July with the British
fleet of Admiral Keppel. It was intended that the
Toulon fleet should cross the Atlantic and blockade
Admiral Howe in Delaware Bay f The overwhelming
preponderance of sea power on the side of the Brit
ish had hitherto given them nearly complete control
of the American coast ; and they had been free to
move their troops and supplies from place to place
with little hindrance, except the occasional loss of
a transport which had become separated from its
convoy. There was now a prospect of the Americans
being able, with the help of French fleets, to dis
pute the naval supremacy of England, at least along
their own shores. Disappointments were in store for
them, however, and began with the dilatoriness
which marked the preparation of this Toulon fleet
from the beginning, and all its subsequent move
ments. D Estaing sailed from Toulon April 13,
taking with him as passengers M. Gerard, the first
minister plenipotentiary of France to the United
States, and Silas Deane, who had been recalled by
Congress and was returning home to explain his
transactions in France. The fleet passed Gibraltar
more than a month later and appeared off the
Delaware capes July 7. It was said that this ex
ceptionally long voyage was due to time spent in
drills and to unnecessary delays, but D Estaing
himself says it was caused by the extreme slowness
of some of his vessels and the necessity of keeping
his fleet together. At any rate, he was too late to
D ESTAING
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 329
accomplish the first great object of the expedition,
which was to close the Delaware before the British
left it. Howe had sailed June 22, passed out of the
bay on the 28th, and arrived off Sandy Hook two
days later. The evacuation of Philadelphia by the
British had been ordered early in the spring and
was carried out June 18. Howe s fleet had on board
all the stores and baggage of the army, which
marched overland through New Jersey. If the Brit
ish fleet had been caught in the Delaware, it is
possible that a victory as decisive as that of York-
town three years later might have been the result ;
for the British army, without their fleet to trans
port them from the lower bay of New York to the
city, might have fared badly. D Estaing, moreover,
having captured Howe s fleet, could have taken
New York. Howe on July 12 had six ships of sixty-
four or more guns, three fifties, two forty-fours,
and four frigates. Another British fleet under Ad
miral Byron was coming to reinforce him. D Estaing
had eight ships of seventy-four or more guns, three
sixty-fours, one fifty, and five frigates. 1
D Estaing soon sailed for New York with the in
tention of entering the harbor and attacking Howe.
He arrived off Sandy Hook July 11, but did not
go inside. He was told by all the pilots he consulted
that his heavier ships could not pass over the
1 Almon, vi, 122; Schomberg, iv, 331, 338; Sands, 75, 311 ; Mo
han, 350, 359, 360 ; United Service, October, 1905, " D Estaing s
campaign " ; Stopford-Sackville MSS., 110 ; Channing, iii, 288, 298.
330 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
bar. He offered a hundred and fifty thousand francs
to any pilot who would take him inside, but no one
volunteered. Thus a second opportunity to annihi
late the British fleet was lost. The French policy
perhaps did not favor an early and decisive triumph
of the American cause, and possibly D Estaing was
less strenuous in his efforts than he would have been
if he had been fighting for his own country alone.
This would have been reasonable from the French
point of view and consistent with the admiral s in
structions, which called for the performance of
some " action beneficial to the Americans, glorious
for the arms of the king, fit to manifest immediately
the protection that His Majesty accorded to his
allies." l
D Estaing remained off Sandy Hook eleven days,
and is said to have captured during that time twenty
British vessels bound into New York. July 22 he
sailed for Newport, having been requested by Wash
ington to cooperate with General Sullivan in an
attack on that town. On the 29th the French fleet
appeared off Newport and a few days later occupied
the eastern and western channels of Narragansett
Bay. Four British frigates and two sloops of war
were destroyed, either by the French or by the
English themselves, to prevent capture. Unfortun
ately Sullivan did not get ready for the movement
against Newport until August 8. D Estaing then
ran into the central channel of the bay, under fire
1 United Service, October, 1905.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 331
from the batteries at the entrance, and anchored
the main body of his fleet north of the harbor. The
attack was planned for the 10th. On the 9th the
British fleet appeared off Point Judith, where
it anchored. Howe had sailed from New York Au
gust 1, having been reinforced by several ships of
Admiral Byron s fleet, which had been scattered by
a storm on its passage from England. Howe now
had with him one seventy-four, seven sixty-fours,
five fifties, two forty-fours, six frigates, and several
small vessels. Although his force was thus consid
erably increased, he was still somewhat weaker than
his adversary, and seems to have had no intention
of attacking. Under the circumstances, however,
D Estaing preferred the open sea, and early the
next morning, August 10, the wind having shifted
to the north during the night, he cut his cables and
ran out of the bay. Upon observing this movement
of the French, Howe got under way, and the two
fleets spent the next twenty-four hours manoeuvring
for the weather-gauge, or, according to D Estaing s
account, the British fleet fled before the wind, at
tempting to get back to New York, with the French
in pursuit. This continued until late on the after
noon of the llth, and the leading French ships were
just overhauling the British rear, when the wind,
which had been increasing, became a violent gale,
which soon scattered the vessels of both fleets, each
ship being engaged in a struggle with the elements.
" At half -past three in the morning " of the 12th,
332 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
says D Estaing in his report, " the bowsprit broke,
then the foremast, then the main-top, then the miz-
zenmast; finally the mainmast fell. Our rudder
broke next. This last misfortune was the greatest
of all. We were now only a floating mass with no
thing to steady us and nothing to guide us." l This
was the plight of the admiral s flag-ship, the Lan-
guedoc, of ninety guns. The storm continued una
bated until the afternoon of the 13th, when it sub
sided. Before night the Languedoc and another dis
masted French ship were attacked by two British
ships, but darkness put an end to the encounter.
The next day most of the French fleet came together
and anchored for temporary repairs. The British
made their way back to New York. D Estaing, hav
ing completed necessary repairs, bore away for
Rhode Island August 17, and appeared again before
Newport on the 20th. It was then decided that
the fleet could be thoroughly refitted at no place
nearer than Boston, and D Estaing therefore sailed
again on the 22d, to the great disappointment of
Sullivan, who was forced to abandon his campaign
against Newport. The French arrived in the lower
harbor of Boston August 28, and four days later
Howe s fleet, having refitted at New York, appeared
in sight. On his way to Boston, Howe had captured
the Continental brig Resistance, which had been
sent out to look for the French fleet. Finding D Es-
taing s position too strong to be attacked, Howe
1 United Service, October, 1905.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 333
soon departed, returning to New York. D Estaing
remained at Boston over two months, finally sailing
for the West Indies November 4. He arrived at
Martinique December 9. 1
Shortly after the final departure of D Estaing
from Rhode Island, the British frigate Carysfort,
Captain Fanshawe, with a considerable fleet and a
detachment of the army under General Grey, made
a raid, September 4, upon American shipping in
Buzzard s Bay and at Martha s Vineyard. The ex
pedition was sent by Admiral Gambier, who about
this time succeeded Howe in command of the North
American station. At New Bedford, Fair Haven,
and Holmes s Hole about twenty vessels of some
size, besides seventy smaller ones and many boats,
were destroyed; also twenty-six storehouses and
other public property. Major Silas Talbot of the
Continental army reported to General Sullivan that
the British fleet comprised forty-five sail, great and
small, bringing four thousand troops, to oppose
whom the Americans mustered one thousand militia.
Talbot said that besides destroying nearly all the
shipping at New Bedford, they burned twenty shops
and twenty-two houses in the town. A few weeks
later Gambier sent out another marauding expedi-
1 Mohan, 359-365 ; Clowes, iii, 397-411; United Service, Octo
ber, 1905 ; Almon, vii, 27-50, 106-112 ; Doniol, iii, ch. vii; Cheva
lier s Marine Franqaise, ch. iii ; Clark, i, 83, 84 ; Schomberg, iv,
338, 339 ; Publ. E. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 255. For Dr. Samuel Cooper s
account of D Estaing, see Hale, i, 183.
334 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
tion, to Egg Harbor, New Jersey. 1 These transac
tions were in line with the policy advocated earlier
in the year by Germain, 2 whose under-secretary,
William Knox, wrote October 31 : " What a proof
is the Bedford enterprize of the propriety of the
orders so repeatedly given for attacking the rebel
sea ports, and what a reflection is it upon Lord
Howe s character that Gambier, in his short ab
sence, has done more to subdue the Rebellion than
his lordship during the whole of his command. It
was always clear in speculation that the Militia
would never stay with Washington or quit their
homes, if the coast was kept in alarm, but the ex
periment having now been made, the effect is re
duced to a certainty. Surely somebody will ask
Lord Howe why he has never attempted any
thing of the kind." "I much fear [D Estaing]
will go to the West Indies, . . . but perhaps By
ron s enterprizing turn may discover the practica
bility of burning his fleet and the town of Boston
together, and then everything will succeed with
us." 3
General Sullivan evacuated Rhode Island by
passing over to the mainland at Tiverton August
29. The British fortified the eastern channel of
1 Almon, vii, 36-38,47-49, 154-156; Stevens, 1157 ; /Spares MSS.,
September 7, 1778, Talbot to Sullivan.
2 See above, p. 291.
8 Hist. Manuscripts Com., Various Collections, vi, 153. For other
contemporary opinions of Howe, see Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., No
vember, 1910.
NAVAL OPERATIONS IN 1778 335
Narragansett Bay, or Sakonnet River, by batteries
on the shore and by a two-hundred-ton schooner
named the Pigot, armed with eight twelve-pounders,
manned by a crew of forty-five men and moored
near the mouth of the river. Major Talbot fitted
out at Providence a small sloop called the Hawke
with two three-pounders and manned her with a
detachment from the army afterwards reinforced,
it is said, to the number of sixty in all. Talbot pro
ceeded to Mount Hope Bay where he waited for a
favorable wind. On the night of October 28 he
dropped down the river and passed the batteries
unseen, drifting downstream under bare poles. " At
half-past one," he says in his report, " got sight of
the schooner Pigot, but a small distance from her
was hailed by her and fired upon by her marines
from the quarter-deck, but reserved our fire till we
had run our jibb boom through her fore shrouds,
then threw in such a volley of musketry loaded with
bullets and buckshot and some cannon, that the sea
men that were on deck immediately ran below beg
ging for quarters and them that were below never
made their appearance upon deck, the consequence
of which was, my men run out upon our jibb boom
and boarded her without the loss of a man. We
carae to sail with her and run into this harbor
[Stonington] , where my men are all landed and on
their march to Providence." 1 For this exploit Ma
jor Talbot was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-
1 Almon, vii, 337.
336 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
colonel in the Continental army and was afterwards
made a captain in the navy. 1
In Boston Harbor about the middle of Decem
ber were the Continental frigates Warren, Provi
dence, Boston, Deane, and Queen of France. All
except the first of these vessels had come from France
during the year. There was likewise in port the
new frigate Alliance, built at Salisbury on the Mer-
rimac River and fitting out for her first voyage. One
or two state cruisers and about ten large privateers
were also lying in Boston Harbor at this time. Of
the frigates the Deane was fully manned and ready
for sea ; the others would have been nearly so, if
privateering had not made it practically impossible,
without great delay, to get men for their crews. 2
These six frigates represented almost the entire
strength of the Continental navy in commission in
American waters at the end of 1778.
1 Continental Journal, November 19, 1778 ; Boston Post, No
vember 28, 1778 ; Tuckerman s Life of Talbot, ch. iii.
2 Publ. E. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 255, 256 ; Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D.
489, No. 19, December 20, 1778, intelligence collected for Admiral
Gambier.
CHAPTER X.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778
CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES brought the Ranger to
France in December, 1777, eager to carry the war
upon the enemy s shores. He wrote to the Marine
Committee : " It is my hearts first and favorite wish
to be employed in Active and enterprizing Services
where there is a prospect of Rendering such Services
Useful and Acceptable to America. The Singular
Honor which Congress hath done me by their gen
erous approbation of my past Conduct hath inspired
me with Sentiments of Gratitude which I shall
carry with me to my Grave ; and if a life of Services
devoted to America can be made instrumental in
securing its Independence, I shall regard the Con
tinuance of such approbation as an honor far Supe-
riour to the Empty Peagentry which Kings ever did
or can bestow." 1
During the first two months after his arrival,
Jones spent much time in Paris, conferring with
the American Commissioners. While there he
suggested the cruise of a French fleet to America,
which a little later was carried out by D Estaing.
As to his own plans, the command of the Indien,
building at Amsterdam, had been intended for him,
1 Pap. Cont. Congr., 58, 137 (December 10, 1777).
-I -
338 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
but this vessel had been transferred to the French
government for political reasons. In being deprived
of this fine ship, Jones met with one of the most
trying of his many disappointments. A cruise in
the Ranger was then proposed. Jones had already
stated to the commissioners 1 his views of sound
American policy, which was to attack defenseless
seaports of the enemy and to cruise, in squadrons if
possible, against his commerce in his own waters,
where it was concentrated, rather than attempt to
cope with an overwhelming naval power ; to destroy
the greatest amount of property in the shortest time,
striking quickly and unexpectedly, rather than
attempt to send in prizes at too great risk of re
capture. This policy was less pleasing to those under
him, whose first thought was of prize money. 2
Early in February, 1778, Jones returned to his
ship, which, having been thoroughly refitted, dropped
down the Loire to Quiberon Bay, where lay a French
fleet under Admiral La Motte Picquet. The Con
tinental brig Independence, Captain Young, was
also in the bay. Jones negotiated with the admiral
through William Carmichael, secretary to Silas
Deane, in regard to a salute of thirteen guns which
he proposed to give to the French flag. He after
wards wrote to the Marine Committee : " I am
happy in having it in my power to congratulate you
on my having seen the American flag for the first
time recognised in the fullest and completest manner
1 In his letter of December 5, 1777. 2 Sands, 72-76, 311.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 339
by the flag of France. I was off their bay the 13th
and sent my boat in the next day to know if the
Admiral would return my salute. He answered that
he would return to me, as the senior American
continental officer in Europe, the same salute which
he was authorized by his court to return to an
Admiral of Holland or of any other Republic, which
was four guns less than the salute given. I hesitated
at this, for I had demanded gun for gun. There
fore I anchored in the entrance of the bay, at a
distance from the French fleet; but after a very
particular inquiry on the 14th, finding that he had
really told the truth, I was induced to accept his
offer, the more so as it was hi fact an acknowledg
ment of American Independence. The wind being
contrary and blowing hard, it was after sunset before
the Ranger got near enough to salute La Motte
Picquet with thirteen guns, which he returned with
nine. However, to put the matter beyond a doubt,
I did not suffer the Independence to salute till the
next morning, when I sent the Admiral word that
I should sail through his fleet in the brig and
would salute him in open day. He was exceedingly
pleased and returned the compliment also with nine
guns." i
This was the most authoritative salute up to that
time given to the American flag by a foreign power.
Although Jones says that neither he nor La Motte
Picquet knew of the alliance that had been con-
* Sands, 77 (February 22, 1778).
340 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
eluded a week before, it is probable that the admiral
had received some intimation of the propriety of
returning an American salute. The acknowledg
ment of the Andrew Doria s salute at St. Eustatius
in 1776, 1 the first notice taken of a Continental
vessel, was disavowed by the Dutch government, and
the response to that of the privateer General Mifflin
at Brest in 1777 2 was not admitted by the French
government. The salute to the Ranger s flag was,
as Jones says, a formal recognition of American
independence and was a natural sequence of the
treaties of commerce"and of alliance which had been
signed February 6 by representatives of the United
States and France. 3
An outcome, presumably, of this episode in Qui-
beron Bay was a discussion some weeks later of the
general subject of international salutes, among high
naval officials of France and on board D Estaing s
fleet. On his voyage to America the admiral con
ferred with his distinguished passenger Gerard,
minister to the United States, and in June a coun
cil of officers was held on the flagship at which the
project of an agreement between the United States
and France, relating to this subject, was drawn
up. It provided that ships of either power entering
1 See above, p. 159. 2 See above, p. 280.
8 Sands, 76-78 ; Sherburne, 216 ; Memoires de Paul Jones, 24 ;
Dr. Green s Diary, February 13, 14, 15, 1778 ; Jones MSS., letters
of Cannichael and Picquet, February 13, 14, 1778 ; Sparks MSS.,
xlix, 12 (Jones to Deane, February 26, 1778) ; Log of Banger, Feb
ruary 14, 1778 ; Stopford-Sackville MSS., 100.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 341
ports of the other should salute first, in recognition
of territorial sovereignty ; that between ships com
manded by officers of equal rank, the American
should salute first, thereby acknowledging the pre
cedence of the French crown, but in other cases
the inferior should fire the first salute ; and finally,
that all salutes should be returned by an equal
number of guns. 1
The brig Independence sailed for America in
the spring. By Jones s advice Captain Young at
tempted to get inj;o Ocracoke Inlet, North Caro
lina, but unfortunately his ship was wrecked on
the bar. 2
From Quiberon Bay the Ranger proceeded to
Brest, arriving below the town March 8. The fleet
of Admiral d Orvilliers was at that time lying in
the harbor of Brest. In this vicinity the Ranger
remained a month and again saluted the French flag,
receiving eleven guns in return for thirteen. April
10 she sailed on a cruise in British waters. On the
14th, between Scilly and Cape Clear, a brigantine
was taken and sunk, and on the 17th, off Dublin,
a ship was captured which Jones sent back to Brest.
The events of the following week, during which the
Ranger cruised about the Isle of Man and the adja
cent shores of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the
1 Archives de la Marine, B 4 141, 303-313.
2 Jones MS8.J Capt. Bell to Jones (November 3, 1778), Jones
to Bell (November 15, 1778), and to Young (November 18, 1778) ;
Mar. Com. Letter Book, 146, 157, 158 (to Young and to Navy
Board, May 6, June 18, 1778).
342 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
neighborhood of Jones s early life, added much to
his naval reputation. 1
Towards evening of April 17, Jones " stood over
from the Isle of Man, with an intention to make a
descent at Whitehaven. At 10 o clock," he says in
his report to the commissioners, " I was off the
harbor with a party of volunteers and had every
thing in readiness to land, but before eleven the
wind greatly increased and shifted, so as to blow
directly upon the shore ; the sea increased of course,
and it became impossible to effect a landing. This
obliged me to carry all possible sail so as to clear
the land and to await a more favorable opportunity." 2
During the next few days a revenue cutter was
chased and a schooner and sloop were sunk. Ad
verse winds prevented an attempt being made to
destroy a number of vessels at anchor in a bay on
the Scotch coast. " The 21st, being near Carrick-
f ergus, a fishing boat came off, which I detained. I
saw a ship at anchor in the road which I was in
formed by the fisherman was the British ship-of-
war Drake, of 20 guns. I determined to attack her
in the night. My plan was to overlay her cable and
to fall upon her bow, so as to have all her decks
open and exposed to our musketry, &c. ; at the same
time it was my intention to have secured the en-
1 For this cruise of the Ranger, see Sands, 79-93 ; Sherburne,
44-64 ; Green s Diary; Scribner s Mag., July, 1898; Jones MSS.;
Log of Manger.
2 Sherburne, 45 (Jones to American Commissioners, May 27,
1778).
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 343
emy by graplings, so that had they cut their cables
they would not thereby have attained an advantage.
The wind was high and unfortunately the anchor
was not let go so soon as the order was given, so
that the Ranger was brought up on the enemy s
quarter at the distance of half a cable s length. We
had made no warlike appearance, of course had
given no alarm ; this determined me to cut imme
diately, which might appear as if the cable had
parted and at the same time enable me, after mak
ing a tack out of the Lough, to return with the
same prospect of advantage which I had at the
first. I was, however, prevented from returning, as
I with difficulty weathered the lighthouse on the
lee side of the Lough, and as the gale increased.
The weather now became so very stormy and se
vere and the sea so high that I was obliged to take
shelter under the south shore of Scotland. 1
" The 22d introduced fair weather, though the
three kingdoms as far as the eye could reach were
covered with snow. I now resolved once more to
attempt Whitehaven, but the wind became very
light, so that the ship could not in proper time ap
proach so near as I had intended. At midnight I
left the ship with two boats and thirty-one volun
teers. When we reached the outer pier the day
began to dawn. I would not, however, abandon my
enterprise, but despatched one boat under the di
rection of Mr. Hill and Lieutenant Wallingsford,
1 Sherburne, 46 ; -Sane?*, 80.
344 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
with the necessary combustibles, to set fire to the
shipping on the north side of the harbor, while I
went with the other party to attempt the south side.
I was successful in scaling the walls and spiking up
all the cannon in the first fort. Finding the senti
nels shut up in the guard house, they were secured
without being hurt. Having fixed sentinels, I now
took with me one man only (Mr. Green), and spiked
up all the cannon on the southern fort, distant from
the other a quarter of a mile. On my return from
this business I naturally expected to see the fire of
the ships on the north side, as well as to find my
own party with everything in readiness to set fire
to the shipping in the south. Instead of this, I
found the boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and
Mr. Wallingsford returned and the party in some
confusion, their light having burnt out at the in
stant when it became necessary. By the strangest
fatality my own party were in the same situation,
the candles being all burnt out. The day too came
on apace, yet I would by no means retreat while any
hopes of success remained. Having again placed
sentinels, a light was obtained at a house disjoined
from the town and fire was kindled in the steerage
of a large ship which was surrounded by at least
an hundred and fifty others, chiefly from two to
four hundred tons burthen and laying side by side
aground, unsurrounded by the water. There were
besides from seventy to an hundred large ships in
the north arm of the harbor aground, clear of the
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 345
water, and divided from the rest only by a stone
pier of a ship s height. I should have kindled fires
in other places if the time had permitted. As it did
not, our care was to prevent the one kindled from
being easily extinguished. After some search a
barrel of tar was found and poured into the flames,
which now ascended from all the hatchways. The
inhabitants began to appear in thousands and in
dividuals ran hastily towards us. I stood between
them and the ship on fire with a pistol in my hand
and ordered them to retire, which they did with
precipitation. The flames had already caught the
rigging and began to ascend the mainmast. The
sun was a full hour s march above the horizon and
as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was time to
retire. We re-embarked without opposition, having
released a number of prisoners, as our boats could
not carry them. After all my people had embarked
I stood upon the pier for a considerable time, yet
no persons advanced. I saw all the eminences
around the town covered with the amazed inhab
itants. 1
"When we had rowed a considerable distance
from the shore, the English began to run in vast
numbers to their forts. Their disappointment may
easily be imagined, when they found at least thirty
heavy cannon, the instruments of their vengeance,
rendered useless. At length, however, they began
to fire, having, as I apprehend, either brought
1 Sherburne, 47.
346 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
down ship guns or used one or two cannon which
lay on the beach at the foot of the walls dismounted,
and which had not been spiked. They fired with no
direction and the shot falling short of the boats,
instead of doing us any damage, afforded some
diversion, which my people could not help showing
by discharging their pistols, &c. in return of the
salute. Had it been possible to have landed a few
hours sooner, my success would have been complete.
Not a single ship out of more than two hundred
could possibly have escaped, and all the world
would not have been able to save the town. What
was done, however, is sufficient to show that not all
their boasted navy can protect their own coasts, and
that the scenes of distress "which they have occa
sioned in America may be soon brought home to
their own door." 1
An English account says: "Att 4 o Clock a
Privateer of Eighteen Guns & one hundred &
twenty Men landed about thirty Men in our Har
bour & set a Vessel on Fire & distributed Com
bustibles in several Others; the Privateer is yet
standing on & off & as we just now hear is stretch
ing with Wind at East to the W.N.W." 2 Ac
cording to another letter from Whitehaven, " the
privateer s people who landed here this morning
were all armed with pistols and cutlasses and re
tired to their boats about four o clock. . . . They
had on their first landing spiked up several of the
1 Sherburne, 48. 2 Whitehaven Customs Letter Book, 96.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 347
cannon, in order to secure their retreat. A number
of people flocking to the fort, some shot were fired
at the boats, but without doing any execution.
After the boats reached the privateer, she stood
over to the Scotch side, and as large columns of
smoke have been seen on the Scotch shore this
afternoon, it is feared he has done some mischief
there." *
Having reached the Scotch shore, Jones landed
about noon on St. Mary s Isle, "with one boat
only and a very small party." Here was the estate
of the Earl of Selkirk, very near Jones s birth
place. The plan was to seize the earl and carry
him to France, to serve as a hostage for the better
treatment of American prisoners in England or to
secure the release of a number of them in exchange.
Unfortunately for the success of the project, Sel
kirk was absent. The officers and men with Jones,
who thus far had had little prospect of prize money,
now demanded the privilege of bringing away some
booty from the estate. The raids of the British in
America, in which private property was not re
spected, were fresh in their minds. Jones unwill
ingly consented that they might demand and take
such of the family plate as might be delivered to
them. This was done, the men behaving in an or
derly manner and not entering the house. Jones
afterwards purchased this plate, worth several hun
dred pounds, at his own expense, and restored it to
1 London Chronicle, April 30, 1778.
348 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
Selkirk, from whom he received full acknowledg
ment. 1
The week s cruise in the Irish Sea ended with a
notable event in our early naval history, which
Jones relates in his letter to the commissioners at
Paris. " On the morning of the 24th I was again
off Carrickfergus and would have gone in had I not
seen the Drake preparing to come out. It was very
moderate and the Drake s boat was sent out to re
connoitre the Hanger. As the boat advanced I kept
the ship s stern directly towards her and, though
they had a spy glass in the boat, they came on
within hail and alongside. When the officer came
on the quarter-deck he was greatly surprised to find
himself a prisoner, although an express had arrived
from Whitehaven the night before. I now under
stood what I had before imagined, that the Drake
came out, in consequence of this information, with
volunteers against the Ranger. The officer told me
also that they had taken up the Ranger s anchor.
The Drake was attended by five small vessels full
of people who were led by curiosity to see an en
gagement. But when they saw the Drake s boat at
the Ranger s stern they wisely put back. Alarm
smokes now appeared in great abundance, extend
ing along on both sides of the channel. The tide
was unfavorable, so that the Drake worked out but
slowly. This obliged me to run down several times
and to lay with courses up and main-topsail to the
* Sherburne, 48, 51-58.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 349
mast. At length the Drake weathered the point
and, having led her out to about mid-channel, I
suffered her to come within hail. The Drake hoisted
English colors and at the same instant the Ameri
can stars were displayed on board the Ranger. I
expected that preface had been now at an end, but
the enemy soon after hailed, demanding what ship
it was ? I directed the master to answer, the Ameri
can Continental ship Ranger, that we waited for
them and desired that they would come on; the sun
was now little more than an hour from setting, it
was therefore time to begin. The Drake being
astern of the Ranger, I ordered the helm up and
gave her the first broadside. The action was warm,
close, and obstinate. It lasted an hour and four
minutes, when the enemy called for quarters, her
fore and main-topsail yards being both cut away
and down on the cap, the top-gallant yard and mizen-
gaff both hanging up and down along the mast, the
second ensign which they had hoisted shot away
and hanging on the quarter-gallery in the water,
the jib shot away and hanging in the water, her
sails and rigging entirely cut to pieces, her masts
and yards all wounded, and her hull also very much
galled. I lost only Lieutenant Wallingsford and one
seaman, John Dougall, killed, and six wounded,
among whom are the gunner, Mr. Falls, and Mr.
Powers, a midshipman, who lost his arm. One of
the wounded, Nathaniel Wills, is since dead ; the
rest will recover." l Jones estimated the British loss
1 Sherburne, 48, 49.
350 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
at forty-two killed and wounded, but it was proba
bly less ; the captain was killed and the lieutenant
mortally wounded.
The Drake s armament consisted of twenty four-
pounders, the Hanger s of eighteen six-pounders.
According to different accounts, the Drake s crew
numbered one hundred and fifty to one hundred
and ninety and was probably little in excess of
the lower figure. It consisted partly of volunteers
and raw recruits and the ship had only one lieuten
ant. On the whole she does not appear to have been
well prepared for battle. The Ranger also was at a
disadvantage, her crew of one hundred and twenty-
three being at this time in a dissatisfied and even
mutinous state of mind, under the influence of
the first lieutenant, Thomas Simpson. 1 While the
Ranger s capture of a vessel of inferior force could
hardly be regarded as a remarkable achievement, it
was still highly satisfactory to have taken a regular
man-of-war of the enemy in his own waters.
The day after the battle both ships were em
ployed in repairing injuries. A brigantine was cap
tured at this time. When ready to sail, the Ranger
and Drake passed out to sea by the North Channel,
owing to a shift of the wind, and returned to Brest
by 7 way of the west coast of Ireland. May 6, Lieu
tenant Simpson, in command of the Drake, having
disregarded the Ranger s signals, was put under
arrest by Jones for disobedience of orders. Both
1 Sherburne, 49; Sands, 95; Scribner s Mag., July, 1898.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 351
vessels arrived safely at Brest May 8. An Ameri
can at that place, writing home, says : " It was a
pleasure to see the English flag flying under the
American stars and stripes." 1 About two hundred
British prisoners were confined on the Drake, await
ing exchange. Meanwhile six British men-of-war
had been ordered to cruise for the Ranger in St.
George s Channel, and it was reported in England
that both she and the Drake had been captured by
a British frigate. 2
The arrest of Simpson was the outcome of an
unfortunate state of affairs on board the Ranger.
For a number of reasons there had been discontent
among the crew, which had been encouraged by
Simpson, who, it was charged by Jones, had gone
so far as to incite mutiny before the battle with the
Drake, when Jones had intended to go in and at
tack that vessel, if she had not come out. Accord
ing to Jones, Simpson on that occasion " held up
to the crew that being Americans fighting for lib
erty, the voice of the people should be taken before
the Captain s orders were obeyed " ; 3 and the cap
tain says that if the capture of the Drake s boat
had not brought about a change in the men s tem
per, a dangerous mutiny might have been the result.
Jones also held Simpson in some degree responsible
for the failure of his plans at Whitehaven. Simp-
1 Boston Gazette, July 6, 1778.
2 Wharton, ii, 581, 582 ; Sherburne, 63; London Chronicle, May
2, 5, 9, 14, 1778.
8 Sands, 95.
352 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
son having come out from America in the Ranger,
with the expectation of taking command upon Jones
being given a larger ship, was dissatisfied. He was
popular with the crew ; whereas Jones, owing to his
severe discipline, to his violent temper, and perhaps
to other personal traits, and partly to his indiffer
ence to prize money, was disliked by his men. This
was particularly unfortunate because undeserved,
for in his letters he shows constant solicitude for
their interests. The American Commissioners in
Paris, lacking authority, were obliged to refuse pay
ment on Jones s drafts for the daily support and
sustenance of his crew, which caused him great an
noyance. They also regretted Simpson s arrest,
especially as there were not enough American of
ficers in Europe to convene a court-martial, and it
would be necessary to send him to America for
trial. The result was that, with the approval of
Jones, though he afterwards repented it, Simpson
was released from custody and put in command of
the Ranger. Surgeon Green says in his diary, July
27 : " This day Thomas Simpson, Esqr. came on
board with orders to take command of the Ranger,
to the joy and satisfaction of the whole Ships com
pany." Not long after this the Ranger sailed for
America. 1
The frigate Boston, Captain Samuel Tucker, early
in February, 1778, was anchored in Nantasket
1 Sherburne, 60-62; Sands, 94-96, 99-104, 117, 118, 123-126;
Wharton, ii, 597. *
K nXr- /
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 353
Eoads. William Jennison, lieutenant of marines,
records in his journal, February 13, that "Capt.
Tucker went to Braintree in his Barge and brought
the Honble John Adams and suite on board." 1
This distinguished passenger had been appointed
commissioner to France in place of Silas Deane ; he
had with him his son John Quincy Adams, then
eleven years old. February 15 the frigate sailed
with a wind from the west southwest ; on the 20th
it began to blow. " A clap of thunder with sharp
lightning broke upon the mainmast just above the
upper moulding, which burnt several of the men on
deck. A most terrible night. The captain of the
mainmast was struck with the lightning, which burnt
a place on the top of his head about the bigness of
a Quarter Dollar he lived three days and died
raving mad." 2 Meanwhile the Boston was being
chased by a British thirty-six-gun frigate, but for
tunately escaped. " Capt. Tucker had instructions
not to risque the ship in any way that might en
danger Mr. Adams, and was ordered to land him
safe in France or Spain." 3 Moreover the ship was
short-handed. March 10, "at 11 A.M. discovered
a vessel to windward ; gave chase and came along
side at noon. She fired three guns at us, one of
which carried away our mizen yard. We returned
a few shots and hoisted American colors, upon which
1 Penn. Mag. Hist, and Biogr., April, 1891.
2 Ibid. This casualty is not mentioned in the ship s log.
Ibid.
354 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
she struck her colors. Our boats were got out im
mediately, but a heavy squall prevented them get
ting to the ship before they had thrown overboard
the mail, which sunk not more than a boat s hook
length before our boats reached the ship. She was
named the Martha, carried 16 nine pounders and
was . . . bound from the Thames^for New York." *
Hezekiah Welch, one of the frigate s lieutenants,
was put on board the Martha as prize-master and she
was sent back to Boston. According to the invoice
her cargo was worth ninety-seven thousand pounds
sterling. Tucker wrote to the Navy Board of the
Eastern District : " I hope to pay for the Boston,
as I told your honnours before Sailing. I am but
Poorly mand to my Sorrow ; I dare not attack a
20 gun Ship." 2 A few days after the capture of
the Martha, the first lieutenant of the Boston,
William Barron, was fatally injured by the burst
ing of a gun. After a very stormy passage the frig
ate anchored in the Garonne River, March 31, and
the next day went up to within three miles of
Bordeaux. 3
After careening and thoroughly refitting his ship
and enlisting a number of Frenchmen for his crew,
which required several weeks, Captain Tucker
dropped down the river. On June 6, the Boston
sailed in company with a French frigate and a fleet
1 Perm. Mag., April, 1891. 2 Tucker M88., March 11, 1778.
8 Life of Tucker, ch. iv, and appendix, log of the Boston ; Ar
chives de la Marine, B 8 14.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 355
of merchantmen. She then made a short cruise in
the Bay of Biscay and along the French coast, dur
ing which four prizes were taken. The Boston went
into L Orient July 3 and remained nearly a month.
Tucker had trouble with his crew ; June 19 he wrote
to the Navy Board that the situation with respect
to his people was very disagreeable and had been
since he left Boston, and that there had been " a
Consparicy carried to a great Length, but fort
unately discovered it the day before sailing from
Bourdeaux, which I wrote the Honble Commissioners
at Paris. I had the Confederates of Bourdeaux im
prisoned and believe they will be Banished if not
hung." 1 A spirit of insubordination persisted to
some extent, and July 28, Tucker ordered one of the
crew " to be brought to the gangway and receive
twelve stripes on his naked back. His crime was
talking among the people and making them believe
that the officers on board had embezzled some part
of the prizes, cargo, and other abuse." 2 Meanwhile
forty-seven of the French sailors enlisted at Bordeaux
had been arbitrarily taken out of the ship by a
French general at L Orient. The prisoners taken
in the prizes also became restless, and on learning
that an uprising among them was being planned,
Tucker ordered twenty-three of them to be put in
irons. The first of these recent prizes of the Boston
having been sent to America, the other three were
1 Tucker MSS.
2 Tucker, 303, log of the Boston.
356 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
sold at L Orient. August 1 the Boston sailed, and
on the 3d anchored at St. Nazaire. 1
The frigate Providence, Captain Whipple, was
then at Paimboeuf , and a few days later came down
the river and joined the Boston. The Providence,
after escaping from the blockade of Narragansett
Bay 2 May 1, sailed directly for France, arriving at
Paimboeuf on the 30th ; she was to procure guns
for Continental vessels under construction. On the
voyage she captured a prize which was recaptured
and then again taken by a French ship. August 8
the Providence and Boston with a small convoy,
with Whipple in command, sailed for Brest, where
they arrived in six days and found the Kanger.
There was also a large French fleet at Brest. August
22 the Providence, Boston, and Kanger sailed for
America. September 26 they were on the Banks of
Newfoundland, and on the 15th of October they
arrived at Portsmouth, having taken three prizes
on the passage from France. 3
The Continental cutter Eevenge, Captain Con-
yngham, cruised with success during 1778, usually
out of Spanish ports. The Spanish people were
1 Tucker, ch. v, and appendix ; Adams MSB., April 10, 11, 22,
1778 ; Tucker MSS., July 3, 7, 12, 13, 1778.
2 See above, p. 306.
8 Tucker, ch. v, and appendix ; Archives de la Marine, B 7 459
(letter of Whipple, May 31, 1778) ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 157,
159 (June 10, 19, 1778) ; Tucker MSS., August 24, September 15,
1778 ; Granite Monthly, November, 1881, log of the Ranger ; Boston
Gazette, October 5, November 2, 1778 ; Boston Post, October 24i
1778.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 357
generally friendly to the American cause and treated
with hospitality the vessels which visited their ports.
Early in the year the Revenge sailed from Bilbao
and cruised to the Straits of Gibraltar and in the
Mediterranean, taking several prizes. Her arrival
in Cadiz is mentioned by an officer on the British
ship Monarch, who complains of the unfriendly
feeling of the Spaniards towards the English. The
Monarch sent a boat ashore " to get what is termed
product," but was unsuccessful ; it was refused many
times. " Judge of the situation of our spirited com
mander, who is a true British seaman, when during
the time we lay there seven days being detained
by the wind we had the mortification to see the
usual honours paid to two Dutch frigates and above
all to the Revenge, American privateer commanded
by Cunningham, who came swaggering in with
his thirteen stripes, saluted the Spanish Admiral,
had it returned and immediately got product, the
Spaniards themselves carrying on board wood, water,
fruit and fresh provisions ; all which we were eye
witnesses of, as she anchored directly under our
stern, within two cables length." 1 There were eleven
other American vessels lying in Cadiz at this time.
Conyngham relates an incident not mentioned in
the English officer s letter. " An English ship of
the Line & two frigatts were laying in Cadiz on
our arrival ; in their usual & diabolick mode of War-
1 London Chronicle, May 7, 1778 ; Boston Gazette, October 12,
1778.
358 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
fare had determined in the Night by their boats to
set the revenge on fire. A Good french man on
board one of them Gave notice to the f reneh Consul
of their designe, who advised us of. Consequently
was prepared for them, they did appeare in the
dead of the night, but took Care to Keep their dis
tance ; the Spanish admirall had thiss notice & he
politely offered a 74 Gun ship to protect us. We
acknowledge the favor, but was noways apprehens
ive of any danger ; to the Contrary it was our wish
they would make the Attempt." l
The .Revenge returned to the north of Spain and
went into Ferrol. She fitted out there and then
cruised among the Azores and Canary Islands, tak
ing several prizes, some of which were destroyed
and others sent to American or to European ports.
" Those seas covered by British Cruzers of every
description and [with] orders from their Govermt
to follow the revenge into any harbour she might
be in & destroy her." Conyngham then returned
to Coruna, but found the Spanish less hospitable;
the protection of the government had been with
drawn. This, Conyngham says, was due to British
influence at court. He was allowed to refit at a
small neighboring port, however, and then sailed
for the West Indies. 2
About the end of September, which was perhaps
1 Perm. Mag. Hist, and Biogr., January, 1899, Conyngham s
narrative.
2 Ibid.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 359
a little before Conyngham returned to Coruna after
his cruise among the Western Islands, the privateer
Vengeance arrived at that place. The Vengeance
was a twenty-gun brig from Newburyport com
manded by Captain Newman ; she sailed from Cape
Ann August 16. About two weeks after leaving
port the Vengeance ran into a West India fleet and
was chased out again by two frigates. " On the 17th
of September," says Captain Newman, "in Latt.
49 N. and Long. 20 West, fell in with the Ship
Harriot Packet, of sixteen guns and forty-five men,
Capt. Sampson Sprague, from Falmouth bound to
New York, which, after a small resistance, struck.
I man d her and ordered her for Newbury-Port.
And on the 21st of the same month fell in with the
Snow Eagle Packet, from New York bound to Fal
mouth, Commanded by Edward Spence, mounting
fourteen carriage guns and sixty men including some
officers of the British army, which, after an engage
ment of about twenty minutes, was obliged to strike
to us, which I likewise ordered for Newbury-Port.
Col. Howard of the 1st Regiment of Guards was
killed and several other officers, and a number
wounded. Lucky for me, not one man killed or
wounded except myself, by a musket ball in my
thigh. . . . Among the passengers was four Colo
nels, three Majors, one Cornet of dragoons. . . .
I have delivered my prisoners to the British Com
missary residing here, taking his receipt for the same,
obligating him to return a like number of Ameri-
360 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
can prisoners of equal rank." l This letter was dated
October 4 at Coruna. Possibly the feeling aroused
over the arrival of these prisoners of rank in the
British army and protests made to the Spanish gov
ernment may have had something to do with Con-
yngham s inhospitable reception about the same
time. 2
Up to the time of her arrival in the West Indies,
the Revenge, according to a letter from Martinique
dated December 10, had captured sixty British ves
sels, twenty-seven of which were sent into port and
thirty-three sunk or burned. She cruised several
weeks out of Martinique among the Windward Is
lands. Conyngham received instructions, October 26,
from William Bingham, the American naval agent
in the West Indies. A month later Bingham wrote
to Conyngham : " As the defensive Alliance entered
into between France & the United States of Amer
ica will point out to you one Common Object as the
Motive that our Conduct is mutually to be regu
lated by that of annoying and circumventing the
Designs of the Enemy, I must seriously recommend
to you not to lose sight of it." He was to be on the
lookout for D Estaing, expected soon to arrive in
the West Indies from America ; and also for " a
Frigate with Transports under her Convoy of a
1 Boston Post, January 9, 1779.
2 Boston Gazette, January 11, 1779 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 227
(August 16, 1779) ; Hist. Man. Com., Amer. MSS. in Royal Inst.,i,
307 (October 1, 1778, declaration of British consul at Coruna as to
Newman s prisoners).
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 361
great Number of Troops from France," and acquaint
them, as far as possible, with the movements of the
British fleet. A set of French signals was furnished
him. " Another grand object that must attract your
attention is the endeavouring to capture some of
the Transports that have sailed from New York
bound for the English West India Islands. It ap
pears that they have suffered by a Gale of wind &
have lost their Convoy, so that perhaps they will
fall an easy Prey. No recompense could requite the
services you would render your Country by captur
ing some of those that have Troops on board, as it
might perhaps hinder the success of any of their
operations in these Seas." 1 The Revenge made
several prizes in the West Indies, including two
British privateers, and had an engagement with a
twenty-eight-gun cutter. This cruise continued until
midwinter. 2
The Continental navy, already greatly reduced,
was further depleted in the year 1778 by the loss
of the frigates Washington, Effingham, Eandolph,
Virginia, and Raleigh, and the Alfred, Columbus,
Independence, and Resistance. Of the original thir
teen frigates there now remained only the Boston,
Warren, Providence, and Trumbull. Among the
ships lost before they had ever been in service must
1 MS. Letter, November 29, 1778.
2 Perm. Mag. Hist, and Biogr., January, 1899 ; Boston Gazette,
February 15, 1779.
362 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
be counted the fine large frigate Indien, which passed
from the American to the French flag. To replace
these severe losses the frigates Deane and Queen
of France, the sloop of war General Gates, and the
prize schooner Pigot had been added to the navy ;
also a brigantine called the Retaliation, whose ser
vice seems to have been brief and uneventful. The
frigate Alliance might be included in the list, but
she did not cruise until the following year. The
frigates "Warren and Providence had begun their
active careers during the year 1778, and concern
ing two frigates built in Connecticut a letter of
William Vernon, written December 17 to John
Adams, says: "The ship building at Norwich is
given to Capt. Seth Harding and call d the Confed
eracy, near ready to sail ; she is a fine Frigate, it is
said exceeds the Alliance if possible. The Trumbul
remains in Connecticut River, perhaps may never
be got out, unless Camels are built to carry her out."
In regard to the America, Admiral Howe had
written in March : " According to the latest Infor
mation obtained from some of the well-affected In
habitants in the New England Provinces, the Two-
decked Ship building at Portsmouth is not expected
to be finished before the Autumn." The America
had to wait much longer than that for her comple
tion. If to the vessels here mentioned as ready for
service we add the sloop Providence, the Ranger and
the Revenge, the list of the Continental navy in
commission at the end of 1778 is full. The prize
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 363
sloop of war Drake would have been a valuable
cruiser and might have, been acquired for the Con
tinental service, but was not, probably owing to
lack of available funds and of authority on the part
of the American Commissioners at Paris. 1
The navy therefore showed a gradual falling
away, and its condition at the end of the year 1778
was by no means satisfactory. The state navies also
seemed to be steadily dwindling. Privateering, how
ever, continued active, and British commerce suf
fered severely from American enterprise of this
kind. The Continental Congress issued one hun
dred and twenty-nine commissions to privateers in
1778, an increase of sixty over the previous year,
and doubtless large numbers continued to be com
missioned by the different states. 2
At the beginning of 1778 the British navy com
prised three hundred and ninety-nine vessels of all
classes, of which two hundred and seventy-four
were in commission ; a year later the figures were
four hundred and thirty-two and three hundred and
seventeen respectively. 8 Eighty-nine vessels were on
the North American station in January, and the
same number in September, but the fleets on these
two dates were differently constituted. Nearly half
the first were frigates and fifteen were ships mount-
1 Paullin, 516, 517 ; Publ E. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 256; Brit. Adm.
Bee., A. D. 488, No. 55, March 16, 1778.
2 Naval Records (calendar), 217-495, list of Continental letters
of marque.
8 Hannay, ii, 211.
364 NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REVOLUTION
ing sixty-four, fifty, or forty-four guns ; the Sep
tember fleet, which included Byron s squadron,
contained fewer frigates, but seven seventy-fours,
six sixty-fours, five fifties, and three forty-fours. 1
There were also about fifteen vessels at Newfound
land and thirty or forty in the West Indies. The
total force of the navy in men was sixty thousand. 2
A list of New York privateers, September 8, 1778,
to March 8, 1779, contains one hundred and twenty-
one names. 3
Information in regard to captures and losses is
scanty and unsatisfactory, and the few available lists
and figures are doubtless inaccurate and incomplete ;
and estimates are perhaps sometimes exaggerated.
The Continental navy made fewer captures than in
the previous year, while presumably the privateers
made more. According to one calculation, made in
February, 1778, they had then taken seven hun
dred and thirty-nine British vessels since the be
ginning of the war. Another estimate places the
British loss for the year at three hundred and sixty-
four, of which eighty-seven were recaptured or ran
somed; but this list includes captures by the
French. According to the same authority the British
took two hundred and forty-eight vessels from their
enemies. A contemporary newspaper gives a list
of two hundred and twenty-two American vessels
1 Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D. 488, January 5, September 11, 1778,
Disposition of His Majesty s Ships and Vessels in North America.
2 Hannay, ii, 212 ; Schomberg, i, 440, iv, 56-59 ; Almon, vii, 249.
3 Trumbull MSS., xxiii, 116.
EUROPEAN WATERS IN 1778 365
captured on the West Indian station within a few
weeks. Another list, that of American vessels taken
on the North American station between October,
1777, and April, 1778, contains only five names ;
while between May, 1778, and February, 1779,
seventy-nine prizes were brought in by New York
privateers. 1
1 Hannay, ii, 220 ; Clowes, iii, 396 ; London Chronicle, September
17, November 7, 1778 ; Almon, vii, 190 ; Brit. Adm. Bee., A. D.
488, No. 57, April 23, 1778, list of vessels seized or destroyed since
October 25, 1777; A. D. 489, No. 27, February 27, 1779.
END OF VOLUME I
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